Annales the true and royall history of the famous empresse Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland &c. True faith's defendresse of diuine renowne and happy memory. Wherein all such memorable things as happened during hir blessed raigne ... are exactly described.

THE HISTORIE OF THAT EVER Most blessed and Glorious Empresse,* 1.1 Queene ELIZABETH of happy renowne and matchlesse Fame. OR ANNALLS Of all such things of note as hapned du∣ring her happy Reigne, as well in England, France, Ireland, as Scotland, Spaine, Italy, Germa∣ny, and the Netherlands. The third Booke, and the foure and twen∣tieth yeere of her Raigne, Anno MDLXXXI.

HEreupon,* 1.2 in the beginning of Ianuarie next, was Thomas Randolph Captaine of the Light-horse, sent into Scotland, with cōmand that he should attempt nothing that might any way bee pre∣iudiciall to the present religion, or the peace of the two Nations: he was also to sollicite in the behalfe of the Lord Morton, that Lenox might be sent out of Scotland; and such of the Nobility as fauoured the English faction might

bee encouraged. Randolph the better to effectuate his mes∣sage for the good of Morton, maketh recitall of his many great merits and good services done to his Maiesty, the inue∣terate malice of his aduersaries, the high respect and honor they ought to haue of Queene ELIZABETH, who expected nothing lesse then to haue her suit now reiected in so ho∣nest a cause.* 1.3 The King answered, that by the duty of his royall charge hee was to execute iudgment and iustice vpon a person so conuicted in matter of Maiesty, that he ingenious∣ly acknowledged the Queenes manifold fauours; nor would hee act any thing might any way bee iustly offensiue to her Maiestie.

Then after Randolph being admitted into the Assembly of the States of the Kingdome, reckoneth vp the well knowne benefits which both the King and Country had earst re∣ceiued from the Queene, namely:

* 1.4 HOW by the blood of the English their Country had beene deliuered from the French; and of their King, his Kingdome and Religion she had euer been a chiefe supporter: but for any way seducing the King (although some but most falsly did intimate so much) or seeking to hold one foot of ground in Scotland, shee neuer entertained such a thought; yet were they not ignorant that she wanted not opportunity, the King being in his cradle, the Queene-mother in Prison, and the Nobles in combustion. But on the contrary, all her royall care was for the conserua∣tion of their King, her neere and deare kinsman, and al∣lyed to her in a triple bond of neigborhood, religion and consanguinity: nor had shee euer found him or any of his Regents or Vice-Roies defectiue towards her in their loues before this Aubigny of France came into Scot∣land: but since his ariuall hee wholly vsurped the Re∣gall authority, hee had withdrawne all affection from

the English, to bestow it vpon the French, who before his ariuall neuer somuch as acknowledged their King, had remoued from his person his most trusty friends, brought in strangers, had conferred with foraigners by letters (which he shew'd) for inuading England, that he had brought the Scotish Presbytery into contempt with the King, as a people altogether turbulent & seditious, had peruerted the administration of iustice vpon the borders. Nor could her Maiesty endure a Prince so vertuous, so neerely allyed vnto her, to bee thus abu∣sed and caried away by such sinister practices.

Notwithstanding this, for the present there was nothing done either for Morton, or against Lenox, whom the Scots for the most part supposed no way guilty of such aspersions or calumnies as had beene obiected.

Randolph seeing that,* 1.5 thought hee would try another con∣clusion, consorts himselfe with the friends of Morton and Lenox aduersaries, bewaileth the miserable estate of Scot∣land, representeth to them the imminent perills which hang ouer the heads of the King, the Country and them all: com∣plaineth that the Queens message by way of intercessiō hath beene slieghtly respected, suggesteth with them secretly to attempt to gaine that by force of Armes, which they cannot get by faire meanes, promising to further and furnish them out of England with men, money and munition. This Ora∣tory of his proued so perswasible with them, that thereupon the Earles of Argathel, Mont-Rosse, Angus, Mortons Nephew by the brotherside, Glencarne, Reuthen, Lindsey & others be∣came all of his side. But soone after they fell at discord a∣mongst themselues, and seeing the King wholly caried away with the fauour of Lenox, nor no whit danted for the En∣glish forces which were now vpon the borders, and had al∣ready encountred theirs: generally respecting the kings per∣sonall presence with them (though a child) were not affraid

to bend all the powers they could make vpon Lenox, and thought it was enough to haue pity on Morton, notwithstan∣ding the Earles of Angus and Marre practised couertly and cunningly with Randolph in the behalfe of Morton, and a∣gainst Lenox; whereof Whittingham hauing aduertised the King, Angus was commanded to retire himselfe beyond the riuer Spea; & Marre to yeeld vp the Castle of Sterlin into the Kings hands:* 1.6 Randolph hauing an apprehension of feare, got him priuately into Barwicke; and seeing matters proue de∣sperate, aduiseth Angus & Marre to prouide for themselues either in submitting themselues to the King, or to seeke the protection of the Queene of England. The English forces were no sooner withdrawne from the borders,* 1.7 but Morton conuicted of murthering the King had his head cut off: for he had confessed (as the report went) that Bothwel, & Arche∣bauld Douglas had imparted their intent of making away the King, but in so tumultuous a time as that was, hee durst not reueale it. Nor could hee deny but that since the Kings death, hee had beene very inwardly conuersant, and more familiar then before with Douglas the Kings murthe∣rer, and had promised by his letters if Bothwel should at any time be accused, to defend him the best he might. In∣stantly Douglas and others the friends of Morton fled into England.* 1.8

In the Low-Countries against the Graue Van Reneberg who had there valiantly serued the King of Spaine, and now laid siege to Stenwicke in Friezland, the States sent the Eng∣lish vnder the conduct of their General Norris, who with no lesse courage then good successe after he had twice releeued the besieged with victuals,* 1.9 caused the Enemy to raise his siege. But after that, comming to fight with Verdugues the Spaniard, & hauing the victory in his hands, his enemies put to flight, (suddenly fortune changing) he is beaten off the field,* 1.10 dangerously wounded, and many of his men slaine, a∣mongst which (not to nominate the rest) were these men o••

note, Captain Cotton, Fitz-Williams and Bishop. I know not well whether I should here recite a Combate which was be∣tweene Thomas Chieftaine of the* 1.11 Wallons, and Generall Norris; but Norris by the Law militarie being not permitted to admit of, because he was Generall of the Armie, his Lieu∣tenant Roger Fitz-Williams accepted the Challenge,* 1.12 which two after a while trauersing their ground to and fro without one drop of blood-shed, betooke themselues to drinke free∣ly together, and so of enemies became friends and parted. Yet here wee must not omit to obserue,* 1.13 that our English∣men who of all the Northerne Nations haue beene most commended for sobrietie, haue learned since these Low-Country warres so well to fill their cups, and to wash them∣selues with Wine, that whilest they at this day drinke others healths, they little regard their owne. And that this vicious practice of drunkennesse hath so ouerflowed the Land, that lawes proscripts of restraint, are vsually made for the drying vp of the same.

But whilest they were all this while contending in the Low-Countries for Dorppes & Villages,* 1.14 the King of Spaine getteth into his hands the rich Kingdome of Portugall. For Henry which was King, hauing paid Natures tribute the yeare before, left the Realm to diuers Competitors, amongst whom Philip King of Spaine, sonne of his eldest Sister (puis∣sant enough in force, though not in right) by reason of his priority in blood and descent, comming of the elder line,* 1.15 and being Male, thought with his friends himselfe worthiest to bee preferred to the succession of the said Kingdome, be∣fore the women, the yonger sort, and such as did lesse par∣ticipate of the blood. The Duke of Sauoy reiected for that he came of the yonger Sister; Farnese sonne to the Prince of Parma, borne of the eldest Daughter of EDWARD, brother King HENRY, and KATHERINE of Brabant, second daugh∣ter to the said EDWARD, grounding themselues only vpon the benefit of Representation (a simple fiction) could not an∣nihilate

the true Title of Inheritance, nor intercept the King of Spaines lawfull succession, and this the Spaniards stood to maintaine.

And as touching Don Antonio Prior of Crates, sonne to Lewis the second brother of King HENRY, he was ipso facto, reiected, for that he was illegitimate. The King of Spaine ne∣uerthelesse propounded the matter twice to his Clergy and men of Law to decide the cause, charging them in the name of God, and vpon their faith and saluation, to tell him freely whether hee had rightfull claime or no to that Kingdome. They hauing with vnanimous voice assured him that it was proper to him, he quickly (putting forth first the Duke of Al∣ua) put to flight Antonio elected of the people, and within 70 dayes brought all Portugall vnder his iurisdiction.

* 1.16 But touching the Right of Katherin de Medicis the Queen of France, who claimed it from Alphonsus, and the Earles of Boulogne for 320 yeares agone, that the Spaniards laughed at, as a Title out of date, and fetcht from the old Prophetesse the Mother of Euander, a thing iniurious to so many of the Kings of Portugal, which had lawfully and lineally succeeded one another, and therefore ridiculous to both Spaniards and Portugals. Whereat the Queene incensed with anger, and considering how mightily the Spaniard (now in his ascen∣dant) enriched himselfe farre and neare by the accession or surcrease of this new-got Kingdome, his Ilands, and the East Indies, breeding a feare within her, to her selfe, and the Prin∣ces her neighbouring friends, aduised them, and amongst the rest the Queene of England,* 1.17 that it was already high time to stay the Spaniards in his mounting, and to stop him vp with∣in his owne bounds, before his ambition should extend any further.

Queene ELIZABETH who was not to learne what shee had to doe in that nature for her selfe and her friends; and foreseeing how dangerous the growing greater of the neigh∣bour Princes would be, lent eare thereto with no light atten∣tion:

but with great and Royall kindnesse entertained Anto∣nio banished out of Portugall,* 1.18 and recommended to her from France, thinking that Spaine could not take exception there∣at, because hee was of her Alliance, issued from the Blood Royall of England, and of the House of Lancaster, as shee well knew, nor in any Treaties that euer had past betwixt Spaine and England, was any caueat at all inferred, forbid∣ding England to receiue or to haue commerce with the Por∣tugals.

At the same time,* 1.19 for the more confirmation of assured a∣mitie, the Queene of France and the King her sonne, prose∣cuting the mariage of the Duke d' Anjou, addrest an honou∣rable ambassage into England: for the consummation there∣of came ouer François de Bourbon Prince of Daulphiné, Ar∣thur de Cosse, Cont de Secondigny, Marshal of France, Louis de Lusignan, M. de S. Gelais, Lansac, Salignac, Mauuisser, & Ber∣narde Brisson, President of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the learnedest men of France: and others, who as they they were of Honorable ranke, were very nobly receiued, and banqueted in a Banquetting-House built on purpose neere Westminster, richly adorned with rare and sumptu∣ous furniture; and Titls and Tournaments proclaimed, which were presented in a most princely manner by Philip Earle of Arundell, Fred: Lord Winsor, Philip Sidney, and Fulk Greuill, Knights, against all commers, with sundry other courtly sports, and Princely recreations, not necessarily coincident to our History.

To conferre with them concerning these Nuptials, were appointed the Baron of Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England; the Earles of Sussex, Lincolne, Bedford and Leicester, together with Sir Christopher Hatton, and Secretary Walsing∣ham: Amongst whom these matrimoniall Contracts follow∣ing were concluded vpon.

* 1.20 THe Duke d' Anjou, and the Queene of Eng∣land, within six weekes after the ratification of these Articles shall personally contract mariage here in England. The Duke and his associates, seruants, and friends, being no English subiects, shall haue liber∣tie to vse their owne Religion, in a certain place, in their houses, without molestation or impeachment.

He shall not alter any part of the Religion now recei∣ued in England. Hee shall inioy and haue the Title and Dignity of King, after the mariage shall bee consum∣mate; but notwithstanding shall leaue intirely to the Queene the managing of affaires. And whereas his de∣mand was, that immediately after the celebration of the mariage, he should be crowned King instantly to inioy the title and dignity during the gouernment of the Kingdome, in the minority of their children: The Queene answered, she would propound and further it at the next high Court of Parliament, to be holden within fifteen dayes after the ratification. Letters Patents and other things shal be passed in both their names, as in the time of Philip and MARIE. The Queene by Act of Parliament shall ordaine an Annuall pension for the Duke, but the valuation thereof shall bee left to her pleasure; she will also ordaine the said Pension to conti∣nue if he shall surviue her. The Duke in Dowry shall bestow on the Queene to the value of forty thousand Crownes per annum out of his Duchy of Berry, and shall forthwith infeofe her therein. As touching their Issue, it shall likewise be enacted by Parliament in England, and registred in the Annals of France as followeth; That the Heires of them as well Males as Females by maternall right of Inheritance should suc∣ceed to the Crowne of England. And if there bee two males, the elder shal succeed to the Crown of France, and

the yonger shal haue the hereditary Right of his Mother. And if one sole male, he shal come to both the Crownes, and shall resyde in England euery two yeares, eight mo∣neths. And if the Duke shall not attaine the Kingdome of France, the children shall succeed in Appanage. If he suruiue the Queene, he shall haue the tuition of his children till the sonnes shall accomplish the age of eigh∣teene yeares, and the daughters fifteene: But if hee die before, the tuition shall be left to the Authoritie of the Parliament. Hee shall not promote any stranger to any Office in England, nor shall hee change any ancient Rite or Custome. He shall at no time carry the Queene or her Children out of the Realme, without consent of the Nobilitie. If shee dye issuelesse, hee shall no lon∣ger challenge any right in England, nor carie or conuay any of her Iewels out of the Land: he shall suf∣fer euery one, and all places of the Kingdomes to bee guarded & kept by the natiue English; & shall not take or cause to be taken away any munition of Warre. Hee shall not engage England into any foraine warres. Hee shall to his power procure the Land peace with other Na∣tions. The Queene shall onely enioy the Supremacie, nor shall assume any Title which may happen to fall vpon the Duke, as it were holding by the custome of Eng∣land. The Duke by this match intendeth not to preiu∣dice the Right of his succession to the Kingdome of France. The present Contract shall bee read, published, and kept vnder Record in all the Courts of France and England, within six moneths after the Espousals, with the Authoritie of the most Christian King, for the rati∣fication of these Articles.

There shall bee made a Treatise, Confederation, and League betwixt England and France. These things shal be confirmed de bona side, with an Oath on the part of the King of France, as well for him as for

his Heires, who shall deliuer Letters of the confirmati∣on thereof with all possible expedition hee may, carying assurance that the Articles in the present Treaty con∣tained, shall be kept inuiolably also.

* 1.21 A reseruation apart was added vnder the hands and seales of all the Commissioners, implying thus much: That ELIZABETH was not bound to the consummati∣on of the mariage, till the Duke & she should haue com∣mutually satisfied and reciprocally setled each other in certaine things betwixt themselues; and concerning these points, they were within six weekes by writing to certifie the King of France.

Before the six weekes were expired, Secretarie Somer was sent into France about this businesse. But the King refuseth to giue him audience,* 1.22 vrging the instant celebration of the mariage already concluded; as if there had been nothing else remaining to bee done. Somer shewing vnder signe and seale that there was first a defensiue league & offensiue to bee performed, maintaineth the contrary. To moderate the matter, there was sent ouer Sir Fran: Walsingham, with Sir Henry Cobham Leiger Ambassador in France, and Somer, who deliuered this or the like speech.

ALthough the vulgar sort doth censure hardly of the procrastinating of this contracted mari∣age, Queene ELIZABETH intendeth no∣thing more, then to content her people, who are instant to haue her marry, that they may be secured of a suc∣cession in her children. Her Maiestie being sought to by the Duke of Anjou, by good right hath his loue preferred before all other Princes, by reason of his ver∣tues and resplendent race,* 1.23 and shee protesting to beare vnto him most soueraigne loue, holding off from the consummation of mariage, onely vntill she could haue

knowledge from her people, how they stand affected thereunto, holding it a point of wisdome in the meane time rather to foresee, then to repent too late,* 1.24 see∣ming in these respects to demurre the more, by rea∣son of the ciuill warres in France, the vnfortunate Duke of Anjous vndeseruedly falling out of the Kings fauour, and in England an auersion of heart in most of the best of her Subiects, since the first motion of the ma∣riage, yet all this breeds nor brings no diminution of true loyall loue in her Maiesty towards the said Duke. Also it was at this time out of season for the French King, to vrge a present consummation, knowing the Duke was newly entred into warre against the King of Spaine, the which he might not suddenly abandon, or relinquish, without great dishonour to himselfe, dis∣commoditie to the Kingdome of France and England; as also the ruine of Flanders, the Spaniard there grow∣ing dayly greater and greater. Moreouer, in stead of continuing peace at home, (for which the people pray∣eth) they must of necessitie bee brought to bloody warres, the Queenes husband being so deepely enga∣ged thereinto. For these reasons, from henceforth that Treaty of sudden mariage is to surcease, vntill the Duke of Anjou were dis-intangled out of these warres, and that interchangeable conditions of Offensiue and Defensiue Alliance bee passed betwixt the two King∣domes of France and England.

And assuredly the Queene desired it aboue all things. But the French would promise no other thing but to passe to couenants of mutuall defensiue, and as for the offensiue,* 1.25 would heare it no further spoken of, vntill the Nuptials were celebrated.

Within a short space after, the Duke (whom the States had elected Gouernor of Flanders) comes into England, af∣ter

he had happily raised the siege of Cambray, at the charge and cost of Queene ELIZABETH, who had supplyed him with great summes of money by the hands of Henry Sei∣mor, Palauicine an Italian, and Bex a Frenchman. The hope he relyed vpon was this; that if he should not presently dis∣patch the mariage, yet should hee so effect, that by the fa∣uour of the Queene (whom the Dutch honoured as an earthly Goddesse) he should bee the better welcome to the Low-Countri-men at his returne.

He ariued safe in England, and was magnificently enter∣tained, and receiued with all royall courtesies could be ex∣pected, euident testimonies of honour and loue, which her Maiestie shewed apparantly,* 1.26 insomuch that on a time on the day of the solemnization of her Coronation (he being entred into amorous Discourse with her Maiestie) the great loue which shee bore him, drew a Ring from her finger, which shee gaue him vpon certain cond••tions meant and a∣greed vpon betwixt them. The assistants tooke that for an argument and assurance that a mariage was by recipro∣call promise contracted betweene them. Amongst others, Aldegondy Gouernor of the City of Antwerpe, dispatched messengers suddenly ouer, into the Low-Countries; where for great ioy at the hearing thereof, both in Antwerpe, and all ouer Flanders were made bonefires, and their great Ar∣tillerie shot off. But this bred sundry opinions among the Courtiers:* 1.27 For as some reioyced exceedingly, others were astonisht at it, & some quite strucke downe with sadnesse. The Earle of Leicester who had laid a secret plot to preuent the mariage, the Vice-Chamberlaine Hatton, and Walsing∣ham, were most of all malecontented, as if the Queene, Re∣ligion and Kingdome had been vndone. Her women which were about her fell all in sorrow and sadnesse, and the terror they put her into,* 1.28 so troubled her minde, that she passed all that night without sleepe amongst her houshold seruants, who made a consort of weeping, and sighing. The next

morning finding the Duke, and taking him aside, had serious discourse with him. The Duke retiring himselfe, after hee left her, into his Chamber, plucketh off the Ring, casteth it on the ground, taketh it vp againe, rayleth on the lightnesse of women, and inconstancie of Ilanders.

As she was perplexed with these passions,* 1.29 , shee called to minde what once the Lord Burley, and the Earle of Sussex had told her, that there was no Alliance offensiue to bee ho∣ped for, without marying with the Duke; nor being alone and without assistancy, was able to withstand the great∣nesse of the Spaniard. That the Spaniard offering his daugh∣ter in mariage to the King of Scots, hee would easily draw the Papists in England to be his adherents; and all the Fugi∣tiues, Rebels, discontented persons, and such as were sine spe, & sine re (whereof the number was great) to be on his side. that al good people were now out of hope euer to haue issue of her body of the Blood Royall by this mariage; and now hauing their hearts alienated from her, hereby would cast their eyes and affections vpon some other of her Competi∣tors. That also shee could not but highly displease the King of France, and the Duke his Brother, who after the imploi∣ment of so much time, the holding of so many Counsels, the sending of such honorable Ambassadors, and the expen∣ces of so much money, could hardly endure to finde him∣selfe in fine derided, what colour so euer should be cast ouer the matter: And to raise mony for the Duke of Anjou, to imploy him in the warres of Flanders, assigning him an an∣nuall Pension for the time to come. There remained also a scruple vpon her conscience, that he so deluded of her, might match himselfe in Spaine, and then shee should bee in danger on both sides, as well from France, as from Flanders, as eue∣ry one could breathe into her eares, and her selfe presage.

Some thought, that amidst this anxiety of doubtfull thoughts which troubled her minde about this mariage, the necessitie of the time and matter, made her put on a resolu∣tion

that it would stand more with her honour, and the good of her Common-weale to liue single, then to be ma∣ried;* 1.30 foreseeing that if she should marry with a subiect from such disparitie would grow disgrace to her selfe, and kindle heart-burnings, secret displeasures, and domestique troubles and hatred. If with a stranger, she should bring her selfe and subiects vnder a foraine yoake, and Religion in hazard; remembring withall how vnfortunate that match of her Sister MARIES with King Philip was, and that of her great grandfather EDWARD the fourth, who was the first English King, since the Norman conquest, which tooke a subiect to wife. She feared also to transfer vpon a husband that glory, which whilst she liued vnmarried remained with her entire: withall, she was diuerted in minde from mariage, by reason of the great perils she should be subiect to, by con∣ception, and child-bearing, as diuers women and Physici∣ans bore her in hand.

* 1.31 Her Maiestie likewise burned with choller that there was a booke published in print, inueighing sharply against the mariage, as fearing the alteration of Religion, which was in∣tituled, A gaping gulfe to swallow vp England by a French mariage. In this Pamphlet the Priuy Councel∣lors which fauoured the Match were taxed of ingratitude to their Prince and Countrey: the Queene as not vnder∣standing well her selfe, by the way of flattery is tauntingly touched: the Duke d' Anjou and his country of France in contumelious tearmes shamefully reuiled: the mariage condemned, for the diuersitie of Religions, by poisonous words and passages of Scripture, miserably wrested, would seeme to proue that the Daughter of God, being to match with the sonne of Antichrist, it must needs bee the ruine of the Church, and pernicious to the State; neither would Queene ELIZABETH bee perswaded that the Author of this booke had any other purpose, but to bring her into ha∣tred with her subiects, and to open a gap to some prodigious

innouation: it being so that shee neuer had respected so much the power shee had ouer her people as the loue they bore to her, and (as Princes are accustomed) was neuer more carefull then of her royall reputation: notwithstand∣ing the writer of that booke neuer once made mention of meanes to establish in future securitie her selfe or Realme, or for auoiding danger, or how the States of the Land had in former times most importunately perswaded her Maiestie to mariage, to giue an assured remedy against imminent e∣uils. And this she published in writing,* 1.32 condemning the Au∣thor of the Libell, made knowne the Dukes propensitie of minde towards her selfe, and to the Protestants Religion, grieuing to offer iniury to so worthy a Prince, who neuer had once motioned to haue any change in State, Common-wealth, or Religion. Shee also commended Sir H. Simier, the Duke's Agent for his modesty, and wisedome, whom some had before in malignant speeches calumniated: inti∣mating to the people also that this Libell was a deuice of Traitors to stir vp hatred abroad, & seditions at home, com∣manding it should be burnt in the presence of Magistrates.

Since that, shee begunne to bee the more displeased with Puritans then she had been before-time,* 1.33 perswading her selfe that such a thing had not passed without their pri∣uitie: and within a few dayes after, Iohn Stubbes of Lincolnes Inne, a zealous professor of Religion, the Author of this Ralatiue Pamphlet (whose Sister Thomas Cartwright the Arch-Puritan had maried) William Page the disperser of the Copies, and Singleton the Printer were apprehended: a∣gainst whom sentence was giuen that their right hands should be cut off by a law in the time of Philip and MARIE, against the Authors of Seditious Writings, and those that disperse them: Some Lawyers storming hereat, said the iudgement was erroneous, and fetcht from a false obserua∣tion of the time, wherein the Statute was made, that it was onely temporarie, and that (Queene MARIE dying) it dyed

with her. Of the which Lawyers, one Dalton for his clamo∣rous speeches was commited to prison, and Mouson a Iudge of the Common-pleas, was sharply rebuked, and his place ta∣ken from him, after that Sir Chr. Wray chiefe Iustice of Eng∣land had made it manifest by Law, that in that Statute there was no errour of time, but the Act was made against such as should put forth, or divulge any seditious writing against the King; and that the King of England neuer dyed; yea, that Statute likewise in the first yeare of Queene ELIZABETH was reuiued againe to the Queene and her Heires for euer. Not long after vpon a Stage set vp in the Market-place at Westminster,* 1.34 Stubbes and Page had their right hands cut off by the blow of a Butchers knife, with a Mallet strucke through their wrests. The Printer had his Pardon. I can re∣member that standing by Iohn Stubbes, so soone as his right hand was off, put off his hat with the left, and cryed aloud, God saue the Queene. The people round about him stood mute, whether stricken with feare at the first sight of this strange kinde of punishment, or for commiseration of the man whom they reputed honest, or out of a secret inward repining they had at this mariage, which they suspected would be dangerous to Religion. These things passed within a little after the Dukes ariuall in England: and whilest hee stayed here, the Queene to take away the feare conceiued by many, that Religion should change, and Papists should be tolerated by the importunity of Campian the Iesuite (of whom I haue spoken) Ralph Sherwing, Luke Kir∣by, and Alexander Brian, who were indicted by an Act made in the 25 of Edward the third, for attempting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome: for adhering to the Bishop of Rome the Queenes Aduersarie; for raising sedition in her Realme, and gathering forces together, to the vtter subuersi∣on of her Dominions, of which they were found guilty and so condemned: for that they obstinately defended the Pa∣pall Authoritie against the Queene, they were put to death.

For Campian then condemned, being demanded whether Queene ELIZABETH were right or lawfull heire?* 1.35 answe∣red nothing; and againe, If the Pope should inuade the Land whether he would take his part or the Queenes? hee openly said, the Popes, which hee testified vnder his hand-writing▪ After these, some others were executed for the like matters, and for ten whole yeares space together since the Rebellion but fiue Papists. But I leaue the handling hereof to the Eccle∣siasticall History; neuerthelesse with permission, I will briefely here obserue and note some such occurrences, as are adioyning with those of States. These times were such, as that the Queene (who was neuer of opinion that mens consciences should bee constrained) often complained to haue beene of necessitie forced to these punishments, lest vnder a pretext of conscience, and Catholike Religion,* 1.36 she should endanger her selfe, and her louing subiects: neuer∣thelesse her Maiesty beleeued not that the most part of these poore and miserable Priests had plotted the destruction of her country; but that their Superiors made vse of them as instruments of their mischiefe: for as much as they which were sent, were wholly subiect to the power and authoritie of them which had sent them. For when as such as were now and afterwards apprehended, were demanded,* 1.37 whether by the Authority of the Bull of Pius the fift, the Queene of Englands subiects were so freed of their Oath of Allegeance that they might take Armes against her? whether they esteemed her a law∣full Queene? whether they approued the opinions of Sanders and Bristow, touching the Authoritie of this Bul? to which par∣tie they would incline, if the Pope should warre against the Queene? Some of them answered so doubtfully; others with such pertinacy; and some with such preuarication,* 1.38 or keeping silence, so mocked the questions propounded to them, that diuers Papists begunne to suspect that they nourished some falshood: and Bishop although ingenious, most zealous for the Roman Religion writ against them,

shewing that this Cannon which had passed vnder the name of the Lateran Councell, vpon which was absolutely groun∣ded the oath of absoluing subiects from their Obedience and fealty to their Princes, and for the deposing of them, was no∣thing else, but a Decree of Pope Innocent the 3, which neuer was receiued in England, as also that that Counsell was re∣peal'd and annihilated, wherein nothing was done by the Fathers of the same at that time.

The more the number of the Priests comming by stealth into England increased, the more increased suspitions of them, who secretly practised to grope the hearts of men, preached that it was lawfull to depose Princes excommuni∣cated, muttered and murmured, that such as were not of the Roman religion, were to be depriued of all regall power and Dignity, and that such as had taken religious Orders were exempt from all obedience to Princes, nor were any such held to be subiect either to them, or their lawes. That the Pope had supreme power ouer the whole world, yea euen in politick affaires. That the Magistrates of England had no lawfull institution, and therefore were not to bee obeyed as Magistrates.* 1.39 And that whatsoeuer Queene ELIZABETH had done since the publication of the Bull Declaratory of Pius the 5, was by the Lawes of God and Man disanull'd and to be held for naught. And some of them denyed not in publike hearing, that they were sent for no other causes into England, then to absolue euery one seuerally and apart, of all oath of fidelitie and obedience towards the Queene, as the Bull had absolued all in generall, which they did in ta∣king confessions of their reconciliation. And this they see∣med to doe with more ease, in promising Absolution from all mortall sinne; and with more securitie, because it was done priuately, and vnder the Seale of Confession.

THE FIVE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne.* 1.40 Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXII.

THese and the like things brought vpon Papists new and sharper lawes,* 1.41 made by Act of Parliament at Westminster in the moneth of Ianuary, where all such were declared guilty of high Treason, which disswaded any of her Maiesties subiects frō their obedience to their Prince, or from the Religion now profest in England, or that should reconcile any to the Church of Rome; or which should haue beene so perswaded, turned, or reconciled. Two hundred markes fine, and a yeares imprisonment inflicted vpon those which should ce∣lebrate Masse so long till they had paid. And such as had willingly beene at any of their Masses, one hundred markes, and one yeares imprisonment: and such as were not found to resort to their owne Parish Churches to diuine seruice, for

euery moneths omission ten pounds. Which was malicious∣ly vnderstood, and interpreted by the Papists of Lunarie months, who before had paid but one shilling to the poore for euery Sunday or Holidayes absence. But I referre it to the Ecclesiasticall Historie, to intreat of these things more at large.

* 1.42 The Duke d' Anjou after some three moneths abode in England, tooke his way towards Flanders in the moneth of February. Queene ELIZABETH in person accompanied him to Canterbury: and commanded the Earle of Leicester, the Lord Charles Howard, the Barons of Hunsdon, Willough∣by, Winsor, and Sheffeild; Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Rus¦sel, Sir George Bourchier Knights, and diuers other noble Gentlemen,* 1.43 to accompany him to Antwerpe; where he was created Duke of Brabant, of Lymbourg, Lotharing, &c. For the confederated States of Flanders had from thence pro∣claimed the King of Spaine falne from his Principality for in∣fringing their Lawes; broken his Seales, cast downe his Armes, and so absolued the people from all oath of Fealtie, so that it was lawfull and free for them to elect another Prince. The Duke permitted all those the vse of the Romish Religion, which would sweare Allegeance to him, and ab∣iure the Spaniard. After this hee betooke himselfe to the field, where he lost Aldenard, and tooke in Alost. But six hundred English souldiers exclaiming of General Norris his imperious seueritie ouer them,* 1.44 forsaking him, fled to the Spaniard, vnder the leading of Captaine T. Norris, Barney, Cornish, and Gypson, who exposing themselues to all perils, and being basely respected, were paid with slow and late repentance and infinite miseries, the paine of their perfi∣diousnesse.* 1.45

But notwithstanding, General Norris with three hundred horse, and the rest of his foot-companies, got the renowne of a valorous and most iudicious Warriour, for his coura∣gious encountering the Duke of Parma, who fell vpon him

with a farre greater power, the whilest he warily and wisely made his retreat into the City of Gand, in sight of the two Dukes of Anjou and Orleans, admiring his martiall valour from off the Ramparts, where they stood to behold him. But why insist I vpon these matters? The Duke d' Anjou hauing now without successe spent huge summes of money sent him out of England, weighing with himselfe that only apparant Titles were bestowed vpon him; and considering that all the managing of these matters were in the power of the States, assayed by a precipitate counsell,* 1.46 with his Armie to enter by force Antwerpe, and some other townes; but all in vaine, and with the losse of many of his men; and shortly after was constrained shamefully to quit & leaue Flanders.

It shall suffice to note in a word, in passing, that nere vnto CHAPELLE in the month of May, in the 12 degree of Ge∣mini appeared a Comet or blazing starre,* 1.47 with bright shi∣ning beames, streaming ouer the right sholder of the Dragon. About that time happened a horrible tempest in Norfolke, with fearefull flashes of lightning and thunder of long con∣tinuance, with violent furious winds, and hailstones of three inches about.

Queene ELIZABETH for better security, and to fortifie her selfe the more abroad against the Spaniard,* 1.48 whom shee knew to be infest against her, for that she had furnished the Duke d'Anjou with moneyes, admitted into the fraterni∣ty of the order of Saint George, Frederick the second, King of Denmarke, who had alwaies shewed himselfe most affecti∣onate towards her Maiesty; and to inuest him there∣with, sent ouer Sir Peregrin Bertie, whom shee (as her Maie∣sty was euer nice in conferring honors) had with some diffi∣culty, honoured with the title of Lord Willoughbey of Eresby, before he had giuen any proofe of his martiall ver∣tue; howsoeuer the Duchesse of Suffolke his mother was daughter, and sole inheritrix to the ancient Baronry of Wil∣loughby of Eresby.

The King of Denmark with ioyfulnesse put the * 1.49 chaine of Roses about his necke, and the Garter about his legge, the other Robes he locked vp in his Chest, but refused to put them on, because they were exotick, or to take the oath; for that he had taken one afore, when by the French King hee was installed Knight of the Order of Saint Michael. The whilest the Lord Willoughby was in Denmarke, he propoun∣ded to the King a complaint from the English Merchants, concerning the raising of Imposts and customes, for that in times past for passing the Oresunde, or straits of Denmarke, they vsed to giue for euery ship but a Rose-Noble, which made the fourth part of an ounce of gold, & as much for the fraught, with some smal peeces of siluer for the fire-beacons giuing light by night, vvhich vvere to direct them by their Sea-markes ouer the Shallowes, and by the Shelues, bankes, & Rocks.* 1.50 He treated also for the Merchants, that the tribute vvhich they call their LAST GELT might be remitted, by the vvhich they begunne (vvhen the Warres were so hot betwixt the Kings of Denmarke and Sueden) to exact, by vvay of borrowing, the thirtieth part of all manner of Mer∣chandizes, vvith promise to repay them, or the value of them againe, the warre once ended. But these as matters of importance vvere referred till another time. For Princes doe seldome or neuer abate of their Custome, Taxes, or Im∣posts, esteeming that such things as these (vvhich they call Royalties) belonging to the rightfull liberty of euery King∣dome, are not things subiect to be moderated, or abrogated by any strangers.

* 1.51 Queene ELIZABETH the better to secure her state at home, imployed Sir Walter Mildmay to comprimise busi∣nesse with the Queene of Scots. But finding that the Guises had consulted with certaine English Fugitiues, about the setting her at liberty, and gathering forces together, vnder the pretext of sending supplyes to the Duke of Anjou in Flanders, vvhich in very deed vvere to haue beene past ouer

from the Hauens of Aux, or Ew, (obscure harbours of Nor∣mandy) into England, which the French King hauing no∣tice of, out of his loue to Queene ELIZABETH certifieth her thereof, and stayed them: hereupon the matter was in∣termitted, and the Queene of Scots affaires deferred.

But by the vvay to meet with the Guises attempts in Scot∣land,* 1.52 whither it is supposed he employed the Earle of Len∣nox, to dissolue the League betweene the King of Scots, and the English, whilest Will: Ruthen (lately created by the K. Earle of Gowry) begunne to be mutinous. He (for that hee vvould not degenerate frō his Father) bearing a mortall ma∣lice to the Kings Mother, together with others of his confe∣deracie were to put in practice the best wits they had for the vvorking of the Duke of Lennox and the Earle Arran both out of the Kings fauour and company, vnder a colour of Religion, the Kings securitie, and the league of amity vvith England. Now behold their subtilty and crafty proiects. They begin to perswade Lennox vvho had been established L. High Chamberlain of Scotland, to exercise the rigor of his iurisdiction, though then out of vse, for no other purpose but to purchase his owne disgrace with the people, vvhilest the Presbytery out of their Pulpits should declaime against him as a Papist of the faction of the Guizes, and a rude and seuere Executioner of the Law; & should publikely foretell and denounce his ruine and destruction. When as therefore Lennox was departed from Perth where the King remained,* 1.53 to execute his office at Edenburgh, and the Earle Arran ab∣sent from the Court, Gowrey, Marre, Lindsey, and others, ta∣king their opportunity, inuited the King to the Castle of Ru∣then, being there, they held him in such feare that hee durst not walke abroad: such of his seruants as he thought best of, they sent away: the E. of Arran they arrested and cast into prison,* 1.54 and compelled the King by the intercession of Queen ELIZABETH, to recal the Earl of Angus out of exile, and to sends the Duke of Lenox into France, who as he was a Noble

man of milde disposition, and altogether inclin'd to the pub∣like peace and good of the Land, by the Kings perswasion, but their impulsion, although he might easily haue stood vp∣on his guard, and withstood them, departed quietly from Dunbriton, where he tooke shipping for France. Not con∣tent with this, they forced the King by his Letters to signi∣fie to Queene ELIZABETH this his interception, and that it was a meeting made by his willing consent with some of his Lords, concerning speciall businesses. But Buchanan they could not possibly perswade to approue this Act, or by com∣posing any booke of this subiect, nor by perswasions of a messenger; but he wept bitterly and sorrowed grieuously, that he had to-fore taken the Rebels part against the Prince, and soone after dyed. A man (as himselfe sings in his Po∣ems) though borne in a countrey barren for learning, yet hee attained to the soueraigne degree of Poesie; so as by right hee ought to bee accounted the Prince of Poets of our age.

* 1.55 The French King hauing had certaine intelligence of the passages in Scotland, sendeth both with one message Mons: de la Moteff through England, and Mons: de Manninguille by Sea into Scotland, by all possible means to haue the King set at liberty, to confirme the French faction, to draw the King into loue & amity with France, and to let him vnderstand, that his mother to make him be knowne true and legitimate King by Christian Princes, and all Scotland, setting aside all partialitie, out of her motherly piety and indulgence yeelded him freely the title of the Kingdome; and admitted him into the society freely to Raigne. Shee (distressed Queene) in the meane time, afflicted with many miseries, the calamities of a prison, & in indurance, without hope of deli∣uery, bewayled the dismall fortunes of the King her sonne with her owne, in a large Letter written in French to Queene ELIZABETH, which the tender loue of a mother, and the disquietnesse of her Spirit, extorted from her,

the which out of the originall Copy of her owne hand∣writing, I haue more briefely recollected, as followed.

Mary Q. of Scotland, her Letter to Quene Eli∣zabeth.

AFter I was certainly informed, that my sonne was intercepted and detained in captiuitie (as my selfe haue beene for some yeares) a sudden feare suggested into my minde, that hee, and I were to drinke of one cup of sorrow: I cannot therefore in o∣pening my sad afflicted heart, but vtter my anguish, to imprint them if it may be vpon yours, offer the same to your conscionable commiseration, that the ages to come may know my innocency, and their tyrannie, by whose meanes I endure these intolerable indignities. But for that, their subtil plots and mischieuous practi∣ces haue all this while been preferd with you before my iust complaint, it being in your gracious power to doe equity and iustice, where violence treadeth downe ver∣tue, and might suppresseth right: I doe appeale vnto God immortall, whom alone I know to haue power ouer vs; Princes coequall in right and honour, and him (in whom there is no place for fraud, or falshood) I will inuoke, that at the last day hee will recompence vs ac∣cording to our demerits, howsoeuer my Aduersaries the whilest haue cautelously cloaked their treacheries from men (and perhaps from you.* 2.1 ) I beseech you now then in the name of God, and by his all-powerfull Ma∣iestie I adiure you, to call to minde, how cunningly some sent forth in your name to me, could stirre vp the Scots my subiects, whilest I liued with them, into open rebellion against me, and haue been the first mouers of all the mischiefe, which euer since hath hapned in that countrey, as euidently appeareth by sundry plain testi∣monies

thereof, and Mortons confession from his own mouth, who for such matters gr••w vp to great honors, whom if I could haue prosecuted, according to his de∣sert; and if your assisting the Rebels had not b••en they could neuer haue stood vp so long against mee, and my friends, as they did.

When I was detained Prisoner in Lake-Leuin, Sir Nich. Throckmorton, was the first that came to me in your name, who perswaded me to quit the Kingdome vnd••r Letters Patents, signed with my hand (which he assured me should be of no effect, as all the world know∣eth them so to be) vntill that you had assisted the Au∣thors of these Letters, with your fauour and Armes. But say in good sooth, would you acknowledge that your subiects should haue such power ouer you? The regall power I had in the meane time, by your aide & aduice, was taken from me, to be conferred on my sonne, a yong child, by reason of his Infant-age vnfit to manage the administration of a Kingdome. And when as of late, I determined to make him a lawfull resignation, for the certaine establishing of him in the Kingdome, hee was by force of Armes caried violently away by Traitors; who, doubtlesse had no other intent, then to depriue him (as they did me) of the Crowne, and perhaps of his life. After I got out of Lake-Leuin, and was to raise Armes for the suppressing of the Rebels, I sent you then the Diamond, which formerly you had giuen me, as a pledge of mutuall loue betwixt vs, when you made me many large promises, and faithfull protestations to succour and support me against the Rebels, when also you promised, that if I should come towards you, you would meet me in person vpon the frontiers, and would assist me. I relying vpon these promises so often and so seriously iterated (although your messengers had many times before deluded me) resolued to resort to you, as to

a Sanctuary. And assuredly, I had come, had I but found the way as open to me, and as easie to passe, as it was for those who reuolted against me. But before I could come at you, I was arrested vpon the way, guarded with troops of men, shut vp in strong places, and since that time haue endured things worse then death.

I know you will obiect some intercourses of businesse haue past betwixt the Duke of Norfolke and me; but I assure you there hath neuer any thing past, preiudici∣all to you or your Kingdome, as also your chiefe Coun∣sellors haue giuen approbation thereto, as I can proue, who likewise promised mee by the way of attestation to procure your consent. And how I pray you should these so great persons promise your consent to a thing which might despoile you of honour, life, and Diadem? And notwithstanding, you would that euery one should be so perswaded.

Besides, as diuers of the Rebels, by a tardy repentance re-aduising themselues, and by a Commission held be∣twixt our Deputies at Yorke, vnderstood how wicked∣ly they had dealt with me, they being besieged with your Souldiers in Edenburgh-Castle,* 2.2 two of the principall dyed miserably; the one by poison, the other in a hal∣ter. And that came to passe, for that twice I had dis∣mist the Armies at your request, in hope of peace, which God knowes, whether euer my Aduersaries once haue thought on.

Since that, I had resolued to try whether patience can haue power to conquer cruelty, in suffering all ex∣tremities that can be imposed on a poore Prisoner. All conference with my sonne by Letters or Messengers, for this yeare, hath been denyed me, renting if it were possi∣ble the sonne from the mother by a sad separation of spirits.

I haue often propounded Articles of peace and con∣cord

to bee confirmed betwixt vs at Chatesworth by the most Christian Kings Ambassadors eleuen yeares a∣gone, both to your Deputies, and to your selfe, and by my owne the last yeare, I dealt sincerely with Beal. But these profers were still reiected, delayes interpos'd, my best meaning euer suspected, and the affection of my true-intending heart continually condemned. Nor haue I reaped any other fruit by my long suffering, but that by a Prescription, I am dayly handled worse and worse, not indeed as a Prisoner, but as some abiect seruant of base condition. But truely I cannot longer endure these indignities, howsoeuer the matter shall fall out, if I die, I will manifest the Authors of my death; if I liue, I shall so effect (I hope) that the malicious practices of my Aduersaries shall dye, and passe the remainder of my dayes in more tranquilitie.

Wherefore, to take away all occasions of scandall be∣twixt vs, let the testimonies of the Spaniards, which were lately taken in Ireland, and all the examinations of the Iesuites be produced against mee. Let mee be ar∣raigned openly, come in who can to accuse me, prouided withall I may haue the liberty to defend my selfe, and not be condemned before I be heard. The malefactors and vilest Prisoners are permitted to defend themselues and to confront their accusers. Why then am I denyed this lawfull libertie, being an anointed Queene, your nearest Kinswoman, and the next lawfull heire to your Kingdome? But this last is that excruciates my Ad∣uersaries, whose chiefest studies are bent to breed debate betwixt vs. Alas, alas! and why should this vex or afflict my enemies, when as I protest before God, and on my honour, I haue not thought this long time of any Kingdome but that of heauen. Neuerthelesse, you are bound by oath, royall duty, and Iustice, not to disturbe or impeach, after my death, my sonnes most certaine

Right, nor to abett, or aide those which seriously and secretly labour his ruine, both in England and Scot∣land, as is too-too well knowne by the dealings of your Ambassadors in Scotland, who haue dealt (no doubt without your priuity) most treacherously with me, and all by the Earle of Huntingdons setting on.

Is there any iust dealing in this, that a Mother should not be suffered to succour her sonne in distresse? nay, not so much as to be let vnderstand how he doth? If such as you sent for my sonnes good, had taken my aduice by the way, they would haue beene the welcomer to him, and I the more obliged to you; nor was there any reason you should so long conceale their goings thi∣ther, nor then keepe mee so straightly shut vp: but to speake freely, I beseech you let no more such be imployed for Scotland. Thus much I dare promise my selfe, that Hunsdon will doe nothing but that standeth with his honour, nor Huntingdon any thing may tend to my good, for that which he hath already practi∣sed against me.

I entreat you therefore by the bond of that consan∣guinitie which is betwixt vs, to bee circumspect for the safety of my sonne, not to intermeddle your selfe with the businesses of Scotland, before you haue con∣sulted with mee and the King of France, and hold all those for Traitors which keepe my sonne in hold, not suffering him to goe any where, but at their pleasure. In fine, I coniure you by the Crosse and Passion of Christ our Redeemer, that after so many yeares of desolation, I hauing libertie, may vpon iust tearmes, be suffered to retire my poore weake body into some qui∣et place out of England, there to refresh mee before my death, after the long and loathsome time of my im∣prisonment. This doing, you shall eternally oblige vnto you me and mine, but aboue all my sonne. Nor wil I euer

cease to craue this, till you haue granted it me, my in∣disposition enforcing this importunity. Let mee be vsed hereafter a little more gently, otherwise I shall not be a∣ble to endure; nor put mee off, to the disposing of any, but of your selfe. What good or euill hereafter shall betyde me, I will impute all to you, vouchsafe mee this fauour, to let me know your pleasure, either by your let∣ter, or by the French Ambassador. I can repose no confi∣dence in those things, which the Earle of Shrewsbury hath imparted vnto me, they are so mutable. I writ of late to your Councell, but you sent me word, to acquaint none but your selfe with my businesse: for there was no e∣quity in it, in giuing them so much power to afflict me. And I cannot apprehend it otherwise, but that some ill-willers of mine, were the occasioners of it, for feare that others, duly considering my iust complaints, in regard of your honor, & their duties, should haue opposed thē∣selues. And now the last thing I am to desire, is, that I may haue some reuerend Catholicke Priest to instruct me in Religion, for the saluation of my soule. This is a last duty not to be denyed to wretches of meanest ranck. You suffer the Ambassadors of foraigne Princes to vse their Religion, and my selfe sometimes haue granted toleration of seuerall professions to my subiects: If this be denyed mee, I hope to bee excused before God, and I feare mine Aduersaries shall not passe vnpunished. As∣suredly it will be a president to other Christian Princes to exercise the like seuerity amongst their subiects of different Religions, if this bee offered me, an absolute Princesse, & of your nearest alliance. As I am, I will e∣uer be affected to you, in despight of my Aduersaries; and stomacke they me neuer so much. I desire not to haue my family increased, but I vpon necessity intreat to retain two of my maid-seruants to attend me in my sicknesse: let not mine enemies asswage their cruelty

vpon me, in causing me to bee denied so small an office of humanity. Whereas I am taxed by the Earle of Shrewsbury, to haue dealt otherwise (then I promised Beal) in surrendring my title in Scotland to my son, without your priuity: Beleeue not Beals suggestions, for I past no promise, but vpon certaine conditions, which I am not bound to performe on my part, vnlesse they be performed on yours: I haue yet receiued no an∣swer thereof, and they haue beene long time silent; but for all that, in Scotland they haue not ceased their tre∣cherous practizes to the ruine both of me, and my son; I cannot take this long silence, but for a deniall, and so I haue certified your Councell by Letters. That which the King of France, and the Queene his mother haue communicated to me, haue I sincerely communicated to you, and required your aduice, but you haue not vouch∣safed me one word in writing, or by word of mouth: I cannot before I shall know what it is, submit my selfe to your Councell, concerning my affaires and Country; for that were extreame indiscretion. You know how my Aduersaries triumph in Scotland both ouer mee, and my imprisoned son: I haue attempted nothing in Scot∣land to your preiudice, but to stablish a solide peace in the Realme, hauing by so much the more a greater care then your Councellors, by how much my interest there, is more then theirs. I haue desired to gratifie my son with the title of King, to confirme him, and to bu∣rie all discords. Is that to take the Diadem from him? But the enemies of me, and my family, will not haue it confirmed: It is that that they dread, whilst they carie in their heart a witnesse against themselues, & finding themselues culpable of euills apprehend they should bee dealt with accordingly.

Let not these, and others my aduersaries so blind your eyes, that during your life, and in your sight, they shall

beare downe your nearest kindred, and ruinate both the Crownes: as to that end they are plotting villanies a∣gainst me, against my son, and perhaps against you also. Can it be any pleasure, or honor to you, that I and my son, that you and we are by their meanes so long seelu∣ded, and kept asunder? Resume your naturall goodnesse and meeknesse, oblige your selfe to your selfe, and seeing you are a Princesse, be tender hearted to me a Princesse, the nearest of your consanguinity, that all things being set in quiet betwixt vs, I may passe the more peacefully out of this life, and that the sighes and sobbes of my af∣flicted soule ascend not to God on high. To whose diuine power I present my daily prayers, that these my iust complaints, and sorrowfull laments my take place with you.

From Sheffield, 8. Nouemb. 1582.

Vostre tres-desolée plus proche parente, & affectionnée soeur MARIE R:

THE SIXE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne.* 2.3 Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXIII.

ELIZABETH Queen of England being sundry wayes moued with these Let∣ters (after she had giuen permis∣sion to the French Ambassador La Mottef, together with Da∣uison her owne Ambassador, to goe into Scotland; and had cho∣sen out a time, wherin he might opportunely meet with the Duke of Lenox vnawares, then returning out of Scotland) she her selfe kindely receiued Lenox,* 2.4 yet gently blaming him for being somwhat slack in the Scottish affaires; and forth∣with sent Beale Clerke of her Priuie Councell, for the dis∣patch of her Letters, (being indeed a man very austere and sharpe) to the Queene of Scots, to manifest the discontent

of Queene ELIZABETH at the sight of her complaining Letters, and by the same meanes to treat with the Earle of Shrewsbury concerning her enlargement, because she often∣times before, with sundry Letters had sollicited for it, and in∣treated that shee might yet at last (her security being esta∣blished to her) inioy her libertie, and be an associate with her sonne, in the administration of Scotland.

Vpon these things was the Priuy Councell of England assembled: where after serious debating, and deliberate con∣sultations, it was at length agreed that the Queene of Scots should be set at libertie vnder these following conditions:

* 2.5 THat if she and her sonne would promise, not to enterprise any thing to the preiudice of Queene ELIZABETH, or the Realme of England. That shee would confesse, that whatsoeuer Francis the second, King of France her husband, had vndertaken and performed, was altogether against her will and li∣king; and that shee would disproue and disanull it as vniust. That shee would confirme the Treaty holden at Edenbourgh. That shee would freely and ingenuously confesse and discouer all other complots & intendments which were since that time forged; and would vtterly condemne the same. That if shee would enter into obli∣gation not to plot or doe any thing, directly or indirect∣ly, to the impeachment of the gouernment, or admini∣stration of the Kingdome of England, either in things Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill; but to resist and hinder all those that should undertake (in what manner so euer any thing to the contrary, and to withstand them as enemies. That she would not during the life of Queene ELIZABETH claime any Right or Title to the King∣dome of England, and after her death to submit and referre the right of succession to the iudgement of the Estates. If she also, to cut off all equiuocations, and men∣tall

reseruations, and to forestall all pretended excuses, (that shee as a Prisoner accorded and condiscended to these conditions, or being in a manner constrained) would confirme all these by her aoth, and the publique authoritie of the States of Scotland. If the King like∣wise would ratifie the self-same conditions both by oath and writing, and for the more assurance would deliuer hostages for the performance.

As concerning the association which the Queene of Scots demanded to haue with her sonne in the gouernment of the Kingdome, it was holden expedient by the Councell, that the Queene of England should not intermeddle therewith. But if they could agree vpon the association between them∣selues, then should the League be ioyntly treated of with them both; but if otherwise, then apart with either seuerally.

Thus these things were debated on;* 2.6 yet without any suc∣cesse. For the Scots which were of the English faction, alto∣gether reiected them, crying out aloud, that certaine Scots sworne enemies to England, by the Councell of the Queene of Scots, were recalled out of France, and that Holt an Eng∣lish Iesuite was secretly sent into Scotland, there to attend a fit opportunitie to inuade England.* 2.7 Then there arose strife betweene Monsieur de La Mottef, and Monsieur de Manin∣guill Ambassadors of France of the one part, and Bowes and Dauison Ambassadors for England on the other side, which of them by insinuating should induce the King to the grea∣ter affectation of their Nation, or purchase the greater num∣ber to their party, vntill at length that with oblique designes they ingenuously became Counsellors either to other. The King himselfe became as it were Mediator, and knowing how to temper things honest with things profitable, with∣out prouing any way deficient either to the Church or the Common-wealth, hee wisely endeuoured rather to calme the raging stormes of these factions then intermeddle with

them. But the Ministers of Scotland, being by a certaine zeale prouoked against the French; vpon the same day that La Mottef was by the Citizens of Edenborough inuited to a Feast, appointed a Fast; and the whole day vvith taunts and mocks, derided and scoffed the King of France, the Duke of Guise and the Ambassadors. And as the Ministers did this o∣penly; so certain of the Scotch Nobilitie, (parties with the English) ceased not to persecute the French Ambassadors secretly in such sort, that first La Mottef retired himselfe, and after him Maninguil; leauing notwithstanding some cer∣taine seeds of discord amongst those who had seaz'd and kept the Kings Person.

* 2.8 As soone as they were departed, the King presented by Colonell Stuart, and I. Coluil, all affection and seruice to the Queene of England, requesting her counsell for the allaying of troubles, and also for the contracting of a mariage. But then those that were keepers or detainers of the Kings per∣son, seeing that the French Ambassadors were departed out of Scotland, began to take courage, which after was increased by the death of the Duke of Lenox: who finding small com∣fort from the French King, that then was intangled with di∣uers intestine troubles, and striuing likewise to please Queene ELIZABETH,* 2.9 departed this life at Paris: and by the testimonies which he gaue on his death-bed, being at the point of death, in the presence of all the assistants, hee de∣clared himselfe to be truely of the Protestants Religion, con∣futing and conuicting the malice of those that had falsely ac∣cused him to be a Papist.

This the death of Lenox, much secured those that detai∣ned the King, who reioyced for the still retaining of him in their power: whereupon they began to exult. But see, they little suspecting any such matter, the King, although he had scarce yet attained to the age of eighteene yeares, disdaining to submit himselfe any longer to the rule and gouernment of three Earles, being an absolute King of himselfe: as he be∣fore-times

had giuen way to the time; so now finding a time opportune to his purpose, he set himself at liberty,* 2.10 and with a few selected men retired himselfe to the Castle of Saint Andrewes, taking occasion by a rumour that was spread, that the Nobilitie disagreeing amongst themselues, had brought with them seuerall troopes of Souldiers into that part of the Country, there to hold an assembly which hee appointed, fearing lest he amongst these tumultuous iarres should be exposed to some vnexpected danger. And to that effect he dispatcht Letters to Queene ELIZABETH, where∣in hee promised to entertaine a constant league of amitie with her, and to embrace her counsell in the establishment of his affaires; excusing himselfe that these things fell out so suddenly, and vnawares to him, that it was not possible for him to giue her notice thereof sooner. Afterwards,* 2.11 vsing gentler speeches, and milde perswasions, shewing an affable countenance to those that were his guardians, he admonish∣ed them, for the better shunning of turmoyles, to retire from the Court, promising to them his gracious fauour and par∣don, if so be they would intreat it. Of these Gowry onely as∣ked pardon, and submitted himselfe, vsing this small distin∣ction, That he had offended not in matter, but in forme.* 2.12 After this, he call'd backe the Earle of Arran to the Court, accept∣ing him for one of his fauourites, much labouring to esta∣blish the hearts of his Nobilitie in a mutuall peace and ami∣tie, and to purge both the kingdome and the Court from in∣testine iarres and discord.

Whilst he was thus busied continually in these matters,* 2.13 there ariued at his Court Sir Francis Walsingham, sent from the Queene of England, out of her earnest loue & great care that she alwaies had of him, lest by ill counsels, being of a flexible age, he should bee diuerted from the amity of Eng∣land, which would bee to the preiudice of both the King∣domes. Walsingham at his ariuall found the King accom∣panied with the chiefe and flower of his Nobility, and the

affaires of Scotland better setled then hee expected. Being receiued & admitted, after much discourse he rehearst those admonitiōs takē out of Isocrates which the Queen before in her letters had instructed him with: That he which commands ought so to cherish truth, as to giue more credit to its simple af∣firmation then to the oaths of others: That he should take heed of euill counsellours, remaining still constant & alway like him∣selfe.* 2.14 The King made this free and hearty reply: That what he writ more then his thoughts meaning, was against his will, much refusing, yet inforced by the compulsion of others, that he being a free Prince, ought not to bee reduced to such streights that others should force counsellors vpon him, whom hee altoge∣ther misliked: That he had done nothing but for his owne honour and safeguard: That the pledge of his loue, which he before had vowed to his indeared Sister the Queene of England, hee now freely and deseruedly offered; and that now hee could produce more fairer fruits of amitie, being obeyed of all his Nobilitie then before when he himselfe was made obedient to one and to another, and rul'd as it were rather by intreating, then by power or commandement.

* 2.15 After this, Walsingham requested the King not to impute to Queene ELIZABETH any thing that had happened in Scotland, shewing him how good & profitable their friend∣ship had hitherto been, and how expedient both for him∣selfe as also for either Kingdome, if so bee shee suffered no neglect, but were firmely assured; and if the differences and contentions which happened amongst the Nobility of Scot∣land were but for a certaine Amnestia abolished by the au∣thority of the Parliament: that those that were remoued from the Court should bee taken into grace: that Religion should be conserued entire in it selfe; and a firme league esta∣blished betwixt the two Kingdomes. Neither was Walsing∣ham any way defectiue in the distribution of his money a∣mongst the Kings Officers and Attendants, that by their meanes hee might effect these things. The King thus mo∣destly

replyed: That he willingly embraced the friendship of England, and would not be wanting in any obseruance towards the Queene; but most constantly defend the Religion receiued.* 2.16

With this answer he graciously discharged Walsingham, notwithstanding he suspected him to be transported both a∣gainst himselfe, and his mother, and with an intentiue pro∣uidence, beyond the expectation of his yeares,* 2.17 hee managed his affaires, and proposed to the great praise of his clemen∣cie, letters of grace to all those that had seized his person, if they within a time prefixt would come and intreat par∣don. But so farre they were from asking it, that they priuat∣ly tooke counsell together, and complotted how they might haue him againe vnder their power; which was the cause that he presently commanded them within a certaine time to leaue the Kingdome:* 2.18 whereupon some retired them to one part, and some to another; that is to say, Marre, Glan, Boide, Zester-wemi, and Loch-leuin into Flanders; Dunfer∣melin into France, and Angus was confined to Angus with∣in certaine prescribed limits. Onely Gowry hatching in his braines new stratagems, remained in the Realme beyond the prefixed day; but to his owne confusion, as hereafter shall be recited.

Thus those that before had driuen the Duke of Lenox out of Scotland,* 2.19 were within the reuolution of the same yeare themselues expulst the Land. And the King to whom Le∣nox in his life time was much indeared, and beloued, after his death cherishing the memory of his goodnesse, he reestabli∣shed, and vnclouded his reputation, by suppressing certaine defamatory bookes, which some malignant persons had dis∣persed to eclipse his worth and vertues; he likewise recalled his children out of France; confirmes his sonne Lodowicke in his fathers honors; and his daughters after they were growne to ripe yeares, he preferred them in mariage; one with the Lord Marquesse of Huntley; the other, with the Earle of Marre. And that he might shew himselfe a King by

exercising in due time his authoritie, whereas those of the conspiracie had declared in a publike assembly, instituted by their authoritie, that the arrest & detaining of his person was iustly & lawfully performed, and therupon enrolled the said Declaration amongst the publike Registers: the King on the contrary,* 2.20 in a generall assembly of the Nobilitie and States, declared that it was traiterously done. Notwithstanding, the Ministers, as the supreme Iudges of the Realme, pro∣nounced in a Synode conuocated by their authoritie, that it was most iust, and did hold it fit that those which would not approue thereof, should vndergoe the censure of Ex∣communication.

* 2.21 In those dayes the warres betwixt the Emperor of Mus∣couia, and the King of Swethland vnder the Artique Circle, must not be left to obliuion. Iohn King of Swethland percei∣uing his powers farre too weake to resist so great an Empe∣ror, sent in Noble Embassie towards Queen ELIZABETH, H. of Wissembourg his neere kinsman, and A. Rich his Secre∣tarie, by Letters to request her Maieesty to intercede by Am∣bassage to the Emperour for the conclusion of a peace be∣tweene them.* 2.22 Which she presently vndertooke, and with∣out delay performed so well, that with reasonable conditi∣ons she induc'd the Muscouit to a composition of peace: who forthwith treated with her concerning the alliance, of which I haue often made mention, and that hee might bee allow'd refuge and a retreat into England, if any disastrous aduersity should fall vpon him: likewise he desired a Wife should be giuen him out of England. But Sir Hierome Bowes, Knight, being sent Embassadour, found it a difficult matter to con∣tent the Emperour. For the Muscouite most importunately laboured for an absolute league in such tearmes as hee him∣selfe should set downe;* 2.23 neither would hee giue any hearing to any remonstrances which hee propos'd, that it was not the duty of a Christian, neither would the Law of Nations permit, that hostile enmities should bee denounced, and

practised; or open warres begunne, before the party from whom the wrong proceeded, were admonished to repaire the iniury, and desist from it.

The Queene appointed the Sister of the Earle of Hun∣tington to be giuen as a Wife to him. But when shee was certified, that the Lawes of his Countrey would per∣mit him at his own pleasure to repudiate and put away his wiues; Shee excused the matter by the sicklinesse of the maid, and by the loue of her father, that was not able to beare the absence of his Daughter in a Country so farre distant. And also that it was not in her power to dispose of in mariage, the daughters of any of her subiects, with∣out their parents consents. Neuerthelesse, the Ambassa∣dor so farre preuailed, that the establishing of the Mer∣chants priuiledge, was granted.* 2.24 But death taking away the Emperour, the yeare following, the affaires of the English beganne by little and little to returne towards Russia, and the Ambassador returning, not without much danger of his life, was with much commendation kind∣ly receiued of the Queene. Hee was the first that brought into England, where the like was neuer seene (if an Histori∣an may with good leaue make mention of so small a thing) a beast called Maclis, which is a creature likest to an Alçe,* 2.25 very swift, and without ioynts. And moreouer, certain Deere of wonderfull swiftnesse, which being yoakt and driuen, will with much speed draw men vp and downe in Chariots like horses.

But to returne againe to the affaires of Muscouia,* 2.26 Theodore Iohannide, sonne to Iohn Basil, succeeded in this great Em∣pire; a Prince by nature of a slow capacity, yet he knew well how to follow the aduice of his best Counsellors. Hee gaue free passage to all Merchants of all Countries into Russia; and being oftentimes sollicited by the Queene of England to confirm the priuiledges granted by his father to the Mus∣couian Company of English Merchants, importing thus,

that it might not be lawfull but to the English of the said so∣ciety, to land vpon the North coasts of Russia, and there to exercise their traffique, without paying of any tribute or cu∣stome, because they were the first by sea that found a way to those parts. Hee againe requested that all the English in ge∣nerall might be suffered to traffique in Russia, esteeming it iniustice to giue leaue to some, and forbid others, saying, that Princes should beare an equall hand amongst their sub∣iects, & not conuert into a Monopoly, or the particular pro∣fit of some few men that commerce by which the right of Nations ought to be common to all. And as for the custom hee promised to take by the halfe lesse of them of that so∣cietie, then of others. Other priuiledges hee added in fa∣uour of the Queene, and not for the desert (as hee said) of that society, of which, some he hath obserued that haue euil∣ly dealt with his subiects. Other answer could the Queene by no meanes procure, or obtaine; albeit shee afterwards sent about the same affaires Egide Fletcher Doctor of the Law, who set forth a booke called, The policy or tyrannie of the Russian, wherein were contained many things worthy observation, but it was presently supprest, lest it should breed offence to a princely friend.

* 2.27 The same Summer came from Poland, neighbouring vpon Russia, into England, to visit the Queene, one Albret Alasco, Count Palatine of Sirad, a man most learn'd, of comly stature and lineaments, wearing his Beard long, richly cloathed, and of gracefull behauiour: the Queene with much bounty and loue receiued him; the Nobles with great honour and mag∣nificence entertained him; and the Vniuersitie of Oxford with learned recreations, and diuers pastimes delighted him; but after a while finding himselfe ouercharged vvith debt,* 2.28 he priuily stole away.

In this yeare also was seene in Dorset-shire a thing no lesse prodigious, then that which was seene in the yeare 1571 in Herefordshire. A field of three Acres situated in

Blackmore, both with trees and hedges was remoued out of its owne place into another, leauing in its stead a huge vaste gappe, but the high-way leading to Cerne shut vp; whether this was by some subterranean earthquake, such wherewith (as Seneca reporteth) the heads of the gods in the bed of Iupiter were turned into the contrary parts: or out of too much moistnesse, caused by the springs abundantly flowing in those parts, the field being situate in the side of a Hill, let others make enquirie.

This was the last yeare to Thomas Ratcliffe,* 2.29 being of that Family the third Earle of Sussex, a man of haughty courage, exquisit counsell, of a singular faith towards his Countrie, and of an illustrious Progeny. He had to his Mother the Daughter of the Duke of Norfolke; for his Grandmother, the daughter to the Duke of Buckingham, Constable of England. Himselfe also had past through many great hono∣rable imploiments. As being sent Ambassador by Queene MARIE into Germany to the Emperor Charles the fifth, to contract a mariage betweene her and Philip. Then againe into Spaine to the said Philip, there to cause him to ratifie the conuented Articles. Also for Queene ELIZABETH he went Ambassador to the Emperour Maximilian, there likewise to contract a match betweene her and Charles Duke of Austria. Hee was Lord Deputy of Ireland, Gouer∣nor of the Northerne Prouinces of England; also the Queenes Chamberlaine, chiefe Iustice in Eire of all her Ma∣iesties Forests, Parkes and Chases beyond the Riuer Trent; famous for the victories hee had obtained against the He∣brides and Scots that made spoile of the frontiers. Dyed at London, after he had been afflicted with a long disease, lea∣uing no issue behinde him; albeit hee had had two wiues, the Lady Elizabeth Wriothesly, and the Lady Francis Sid∣ney; and his brother Henry succeeded him in the Earle∣dome.

Henry Wriothesly likewise, Earle of Southampton, paid

like tribute vnto death, a man much deuoted to the Ro∣man Religion,* 2.30 and to the Queene of Scots, which hee bought with the anger of his Queene, and restraint or li∣bertie. He was sonne to Tho: Wriothesly (who for his tryed vertues by Henry the 8, from the dignitie of Baron of Wrio∣thesly of Tichfield, and Knight of the Order of the Garter, was aduanced to that soueraigne greatnesse of being Chan∣celor of England, and appointed him one of the supervisors of his last Will. And by Edward the 6, he was graced with the style of Earle of Southampton.) Hee left by his Wife, Daughter of Anthony Browne, Viscount Mountague, Henry his sonne that succeeded him, and a Daughter maried to Thomas Lord Arundel, Baron of Wardour.

* 2.31 About the same time Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight, a man acute and deliberate, esteemed industrious both in Peace and Warre, was by the raging Ocean depriued of life, returning from the North parts of America, which we call New-found-Land: whither he a little before, hauing sold his patrimonie, made a voyage in hope to build there a Colo∣nie. And there by the sound of a Trumpet proclaimed the Countrey to be vnder the English regency.* 2.32 (For Sebastian Cabot in the yeare 1497, vnder the Reigne of Henry the 7, made the first discouery therof.) And then diuided the Land seuerally to his companions. But he was taught (too late) by the deuouring seas, and default of meanes, which forc'd him to breake off his designes, teaching others also by his exam∣ple, that it is a matter of greater difficulty, by the expences of a priuate man to plant a Colony in farre distant Coun∣tries; then he and others, blind in their owne errors, haue to their vtter ouerthrow perswaded themselues.

* 2.33 Vpon the same instant, Edmund Grindal Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of England, being blind, and aged aboue sixty yeares breathed his last. Who at his returne from exile, which hee endured vnder the Reigne of Queene MARY, was first inuested Bishop of London, then

Archbishop of Yorke, and finally of Canterbury, liuing much honoured with the fauour of Queene ELIZABETH, vntill by the foule deceits and treacheries of his enemies hee was suspected to be a fauourer of the Conuenticles of those tur∣bulent Ministers, and such as were called Prophets. But the reason was indeed, because hee condemned as vnlawfull the mariage of Iulius an Italian Physician, with another mans wife, which much distasted the Earle of Leicester.* 2.34 Such small meanes as he had gathered, he bestowed in the found∣ing of a Schoole at Saint Bee in Cumberland, where hee was borne, and to the aduancement of Learning on both the V∣niuersities.

The English besides is bound to him for the bringing in of Tamariske, or Tamarin into England: for hauing found by experience that it was a soueraigne remedie against the great and indurate passion of the Spleene, hee was the first that caused it to be planted there.

Iohn Whitgift was his successor,* 2.35 being aduanced from the Sea of Worcester, to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury, a man of singular goodnesse and learning. He obtained much commendation for his Iustice in the precedencie of Wales, and likewise for his great doctrine in the defence of the Ec∣clesiasticall policy, which by his worth, wisedome and pati∣ence, he dayly increased. The Queene, (who held for a max∣ime, that she ought not to be more remisse in Ecclesiasticall affaires then in politick) aboue all cōmanded him to re-esta∣blish the discipline of the Church of England, that as then lay dismembred by the conniuency of Prelates, the obstina∣cie of innouators, and by the power of some great ones, whilst some Ministers couertly impugned the authoritie of the Queene in things Ecclesiasticall, separating the admini∣stration of the Sacrament from the preaching of the Word; vsing to their owne fantasie new rites of seruices in their priuate houses, vtterly condemning the Lethargie, and the appointed manner of adminishing the Sacrament, as being

in many things contrarie to the holy Scripture; and there∣fore many refused to goe to Church, but openly became Schismaticks: the Papists all this while applauding them, and drawing many to their party, as though there had been no vnity in the Church of England. To abolish which things, and to reduce them to an vnitie: Hee propoun∣ded these Articles to the Ministers, by them to bee sub∣scribed.

* 2.36 FIrst, That the Queene had Soueraigne power o∣uer all those that were borne within her Domini∣ons, of what conditions so euer they were; and that no other Stranger, Prince, or Prelate, ought to haue any power, either Ciuill, or Ecclesiasticall, within her Maiesties Realmes. Secondly, that the Booke of Common Prayers, and that of the ordination of Bi∣shops and Priests, contained not any thing contrarie to the Word of God, but might be lawfully vsed; and that they should vse that and no other forme of Prayer or administring of the Sacraments. Thirdly, That they should approue and allow of the Articles of the Synode holden at London, the yeare 1562, published by royall Authoritie, and should hold them as confor∣mable to the Word of God.

But it is incredible what Controuersies and Disputa∣tions arose vpon this: what hatred and reproach hee en∣dured of the factious Ministers: what troubles and iniu∣ries hee suffered of certaine Noblemen; who by placing men vnfit in the Church increased their estate, or else had hopes vpon the goods of the Church. But by his con∣stancie, and patience, he ouercame all difficulties, vsing for his Motto this, which he chose not rashly:

Vincit qui patitur.

Neither was the Church onely tossed and turmoiled by those people within the Realme: but by others, who had left the Kingdome; as by R. Browne, a Cambridge Diuine, of whom the new Sectaries were called Brownists:* 2.37 and by R. Harison, Master of an inferiour Schoole. For these men presuming to iudge of Religion, according to their owne imaginations; by certaine books which they set forth at that time in the Countrey of Zealand, and dispersed through many places in England, vtterly condemned the Church of England as no Church. Which bookes, not∣withstanding, were prohibited by Royall Authoritie, and strongly confuted by many learned men, and two of the same sect also put to death at Saint Edmundsbury; yet ma∣ny were intangled in the snares of this new Schisme.

On the other side, there were certaine bookes, dispersed by certaine Papists against the Queene and other Princes, as excommunicate, which caused diuers admirers of the Papall power to reuolt from her Maiestie. Amongst others Somer∣uille was so farre incensed by it, that without acquainting any, he took his way one day towards the Court, breathing forth threats against the blood of Protestants, furiously set vpon two with his naked sword. And being apprehended, he protested he would kill the Queene with his own hands: Whereupon being brought to iudgement, and condemned, he accused E. Ardern his father-in-law, a man of ancient nobilitie of Warwicke, with his wife and their daughter So∣meruille, with Halle a Priest, as complices in the fact.* 2.38 Three dayes after, Someruille was found strangled in the prison; Ardern being condemned was the day following hanged and quartered: as for the women and the Priest, they were pardoned. Euery one imputed the bad euent of this Gentle∣man (who indeed was allured by the deceits of the Priest, and condemned by his owne confession) to the malice of Lei∣cester, which he had incurred by rashly opposing him in all things he could, misterming him as an adulterate; and con∣temning

him, as a man newly sprung vp of nothing.

* 2.39 These things were thus caried at home. But it hapned a∣broad about the last moneth of this yeare, that the English which were in Garison in (Alost) a towne in the Nether∣lands, perceiuing they were neglected, wanting of their pay; and being vnfurnished of victuals, they were brought into such streights, that Pigot their chiefe Commander with the rest of the Captaines betrayed the town, and induced by the promise of certaine summes, they deliuered it ouer into the hands of the Spaniard;* 2.40 and therefore fearing to bee dis∣grac'd by their own party, they ioyned themselues vvith the Duke of Parma; from whom likewise by little and little they fell off, after they found his faith failing in euery point. But an vnfortunate end betyded to euery one of those that were authors of this treachery. For Pigot retiring into Spaine in hope of a recompence, was there by them both mocked and derided: so returning into the Low-Countries, was by his Country-men apprehended, and sent into England, where he miserably dyed in prison. Datton from a Traitor turned Pyrat,* 2.41 and was hanged in England: Vincent likewise in Bra∣bant. Taylor was strooke through the body by the Earle of Westmerland. And Walsh after hee had beene oppressed and beaten with infinite miseries, was murdered in France. Thus God the reuenger of all Traitors, followeth Treason at the heeles. As Ireland the same yeere by many notable exam∣ples could witnesse:

For that famous Rebell, and Traitor to his Country, Ge∣rard Fitz-Gerard, or Geraldide, the eleuenth of that Family, Earle of Desmond; after that his men (who had miserably vowed sooner to renounce God then forsake him) were consumed by sword and famine; hee fled into certaine vn∣frequented Caues where he liued; frustrating (almost by the space of two whole yeares) the hope of the English that sought to apprehend him: at length hee was discouered by a common souldier, who not knowing him, had almost cut

off one of his armes: whereupon he disclosed himselfe, and was, after hee had receiued many wounds vpon his bodie, slaine; his head was sent into England, and there placed on a pole vpon London Bridge.

The like vnfortunate end hapned to a man of great power in Ireland, extracted of the line of Maurice sonne to Gerald of Windsor, an Englishman, a warrior most famous amongst the chiefe that brought Ireland into subiection, in the yeare 1570, possessing great Lordships, euen whole Prouinces, with Kerria which is a County Palatine, and diuers Castles, hauing vnder his command many land-holders; besides 500 Gentlemen at the least of his owne kindred and name. Of all that, & more, of his life also, he was depriued, leauing only some few of his family behinde him: this his owne and his friends ruine, he himselfe procured, by violating his faith, which he ought to his Queene by the perswasion of certain Priests.* 2.42 Amongst which one Sanders an Englishman was the principall, who dyed for hunger almost in the same instant, being left of all friends, and distracted from his senses by reason of the crosse successe of the Rebels, contrarie to his expectation, wandring through Woods, Groues and Moun∣taines, finding no succour or reliefe. After his death were found in his pocket sundry Orations and Letters written to confirme and harten the Rebels: stuffed with large pro∣mises of the Pope and Spaniard. Thus the diuine Iustice of God (if it were lawfull to iudge) closed vp his mouth with hunger, which was alwayes open to stirre vp and moue rebellions, and to vomit forth slanders and lyes. For he was the first (to passe ouer other things) that raised and dis∣persed that horrible slander of the birth of Queene ELI∣ZABETHS mother; which thing was not to any of those times knowne, onely the hate of the Papists beganne to manifest it selfe against her; neither was it heard of in Eng∣land for the space of forty yeares after, but the circumstance of time, doth plainely conuict him of falshood an vanitie,

and himselfe also not agreeing with his owne sayings (as it behooueth a lyer) doth argue the same. Yet there bee some distempered spirits that blush not to stain their Papers with this most impudent lye and slander.

Iacob Fitz-Eustace.

* 2.43 That is to say the sonne of Eustace, Viscount of Baltinglas, a man of great esteeme amongst the Nobility of Ireland; be∣ing terrified with the tragicall successes of these men, tooke his flight into Spaine; where after a long and languishing griefe he yeelded vp his Ghost. Hauing before through the zeale which he bore to the Roman Religion taken vp armes with the Rebels against his Princesse; and in a kinde of ob∣scure breuity, writ to the Earle of Ormond his neighbour de∣cended from Saint Thomas of Canterbury, inciting him to do the like, in his exhortation amongst other hee vs'd these words. If Saint Thomas of Canterbury had not suffered death for the Romane Church, you had neuer beene Earle of Ormond. For Henry the second to expiate the murder of S. Thomas be∣stowed large possessions vpon his Ancestors.

* 2.44 Sir Iohn Perot,

Knight, who to his great praise had beene Gouer∣nour of Mounster; being this yeare created Vice-Roy, or otherwise Deputy of Ireland, and presently after receiued the sword of Iustice; he assembled the States of the Land to the holding of a Parliament, in which certaine Lawes were enacted; that the Earle of Desmond which was slaine a space before should be condemned of Laesae Maiestatis, and all the possessions as wel of him and others of the Rebels in Moun∣ster confiscate. Which the Queene set to sale at a very low and small price; that she might inuite labourers & husband∣men to them, lest such fertile grounds should bee vntilled, and altogether waste (for the rebellion had spoiled and deua∣sted the same.) But some of those that had Commission for

the enquiry and searching out of the possessions of the Re∣bels, and others that were to prize and set the same to hyre,* 2.45 began to expell and chase from their possessions with such violence those who were true subiects, that the Queen was constrained to represse them by an Edict, lest the violent a∣uarice of some particular men might kindle and inflame a new rebellion▪ In which the Vice-Roy tooke much laudable paines; although by the English he was accused and blamed, for being too indulgent and fauorable to the Irish, and too too rough to them. But he equally distributing iustice to ei∣ther part by fauouring as well the Irish, as the English, brought the Prouince into a most desired tranquilitie, and with a milde and gentle command subiected to the obedi∣ence of the Lawes, the most barbarous inhabitants of the same: holding the Scotchmen of Hebrides,* 2.46 that from their Ilands did breake into Ireland, to a hard taske. And inforc'd Donel Gormi (that is to say blue) with his brother Mac-Conel, who had possest thēselues of the little Country of Glinnes, and Surley-boy, (that is to say, Red) their Vncle, that had in∣uaded the Countrey of Rout, neighbouring and adioyning to the Iland Richnee, now called Raclis, to such a point, that after many of their kindred were ouercome and slaine by the valorous exploits of Captaine Meriman, they receiued the oath of allegeance to the Queene, accepting from her Maiesty certaine Lands in that corner, vnder conditions that they should serue the Kings of England onely in their warres, and not any other whatsoeuer without their permis∣sion: that they should furnish forth vpon any expedition a sufficient number of horse and foot; and that a certaine number of Beeues and Hawkes should euery yeare be truely paid. Thus much for what hath past in Ireland.

* 2.47 THE SEVEN AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXIV.

* 2.48 DIVERS Scots that had compacted with Gowry, who now againe was plotting of new stratagems to get the King of Scots into his power, se∣cretly returned from Ireland into Scotland vpon the entrie of the Spring. There they protested openly, that their intent was onely for the ho∣nour of God, the truth of Religion, and to secure the King, the Realme, and the League with England, against those that with wicked deuices would seduce the King, not being as yet of sufficient age. The King hauing notice of these things, hee forthwith commanded Colonell Stuart to apprehend, before all, Gowry the chiefe Architect of the conspiracy, who presently retired himself to a Port called Dundey, as though he would haue departed the Kingdome, where he knowing

himselfe guilty, despising the Kings authoritie, obstinately withstood them, and defended himselfe in his lodging: but after two houres, he was apprehended, and led to prison.* 2.49

In the meane while the Conspirators surprising the town of Sterlin, they constrained the Castle to yeeld. But vnder∣standing that the King was marching towards them in per∣son with an armie; and finding themselues but weakely ac∣companied, in respect of the number, vvhich Gowry had promised them; also in vaine attending succours out of En∣gland, they forsooke their hold. And as euery one being full of feare, sought to shift for himselfe: the Earles of Marre,* 2.50 Glan, and Angus holding together, vvith others took their flight through many by-wayes into England: humbly re∣questing the Queene to releeue them in their afflictions, and bee an intercessor for them to their King,* 2.51 seeing that they vvere depriued both of their fortunes, and the Kings fauour, by endeuouring for the good of her and her Kingdome. The King on the contrary accused them to the Queene of many hainous things, demanding according to the league of alli∣ance betweene them, that they might bee deliuered into his hands. But there were some about the Court that perswa∣ded the Queene that they were men most obedient to their King, and most desirous of his welfare;* 2.52 that hauing him vn∣der their custody and power, yet neuer attempted any thing against his state or person; and that law which was vsually expressed in leagues concerning the deliuerie and restoring backe of Rebels, was long since abolished and out of vse a∣mongst Princes. These men also endeuoured to perswade the King of Scots that he should deale more mildly and gen∣tly with men of such and so great ranke, and not to driue them (as it were headlong) through despaire to more bad designes. Remonstrating to him, that terrour and violence vvere but feeble and vnhappy props of power, alledging to that end two tragicall examples drawne out of the Scottish History, attributing great praises to his mother, & Francis

her husband, that at the first rising of the French ciuill war, past ouer the iniuries and offences of the Nobility without regard.

* 2.53 Walsingham, that studiously fauoured the fugitiues, by let∣ters commanded that they should bee receiued into the Island called the holy Iland; but Hunsdon (who shewed him∣selfe a greater friend to the King of Scots then any other) opposed it, because the iurisdiction of the place appertained to him, as gouernor of the East frontiers, hee thought it al∣together vnfit, that any entrance should be permitted to the Scots in a place of strength, neither would he obey the let∣ters of the Secretary without expresse command from the Queene.* 2.54 From hence arose a controuersie, whether a Se∣cretary could by his authority direct or execute the affaires of his Prince, without receiuing speciall command from him, and without the counsell of the gouernor of the place: What was determined thereupon is not manifest, but the Scots were not admitted into the Isle. Neuerthelesse it was esteemed expedient, that they should be in some sort fauo∣red, to oppose the contrary faction which arose in Scotland, which was that the Ministers had spred & rumored abroad, that the King was about to forsake his religion, but they could not produce or alledge any argument probable (al∣though they had framed many, but onely that he was wholy transported with a filiall loue towards his mother, and re∣ceiued as a most indeered to him, those which he knew were affectionate to her.

* 2.55 In the meane space Gowry was brought to iudgment be∣fore the Peeres at Sterlin. And was accused to haue plotted a new conspiracy against the King after he had been confin'd prisoner to his house: Notwithstanding that the King had lifted him vp to great honours, riches, and Commands, and accounted of him as a kinsman. To haue consulted by night which the seruants of Angus for the taking of Perth & Ster∣lin. To haue resisted by force of Armes, the authority roy∣all

at Dundey. To haue concealed the conspiracy which was complotted to ruine the King, and the Queene his mother. And lastly, To haue consulted with the sorceresse Maclene. To all this he pleaded innocency,* 2.56 and an vnspotted faith to∣wards the King. He acknowledged the benefits which hee had receiued. He complained bitterly of the Earle of Arran as his enemie, and one thirsting for blood, saying that hee was apprehended by his cunning policies, being vpon the point of departure out of the Kingdome, and by him was with the hope both of life & grace which he promised him, so farre allur'd and treacherously ouer-reacht that hee con∣fessed all that was obiected to him: and therefore those things ought not in right and equity, or any consequence, be brought against him, being by treachery and deceit extor∣ted from him. As for the resistance which he made hee ex∣cused, because he perswaded himselfe that the letters of pro∣tection, sealed with the Kings great Seale, which hee had with him, were of greater consideration and value, then which the Earle of Arran had written with his owne hand for his apprehending. Hee likewise answered that hee was not so much blame-worthy, in concealing for so short a time the conspiracy against the King and his Queene-mo∣ther, as hee deserued praise at last for disclosing of it. And finally, protesting, that from his heart hee vtterly hated all witches and sorcerers, he openly said, that if there were any at all, hee verily beleeued that they liu'd in the Courts of Princes. The Peeres, after they had according to the cu∣stome sworne, that they had in no waies moued or incited the Kings Aduocate to accuse him, they pronounc't him guilty of Laesae Maiestatis,* 2.57 and in the end his head was cut off, which by his friends was presently taken and stiched to the body, and so buried.

Euen in the same time whilst these Scots enterprised these things against their King, in the seruice (as they pretended) of Queene ELIZABETH, to their owne ruine. Certaine

English likewise to do seruice to the Queene of Scots, began to plot against their own Queene things of no lesse weight, and attended on with the like bad successe. Of which was chiefe Francis Throckmorton eldest son of Iohn Throckmor∣ton Iudge of Chester,* 2.58 but by deuices of Leicester hee was de∣graded, and punished, because that (if I faile not in these law matters) hee had stuffed and corrected in many places a co∣pie of iudiciall transaction taken out of the originall which was corrupted, and did not present it with all faults and de∣fects. This Francis became first suspected by reason of let∣ters which he had written to the Queene of Scots, and were intercepted: and therefore he was clapt into prison, where hee beginning to confesse,* 2.59 Thomas Lord Paget and Charles Arundell a Courtier secretly left their Country, and fled into France, where they with others zealous in the Roman Religion bitterly deplored their misfortune; complaining amongst themselues that by the means of Leicester and Wal∣singham, they had without any desert vtterly lost the fauour of their Queene, that they were vnworthily afflicted with iniuries and opprobries, that many stratagems were deuised against them, and diuers snares laid, to force them against their owne wills and intentions to runne into the crime of Laesae Maiestatis: neither was there any hope of helpe or suc∣cour left for them within the Kingdome. And surely at that time, that they might with more ease sound the mindes of men, there were put in practice many fraudu∣lent deuices; counterfeit letters were suborned, in the name of the Queen of Scots, and the rest of the fugitiues, with their hands fasly thereto subscribed, and these were cast into the houses of the Papists.* 2.60 Spies were likewise sent forth to ga∣ther the dispersed rumors, and captate scattered speeches. Then reporters of tales and falsities were accepted and wel∣comed; and many vvere suspected: but amongst others the Earle of Northumberland, and his sonne; the Earle of Aron∣dell,* 2.61 vvho vvas cōfined to his house, and his vvife vvhich was

giuen in keeping to Shirley; G. Howard brother to the Earle; and H. Howard their Vncle, brother to the Duke of Nor∣folke; who was oftentimes examined about Letters written from the Queene of Scots; Charles Paget, and a certaine fel∣low as then vnknowne called Mopus: and notwithstanding he was wise and innocent, yet he had much to doe to defend and warrant himselfe from their traps. Neither were these artificiall policies, and easie credulities to bee holden or e∣steemed, as things vaine; when the matter lay vpon the safeguard of the Queene. For then the detestable malice of the Papists began to manifest it selfe,* 2.62 publiquely divulging bookes, wherein they exhorted the seruants of the Queene to doe by her as Iudith to her immortall fame dealt with Holofernes. The Author of these bookes could not certain∣ly be discouered; but the suspition lighted vpon one G. Mar∣tine of Oxford, a man well learned in the Greeke and Latine tongues; and one Carter a Booke-binder, because he caused them to be imprinted was put to death.

And forasmuch as by these books the Queens honour was much distained,* 2.63 and she rumoured abroad to bee tyrannous and cruell; She which aboue all things laboured and studied to leaue to the world a happy memory of her goodnesse; She was much moued and incensed against those that had knowledge of the causes which thus prouoked the Papists, as barbarously cruell, and iniurious to her honour. Inso∣much that they found it needfull for them, to excuse them∣selues by divulged writings, importing these protestations of their part.

THat they had alwayes entreated the Priests in a more milder fashion then they deserued, nei∣ther euer vrged any questions to them concer∣ning Religion; but onely of their pernicious machina∣tions against their Prince and Countrey; moued by strong suspitions with probable signes and arguments

thereto. That Campian was neuer so extremely tortu∣red, but that hee was able to walke and subscribe his hand to his confessions. But Brian refusing either to speake or write his name that was author of those my∣sticall writings which were found about him, was kept from all food, vntill by writing he demanded it.

But this yeelding no sufficient satisfaction to the Queene, she commanded the Commissaries that were appointed for criminall proceedings, that is to say, the examiners, to ab∣staine from tormenting, and the Iudges from punishing. And a short while after, those seuentie Priests, whereof some were condemned to be put to death, and all of them had in∣currred the censure of the Law, shee caused to bee banished out of England;* 2.64 amongst which, the most eminent were G. Heywood, sonne to that famous Epigrammatist, the first Ie∣suite that entred into England; I. Bosgraue a Iesuite also; I. Hart, of singular learning aboue the rest; and E. Richton that monster of ingratitude, who presently after, vomited vp the poison of his malice against the Queene, to whom hee was indebted for his life, and published it in open writing.

Edward Stafford Ambassador for the Queene in France, diligently obserued,* 2.65 how the Baron of Paget and Arundell were ariued in France: But could not penetrate into their designes. Neuerthelesse he sollicited the King of France to expell as well them as Morgan and other English that vvere confederates and complotters against their Queene and Country. But his answer was:

* 2.66 THat if they did plot or enterprize ought in France, the King according to equitie would chastise them; but whatsoeuer they had done in England, the King would neither enquire after, nor execute the Law vpon them. That all Kingdomes were free, and open to fugitiues, and that euery King should labour to defend the liberties of his Kingdome:

That ELIZABETH her selfe had not long before re∣ceiued into her Realme Montgomerie, the Prince of Conde, and others of the French Nation. And that (at that time) Seguri the King of Nauarre his Am∣bassador, remained in England, plotting new deuices against the King of France.

Whilst these things past on, Bernardin Mendoza Spaines Ambassador in England, secretly past into France, murmuring and raging, as if he, contrarie to the right of Ambassie, had beene forc'd out of England; being indeed a man of violent and turbulent nature, and hauing himselfe abused the holy and sacred rights of Ambassadors, did deserue (according to the opinion of many) after the ancient seueritie, to bee pursued with sword and fire: Hee was commanded to de∣part the Realm, because he had intermixt himselfe amongst those wicked conspiracies, with Throckmorton, and others,* 2.67 that laboured for the bringing in of Strangers into England, and dispossessing of the Queene: for which being gently reproued, he in stead of excusing and purging himselfe by a modest reply, accused the Queene and her Councel about the money which was detained from the Geneuois, for the aide and succours which were sent to the States of the Ne∣therlands, to the Duke of Anjou, and to Antonio King of Portugall, and also for the Pyracies of Drake. But lest the King of Spaine should thinke the rights of Embassie vvere violated by this, and not the offence of Mendoza reuen∣ged, W.* 2.68 Waade one of the Queenes Councell for the expe∣dition of Letters, was dispatched into Spaine, there plainely to demonstrate how mischieuously Mendoza had behaued himselfe in his Ambassage. And to signifie likewise, lest the Queene should be thought by returning of Mendoza, to renounce the ancient friendship between the Kingdomes, that she was ready to performe all Offices of humanitie to∣wards him, if the King in Mendoza's place would send any

other more carefull for the maintaining of friendship pro∣uided that the like might be performed to her Ambassador in Spaine. * 2.69 But the King disdaining to receiue or conferre with Waade, referred him to his Councell. Whereat Waade somewhat incensed, boldly declared, that it had beene an an∣cient custome ouer all, that the Ambassadors should bee ad∣mitted to speake in presence euen of their enemies, and in time of Warre. And that the Emperor Charles the fifth, fa∣ther of the King, gaue admittance to the Herald that de∣nounced warre against him from the King of France, refu∣sing to impart to the Councell the tenour of his Ambassie. Now Idiac Secretarie to the King of Spaine endeuoured himselfe much to come to the knowledge of those mat∣ters, but his Art and policies failing him, hee was fully in∣structed out of France of the whole passage by Mendoza. Whereupon laying aside the quality of a publike person, he familiarly declared to Waade, that to his griefe hee saw ma∣ny men which bent all their studies to breake and seuer with mischieuous deuices the Leagues and amity of Princes and to increase their enmities. That the iniury was done to the King of Spaine himselfe, and not to Ambassadors: first on the person of Dispez, and then of Mendoza. That there was no reason why he should any more accuse Mendoza to the King, that had receiued for his fault (if hee committed any) sufficient punishment, being so ignominiously and dis∣gracefully sent backe. That the Catholique King had dealt iustly in rendering like for like; and as the Queene had dis∣missed Mendoza without hearing, but appointed him to bee heard by her Councell, the King in like manner had ap∣pointed him to the Cardinall Granuellan. To this Waade made answer, that there was a large difference between him∣selfe that had neuer giuen the least distaste to the Catholike King, and Mendoza who had highly & grieuously offended the Queene, hauing insolently, a great space, disdained and refused to come neere her, and committed many things vn∣fitting

and vnworthy an Ambassador. Notwithstanding all this, Waade could not bee admitted but returned into Eng∣land without being heard. All those crimes for the most part which were obiected against Mendoza were taken out of the confession of Throckmorton.

For when Throckmorton saw himselfe at the point of be∣ing apprehended; hee sent vnto Mendoza a little trunke, wherein were contained his secrets; neuerthelesse his other trunkes being diligently searched, there were found two Catalogues; in one of which were contained the names of the Ports which were most appropriate and conuenient for the landing of their troopes; in the other, the names of such Noblemen in England, as did entertaine and imbrace the Roman Religion. Which Catalogues when hee saw produ∣ced, he cryed out aloud, that they were things suborned, and that he neuer saw them before that time; and that they were purposely inserted into his trunke by some that plotted his destruction: and being tortured to force him confesse, hee still persisted: but tortures being applyed the second time, he confessed all that he knew; and being examined touch∣ing the Catalogues to what end they were written, he made this Declaration.

THat a few yeares since taking his iourney to the waters of Spaw,* 2.70 with one Ieney and Engle∣field, they consulted among themselues of the meanes by which England might bee inuaded of the strangers, and the forme of the gouernment changed, and to that end the names of the Ports and Noblemen were set downe in those Catalogues. That Morgan had signified to him by Letters out of France, that the Catholique Princes had already deliberated vpon the inuasion, and by the auspicious succours of the Duke of Guise to set at libertie the Queene of Scots, the Guise wanting nothing but money and some helping hands in

England. That to procure these things C. Paget vn∣der the assumed name of Mopus, was sent into Sussex, where the Guise had determined first to land his troops. That he had communicated the businesse, and shewed the names of the Ports and Noblemen, to Mendoza, who was now perfectly instructed by the rect of the conspiracie. Neither doth he deny that hee had promi∣sed his owne helpe and industry. And had also aduer∣tised Mendoza with what Noblemen being a publique personage, he might conferre with; with whom, he him∣selfe being but a priuate man, could not without dan∣ger hold parley. And with him found the meanes by some of the principall Catholiques, to take vp soul∣diers in the Queenes name, then when the stranger forces should ariue, to bee ioyned with them. These things he freely confessed.

* 2.71 Neuerthelesse being accused publikely in the Court at London, hee precisely denied all, affirming that hee had spo∣ken out of his owne inuention and not the truth, onely to free himselfe from the tortures againe; and openly accused the Queene of cruelty,* 2.72 and those of the Inquest of falshood, framing an euasion for himselfe out of the distance of time which had passed betweene the Commission of the fact, and Iudgement. For in the 13 yeare of Queene ELIZABETH, certaine offences were inserted into the ranke of those of Laesae Maiestatis, for which no man cold be brought to iudg∣ment, if the delinquent were not accused within sixe moneths after hee had offended, and the offence also verified by the oath of two witnesses, or the confession vo∣luntary without constraint by force or violence. That the time was long since expired, therefore hee ought not to bee produced to iudgement. But the Iudges shewed him by am∣ple demonstrations, that the crimes of which hee was accu∣sed were of another quality, and therefore by vertue of an

ancient Law enacted vnder the Reigne of EDWARD the 3, he was found culpable and guilty of Laesae Maiestatis, which doth not admit any limitation either of time and proofe; wherupon the fatall sentence was pronounced against him. But he perswading himselfe of the mercy of the Queene,* 2.73 by writing againe confessed all, in more ample manner then hee had done before, all which, through his inconstancy, com∣ming to the Gibber, he vtterly denyed, but it was all in vaine and to no auaile.

William Waad being returned out of Spaine, was about this time sent to the Queene of Scots, for the holding of a treatie betweene her and Mildmay, which two yeares since was propounded, and broken off, as already hath beene shewed. She protested to him by diuers oaths that she had seriously laboured to effect it:* 2.74 and also deuoted to Queene ELIZABETH, both herselfe and all her best indeauors, pro∣mising vvholly to depend of her, if she vvould vouchsafe to fauor her with such and so great loue and honour: To these she faithfully promised, that if so be this treaty might pro∣ceed, she would make intercession to her sonne, and so effe∣ctually, that he should receiue into his gratious fauor Angus and the rest of the Scottish Nobles, and the Bishops of Rosse and Glasco their agents in France, should not complot or en∣terprize any thing against the Queene or Realme of Eng∣land, and that they should from thenceforth cease from the faction of the English rebels and fugitiues.

Queene ELIZABETH ioyfully receiued these newes, and seeing that the Earles of Angus, Marre, I. Hamilton, & Glam, remained at that time fugitiues in England, shee made vse of profered occasion, and sent Beal, with the Earle of Shrews∣bury to the Queene of Scots, to signifie to her, that if she still persisted in the same opinion which shee had declared to Waad, then Mildmay should presently be with her, to con∣clude for her inlargement. And that they should worke so farre with her, that in the interim she would bee an inter∣cessor

to her sonne the King, for the restoring of the fugi∣tiues, and to perswade him that they had not enterprised a∣ny thing against his Maiesty,* 2.75 but onely against certaine rash Counsellors, that with their wicked and peruerse Coun∣sels would corrupt his goodnesse; And finally, that they should sound her as much as possible they could, concerning the practices of the Guise, to which (being a woman of a prudent vnderstanding) she made this answer.

* 2.76 THat shee desired nothing more then that the treaty might proceed, and earnestly requested the same of the Queene as of her elder sister, to whom she should giue all respect and honour. That shee had not spoken any thing to Waade but vnder certain conditions, and she perswaded herselfe that hee was a man freely honest and iust, and would not speake other∣wise. As for the restoring of the fugitiues, she thought her helpe very behouefull, and would not faile therein, if there would redound or to her, or to her son any pro∣fit or good, and if they would with all humility submit themselues to the King, and yeeld obedience to him: but if not, that the Queene would not assist them, but her sonne, that they might be reduced into order. Fur∣thermore not to dissemble, That she when shee was in a sickly estate, committed herselfe and her sonne, to the faith of their neere kinsman, the Duke of Guise: but as for his vndertakings against the Queene she was al∣together ignorant; neither, if she had full knowledge thereof would she reueale ought, except she might be cer∣tainely secur'd of her liberty, knowing it to be but a smal signe of wisdome to forsake certaine friends for vncer∣taine hopes. She intreated that she being a free Prin∣cesse might not be more cruelly dealt withall, then was Queene ELIZABETH being a subiect and imprisoned by her sister Queene MARIE: or then the King of

France not long before dealt with Nauarre, being his subiect and rebelling against him. Shee desired also, that the treaty might be brought to some end, before any messenger were sent into Scotland about those af∣faires. And forasmuch as the most Christian King had acknowledged her ordinary Ambassador,* 2.77 and Se∣ton whom her sonne sent into France, to be Ambassa∣dors from Princes of equall and the same authority, she requested the Queene giuing her that honour that she would, without any preiudice, cause that association of her and her sonne to be published in Scotland.

These things had a good hearing,* 2.78 but soone by obiections of feares frustrated, which were interposed by those that well knew how to increase hatred betweene incensed wo∣men: but aboue all, by produced papers, which Chreicton a Scottish Iesuit, sayling into Scotland, and being apprehen∣ded by certaine Pyrates did teare in peeces. But these torne Papers being cast ouer-boord, were by a wind (as Chreicton also verified) miraculously blowne into the ship againe; and by Waad with great labour and artificiall skill were collect∣ed and ioyned together, wherein were discouered new counsels and plots of the Pope, Spaniard, and Guise for the inuading of England.

This and the various rumours of imminent dangers that were dispersed abroad, were the causes, that to cut off the way to all wicked designes, and ambushes of sedition, and to prouide for the safety of the Queene, vpon whom both the Realme and Religion depended; by the deuice of Lei∣cester, most men of all estates and conditions through whole England, which were not possest with feare of her, but for her, did binde themselues by a generall loue with their mutuall vowes, subscriptions,* 2.79 and seales in a certaine association to persecute withall their powers euen to the death all such (whatsoeuer they were) as should plot or at∣tempt any thing against her.

The Queene of Scots easily vnderstood, that in this gene∣rall Association her owne ruine was comprehended: there∣fore being wearied with her long continued misery,* 2.80 and fea∣ring yet worse, She made this proposition by Naue her Se∣tary, to the Queene and her Councell.

THat if shee could obtaine her libertie, with an euident testimony of loue and sincere affection of the part of Queene ELIZABETH; Shee would contract and confirme a most straight League of amity with her, and most officiously cherish and affect her aboue all Christian Princes, and blot out of her me∣mory all iniury and offences. She would acknowledge her the true and lawfull Queene of England, and neuer pretend or take vpon her any claime or right to the Crowne during her life, neither would shee euer enter∣prise any thing either directly or indirectly against her; but for euer renounce all interest in the title and Armes of England, which by the command of Francis her husband, and the Popes Buls of deposition, she arrogated vnto her selfe. Yea furthermore, would be included in that association, and defensiue League for the Queenes saueguard, without preiudice to that ancient alliance which hath been betweene France and Scotland. Prouided that nothing be enterprised, du∣ring the life of Queene ELIZABETH, or after her death, to the preiudice of her, her sonne, and their heires in the succession, before it were first declared be∣fore the assembly of the Estates of England. She would for the confirmation of these things, remaine in Eng∣land for a time as a pledge, and if so be she might bee permitted to depart out of England, she would leaue other hostages. Furthermore, she would not alter any thing in Scotland, onely she desired that shee and those of her Family might be suffered to haue the free vse of

their Religion, in her owne house. Shee would forget and forgiue all iniuries, which shee had receiued in Scotland (with this condition) that whatsoeuer had beene raised to her infamy and disgrace, might be abo∣lished. Shee would recommend to the King such Coun∣sellors as she knew to be studious of peace with England. She would reconcile the fugitiue Noblemen, if it were possible for her: if also they would submissiuely ac∣knowledge their fault, and if the Queene of England would promise to assist the King against them, if after their reconciliation they should fall from obedience. As for the mariage of her sonne, shee would doe nothing without the priuitie of the Queene. Shee desired that because she would doe nothing without the counsell and consent of her sonne, he might be ioyned in this treatie for the more solid and firme assurance thereof. Shee doubted not, but the King of France would intercede, and conioyntly oblige his faith with the Princes of Loraine to entertaine and effect the conuentions thereof. Shee entreats for a mature and happy answer, lest any discommoditie or hindrance should fall be∣tweene. And finally; requested that shee might bee al∣lowed a little more liberally in her imprisonment, whereby shee might clearely perceiue the loue of the Queene towards her.

Queene ELIZABETH seemed to take a great delight in these things, as being full of courtesie and honour, and was then almost perswaded to grant her libertie: but there were some in England that with new propositions & apprehensi∣ons of strange doubts, did disswade her. But the matter be∣ing almost knowne all ouer,* 2.81 those Scots of the aduerse faction did labour to trouble and hinder the same, Crying out, that it would be the finall ruine of Queene ELIZA∣BETHS safety if shee were set at liberty, of both the King∣domes,

if she were admitted to the administration of Scot∣land conioyntly with her sonne: and lastly of the true Reli∣gion through Great Britaine, if she were onely permitted to exercise the Roman Religion.

* 2.82 Not contented with this, certaine Ministers in Scotland after they had charged the Queen with slanders and calum∣nies, euen in their Pulpits & common assemblies, they vehe∣mently & bitterly exclaimed against the King and his Coun∣sell: whereupon being commanded to appeare before them, with disdaine and contempt they refused it. As if the Pul∣pits were exempt from the authoritie of Kings, and Eccle∣siasticall persons subiect not to the command of the Prince, but of the Presbytery;* 2.83 contrarie to the Lawes enacted the same yeare by the assembly of the estates, wherein was con∣firmed the Kings authoritie for euer ouer all his subiects, as well Ecclesiasticall, as Lay-men, that is, the King and his Councell to be fit and competent Iudges in all causes; and whosoeuer denyed or refused the same, to be holden guilty Laesae Maiestatis.* 2.84 The assemblies of Ecclesiasticall persons as well generall as speciall (as also those of the Lay-men) wherein they arrogated to themselues an infinite power of calling of an assembly at their owne pleasure, against the Kings consent, in which they would prescribe lawes to the King and Kingdome, were vtterly prohibited and abolished. The popular equalitie of Ministers was abrogate. The au∣thoritie and iurisdiction of Bishops (whose calling the Pres∣byters condemned as Antichristian) was established. And all defamatory writings against the King, the Queene his Mother, and the Councell, were interdicted: And namely the History of Buchanan,* 2.85 and the Dialogue of the right of the Kingdome, as containing many things worthy to bee condemned and extirpate.

Some of the Ministers receiued these things with such impatience, that they streight left their Countrey, and pow∣red out their complaints and griefes throughout al England,

as if the True Religion had now beene chased out of Scot∣land. But Queene ELIZABETH with a deafe eare neglected them, deeming of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as authors of ••ouation; neither would she permit them to preach in England: neuerthelesse she made vse of them to hinder all preiudice and detriment which the Religion in Scotland might receiue. And likewise when the Earle of Arran was with all respect imployed for the conseruation of the amity with England; Shee thought they would opportunely serue to the purpose, that the fugitiue Scots might not be banisht from the assemblies which were instantly to be holden, nor the King diuerted from the friendship of the English.* 2.86 Whereupon a parley was appointed betweene the Earle of Arran and Hunsdon Gouernor of Barwicke. But before it was holden, the fugi∣tiues, and all those which were in the expedition with Ster∣lin, were banished from the Assemblies, which were hastily to be Conuocated. Whom Arran likewise in his Parley which presently followed, charged with many weighty ac∣cusations; and amongst the rest, that they had of new con∣spired the ruine of the King. But he deuoutly promised, not to pretermit any thing which hee thought would content and pleasure Queene ELIZABETH; neither would he doe any thing that might endamage her, so long as he remained in grace and fauour with the King. Notwithstanding these things, the Scottish borderers (by the priuat practices of the Spaniard,* 2.87 who laboured to withhold Queen ELIZABETH from the Flemmish warres) being a moneth after brought into Rhedisdale, performed there all the deeds of hosti∣litie; the bordering English in like manner vvith fire and slaughter reuenged themselues of that iniurie vpon Liddesdall.

Then was sent Ambassador from Scotland Patricke Gray heire of that Family, a complete yong man,* 2.88 that thought himselfe equall, if not exceeding, for the dispatch of greatest affaires. The especiall tenour of his Ambassie was for the

repressing of the incursions on both sides, for the restoring of goods taken by Pyracie, and for the reconciling (accord∣ing to the League) of the Scottish fugitiues, or else remo∣uing of them from the frontiers of Scotland, because they continually inuented new stratagems, with other of their confederacie in Scotland, against the King. And the better to obtaine these demands, and incline the Queenes mind and affection towards the King more fully, hee promised to dis∣couer hidden enterprises that were plotted against the Queene. To the first and second Article she answered as she thought fitting, but as for the sending backe of the fugitiues she thus replyed:

THat she was verily perswaded, that those No∣blemen had not so much as entertained a thought of enterprizing any mischiefe, & that that vprore which so happened in Scotland, procee∣ded not from any euill intent to the King, but of the mutuall discords which dayly arise amongst the Nobi∣litie about the vnder-age of the King, and therefore that belonged to the King to appease, and to tye his subiects to him (by suppressing factions) in one bond of obedience.

Yet that shee might in some sort yeeld satisfaction to the Kings iust Petition, and also receiue intelligence of those secret practices, which hee spoke of, shee commanded the Scottish fugitiues to remoue themselues farther from the limits.* 2.89 But the Queene made shew, that what he had reuea∣led then vnto her, she had knowledge of before. Whereupon arose a suspition amongst many, that the Ambassador had beene hyred by some, to disclose something to the preiudice of the King and his mother, and had oppos'd against the ac∣ceptance of these most iust conditions, which the mother of the King had proposed by her Secretary Naue.

Whereupon the patience of the Queene Mother that had so oftentimes beene deluded, began now to breake out into flames of griefe and indignation,* 2.90 and the desire which shee had to obtaine her libertie, caused her to lay open her eares and minde to all the pernicious counsels of her friends or e∣nemies. And so much the rather, because, she perswaded her selfe, that the generall association was deuised to take her life from her, because likewise she had intelligence, that by the practices, of some shee was to be remoued from the cu∣stodie of the Earle of Shrewsbury (who was a iust man, and one that no wayes fauoured their designe) and deliuered in∣to the hands of new guardians. But to bring this more faire∣ly about, lest the singular fidelitie and trust of the Earle of Shrewsbury might be thought to be suspected, for it was not thought good to offend the reputation of so great a perso∣nage, (albeit it had been diminished with priuate calumnies, by the reproachfull criminations of his importunate wife) certaine suspitions were collected of some designes for her deliuery, through certaine Emblemes which were sent vn∣to her, importing thus. Argus with his many eyes cast into a sleepe by Mercury, sweetly playing vpon his Flute, with this Motto.

Eloquium tot lumina clausit, Vn Beau Discours â ferme aultant de Lumieres.

Mercurius beheading Argus, keeper or watcher of Io: A yong branch set in an old stocke, and bound about with cords, whereabout was written:

Per vincula cresco, Ie crois Par les liens.

A Palme depressed, yet rising againe; with these words;

Ponderibus virtus innata resistit. La vertu qui vient de Naissance resiste à l' oppression.

That Anagram also gaue much distaste;

• ARMATA VERITAS.
• MARIA STEVARTA.

Besides all this, Letters were produced, as though inter∣cepted, wherein the friends of the Queen Prisoner did com∣plaine, that they should be depriued of all hope of libertie, if she were deliuered into the custody of Puritans. Vnder this collected pretext, shee was withdrawne from the Earle of Shrewsbury (which he had often desired) and committed to the custody of Drugon Drurey with others:* 2.91 And that of purpose (as some supposed) that thereby being driuen to despaire, she might be made the readier to entertaine mis∣chieuous counsels, and deuices, and so brought into the Am∣bushes, which were prepared for her. For the Earle of Shrewsbury had beene her guardian for fifteene yeares with such watchfull and warie prouidence, that hee left no place or space for her to enterprise ought against others: nor for others to plot any thing against her.* 2.92 Then shee sollicited with much importunitie the Pope of Rome and the Spa∣niard, by Inglefield, to finish with all mature expedition, what they had begunne,* 2.93 whatsoeuer betided her. And Lei∣cester (who was thought to labour in the peruerting of the lawfull succession) priuately sent murderers (as some re∣port) to dispatch her out of the way. But Drury more re∣specting honesty, and equity, in his heart hated those treche∣rous designes, would not suffer any to haue accesse vnto her. Some priuate messengers neuerthelesse conueyed Letters,

some true, some false vnto her, by which she might be trans∣ported, through the imbecility of her sex, to a pernicious ruine, as shall hereafter be related.

That the loue of Queene ELIZABETH might wholy be diuerted from her, it was whispered in her eares, how that A∣lan for the Ecclesiasticall Catholickes of England; Inglefield for the Lay Catholickes, and the Bishop of Rosse for the Queen of Scots, by common suffrages,* 2.94 and with the consent of the Pope and Spaniard, had decreed to spoile Queene ELIZABETH of her Kingdome; to disinherite the King of Scotland from the same, as manifested Hereticks; to giue the Queene of Scots in mariage to a Catholicke Nobleman of England; and by the English Catholicks to elect him King, which Election should by the Pope bee confirmed, his chil∣dren by the Queene of Scots to bee openly declared legiti∣mate successours to the Crowne of England, and all these things by the faith of one Hart a Priest. Who this Eng∣lishman should be, Walsingham studiously indeauoured to find, but to no purpose: but the suspicion lighted vpon H. Howard brother to the Duke of Norfolke, one of the Nobi∣litie, not maried, a great Papist, and mightily fauoured of the Papists.

This yeare obscurely dyed in miserable exile C. Neuill,* 2.95 that perfidious rebell against his Prince and Country, being the last Earle of Westmerland out of that family, which hath beene so fertile in Nobility, that besides sixe Earles of West∣merland, haue sprung of the same name, two Earles of Salis∣burie and of Warwicke one Earle of Kent,* 2.96 one Marquesse of Montague, one D. of Bedford, one Baron Ferrers of Ousley, diuers Barons of Latimer and Abergauenny, a Queene, fiue Duchesses; omitting Countesses and Baronnesses, with the Archbishop of Yorke, and a copious off-spring of Nobility.

In England none dyed more worthy of memory, then Edmund Plowden,* 2.97 who as in the knowledge of the Lawes of England, of which he well deserued in his writings, he was

aboue others excellent, so in integrity of liuing amongst those of his profession he was second to none.

* 2.98 But in France, Francis Duke d'Alancon left the world, for∣ced by a malady proceeding of the griefe of mind: and in Holland, William Prince of Orange, who with three bullets from a Pistoll was shot through the body.

Queene ELIZABETH much lamented the death of these two, and dispatch into France B. to signifie to the King how greiuously she bore the death of the Duke whom shee had found a deare and faithfull friend; likewise to aduertise him of the afflicted estate of the Netherlands by the losse of the Prince of Orange,* 2.99 and the terrible puissance of the Spaniard, hauing all the Princes of Italy at his deuotion, the Pope most affected to him, the Cardinalls as it were his vassals, and ma∣ny braue and singular men both for peace and warre vnder his pay; that the house of Austria in Germany was farre and wide extended, hauing all other families allyed to it by ma∣riage, at all times at their seruice; that by the late addition of Portugall, and the East India, his wealth and forces were so augmented both by sea and land; that he was become farre more powerfull and redoubted, then euer Charles his father was; and that he would goe neere, if once hee had brought the Netherlands vnder his power, to subiect all the rest of the Princes of Christendome to his greatnesse, vnlesse hee were in time preuented.

THE EIGHT AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne.* 2.100 Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXV.

QVeen ELIZABETH to oblige the King of France in a stricter bond of friendship vn∣to her, hauing the precedent yeare adop∣ted him one of the Order of the Gar∣ter,* 2.101 shee sent Henry Earle of Darby into France with the rites belonging to the same order, there more solemnly to inuest him. With great honor he receiued them, and at euening prayers was inuest therewith: but the English refused to be present at the Masse: and with holy vowes hee promised to obserue the lawes of the Order, in all points wherein they were not opposite to the order of the holy Ghost, and S••. Michael, to which he was before sworne.

At the same time a Court of Parliament was assembled and holden, wherein Will. Parry by birth a Welchman, o•• obscure parentage and meane fortunes, by his stile a Doctor

of the Law, but indued with little learning, a man puffed vp, and haughty in mind, very spruse and neat, was of the inferi∣our house, where hearing a Law demanded against the Ie∣suits, he onely opposed it, declaiming, that the law was cru∣ell, bloudy, and pernicious to the nation: the reasons being demanded of him, he obstinately refused, except it were in the presence of the Councell royall: whereupon hee was committed to custody; but his reasons being heard, and submission made, hee was againe admitted into the Court. Then presently after,* 2.102 hee was accused of priuate conspiracy against the Queenes life, by Edmond Neuill, who layd claime to the inheritance of the Neuills Earles of Westmer∣land, and the title of Baron of Latimer, as being the next heire male.

This Parry (to relate from the depth of the matter) two yeares before, returning from Italy, to insinuate himselfe in∣to the Queenes grace, and obtaine credit with her, he secret∣ly made knowne vnto her, that Morgan and other fugitiues had mischieuously consulted vpon her death; feigning that he had dealt amongst them to no other end, but to discouer intents, and prouide for the Queenes safety. This was the cause that induced her to giue little credit to Neuills accusa∣tion; Neuerthelesse she cōmanded Walsingham to examine Parry, if that he had (to make proofe hereof) treated with a∣ny malecontent or suspected persō. He plainly denied it, nei∣ther (being in other matters of a sharpe apprehension) could he perceiue the euasion which the lenity of the Queene had laid open to him.* 2.103 For had he affirmed that he had dealt with Neuill (only to vndermine him) whom before, he had certi∣fied the Queene to bee a malecontent and suspected person, doubtlesse he had freed himselfe from danger. But mischiefe once conceiued doth dazell the fight of the most acute vn∣derstanding. Neuill wanting witnesses was brought face to face with Parry, who after many sharpe and bitter speeches on both sides, began to giue way, and was com∣mitted

to the Tower of London, where he voluntarily made this confession, which in a few words I will comprise.

IN the yeare (quoth he) 1570 being admitted (after my oath taken) into the number of the Queenes ser∣uants,* 2.104 I remained affectionately deuoted to her Maiesty vntill the yeare 1580, at which time I was with much ignominy brought in question of my life. (For he violently had entred into the Chamber of Hugh Hare to whom he was indebted, & grieuously wounded him, for which by law being condemned, by the Queens gratious pardon he was acquitted) From thenceforth I liued much discontented in minde, but obtaining license, I passed into France, with a re∣solution neuer to returne,* 2.105 because I was much addicted to the Catholique religion. At Paris I reconciled my selfe to the Romane Church: at Venice I had confe∣rence with Benedict Palmy a Iesuit, concerning the afflicted Catholiques in England; and I affirmed that I had bethought of a meanes to ease them, if the Pope, or some other Theologians would instruct and satisfie me whether the deed were lawful or not. Palmy praised my intent as a worke of piety, and recommended me to Campege the Popes Nuncio at Venice,* 2.106 Campege to the Pope. I demanded Letters to goe to Rome vn∣der the publique faith. The Cardinall Comese deliuered Letters to me; but being somewhat too briefe and succinct, I demanded others of more ample con∣tents, which I likewise receiued. But then I returned to Paris; where I incountred Morgan; who gaue mee to vnderstand, that there were some that did expect,* 2.107 that I should vndertake some not able peece of seruice, for God and the Catholique Church. I answered, I was ready at any time euen to kill the greatest subiect in England. And (replyeth he) why not the Queene her selfe? That

(qd. I) may with ease be done: if so be it were manifested to me a deed lawfull:* 2.108 because Wiat a Priest (with whom concealing the persons, I had conference hereof) assured me that it was not. (And Chreicton a Scot disswaded me, teaching mee, that mischiefe should not bee done that good might come of it; that God was bet∣ter pleased with Aduerbs then with Nownes; that a deed be well and lawfully done, then that the deed is good: Neither if I could redeeme many soules by the destruction of one, were I to doe it, without the expresse commandement of God:) Neuerthelesse hauing bound my selfe and my faith by my Letters and promises in Italy, I thought it would be a crime vnpardonable,* 2.109 now to desist, if onely the Pope would by his Letters approue the same, and grant me a plenary Indulgence, which I with Letters request∣ed of the Pope by Rag••son his Nuncio in France, who much applauded my designe. Being returned into Eng∣land,* 2.110 I obtained accesse to the Queene; to whom, in priuate, I vnfolded the whole conspiracie, yet couered ouer with the best Art I could. Shee heard all with∣out any alteration by feare; but I departed with much terrour, neither shall I euer forget what then shee spake; That the Catholikes should not be called in question either about their Religion, or the prima∣cie of the Pope, so long as they were obedient and good subiects. In the meane time as I dayly labou∣red in the Court for the gouernment of Saint Kathe∣rines: I receiued Letters from the Cardinall Co∣mense, wherein I found mine enterprize much com∣mended, and an absolution in the Popes name. This I likewise imparted to the Queen. What effect it wrought with her I know not. But it gaue fresh courage to mee, and remoued all scruple. Neuerthelesse I had no will to offer any violence to the Queene, if she would be per∣swaded

to deale more mildly with the Catholiques. But so often as I was to come into her presence, I laid aside my dagger, lest I should be transported to murder her. And when I considered; her person,* 2.111 and her truely royall vertues, I was distracted with many doubtfull cares: for my vowes were recorded in heauen, my Let∣ters and promises amongst men. These things did I of∣ten tosse ouer in my vnquiet minde; She neuer deserued well of mee, indeed she saued my life, but if in such a cause had shee taken it away, it had beene tyrannie. Thus being discontented with my estate and condition, I left the Court.* 2.112 At last I happened on a booke of Alans against the Iustice of Great Britaine, out of which I was taught, That Princes excommunicate for heresie, might be lawfully depriued both of rule and life: This vehemently incited me to prosecute my purpose.* 2.113 This to Neuil (whom I had inuited to my table) I read o∣uer, six whole moneths before he did accuse me. After this he came home to me. And let vs heare (quoth hee) somewhat, since we can obtaine nothing of the Queen, and so he propounded some things concerning the re∣leasing of the Queene of Scots. But (quoth I) a matter of more weight, and more aduantagious to the Catho∣lique Church, is now hammered in my head. The next day he likewise visited me, and touching the Bible with his hand he did sweare, he would conceale and con∣stantly pursue all whatsoeuer that might bee profitable to the Catholique Religion; I in the same manner took mine oath. So we determined with ten Knights more, to set vpon the Queene as shee rid through the fields, and there to murder her, which thing till now he hath concealed. But receiuing newes of the Earle of West∣merlands death, being transported with the hope of succeeding him; he forthwith, violating his oath,* 2.114 dis∣couered and accused me. This was his confession

in the presence of the Lord of Hunsdon and Fra. Walsingham Priuy Counsellors to the Queene, ac∣knowledging his fault, he craued pardon by his Let∣ters to the Queene, to Burghley the chiefe Treasu∣rer, and to the Earle of Leicester.

* 2.115 A few daies after, being brought to iudgement in the Pa∣lace of Westminster, and the Articles of his accusation being read, he confessed himself guilty. His confession being recor∣ded in the Acts, Iudgment was demanded to be pronounced against him, confessing himselfe guilty. Whereupon Hatton thought it expedient, to satisfy the multitude there present, that the crime might openly bee declared according to his confession; which Parry of his owne accord confirmed, and desired the Iudges that he might reade it himselfe. But the Clerk of the Crowne did read it, with the letters of Cardi∣nall Comese, & those which Parry had writ to the Queene, to Burghley & to Leicester; which he acknowledged for true; yet he denyed that he euer had any absolute determination to kill the Queene. But being commanded to speake if he had any thing to hinder iudgement from being pronounced against him, hee disturbedly answered, as tormented in his conscience for the crime which he had vndertaken, and said, I see plainely that I must dye, because I was not fast and con∣stant in my resolution. Being commanded to speake his mea∣ning more amply. My blood (quoth he) be vpon you. So the sentence of death being pronounced, he began to rage, and summoned the Queene to Iudgement before God.

The fift day after, he was set vpon a Slead, and drawne through the middest of the Citie to Westminster: being at the place of his execution, after he had vaunted how faith∣full a guardian he had beene vnto the Queene, hee said hee neuer had any intention to take her life away. Thus in boasting manner,* 2.116 not in a word committing himselfe to God, he was punisht like a Traytor according to the Law,

in the great Palace yard at Westminster, where the States of the K••ngdome▪ were in great number assembled for the holding of the Parliament.

I•• this Parliament, some,* 2.117 either out of a desire of noua∣tion, or reformation, earnestly persecuted the Ecclesiasticall estat•• (although the Queene had forbidden it) demanding lawes to represse the iurisdiction of Bishops, in that which conce••ned the gift of Faculties, in the Collation of the holy Orders Ecclesiasticall Censures, and the oath they take in their office: proposing a new oath to be taken in the Chan∣••ery, and Kings Bench: that is, they should not counter∣••and the ciuill Law of England.* 2.118 They required that eue∣••y Pastor should be resident in his owne Church; and de∣c••••med that the Church of England was destitute of lear∣ned teachers: when without doubt it could then number vp more learned Diuines, then any former age, or any other reformed Church. But the Queene fauouring aboue all, the Ecclesiasticall moderation, reproued those Noua∣tors, as changing still to worse, and reiected their demands and propositions, as intended to subuert her Prerogatiue, and soueraigne power ouer Ecclesiasticall matters.* 2.119 But as for the Association (which I haue spoken of) it was by the suf∣frages of all confirmed, and established;

THat foure and twenty or more of the Queenes Priuy Councell, or of the Nobilitie, chosen by the Queenes Letters Patents, should make in∣quest after those, that would inuade the Kingdome, in∣cite rebellion, or attempt to offend or offer violence to the Queenes Person, for or by any one whomsoeuer that shall lay claime to the Crowne of England. And that he for whom or by whom any such thing is attempted, shall be altogether vncapable of the Crowne of Eng∣land, and depriued of all right, and pursued to the death by all the Queenes subiects: if by these foure and

twenty Noblemen they shall be iudged culpable of inua∣sion, rebellion, offence, or violence, and so publikely declared.

* 2.120 Lawes also were enacted for the defence of the Queene against the Iesuites and Popish Priests; which did then in∣uent by the Ball of Pius Quintus the Pope, many mischie∣uous and dangerous matters; That is to say:

That they should depart the Realme within fortie dayes. And that those which should after that time come or stay in the Kingdome, should bee holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis: And all such as wittingly or wil∣lingly did receiue or nourish them, should be guilty of Felony.* 2.121 (For so are all capitall Crimes vnder Laesae Maiestatis called:) That those which were brought vp amongst the Seminaries, if they returned not with∣in sixe moneths after the denunciation made, and sub∣mitted themselues to the Queene in the presence of a Bishop, or two Iustices, should be holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis. But of those that submitted, if within ten yeares after they should approach nearer to the Court of the Queene then ten thousand paces, their submission should be void. That those that should any manner of way send money to the Seminary students, should bee lyable to the punishment of Praemunire (that is perpe∣tual exile,* 2.122 with the losse of their goods) if any of the Peeres of the Realme, that is, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Lords, shall transgresse these Lawes, hee shall vndergoe the iudgement of the Peeres. Whoso∣euer shall haue knowledge that any Iesuites, and such as haue any secret abode within the Kingdome, and not make discouery of them within twelue dayes, shall be punished according to the Queenes pleasure, and abide imprisonment. If any one shall be suspected of the num∣ber

of those Iesuites or Priests, and shall not submit him∣selfe to examination, he shall for his contempt be impri∣soned, vntill he shall submit. Whosoeuer shall send his children or others, to the Seminaries and Colledges of the Popish profession, shall be amerced a hundred pounds of English money. All such as shall be sent thither, if they returne not within a yeare, and conforme them∣selues to the Church of England, shall be depriued of all succession, and inioying of goods, in what manner so∣euer they shall fall vnto them. If the Wardens of the Ports shall permit any other but Saylors and Mer∣chants to passe beyond the Seas, without Licence from the Queene, or sixe of her Counsell; they shall bee de∣priued of their offices, and the Masters of such Ships shall bee punished with the losse of their goods, and of their voyage, besides imprisonment for a whole yeare.

The seuerity of these lawes (which were thought for those times no more then needfull) did much terifie the Pa∣pists of England; and amongst others, Phil.* 2.123 Howard Earle of Arundell, the eldest sonne to the Duke of Norfolke, was in such sort affrighted, that he resolued, lest hee should of∣fend against them, to leaue the Kingdome. Three yeares before, he was by the gracious bounty of the Queene reesta∣blished in the Rights and Honours of his father. But a short while after, being secretly accused by some of the Nobility, and men of power, he was depriued of her fauour; so being priuately deuoted to the Roman Religion, hee embraced an austere course of liuing. This was the reason that hee was twice called before the Priuy Counsell, and notwith∣standing that he iustified himselfe against all obiections, yet was he commanded to confine himselfe within his owne house. Six moneths after, or thereabouts, being established in his right, he entred in to the assembled Parliament; but the first day before the speech vvas ended, hee vvithdrew

himselfe. The Parliament ended, he being as it were certain of his escape;* 2.124 hee writ Letters to the Queene (which hee commanded should be deliuered after his departure) where∣in was contained a long and sorrowfull complaint

OF the malice of his aduersaries, to which hee was forced of necessitie to giue way, because they began to triumph ouer his innocency. A remonstration of the vnfortunate deaths of his An∣cestors. First of his great Grandfather, who was con∣demned without answering for himselfe, then of his Grandfather, who lost his head for matters of small moment; and lastly of his father, who was circumuented by his enemies; but neuer transported with hate to his Queene or Countrey. And a Declaration, that lest he should proue an heire to his fathers infelicitie, that hee might more freely apply himselfe to the seruice of God, and prouide for his soules health, hee had left his countrey, but not his dutifull allegeance to the Queene.

* 2.125 Before these Letters were deliuered, he went into Sussex, where being about to imbarke himselfe, by the treacherie of his men, and discouerie of the Pilot, hee vvas apprehen∣ded, and committed to the Tower of London.

* 2.126 In the Tower at that time remained prisoner Henry Per∣cy, Earle of Northumberland (brother to Thomas that lost his head at Yorke) a man full of a quicke vvit, and haughty courage, suspected, priuately to haue consulted with Throck∣morton, the Lord Paget, and the Guise, concerning the inua∣ding of England, and freeing of the Queene of Scots, to whom he had alwayes borne great affection. In the moneth of Iune he was found dead in his bed, being shot through with three bullets vnder the left pappe, the doore of his chamber being barred to him on the inside.

The next neighbouring Enquest sworne after the manner by the Coroner, hauing searched the body,* 2.127 considered the place; and finding a Pistoll in the Chamber with Gunpow∣der, they examined the seruant that bought the Pistol, with him that sold the same. Whereupon they pronounced the Earle murderer of himselfe. The third day after, the No∣bilitie vvere assembled in the Starre-chamber, where Tho. Bromley Chancelor of England succinctly declared, that the Earle had treacherously consulted against the Queene and his Countrey; which he perceiuing to be discouered, and terified with the guiltinesse of his conscience which conuinced him, he became his owne murderer. But to sa∣tisfie the multitude, which is alwaies credulous of the worst,* 2.128 he commanded the Queenes Attourney, and her Counsel∣lors at Law, plainely to vnfold the causes of his imprison∣ment, and the manner of his death. Whereupon Popham chiefe Attourney to the Queene beginning from the rebel∣lion raised in the North parts sixteene yeares before, demon∣strated by the publique Acts;

THat hee was arraigned for the rebellion, and for consulting of the freedome of the Queene of Scots: That he had acknowledged his fault, and submitted himselfe, and was therefore amerced fiue thousand Markes. But the Queene (such was her gracious clemencie) exacted not a peny from him: and after that his brother had beene deserued∣ly punished for the same Crime; the Queene confir∣med him in the honour of Earle of Northumberland. Neuerthelesse, hee vndertooke new counsels for the deliuering of the Queene of Scots, the inuading of England, and ouerthrowing of the Religion and the Queene▪ That Mendoza the Spaniard had giuen in∣telligence to Throckmorton, that Charles Paget vnder the name of Mopus, had in priuate treated

with him concerning these matters in Sussex: That the Lord Paget had likwise signified the selfe-same thing to Throckmorton, and was also manifested by the Pa∣pers of Chreicton a Scottish Iesuite; and that Charles Paget had declared all to Shelley at his returne out of France, After this ••gerton the Queens Sollicitor de∣monstrated, that by the circumstances, & suspitious care which the Earle had to keepe himselfe secret and close, he shewed himselfe guilty of these mat∣ters, that is to say, That the Earle, knowing none of those to bee in England that could accuse him but the Lord Paget (whom Throckmorton had familiarly entertained) a few dayes after that Throckmorton was intercepted, he prepared by the helpe of Shelley a Ship for Paget to passe into France. That so soone as Throckmorton had begunne to make confession, hee retired from London to Penworth, and forthwith sent for Shelley to him; signifying to him that hee was at that instant in danger both of life and for∣tunes, hee entreated him to conceale the matter, and to cause them to retire that were knowing of the de∣parture of the Lord Paget, and the ariuall of Cha: Paget; all which hee presently dispatched, and like∣wise remoued a farre off the seruant that hee had v∣sed betweene C. Paget and himselfe. The Sollicitor further added, That being a Prisoner hee had corrup∣ted his Keepers, and by their meanes gaue Shelley to vnderstand all what hee had confessed. That Shelley also, by a woman which was hyred to be a priuate mes∣senger betweene them; let him know, that he could no longer abstaine from confessing; that their conditions were farre vnequall, because hee should bee forced by torments; but the Earle by reason of his place and order not, therefore sent him the copie of his confes∣sion. Whereat the Earle groaned, and would often

say, (as Pantin the seruant of his Bed-chamber con∣fessed) that by the confession of Shelley he was vndone for euer.

After this, the manner of his death was by testimony of the Coroners inquest, of the Lieutenant of the Tower, and of Pantin, openly declared: and from thence was gathered that he for feare lest his house should bee vtterly subuerted, and himselfe dishonored, had dispatched himselfe.* 2.129 Certes diuers good men much sorrowed that so great a personage should perish by so miserable a death; being induced thereto partly because they naturally fauoured Nobility, and partly because he had obtained much praise by his valor. What the suspicious fugitiues muttered against a certaine Bailiffe a ser∣uitor of Hatton, who a little before was appointed one of the Earles keepers, I will ouer-passe, as not certainely knowne. Neither doe I esteeme it fit to insert any vncertaine things, or vaine heare-sayes.

Queene ELIZABETH hauing seene the open con∣spiracies of the Guises, against the Protestant Religion, the King of France, and her selfe, well perceiued whence, and by whom these mischiefes were dispersed through England. Shee to oppose their designes, and to con∣tract a league amongst the Protestants, for the defence of the Religion; sent Thomas Bodley to the King of Denmarke,* 2.130 the Elector Palatine, the Dukes of Saxony, Wittenbergh, Bruns∣wicke, Lunbourgh, the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and the Landsgraue of Hessen. And amongst other things she com∣manded him to aduertise the King of Denmarke, that it be∣houed him aboue the rest to oppose the practices of the Guise, because they haue made no question to claime the Kingdome of Denmarke as their kinsmans right for the duke of Lorraine, as being son to the daughter of Christierne the 2, King of Denmarke, neither did the Duke of Lorraine him∣selfe dissemble the same, then when not long before he la∣boured

to obtaine the Queene in mariage.

* 2.131 And to prouide, least any danger should breake through Scotland as through a backe doore into England, shee sent Edward Wotton to signifie to the King, how acceptably she embraced the declaration of his loue to her, by Patricke Gray, and by Iustice Cleric. And to draw him to a mutuall League of offence and defence, by proposing to him the dangers that then threatned and menaced the profession of the Gospell: And to offer him an annuall pension the bet∣ter to maintaine his Royall Dignity, because the reuenues of his Kingdome were much shortened by the negligence of the Regents. And to commend vnto him in the vvay of mariage the daughter of the King of Denmark. And earnest∣ly in her name to make intercession for those Noblemen of Scotland that liued banished in England. And to promise him that she would send them backe if she found the offence against the King to haue beene practised by them. Wotton found the King affectionately bent to this League (notwith∣standing that the Earle of Arran, and others of the French faction laboured to diuert him) and the Estates of Scotland gaue their consent vnder their hands and seales, for the con∣seruation of Religion, to embrace this League; prouided that the Queene would promise, not to preiudice or hinder the Kings right in the succession of England, so long as hee remained constant in his friendship and alliance. But this matter was retarded and hindered by the death of Fra:* 2.132 Russell, sonne to the Earle of Bedford, who was slaine the next day after.

For I. Forster and T. Carre of Fernihurst gouernors of the middle borders betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, hauing assigned an assembly vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iune, to treat of the receit and emploiment of the Fynances of the Kingdome, after the promise of safety, made by both parties with their oaths, and Proclama∣tion,* 2.133 that none should offend either in word, deed, or looke

(for so the borderers spoke.) The Scots brought with them to the place the number of three thousand men or there∣about, being armed, and set in order of battell, with their ensignes displayed, and their drummes beating, contrary to the custome in such affaires, but the English not surpassing three hundred. The Gouernours were no sooner seated to heare the complaints, but a tumultuous vproare was rai∣sed by the occasion of an Englishman taken in theft; the Scots discharging a shower of bullets, slue amongst others, Russel, and put the English to flight, and eagerly pursuing them for the space of foure miles within England, they ca∣ried some back with them as prisoners. The author of this murther was not assuredly knowne, but the English impu∣ted the fault to the Earle of Arran then Chancelor of Scot∣land, and to Carre of Fernihurst. The Queene presently dis∣patched Ambassadors and Letters, demanding that the mur∣derers might be deliuered into her hands. Because Henry the seuenth King of England had long time before deliuered into the hands of Iames the fourth, King of Scots, Will. He∣ron, and seuen other Englishmen, for murdering of Ro: Carre of Cesford vpon a day of assembly: and not long before Morton the Regent, sent Carmichel a Scot into England, for the murder of George Heron. The King after protestation of his innocency, promised to send Fernihurst and the Chan∣celor himselfe also, so soone as by cleare and lawful proofes they were conuicted, of set purpose to haue violated the safety, or to be guilty of the murder. Fenwick an English∣man accused Carre before the King, but was refuted by his simple deniall, because hee could not produce any Scotch∣man for a witnesse. For it hath beene a custome,* 2.134 and so a Law, amongst the borderers, in their iudgements of causes (bred by an inueterate hate) that no witnesse can be admit∣ted but a Scot against a Scot, and an Englishmen against an Englishman: Insomuch that though euery one of the Eng∣l••sh which were present, had plainely beene beholders of

this murder, yet their testimony would preuaile nothing. Arran neuerthelesse was confined within his owne house,* 2.135 and Carre was kept prisoner at Dundey, where in a short time he dyed. Hauing beene a warlike man, and one prompt and fit to enterprise matters of importance, who for his constant loue and faith to the Queene of Scots, and the King her sonne, was twice depriued of his goods, and driuen from his Countrey, and the fight of his children; yet hee patiently supported his banishment, remaining constant against all aduersities, and bearing himselfe euer like him∣selfe.

* 2.136 Whilest the question of this murther was deferred, and a gentle disputation raised, whether the twelue thou∣sand Crownes pension offered to the King were to bee ac∣counted according to the English, or the French account: the Queene being much incensed for the death of Russel, and the violation of the safety; and being perswaded by some Scotchmen which enuyed Arran, that hee was a fauourer of the Iesuites, and that hee strongly laboured in France and Scotland, to hinder the League, that it might not be con∣tracted, shee gaue permission to the fugitiue Scots, as An∣gus, with Iohn and Claudius Hamilton, Marre, and Glan, which were reconciled to him in their common exile; and to the rest that liued banisht in England, to returne into Scotland well furnished with money, to worke the ruine of Arran.

* 2.137 The Earle of Bothwell, and the Lord of Humey, Humey Coldingknoll, and others in Scotland had before promised them aide: and aboue all, Maxwell lately created Earle of Morton, out of a certaine hope he had to shunne the penalty of the rebellion which he had raised in the Country of An∣nand, if the Earle of Arran were once subuerted. In the very Court also were Patrick Gray his bitter enemy, Belenden a a Iustice of the Church, and Maitland Secretarie, drawne into parties against Arran.

The fugitiues being entred into Scotland, they comman∣ded all persons by a long Proclamation in the Kings name to giue them assistance,* 2.138 for the defence of the Euangelicall truth, to free the King from mischieuous Counsellors, and to conserue loue and friendship with the English: they ap∣pointed the place for their assembly at Fawkirk, where they mustered 8000 men.

Arran (who for suspition of the death of Russell was by the King commanded to keepe within Keneil) hearing of these things, he hastily retired to the King, and accused Gray as the author of these enterprises. Gray ingeniously excu∣sed himselfe in presence of the King. But whilest Arran ma∣keth great preparations for the defence of the towne, the enemies appeared in readinesse to scale the walles. He cer∣tainly knowing, that they sought nothing but his head one∣ly,* 2.139 and suspecting the fidelitie of his men (for hee was hated of most) he secretly withdrew himselfe by the bridge; the rest, all abandoning the towne, betooke themselues to the Castle with the King. The fugitiues straight possest them∣selues of the Market-place, and then besieged the Castle. The King demanded by his Messenger Gray the cause of their comming: they answered, To submit our selues to the King, and humbly to kisse his Highnesse hand. He offered to restore to them all their goods, if they would retire. But they replyed, that they made no esteeme of their goods, in comparison of the Kings gracious fauour, desiring him to admit them to his royall presence: the King consented, but vpon these conditions; That they should not attempt any thing either against his Maiesties Person, or their lines whom he should nominate, and that they should not bring in any inno∣uation into the gouernment of the Kingdome. They vowed their liues for the safety of their Prince, protesting that they conceited not so much as a thought of bringing in of Nouelties. But they desired for their better assurance that their aduersaries might be deliuered into their hands, with

the fortified places of the Realme. Of this matter they consulted the whole day: but necessitie compelling, by reason of the multitude, wherewith the Castle was full stuf∣fed,* 2.140 and the want of prouision, they were at last admitted to the King. And forthwith the Earles of Montrosh, of Crawford, and of Rothese, the Colonell Stuart, Downi, the brother of the Earle of Arran, and others were deliuered in∣to their hands; the Earle of Arran was publiquely accused to haue conspired against the estate: and as for themselues, the King indulgently pardoned them, as good and well-de∣seruing subiects. Hamilton Arbroth was established Gouer∣nor of Dunbriton, Coldingknol of the Castle of Edenborough, Angus of Tomtall, Marre of Sterlin, and Glan Captaine of the Kings guards.

After this, hauing by their faithfull duty remoued out of the Kings opinion, all such crimes wherewith their enemies had burdened them, and all suspitions which they had rai∣sed of them;* 2.141 by a generall Amnistie all banishments & pro∣scriptions, which had for what cause so euer been adiudged and ordained, since the Coronation of the King, were abo∣lished; excepting only those which had relation to the mur∣der of the Kings father, & such as were adiudged against the Archbishop of Glasco, the Bishop of Rosse and of Dunblan. And with a common & most constant consent of their minds the Soueraigne Authority of the King, in contracting of a league with the Queen of England, and deputing of Ambas∣sadors, was confirmed vnto him. Onely Maxwell abused this singular clemency of the King. For hauing obtained by the benefit of the Amnistie free Pardon for the cruell slaughter and Pillage committed vpon the Iohnstons: yet such vvas his audacious pride, that contemning the authoritie of the Lawes,* 2.142 he commanded the sacrifice of the Masse to be cele∣brated at Dunfrise, which of nineteene yeares before had not been permitted in Scotland. For which deed hee was puni∣shed with three moneths imprisonment.

Neither was, in these turbulent times, Ireland next ad∣ioyning free from the tempests of rebellion. For when the rest of the Prouinces of that Isle were setled in a profound peace, a great rebellion broke forth in Connach the west part of Ireland, proceeding of the naturall disposition of that na∣tion, impatient of rest and quiet, and also of the hate which they conceiued against Rich. Bingham their Gouernor, com∣plaining that his Commands were sharpe and bitter.* 2.143 The Gouernour seeing the great and powerfull men of Ireland exercise such grieuous tyranny vpon the poore miserable peoples, forcing them to acknowledge no other Prince then them; he omitted no meanes to restaine them, and confirme the royal authority, although he was often for the same odi∣ously accused of cruelty to the Queene and Deputy. Thomas Roe-Bourk of the most noble family of Bourg in England, was the first that opposed himself, & being sent for to the lawful assembly in the County of Maie, he refused to come. The Gouernor for a time dissembled, seeming not to make ac∣count thereof: but presently after he commanded him and two others, turbulent spirits of the same house, to be appre∣hended, lest they should breake out into a more dangerous rebellion. Thomas was slaine in fight ere he could be inter∣cepted. Meiler and Theobald, the other two, were taken and hanged; and thus had the whole rebellion beene at the beginning compressed, had not certaine English, enemies to the Gouernor, aduertised the rest of that family, prouidently to beware of the Gouernor, and by any meanes not to come neere him: They being thus incouraged, they likewise perswaded the Ioies and Clandonels, who were po∣werfull in the multitude of their tenants, that the Gouernor would handle them with as little lenitie, but by little and lit∣tle would vtterly ruinate their power. Besides they so much preuailed with the Deputy by their friends, that he commanded the Gouernour not to vndertake any violent act against thē of that family, (though they did degenerate)

without his knowledge and aduice.

In the meane space whilst the Gouernour was absent in the Country of Twomond, where Mahon-Obrean rebelling, slew himselfe, after the Castle was taken by the Gouernour; The sonne of Edmond Bourg of Castel-bar, and Richard son of another Richard surnamed by the Irish for his villanies, the Deuils-hooke, hauing gathered together a multitude of lewd fellowes, they surprised two Castels at Lake-Masci and fortified them: from whence the Gouernour easily expul∣sed them, chasing them amongst the forests and mountaines; he tooke Richard the brother of Thomas Bourg, who in hum∣ble manner came to intreate him, and hanged him as a rob∣ber. And hauing so far pursued the rest through the woods that scarce any were to be seen, the Lo: Deputy commanded him to stay his pursuit; and after they had giuen hostages, to receiue them into his protection. A short while after, whilst the Gouernour stayed at Dublin, and souldiers were raised in Ireland for the Low-Country wars; they againe aduanced their Ensignes of rebellion, and many which had refused to goe to the wars of the Netherlands, ioyned them∣selues in great numbers with Clan-Gibbon, Clan-Donel, and Ioie; and being increased in number and strength, they open∣ly declared, that they would after the custome of their An∣cestors,* 2.144 haue for their Gouernor their Mac-William, that is, a Nobleman, by the election of the people out of the house of Bourg, or any other whom they should call out of Spaine, but they would not admit of the * 2.145 Viscont, nor be present at the Assemblies. The Archbishop of Tuam, Bermingham, the Lord of Atterith, and Dillon, Deputies for the Gouer∣nor, proposed to them most reasonable conditions; but they refusing to submit to order, began to exercise their fury vp∣on the villages of the Champian, with fire and rapines, and by ruining of the fortifications.* 2.146 They sent Iohn Itcleaf, and Walter Kittagh of Bourg to the Scots of Hebride, requesting them with their auxiliarie troopes to enter vpon the Con∣nach,

in which Prouince, there were then but a small num∣ber of Souldiers in Garison, promising to giue them certain Lordships if they would chase away the English, and defend the rebels.

The Deputy receiuing aduice of these things,* 2.147 commanded the Gouernor, to pursue the rebells, who gathering vp for∣ces, sent the Earle Clan-Richard chiefe of the family of Bourg with Bermingham, to treat with them of a peace; but they refusing, hee forthwith caused their hostages to bee put to death: and knowing that nothing could disaduantage the English more then a long warre; and on the contrary, no∣thing more accommodate the Irish: himselfe and the Earle Clan-Richard with their troops of horse defēded the cham∣pian from the iniuries of the rebells, and Iohn Bingham the Gouernours brother, entred with his Companies of foot a∣mongst the woods, pursuing their steps, and wearying them in such sort, seizing and driuing backe with them 5000 head of cattle (the greatest part of which according to the custom of the Countrey being distributed to the souldiers) that a∣bout 40 daies after, being in a manner perished by a grieuous famine, they left their caues, scarce knowing one another by their faces, and demissiuely submitting themselues, they deliuered hostages to the Gouernor. Only the sonnes of Ed∣mund of Bourg of Castell-barr (whom they had decreed to create Mac-William) persisted in their rebellion,* 2.148 vntil their father was taken, and by vertue of the law conuicted, to haue incited his sons to this rebellion, and was therefore punished with death, and all his lands adiudged confiscate. At the same time the Gouernour receiued newes of two thousand Scots of Hebride vnder the conduct of Kittagh,* 2.149 and Itcleaf of Bourg, that were euen then in readinesse to breake in vpon Connach. In great hast he leauied his troopes, and gathered his garisons together, and with infatigable labor, though sometimes they were hidden amongst the woods, forests, and pastures, and sometimes they wasted the time in making

approaches and retreats, from one side to another, and through crooked windings and intricate waies, he diligently pursued their steps, obseruing night and day their turnings and returnings through corners and by-wayes, carefully pla∣cing spies behind,* 2.150 before, and on either side of them, still ex∣pecting a commodious time to set vpon them. At last, coun∣terfeiting a retire, as though hee had thought himselfe too weake for them, hee left them; wherevpon they presently with great alacrity marched towards Ardenare vpon the riuer Moine, and proclamed themselues Lords of the Pro∣uince. He being instructed of their iourney by his spies, fol∣lowed them, and found them besides Ardenare, where hee put his men in battell array, and sounding a charge with his trumpets, he held them play with skirmishes, still retiring backward vntill he had drawne them from a moist and moo∣ry ground, into a place more solide and firme, where all his troops (with great silence) ioyned together.* 2.151 Then giuing them a fresh and liuely charge, slaughtering many, he forced them somewhat to recoile, when instantly the muskettieres discharging vpon their front, and himselfe with his troops of horse falling vpon their flanckes, with such fury assailed thē, that hee put them all to rout, pursuing them to the riuer, where they were all either slaine or drowned, excepting 40 which saued themselues by swimming ouer to Tiraule, and those which the day before were departed from the Army to fetch in booty: but after this, they were almost all put to the sword by Iohn Bingham, and the inhabitants of the County Slego.* 2.152 Three thousand of their party perished in this conflict, and amongst them their principall Comman∣ders, Donel Gormi, and Alexander Carrogh the sonne of I. Mac-Conel, which of long time had been troublesome to the Country; and those of the House of Bourg which were cau∣sers of this miserable expedition. Of the English a small number was slaine, but many were sort hurt; and certes this victory was both famous and profitable, for the instant and

future times; the title of Mac-William being vtterly abo∣lished in the County of Connach, and the insolency of the Scotch Islanders repressed in Ireland,* 2.153 which was not long before so great, that it was accoūted amōgst the Irish a crime of Laesae Maiestatis to entertaine or lodge any of them; and for the better restraining of their wonted rapines, Perot gaue in charge to the chiefe personages of Vlster that they should traine vp in the exercise of warlike discipline, a cer∣taine number of Souldiers.

In the meane time, the States of the Netherlands being afflicted with the desolate condition of their affaires,* 2.154 consul∣ted amongst themselues whether they should haue recourse either to the King of France, or Queene of England for re∣fuge & succors. For they were both at that time discōten∣ted with the Spaniard, but suspicious also one of the other: The French could not endure that the English their ancient enemies should encrease their power by the addition of the Netherlands, and the English in like sort the French. De la Prune the French Ambassador for the Low-Countries,* 2.155 that he might diuert the Estates from the English, made this de∣monstration:

THat the Sea flowing betwixt England & the Netherlands; the English were too farre di∣stant, and could not at all occasions be ready to assist them, their command also was intollerable; and for that cause were in times past driuen out of France, and were like then to hazard the same in Ireland: That the succession of the Realme was vncertaine, and whether MARIE Queene of Scots or IAMES her sonne did succeed, both hee and shee would bee ready to giue vp the Netherlands to the Spaniard for the assu∣rance of their owne affaires. But that the French were opportunely adioyning and neighbouring, their com∣mand most mild, and their succession certaine in the

person of the King of Nauarre, who was of the same profession with them.

Such as fauoured the English, maintained the contrary;

* 2.156 THat they were not so farre disseuered, but they could commodiously send them ayde, without the hindrance of any. That it appeared by the Histories what the French Command had been of yore in the Netherlands, what it now was, by the surprise of Dixmond, Donkircke, and Dendermond, and the furious and perfidious invasion of Bruges, Alost, New-port, and Antwerpe; and what their faith was hauing beene so often obliged by Edicts, and nowith∣standing violated by the cruell Massacres which haue beene committed in the townes. That the succession of England was assured in the person of King Iames, who was zealous in the true religion. Besides the En∣glish were of the selfe-same religion, and faitfull obser∣uers of the ancient League with Burgundie. That their trafficke had brought infinite wealth to the Nether∣lands, and their ports most commodious for them.

* 2.157 The Estates neuerthelesse by Ambassadors implored the ayde of the French King, by whom they were receiued with a fearefull silence, and a long time deluded with pro∣crastinations, by reason aswell of their enuy to the English as of hate to the Spaniard, so the Ambassadours returned home at the last, and conceiuing hope from the former bounty of Queen ELIZABETH, they determined to fly to her for protection.

* 2.158 Hereupon vvas holden a consultation in England, vvhe∣ther they vvere to be receiued into their protection, or no? Some vvere of aduice, that they shold presently be receiued, and ayde forthvvith sent them 〈…〉〈…〉

brought them in subiection, should become a vexation to the English on that side. Other some aduised, that they were to bee esteemed as Rebels, and vnworthy of succours, as be∣ing reuolted from the fidelitie which they ought to their Prince.

THe Spaniard had not violated any of the Ar∣ticles of his Ioyfull entrance, which they sought for as a colour and pretext for their rebellion, and deposition of their lawfull Prince. But admit that hee had violated them, yet was hee not for that to bee punished with the losse of his principalitie. And al∣though some suppose that obedience should bee so long denyed him, vntill hee had recompenced his fault; yet others esteeme that the diuine Lawes, to which humane lawes must yeeld, Princes should, as powers ordinated by God, be simply and for conscience obeyed. For God hath giuen them the Soueraigntie of command, and to subiects the glory of obedience. And that subiects should wish for good Princes, but endure all whatso∣euer they be. That these Prouinces were falne to the Spaniard, not by the election of the people, but by the hereditary right of their Ancestors, and the donation of the Emperors. That the Dutchmen had receiued priuiledges from their Princes, but had lost the same by a crime of Laesae Maiestatis, in taking vp Armes against them. That these were not the estates of the Netherlands that had demanded protection, but cer∣taine Plebean persons, that had attributed to them the Title of Estates. It was therefore thought by the iudge∣ment of these, most expedient, that the Queene should not intermeddle with the affaires of the Netherlands, but rather strongly to fortifie her own Kingdomes, in∣deuouring dayly by her naturall bounty to oblige the hearts of 〈…〉〈…〉

encrease her treasurie, to haue her Nauy alwayes well prepared and furnished with necessaries, to fortifie with garisons the frontier townes towards Scotland, to con∣serue the ancient militarie discipline of England, which was corrupted by the Dutch warres. That in thus doing England would be impregnable, secured on all sides, and a terrour to the enemy. That this would be the most commodioas meanes to auoid the warres, which might fall vpon such as are begirt with potent neighbours. That none would offer to prouoke them, seeing them so well furnished of money, and forces, gar∣ded with the good-will and loue of their subiects, and alwayes ready and prepared to reuenge themselues. And that it would be preposterous wisedome, to con∣sume money, and Souldiers, which are the life and soule of warre in anothers cause, and for Princes or people of no ability, being subiects to anothers rule, and by reason of their pouerty must alwayes bee supplyed with fresh succours, or by ingratitude totally proui∣ding for their owne affaires, will neglect those that had assisted them, as the English had while-ere in France experimented to their losse, in the Bourgongnian cause; and not long since in the defence of the Prote∣stants.

But such as were of this opinion as men degenerate, slothfull, and addicted to the Spanish party, moued the men of warre to much indignation.

* 2.159 So soone as the Ambassadors of the Estates presented themselues to the Queene, with earnest affection they be∣seeched her to assume the rule of the vnited Prouinces of the Netherlands, and to receiue them into her protection, and perpetuall homage, being vndeseruedly oppressed. She gra∣ciously gaue them hearing, but refused to take vpon her their rule and protection. Neuerthelesse to raise the siege

from before Antwerpe, which was then reduced into great necessitie, and oppressed by the Prince of Parma, she pro∣mised them, if they would deliuer for a Gage into her hands the towne of Sluce with all the artillery, forthwith to send them foure thousand souldiers. But whilst these things were propounded, Antwerpe was yeelded vp,* 2.160 because the passage of the Riuer Scald by admirable deuices was quite cut off.

After that the Queen had setled a while her thoughts and cares vpon these matters, and perceiued the great cruelty of the Spaniards which they exercised vpon the Dutch her neighbours, and the hate which they bore to England, and the Religion which was there maintained: for the Spaniards were verily perswaded that they could neuer reduce the Netherlands to order, if they first subdued not England.* 2.161 ) To hinder warre from comming home to her (Scotland as yet wauering) and that the forces of the Spaniards might not be too farre extended in the adiacent Countries, vvhich would be most commodiously seated for the transporting of warres into England; for exercising of traffique as well by sea, as the Riuer of Rhine: And to hinder, that there might not be any prouision of Nauigation caried to her enemies, which besides were well prouided of strong Shipping, and men of valiant spirits, that if they should bee ioyned vvith the English Nauy, it would be an easie thing for them to be soone Commanders of the Sea, so rich and powerfull, that they had long time since without any foraine aide, supprest the insolencies of their proudest enemies: and that they might not commit themselues to the trust and faith of the French: She resolued that she was bound in Christian cha∣ritie, to succour the afflicted Dutchmen, being professors of the same Religion, and in wisedome to prouide for the con∣seruation of a people, which God had committed vnto her,* 2.162 by cutting through the ruinous complots of their enemies, not for any desire of glory, but for the necessitie of good∣nesse. Whereupon shee openly tooke vpon her the defence

of the Netherlands. The Christian Princes admiring such a Masculine valour in a woman, to haue such a magnani∣mous spirit, as to denounce warre (as it were) to so potent a Monarch. Insomuch that the King of Sweden speaking of her, said, that she had taken the Diadem from off her owne head, to expose it to the doubtfull and dangerous euent of warre.

These were the conditions that were agreed vpon be∣tweene Queene ELIZABETH and the Estates of Holland.

* 2.163 THe Queene would send as succours to the Vnited Prouinces 5000 foot, and a thousand horse vn∣der a generall Commander of famous remarke, and during the warre would pay the souldiers; which should after the Peace were made, be paid backe by the Estates, that is to say, in the first yeare of the Peace, such summes as had beene disbursed in the first yeare of the warres, and the rest in the foure yeares following. In the meane time they should deliuer into her hands for assurance the towne of Flushing, the Castle of Ra∣meken in Zeland, and the Ile of Breil, with the towne and both the Skances. The Gouernors that should bee appointed, should not haue any command ouer the In∣habitants, but onely of their Garison, which should pay the Tributes and Imposts, as well as the inhabitants. Those places should after the money were repayed, bee deliuered backe not to the Spaniard, but the Estates. The Gouernors and two other English which the Queen would name, should be admitted into the Councell of the Estates, and the Estates should not entertaine any League without the Queenes aduice; nor she, the E∣states not acquainted therewith. Ships for their com∣mon defence in equall number, and at a common ex∣pence should be set forth vnder the command of the Ad∣mirall of England. The Ports of either should he freely

open to either. With other conditions which were printed and exposed to all mens view.

For the memoriall of this alliance, the Zealanders trium∣phing with ioy, caused new money to be coyned, bearing vpon one side the Armes of Zealand, which is a Lyon float∣ing vpon the waues, with this inscription:

Luctor & emergo: Ie comba et me sauue J fight, and I saue my selfe.

On the other side the Armes of the townes of Zealand, with this

Authore Deo, fauente Regina. God Author, the Queene fauourable.

The Queene by a booke set forth, gaue all to vnderstand,* 2.164 that in times past Leagues and Societies were contracted be∣tweene the Kings of England, and the Princes of the Ne∣therlands for the mutuall faith and defence one of another. She remonstrateth the barbarous cruelty of the Spaniard, a∣gainst the miserable Netherlanders; and the mischieuous complots which they had wrought against her selfe: that had with much labour sought a Peace, and had done this to keepe the Dutch from reuolting. Neither did shee propose any other thing to her selfe in aiding of them, then that the Dutch might inioy peaceably their former liberty; her sub∣iects safety; and either Nation a secure commerce and traffique.

And to prouide that warre should not assaile her at home,* 2.165 and set the Spaniard to worke abroad. She set forth a Nauy to the West Indies, vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake, and Christopher Carlile of one and twenty sayle, in which besides Saylors were 2300 voluntary souldiers, which

surprized in the Ile of Saint Iames, neere to Cap-Verd, the towne of Saint Iames which gaue name to the Iland, where they celebrated with the thunder of the Cannon,* 2.166 the Coro∣nation day of Queene ELIZABETH, which was vpon the fourteenth of Nouember; and pillaging the town they found great store of Meale, Wine and Oyle, but no money at all. The fourteenth day after they set sayle, and many which kept their quarters & guard in the open aire, and slept vpon the ground, were taken with grieuous sicknesse called Ca∣lentura,* 2.167 whereof they dyed; a disease very familiar in ••hat I∣land, and dangerous to strangers which sleepe in the open fields. The first of Ianuary they ariued at Hispaniola, where the souldiers being landed in a secure place, by the direction of a Spaniard, whom they had taken and kept to that pur∣pose, they marched in order against the towne: and h••uing repulst a hundred and fifty Spanish horsemen which oppo∣sed their passage,* 2.168 and putting to flight certaine Musketiers which were placed in Ambush, they entered pell-mell into the towne with them by the two westerne gates, and all the inhabitants, being strucke with feare and terrour fled out at the North gate of the said City. The English brought their troops into the Market-place neere to the great Temple: and because they were not in number sufficient to man the towne, they fortified it with rampars of earth, after that they seized vpon other conuenient places. So hauing the whole towne in their possession and command, they remai∣ned a moneth there. And seeing the inhabitants offered but a small summe of money to redeeme their towne, they be∣gan first to set fire vpon the suburbs, and after vpon the fai∣rest house in the towne, vntill the inhabitants had redeemed their towne with 25000 Crowns of gold, which with much paine they gathered. They found there no great store of pillage, excepting some pieces of Artillery, with Corne, and Sugar: for they vsed there nought but Copper money, and glasse vessels, with some made of earth, which were

brought out of the East India. Amongst other things, in the towne Court, were found the Armes of the King of Spaine, with the world vnder placed, from whence a horse with his foure-feet rampant was figured, leaping out, with this in∣scription:

Non sufficit orbis.* 2.169 The world doth not suffice.

Whereat some scoffing, tooke it for an argument of the infinite auarice and ambition of the Spaniard, as neuer sa∣tisfied.

From thence sayling vp into the Continent of America,* 2.170 fiue miles from Cartagena they left their ships, and vnder the conduct of Carlile they in the silence of the night, being ran∣ged in order of battell, marched alongst the shore, whilest Drake with his armed Shallops in vaine assailed the Port of the towne which was fortified with a rampire and a chaine extended in length. To Carlile a troope of horse shewed themselues, but straight retired: he pursued them, till hee came to a narrow passage fortified with a stone wall be∣twixt the inward Hauen of the Port of the Ocean, which was so straight that scarce a Cart could passe: It was defen∣ded with Barracadoes full of stones, and fiue great Cannon, wherwith they often discharged vpon the front of his com∣panies, yet without effect, whilest Carlile by the benefit of the darknesse, being politick in auoiding dangers, taking op∣portunitie by the ebbing of the Ocean, drew his men down lower by the sands iust to the entrance, which they couragi∣ously forced, notwithstanding two great Ships from the inward Hauen of the Port which caried eleuen great pieces, and three hundred Musquetiers furiously thundered against their flanke. This done, they easily gained the Barricadoes which were placed at the entrance of euery street, and cha∣ced the Spaniards and Indians, which cast poysoned darts

amongst them. Being thus Masters of the towne, they made sixe weekes aboade there, and receiued for the ransome of the towne 110000 Crownes, which were paid presently downe, and distributed man by man to the Mariners and Souldiers, and especially to the neediest. But the pillage was little; for the Inhabitants being forewarned by them of Hispaniola, had remoued all their most precious and richest things in to farre distant places. The disease called Calentu∣ra still remaining amongst them, and much diminishing their numbers, they were constrained to leaue off their de∣signe of surprising Nombre de Dios, and make sayle for their returne by the Cape of the Ile Cuba, which is called Saint Anthony, where they tooke in fresh water out of raine pits.

* 2.171 Then sayling along the coast of Florida, they seized vpon two townes, Saint Anthony and Saint Helena, which were abandoned by the Spanish Garisons, and burned them; and being caried further vpon a ragged and rocky coast, they found the English in the Plantation of Virginia (so called in the honour of

* 2.172 ELIZABETH the Ʋirgin Queene)

which Sir Walter Raleigh (whose worth and vertues pur∣chased him the honour to be one of the Queenes chiefest fa∣uourites) by his neuer enough praised labours, in the disco∣uerie of remote Countries, and promulgation of the glory of the English Nauy, had placed there as Colony. Drake of∣fered to Ralph Lan President there, all offices of humanity, two ships with prouision, and some men, if they thought good to remaine there and prosecute what they had begun: if not to transport them for England. But whilest prouisi∣on was prepared for these ships,* 2.173 there arose a violent storm, and extraordinary furious tempest, which seuered and dis∣persed the whole Nauy, in such sort, that it could not be col∣lected together againe, vntill they all ariued in England. In∣somuch

that Lan, and the rest that were with him, being oppressed with penury, and much diminished in their num∣ber, they all with one voice requested Drake to giue them passage for their Country, which he willingly agreed to.

These were the first (that I know of) that brought at their returne into England, that Indian Plant called Tobacco,* 2.174 or Nicotiana, which they vsed, being instructed by the Indians, against crudities of the Stomack. And certes since that time it is growne so frequent in vse, and of such price, that ma∣ny, nay, the most part, with an insatiable desire doe take of it, drawing into their mouth the smoke thereof, which is of a strong sent, through a Pipe made of earth, and venting of it againe through their nose; some for wantonnesse, or rather fashion sake, and other for healths sake, insomuch that Tobacco shops are set vp in greater number then either Alehouses or Tauernes. And as one said, but falsely, the bodies of such Englishmen, as are so much delighted with this plant,* 2.175 did seeme to degenerate into the nature of the Sa∣uages, because they were caried away with the selfe-same thing, beleeuing to obtaine and conserue their health by the selfe-same meanes, as the barbarians did. In this voyage pe∣rished seuen hundred men, and almost all of that disease, cal∣led Calentura. The pillage was esteemed to be worth 60000 pounds of English money,* 2.176 besides two hundred and forty great pieces of artillery, as well Brasse as Iron, which were taken from the Enemies.

Whilest these things thus passed in America vnder the torride Zone,* 2.177 Iohn Dauis made search vnder the frigide Zone for a way to the East India, by the vpper part of Ame∣rica, with two ships, at the expences of William Sanderson, (a man who by setting forth Globes hath well deserued in the studies of Geography) and of other inhabitants of Lon∣don. He tooke his course towards the North; and being fiue hundred miles from the Cape of Not in Ireland, he discoue∣red the Coasts of Greeneland, whose Cliffes being white by

reason of the snow which couered them, might easily afarre off be discerned, & so round begirt with Ice, as with a fore∣wall, for the space of two miles from the shore, that it was inaccessible. The course of this coast hee followed, which bent first towards the West, and then Northward to 64 degrees in Latitude; from thence passing the Ice, his course brought him amongst certaine greene flourishing Ilands, where he found the Inhabitants of a middle stature, little eyes, without beards, and of milder disposition then the most part of Northerne people. From whence sayling to 66 Degrees in Latitude, he encountred a shore, which dis∣couered it selfe by little and little towards the West, with a * 2.178 sea of equall largenesse: into which being entred forty miles, and being full of hopes, hee turned sayle homeward vpon the end of August. The following yeare hee entred fourescore miles into these Straights; where hee obserued this sea to be on all sides well stored with Ilands, and in his returne found it full of fish. The third time he set forth, with two ships appointed for fishing, and a third for the discoue∣rie of passages, in which hauing sailed to 83 degrees into this Sea, and discouering it to bee forty miles in breadth, hee returned.

* 2.179 During this, an Edict was published in England, to re∣presse the auarice of some priuate persons, that had conuer∣ted the fertilest fields and pastures, into grounds to sow Woad in, for the vse of Dyers, not without much losse to the Cloath-workers and Husbandmen, which are commonly fed with Milke, Cheese, and such like meats. Whereupon it was forbidden, to sow that hearbe within eight miles of any of the Kings houses; and foure miles of Cities, Mar∣ket-townes, and of other places wheresoeuer Drapery is vsed.

* 2.180 But to the intent that English Cloathes might be sold to greater gaines, it was permitted to the Earle of Warwicke and Leicester his brother, Tho: Starkey, Gerard Gore, and

other Merchants of London, to recompence their losses which they had sustained in Africa, being to all others pro∣hibited, to traffique in Mauritania Cesariense, for the space of ten yeares. Which Mulley Hamet Xerisi receiued into protection.

In the beginning of this yeare dyed Edward Lord Clin∣ton High Admirall,* 2.181 who in the yeare 1572 was by Queene ELIZABETH, created Earle of Lincolne. He was honora∣bly interred at Windsor. Henry his sonne succeeded him in his honours: but Charles Howard Lord of Effingham (Cham∣berlaine to the Queene) in the Admiralty. And to him in his Office succeeded the Lord Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Barwick, who a few yeares before supplyed the place of Fra: Russell, Earle of Bedford,* 2.182 the second Earle of that Family, a Nobleman true professor of Religion and vertue: who hauing ouer-liued three of his sonnes, Edward, Iohn and Francis, and had but one liuing, who was Lord Russell, Baron of Thornaugh, and three daughters, all three Countesses: one maried to the Earle of Warwicke; the se∣cond to the Earle of Bathe; and the third to the Earle of Cumberland, hee dyed of a Gangrene, the next day after his sonne Francis was slaine vpon the borders of Scotland, (as before is related) and was interred with Iohn his father at Cheney in Buckingham-shire: to him succeeded Edward sonne to Francis his third sonne.

About the end of this yeare, the Earle of Leicester being out of an itching desire of rule and glory,* 2.183 easily perswaded by those which studied more to assure their owne fortune and power in the Court, then his Honour; passed with great pompe and state into the Netherlands with this Title;

Generall of Her MAIESTIES auxiliary troops:

Hee had also some command ouer the Nauy-Royall: His

Lordship was accompanied with the Earle of Essex, the Lord Touchet Baron of Audley, and the Lord North, Baron of Kertling, vvith Sir William Russell, Sir Tho. Sherley, Sir Arthur Basset, Sir Walter Waller, Sir Gernase Clifton, and ma∣ny other Knights, attended on by a chosen company of fiue hundred Gentlemen. The Queene at his departure forbade him to entertaine a thought of any thing, which vvould bee vnworthy either of her, or of the place which he vvas seated in.* 2.184 Shee commanded him to learne vvith all possible dili∣gence, vvhat Garisons the Estates maintained; how, and by vvhat means. And her Maiestie still being carefull & good to the Souldiers, charged him to know by vvhat Art they in∣haunced, & put down the value of their money (for in that Art they excelled all others) lest the Souldiers should re∣ceiue that at a higher rate then they could put it off for. She admonisht him to cut off all prouision from the enemy, and to his power restraine the Dunkerks, vvhich much infested the seas. Finally, shee recommended to his trust the Nobilitie of that Country; and aboue all the children of the Prince of Orange.

THE NINE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne.* 2.185 Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXVI.

DVDLEY Earle of Leicester, landing at Flushing, was first by his Nephew Sir Philip Sidney Gouernor of that Citie, honorably receiued: and after by all the townes of Ze∣land and Holland, with all sorts of honours, acclamations, tri∣umphs, deuoted panegyricks, Banquettings,* 2.186 and such like things. And being in the mo∣neth of Iuly come to the Hage, the Court of Holland, the Estates generall (so they are called) by Letters Patents, gaue to him the soueraigne command and absolute autho∣ritie ouer the Vnited Prouinces, with the Title of

Gouernor and Captaine Generall of Hol∣land, Zeland, and the vnited and confede∣rate Prouinces.

Then being saluted of all with the attribute of

His Excellence,

and tickled with flatteries, as if hee had beene seated in the highest and amplest degree of honour; he began to assume royall and Kingly thoughts of Maiesty.* 2.187 But the Queen be∣ing highly offended, that the Estates had imposed and re∣ceiued him with such exceeding honours, with a little letter abated the swelling winde wherewith hee was puffed vp, then when he least thought thereof. And these were the contents:

YOu shall vnderstand by this messenger, which wee haue expresly sent vnto you,* 2.188 with what contempt you haue behaued your selfe against our pleasure. Wee had not thought, that you, a man we haue raised from the dust, and fauoured aboue all others, would haue violated, in so great a matter, our command with so great contempt, euen in a matter which so much and neerely concerneth vs and our ho∣nour. But though against your duty you haue made so little respect of our honor, yet thinke not that we are so grosly negligent in the repairing thereof, that wee can passe ouer so great an iniury with silence and obliuion. Therefore we command you, that you, setting apart all excuses, incontinently, according to the faith and duty wherein you are bound vnto vs, performe all whatsoe∣uer Heneage our vnder-Chamberlaine shall in our name declare vnto you, except you will draw vpon your head a greater danger.

In other Letters which she sent to the Estates generall, she thus reasoned,

THat they without her aduice or priuity,* 2.189 had to her reproach, transferd vpon Leicester the ab∣solute rule of the vnited Prouinces, notwithstā∣ding she herselfe had refused the same, and had mani∣festly declared to all the world, that she had but onely giuen ayde and succours to her afflicted neighbors, and not in any wise taken any command vnto her. And therefore she aduised them, To dispoile Leicester of that absolute authoritie, since she had prescribed to him his limits: not that she thought their cause was not to be defended, but that she might keepe safe her honour, which then her life she rather esteemed.

The Estates answered:

THat they were much agrieued,* 2.190 that in giuing to Leicester without her aduice the absolute rule, they had offended her Maiesty; and reque∣sted her to mitigate the offence by the necessity of matter; remonstrating to her, that of necessity that authority must haue been transferd vpon one or other, for the auoyding of troubles; neither was the authori∣ty such as that word Absolute did seeme to inferre, seeing that principality and seueraigne rule, with the dignity of Gouernor, still remained intire amongst the people. But to reuoke the power which had already been transferd, would be a meanes to precipitate the Ne∣therlands into extreame dangers.

By these letters of the Estates, and those of Leicester, which hee (as one well skil'd how with feigned teares and griefe to re-obtaine the fauour of so gracious and milde a

Princesse) had written in a sorrowfull stile this offence, by little and little vanished into obliuion.

In the meane space Leicester receiued the contributions of of the Prouinces, and established military lawes; and whilst he laboured to impose new taxes vpon their commerce, hee stirred vp the hate of the people against him. Now had Charles Earle of Mansueld, by order from the Duke of Par∣ma Gouernor for the Spaniard in Flanders, for the space of some few moneths beleagerd Graue a towne in Brabant si∣tuated vpon the riuer Mase, and had round intrenched him∣selfe.* 2.191 Leicester to releeue the towne, sent the Earle Hoenloe a Germane, and Iohn Norris an English Captain, who hauing begun to raise a scance neere to the towne, that they might from thence send prouision & succors to the besieged, were soone assailed and repulst by the Spaniard: but certaine fresh companies of English ioyning with the other, and fal∣ling vpon the Spaniard, repulsed them vvith a great slaugh∣ter; only Norris receiued a small hurt. But the Duke of Par∣ma comming with fresh supplies beganne furiously to play vpon the town with his great artillery, whereupon Homart Gouernor of the town; being a yong man, & vnexperienced in martiall affaires, without abiding any assault, after hee had conditioned for his owne,* 2.192 and the Inhabitants liues, he yeel∣ded vp the towne. Whilest Leicester in the meane space expulsing the Spaniards out of the Betow,* 2.193 an Isle situated be∣tweene the Rhine and the Waale, and fortified the scance neere Telon; Hemart for hauing vnaduisedly yeelded Graue was (for an example to others) beheaded.

* 2.194 The Duke of Parma passing into Guilderland lodged his army before Venlo, where Skenke of Freezland, and Roger Williams a Welchman, being men of a resolute courage, put in practice a haughty enterprise, breaking through the army of the Duke by night, with intent to enter into the towne, and hauing slaughtered many, they had pierced as farre as the Dukes tent. But they were repulsed: and though they

failed of their expectation, yet were they praysed amongst the best souldiers for their aduentrous hardinesse. Soone after the towne of Venlo was yeelded vp. In the interim,* 2.195 the Lord Willoughby Gouernor of Bergen op Zome intercep∣ted store of Corne which was caried toward the enemy. On another side Phillip Sidney, and Maurice sonne to the Prince of Orange, surprised Axele a towne in Flanders.* 2.196 Sidney swel∣ling with courage by reason of this successe; being allured with hopes from some of the garison of Graueline,* 2.197 hee by night attempted to take the towne, but La Motte the Gouer∣nor, by whom this plot was laid, issued out vpon him vn∣expected, whereby he perceiued that he was deluded, and re∣tired with the losse of some few men, safe and in perfect health. William Pelham Generall of the English horse scou∣red vp and downe Brabant. Parma parting from Venlo, marched to Bergen, where Colonell Morgan with 1200 English vnder his command lay in Garison, which he belea∣gerd: Leicester made hast to raise him, but finding himselfe vnequall in the number of his men, slenderly prouided of munition, not any place for retreat at hand, & the leaguer of his enemy strongly fortified: to draw the enemy from Bergen, he in likewise beleag••rd Duisbrough, and after that by the force of his cannon he had made a breach,* 2.198 preparing to giue an assault, the towne vpon composition yeelded; so hee entred,* 2.199 and tooke possession of the towne before the Duke of Parma had altogether left Bergen to come to re∣leeue it.

Parma suspecting, that they would also march against Zutphen a neighbouring City, he caused prouision to be ca∣ried into the towne but at the second returne of the cariage, the English by the fauour of the time which was then misty, encountred the Spaniards which conuoyed the same. Then began betwixt them a tumultuous conflict. The English standing two volleys of shot vntoucht, remained firme, putting to flight the troope of horse sent forth vnder the conduct of

G. Cressiac a Wallon, who dismounted from his horse by the Lord Willoughby, vvas taken; Hannibal Gonzago with many others being slaine. Yet few of the English perished: but oh!* 2.200 He that countervail'd many men, whose valor parallel'd if not exceeded the best, Sidney, his horse being slaine, whilst he ascended another, was shot through the thigh, of which wound fiue and twenty dayes after he dyed, hauing scarce out-liued his father foure moneths, and was much lamented of all good men. Leicester his vncle returning into Eng∣land performed his obsequies and funerall duties, in the Church of St. Paul at London with great magnificence, and solemnities due to a noble Souldier. Iames the King of Scots honored him with an Epitaph, both the Academies cōsecrated their teares to him, and the new Colledge of Ox∣ford erected a stately monument to his lasting memory. And to speake truth, the vertue of this man, his natural mag∣nificent bounty, his adorned literature, and his sweet and milde behauiour, well deserued all this, yea and more.

Leicester, though sad & sorrowful, eagerly assaulted the forts before Zutphen, and to expugne them with better successe, he seized vpon the Iland with the places of defence therin; then assaulting the lesser fortresse,* 2.201 hee subdued it by the va∣lour of Edward Stanley who laying hold of a Spaniards Pike, wherewith he strucke him, kept such fast hold that hee was by the Pike drawne into the Fort, vvhereat the Spani∣ards were in such sort amazed, that they fearefully fled. Leicester for this valorous exploit Knighted Stanley, rewar∣ding him with 40 pounds English presently paid him down, and a 100 Marks yearely pension during his life. The night following the Spaniards abandoned the greater fort leauing behind them all their munition, and retyred into Zutphen. Leicester thought it not expedient to beleaguer the towne at that time, being then almost in the depth of vvinter, and the vveather very sharpe; besides, hauing garisons round about it, he thought it sufficiently besieged. For Sir Edward Stan∣ley

remained at Deuentrey, being sixe English miles from thence on the North side, with 1200 footmen, as well Eng∣lish as Irish. Rowland Yorke kept the fortresses of Zutphen neere to Deuentry with 800 foote, and 100 horse. There were garisons likewise placed towards the East parts, at Lillo, Sherenbourg, and Douay.

Leicester hauing placed the rest of his troopes in garison, and seeing that the Duke of Parma was farre thence retired, hee returned to the Hage, where the Estates receiued him with many complaints:

THat the moneyes were not well distribu∣ted,* 2.202 that hee inclined his eares to evill Counsellors, that the numbers of the auxili∣ary English were not compleat, that foreigne souldiers were inrol'd without their consent, that militarie discipline was neglected, that waggons and pioners were compeld, that the priuiledges of the prouinces were contēned, & that new formes of contribution were deuised.

They requested him to apply a speedy and healthfull re∣medy to these things. He that had his whole intendments busied about his returne into England, with a courteous an∣swer gaue them faire promising. But vpon the day where∣in he was to depart, he committed the administration of the Prouinces to the Counsell of the Estates, and vpon the same day, by letters of restraint secretly dispatcht, he reserued to himselfe the whole authority ouer the Gouernours of the Prouinces, Townes, and Castles, and exempted likewise the accustomed iurisdictions from the Counsell of the Estates

and Gouernours of the Prouinces, and so vpon the third day of December he passed ouer into England.* 2.203 Thus for this whole yeare were the English affaires caried in the Netherlands.

In England, Phillip Earle of Arundel who all the yeare had beene kept close prisoner, was accused in the Starre-Chamber.

* 2.204 THat hee contrary to the Lawes, had succoured the Priests, had inter∣change of letters with Alan and Parson, Jesuits and enemies to the Queene: That he had derogated from the Justice of the King∣dome by publike writing: and had enterpri∣sed to depart the Kingdome without licence.

* 2.205 But hauing made protestation of his obedience to the Queene, and loue to his Country, he modestly excused him∣selfe out of his zeale to the Catholike Religion, and his ig∣norance of the lawes, and submitted himselfe to the iudge∣ment of the Assembly, who adiudged him to be fined 10000 pounds, and so long imprisonment as the Queenes pleasure should prescribe. But of these things in the yeare 1589 must more amply be discoursed.

* 2.206 About this time ariued in England frō Frederick 2. King of Denmarke, Hen. Ramely Chancelor for the German affaires, with a warlike traine & guard of Muskettiers, who at large declared, with what affection the K. of Denmarke was trans∣ported towards Queene ELIZABETH, and the generall peace of Christendome; to which he promised with his best indeauors to moue the King of Spaine to condiscend:

THat (as hee said) the common enemie of mankinde, might not any longer with humane blood water those seeds of warre which he had sowne in the Netherlands.

The Queene gaue him a gracious hearing; and hauing often graciously entertained him with diuers discourses, she highly commended the pious intention of the King of Den∣marke. And by the Lord Burghley, Treasurer; Charles Ho∣ward, Lord High Admirall; Henry Lord Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, Chamberlaine; and Sir Francis Walsingham, principall Secretarie, she gaue him this answer;

THat she desired nothing more,* 2.207 then to embrace a League of amity (in which were coucht no treacheries) with her neigh∣bouring Princes. But considering the com∣plots of the Spaniard which hee had practised against her, shee could not but prouide for her owne safety, the defence of the True Religi∣on of Christ, and the conseruation of the pri∣uiledges of her allyed neighbours in their en∣tier.

The selfe-same answer to the same purpose she gaue to Bodellan, sent into England by the Duke of Parma to treat of a Peace.

In the meane space shee furnished the King of Nauarre, by the hands of Horatio Pallauicine vvith a large summe of money;* 2.208 in whose person onely, the Guises oppugned the re∣formed Religion in France. But the Queene was to nothing more attentiue, then to confirme a solid amity betweene England and Scotland, and to conioyne them in one vnited League of mutuall offence and defence,* 2.209 vvhereby she might not onely cut off all hope of ayde from Scotland to foraine Nations, but to the Queene of Scots her selfe. For Queene ELIZABETH suspected, that shee, being greatly incensed, had imbraced some perilous counsell, since that the conditi∣ons which vvere presented by her, vvere reiected; the asso∣ciation agreed vpon, and she (as is before related) deliuered into the custody of Sir Aimé Poulet and Drury. And it was apparantly manifest, that the Iesuites on one side, and the fugitiue Nobilitie of the other,* 2.210 had suggested her with diuers designes, and abrupt counsels, by their Letters writ∣ten one against the other. For the Iesuites perceiuing that there was no other hope left for the establishing of the Ro∣man Religion, either by her, or by her sonne, they framed to themselues new deuices; they beganne to coyne for the Spaniard (whose greatnesse they alwayes laboured to en∣crease) a new and fained right to the succession of England. And (as Pasquier reported) they sent Saumier (if the name be not fained) into England, vvhich vvas one of their owne society, for to draw the Nobility to the Spanish faction, and to force her to some dangerous matter; denouncing that if she were any way troublesome, that neither shee nor her son should raigne at all. And by inciting the Guises, her alliance, to new commotions against the King of Nauarre and Prince of Conde, to the intent to hinder them from ai∣ding of her and her sonne.

* 2.211 But to conclude the League which was begunne by Wot∣ton, and interrupted by the slaughter of Francis Russell, which also Desneuall the French Ambassador, and Corselle,

a man of an impatient disposition, who not long before was ignominiously driuen out of England; began now to hin∣der; Thomas Randolph vvas dispatched, vvhose dexteritie in the Scottish affaires, was accounted wise and fortunate, although to the King hee was scarce welcome, by reason of the troubles which he formerly moued in Scotland. He pro∣posed to the King the same conditions of the League, which Wotton had before propounded.* 2.212 The King would haue to be added the Articles concerning the yearely pension assig∣ned, and the preiudice not to be offered to his Right to the Crowne of England, and vvould haue them inserted into the Contract. The Ambassador according to his instructi∣ons promised him an assurance of these things in a writing separate by it selfe, prouided that hee constantly embraced the League. The King, out of the loue vvhich hee bore to his subiects, propounded that the Scots might inioy the self∣same immunities in England as the English themselues. But the Ambassador shewing him that it could not be done except by the Parliament authoritie; and the States of England vvould not easily accord thereto: the King deli∣berately proposing the Articles to himselfe, agreed vnto them, and commanded them to be imparted to his Nobili∣ty, to the entent that they likewise should confirme them with their subscriptions. Yet the French Ambassador mur∣muring, first, said, that the Queene had desired this League, not out of any loue to the King, but for the iust feare vvhich shee had, lest shee should bee ruined by her enemies which were ioyned against her: then hee iniected many feares, intermixt with threats, that the amity of France, which is most profitable to the Scots, vvould be by this meanes dis∣solued: Lastly, he coniured the King, that hee would not doe any thing without the King of France his counsell.

But the King, who wel knew these to be but vaine speeches,* 2.213 could not be retarded or diuerted from his purpose. For hee wel knew that the English forces were much encreased by

Englands League with the Low-Countries, made this seri∣ous answer.

* 2.214 THat he had reposed his confidence in the diuine bounty, and not in the friendship of such as were contrary to the glory of God. Neither was it lesse lawfull for him to con∣tract a League with the Queene, without the French Kings counsell, then it was of late for the King of France to ioyne in friendship with her, without his aduice.

And although the Queene, that she might not be thought to buy this alliance, did send him lesse money then he ex∣pected, and made lesse expression of the assurance of the succession, neuerthelesse for the zeale which hee bore to Religion, and his singular affection to the Queene, hee commanded the League to bee concluded; and further to acquite his promise, he determined to send into England the Carrs, which were suspected murderers of Francis Russell.

* 2.215 A little after, vpon the beginning of Iuly, the Earle of Rut∣land, the Lord Euers, and Tho: Randolph for the Queene: the Earle of Bothwell, the Lord Boide, and Iames Humy Col∣dingknoll for the King of Scotland were assembled at Bar∣wicke, and there consummated the League, which was called The League of fast friendship, (because the word of offence was displeasing to the Scots) as followeth.

FOrasmuch as the Raignes and Gouernments of of these Princes, are falne into these doubtful and dangerous times, wherein the neighbouring

Princes, which will be called Catholiques, acknowled∣ging the Papall authoritie, doe contract Leagues, and by mutuall alliances, doe oblige their faiths, to ruine and extirpate, the true, pure, and Euangelicall Reli∣gion; not onely out of their owne Territories and Do∣minions, but also out of foraine Kingdomes. To the end, that those which doe embrace the Euangelicall Religion, might not seeme lesse carefull to defend and protect the same, then those which at this time doe ex∣ercise the Roman Religion are for the euersion & ouer∣throw of it: The said Princes for their greater assurance, and securitie of their owne persons, vpon whose safety dependeth the good and welfare of the people; and for the conseruation of the true, ancient, and Christian Religion, whereof they at this present make profession, haue consulted and agreed to combine themselues in a straiter knot of mutuall alliance and friendship, then hath beene till now amongst the Predecessors of their Maiesties.

The first ARTICLE. (Book 1)

PRimarily then, to the end that this so godly and necessary Proposition of either Prince in this tur∣bulent estate of things might come to an effect, for the common good, and propagation of the truth of the Gospell: it is conuented, agreed and concluded, that the said Princes shall by this mutuall and holy League, be especially carefull to defend and conserue the true, pure, and Euangelicall Religion, which they now professe, against all others that for the ruine thereof shall enterprize any thing against either of them; and shall labour and endeuour with all possible diligence, that the rest of those Princes which are professors of the same Religion, might accord with them in this

holy propounded League, and conioyning their forces conserue in their Dominions the true seruice of God, and defend and gouerne their subiects vnder the said ancient and Apostolicall Religion.

The second. (Book 2)

ITem, it is conuented, accorded, and concluded that this mutuall League for the defending and main∣taining of the Christian and Catholique Religion, which at this present is holden by either Prince, and by the grace of God obserued and nourished in their Realmes and Dominions, shall bee a League of offence and defence against all those that shall hinder, or en∣deuour by any means to hinder the exercise of the same within their Realmes and Dominions; notwithstand∣ing all Treaties, Leagues of friendship, and Confedera∣tions past betweene either of them, and all aduersaries and persecutors whatsoeuer of the same Religion. That if at any time any Prince or State whatsoeuer, of what condition so euer he be, shal inuade or infest, the Realmes, Dominions, or Territories, of either of the said Princes, or any part of them; or indomage or iniure any man∣ner of way their Maiesties persons, or subiects; or shall attempt these, or any of these things,

The third. (Book 3)

IT is conuented, accorded and concluded, that neither of these Princes, receiuing intelligence from the person inuaded, iniured, or indoma∣ged, shall directly, or indirectly; openly, or couert∣ly, aide, counsell, or fauour, at any time, the said inuaders, or infestors, in what kinde of inuasion so euer it shall bee; or by whomsoeuer it shall be at∣tempted,

notwithstanding all kindred, affinitie, amitie, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before contracted, or after to bee contracted.

The fourth. (Book 4)

THat the said Princes shall reciprocally send aide either to other, in manner as followeth: If the Kingdome of England shall be inuaded or mo∣lested by any stranger vpon those parts which are farre remote from the Kingdome of Scotland, the King of Scotland after demand made by the Queene of Eng∣land, shall incontinently and without delay send two thousand horse and fiue thousand foot▪ or any lesse num∣ber, according to the pleasure & request of the Queene, to bee conducted at the expence of the Queene, from the frontiers of Scotland next adiacent to the King∣dome of England, into any part of England what∣soeuer.

The fift. (Book 5)

THat if the Kingdome of Scotland shall bee inuaded or molested by any stranger, vpon those parts which are farre remote from the King∣dome of England: the Queene of England after de∣mand made by the King of Scotland, shall inconti∣nently, and without delay, send three thousand horse, and sixe thousand foot, or any lesse number, according to the pleasure and request of the King▪ to be conducted at the expence of the King from the frontiers of Eng∣land, next adiacent to the Kingdome of Scotland, into any part of Scotland whatsoeuer.

The sixt. (Book 6)

THat if the Kingdome of England shall by any one bee inuaded vpon the North parts within threescore miles of the borders of Scotland, the most illustrious King of Scotland being requested and demanded by the most excellent Queene of England, shall assemble all his forces and troopes to his possibi∣litie, effectually and without delay; and ioyning them with the English troops, shall pursue in all hostile man∣ner those that shall inuade the Kingdome of England, their fauourers and assistants whatsoeuer, for the space of thirty dayes together, or longer, if occasion and ne∣cessitie shall require, according to the space of time, which the subiects of Scotland were anciently accusto∣med, and to this day doe hold, for bringing of succours to the defence of the Kingdome.

The seuenth. (Book 7)

THat when the King of Scots shall haue notice giuen him from the Queene of England of any inuasion or deuastation happening in Ireland, he shall not onely forbid the inhabitants of the County of Argathel, of the Iles, and places adiacent to the said County, and the inhabitants of all other places whatsoeuer in the Kingdome of Scotland, not to enter into the Kingdome of Ireland, and to his power to hin∣der them from entring: But also in what time so euer it shall happen, that the inhabitants of any part what∣soeuer of the Realme of Scotland, shall, contrary to the intent of this Treaty, enter in hostile manner into any part of Ireland, with an extraordinary and vnusu∣all number of Souldiers: the King himselfe, after he

had giuen notice to the Queene of the said entry, shall, by a publique Edict, denounce the said inuaders, brea∣king in hostile maner into the said Realme, for Rebels, disturbers of the publique peace, and men guilty of at∣tempt against the estate, and as such shall pursue them.

The eighth. (Book 8)

THat neither of the said Princes shall giue (or permit any other in any sort whatsoeuer to giue) at any time hereafter, any aide, fauour, or as∣sistance, to any conspirator, rebell, or one reuolted from either Prince; or suffer any such person or persons in publike or in priuate, to make stay or aboade in their Dominions. But either of the said Princes, vpon the first notice, or request of the Prince (from whom they haue reuolted) offered, shall deliuer or cause to be deli∣uered vp the said conspirators, or Rebels, without any delay or procrastination, (according to the Conuenti∣ons, in our former Treaties betweene our selues, and our predecessors, expressed) or at least shal compell them to depart out of the bounds of their Dominions. And furthermore, so long as the said Rebels, or conspirators shall remaine in the said Dominions, either of the said Princes shall giue reasonable satisfaction for all the wrongs and damages done by the said Rebels.

The ninth. (Book 9)

THat to compound for all and singular the iniu∣ries and controuersies which haue hapned since the time that the most excellent King of Scots tooke the gouernment of the Kingdome vpon him, and for the space of foure yeares before, by reason of the

frontier limits, or amongst the borderers. The Princes shall on either side, within six moneths after this league concluded, send capable Commissioners, desirous of peace, well instructed, with commands sufficient and proper for the same affaires, to some commodious place vpon the frontiers of both Kingdomes, which shall de∣termine and end all causes & controuersies by a friend∣ly and honorable composition.

The tenth. (Book 10)

THat neither of the said Princes shall contract any League or confederation with any other Prince, Common-wealth, or Communalty what∣soeuer, to the preiudice of this present League and vni∣on, without hauing and obtaining an expresse consent from the other, by Letters, either subscribed with his hand, or sealed with his Priuy Seale.

That both Princes, when either of them shall bee duely requested by the Ambassadors or Commissioners of the other, shall approue and confirme this holy League of Society, both by Oath, and vnder the Great Seale. And further, for the greater assurance and stabilitie of the same, shall deliuer, or cause to be deliuered Letters Pa∣tents at a certaine time, which by the mutuall consent of either Prince shall be constituted.

The eleuenth. (Book 11)

THat all the precedent Treaties of friendship, and Conuentions of Leagues betweene the Pre∣decessors of the said Princes, their Kingdomes and Dominions (though now seeming out of vse) shall

remaine in their vertue, force, and vigour. And like∣wise this present treaty of mutuall alliance, and fast friendship shall not derogate in any manner from the precedent Treaties, and confederations passed by the said Princes, with other their Allies, or diminish in any part their waight, and authoritie, (onely excepted the defence of the pure Religion which the said Princes doe defend and exercise at this present in their King∣domes) in which manner we vnderstand, that this pre∣sent League of offence and defence, in its owne force shall remaine ratified, and inviolable.

That when the King of Scotland shall come to the age of fiue and twenty yeares; he shall (so soon as he con∣ueniently may) approue and confirme by a publique as∣sembly of his Kingdome this present League. Likewise the Queenes Maiestie shall doe and accomplish the same thing, and shall cause to be done and accomplished in the Court of Parliament, by the Nobility and other states of the Kingdomes of England and Ireland.

In the same moneth that this League was concluded of,* 13.1 a most pernicious conspiracy was discouered against Queene ELIZABETH; of which (in as few words as may possible be) I will expound the originall and progresse, according to that which I haue extracted out of the voluntary confes∣sions of the conspirators. Some out of the English Semi∣narie at Rheims, admiring as it were with astonishment, a certaine omnipotency in the Pope of Rome, beleeuing that the Bull of Pius Quintus against Queene ELIZABETH was dictated to him by the Holy Ghost; perswaded them∣selues, and others also that desired the glory of being Mar∣tyrs: that it was a meritorious thing to murder such as were excommunicate; yea, and a martyrdome to dye in such a cause. Giffard Doctor in Diuinity, Gilbert Giffard and Hod∣geson Priests, so farre possessed the minde of Iohn Sauage

with these things (who was reputed to be a bastard) a man ready at all assayes, that hee freely and voluntarily vowed to murder Queene ELIZABETH.* 13.2 And to make men be∣leeue, that they desired to assure the Queene and her Coun∣sellors, they published a booke at the same time, wherein they admonished the Papists of England not to enterprize any thing against their Queene, but with their teares (which are the weapons of Christians) to combate against her ene∣mies. And also by this meanes they dispersed a false rumor, that George Giffard a Gentleman of the Queenes Guard, had sworne to murder her, and to that end was by the Guise hy∣red with large summes of money.

* 13.3 In Easter Holydayes, Iohn Ballard Priest of the same Se∣minary, after hee had visited many Papists in England and Scotland, and had sounded their minds, hee returned into France, accompanied with Maude, Walsinghams Spy, a most crafty dissembler, that had seduced his easie nature, and treated vvith Barnardino Mendoza then Leidger for the King of Spaine in France, and Charles Paget who was wholly deuoted to the Queene of Scots, about the meanes to inuade England; representing to him, the apt opportuni∣tie of the time which then vvas, because the men of warre were then absent, and busied in the Low-Countries: nei∣ther was there a fitter time to bee hoped for, because the Pope, Spaniard, Guise, and Parma had then determined to in∣uade England, to diuert the warres from the Netherlands. But Paget clearely demonstrated, that it would be in vaine, to goe about to inuade England so long as the Queene was liuing.* 13.4 Ballard neuerthelesse was sent backe, after hee had sworne, to procure speedy succours to them that should in∣uade, and the liberty of the Queene of Scots.

* 13.5 At Whitsontide this Priest ariued in England, apparelled in Silks, in the habite of a Souldier, and by a borrowed name called himselfe Captaine Foscue. Hee consulted at London about these things with Anthony Babington of Dethicke in

Darbyshire, a yong man of a famous house, of a haughty spi∣rit, in learning surpassing his age, and very zealous to the Roman religion; who without leaue, had before passed into France vnknowne, and there became familiar with Thomas Morgan a seruant to the Queene of Scots, and the Bishop of Glasco her Ambassador; who continually sounded in the eares of his ambitious yong man, the heroicall vertues of the great Queene of Scots, in whose seruice hee might ob∣taine the meanes to rise to great Honours. Whereupon the yong man conceiued a certaine hope, and Morgan, without his knowledge, commended him by Letters to the Queene. For after that he was returned into England, the Queene of Scots graciously saluted him with her Letters; & after that, Morgan made vse of him for conueyance of Letters to and fro, vntill such time, that she was deliuered into the custody of Poulet: then he, perceiuing the danger which might en∣sue, desisted. Ballard (as I said) consulted of the aforesaid things with Babington, hee plainely thought that the inua∣ding of England would be to no purpose so long as Queene ELIZABETH liued. But Ballard giuing him to vnderstand,* 13.6 that she had not long to liue, because Sauage who had vowed to murder her, was then ariued in England; Babington was of another aduice, and thought it not fit, that affaires of such greatnesse should be committed to him alone, lest he should faile in the attempt. But to sixe valiant and Noble∣men, of which he would haue Sauage to be one, to the end he might not infringe his vow. And therfore Babington sought out a new meanes for the inuading of England by the stran∣gers, at what Port they should land, what assistance should be ioyned with them; how the Queene of Scots should be set at liberty: and lastly, for committing the tragicall murder (as he called it) of the Queene of England.

Whilst hee wholly bent his cogitations vpon these mat∣ters,* 13.7 hee receiued Letters by a boy vnknowne from the Queen of Scots, written in a familiar Character betwixt

them: wherein she gently blamed him for his long silence, and commanded him with all speed to send the packet of Letters sent from Morgan, and deliuered to him by the Se∣cretary of the French Ambassador, which hee performed, and by the same messenger sent her a Letter, by which

* 13.8 HE excused himselfe of his silence, because hee was destitute of opportunitie to send to her, since she was giuen into the custodie of Sir Aimé Poulet that Puritan, wholly deuo∣ted to Leicester, and a cruell and bitter enemy to the Catholique faith. He writ of the confe∣rence which he had with Ballard. Hee gaue her notice that sixe Gentle-men were chosen to commit a tragicall murder; and that he with a hundred others at the instant would deliuer her. And he desired her to propound recom∣pences to the heroicall actor of this tragedie (so he called it) or to their posteritie if they dyed in the attempt.

* 13.9 She answered these Letters the 27 of Iuly: And

SHe praised his singular affection to the Ca∣tholique religion, and to her selfe. But she admonished him to be considerate in this enter∣prise,

and that he should conclude an associati∣on amongst the authors and actors in the same, for feare of the Puritans; not to attempt any thing before he was sure of the foraine succors to stirre vp some combustion in Ireland, whi∣lest the blow was to be giuen here; to draw to his faction the Earle of Arundel and his bro∣thers, with the Earle of Northumberland, and secretly to repeale into the Kingdome the Earle of Westmerland, Paget, and others.

She prescribeth the meanes of her deliuerie;

EIther by subuerting of a Cart in the Port, or setting fire vpon Stables, or by inter∣cepting of her when she should ride to take the aire, or recreate her selfe betweene Chartle and Stafford. Finally, she requested Ba∣bington to promise recompences to the sixe Gentle-men, and to all the rest.

He had now associated to him certaine Gentlemen of No∣ble race burning with zeale toward the Romane Religion;* 13.10 amongst whom the principall were Edward Windsor, bro∣ther to the Lord Windsor, Baron of Bradnam, a yong man

of a pleasing and milde disposition. Thomas Salisbury issued from a house of ancient Knighthood in Denbigh-shire. Char: Tilney of a remarkable and famous race; who was the onely hope of that house; with one of the Gentlemen Pensioners to the Queene, whom Ballard a while before had reconci∣led to the Romane Church: and Chidiock Tichborn of Hamp∣shire, and Edward Abington, whose father was the vnder-Treasurer of the Queenes houshold; two braue yong men; Robert Gadge of Surrey, Iohn Trauerse, Iohn Charnock of Lan∣cashire, I. Iones, whose father was keeper of the Wardrop to Queene MARIE: Sauage, of whom I haue spoken: Barnwell, of a Noble House in Ireland, and Henry Dunne Clerke for the receipt of first fruits and tythes. Into this company Pol∣ly insinuated himselfe, vvell instructed in the affaires of the Queene of Scots, very expert in dissembling, vvho stil from day to day, laid open all their counsels to Walsingham, and by the mischieuous aduice which he suggested to these yong men, being of themselues inclined to euill, hee precipitated them to farre vvorse matters: notwithstanding Naue the Queene of Scots Secretary, had forwarned them of him.

* 13.11 To these Babington communicateth the matter, but not to euery one, all; he shewed to Ballard, Tichborne and Dunne his owne Letters, and the Letters of the Queene of Scots. Also he soliciteth Tilney, and Tichborne to doe the deed. At the first they refuse to staine their hands in their Princesses blood. But Ballard and Babington labouring hard to teach and giue them to vnderstand how iust and lawfull it vvas to kil Kings or Princes excommunicated, and that if right were to be violated, it must needs be for the Catholike Religion; yet notwithstanding they with much adoe are perswaded to it. Abington, Barnwell, Charnock, and Sauage yeelded their ready consent vvith alacritie, swearing to act the murther. Salisbury they could not possibly induce to bee a Regicide, nor draw to any thing more, then to imploy his best ende∣uours for the deliuerance of the Queene of Scotland. Ba∣bington

maketh choice of Tichnore to be the odde man ouer and aboue the number of those that should doe the deed; of whose secrecie, trust and resolution he made no doubt; but he was then abroad in trauell. Babington commandeth that before they had taken their oath, they should not impart the businesse to any.

After this, they met in Sr. Gyles fields to conferre further;* 13.12 in Paules also, and in Tauernes, where they feasted often, puft vp with vaine hopes of preferment to great honors and dignities: whereupon they would often commend the no∣ble courage of those valiant Scots, which had lately seized on the Kings royall person at Sterlin; and Girard the Bourgoni∣an, who slew the Prince of Orange at Delph. Moreouer,* 13.13 they grew to that height of vanity, that thy would needs haue the pictures of them drawne in a table, and Babington in the midst, with this versicle or inscription:

Such be my consorts, as dare incurre my dangers.

But this pleased them not so well, as being a little too plain, wherefore they exchanged it with this other;

Quorsum haec, aliò properantibus.

Some are of opinion that this table was once show'd to Queene ELIZABETH in priuate, of which shee could not discern or know any other man by his effigies, but Barnwell onely who had had at diuers times accesse to her Maiesty from the Earle of Kildare whom hee serued; but being in∣structed in the businesse, she knew him to be the man should haue attempted her life; for on a time walking abroad, and espying Barnwell, whom she beheld with an vndanted coun∣tenance, turning herselfe suddenly towards Sir Christopher Hatton Captaine of her Guard, and others; she said, Am not I fairly guarded now, hauing not one man of my followers, that is prouided of a sword? This Barnwell reported this to

the rest of his fellowes, telling thē how easily it might then haue beene done, had he had his consorts with him: and Sauage said the same.

* 13.14 After this, Babington cast all his care, how he might bring in the forraigne power according to his promise. For the more certainty hee resolued to passe himselfe into France and to send Ballard before to the same end, for whom in an other name he had procured a licence to trauell. And for the better auoyding of suspition, insinuateth himselfe with Sir Francis Walsingham, by meanes of Polly already spoken of, whom he earnestly intreated to procure him a Passe from the Queene to goe into France, promising him he would be exquisitely industrious to finde out all the hidden plots the English fugitiues had in hand concerning the Queene of Scots: He commendeth much the yong Gentlemans pur∣pose,* 13.15 promising him not only his Passe, but greater matters. Neuerthelesse putting off from time to time both the one and the other, hauing serued his turne in the meane time by his owne intelligencers, who had acquainted him before∣hand with all things, though they thought themselues as se∣cret as the Sun; he who discouered most of these matters to Walsingham,* 13.16 was one Gilbert Giffard, descended from the noble family of the Chilingtons in Staffordshire neere Chart∣ley, where the Queene of Scots had lyen, and was then sent by the fugitiues into England, vnder the name of Luson, to put Sauage in mind of the vow he had made: and being now to bee their factor, was to keepe himselfe close, and the Queene of Scots letters safe which were to bee sent ouer, when as they could not in those dangerous times draw in the Countesse of Arondel, the Lord Lumley, the Lord H. Howard, nor Sir G. Shirley.

The fugitiues to try whether they might safely expect letters out of England from Giffard, sent often empty white papers (which they call blanckes) bound vp in packets like letters, which perceiuing by the answers they receiued that

they had beene deliuered, and now beleeuing their cariers better then before, write materially, but in characters. Whether this Giffard was troubled in conscience, or cor∣rupted with money, before hee carried ouer his letters, or terified with feare, I cannot well tell; but hee went to Wal∣singham first in secret, to vvhom hee discouered himselfe, and for vvhat cause hee was thus imployed into England, offering his seruice for the loue hee bore vnto his Prin∣cesse and Countrie, vvith promise that what Letters so euer from the Fugitiues, or the Queene of Scots should come in∣to his hands, hee would acquaint him with. Sir Fran: Walsingham, embracing his offer, entertaineth him kindely, and sending him into Stafford-shire, vvrit to Sir Aimé Pou∣let, intreating him to giue this Giffard leaue to intice some of his seruants. He vnwilling that any seruant of his (as he said) should by dissimulation, or otherwise, bee brought to turne Traitor, seemed not to be pleased therewith. Neuer∣thelesse suffered him to practice vntill hee had brought in a Beare-brewer, and an Oate-meale-man, his neare neigh∣bours, whom he made sure. Giffard vvith a few crownes had easily corrupted the Brewer; who by a hole made artifici∣ally in a wall, wherein vvas a stone that vvas to be easily put in and out, he both deliuered & receiued Letters, the which by Carriers appointed for the purpose, viz. relapsed Priests, came to Sir F. Walsinghams hands. He opened them, tooke Copies of them, and by the cunning of Tho.* 13.17 Philips found out the Charactory, and by the deuice of Arthur Gregory, so closed them vp againe, that it was not to be per∣ceiued that they had been vnsealed, then sent them to whom they were directed, according to their superscriptions. In this fashion were the two first Letters intercepted which the Queene of Scots had written to Babington, and his answers againe to her (wherein in the same Characters was added at the end of the Letter a Postscriptum: in which they found sixe Noble-mens names, if no more) as also other Letters,

which all in one day were vvritten to the Spanish Ambas∣sador, to the Lord Paget, Char: Paget, the Archbishop of Glascow, and Sir Francis Inglefield: all which were first writ∣ten out, and so sent away againe.

So soone as the Queene vnderstood by these Letters, vvhat a horrible storme vvas ready to light on her, as well out of diuers places abroad, as at home; she commanded out of hand,* 13.18 to apprehend Ballard, vvho vvas at vnawares taken in Babingtons house, being vpon his departure for France. This brought a thousand doubts and dreadfull thoughts into the perplexed heart of Babington, who hereupon vvent to Tichbourne for his aduice vvhat to doe. Tichbournes coun∣sell vvas that euery man should fly out, to saue himselfe. But Babington vvas of a minde to send forth Sauage and Char∣nocke to performe the murder. But first, that he might haue the better accesse in Court, to apparell him richly; and to this end, had conference with the rest in Pauls that day. But changing his opinion, and hauing hidden in his perplexed heart,* 13.19 the thornes of his sorrowes, importuneth Walsingham by Letters and intreaties, being then at the Court, without further delay to let him haue his Licence for France, and for that he had speciall vse for Ballard to set him at libertie. Wal∣singham deferred his suit vvith faire promises, laying the ta∣king of Ballard vpon Yong the cunning Catcher of the Pa∣pists,* 13.20 and vpon his Pursuiuants, aduising him as it were in kindnesse to keepe him out of the clawes of such as they; and this he easily perswaded him to (being a yong man) and to take his house in London for his lodging for a vvhile, till the Queene had signed his Passe, and till himselfe returned to London, that they might conferre the more priuately to∣gether of such great matters, and that otherwise by his of∣ten goings vp and downe, which he must needs vse if he be lodged any where else, the fugitiues could not but grow suspitious of him vpon his going into France.

In the meane time one Scudamore, a seruant of Sir Fran∣cis

Walsinghams, vvas commanded to haue an eye to him, to accompany him euery where; giuing him to vnderstand, that this was done to saue him from Pursuiuants and Serge∣ants. This webbe Walsingham had closely wouen vvithout the knowledge of the Queenes Councell, and thought to lengthen it a little more. But the Queene would not haue it so, lest in not seeking to saue her selfe whilest she might, her Maiestie should seeme (as shee said) rather to tempt God, then to trust in him. Hereupon a letter was sent from Wal∣singham at Court, to his man at home, to looke a little more narrowly to Babington then hee had done. This vvriting was deliuer'd him vnsealed, sitting at table next to Babington, who tooke occasion to read it vvith him. He hauing a guilty conscience began to suspect that all was discouered; so that being the night following vvith Scudamore, and two others of Sir Francis Walsinghams seruants at supper in a Tauerne;* 13.21 After they had supped, he riseth from the table, leauing his Cloake and Rapier behind him, as if he had gone to pay the shot, taking the benefit of the darke night, slipt away to Westminster, where hee changed his cloathes with Gage, which Gage soone after put off in Charnocks Chamber, and put on his: being so arrayed, they went to saue them in Saint Iohns Wood, neare the Citie, vvhere Barnwell and Dun came to them. The meane while, they vvere proclaimed traytors thorow the vvhole countrie.* 13.22 They lurked in woods and by wayes, after the French Ambassador had refused to lend them money, and Tichbourne horses. Babington cut his head-haires, and because he vvas faire of complexion, they besmeared his face vvith the huskes of greene Wal-nuts. Hunger at the last inforced them to retyre themselues into the houses of the Bellamis neare Harrow-hill,* 13.23 a people zea∣lously affected to the Romane religion, which hid them in barnes, and put them in Rusticke apparell, and relieued them with meat. But being found ten dayes after,* 13.24 they vvere conueyed from thence to London, and the Citizens to ex∣presse

their great ioy, rung Bels, made bonefires, and sung Psalmes; which the Queene much commended, and gaue the City thankes.

* 13.25 The other Conspirators vvere taken presently after, the most of them in the Suburbs; Salisbury in Cheshire: his horse being shot through by those vvhich pursued him, and Tra∣uers with him: after they had swom ouer the Riuer Weauer: and Iones in Wales, who not vnacquainted with the treason, had lodged them in his house, after he had heard them pro∣claimed Traitors, and had changed Cloakes with Salisbury and his man, (who vvas a Priest) which fled on horsebacke. Many dayes were spent in the examination of these, which bewrayed one another,* 13.26 not concealing any thing of the knowne truth.

Now whilst these things past thus, the Queene of Scots and her seruants were by Sir Aimé Poulet kept with watch and ward, that she might not heare thereof, although it were knowne all the Land thorow. But so soone as they were all taken, Sir Tho: Gorge vvas sent to aduertize her briefely hereof, which he did purposely, shee not dreaming of any such matter, but was now mounted on horsebacke to goe hunt, and vnder a show of honour is conducted vp and down from one Noble mans house to another, not suffering her to returne home. In the meane time, Sir Iohn Manners, Ed. Aston, Ri: Bagot, and Wi: Waade (who knew not any thing of this businesse,* 13.27 hauing beene lately sent into this Countrey) receiued Letters and Commission from the Queen to execute the same, to separate Naune, & Curle, and the rest of her seruants, to be kept safe and seueral from com∣ming to haue any communication with her, or shee with them. And breaking open the doores of her Closet, sent away to the Court all her Desks, or Coffers, wherein were any Letters vnder her owne hand and Seale.* 13.28 Then Poulet (as it was commanded him) seized vpon all her mo∣ney, that she might haue no meanes, to bribe any, promising

to restore it to her againe. The Coffers being opened be∣fore Queen ELIZABETH, diuers Letters were found writ∣ten to her by Strangers, copies of such as she had sent to sundry; notes, memorials and secret Characters ••o the num∣ber of threescore more or lesse; with diuers amorous Let∣ters, and Letters of complement from some great men of England: ELIZABETH notwithstanding passed all ouer in silence, vsing her old Motto.

Video, Taceo{que}. J see, and say nothing.

But as they had knowledge of these things, those who be∣fore had fauoured the Queene of Scots, from thenceforth were her aduersaries.

After this,* 13.29 Giffard (hauing first playd his part in this Tra∣gedie) was sent into France, as if he had beene banished, but before he went, he left with the Ambassador of France, an indented Paper, willing him not to deliuer the Queene of Scots her Letters, nor those of the Fugitiues to any but him that should show him a Paper sutable to that, the which he left secretly with Walsingham. Hee returning into France within a few moneths after, being committed to prison for some impuritie of life, and suspected of these matters, en∣ded his dayes miserably, confessing that the most of that which hee had said was true, as was apparant by that which was found in his Deske.

The thirteenth day of September seuen of the Conspi∣rators were arraigned, vvho confessed themselues guilty,* 13.30 and vvere condemned of High treason. The second day after, the other seuen was likewise called to the barre; who pleading not guilty, put themselues (as the manner is) to be tryed by God and the Countrey, and vvere by their owne confessions found guilty and condemned: Onely Polley (though he were guilty of all) saying hee had something to

speake to Sir Fran: Walsingham was not brought forth.

* 13.31 Vpon the 20 day of the moneth, the first seuen were hanged on a Gibbet, a seaffold being set vp for that purpose, in S. Gyles fields, where they had commonly vsed to meet. They were no sooner hanged, but presently cut downe: their priuy members cut off, their bowels ript vp, and quar∣tered (they yet aliue, and looking about them) which was not without some note of cruelty. The first was Ballard the Arch-traytor, after he had asked God and the Queene forgiuenesse, if euer he had offended her. Then Babington (who neuer seemed dismayed at Ballards execution) whilest the other turning aside, prayed on their knees, confessed his faults ingenuously; and being cut downe from the gallowes, and lying vpon the blocke to be quartered, cryed aloud in Latine; Parce mihi Domine Iesu. Sauage (the Rope being crackt) fell from the Gibber, and being presently snatcht vp by the executioner, had his members cut off, and was bo∣welled aliue. Barnwell excused his crime out of a pretext of conscience and Religion. T••••hbourne most penitently confessing his offence, was much pitied of the beholders: so also was Tilney a man of modest demeanor, & of comely personage. Abington▪ of a furious and turbulent spirit, threat∣neth, that shortly there should bee no little blood-shed through England.

The next day, the other seuen being drawne to the same place, suffered the same punishment▪ But with lesse seueritie, by the Queenes commandement, who hated the first dayes cruelty after she heard it▪ ••or they hung till they were dead, and then were taken downe, bowelled, and quartered. Sa∣lisbury was the first, who dyed very penitently, exhorting Catholikes, neuer to attempt the restoring of Religion by force of Armes Dunne, who vvas next, spoke to the same effect Next was Iones, vvho protested hee had diuers times disswaded Salisbury from the enterprize, nor did euer ap∣proue the bringing in of foraine inuasion. Charnock and Tra∣uers

were earnest in prayer, commending themselues to God, and to the Saints. Gage acknowledgeth the bountifull fauours of her Maiestie towards his father; and his owne detestable ingratitude by his treachery. Hierome Bellamie, (who had concealed Babington after hee was proclaimed Traytor) confused and silent, concluded the Tragedy. For, Babingtons brother, being guilty of the same, had strangled himselfe in prison.

After this execution, M. Nauue a Frenchman▪ and Curle,* 13.32 both Secretaries to the Q. of Scots, being examined of the Letters, copies of Letters, Notes, and Characters found in the Queenes Closet, presently confest, and subscribed, that they vvere their hand-writings, dictated from her to them in French, taken by Nauue, and translated by Curle into English, and vvritten out in secret Characters. Neither de∣nyed they, that they had receiued Letters from Babington, and that they, by her bidding, had written backe to him a∣gaine. I will not say, that they were hyred to say what they did; yet this was plainely to be seene by their Letters, and what Curle challenged at that time by Walsinghams promise; but he reproued him as vnmindfull of the gracious fauours hee had receiued, saying, that hee had confessed nothing, but what his fellow Nauue vrging him to, hee could not deny.

Presently after, Sir Edward Wotton is sent into France,* 13.33 vvho was to certifie the King of all the Conspiracy, and to shew the Copies of the Letters of the Queene of Scots, and of others of the Nobility of England, to testifie the truth of the cause, that the King might perceiue in what pe∣rill the Queen was, by the practices of Morgan, Charles Paget, and others then resident in France.

The Councell could not determine what should be done vvith the Queene of Scots.* 13.34 Some aduised not to deale with her too rigorously, but to haue her kept 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Prison, for that shee was not the Author of the conspiracie: but

conscious: and because she was sickly, and not likely to liue long. Others were of opinion to haue her put to death by course of Law, for feare of endangering Religion. But the Earle of Leicester thought it better to dispatch her with poi∣son, and sent a Diuine to Sir Francis Walsingham, to tel him, that he thought it might lawfully be done. But Sir Fr. Wal∣singham protested that he was so farre from consenting to haue any violence offered her, as that he had diuerted Mor∣tons purpose, which was to haue had her sent into Scotland, and to haue slaine her on the Borders. It was argued againe amongst them, by what Law she should be iudged. Whe∣ther by that of An.* 13.35 25 of Edward the 3, (by which, such were held guilty of Treason, as conspired the death of the King or the Queene, which should bring warre vpon their Kingdom, or take part with their Enemies) or by that of Anno 27 of ELIZA∣BETH, which I spoke of. But the aduice of those, which thought better of the latter, preuailed: for it vvas made in the case, which vvas now to be handled, and therefore pro∣per.* 13.36 There vvas chosen by Commission, many of the Priuy Councell, and of the Peeres of the Realme, to proceed, by vertue of the Law aboue-mentioned, and to passe iudge∣ment against such, as had raised rebellion, inuaded the Land, or offered violence to the Queene, &c. And behold the words of the Statute, as they are in the originall.

* 13.37 ELIZABETH by the Grace of God Queene of England, France and Ire∣land, &c. To the most Reuerend Father in Christ, Iohn, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitane of England, and one of our Priuy Councell; and to our be∣loued

and faithfull Tho: Bromley knight,* 13.38 Chancellor of England, and of our priuy Coun∣cell; as also to our welbeloued and faithfull William CECILL, Baron of Burghley, Lo: high Treasurer of England, our Priuy Counsellor, &c. Greeting, &c.

The rest of the Lords Cōmissioners names, for breuities sake, are * 13.39 thus inserted.

Then after the rehearsing of the Law, or Act (as wee tearme it) these words follow.

FOrasmuch as since the last Session of Parlia∣ment, to wit, since the first of Iune, in the xxvij. yeare of our raigne, diuers things haue beene at∣tempted and conceiued, tending to the hurt of our roy∣all Person; aswell by Mary, daughter & heyre to Iames the fift, late King of Scotland and Dowager of France, pretending a title to the crowne of the Kingdome of England: as also by diuers other persons, with the pri∣uitie of the said Mary, according as it hath beene gi∣uen vs to vnderstand. And whereas we intend and determine, that the said Act should in all and by all be well, duely, and effectually executed, according to the forme and tenour of the said Act. And that all the of∣fences in the aforesaid Act, and the circumstances of the same (aboue mentioned) be duely examined, and sentence, or iudgement, accordingly be giuen, agreea∣ble to the tenour and effect of that Act: We giue to you, or the maior part of you, full and absolute power, licence and authority, according to the purport and meaning of the aboue recyted Act, to examine all & euery thing and things, tending to the impeachment of our royall person, which haue beene practised or conceiued, aswell

by the aforesaid Mary, as by any other persons whatso∣euer, with the knowledge and priuity of her, all circum∣stances of the same (and other forenamed offences whatsoeuer specified, as hath beene abouesaid) and all circumstances of the said offences, and euery of them. And moreouer, according to the forenamed Act, to pro∣nounce sentence, or iudgement, according as the matter shall appeare to you, vpon sufficient proofe: And there∣fore We command you, that yee proceed diligently vpon the foresaid matters, in maner abouesaid, vpon cer∣taine dayes and in certaine places, as you, or the maior part of you, shall thinke good.

* 13.40 Most part of these Commissioners met together the 11. of October, at Fotheringham in the countie of Northamp∣ton, vpon the riuer Nen, where the Queene of Scotts was then kept. The next day after, the Commissioners sent to her, Mildmay, Sir Ayme Poulet, and Barker publick Notary, who deliuered vnto her the Queenes Letters; which when she had read, with a bold spirit and maiestick countenance, she thus answered:

* 13.41 IT grieueth me, that my dearest sister the Queene hath beene so badly informed against me, and that after so many yeares as my body hath beene shut vp, and kept with watch and ward, the many iust con∣ditions which I haue offered for my liberty, haue been neglected, and my selfe abandoned. I haue sufficient∣ly aduertised her of many dangers, yet neuerthelesse she hath not giuen credite vnto me, but alwayes reie∣cted them, though I be the next of her bloud. When a combination was begunne, and an Act of Parliament thereupon made, I foresaw that what dangers soeuer might happen eyther from forraigne Princes abroad, discontented persons at home, or for Religion, would re∣dound

vpon me, hauing so great enemies in Court.* 13.42 I might take it ill, to haue my sonne contracted without my knowledge; but I omit that. Now as touching this Commission, it seemeth strange to me, to be arraigned in iudgement like a subiect, being an absolute Queene, not committing any thing preiudiciall to the Queenes royall Maiesty, to any Princes of mine owne ranke and dignitie, or against my sonne. Mine heart fayleth me not yet, nor will I faint in aduersitie: I referre me to my confession made to Bromley now Lo: Chancellor, and Baron Lauar: I am ignorant of the English lawes and Statutes; I haue no Counsellers at law: Who are my Peeres, I know not. My notes and writings are taken from me, and there's none dares mediate for me. I am free from all trespasse against her Maiestie, I haue animated none against her, neither am I to be called into iudgement, vnlesse it were for some word or wri∣ting of mine owne, that could be produced against me, wherein I haue recommended my selfe and cause to some forraigne Princes; which I would not deny.

The day following Sir Ayme Poulet and Parker, two of the Commissioners, repayred to her, who shewed her (in wri∣ting) her answer, and demanded whether she would persist therein: which after she had heard read distinctly and truly vnto her, she commended it, saying she would.

But this (quoth she) was out of my minde,* 13.43 that which I would haue added now; that the Queene wrote vnto me, that I was subiect to the lawes of England, and to be iudged by them, because I liued vnder their tuition.

To which I answer:

That I came into England for ayde; and hauing euer since beene detayned prisoner, I could neuer enioy the tuition or benefite of the lawes, nor till this present had I any to teach them vnto me.

In the afternoone, certaine of the Commissioners, with some learned Counsellers at the Ciuill and Canon Law, came to her. The Chancellor and Treasurer shewed their authoritie by Commission; telling her, That neyther her detayning in captiuitie, nor her Princely prerogatiue, could priuiledge or exempt her from answering in the kingdome; gently intreating her, That she would be pleased to heare what was obiected: if not, they were to proceed by course of Law against her, though absent. She answereth,

* 13.44 She was no subiect, and that she would rather dye a thousand deathes, than acknowledge her selfe to bee one, seeing that by such acknowledgement, shee should preiudice the soueraignty of her royall Maiesty, and become lyable to the Lawes of England, yea, in case of Religion: notwithstanding, she was ready to answere to all things in open Court of Parliament, though shee knewe that this Convention was (for formalities sake) purposely continued for the taking away of her life, already condemned in opinion. She wisheth them to examine their owne consciences, and to remember, that the spacious Theater of the world, was more than the Kingdome of England.

Then she began to complaine of some iniuries offered her: but the Treasurer interrupting her, recited fauours which she had receiued from her Maiestie, namely, that she had punished some for impugning the title of her right to England, stayed the State when they would haue condem∣ned her for seeking to haue married with the Duke of Nor∣folke, and for consenting to the rebellion in the North. But when they saw she made no reckoning thereof, they depar∣ted from her.

After a few houres Sir Aimé Poulet and the Sollicitor, presented the Commission, and the names of the Commis∣sioners to her, that thereby she might see, they were to pro∣ceed by no fraudulent, but a legall course in equity. As for

the Commissioners, she tooke no exception; but that shee excepted against, was the seuere new Law,* 13.45 as vniust and pur∣posely deuised against her, and vpon which their Commis∣sion depended, whereof they could shew no president: nei∣ther would she euer yeeld vnto it. She demanded by what Law they should proceed, Ciuill or Canon? saying, they must send for Interpreters from Padua, Poytiers, and other outlandish Academies, because there were none in England that vnderstood them: adding further, that by the expresse words of the Queenes letters, it appeared she stood already conuicted of diuers crimes, and condemned before she was tryed; and therefore had no need to come before them to a second hearing: but desired to be resolued of some scru∣ples she had found in the letters, yet would not deliuer them out in writing, because (shee said) it became not a Queene to play the Scribe.

For this cause the selected Commissioners went again to her, of whom she desired to know what these words meant;

For that she was vnder the Queenes protection.

To which the Chancellor made answer:

This was easie to be vnderstood by any; yet was it not the subiects part, to interprete their Soueraignes meaning, neyther were they come for that cause.

She likewise required them, that they should shew forth the Protestation, which once she had made. But it was answe∣red, That it had not beene allowed, nor should it be now: because it was preiudiciall to the Realme of England. Then she demanded by what authoritie they were to proceed. To whom it was answered, By the authoritie of the Commis∣sion, and the Ciuill Law of England.

But (sayth she) you make Lawes as you list, and I am not bound to submit my selfe to them, seeing the English long since refused to be subiect to the Law-sa∣lique of France: and that if they would proceed by the Ciuill law of England, they must produce examples,

for that, that Law consisteth, for the most part, of presi∣dents and ancient customes. But if by the Canon Law, none but the founders therof ought to be the expositors.

Answer was made, They would proceed neyther by the Ciuill, nor Canon, but by the Law of England: yet by the Caesarian and Canon Law both, it was plaine (if she would heare it) that she ought to appeare. She refused not (shee said) to heare them, by way of discourse, but not iudiciarily.

From this she fell into other speeches: That she neuer had any thought to destroy the Queene: That she had been forced to endure many iniuries: That she should become a common stone of offence (if she were thus stil abused:) That she had offered to imploy Nauue, for the repealing of the Popes Bull, and that she would sundry times haue excused her innocencie (by letters) but was not permitted: finally, That all the offers of good-will, which she had offered for twentie yeares space, were still reiected. As she slipped a∣side by these prettie digressions, they brought her to the point, and intreated her to say plainly, whether she would answer the Commissioners. She replyed;

Their Commission was grounded vpon the new Law, which was made to entangle her; hauing there∣fore iust cause of suspioion, she could not endure it: and hauing alwayes carried a true heart, she would not now trespasse so much against the Kings of Scotland, her ancestors, as to acknowledge her selfe a subiect to the Crowne of England. For what were that else, but to proclaim them rebells and traytors? notwithstanding she refused not to answer, yet by no meanes in the na∣ture of a subiect; for that shee had rather perish, than to answer as a malefactor.

* 13.46 Then answered Sir Christ••pher Hatton, Vice-Chamber∣laine, saying:

You are accused of conspiracy against our soueraigne La: the Queene (an anointed Queene) but not con∣demned.

You say you are a Queen. Admit it: yet are you not of royall estate, neyther by the Caesarian, Canon, nor Law of nations or of nature, exempt from answering in such a case. For all iustice would swarue, nay ly dead, if such crimes should escape vnpunished. If you be in∣nocent, you dishonour your selfe in your reputation, to refuse to come to iudgement. You protest your selfe to be so, but the Queene thinkes otherwise, yet not with∣out cause, to her great griefe; and hath appointed per∣sons honourable, wise and vpright, to examine your innocency, who must heare you with equity and fauour, and will be very ioyfull that you shall cleare your selfe of these crimes. Beleeue mee, the Queene her selfe will greatly reioyce: for she assured me at my departure, that no greater griefe had euer befalne her, than this of your accusation: wherefore setting aside this vaine conceit of soueraignety, which at this time standeth you in no stead, shew your selfe blamelesse, attract no more suspici∣on to your selfe by subterfuge, but rather wipe away the spot, which else will sticke perpetually vpon your reputa∣tion.

I refuse not (said she) to answer in open Court of Parliament,* 13.47 before the States of the Realme lawfully conuecated so I may be declared next heir to the crown; or else before the Queene and Councell, so my prote∣station be admitted, and I acknowledged the Q••eenes next kinswoman.

The Chancellor asked her, if she would answer when her Protestation was admitted.

Neuer will I (quoth she) put my selfe vnder this new Law, mentioned in the Commission.

Whereupon the Treasurer concludeth: We will proceede notwithstanding in the case to morrow, be you absent or ob∣stinate.

Examine (said she) your owne conscience: respect

your credite, and God reward you and your children as you deale with me in y••ur iudgement.

The morrow after, which was the 14. of the moneth, shee sent for some of the Commissioners to come to her, and de∣sired them that her Protestation might be admitted and ap∣proued. The Treasurer asked her, if she would answer the Commission, if it were simply admitted and recorded in writing,* 13.48 without approbation. At last she condescended, though very hardly, because she would not seeme to dero∣gate from her predecessors or successors. And then she said, that (being perswaded by Hattons reasons, after she had thought of them considerately) she desired to purge her selfe of the imputed crime.

Instantly the Commissioners came together in the Chamber of presence; at the vpper end whereof was pla∣ced a Chaire of Estate for the Queene of England, and in a remote place below, a Chaire for the Queene of Scotts, op∣posite to the other.* 13.49 By the wals on the otherside were seats; on the one side sate the Lo: Chancellor of England, the Earles of Oxford, of Kent, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Cumberland, Warwick, Pembroke, and Lincolne, and the Viscount Montagu: on the other side, the Barons d'Aber∣gaveny, Zouch, M••rley, Stafford, Gray, Lumley, Sturton, Sands, Wentworth, Mordant, S. Iohn of Bletso, Compton, and Cheny. After these, the Knights that were of the Priuy Councell, Cr••fts, Hatton, Walsingham, Sadler, Mildmay, and Poulet. Right ouer against the Earles, sate the two chiefe Iu∣stices, and the chiefe Baron of the Exchequer: on the other side, the two Barons, the other Iustices, Dale and Ford, Do∣ctors of the Ciuill Law: and at a little table in the midst of the roome, Popham Atturney, Egerten the Queenes Sollici∣tor, Gaudy Sergeant at Law, the Clerke of the Crowne, and two other Notaries.

When she was come and set in her place, Bromley Lord Chancellor turning towards her, spake to this effect.

THe Queenes most excellent Maiesty of Eng∣land,* 13.50 being certified (to her extreame griefe of heart) that you haue practised the subuersi∣on and ruine of her, the Kingdome of England, and the Religion established therein: to discharge her selfe of her duty towards God, her selfe and her subiects, with∣out any malice of hart, hath appointed these Commissi∣oners to vnderstand the things you are accused of, how you can discharge your selfe of them, and demonstrate your innocency.

Vpon this, she rose vp, and said:

She was come into England to craue the ayde that was promised her,* 13.51 and yet euer since she had beene kept a prisoner: protesting withall, that she was no subiect to the Qu. of England, but a free and absolute Queene, and therefore ought not to be brought to appeare (vpon any cause whatsoeuer) before any Commissioner or Iudge, but God the soueraigne Iudge of the World; nor would she derogate so much from royall Maiestie, or her sonne the King of Scotts, her successors, or other ab∣solute Princes. But shee was now come in presence, to answer what should be obiected, and desired her ser∣uants to beare witnesse of the same.

The Chancellor, taking no notice of her being promised ayde, answered:

That this protestation was vaine,* 13.52 forasmuch as who∣soeuer in England, of what condition or estate soeuer, shall offend the law, must be subiect to the same, and be examined and iudged according to the late establish∣ed Act. Therefore this protestation (made as it were in preiudice both of the Queene and her Lawes) was not sufferable.

The Commissioners, notwithstanding, commanded it to be recorded, with the L. Chancellors answer. Then the Com∣mission, which was grounded vpon this Law (whereof I

haue so often made mention, being openly read, she with great an imositie againe reinforceth her former protestation, is a thing directly enacted against her, and of set purpose, whereof she charged them vpon their credites. The Trea∣surer (hauing answered, that euery one in this Kingdom did hold the Lawes, euen the newest of all, not to be contradi∣cted) said, That the Commissioners should iudge her accor∣dingly, what protestation or interruption soeuer shee made or interiected. In conclusion, she said she was ready to giue attention, and to answere any fact against the Queene of England.

* 13.53 Gaudy expounded the Law from point to point, affirming that she had offended against it; and then entring into an historicall narration of Babingtons conspiracie, he conclu∣ded,

That shee had knowne, approued, and consented to the same, promised assistance, and had shewne the way and maner.

To which she answered boldly:

* 13.54 THat she neuer knew Babington, nor had receiued any Letter from him, nor written to him, nor at∣tempted the Queenes death: and to make it good, they must shew some signe vnder her owne hand. That shee neuer had heard speech thereof, neyther did she know or assist Ballard. But she had learned of some, that the Catholicks suffered great troubles in England, and that shee had writ to the Queene, intreating her to haue compassion on them. That many persons, whom she knew not, had offered her their seruice, yet she stir∣red not any vp to commit any crime; and being in prison, she neyther knew of, nor could hinder their pra∣ctises.

Moreouer, they insist vpon Babingtons confession, that there had beene entercourse of letters betwixt them. She confessed, that shee had had conference, by letters, with di∣uers,

yet notwithstanding it followed not, that therefore she was accessary to their wicked designes. Shee desired them to shew any thing vnder her owne hand, demanding withall, what hurt any had receiued by any letters which came to her for a whole yeare together. Then were the copies of Babingtons letters produced and read to her,* 13.55 de∣scribing the plot of the conspiracy.

AS for these letters (said she) it may possibly be that Babington writ so: but let it be proued that I euer receiued them. If Babington or any haue affirmed it, they haue belyed me. Others crimes are not to be cast vpon me. A whole Packet, that had been detained a yeare together from me, about that time came to my hands, but sent from whom I know not.

To proue the receipt of Babingtons letters, there was read the principall points of the letters out of his confession,* 13.56 wherein he voluntarily granted, that she had receiued them, and had written back againe; in which letters was mention made of the Earle of Arundell and his brethren, and of the Earle of Northumberland: which hearing, she wept, & said:

NOw alas, miserable woman that I am, how many things hath that noble house of the Howards endured for my sake!

And after that, hauing dryed her cheekes, she said:

BAbington might confesse what he pleased:* 13.57 but to say, that she had practised to escape, was a notori∣ous vntruth. That her aduersaries might (as well as she) get the same characters, and write what falsities they would in the same: nor was there any probabili∣tie, that she should vse the helpe eyther of Arundell or

Northumberland for her escape, seeing the one was a prisoner, and the other a young man, and vnknowne to her.

They read also the abstracts of Sauages and Ballards con∣fession,* 13.58 importing, that Babington had shewed them letters of hers. But she protested,

He had neuer receiued any from her. On the contrary, she was so farre from consenting to the inuading of the Realme of England▪ or giuing counsaile thereto, that she alwayes perswaded the contrary.

Then they shewed her letters, wherein she had commen∣ded and approued Babingtons proiects. She demanded the sight of them: which hauing seene, she said,

These neuer came from her, but peraduenture from the Alphabet of the letters she had in France. That shee had labourd to recouer her liberty, being a thing we all naturally desire; and to sundry which had offered her helpe to that end (whom she would not name) she answe∣red not a word: yet notwithstanding she heartily desi∣red, that the persecution of Catholicks might cease in England, and that she had begged it in loue of the Q. She would not purchase a kingdome with the bloud of the poorest subiect, much lesse of the Queene. That ma∣ny had practised dangerous matters vnknowne to her, and that (by letters) some had asked her forgiuenesse for so doing, that neuer had spoken to her thereof. That any might easily counterfeyt the cyphers or characters: as a yong fellow in France (not long since) had done, nominating himselfe the base brother of her sonne, the King of Scotts:* 13.59 and she suspected, this was Walsing∣hams doing to haue her life, who, as she heard, had pra∣ctised both against hers and her sonnes. She protested, she had neuer conceiued any thing hurtfull to the the Queene, and that she would more gladly lose her life,

than to be a cause that the Catholicks should be so affli∣cted and cruelly tormented.

And with that there gushed from her abundance of teares.

BVt (said the Lo: Treasurer) there hath not any beene put to death for Religion, which would be∣come an obedient subiect: onely some few, for commit∣ting treason, in maintayning the Popes Bull and autho∣rity, against the Queene. Yet I haue heard, said shee, the contrary, and haue read as much in printed bookes. The authors of such bookes, replyed he, write also, that the Queene is to be depriued of all regall power.

Then Sir Francis Walsingham, who was toucht a little be∣fore in words, taking his time, stood vp; and, hauing prote∣sted that he carried no ill will in heart, said:

I Take God to record,* 13.60 in the place of a priuate person I haue done nothing vnbeseeming an honest man; nor any thing in publike, but that becomes a person of my ranke. I must say, that out of my zealous care for the Queene, and the good of the Kingdome, I haue been in∣quisitiue in discouering conspiracies against her. If Ballard had offered me his seruice, I would not haue re∣fused it, but rather recompenced him for his paines. If I conspired with him, why bewrayed he it not, to saue his owne life?

This answer, as she said, satisfied her. And

She desired him he would not be offended at that which she had heard by report; and that he would no more be∣leeue her calumniations, than shee did his: for these pick-thankes are men of little credite, which pretend one thing, and say another; and that he would not by a∣ny meanes beleeue, that euer she had conspired the death of her dearest sister the Queene.

And here she brake forth into teares againe, saying:

I will neuer make shipwrack of my soule, by conspiring

my dearest sisters death and ruine.

The Lawyers answered, That would appeare by euiden∣ces. This past in the forenoone.

In the afternoone, to proue this, they produced the copie of the letters which Charles Paget had written,* 13.61 and Curle one of her Secretaries, testified she had receiued, touching conference had with Mendoza and Ballard, for inuading the Realme, and setting her at libertie.

This, she said, was nothing to the purpose, nor any proof that she had plotted the Queenes destruction.

* 13.62 The Lawyers passing further, said, That they could proue she had conspired the Queenes death, by the confession of Babington, and letters of his; wherein he called her his La∣dy and most excellent Queene: as also out of those she had written vnto him; And by the way, put her in minde of consultation had, how the kingdome of England was to be transferred to the Spanish King. She confessed, that once a Priest had visited her, and said, That if she interposed not her selfe, her sonne and she both would be excluded from their inheritance: but she would not name him. He added, That the Spaniard pretended a title to the crowne of England, and would yeeld to none but her. Then they pressed her vpon Babingtons confession, from the testimonies of her Secre∣taries Nauue and Curle, and letters written interchangeably betwixt them.* 13.63 And though all the proofe was grounded vpon their bare assertions, yet were they neuer brought forth face to face. She confest Curle to be an honest fellow, but no fit witnesse against her: That Nauue (sometimes Se∣cretarie to the Cardinall of Lorraine) had beene commen∣ded to her by the King of France, and that he might be easily drawne for money,* 13.64 hope or feare, to depose falsly; and had bound himselfe thereto by a rash oath, hauing Curle (a fel∣low of a flexible nature) at his command, to write what hee would. And it may be, they had put things into the letters which she dictated not, & possibly such letters might come

to their hands, which notwithstanding she neuer saw. Then she broke into these or the like speeches:

THe state of all Princes is at a weake stay, if they depend vpon the writings and testimonies of their Secretaries: for my part, I deliuered no∣thing to them, but what nature put into my minde for the recouery of my libertie; nor ought I to be conuicted, vnlesse it be by mine owne words or writing. If they haue written any thing preiudiciall to the queene my sister, they did it without my knowledge, and therefore let them be punished for their inconsiderate insolency. I know for certainty, that if they were present, they would cleere me in this case: and if I had my manu∣scripts here, I could answer all this particularly my selfe.

With that the Treasurer obiected,* 13.65 that shee had determi∣ned to send her sonne into Spaine, and to conuey to the Spa∣niard the right she challenged to the Kingdome of England. Whereto she answered:

That she had no kingdome to bestow, yet was it lawfull for her to giue her own at her pleasure, neyther was she to be accountable to any therefore.

And when they obiected further, out of Curles testimony, that she had sent her Alphabet to D. Lodowick and Fernhurst, she denied not,

But she had written out many of them: and amongst o∣thers, that for D. Lodowick, after she had recōmended him and another to the honour of Cardinal. And with∣out offence, she hoped, it was as lawfull for her to haue entercourse of letters, for the dispatch of her affayres with people of her own religion, as it was for the Queen with those of another religion.

After this, they vrged her againe vpon the euidences of Nauue and Curle, which agreed together: whereto shee ey∣ther

replyed as before, or reiected them with a precise deni∣all: protesting againe, that she neyther knew Babington nor Ballard. With this, the Treasurer interrupting her, said, That she knew Morgan very well, who had secretly sent Parry to slay the Queene, and that she had giuen him an annuall pen∣sion. She said,

She knew not that Morgan had done so, but she knew well,* 13.66 that he had lost all he had for her sake, and there∣fore it stood with her honour to relieue him: neyther was she bound to reuenge the wrongs done to the Queen by one who had well deserued from her; yet had she al∣wayes done her best to disswade him from such wicked enterprises: saying withall, that out of England like∣wise there were pensions giuen to Patrick Gray, and other Scotts,* 13.67 enemies to her and her sonne.

Whereto the L. Treasurer answered:

Because the treasure of Scotland had beene much im∣payred, by the negligence of the Regents or Vice-royes, therefore the Queene had dealt the more bountifully with her neere kinsman your sonne.

Then was shewed some of the letters, which shee had written to Inglefield, to the Lo: Paget, and to Bernard Men∣doza, touching the forraigne supplies: but when she had an∣swered that,

That tended not to the ruine of the Queene, because some strangers had a desire to procure her liberty; and that she had manifested plainly enough to the Queene, that they sought nothing but her freedome:

the mat∣ter was prorogued till the next day.

On the day following, she reiterateth her protestation be∣fore mentioned, requiring to haue it recorded, and a copie thereof to be deliuered her: lamenting,

That the most reasonable conditions, which she had of∣fered the Queene, were still reiected, especially hauing promised to deliuer her sonne and the Duke of Guise

Hostages, that neyther by her, nor by her meanes, the Queene nor kingdome should receiue any detriment.* 13.68 That she her selfe (altogether excluded from all hope of liberty) was now most vnworthily handled, whose ho∣nour and reputation was called in question by common Lawyers, who, by their contorted arguments, make slen∣der circumstances matters of great consequence; wheras anointed and consecrated Princes are not sub∣iect to lawes, as priuate persons. Moreouer, whereas the authoritie of their Commission is to examine mat∣ters tending to the hurt of the Queens person, yet they so handled the matter, and so wrested their letters of Commission, that they called in question the Reli∣gion she professeth, the immunitie and maiesty of for∣raigne Princes, and the priuate commerce they haue a∣mongst themselues by writing, and brought her to be arraigned at a Barre like a malefactor, to the preiudice of Maiestie and soueraigne dignitie: And this was done to no other end, but to bring her in disgrace with the Queene, and to seclude her from the right of inhe∣ritance to the Kingdome.

She called to mind withall,

How Qu. Elizabeth her selfe had bin questioned about Wyats rebellion, though she were most innocent: pro∣testing most deuoutely, that notwithstanding she wish∣ed the Catholicks welfare, yet shee desired not the pro∣curement thereof by the slaughter or bloud of any one. She had rather play the part of Hester than Iudith, ra∣ther make intercession to God for the people, than take away the life of the meanest.

Expostulating the matter, she complained that her aduer∣saries had bruited it abroad, that she was of no religion:

Which was that time, she said, when she desired to be informed of the Religion of the Protestants, but none would vouchsafe her the fauour; a signe they had little

care of the safety of her soule.

Then concluding:

When you haue done all you can (said she) against me, you shall aduance your selues nothing in your cause or hope.

And so inuocating God, and appealing to the Princes of her acquaintance, desired she might haue another day of hea∣ring, and that she might be allowed an Aduocate to pleade her cause; and being a Queene, she might be beleeued vpon her royall word:

For it was extreme imprudence in her, to be arraigned before those whom she perceiued to be armed with pre∣iudice against her.

To this the Lo: Treasurer made answer:

* 13.69 FOrasmuch as I represent two persons, the one of a Counsellor, the other of a Commissioner, first heare me speake as a Commissioner: Your protestation is re∣gistred, and you shal haue a copie of it. The power which we beare, hath bin imposed vpon vs vnder the Queens signet, and the great seale of England, from the which there is no repeale: Nor are we come with any preiu∣dice, but to censure according to the rules of Iustice: Nor doe the Lawyers exaggerate the matter, otherwise than to make it plainly appeare, wherein you haue of∣fended against the person of the Queene. Our authori∣tie is to heare and examine the matter in your absence, yet notwithstanding we haue willed you should be pre∣sent, for that wee would not seeme to derogate in any thing from your honour: Nor haue wee any purpose to obiect against you any thing, but what your attempts haue beene against the person of the Queene, or with those with whom ye haue beene confederate. Your let∣ters were read, only to shew your practising against the queenes person, and such other things as concerne the same; which are so intermixt, they cannot bee seque∣stred:

therefore the letters were read wholly, and not in parts, to extract the particularities of the things you had intreated of with Babington.

As he was thus speaking, she interrupted him, saying:

That the circumstances indeed were probable,* 13.70 but not the thing: That her sincerity depended not vpon her Secretaries fidelity or memory, though she knew them to be ingenuous. Or if for feare of punishment, or hope of profite and escape, they had confessed any thing, it was not to be admitted, for diuerse good reasons which she had alleaged before. That the mindes of men are carried away with many passions: for her Secretaries would neuer haue confessed such things, if eyther pro∣fite or some other hope had not induced them thereto. That the letters might be directed to others than them they were written to; and that oftentimes ma∣ny things had beene inserted that were not dictated. And if her papers had not beene taken from her, or if she had a Secretary, she could more soundly haue confu∣ted their obiections.

But, said the Lo: Treasurer,* 13.71 they will obiect no∣thing but since the xix. of Iune; and your papers would stand you in no stead, seeing the Secretaries and Ba∣bington himselfe, vninforced by torture, haue confes∣sed that you sent these letters to Babington. But if you shall deny this, let the Commissioners iudge, whe∣ther there be more credite to be giuen to your denyall, or their affirmation. But to returne to the point; marke what I denounce as a Counsellor: You haue men∣tioned many things for the procuring of your liberty, (which haue had no successe) and that hath procee∣ded from your selfe or the Scotts, not from the queene. For your Lords of Scotland haue refused to deliuer the King of Scotts in hostage: and when last there was a treaty about your liberty, Parry was sent from Mor∣gan,

your clyent to slay the queene. Ah, said shee, you are mine aduersary. I, replyed he, I am aduersary to all Q. Elizabeth's enemies. But enough of this. Let vs returne to our proofes.

When she refused to heare,

Yet we will heare, said he. And I too, answered she, in another place, and will defend myselfe.

* 13.72 Now they read againe her letters to Charles Paget, wher∣in she certified him, That there was no way left for the K. of Spaine to bring the Low-countries into his subiection▪ but by placing a Prince in England to serue his turne: And her letters to the Lo; Paget, to hasten the ayde he should send for the inuading of England: And those which Cardinall Allen had sent her, wherein he saluted her by the name of Most excellent Lady; and certified her, that the matter was recommended to the Prince of Parma. Whilest they were reading them▪ she said,

* 13.73 That Babington and her Secretaries had accused her to excuse themselues: That she neuer heard of six mur∣therers, the rest were nothing to the purpose. She held Allen a venerable Prelate, and knew no other head of the Church, but the Pope of Rome; neyther could shee tell how he, or other stranger kings, did style her: nor could she hinder them (in their letters) from calling her queene of England.* 13.74 Affirming, that her Secreta∣ries were not to be trusted, for that they had proceeded against her, contrary to the duety and fidelity which they had sworne to her. That the periured are not to be credited, though they sweare neuer so much: neyther did shee thinke their oathes were to be taken in any C••u••t of conscience, because formerly they had sworne fidelity and silence; neyther were they any English subiects. That Nauue had often written otherwise than she dictated, and Curle alwayes that which he told him. That she could beare with their faults ••n all

things, but such as touched her honour. They might al∣so confesse these things for to saue themselues, thinking that in so doing, she could not hurt them, and that be∣ing a queene, they would deale more gently with her: And that she had neuer heard of Ballard, but of one Hallard that had offered his seruice to her; which not∣withstanding she refused, because she had heard that he had likewise proffered it to Walsingham.

After this, when they read certaine notes out of letters,* 13.75 which Curle confessed hee had written to Mendoza in her secret characters, and pressed her with them, as hauing had a purpose to make ouer the title of the kingdome to the Spa∣niard, and that Allen and Parsons were resident now in Rome for that cause: shee protesting that they had forsworne themselues, answered;

I being a prisoner, without hope of liberty, languishing in griefe, and in dispayre t•• performe that which many expected from me, who am n••w in my declining age, and without my health: some were of opinion to settle the succession of the English Crowne vpon the Spa∣niard, or some other English Catholick. A booke was sent me, to declare the Spaniards right, but because I refused to receiue it▪ s••me were grieued at me. As for the rest, being at this instant out of all hope of aide from England, I haue resolued not to reiect that of the Stranger.

Vpon that, Sir Thomas Egerton, the Queenes Sollicitor, o∣pened to the Commissioners what would become of them,* 13.76 their honours, goods, and children, if the kingdome were so transported. But the L. Treasurer answered, That could not be, because by the Law the Crowne was hereditarie. Then ask••d he the Queene of Scotts, if she had any more to say.

She desired to be heard in open Parliament,* 13.77 or in presence of Queene Elizabeth and her Councell; not doubting but one Queene would haue consideration of another. Then

rising vp, with a bold countenance, she conferred apart with the L. Treasurer, Hatton and Walsingham, about some busi∣nesse. That being done, they reiourned their meeting to∣gether again vntill the xxv. of October, in the Starre Cham∣ber at Westminster. And this is that which I haue gathered from the memories of Ed. Barker, chief Clerke of the Coun∣cell, Tho. Wheeler publique Notary, and Clerke of the Court of Canterbury, and other credible persons, whose assistance I haue had in this.

At the time appointed, all the Cōmissioners being assem∣bled together, except the Earles of Shrewsbury & Warwick, who then were sick: & Nauue and Curle hauing voluntarily, without hope of future preferment or present reward, affir∣med & ratified by oath, that all & euery the letters, & copies of letters to fore produced, were most true; sentence was pronounced against the Q of Scotland, signed and sealed by the Commissioners, and recorded in these words:

WIth one vnanimous accord and consent of theirs,* 13.78 they pronounce and giue their sentence and iudgement, which was read aloud, vpon the last day, and in the assigned place, saying, That since the end of the aforesaid Sessions of Parliament, specified in the said Commission, to wit, since the said first day of Iune, in the yeare xxvij. afore mentioned, and before the date of the said Commission, many things haue bin attempted and conceiued against the Realme of Eng∣land, by Anth. Babington and others, with the know∣ledge and priuity of the said Mary (pretending that the Crowne of England appertayneth to her) tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of the royall person of our soueraigne La: the Q. that is to say, that since the first of Iune, Ann. 27. and before the date of this Com∣mission, the said Mary, pretending as aforesaid, pra∣ctised and conceiued against this Realm, many things tending to the hurt, death and destruction of the royall

person of our said Lady Q. Elizabeth, against the forme of the Statute specified in the said Commission.

This sentence bred diuers doubtfull opinions amongst men,* 13.79 because it was grounded onely vpon the credite of the Secretaries; and they were neuer brought face to face, as was required by the first Statute Anno 13. of Elizab. some thinking them men of credite, and some not. I saw Nauue's Apology, which he wrote to the Kings Maiesty in Scotland, 1605. wherein he greatly laboureth to excuse him selfe, pro∣testing, that he was neyther author nor perswader to this matter, nor yet the first discouerer. And that he had neither by negligence nor ignorance fayled in his * 13.80 devoire, but stoutly at his death defended the contrary, to all the accusa∣tions brought against the Queene his Mistresse: notwith∣standing there are publicke Acts thereof to be seene. Now the same day the Commissioners and Iudges of the Realme, declared,* 13.81

That this sentence did derogate nothing from the right or honour of Iames King of Scotland: but that he remained and was in the same ranke, estate and right, as if it had neuer beene.

A few dayes after, the Parliament sate at Westminster, commenced by certaine authoritie granted by Qu. Eliza∣beth to the Archb. of Canterbury, the L. Treasurer, and the Earle of Derby, as her Lieutenants, and that not without ex∣ample: wherein was confirmed a Proscription, that the goods & possessions of the L. Paget, C. Paget, Sir F. Englefield, E. Iones, Chediock, Tichburne, C. Tilney, & other traytors, were adiudged confiscate. The States of the Realme also, after they had by generall suffragie and consent, approued and confirmed the sentence pronounced against the queene of Scotland: all with one accord (by the Lo. Chancellor) pre∣sented a petition to the queene, wherein they desired, that for the preseruation of the true Religion of Christ, the tran∣quillitie of the land, the securitie of her person, the good of

them all and their posteritie, the Sentence against Mary Q. of Scotland, might be publickly pronounced, according to the tenour of the Law: alleaging reasons drawne from the dangers stirred and practised against Religion, her own per∣son and the Realme, by her who was a mother-nourse of the Romane Religion, and had sworn an inviolable accord to extirpate the Religion now established, and had long since laid claime to the Crowne, Q. Elizabeth yet liuing; estee∣ming, that (seeing she was excommunicated) it was lawfull to conspire against her, and meritorious to take away her life: She had ruinated some noble houses of the land, and had kindled the fire of rebellion in England: That to par∣don her, were to destroy the people, who much repined at her impunitie, and that she could not be freed from the oath conspiracie, otherwise than by punishment: and lastly, they recited the example of the horrible vengeance of God a∣gainst K. Saul, for not putting Agag and Benadad to death. And this is that which was presented by the States of the Parliament.

Queene Elizabeth with a most graue countenance, and ••••••••sticall speech, answered to this effect:

* 13.82 THe benefites which God hath bestowed vpon me are so great, that I doe not only ac∣knowledge them with humilitie, but call them to minde with admiration, wanting wordes sufficiently to expresse them. And although there be no mortall aliue more bound to the Almighty, who hath so often and so miraculously deliuered me from eminent dangers; yet am I most of all for this, that after hauing gouerned this kingdome now the space of 28 yeares, I doe finde in my sub∣iects the same, if not farre greater affection, than

when I came first to the Crowne: the which en∣tire loue if I should finde to fayle, I might well per∣haps perceiue my selfe to breathe, but not to liue. And now my life hath bin attempted to be taken away, it grieueth mee most, that it was by such a person as was of mine owne sex, estate and ranke; to whom I was so farre from bearing ill will, that on the contrary, after she had complotted diuerse matters against me, I wrote to her in priuate, that if in any writing secretly she would acknowledge them, I would bury them all in obliuion. Ney∣ther would I haue done this to entrap or circum∣uent her; for I knew already all she could confesse: and although the matter was at that passe, yet if she had but shewed her selfe truely penitent, none should haue taken her cause (against me) in hand. Neuerthelesse, if only it had concerned mine owne life, and not the safegard of my people (without o∣stentation be it spoken) I would willingly haue pardoned her. If England by my death might flou∣rish the more, or gaine a better Prince, I could bee well content to lay downe my life: for I desire to liue onely for your good and the peoples. Neyther is there any cause (I haue so ledde my life) why I should desire life, or feare death. I am not ignorant of the common state of life; I haue obeyed, I haue commanded: I haue had both good & bad neigh∣bours: I haue found treason in trust▪ I haue be∣stowed some benefites ill, and where I haue done

good, I haue beene badly requited. When I ponder these things in minde, I see what the condition of the present time is, and I foresee the future, thinking them the happiest that soonest depart hence. But against these, and such like, I haue put on a warlike resolution, that whatsoeuer shall happen, death shall not surprise me vnprouided.

As touching these late treasons, I will not so much preiudice neither my selfe, nor the ancient lawes of my countrey in such fashion, as not to thinke this arch-treason to be subiect thereto, al∣though this new had neuer bin made; the which (although some fauourers of her haue suspected so) was not made against her, but was so far from entangling her, that rather it was an aduertisement or preadmonition to her, not to come within the danger of it: neuerthelesse seeing she hath now in∣curred the lawe, it is thought good to proceede against her by vertue thereof. But you, captious Lawyers, you are so precise, so curious in the quercks and quidities of law, & to follow the for∣malitie of it, in stead of interpreting the true sense, that forsooth according to the form of proceeding, she should be called to iudgment within the coun∣tie of Staffordshire, there to appeare holding vp her hand at the Barre, to stand to the verdict of twelue men, vpon her fact. And is this a braue fashion of proceeding against a Princesse? But I haue thought good rather (auoyding such absurdities) that it was

more conuenient, to referre a matter of such im∣portance to the Peeres and Iudges of the Realme, to be examined. And yet hardly will that serue, be∣cause all the world haue their eyes vpon vs Princes, as if we were set vpon a Stage, and do marke afarre off the least spot or blemish that is on vs: so that we had neede to be carefull, we do nothing vnbe∣seeming vs. But you haue by this new law brought me into such a narrow straite, that I am to deter∣mine vpon the punishment of a Princesse my next kinswoman; whose practises haue afflicted mee with so great griefe, that, not to augment my sor∣rowes in hearing it spoken of, I did willingly ab∣sent my selfe from this Parliament, & not (as some thinke) for feare of treachery. Notwithstanding I will not leaue (although I vse few words of it) to put this secret out of my heart, which I haue seene with mine eyes, and read the oath, by which some haue bound themselues to dispatch me within one moneth. From hence I foresee your danger in my person; and certainly I shall be carefull and diligent to repell it. I haue not forgot the combination you haue made for my safety, of which I neuer thought before I saw it confirmed vnder the signes & seales of the most part of you: & assuredly it hath bound me in strict bonds of loue towards you perpetual∣ly, who doe affect no greater comfort, than in the loue of you and the common-wealth. But for as much as the matter now in hand, is an example as

important, as rare; I deeme you expect not, that I should resolue any thing for the present: For My manner is, euen in things of lesse consequence, to be long in deliberating, about that I must once re∣solue vpon. I will pray to God Almightie, that he will illuminate My heart, to fore-see what is com∣modious for the Church, the Common-wealth, & your safeties. Notwithstanding, lest delay should bring danger, you shall (as the oportunitie of time will serue) vnderstand My purpose. In the meane time, I would you should expect all the goodnesse from Me, which good Subiects may look for from a good Princesse.

* 13.83 Twelue daies after, when she had more deeply weighed the matter in her minde, seeing her selfe with many doubts and difficulties variously distracted, and vnable to counsell her selfe; she sent the Lord Chancellor to the Noble men, and Pickering to them of the Lower House; intreating them to consider more seriously of so weighty a matter, and to deuise some more wholesome remedy, that the Queene of Scotlands life might be preserued, and she secured.

* 13.84 After they had deliberated a long time, and considered, that the good or ill of Princes concerneth the Subiects; with one-according voice, they all put on againe the same resolution, which they had before, grounded vpon these Reasons:

THat so long as the Queene of Scotland liued, Queene Elizabeth could not bee secure, vnlesse shee would become penitent, and acknowledge her crimes; and that shee should be kept more straitly, and bound by oath and writing; or that shee should deliuer Hostages; or that shee should depart the

Kingdome. Of her Repentance they had no hope, for that shee had beene vngratefull to Queene Elizabeth, who had saued her life; and would not so much as ac∣knowledge her faults: As for a straiter Guard, her hand-writing, oath, or Hostages, they would be all as no∣thing; for that Queene Elizabeth being dead, all these would vanish away instantly. As for departing the Land (if shee were out of it) they feared shee would raise Armes against it.

The L. Chancellor, and Pickering the Speaker of the Lower House, declared these things at large to Queene Elizabeth; importuning her earnestly, that the Sentence should be put in execution; shewing her,

That if it were iniustice to deny the Execution of the Law to the meanest Subiect, much more to refuse to grant it to the whole Body of the People, who with one voice & will demanded it so iustly.

To which she answered:

O how wearisome is that way,* 13.85 where We find nothing but irksomnesse whilst we are going in it, & when tis past, vnquietnes? I am troubled this day (if euer the like) whether to speake, or hold My tongue: if I should speak, and not complaine, I de∣semble: if I hold my tongue, the paines you haue taken is in vaine: if I complaine, it will seeme strange; notwithstanding, I confesse, that My first request was both for your securitie, and mine owne: Some other meanes should haue beene found out, than that you now propound: Inso∣much, that I cannot but complaine to you, though not of you; for that I learne by your demands, that My safetie dependeth vpon anothers ruine. If any thinke, that I haue purposely prolonged the time,

to purchase a counterfeit praise of clemencie; vn∣doubtedly they wrong Mee vnworthily, and he that searcheth the depth of all inward thoughts, knoweth it well. And greater wrong they doe Mee, if they thinke that the Commissioners durst pronounce no other sentence for fear of displeasing Mee, or seeming to neglect My safetie. For either My Officers haue failed Me in their duties, or else certified the Commissioners, that My will and Command was, That euery one should proceede freely, according as they thought good; and that they should tell Mee in particular, what they pur∣posed to publish openly. Out of the great affecti∣on I bore her, it was, that I would haue some other means inuented, to haue preuented this mischiefe: But because it now clearly appeareth, that I can∣not be safe, vnlesse shee die; I am touched with a deepe dolour, to see that I, who haue shewed fa∣uour to so many Rebels, wincked at so many trea∣cheries, should at the last be seene to deale cruelly with so great a Princesse.

Since I tooke in hand the managing of this King∣dome, I haue seene infamous Libells cast out a∣gainst Me, as a Tyrant. Much good may it doe the writers: I thought they would signifie som strange thing, & indeed it was strange to Me, to be taxed of tyranny; I would it were as strange to heare of their impietie. But now, what is it they will not put forth in their writings, when they shall know, that

I haue consented that an executioner shall imbrue his hands in the blood of My neerest Kinswoman? And in the mean time, I am so farre from cruelty, that I would not to saue My life, doe her any vio∣lence; nor haue I had so much care to prolong it, as (in the preseruing of it) to preserue hers, & with in∣tolerable griefe, that it cannot be so still. I am not so senselesse, as not to see the perils which lye before Me; so vnaduised, to whet the knif that shal cut My throat; nor so carelesse not to respect My life: But I thinke with My Selfe, that there are many; which for the safeguard of a Prince's life, aduenture their owne; but I franckly confesse, I am none of that number. These things haue I often cast in My minde: But forasmuch as diuers haue imploy∣ed their tongues and pens against me, giue me leaue to defend My Selfe as I may, to the end you may see what a woman shee is, for whose well-fare you haue been so circumspect. Certainly I doe well, and with gratitude of heart call your vigilant care to minde, but neuer shall be able to giue you con∣digne thankes, although I should liue as long as euery one of you.

So soone as I receiued the Scepter, being not vn∣mindfull of God, who gaue me his grace, I begun my Raigne in his seruice, and the Religion where∣in I was borne, and haue beene brought vp, and I hope shall die. And although I am not ignorant, how many ieopardies haue encompassed Mee at

home; and how great Princes, for changing Reli∣gion, haue enuied Me abroad, yet haue I not beene moued thereat: For I know, that God, whom a∣lone I respect, will defend both Mee and My cause. From thence haue sprung vp against Me, so many attempts and conspiracies, that I wonder I liue; but God hath alwaies beene my succour and support, and sent me aide beyond My expectation. Since that, to proue My selfe a Proficient in the Art of Raigning, I haue of long time bethought Mee, what things were fitting for Kings, and haue found, that nothing is more necessary, than to be plentifully furnished with the predominant Ver∣tues of Iustice, Temperance, Wisedome, and Forti∣tude. For the two last, which appertaine more properly to men, My sexe permits Me not to attri∣bute them to my self: but as for the two precedent, and the more mild, I dare say (without glorying) I haue with indifferency, conioyned the highest with the lowest. I haue not preferred any vnwor∣thily: Mine eares haue not beene too credulous; nor haue I (before I heard the cause) past my iudge∣ment rashly: yet I will not say, but many things perhaps haue bin brought by report to me, by som too partially affected to the Parties; For the good and wary Prince is often sold, for that hee cannot heare euery Cause. My iudgement (the best it could) hath euermore inclined to the Truth; as he which ad∣monished his Friend to make no answer, before

he had repeated the Alphabet; so haue I done no∣thing vnaduisedly.

As concerning therefore your Counsels & Con∣sultations, I acknowledge them so elaborate, pru∣dent, and prouident for My conseruation, issued from hearts so sincere, and so well-affected to My seruice, that it is My part to endeuour with all My power, not to be vnthankfull to men of so great demerit. But as concerning your demand, I intreat and charge you, to hold you content with an An∣swer without Answer. I commend your Iudge∣ments, and apprehend the reasons thereof. But excuse Me (I pray) for that doubtfull perplexitie of thought which troubleth Me. Let the most gracious affection which I beare you be accepta∣ble and pleasing to you; and withall this Answer, if so be you esteeme it an Answer. If I say I will not do your demand, perhaps I shall say more than I thinke: If that I will; I (whom you would so gladly preserue) shall runne headlong vpon mine owne destruction. And I thinke (such is your wis∣dome) you would not that, if you obserue seri∣ously the times, and manners of persons. After this the Parliament was prorogued.

At that time were sent to the Queene of Scotland,* 13.86 the Lord Buckhurst, and Beal, to certifie her, that Iudgement was giuen against her; and that it was approued most iust by Authoritie of Parliament, and that the States had de∣manded the execution thereof; for Iustice, Securitie, and Necessitie: And therefore they perswaded her, that after

she had acknowledged her offences to God & Queen Eliza∣beth, she should satisfie therefore by repentance before she dyed; and to shew, that if she liued, the Religion receiued in England could not stand. At which she seemed to tri∣umph with extraordinary cheerefulnesse: giuing thankes to God, and reioycing, that she was held to be a worthy Instru∣ment, for the re-establishing of her Religion in this Iland. Shee did with great feruour and affection desire a Catholike Priest to direct her Conscience, and to administer the Sa∣craments; refusing (vpon the first motion) the Bishop and the Deane, which they recommended to her to that end: And she greatly blamed the English Nation, saying often:

The English haue many times mur∣dered their Kings: & it is no strange thing, if they do the like to me, who am deriued of their Royall blood.

* 13.87 L'Aubespine the Ambassadour of France stayed the pub∣lishing of this Sentence: yet by suite and soliciting of some Courtiers, it was published in the Month of December, with the sound of a Trumpet thorow the Citie of London, in the presence of the Maior, the Sherifes, and certaine selected Citizens. And Queene Elizabeth protested seriously in the Preface of this publication, that she had beene drawne to it, with great griefe of heart, by a certaine necessitie, and the earnest request of the States of the Kingdome. Notwith∣standing, there were some that thought, it was done by a certaine familiar policie incident to women, who seeme to doe by compulsion, the thing they most desire.

* 13.88 The publishing of this Sentence of death being decla∣red to the Q. of Scotland, she was so far from fainting in cou∣rage, or seeming disanimated, that with alacritie casting vp her eies & hands towards heauen, she thanked God for it, &

getting leaue of her keeper Sir Ayme Poulet, she wrote to Q. Eliza.

That She putteth off all malice of minde towards her; giueth thankes to God for this Condemnation,* 13.89 seeing it was his good pleasure to adde an end to the irkesome pilgrimage which she had in this life; and desired her, for that shee could not expect any good from some hot∣spirited Nouators, which held the chiefest ranke in England, that she might be beholden to her alone, and no other, for the benefits following:

First, that when her Aduersaries were glutted in her innocent blood, her Body might be carried from thence by her owne seruants to some sacred and hallowed ground, there to be buried; and aboue all, in∣to France, where her Mother lyeth in rest, seeing that in Scotland they had offered violence to the dead bo∣dies of her Ancestors, profaned or ruinated the Chur∣ches: and in England, she could not hope for any buri∣all according to the Catholike solemnities, amongst the ancient Kings, both their Ancestors: And so her Body that neuer had rest so long as it liued with her Soule, may haue some at last after it is parted from it.

Secondly, (for that she feared the close tyrannie of some) she may not suffer her punishment vnknowne to the Queene of England, in some secret place, but in the sight of her seruants, and other people, which may truly beare witnesse of the Faith which she shewed in Christ, of her obedience to the Church, and of the end of her life, against the false rumors which her Aduer∣saries may bruit abroad.

Thirdly, that her seruants may be suffered peaceably to depart whither they will; and to enioy the goods she had bequeathed them by her Will. Shee beseeched her, in the name of Iesus Christ, to grant her these things, and combined her thereto, by their alliance in Blood, by the Ghost and memorie of Henry the seuenth,

Progenitor to them both, and by the Princely honour which sometimes she had. Then she complained, that all her Princely Robes were taken away by the com∣mand of the Counsellors. Shee presageth; their malice will extend to worse things. Shee added, that if they had shewed without fraude or falshood the papers which they tooke from her, it would clearely haue appeared by them, that nothing had caused her vntimely death, but the doubtfull care which some had of Queene Eliza∣beths safetie.

Finally, she intreated her, to returne her an Answer vnder her Hand, touching these things. Whether these Letters came to the hands of Queene Eliza∣beth, I cannot say.

* 13.90 As for the rest, there past, according to the diuersitie of mens natures, diuerse speeches vpon this matter; not to speake of the declamations and exclamations made by the Clergie pro & contra, which commonly are very sharpe.

* 13.91 Some weighing the matters in equitie, thought they had handled her too hardly, because she was an absolute and free Princesse, ouer whom God alone had the command, being very neerely allyed in blood royall to Q. Elizabeth; and that being driuen out of Scotland by the rebells, shee was no soo∣ner arriued in England, but Q. Elizabeth promised her vpon her Princely word, by Hen. Mildmore, to shew her all cour∣tesie, and to welcome her with all royall deeds of hospitali∣tie; yet neuerthelesse, contrary to this promise, imprisoned her, and violated these sacred rights. That shee could not be held but for a prisoner of warre, and to such it was lawful to practise any meanes for their libertie and freedome. That she could not commit treason, because she was no subiect: and that none hath power ouer his equall. That, that had disanulled the sentence of the Emperour against Rob. King of Sicily, because he was not subiect to his Empyre. That if Embassadors, which ••••e but Princes seruants, shal haue con∣spired

against those to whom they are imployed in Embas∣sage, are not culpable of treason, much lesse the Princes themselues: and that the will ought not to be punished, vn∣lesse it take effect. That it was a thing neuer heard of, for a Queene to passe vnder the hands of a common executio∣ner. That she was condemned contrary to the law of God, the Romane Ciuill Law, and the English; yea, euen against the Statute of the Parliament Anno 13. of Elizabeth, where∣by it was ordained, That no person should be called into iudgement for hauing attempted the ruine of the Prince, but vpon the testimonie and oath of two lawfull witnesses, who should be brought face to face before the accused; and in her trial no witnes was produced against her, but she was condemned from the testimony of two Secretaries absent. They discoursed diuersly also of the credite that was to bee giuen to domestick seruants, being prisoners: They much commended the speech of Adrian the Emperour: Testibus, non testimonijs credendum, That wee should rather trust the the witnessors, than the witnesses. Others priuately com∣plained, that Spyes or Intelligencers had beene suborned, who by forgerie, false letters, and deceitfull sleights had de∣luded this Princesse exposed to iniuries, had preuented her purposes, encouraged her to bad matters, of which shee had not so much as once thought, had she beene kept as was re∣quisite, and if such fraudulent Machinators had not beene put to her to that purpose. That it hath beene a familiar thing in all ages, for those that are enuyed by Courtiers, e∣uen against their wills to be brought into treason, and to heape more dangers (more treacherously▪) vpon the inno∣cent, being once restrained of liberty.

Others thought that she was not a free and absolute Qu.* 13.92 but only titulary, because shee had forsaken her kingdomes gouernement, and was vnder the protection of the queene of England, so soone as she was come within the kingdome: and as in doing well she had tasted the benefite of the Law,

so in doing ill, she was subiect to the rigour thereof; accor∣ding to the Lawyers Maxime:

He deserueth no benefite of the Law, which trespasseth against the Law.

Otherwise the condition of a stranger-king, offending with∣in the countrey of another, should be better than of him which raigneth well: That she was a subiect temporally, but not originally; because that in respect of regall authori∣tie, there cannot be two absolute Princes together in one Kingdom: That by the common receiued opinion of Law∣yers,

The king out of his Territories is a priuate man, except in expedition of warre: and therefore can neyther conferre nor exercise the royall Rights.

Besides that, that she had lost her soueraignety of Empire by her trespasse: and that those which are subiect to a King by reason of domicile, may commit treason. As touching the parentage, there is no neerer kindred than our country; for that it is a second Diuinity, and our first and greatest parent. As touching the promises of the duties of humanitie and hospitalitie, these are no priuiledges to commit euills vn∣punished: That promises are to be vnderstood so long as things remain in the same estate, and are not changed. That he which hath committed a crime, deserueth not to enioy any promised security, and the rights of hospitalitie as sa∣cred: but our countrey is more sacred. That the Prince, no more than the Pope, neuer bindeth his hands, and that all Princes are more neerely obliged to their Cōmon-wealths, than to their promises. That if they should proceed with her, as with a prisoner in warre, they obiect I know not out of what author,

That onely captiues are to be pardoned, from whom we can suspect no disturbance of the peace; and no others.

And that euery one hath power ouer his equall, alwayes and when the equall submitteth himselfe to his iudgement, eyther expressely by word, or secretly by contract, or else by offending within his iurisdiction. That the Pope had cut off the sentence giuen by the Emperour against Rob. King of Sicily, because the fact was not committed within the Em∣perours dominions, but within the Popes. That by the law of Nations, Ambassadors haue beene so fauoured for the necessity of their Ambassages, as not to be violated: but Kings which trespasse in the countrey of another, haue no such graunt. Finally, that in matter of treason, the will, though wanting effect, is punishable: and to practise the death of the Prince, nay to know of the practice, & to con∣ceale it, is held for treason. That many Kings haue beene condemned and punished, as namely Rescuporis of Thrace, by Tiberius, Licinius & Maximinianus by Constantine the great, Bernard of Italy, Conrade of Sicily, &c. And that which is the summe of all, The soueraigne Law is the safetie of the people: now no law more soueraigne, than the welfare of the Common-wealth. And that Iupiter himselfe made this law, That whatsoeuer is for the commodious good of the Common-wealth, is lawfull and iust. On the contrary, that the Bishops of Rome haue put to death some Ecclesiasticall Princes, not for the safeguard of the Common-wealth so much, as for their owne particular: as Boniface the eightth put to death Celestine the fift, deposed from the Papacy, fea∣ring that he should be called againe, because of his singular piety: Vrban the sixt, who caused fiue Cardinalls to be sew∣ed vp in sackes, and cast into the Sea, beheaded some, and two others he caused to be baked in an Ouen; and for the more terror, commanded they should be laid on Mules, and carried about the countrey. Moreouer that Secretaries are not to be held for seruants, and that domestick witnesse is to

be admitted for proofe of secret things done in the house. And it was argued vpon, whether the accusers which haue sworn voluntarily, and those which are suspected of crimes, ought to come face to face in criminall matters, to maintain the accusation. Lastly, That there is no such perfect exam∣ple, but hath some thing in it which is not iust. These, and such like, are the matters which then were debated.

* 13.93 In the meane time the K. of Scotland, for the remarkeable deare loue he bore his mother, laboured with all his power, by the imploimēt of W. Keith, to saue her; omitting nothing beseeming a good & vertuous sonne: but without successe, because the Scots were diuided into factions amongst them∣selues,* 13.94 & more fauoured Q. Elizabeth, than their prisoned Q. insomuch that some of them by priuate letters sollicited Q. Elizabeth to hasten her punishment: and that the Ministers of Scotland, being commanded by the King to pray to God in the Churches for his mother, they obstinately refused so to do, for the hate they bore the Religion which she profes∣sed.* 13.95 And though the King had formerly beene earnest (by messages and letters) with Q. Elizabeth in his mothers be∣halfe, yet then he became more instant; complayning,

That it was most vniust, that the Nobles, the Counsel∣lors and subiects of England should giue sentence a∣gainst a Queene of Scotland, borne of the English blood; and as vniust also but to thinke, that the States of England can by authority of Parliament exclude the true heyres from the right of succession, and their lawfull inheritance.

The which some did often threaten, to cause the more terrour.

He sent also Patrick Gray and Robert Meluin, to delare to Q. Elizabeth,

That the great proximitie which was betwixt them, would not let him beleeue, that shee would violate that renowned reputation, which shee from all parts had purchased by her vertues; and especially by her merci∣fulnesse,

which shee had reserued vnstained with any spot of cruelty; and that she would by no meanes now defile it in his mothers blood, who was of the same princely dignity, parentage, and sexe: whom he (because his mothers blood had so great an interest in him) could not forsake, nor leaue to the cruelty of those, who had so long breathed after his death, as well as hers.

After he had by other letters shewed at large, with what heauinesse of heart, and doubtfull perplexities he was affli∣cted, by reason of this weighty businesse, which touched and bound him in nature and honour, and into what extremities of distresse and danger his reputation was like to fall among his subiects, if any violence were offered to his mother; these things he propounded to her serious consideration,* 13.96 drawne from the inward sense of his sorrow and filiall affe∣ction:

How greatly it concerneth his honour, being a King and sonne, if his dearest mother (who was also an absolute Princesse) should dye an infamous death, and that by her commandement who was the next in league of loue and consanguinitie. Whether by the word of God any thing may iustly be enacted by law against those, whom God hath established for the administration of iustice; whom be vouch safeth to call gods vpon earth, whom he hath anoynted, whom he hath forbid to touch, because they are his anoynted, and whom he will not permit to suffer wrong vnreuenged. How monstrous a thing were it that an absolute Prince should be subiect to the cen∣sure of subiects: How prodigious, that an entyre Prince should leade the way, to giue such a detestable example, to prophane the diadems of others: What should inforce her to this bloody cruelty? Honour, or profit? If honour, then might she acquire more and greater in pardo∣ning; for so (to her eternall glory for her clemency) should she binde to her for this benefite, both Him and

all the Kings of Christendome, whose affection other∣wise she should lose, together with her reputation, and brand her selfe with the marke of cruelty. If profite, it is to be considered, whether any thing can be accoun∣ted profitable, but that which is iust and honest. And then concluded, in desiring her to send such an answer by his Ambassadors as should be welbeseeming so pious a Princesse, and not vnworthy for such a King as was her most affectionate kinsman.

But these Ambassadors, intermingling tempestiue menaces with their messages, were not pleasing: and so taking their leaue, some few dayes after returned back, carrying with them as little comfort as hope.

* 13.97 Pomponius Bellieure, sent for this cause from the King of France, had accesse to the Q. of England, (accompanied with l'Aubespine de Chasteauneuf the ordinary Ambassador) and hauing giuen her to vnderstand how many contrary thoughts had troubled the K. of France; on the one side, for the singular affection which he bore her; on the other, for the neere alliance of kindred which was betwixt him and the Q. of Scotland: propounded to Q Elizabeth at two seue∣rall times in writing, these and the like things, viz.

* 13.98 That it neerely concerned the K. of France, and other Kings, that a free Queen and absolute Princesse should not be committed to death.

That the safetie of Queene Elizabeth would be in more danger by the death of Mary, than by her life, and that being set at libertie, she could not attempt any thing against the Queene of England, because that her want of health did promise no long life.

That she had arrogated to her selfe the Kingdome of England, was not to be imputed (as a crime) so much to

her, as to that she had learned in her youth of naughty Counsellors.

That shee came into England as a suppliant, and ther∣fore she could not be iustly detained, but was at the last to be released eyther for money or mercy. And besides, that an absolute Prince ought not in any sort to be brought to arraignement: which made Cicero say, that it was a thing neuer heard of, that a K. should bee called in question, of accused of any capitall crime.

That if she were innocent, she ought not to be punished: if culpable, she should be pardoned, because that would redound to the greater honour and profite, and would re∣maine an eternall example of the English clemency. Al∣ledging to this purpose the History of Porsenna, which drew out of the fire the right hand of M. Sceuola, who had conspired his death, and let him go.

That the first precept to raigne well, is to spare blood: that blood cryeth for blood, and to be seuere vpon her, cannot but seeme a thing cruell and bloody.

That the K. of France would endeuour seriously to dis∣solue the designes of those, which conspired against Queen Elizabeth, and that the Guises (the Queen of Scotland's kinsmen) should swear and subscribe to do the same, who would take it very grieuously if she were put to death, and perhaps, would not suffer it vnreuenged.

Finally, they required she should not be handled with such rigorous and extraordinary iudgement: for if shee were, the King of France could not but take it as a most grieuous offence, howsoeuer the other Princes tooke it.

To euery one of these Articles, answer was made in the Margent,* 13.99 That the Queene of England hoped, that the most Christian king of France made no lesse reckoning of her, than of the Queene of Scotland, who had practised her destructi∣on, she being an innocent Princesse, her neere Kinswoman, and in league of Alliance with the King of France: That it is expedient for Kings and their Countries, that wicked acti∣ons be not left vnpunished, especially against Princes.

That the English, who acknowledge Queen Elizabeth the sole Supreame Gouernesse of England, cannot at once acknowledge two Soueraignes, free and absolute Princes; nor any other whilst she liued could participate in equalitie with her: Neither could she perceiue how the Queene of Scotland, and her Sonne, which then raigned, could be held at once for Soueraigne and absolute Princes.

Whether that the safetie of Queene Elizabeth be exposible to greater perils, shee being put to death, seeing it dependeth vpon future contingencie: That the Estates of England, ha∣uing well weighed this point, are otherwise conceited: namely, That whilst shee liueth, there will alwaies be new plots of mis∣chiefe breeding; especially, because it is now come to that issue, that there is no hope left for the one, if the other be not extinct: and this saying should often present it selfe to her mind; Either I shall dispatch her, or shee me. And the lesser time her life shall last, the more celeritie will the Conspirators vse, to execute their plots.

That hitherto she would neuer renounce her claime and chal∣lenge to the English Crowne, and therefore was for iust cause to be detained in prison, and detained must be, till she renounce it, although she came to England for succour and support. And for what cause soeuer she was put in prison, she is to be punished for the faults she hath cōmitted since the time of her imprisonment.

That the Queene of England had pardoned her before, when shee was condemned of all the Estates, for consenting to the Re∣bellion in the North; the which was raised, to haue made the

Maryage betwixt her and tbe Duke of Norfolke: and to pardon her againe, were imprudent and cruell mercy. That none are ignorant of that Maxime of the Lawyers: An offender found within the Territorie of another, is to be punished, where he is found to haue committed the fault, without respect of Dignitie, Honour, or Priuiledge. And that the same is per∣mitted as well by the Lawes of England, as also by the examples of Licinius, Robert King of Sicilie, Bernard King of Italy, Conradine, Elizabeth Queene of Hungary, Ioan Queene of Naples, and of Deiotarus, for whom Cicero pleading, said: It is not a thing vniust, though vnusuall for a King to be arraig∣ned. His very words are these: Primùm dico pro capite, for∣tunis{que} Regis, quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est, in tuo dun∣taxat periculo: tamen est ita inusitatum, Regem capitis re∣um esse, tante hoc tempus non sit auditum.

That shee that hath beene found guiltie by a iust Iudgement, ought to vndergoe punishment; forasmuch, as that which is Iust, is Honest; and that which is Honest, is also profitable.

That the History of Porsenna hath no allusion to the matter in question, except it were to be thought, that there are a great number yet behinde, of them, which conspire against Queene E∣lizabeth; and so could perswade her out of feare and some little respect of honour, to dismisse the Queene of Scotland, without putting her to any paine; as Porsenna past off Mutius, after Mutius had told him, there was yet 300. more of his Fellow-Confederates, which had sworne his death. Besides, that Muti∣us set vpon Porsenna in open warre, and assured himselfe, that by sending Mutius away, he was out of all danger.

That blood is to be spared, but that is innocent blood: That God hath said, Blood cryeth for blood, it is true; and that France both before the Massacre of Paris & since cā testifie this.

That punishment by death, iustly inflicted, cannot be accounted bloody, no more than a wholsome medicine, can be deem'd hurtfull.

Howsoeuer the Guises, the Queene of Scotlands Cousens re∣lish it, Queene Elizabeth hath more nearer cause to respect her

selfe, her owne safetie, her Nobilitie, and the good of her Peo∣ple, on whose loue shee wholly dependeth, than the discontent of any other whosoeuer: And that the matter was now at that point, that the old Prouerbe of the two Princes, Conradine the King of Sicilie, and Charles the Duke of Anjou, might be vsed, and truly said, of these two Queens,

THE DEATH OF MARY, THE LIFE OF ELIZABETH: And THE LIFE OF MARY, THE DEATH OF ELIZABETH.

The promises of the French King, or the Guises, cannot se∣cure the Queene of England, nor the Realme of assured safetie: much lesse make amends for her death, if she be made away.

That the French King cannot discouer, or keepe in the plots of Treason, which are practised against him in his owne Country; much lesse this against the Queene of England; for that Trea∣son is closely carryed, and therefore ineuitable. And if the wic∣ked act were once committed, what good would come on it to claime their promises? How can the life of an incomparable Prince, after death be repaired? and what redresse can be found out for the Common-wealth, (failing with her) in this sad con∣fusion of all things?

That the hand-writings, or oathes of the Guises can be of no great moment; for that they hold it a meritorius matter to put to death the Pope of Romes Aduersaries, and may easily haue a dispensation of their oath. And when Queene Elizabeth shall be slaine, and the Queene of Scotland, which is of the House of the Guises, aduanced to the Royaltie, who is he will accuse them for her death? or if they should be accused, that can bring her to life againe?

But in that the Ambassadours haue said, That the Iudgement was rigorous and extraordinary; they haue spoken indiscreetly (for they saw neither the proceedings of the businesse, nor heard the proofes) and haue with too much asperitie reprehended the

Estates of the Realme of England, being Personages of chiefest note in the Kingdome, for noblenesse of Birth, Vertue, Wise∣dome, and Pietie. Yea, and that they haue altogether deliuered these speeches from the King of France, to terrifie the Queene of England, and the Estates of the Land. That the English are not wont to feare the Frenchmens menaces, nor can these diuert them, from prouiding how to settle their State in securitie, For∣asmuch as the Ambassadours, in the meane time, haue not made any demonstration or mention, how to preuent the imminent ieopardies, and dangers hanging ouer Englands head.

THE NINE AND TWENTIETH YEARE OF HER RAIGNE, ANNO DOM. M.D.LXXXVII.

AS men thus (according to the varie∣tie of their apprehensions) discour∣sed busily, and at large of these matters, as they were led either by enuy or affection: D' Aubespine the Ambassadour for France in Eng∣land, who was of the Faction of the Guises,* 13.100 thinking, that if he could not by Arguments or Reasons deliuer the Queene of Scotland, yet would he by some mischie∣uous craft: Treateth priuatly, and first with one William Stafford, a young Gentleman, and apt to conceiue strange hopes, whose Mother was one of the Ladies of Honour, and his Brother Leger in France, about the killing of Queen

Elizabeth. At first he dealt with him vnder-hand, but after∣wards more plainely by his Secretary Trappe, who promi∣sed him, if he performed it, that he should haue thereby, nor only great glory, and a large summe of money; but also ex∣ceeding fauour from his Holinesse the Pope of Rome, the Guises, and all Catholikes. Stafford, as loathing such a mon∣strous mischiefe, would not be the Actour thereof; but not∣withstanding, notifyed to him one Modey, a fit fellow to be imploed in matter of murther, & one who would dispatch it though neuer so bloody, for money. This Modey was a pri∣soner in London; to whom Stafford made it knowne, that the French Ambassadour desired to speake with him. He answered, that he desired the same, if he were out of Prison; intreating him in the meane time, to speake with Cordalion, the Ambassadours vnder-Secretary, who was his familiar friend. The morrow after, was sent to him Trappe and Staf∣ford; which Trappe (Stafford going apart) grew into talke with Modey, how and by what meanes they might kill Q••eene Elizabeth. Modey aduised to haue it done by poy∣son, or by bringing priuately into the Queenes Chamber, a barrell of Gun-powder, to be secretly set on fire. But this liked not Trappe, who desired a resolute fellow, which fea∣red nothing, such a one as the Bourgoignon, which had slaine the Prince of Orange.

Stafford had quickly reuealed this to the Councell:* 13.101 And Trappe (now preparing himselfe for France) is apprehen∣ded, and being examined, confesseth all the matter. Here∣upon, the twelfth of Ianuary following, the Ambassadour was sent for to the House of Cicile, whither he came about euening, where there was present at that time, by the com∣mandment of the Queen, Cicile the Baron of Burghley, Lord High Treasurer of England; the Earle of Leicester, Sir Chri∣stopher Hatton, Vice-Chamberlaine to the Queens Maiestie; & Dauison, one of her Maiesties Secretaries: who declared, that they had inuited him thither, to acquaint him with the

cause, why they had stayed his Secretary Trappe, being bound for France; and so discoursed to him the whole mat∣ter, as Stafford, Modey, and Trappe themselues had confessed; and had caused them to be brought in, to testifie the same before his face. The Ambassadour (with great impatience) bending his browes, and standing vp, said: That he (being the Kings Ambassadour) would not abuse his Master the King of France, or preiudice other Ambassadours in that kinde, to be a hearer of Accusations, be what they will. But they hauing answered him, that these things were not produced as accusations against him; but to let him perceiue that they were neither false nor faigned: and, to the ende hee might take occasion to conuince Stafford of Calumnie the more freely; hee became quiet. But so soone as Stafford came in, and had begun to speake; he interrupting of him, in rayling manner, swore: That Stafford had first mentioned the matter,* 13.102 and that he had threatned to send him bound hand and foote, to the Queene of England, if he would not giue ouer that businesse; and that at that time he forbore him, for the loue and affection he had to his Mother, his Brother, and his Si∣ster. Stafford falling on his knees, protested many times vp on his Saluation, That the Ambassadour had first broken the matter to him. The Ambassadour then more moued than before, Stafford was commanded forth, and Modey not per∣mitted to come in.

* 13.103 Hereupon the Lord Burghley, out of his owne words, and Trappe his Confession, reproued him, but somewhat gently, for this intended mischiefe. The Ambassadour an∣swered;* 13.104 If he had beene guiltie, or acquainted with the matter, yet as being an Ambassadour, he was not bound to reueale it to any but his owne King. Burghley answering, said; Admit it be not the part of an Ambassadour (which yet is a matter que∣stionable) to discouer such matters, but only to their owne King, when the life of a Prince is in hazzard: yet it is the part of a Christian to preuent such enormities, as touch the life of a

Prince; nay, of any priuate Christian. This he stoutly denied, and withall recited an example of a French Ambassadour, not long agone in Spaine, who knowing of a treacherous practise against the King of Spaine, although it concerned his life; yet discouered it not to him, but to his owne King: for which he receiued great commendation, both of his King and of his Councell. But the Lord Burghley very grauely admonished him, hereafter to haue a care how he offended her Maiestie, and not to forget his duty, and her Maiesties mercifulnesse, which was loath to offend the good Ambas∣sadours, by punishing the bad: neither was he all this while exempt from the fault, though freed from the punish∣ment.

From this attempt, such as were the sworne enemies of the Queene of Scotland, and sought to doe her hurt, tooke occasion hereby to hasten her death; knowing that in ex∣treame danger of safetie, Feare leaueth no place for Mercy, and tooke order (the more to terrifie the Queene of Eng∣land) to spread rumorous speeches daily, and false and feare∣full exclamations all ouer the Land; to wit:

That the Spanish Fleet was already landed at Milford-Hauen; That the Scots were come vpon their borders; That the Guise was in Essex with a mighty Armie; That the Queene of Scots had broken prison, raysed a great troope of Souldiers, and began to make a Rebellion in the North; That there were new plots in hand, for murthering the Queene, and to burne the Citie of Lon∣don; yea, That the Queene of England was dead,

and such like: which in those that are crafty and fearefull (by a natural desire) are nourished, and encreased; and Princes (cre∣dulous by curiositie) will soon lend their eares thereunto.

By such divulged horrors, and fearefull arguments, they brought her Maiestie into such trouble and perplexitie of minde, that she signed the Letters of Warrant to her deadly Sentence, and was perswaded most of all to it, by Patricke

Gray Scottishman, whom the King of Scotland had sent to disswade the Queene of England, from putting his mother to death:* 13.105 who many times put these words into her eares; Mortua non mordet: Being dead, she will byte no more.

And notwithstanding, as she was naturally slow to anger, she had this custome,* 13.106 that she neuer would enter vnadui∣sedly, or without premeditation, into any action: so she be∣gan to weigh in her minde, whether it were better to put her to death, or to let her liue. From putting her to death, she was disswaded,

By her owne naturall clemency, not to vse cruelty to her who was a Princesse and her next kinswoman; from the feare that she had, Histories should make her infa∣mous to posterities, and from the dangers which might fall vpon her, as from the part of the King of Scotland, who then was the next in succession to the Crowne of England: so also from the Catholick Princes, and from desperate people, who would attempt any thing.

From pardoning of her likewise, she foresaw no lesse danger to ensu••;

That the Nobility which had giuen the sentence a∣gainst her, would couertly seeke to regaine the fauour of her and her sonne; and that could not be done without danger to her selfe. That her other subiects would take it ill, when they perceiue their labour to be lost; and though then they were carefull for her welfare, yet hereafter they might grow carelesse: and that many would change their religion, and become Popish, vpon a supposition of greater hopes, seeing her preser∣ued, as it were by fatall prouidence, to inherite the Kingdome of England. That the Iesuites and Semi∣naries, whose eyes were all cast vpon her, seeing her sickly, and not like to liue long, would be so much the more busie to procure the death of Q. Elizabeth, to set vp their religion.

Her Courtiers also ceased not to suggest these and the like things, vnto her: * 13.107

Wherefore should you pardon so monstrous a malefactor, being already iustly condemned; who, after shee had subscribed to the combination made for the preserua∣tion of your health and safety, notwithstanding pre∣sently after attempted the taking away of your life, and thereby to procure the vtter ruine of Religion,* 13.108 the No∣bilitie, and commons? Clemency indeed is a Princely vertue, but not to be shewed to such as are mercilesse. Let the vaine shew of mercy yeeld to life-preseruing seueritie, and haue regard, that your mercy bring you not to misery. It is enough to haue the commendation of clemency, in that you haue once giuen pardon: to pardon her againe, were nothing else but to pronounce her innocent, to condemne the States of the Kingdome of iniustice, to animate her agents to attempt new mis∣chiefes, and to discourage your faithfull subiects from hauing any care for the preseruation of the weale pub∣lick. Religion, the Common-wealth, your own welfare, the loue of your countrey, the oath of association, the care of posteritie to come, doe all together begge and beseech you, that she which desireth the destruction of all these, may speedily be brought to destruction her selfe. If these be not heard, there is no safety left for this State, and Historians will leaue it recorded to the ages to come, that the fayre sunne-shine dayes of all pro∣sperity, which were in England vnder Q. Elizabeth, ended in a darke and dreadful euening, nay turned in∣to a dismall night of eternall obscurity. Our posterity shall find, that we wanted wisedom; hauing power to foresee our miseries, but not to preuent them: the which will thereby become the greater: the grossenesse whereof will be imputed, not so much to the malice of our enemies, as the improuident stupidity of these

times. That the life of a titulary Queene of Scotland, was not so much worth, as the safety of this whole kingdome: nor is there any place left for lingring; for delayes are dangerous. We should not giue malefactors of that monstrous nature, leaue to breathe, which from their insolency will take their last support, and from the impunity of their crime, expect some recompence. He which keepeth not himselfe out of danger when he may, seemeth rather to tempt God, than to trust in him. All the danger that can be from strangers, will cease with the cause, and cannot harme England, vn∣lesse it be by her. What will or power soeuer the Pope can haue to hurt, will cease with her death. The Spa∣niard can haue no cause to finde fault, who for his own security, put his onely sonne Charles to death, and doth what he can at this present also to make away Don Antonio King of Portugale, the more to extend his ambition. The king of France entertayneth an inuiolable league of loue with England, and is aboue all things so interested herein, that by the present di∣spatch of the Q. of Scotland, the hope of the Guises shall be layd flat vnder foot, since it is so that (out of the desperate hope they haue in the long looked-for ayde from their kinswoman) their insolency is growne so great at this time against him. That the King of Scotland, euen in nature, and out of a true respect of his royalty, cannot but be moued to displeasure at his mothers death, yet he will rather (out of better deli∣beration) wayt wisely, till time shall ripen his hopes with security, than to attempt, out of season, the things which can affoord him nothing but disturbance and danger. And the neerer he shall growe to his great hopes, the farther off will forraigne Princes (who of customary course are alwayes opposite to the growing greatnesse of others) estrange themselues from him.

They propounded also to her domesticall examples, be∣cause that that which is warranted by president,* 13.109 is the more tolerable: As,

What comportment the Kings of England (for their securities) haue had with their competitors, namely, Henry the first with Robert his elder brother, Edw. the third, or rather his mother, with Edward the se∣cond, Henry the fourth with Richard the second, Ed∣ward the fourth with Hen. the sixt, with his sonne the Prince of Wales, and George of Clarence his owne naturall brother, Henry the seuenth with the Earle of Warwick, the yonger sonne of the Duke of Clarence, and HENRY the eightth with De-la-Poole Earle of Suffolk, with Margaret of Salisbury, and Courtney Marquesse of Exeter: all which (in comparison of their offences) dyed for very sleight matters.

Neyther did the Courtiers only suggest these, and the like to the Queene; but diuerse fiery-tongued Preachers also, tooke occasion to exercise (with all asperity of spirit) the heate of their desires, in hastning on her death. Sundry also of the vulgar sort were of the same temper, according as their affections or humours carried them away with hope or feare.

Amidst these sad-afflicting thoughts of minde (which so troubled the Queene of England's perplexed heart,* 13.110 as that she delighted to be all alone, and to sit solitary by her selfe, neyther looking vp, nor vttering any speech; yet would suddenly many times, breake out into these words, and sigh∣ing, say, AVT PETERE AVT PERCVTE, and withall, also a kinde of Emblem: PREVENT THE STROKE BY STRIKING) shee deliuered Secretarie Dauison letters vnder her hand and seale, wherein hee was commanded to make ready a Warrant, vnder the great seale of England, for the execution of the Qu. of Scotland, and to

keepe it priuate, not acquainting any therewith, lest happely in this turbulent time of feare, some sudden violent danger might happen. But the morrow after (some sudden affright mixing it selfe with her pensiue thoughts and meditations of minde) changing her former purpose, she recommanded Dauison (by Killegray) to dispatch his Warrant. Dauison, going to her, told her it was ready, and sealed. Whereat she grew very angry, saying, He was too hasty. But for all this, he forbore not to publish the matter, and to impart it to the Councell;* 13.111 who (beleeuing that willingly, which they desi∣red earnestly) were easily perswaded, that the Queene had giuen commandement for the execution; and (vnknowne to her) sent presently away Beale (who, out of a feruour of zeale which he bore to religion, was more eagerly bent a∣gainst the Queene of Scotland, than any other) and with him two executioners, and letters Patents, whereby authoritie was granted to the Earles of Shrewesbury, Kent, Derby, Cum∣berland and others, to proceed in this execution. And al∣though the Queene had told Dauison at that time, that shee had a purpose to deale otherwise with the Queene of Scot∣land; yet for all that, he did not stay or recall Beale.

Now assoone as the Earles were arriued at Fotheringham, they found the Q. of Scotland with Sir Ayme Poulet and Sir Drue Drury, to whose custody she was committed; and then (reading the Mandate) shewed the cause of their comming, admonishing her, in few words, to prepare her selfe to dye against the next morrow. Sh, ehearing that, with an vndan∣ted courage and countenance, answered them:

I Neuer thought, that my sister, the Queene of Eng∣land,* 13.112 would haue consented to my death, seeing I am not subiect to your law: but since her pleasure is such, death to me shall be most welcome. And surely that soule were not worthy the eternall ioyes of heauen, whose body cannot endure one stroke of a Headsman.

She desired of them to haue conference with her Almner,

her Confessor, and Meluine her Steward. As for her Con∣fessor, they flatly denyed her him; and appointed her for comforters, the Bishop and Deane of Peterborough, whom shee refused. Thereupon, the Earle of Kent (a zealous pro∣fessor of Religion) amongst other his speeches, vttered this:

Your life will be the death; and your death, the life of our Religion.

Then hauing made mention of Babington, shee confidently affirmed, she neuer kn••w of his practices. Shee referred the due reuenge of all to God: and hauing inquired what was become of Nauue, and Curle, asked;

If euer it was heard of, in former times, that the Ser∣uants should be suborned to betray their Lady and Mi∣stresse to death, and also be admitted as Euidencers a∣gainst her.

When the Earles were departed, shee called in for supper, the better after to dispose of her businesses. Shee supped that night (as her manner euer was) very temperately: and noting her seruants at supper time, both men and women, to weepe and mourne; with cheerefull aspect, and hearty ala∣critie, shee comforteth them, bidding them to wipe their eyes, and rather to reioice with her, for that shee was now to depart this Gulfe of miseries. Then turning to Burgon her Physician, she said:

Haue you not obserued how powerfull and great the Truth is. For (quoth she) the common report is, That I am to dye for conspiring the Queene of Englands death; but the Earle of Kent, notwithstanding, told me euen now, That the feare they haue of their Religion, is the cause of my death. Now this is no criminall fact committed against the Queene of England, but the feare they haue conceiued of me, which hath brought this slaughter vpon me, the whilst some besides (euery one for himselfe, seeking to serue his owne turne) con∣spired

vnder a pretext of Religion, and the Common∣weale.

Supper being almost done, she dranke to all her Seruants; who in order, one by one, vpon their knees, tooke her pledge, mingling their teares with the wine, and crauing pardon of her, wherein soeuer they had beene negligent in doing their duties: so did she likewise of them. After supper, she peru∣sed her Will, lookt ouer the Inuentory of her vtensiles, and Iewels, and so set downe the names of such to whom shee had bequeathed any thing, to euery one their share apart. To some of them, shee distributed money with her owne hands. Shee wrote also to her Confessor, to pray for her. And to the King of France, and the Duke of Guise, by her Letters she recommended her Seruants. This done, she reti∣red herself at her ordinary time to her rest, slept a few hours; and awaking, past the rest of the night away in Prayers.

The fatall day beginning to appeare, which was the 7. of February, she attired her selfe in such garments as she vsu∣ally wore vpon Festiuall daies; and calling her Seruants a∣bout her, caused her Will to be read, desiring them to take in good part the Legacies she had giuen them, seeing it was not in her power to make them better. Then wholly fixing her mind vpon God, she betook her self into her Oratory or place of Prayer, where with sighs, grieuous gronings, and feruent prayers, she called vpon God; till such time as Tho∣mas Andrey, Sherife of the Shire, signified to her, that it was now time for her to come forth. Then forth shee came, in gesture,* 13.113 carryage, and demeanour, right Princely and maje∣sticke; cheerefull in countenance, and in attire very modest, and Matron-like: shee wore a linnen vaile vpon her, and be∣fore her face, which shee discouered: at her girdle hung her Rosarie, or rowe of Beades, and in her hand she held a Cru∣cifix of Iuory.

In the Porch or passage of her lodging, met her the Earles, and the rest of the Noblemen, where Meluine (one

of her Seruants) falling on his knees, and pouring forth teares, bewailed his vnlucky fortune, that he was design'd the man, that should carry into Scotland the sad message of the tragicall death of his dearest Mistresse.

Oh weep not (quoth she) for you shall shortly see Mary Stuart at an end of all her sorrowes. You shall report,* 13.114 that I dye true and constant in my Religion, and firme in my loue to Scotland and France. God forgiue them which haue thirsted after my blood, as the Hart doth for the Water-brooke. Thou (oh God) which art Truth it selfe, and which soundest the deepest secrets of my in∣ward heart; euen thou knowest how earnestly I haue desired the vnion of the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland. Recommend me to my Sonne; tell him for certainty I neuer did, or attempted any thing pre∣iudiciall to the Kingdome of Scotland. Counsell him to entertaine amitie with the Queene of England, and be you his true and trusty Seruant.

By this, the teares flowed from her eyes, shee repeating a∣gaine, and againe, Adieu, Adieu, Meluine: who wept all the while, no lesse lamentably.* 13.115 Then turning her towards the Earles, she intreated them, that her Seruants might be gent∣ly vsed, that they might enioy the things she had giuen them by her Will, that they might be permitted to be with her at her death, and lastly, might be safely conducted and sent home into their Countries. Her two first requests they granted, but for the hauing of her Seruants by at her death, the Earle of Kent seemed scrupulous, fearing there might be some superstition in that. To him she said:

Feare you not, Sir: the poore wretches desire nothing but to take their last leaues of me. And I know, my Sister, the Queene of England, would not you should deny me so small a request: For, for the honour of my sex, my Seruants should be in presence. I am the nearest of her Parentage and Consanguinitie, grand-childe to

Henry the seuenth, Dowager of France, and anointed Queene of Scotland:

Which when shee had said, and turned her about, it was granted her, to haue such of her Seruants as shee would no∣minate. Then she named Meluine, Bourgon her Physician, her Apothecarie, her Chyrurgion, two of her Maides, and some others, of which Meluine carryed vp her traine. Then the Noblemen, the two Earles, and the Sherife of the Shire going before, she came to the Scaffold, the which was built at the vpper end of the Hall, vpon the which was a Chaire, a Cushion, and a Blocke, all couered with blacke. So soone as she was set, and silence commanded, Beal read the Warrant or Mandate, to which she listened attentiuely, as if it had beene some other thing. Then Doctor Fletcher (Deane of Peterborough) made a large discourse of the con∣dition of her life past, and present, and of the life to come. Twice she interrupted him, intreating him not to importune her:* 13.116 Protesting, that she was setled and resolued in the ancient Romane Catholike Religion, and ready euen now to shed her blood for the same. He vehemently exhorted her to be repentant, and with an vndoubted Faith to put her whole trust and confidence in Christ: But shee answered him; That she had beene borne and brought vp in this Religion, and was ready to die in the same. Then the Earles saying they would pray for her; Shee replied, shee would giue them great thankes, if they would pray together with her, but to communicate in Praier with them which are of a different Religion, were a scandall, and great sinne. Then they bade the Deane to pray: with whom, whilst the Assembly about him ioyned in Prayer; Shee falling on her knees, and holding the Cruci∣fix betwixt her hands, prayed in Latine, with her owne peo∣ple, out of the Office of our blessed Lady.

After the Deane had ended his Praiers, shee prayed in En∣glish for the Church, for her Sonne, and Elizabeth Queene of England, beseeching God to turne his heauy wrath from

this Iland, and protesting (as she held vp the Crucifix) that she reposed her hope of Saluation in the blood of Christ Iesus: shee called vpon the holy Company of Saints in Heauen, to make intercession for her vnto him. Shee for∣gaue all her enemies: then kissing the Crucifix, and making the signe of the Crosse, she said: As thy armes (ôh Lord Iesu-Christ) were spred forth vpon the Crosse, so receiue me into the same armes of thy Mercy, and pardon me my trespasses. Then the Executioner asked forgiuenesse, whom shee forgaue: and her seruants (she making haste) tooke off her vpper gar∣ments, crying and lamenting aloud: yet neither by her kissing or crossing of them, did she euer change her cheerfull coun∣tenance, but bade them forbeare their womanish weeping, saying; That shee was at the end of all her calamities. Like∣wise turning her selfe towards her other seruants, most piti∣ously weeping, she signed them with the signe of the Crosse, and smilingly bade them all, Adieu. Then hauing a linnen cloth before her face, and laid her head vpon the Blocke, she recited the Psalme; In thee (O Lord) haue I put my trust, let mee not be confounded for euer. Then stretching forth her body, and many times together ingeminating these words; Lord into thy hands I commend my Spirit, her Head at the se∣cond blow was cut off; the Deane crying aloud, and saying, So perish all the Enemies of Queene Elizabeth; to which, the Earle of Kent answerd, Amen: so likewise did the people wee∣ping. Afterwards her body being imbalmed, and solemnly made ready was with Princely Funerals interred in the Ca∣thedrall Church of Peterborough. And in Paris were her Obsequies in most magnificent manner, also, celebrated by the Guises; who neither in her life omitted any offices of loue or kindred toward her, nor yet after her death, to their great land and glory.

Here you haue seen what was the lamentable end of the life of Mary Queen of Scotland, daughter to Iames the Fift, King of Scotland, grand-childe to Henry the seuenth King of Eng∣land,

by his elder daughter, of 46. yeares of age, and the 18. yeare of her imprisonment. A woman most constant in her Religion; of singular zeale and sanctimonie towards God; of inuincible animositie and courage; in wisedome aboue her Sexe; of surpassing beautie, and worthy to be re∣corded in the Catalogue of those Princes, who of happy and prosperous, became miserable and vnfortunate. Being yet an Infant, shee was with great sedulitie sought for, both by Henry the eighth, King of England, for his sonne Edward; and by Henry the second, King of France, for Francis the Dol∣phin. Shee was sent into France at fiue yeares of age, and at ten marryed to the Dolphine. After the death of her husband, returning into Scotland, and being marryed to Hen∣rie, Lord Darley, she had by him IAMES, the First Monarch of Great Britanne. Shee was persecuted by Murrey her base Brother, and others her disloyall and ambitious subiects de∣posed from the Kingdome, driuen into England, circum∣uented (as some worthy persons haue conceiued) by cer∣taine in England, carefull for the retaining of their Religion, and the preseruation of Queene Elizabeths life; exposed in∣to perilous attempts, by others (desirous of re-establishing the Romish Religion) and brought to ruine by the intimati∣ons or witnesses of her absent Secretaries; who (as it is thought) were corrupted with coine. By her Tombe was fixed, and soone after taken away, this following Epitaph:

MARIA SCOTORVM REGINA,* 13.117 REGIS FILIA, REGIS GALLORVM VI∣DVA, REGINAE ANGLIAE AG∣NATA, ET HAERES PROXIMA, VIRTVTI∣EVS REGIIS ET ANIMO REGIO OR∣NATA. IVRE REGIO FRVSTRA SAEPIVS IMPLORATO, BARBARA ET TYRANNICA CRVDELITATE, ORNAMENTVM NO∣STRI SECVLI, ET LVMEN VERE RE∣GIVM EXTINGVITVR: EODEMQVE NE∣FARIO IVDICIO, ET MARIA SCOTORVM REGINA MORTE NATVRALI, ET OM∣NES SVPERSTITES REGES, PLEBEII FACTI, MORTE CIVILI MVLCTAN∣TVR.

NOVVM ET INAVDITVM TVMVLI GE∣NVS, IN QVO CVM VIVIS MORTVI IN∣CLVDVNTVR, HIC ERAT: CVM SACRIS ENIM DIVAE MARIAE CINERIBVS, OM∣NIVM REGVM ATQVE PRINCIPVM VI∣OLATAM, ATQVE PROSTRATAM MA∣IESTATEM HIC IACERE SCITO; ET QVIA TACITVM REGALE SATIS SV∣PERQVE REGES SVI OFFICII MO∣NET, PLVRA NON ADDO, VIATOR.

IN the lamentable death of this great Princesse, mani∣festly appeared (as some haue obserued) the prouidence of God:* 13.118 For the things which Elizabeth and Mary wished from the beginning, and were resolued vpon in all their designes, were hereby effected and consummate. Queene Mary (as her selfe confest at her death) desired no∣thing more feruently, than that the Kingdomes of England and Scotland (which were diuided) might be vnited and ioyned in one, in her dearest Sonne; Nor Elizabeth, but that the true Religion, together with the good and safety of the People in England might be continued and maintained. And England now with vnspeakable ioy and gladnesse, ac∣knowledgeth, that God Almighty hath granted both their desires, to her vnexpected and euerlasting felicitie.

* 13.119 So soone as report (the messenger of this death) had brought the newes thereof to Queene. Elizabeth, who not so much as thought of any such matter, she tooke it most im∣patiently: her speech, and countenance, at once failed her: through the extremitie of her grieuous discontent, shee became quite comfortlesse and disconsolate; and attired her selfe in mourning weedes, bitterly lamenting, and sheading many brinish teares from the compassionate riuers of her eyes.* 13.120 Shee sharply rebuked her Councell, and chased them out of her sight, commanding they should be questioned. And as for William Dauison, he was brought into the Starre-Chamber to be tryed. And so soone as her passionate an∣guish and excesse of sorrow, suffered her to write, shee sud∣denly addrest (by sir Robert Carey) to the King of Scotland, this Letter following, of her owne hand-writing:

Queene ELIZABETH's Letter to King IAMES.

MOST DEARLY BELOVED BROTHER:

Would to God you did know, but not feele, with what in∣comparable sorrow my sad-af∣flicted heart is troubled, by the late lamentable euent, which hapned contrary to my minde and meaning: but because my Penne abhorreth the recitall thereof, you shall vnderstand it by this my Kinsman. I be∣seech you, that (as God and many good men are witnesses with me of my innocencie) you also would belieue, that if I had once com∣manded it, I would neuer haue denyed the same. I am not so base-minded, nor of such a degenerate or ignoble spirit, as that ••ither I am affraid to doe the thing that is iust, or to disclaime it being done.

But as it is most dishonourable in Princes, to couer or colour the conceptions of their hearts, in disguised words: So will I neuer dis∣semble any action of mine, but let it appeare in its owne liuely colours. Know this for certainty, that as I am sure, it hapned not by any fault of mine; so if I had euer intended such a deed, I would not haue im∣puted it to others. Nor can I assume that to my selfe which I neuer thought. The rest, the Deliuerer of these lines will impart vnto you.

For my part, I would haue you belieue, that there is none more intire∣ly louing you, nor more studiously carefull for the good of you and yours, than my selfe. If any haue suggested to you the contrary, be you perswaded, that such a one beareth more affection to others, than to you. God keepe you long safe and sound.

Whilest Sir Robert Carey was on the way with these letters, William Dauison was brought into the Starr-Chamber before certain Commis∣sioners, to wit, Sir Christopher Wray Lo▪ chiefe Iustice of the K. Bench, who for that time was likewise made Lord Keeper of the Priuy Seale; the Arch Bishops of Canterbury and Yorke, the Earles of Worcester, Cumber∣land, and Lincolne; the Lords Gray and Lumley, Sir Iames Crofts Comp∣troller of the Queens house, Sir Walter Mildmay Chancellour of the Ex∣chequer, Sir Gilbert Gerard Master of the Rolls, Edm. Anderson chiefe Iu∣stice of the Common Pleas, and Sir Roger Manwood chiefe Baron of the Exchequer. In the presence of these, Sir Francis Popham, the Qu. Attur∣ney generall, accused William Dauison of contempt against her Maiestie, of the breach of his allegeance, the neglect and omission of his dutie; for that the queene of England, out of her royall clemency, being vn∣willing that the queene of Scotland (although shee stood condemned) should be put to death, for certaine causes best knowne to her selfe, such as were not to bee sounded into by any others, nor could be drawne from her, eyther by the importunate vrging of the States of the land, or by her Councell: notwithstanding shee had commanded the Warrant for her execution to be drawne (for the preuenting of some eminent pe∣rils) the which she committed to the said William Dauisons trust and ta∣citurnitie; he, being a sworne Secretary, forgetfull of his faith and obe∣dience, (contemning her Maiesties command) had imparted the same ••o the Councell, and brought her to execution, without the knowledge or pri••itie of her Maiestie.

William Dauison (such was his singular modesty) answered temperat∣ly, and yet with audacitie;

That he was very sory, that he should be thus troublesome to Commissioners, concerning the Q. of Scotland and the iudgement giuen against her (most grie∣uous, if it were) to the impeachment of his credite, if not to the finall losse ther∣of;

which to him was all in all. But this most grieued him, to be taxed of contempt against her Maiestie; to whō for her Princely fauours, he was so obliged, that his offence must thereby be the more intolerable. That hee confessed himselfe guilty of the crimes obiected against him. That he had made shipwrack of his credite, which hee reckoned equiualent with his life. If in ma∣king his Apologie, he should contest with the Queen, he should do that which were most vnbeseeming the obedience of a subiect, the respect of a seruant, and the fidelity and reputation of a Se∣cretary. He protested before God and the Commissioners, That he had done nothing therein wittingly and willingly, but what he was perswaded was the Queenes will and pleasure; wherein if by ignorance or negligence he had done any thing preiudiciall, he could not but for that be sory, and submit him∣selfe to the censure of the Commissioners.

Now as touching the particulars: Whereas the Queene blamed him for hauing beene ouer-hasty in setting the great seale to the Mandate, he auouched;

That she had darkely signified, but not expressely commanded that he should keepe it by him: Neyther, as hee thought, had hee trespassed in matter of secrecie; for that he had not imparted it to any but the Councell. As touching that, that he did not reuoke the Warrant, after the Queene had giuen him to vnderstand that shee had altered her minde; he affirmed, That it was a∣greed vpon by the generall consent of the Councell, that forth∣with it should be sent away, and the Queene of Scotland exe∣cuted, for feare the Queene or State might be indangered or dam∣nified.

Vpon this confession, Sir Thomas Egerton the Queenes Sollicitor (hauing read some part of it) began to presse him.* 14.1 But he desired him to reade it all thorow, and not selected parcels here and there; though he had rather it should not be read at all, because in it were contayned some secrets not fit to be reuealed; oftentimes interposing these words,

That as he was vnwilling to contest against the Qu. so was he

loth his modesty should be preiudiciall to the truth, or his owne reputation.

* 14.2 Sir Thomas Gaudy and Sir William Pickering, the Queenes Sergeants at Law, likewise in many and sharpe speeches, re∣buked him, for that he had fraudulently abused her Maie∣sties Priuy Councell, as was confessed by William Cecill Ba∣ron of Burghley, Lo: high Treasurer: to whom (doubting whether the Queene had granted that they should proceed to the execution of the Queen of Scotland) he affirmed and protested she had: as also he said the like to the rest, who had subscribed to the Warrant or Mandate, for the executi∣on of the said Q. of Scotland. Here Dauison, shedding teares, desired the Lawyers not to vrge him any further, but that they would remember, That he was not to contest against the Queen; wherefore he wholly submitted himselfe to her Ma∣iesties conscience, and the Commissioners censure.

* 14.3 Sir Roger Manwood, beginning, made an historicall relati∣on of the Queene of Scotland; how from her tender age she had vsurped the Armes of England: and so continuing his discourse to Babingtons conspiracie, commended the sen∣tence pronounced against her by vertue of the law, made knowne the clemency of the Queene, and gaue censure, that Dauison, for his inconsiderate anticipation, should be fined at ten thousand pounds, and imprisonment during the Qu. pleasure.

Sir Edmund Anderson argued, that he had done right, but not rightly; otherwise the man was honest.

Gerard was of the same opinion.

Sir Walter Mildmay, after he had declared with what ma∣ture deliberation, and setled grauity, they had proceeded in iudgement against the Queene of Scotland, and by what great, and how many intreaties and imprecations queene E∣lizabeth was drawne thereto; produced against Dauison this passage out of the holy Scripture: The heart of the King is in the hands of the Lord; and therefore none, much lesse a

seruant, ought fraudulently or couertly to anticipate the de∣terminate purposes of Princes, without whose aduice no∣thing ought to be done, especially in matters of so great mo∣ment, as is the death of a Prince. But he cleered Dauison of malice, yet reproued him, as hauing beene inconsiderate in Princes affaires, and too forward in preuenting the queenes determination. And, for a caueat hereafter to men of his ranke and place, not to commit the like errour; accorded with the rest concerning his fine and imprisonment.

Sir Iacob Croft checkt and chid him, for hauing vnwisely vttered the things which he ought to haue concealed, for that Princes impart that to some one of their Councell, which they conceale from the rest.

Iohn Baron Lumley was of opinion (with the Iudges) that the sentence against the Qu. of Scotland was iustly giuen, yet seriously auerred, That in the memory of the precedent times, it was neuer heard or read, so high a contempt to haue beene committed against a Prince, that the Lords of the Councell, in the queenes house, at the Councell Table where her Maiestie was (as it were President of the Coun∣cell) should haue decreed such a businesse, and that without her priuity, they (and Dauison too) hauing free accesse vnto her when they pleased; protesting, That if he had but one on∣ly sonne that were faulty in such a fact, he should think him worthy to be very seuerely punished. But being perswaded of the honest disposition of the man, he would censure him no deeper than others did.

Arthur Lord Gray, inflamed with a religious zeale, in a set speech, yet somewhat exasperate, excepted against him, saying:* 14.4 DAVISON is accused to haue behaued himselfe con∣temptuously towards the Queene; and this contempt is vrged to the full: for that he imployed his diligence in dispatching the Q. of Scotl. That he bewrayed secrets, and concealed from the Q. the sending away of the Warrant. But what was this Qu. he was so busie to make away? Was it not shee (I pray you) by whose life

our religion the queene, the kingdome, and euery one of vs were in continuall danger? yet it is for her being so cut off, that wee haue this dayes businesse in hand. Now my opinion is, That he which hath deliuered our England from so great euills, deserues to be royally recompenced. I do not thinke him to haue reuealed any secrets, for hauing imparted the matter onely to the Coun∣cell, (and Magistrates appointed for matters of State,) whom chiefly it concerned to vnderstand that and such like, and which the queene her selfe before had vttered to two or three. If Da∣uison haue offended in any thing, it is chiefly in this, That the queene meaning to take another course, he told her not that the Warrant was already sent away. But questionlesse he was dri∣uen into a double doubt: whether to lose the queenes fauour, in sending away the Warrant without her knowledge; or by recal∣ling it, to bring new plots and perills to the queene. Who remem∣breth not how turbulent the time was? what fearfull rumours were euery where dispersed? If any wrong or violence had then hapned to the queene or religion, whilest the Mandate was in his hands, had not the fault truly beene in him? Should not we, our wiues, and children, haue falne furiously vpon him? Should we not haue imbrued our hands in his blood? haue curst his im∣prudence, and haue erected, to his eternall ignominy, a trophee of indiscretion, engrauen in letters of blood? What mulct or penal∣tie soeuer you impose vpon him, shall not displease me; but surely I will alwayes hold him for an honest man. This is the Ora∣tor-like speech, which we heard the Lord Gray made, and deliuered with a good grace and manly countenance.

The three Earles agreed in opinion with the rest, concer∣ning the premised penaltie inflicted vpon Dauison, and with the Lo: Gray, touching his reputation.

The Archbishop of Yorke discoursed of matter of Reli∣gion, and shewed the blindenesse of heart, and naturall cor∣ruption, to be the fountaines from whence it sloweth.

The Lords Grace of Canterbury approued the act, and commended the author of it, but discōmended withall the

maner or circumstance of proceeding which he had vsed.

Lastly, Sir Christ Wray (Lord Keeper of the priuy Seale) hauing made a briefe recapitulation of all the Commissio∣ners opinions, confirmed the penaltie imposed by them,* 14.5 and declared, That although the queene (being iustly moued to displeasure) had submitted her Counsellors to examination, yet notwithstanding she did then pardon them; acknow∣ledging, that what they had done, was from a desire and de∣signe tending to the defence of Religion and the State, and the repelling of eminent dangers.

Dauison became humble Petitioner to the Cōmissioners,* 14.6 That they would intreat for him; not to be restored to the honourable place of Secretary, which he formerly enioyed, nor to haue his liberty granted him, nor his fine or punish∣ment mitigated: but that he might yet be partaker of her Maiesties gracious fauour. The which, for all this, he neuer regained: neuerthelesse she sometimes supplyed and relie∣ued his wants.

And thus this Dauison, a man of honest disposition and e∣steeme, not cunning nor acquainted with Court-tricks, was purposely brought vpon the Stage (as diuers haue thought) to be an actor in this Tragedie: and being put out of his part, as being at a non plus in the last Act, was for a long time after shut vp in prison, to the great griefe of many. Hither∣to hath beene related what was publikely done against him: Now obserue, in briefe, how he excuseth himselfe, as I haue collected out of his owne accusation, and the Apologeticall discourse, which he made thereof to Sir Fr. Walsingham,

The queene (said he) after the Ambassadors of France and Scotland were departed,* 14.7 wished me to shew her the Warrant for the execution of the sentence, pronounced against the queene of Scotland. Hauing shewed it, she willingly set her hand there∣to, and bid me likewise affixe the great Seale of England; and iestingly, said, You will shew this now to Walsingham, who is sicke already, but will dye when he sees it. She added by and by,

That she had put it off so long, because shee would not seeme to be carried away by violence; yet knowing well the necessitie thereof. Then blaming Sir Ayme Poulet and Sir Drue D••u∣ry for not hauing eased her of that care and trouble; commanded Walsingham to know the cause of their cessation and delay.

The day after I had sealed the Warrant, she forbade me, by Kil∣legray, to doe it; then telling her, that it was done already, shee checkt me for my diligence, saying; That by some wise-mens ad∣uice, another course might haue beene taken. I answered that iust courses are alwayes good and sure. But fearing she would cast some blame on me, as she had formerly done vpon the Lo. Burgh∣ley about the Duke of Norfolks death: I disclosed the whole matter to Sir Christ. Hatton; protesting, that I would neuer hereafter be so forward in so weighty a busines. Hatton present∣ly discouered it to Burghley, and he to the rest of the Councell, who all concluding vpon the dispatch of the execution, vowed (as reason was) to be faulty alike; and to effect it, sent Beale in∣stantly away with the Warrant and Letters. The third day af∣ter (I perceiuing the Queene to be troubled in minde, to haue the precedent night (as her MAIESTY sayd) drea∣med of the Queene of Scotland's death) I asked her, if shee had changed her purpose. She answered me, That some other meanes might haue beene vsed; and then inquiring of me, Whether I had receiued any answer from Sir Ayme Poulet; I shewed her his letters, wherein he refused to vndertake the execution, as vniust: to which, in great choler she replyed; He and his confe∣derats are all faithlesse & periured, in promising great matters, and not performing: but she should find some, that for her sake would doe it. As for my selfe, I told her how ignominious it was, and into what perills shee should bring Poulet and Drury. If she approued the deed being done, her renowne would be blasted with iniustice and disgrace (besides other dangers:) and in dis∣allowing it, she should ruinate men of worthy merite, and their posterity for euer would be vndon. To conclude, the very day that the queene of Scotland dyed, her Maiesty checkt me iestingly, for that it was not yet dispatched.

Now setting aside to speake of the anger and sorrow which the Queene of England conceiued for the death of the Queene of Scotland, and her anger against William Daui∣son, the truth is, that the King of Scotland, her onely Sonne, drew thereof extreme anguish, bitter and passionate tor∣ments; shewing himselfe a more pious Son then any that can be heard or read of; he lamented night and day his deare Mothers lamentable end, in weeping, and shedding many sad and brinish teares in his bitter agony; not thin∣king that Queene ELIZABETH (in regard of the mutu∣all loue which was betwixt them, the late and strait con∣tracted league of amity, and the intercession of so many mighty Princes) would haue suffered his Mother to haue beene exposed into the cruell hands of an Executioner, she beeing a Princesse of coequall Maiestie, of her neerest alli∣ance and consanguinity from the Blood Royall: nor could he receiue in Scotland, Sir Robert Carie, Sonne to Henry, Ba∣ron of Hunsdon, who was sent with Letters from ELI∣ZABETH, to excuse her Maiestie, and to cast the fault vp∣on Dauison, and the Councell. He heard him (but hard∣ly) from the mouth of another, and hardly receiued the Letters he brought. He reuok't the authority of his Am∣bassadour in England, and thought of reuenge: For there was no want of folke, which were busie to egge him on by perswasions, that the Christian Princes would not leaue vnreuenged so great and grieuous an iniury offered to Roy∣all Maiesty, and to the Royall Name.

The Estates of Scotland,* 14.8 which were then gathered to∣gether in multitudinous numbers, protested to his Maie∣stie, that they were ready, and prest to reuenge this death, to defend the rightfull Title which hee had vnto England, and in that to hazzard both life and goods, and that they could not digest this iniury, offered not so much to his Maiestie, as to the whole Nation of Scotland. Some perswa∣ded him to demand Nauall assistance of the K. of Denmarke,

with whom he had then begun a Treaty, touching marriage with his Daughter. Others (addicted to the Roman Religi∣on) exclaiming against the Queene of England, that She which had slaine the Mother, would willingly slay the Sonne too;* 14.9 put it into his head to ioyne rather with the Kings of France and Spaine, and with the Pope of Rome, and that he might easily by this meanes possesse himselfe of England. Aboue all, he should not trust the Protestants of England; That they were now at the full height of their power, and sought secretly his ruine. Others admonished him, not to shew himself openly inclin'd to any party, but to hold both Papist and Protestant in suspence. Because that if he should openly ranke himselfe with the Protestants, all the Papists of Europe in their practices, would make him their marke to shoot at, and would prouide them in England some other Support then he, to rely vpon, which could not be without danger to him. Others aduised him, to continue constant in amity with England, not to expose or put foorth a cer∣taine hope into the vncertaine hazzard of warre, and to perseuer in the Religion now receiued; wherein if he should seeme to wauer, he could neither purchase friends, nor put off enemies. These were the things propounded to him by one and other, as euery mans particular pleasure or desire carried him. The King himselfe, of perspicuity, and politique apprehension aboue his age, beeing some times alone by himselfe, and sometimes with some few others; not with precipitate rashnes (which is alwayes blind) but with deliberate consideration, at many times, and for a long space together, cast these things in his mind.

* 14.10 But Queene ELIZABETH, after shee had laid all the fault vpon Dauison, and the rash credulity of her Councell, seeketh by little and little to weare away his griefe, lest consolations vntimely applyed, should the more irritate; and attended, till the dolour (being appeased by the pro∣traction of time) would suffer it selfe to be dealt withall.

For, perceiuing then, that the French did sharpen and inci∣tate the young King to reuenge, and fearing, that through suttle sleights, and eager desire of reuenge, he might be di∣uerted from the Protestant Religion, and from louing the English, she imployed all her possible industry, and Prince∣ly meanes, to cure his wounded heart, and alienated from her:

And for that cause propounded to him, by such Agents as shee had in Scotland, as also, by the Lord of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Berwicke.

FIrst,* 14.11 what danger there was in making warre vpon England, for this cause, which now to all the Estates of England seemed necessary for the good of the whole Iland, and most iust. And whether hee were of power to goe thorow withall, England be∣ing then neuer more potent in military men, money, and munition, and Scotland neuer weaker, being brought low, and exhaust by ciuill and intestine broyles. If hee would haue the assistance of forreine powers, let him learne by the experience of his Mother, (who so long and often implored that in vaine,) what labour and trouble he would haue to obtaine it. And if he should procure it, what successe could he hope for by it, seeing that England ioyning with the shipping of Holland and Zeland, feared not the most puissant Princes of Europe. What hope could he put the King of France or the King of Spaine in, sith his power being once in∣creased with the addition of England and Ireland to his Crowne, ought to be contrary to their designe, and that his Religion was so directly opposite to theirs, that they could not ayde and succour him, but to their owne pre∣iudice. That the King of France could not behold, but with griefe, the King of Scotlands Dominion augmen∣ted by the Kingdome of England, without feare that

he should pursue the ancient right which the English haue in France, or giue assistance to the Guizes his Allies, who at this instant gape for the Kingdome of France. That the King of Spaine, who would questi∣onlesse giue place to his ambition, because that he brags (though falsly) to be the first Catholique King issued from the Bloud-Royall of the English, and of the house of Lancaster. That to this purpose some Iesuites and others haue with their vttermost power endeuoured, du∣ring the life of Queene MARY of Scotland, to en∣throne him by election, in the Kingdome of England, as most fit to re-establish there the Romane authoritie in eiecting from the Crowne both Mother and Sonne. Nay moreouer, they begun to perswade the Queene of Scotland to make him thereof a legacy by her Testa∣ment, if King IAMES her Sonne would still perse∣uer in the Protestant Religion. Let the King consider whither these things doe tend, what succour hee can looke for from Spaine, and to what ignominy hee will precipitate his Soule to his eternall damnation, and all Great-Britaine to his vtter ruine, if hee forsakes the true Religion in which hee hath beene educated. That the Peeres and States who haue giuen sentence against his Mother, seeing that hee meditates vpon a reuenge, will not fayle to exclude him from the Crowne of Eng∣land, by a new Act of the right of Succession. That in giuing place to necessity, and keeping in the agitation of his courage, hee will mediate easily their loue, sith that which is done, cannot be vndone. Let him then expect to possesse in his time the most flourishing King∣dome of England, and enioy in the meane while a Crowne of securitie, and beleeue that those which can tell well how to weigh and prize things, will iudge, that hee hath sufficiently fore-seene to his honour, in not fay∣ling in due opportunitie to doe his Mother all the duti∣full

seruices of a most pious sonne. Moreouer, let him likewise assure himselfe, that the Queene of England will accounnt, hold, and esteeme him as her owne sonne, and will doe him all offices of amity, and vse him as a Mother her dearest sonne.

These are the things that Queene ELIZABETH en∣deuoured with great care to possesse the King with: and to the end hee should not doubt but that his Mother had beene put to death without Queene ELIZABETHS con∣sent, shee resolued to send him the sentence pronounced a∣gainst William Dauison, sealed with the broad Seale of England, and all the Commissioners hands subscribed ther∣unto: and to appease his Maiestie the more, another iudge∣ment signed by all the Iudges of England, certifying that that sentence pronounced, could in nothing hinder or bee preiudiciall to his right to the Kingdome of England.

In the mean time that Q.* 14.12 ELIZABETH by these or such like reasons endeuoured gently to calme the King of Scot∣lands agitations, fore-seeing the warre wherewith she was furiously threatned by the King of Spaine, whose hopes to frustrate, shee sent Sir Francis Drake with foure Royall Ships well appoynted, to the Coast of Spaine, and else∣where, with command to take, burne, and pillage all such Ships as hee could finde, as well in the Harbours and Port-Townes, as on the Ocean: Drake arriuing in the Streight of Gibraltar, entred the Hauen thereof, where, after he had caused sixe great Ships to flye vnder the Forts protection, hee tooke and burnt a hundred Ships, more or lesse, in the which there was infinite prouision of warlike munitions & victuals, and among others, the Great Gallion of the Mar∣quis of Santa Cruz, called Rageusa, richly loaden with mer∣chandize. From thence, returning to Cape S. Vincent,* 14.13 hee there burnt all such Ships and Fisher-boats, which lay in that Rode: And then went to Cascalet Hauen, which is situated at the mouth of Tage: he vrged there the Marquis

Santa Cruz to fight: but hee not daring, stirr'd not, but let Drake freely sayle along that Coast, and take their Ships without the least impeachment. Then, hauing turned saile to the Iles of Azoris, met by chance (which he tooke with ease) a great and lusty Ship, most rich, and well furnished, called Saint Philip,* 14.14 which was returning from the East-Indies: This act caused the vulgar sort of Mariners of di∣uers Countries to take the name of Philip for an ill signe or prognostication against Philip King of Spaine.

By this Drakes worthy, though briefe expedition, England was much enriched and; the Spaniards sustay∣ning so great a losse of munition and warlike preparations, were constrayned to giue ouer their designe they had to inuade England for that yeere:* 14.15 Since which time, the Eng∣lish begun with alacrity couragiously to assault those great and huge Ships, most like vnto Castles, which they before did much dread and feare, and discouered so plainely the opulent and rich commodities of the Indies, & the meanes how to trade and traffique in those Easterne parts, in such sort,* 14.16 that they haue since established an aduantagious trade, and profitable nauigation in those Countries, hauing esta∣blished an East-Indie Company of Merchants.

At that very time, Thomas Cauendish, a Suffolke man, which two yeeres since was gone out of England, with three good Ships was sayling the Sea in another Climate of the World, and hauing past beyond the Streight of Ma∣gellan, burnt and ransacked in the entry of Chile, Peru, and New Spaine, many Townes of the Spaniards, tooke and pil∣laged neere Calliforma, eighteene rich Ships loaden, and a sumptuous Ship-Royall of Spaine, with infinite riches, re∣turning happily the same yeere into England (by Philippi∣nas, Molaques, the Cape of bona Speranza, and the famous Ile of Saint Helen) with a precious bootie, and memorable glory, as beeing onely the third, who, since Magellan, cir∣cuited the whole Earth.

As Sir Francis Drake, and Master Iohn Cauendish purcha∣sed to their perpetuall honors an illustrious glory & splen∣dent reputation, in doing their Countrey good seruice, so at that time two other English men, Sir W. Stanley,* 14.17 and Row∣land Yorke, got an ignominious name of Traytors. This Yorke, borne in London, was a man most negligent and la∣zy, but desperately hardy; he was in his time most famous among those who respected Fencing, hauing been the first that brought into England that wicked and pernicious fa∣shion to fight in the Field in Duels,* 14.18 with a Rapier called a Tucke, onely for the thrust: the English hauing till that ve∣ry time, vsed to fight with Backe-swords, slashing and cut∣ting one the other, armed with Targets or Bucklers, with very broad weapons, accounting it not to be a manly acti∣on to fight by thrusting and stabbing, and chiefly vnder the waste. This Yorke hauing receiued some light iniury by the Earle of Leicester in the Low-Countries, ran away, and liued as a Souldier a certaine time on the Spanish side; and lastly, being reconciled, was made Gouernour of a strong Fort, situated neere the Towne of Sutphen. But as he was not vsed to pardon wrongs, & suffer himself to be despised, hee hammered in his head how he might be reuenged: and he being corrupted with money, yeelded vp not onely the said Fort to the Enemy, but also many and sundry times hee protested by oath to Sir William Stanley (who had for∣merly borne Armes in the warres of Ireland, with a singu∣lar fidelity and generous valiancy) that he was manifestly accused and conuicted to haue been one of Babingtons con∣spiracy, by the assertion and confession of the Conspira∣tors; and that hee looked but for the houre that he should be apprehended and hanged. By these or such like perswa∣sions hee drew him to be a consort to his wickednesse, and second to his wicked designes, causing him to yeeld vp the faire, strong, and rich Citie of Dauentry to the Spaniard, against the oath and faith hee had giuen both to the Earle

of Leicester, and the States. After this perfidious man had committed this deplorable crime, hee considered the hay∣nousnesse of his offence, and fore-saw that hee should be forthwith exclaimed of, and attainted of Treason: but hee fortified his affrighted and trembling conscience vpon this, that hee had restored a place detained by Rebels, to him who was the right Lord and owner thereof: and as he was a ranke Papist, caused incontinently Papists to flocke to his Regiment, which consisted of one thousand and three hundred English and Irish, for to instruct them in the Romish Religion, vanting, hee would make a Seminary of souldi∣ers, who would by armes couragiously defend the Romane Church, as Seminary Priests by words and writings: and to that purpose Allen (who shortly after was made a Car∣dinall) sent him suddenly Masse-Priests, publishing withall a little Booke, by which he commended his treason in the behalfe of Pope Pius the Fifth his Bull against Queene ELI∣ZABETH, exhorting and exciting the rest to doe the like trechery, as if they had not beene bound to serue and obey a Queene excommunicated by the Pope. But behold, marke here the end,* 14.19 the Spaniard set Yorke and Stanley to∣gether by the eares; afterward, they poysoned Yorke, who dyed thereof miserably, they pillage his goods, and his bo∣die hauing beene buried in the ground, three moneths after, the States of Holland caused it to be taken vp, and hanged on a Gallows in chains. (So much for York). Now for Stan∣ley; they turn'd him and his Regiment out of Dauentry, and exposed them to danger, leauing them to stray and wander vp and downe at the mercy of their Enemies, to their great despise and disgrace; so that some perished lamentably with hunger, others fled away, with much adoe to escape and saue their liues. Sir William himselfe went into Spaine, ho∣ping to be there questionlesse made much of, and well re∣warded: but neyther was he welcome, nor receiued accor∣ding to his expectation there, but abhorred and detested;

neuerthelesse offered hee his seruice to assist in the inuading of England: but the Spaniards, who neuer trust a Traytor twice, would not put their confidence in him: for the Spa∣niards hold still this for a Maxime,

That it is lawfull to honour in some sort a Traytor, but not to put any trust in him.

Sir William then thus learned, (but too late) that he had first wronged and betrayed himselfe.

These Treasons caused the Earle of Leicester to be greatly hated of the Confederate Netherlanders,* 14.20 because that these Traytors had beene his Fauourites, and likewise English∣men borne, which Nation that people free and too licen∣tious in speech, ceased not to offend by iniuries, vntill they were reprehended for it, and forbidden by the States. In the meane while, they wrote tedious lines to the Queene, by which they greatly condemned the Earle of Leicester, blaming him to haue vnaduisedly administrated the Com∣mon-wealth in that which concerned their treasure, the warre, and trading, and imputing the dammage and hin∣drances caused by these Traytors, to the restraint which he had made of their power, and his credulitie. The Queene, (as euer wise) for to examine and accord the businesse, also to sound if they would condiscend to a peace with Spaine, sends thither, to that end, the illustrious Lord Thomas Sack∣uile, Baron of Buckhurst, whom, in Leicesters absence, her Maiestie had newly made one of her Priuy-Councell; to∣gether with Norris and Clarke; all which, laboured with no lesse care than fidelity about it. But the ire and choller of Leicester (who was of a minde that the Lord Buckhurst shewed himselfe so officious and diligent, to no other pur∣pose but to spye and obserue his actions) and the fauour and power which he had about the Queene, were so great,

that the Lord Buckhurst at his returne was confined to his House the space of many moneths.

* 14.21 Afterwards, the States called backe Leicester from Eng∣land for to succour their City of Sluce, which the Duke of Parma had then beleaguered with seuenteene thousand men, battering it so suriously, that hee made a great breach: but Sir Roger Williams, Sir Francis Vere, and Sir N. Basker∣uile, with both the Wallownes, and English Forces of that Garrison, defended it along time couragiously with great praise and applauded valiancy; but Leicester, which should haue succoured them,* 14.22 being retyred, by reason of his weake force, they wery forced to yeeld.

And indeed the States hauing truely reserued that Soue∣raigne degree and power which they at first had giuen him by words, would not furnish him with a great and suffici∣ent Army, and hee dained not to subiect himselfe to parti∣culars of small ranke and note, who vnder the name of States, striued to domineere ouer him, notwithstanding that their Gouernour had the same authority that Charles the Fifth had ouer his Commanders of the Low-Countries.

From thence deriued open hatred on both sides, the which discouered themselues yet apparantly, after that he had mentioned to agree vpon with Spaine: for their eares abhorr'd, and their hearts detested the very name of peace, as preiudiciall and obnoctious to their affaires.

* 14.23 Euen as then he perceiued his authority to diminish, hee had recourse to fraudulous deceit, and resolued to breede factions with the people there, and to make himselfe Master of the City of Leyden, with other Townes. But being fru∣strated of his hope, of the losse of some with his men, & to the great discontentment that this action prouoked, (Queene ELIZABETH sending for him) he gaue ouer the gouernement and free administration of the States of the Vnited Prouinces,* 14.24 and was derided and laughed at of many, but most by those who enuied him, hauing forsaken

the Title of his Excellencie, which neuer any English-man had taken vpon him before him.* 14.25

Leicester, vpon his departure for England, distributed, for a perpectuall memory of his person, to such as were of his faction, a Medaille or pieces of Gold which he had caused to be coyned; on the one side, there was his picture; on the other, a Flocke, with some lost Sheepe, a Dogge, who go∣ing from them, turned backe his head to looke on them, as if it were for pitty, with this Inscription;

Ie quite malgre moy, J forsake to my griefe,

And neere it this;

Non point le troupeau, mais les ingras. Not the Flocke, but the vngratefull.

And questionlesse hee intended to inuade the Netherland Dominions for himselfe: but those Nations haue not only kept, by their care and diligence, the liberty which they hold by their Ancestors, wholly to themselues, against the Spaniards might, who warre as well with their art and de∣ceits, as with their goods, as likewise against the French and English by craftinesse & policy, yea, against the Prince of Orange himselfe, who acted the Foxes part; but also they haue it maruellously increased by the fauour of their neigh∣bouring friend; and which is more worthy admiration, is, that whereas other countries are ruinated by the war, these vnited Prouinces are inriched thereby.

The States established in his roome,* 14.26 for Gouernour of the vnited and confederate Prouinces, Prince Maurice of Nassau, then about twenty yeeres of age, son to the Prince of Orange, by his Wife the Lady Anne de Saxe, Daughter

to that Heroick Elector Maurice; and Queene ELIZA∣BETH established in Leicesters stead, Peregrine Bartue, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, Generall of the English auxiliary For∣ces which then were in the Low-Countries, whom those of Leicesters faction much troubled: for the Garrisons of Geertruiden-Berg, Worcom, Nerden, Heusden, & aboue all, that of Middlebourgh, being at the English deuotion, excited troubles, vnder pretext that they had sworne loyalty and obedience to the Queene. And Sir William Russell, Gouer∣nour of Flushing, hauing drawne to his side the inhabitants of the Townes of Emuid and of Campe, were mistrusted by the Estates, to haue a determination to reduce the whole Iland of Zeland vnder the English:* 14.27 and this suspition was in∣creased the more, by the comming of Englands Lord High Admirall out of England, who though hee much laboured to pacifie these troubles, the States neuerthelesse possest with feare, dissembled not their mistrustings, but witnessed it both openly to the World by certaine pieces of Siluer, which ingeniously they caused to be coyned and stamped with the figure of two earthen Pots swimming vpon the Sea (according to the ancient Apologue) with this Inscrip∣tion;

Si nous nous hurtons, nous nous casse∣rons. Jf wee knocke one at another, wee shall be broken.

And priuately by Letters which they wrote to the Queene, who (being most carefull of them, and yet in nothing for∣getfull of her selfe, could prudently fore-see those infinite dangers then apparant, the Spanish Fleete being then immi∣nent,) commanded the Lord Willoughby to bring into sub∣mission such English, as excited or stirred vp troubles; to be

punished by the States, which hee most happily performed with the Prince Maurice of Nassau, Leicester being then back,* 14.28 and quickly finding out that the Baron of Buckhurst, and o∣thers, prepared themselues to accuse him to haue ill admi∣nistrated the affaires of Holland, and that therefore he ought to come into iudgement before the Councell Table, wise∣ly with-drew himselfe priuately to the Queen, and prostra∣ting himselfe humbly at her feet, beseeched her Maiestie to testifie and speake for him, coniuring her not to receiue ig∣nominiously him whom she had sent magnificently, neither to bury liuing and seeing, him, whom shee had raised from the dust. He, by these sweet and eloquent speeches, calmed so her discontents, that moderating the anger of her wrath, shee receiued him into her fauour as before.

Therefore being called in question, and brought before the Councell Table, he (whereas he should haue appeared in an humble manner according to the custome of others) tooke his place among the Lords of her Maiesties Priuy-Councell, and as the Clerke had begun to reade the chiefe Articles of his accusation, interrupted him, complayning they had done him wrong to haue restrained those publike instructions granted vnto him, to priuate ones; and, in ap∣pealing to the Queenes iudgement, auoyded and annihi∣lated all accusations, whereby his aduersaries were much indignated: but they broke their anger in silence.

In this yeere, in the moneth of February, died Henry,* 14.29 Lord Neuill, Baron of Abergauenny, grand-child of Edward Ne∣uill, who in King HENRY the Sixth's Reigne, enioyed the title of Baron of Abergauenny, by his wife, who was onely Daughter & Heire to R. Lord Beauchamp, Earle of Wigorn, and Baron of Abergauenny, by whose right, the Daughter and Heire of this Henry, Lord Neuill, challenging the title and honour of this ancient Barony, had a memorable suit in Law about it, with Edward Neuill, the next Heire-male to the said Lordship, to whom the Castell of Abergauenny

was legacied by Testament; and since, the honour and title of the same Barony was conferred and confirmed vnto him by Act of Parliament, where hee tooke place among the Peeres of that High Court, as the first Baron of Eng∣land.

* 14.30 There died also in the same yeere and moneth, foure No∣ble persons, both illustrious and famous: the first was, the Lady Anne Stanhop, Duchesse of Somerset, about ninetie yeeres of age, wife to Edward Seymor, late Duke of Somer∣set, and Protector of England. This Duchesse, by meere enuy and hate she bore to the Lady Katherine Parr, Queene of England, and Dowager of King HENRY the Eighth, exci∣ted diuers tragedies in the Noble House of the Seymors, at Dudley Earle of Warwickes perswasion, during his plotting of the ruine of this puissant and princely House; and all, to preuent, lest shee, who was Wife to this Noble Protector, should giue place or precedence to this Queene Dowager, who then was her Husbands Brothers wife. The next was, Sir Ralph Sadler,* 14.31 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lanca∣ster, a prudent and learned man, whose worth and vertue had beene approued in diuers weighty and important af∣faires of State. He was the last Banneret of England: which worthy dignity of Knighthood had bin conferred on him at the famous Battel of Musselborough. After him, also died Sir Thomas Bromley,* 14.32 Lord High Chancellor of England, hauing scarce attained to the sixtieth yere of his age, a man excellently well seene in the Law. Six dayes after, he was followed by Edward Manner,* 14.33 Earle of Rutland (to whom the Queene had chosen and appointed for his Successour, the third of the Noble House of Manner, a Noble man, most learned and skilfull in the Law, and humane Arts) ha∣uing but the Lady Elizabeth, one onely Daughter for heire, then but very young, who was married to William Cecill, Baron of Burleigh,* 14.34 Lord High Treasurer. Sir Christopher Hatton, who was a Noble personage, excellently endued

with rare vertues, (flourishing at that time illustriously at the Court, as one whose merit had purchased him the ho∣nour to be dearely affectionate & intimate to her Maiestie, in whose fauour his worth greatly aduanced him) was from a Courtier established to this high dignity of Lord Chan∣cellour of England,* 14.35 not with little discontent of the Iudges and professors of the Law, who since Church-men had bin depriued and dismist of that honour, had iudiciously discharged that place, with no lesse glory and equity, than prudence and discretion, which is the supreme magistracy of the Law; yet in former times past it was oftner prouided for with Ecclesiasticall men, and Nobles, than of others: Neuerthelesse, though Sir Christopher Hatton had been ad∣uanced to that place, by the subtill art of some Courtiers, who hoped, that by his absence from Court, and the diffi∣culty he should haue to exercise duly so high and so weigh∣ty a Magistracy, should weare out and diminish the great fauour he was in neere Queene ELIZABETH. Neuer∣thelesse, hee behaued himselfe in that high Seat of Iustice, discreetly and worthily, to the well-liking of the Queene, and admiration of all her Subiects, discharging that Digni∣ty with as great magnificence and honour, as any whatso∣euer had done before him, studying to supply by equitie, that which he wanted in the knowledge of the Law.

Sir Iohn Perot being this yeere sent for out of Ireland,* 14.36 left that Kingdome very peaceable to Sir William Fitz-Willi∣ams for he had drawne from those persons whom hee sus∣pected to be apt to rebell, oathes and hostages, which they as soone granted vnto him, as hee demanded; for, not see∣ming any way to fauour rebellion, hee imprisoned diuers Irish Rebels; and such as were more dangerously giuen to rebellion, he hanged them, shewing & admonishing the rest of their duety, and the fidelity which they ought to their Soueraigne in so doubtfull a time. The Irish seeing the sin∣cere loue, respect, and affection he bore to them who were

true subiects, most willingly lent their eares thereunto, and were true obseruers of his instructions.

* 14.37 Hitherto (that I may a little stray) were the Irish warres very easie to the English: and eight hundred foot, with three hundred horse, were esteemed an inuincible Army: For Randolph, with sixe hundred English, with much facility de∣feated O-Neale with foure thousand Irish. Collier, in the yeere 1571. with his onely one Company, preuayled like∣wise against one thousand Hebridians in Connach. The But∣lers, with a great Company of the Rebels, were ouer∣throwne by three hundred Horse-men. And (to passe the rest ouer) two Companies of foot, surprized in one day a∣boue twenty of the Irish Castels. But after that the Perots had by command daily exercised themselues at home in their owne Countrey, and were well instructed in the dis∣cipline of Armes, and in the vse of their Muskets, to resist the Hebridians, and being practized in the wars of the Ne∣therlands, had learned the arts of fortification, they vexed the English (as wee shall finde) with a difficult and dange∣rous warre.

THE THIRTIETH and most maruelous yere of her Reigne,* 14.38 the euer-remembred Yeere of the Lord. Anno Dom. 1588.

TO this admirable yeere of Christ 1588.* 14.39 are we now arriued: Which by Regiomontanus the Astrologian, was fore∣told about a hundred yeeres before, to be a Yeere of Wonder; and by the Germane Chronologers to be the Climacterical yeere of the World. The ru∣mors of warres, which were before but slen∣der relations, began now daily to be augmented, and were now become, not as before, a variable report, but an as∣sured

certainty by the generall voice of all men; that the Spaniard had prepared a most inuincible Nauy against England; and had out of Italy, Sicilie, and also Ameri∣ca,* 14.40 gathered into Spaine the old experienced Comman∣ders, such as were most famous Captaines, skilfull in mi∣litary affaires.

For the Pope of Rome, with certaine religious and de∣uout Spaniards, and some English Fugitiues, had long agoe diligently exhorted the Spaniard to inuade and conquer England, but that counsell was by the Portugals warres for tenne yeeres before interrupted; which now they care∣fully reiterated, and with much instigation perswaded him; that since Heauen had heaped vpon him infinite be∣nefits and blessings, by subiecting to his Empire the King∣dome of Portugall, with the East-India, and many other wealthy Ilands;* 14.41 that it was now his part, of duety to en∣terprize something, which might bee agreeable and plea∣sing to God. That there could be nothing more accepta∣ble to God, nor ought more worthy himselfe, than the ad∣uancing of his Church. That the Church could not with more glory and merit be aduanced, than by the conquest of England, and there, by the extirpation of Heresie, to plant the Roman Catholique Religion. That these warres would be most iust, not onely because they were most ne∣cessary, but because they were vndertaken to propagate the Religion of Christ, seeing that the Queene of England being excommunicated, notwithstanding obstinately per∣sisted against the Church of Rome, had succoured the Re∣bels in the Netherlands, molested the Spaniards with con∣tinuall pyracies, had surprized and pillaged diuers townes both in Spaine and America, and lately, violating the Ma∣iesty of all Princes, had caused the Queene of Scots to be put to death: Therefore such warres should bee no lesse profitable than iust.

Because by this meanes the King of Spaine, making addi∣tion

to his Empire of the most flourishing Kingdomes, he might easily extinguish the Netherlandish Rebellion, which was nourished (as it were) by the breath of England, hee should assure to himself the voyages to both India's in safe∣tie, and so lessen the annuall expences, laid out for the con∣uoying of his Fleetes forward and backward. To prooue this to him with more facility,* 14.42 they suggested that the Eng∣lish Nauy was neither in number, greatnesse, nor strength, comparable to the Spanish, (the Portugall Fleet being then added.) That England was altogether vnfortified, neyther was it furnished with Commanders, Souldiers, Horse, or prouision for warres, but destitute both of friends and mo∣ney; besides, there were many through the Kingdome, which were addicted to Papistrie, and would soone ioyne themselues in his ayde. Last of all, so great were the for∣ces of the King of Spaine, both by Sea and Land, and the vertue of the Spaniards such, that none would dare to op∣pose him, and therefore they promised assuredly a certaine victory. To this enterprise also, that God had presented a fit opportunity: for the Turke hauing then cōcluded a truce with him, and the French beeing intangled with intestine warres, were neither to be doubted or feared. That it was more facile to subdue England than the Low-Countries; because the passage out of Spaine into England, is more short and commodious, and through a vast and open Sea, but into the Netherlands of greater length and difficultie, through a narrow Sea, and very neere adiacent to Eng∣land. That the Netherlands were in a manner continually a strong Bulwarke, being on all parts fortified with Townes and Castles, but England not with any; and therefore it would be an easie matter euen at the first, in an instant, for him to penetrate to the very heart of the Land with an Army. Finally, according to that military Axiome: That the Enemy should not be left behinde; therefore it was most necessary for the Spaniard to subdue England, being a mor∣tall

enemy, by whose assistance the Low-Countries had so long sustained a great warre; and with whom they could not at all stand; So that if England were but once con∣quered, the Netherlands must of necessity yeeld to sub∣iection.

* 14.43 These matters thus resolued, they began seriously to de∣liberate vpon some meanes for the inuasion of England. Aluarus Bassanus, Marquesse of Santa Croix, Generall of the Nauy, was of a minde; That before all, some Port or other in Holland or Zealand, should by those Land-troupes which the Prince of Parma had, and some few Spanish Ships sent before, be vnawares to them surpri∣zed, where the Spanish Fleete might make their retreate, and from thence most opportunely begin the inuasion, be∣cause that in the Brittish Sea, being tempestuous, the windes are subiect to often changing, the ebbing and flowing thereof principally to be obserued, the Fleete could not safely ride. Of this aduice likewise was the Prince of Parma, who earnestly vrged this expedition. Others not∣withstanding disallowed thereof, as being a thing diffi∣cult, full of danger, requiring much time, great labour, large expence, yet vncertaine of successe; neyther could it be done secretly or vnawares, and by the English would easily be hindred and frustrated. And these were of opini∣on; That one might at lesse charges, and with more faci∣litie, assault and subdue England, if at the mouth of the Thames a puissant Army of Spaniards and Flemmings were placed and conuayed in a powerfull Nauy, to take at the first (vnawares) the City of London, the Capitall and Chiefe of the Kingdome. This seeming easie, was resolued vpon, and speedily determined to be put in execution; yet some, neuerthelesse, were of a mind, that war should first be pro∣claymed by a Herauld, and that in so doing, it would be a sleight to take away all suspition from all Neighbouring-Princes, and moue the Queene to call to her helpe, forreine

souldiers, (who as mercenary, being insolent and vile) would behaue themselues rudely, and tumultuously, ran∣sacking and pillaging the Countries in such sort, that it would take away the loue of her Subiects, and put England in confusion. But these mindes were not seconded by those who were obstinate, as relying vpon the assurance of their forces and strength, contenting themselues to put their cause, their Nauy, & Armada's into the Popes hand, and into the intercessions of the Catholiques to the Saints; and to afright and terrifie England, they set out a Libell, printed, containing the particulars of so great an equipage, which truely was such, that in Spaine, Italy, and Cicilia, the Spaniards were amazed, & astonished at it; and therefore audaciously termed it:

The inuincible NAVY.

The Duke of Parma caused also Ships to bee built in Flanders by the commandement of the Spaniard,* 14.44 and like∣wise a number of Flat-bottom'd Boats, each of them bigge enough to transport thirtie Horses, with Bridges fitting to them; hyred Mariners out of the East-Land Countries of Germany; prouided Pikes sharpened at the one end, and shod with Iron, with hookes on one side; twenty thou∣sand Vessels, and an infinite number of Wicker Baskets, and placed in the Sea-Townes of Flanders, one hundred and three Companies of foot, and foure thousand horse, amongst which were seuen hundred English Fugitiues, a most contemned and despised Company;* 14.45 Neyther were Stanley their Generall, nor Westmerland, nor any other who had assisted eyther with purse or person, regarded: but for their impietie against their Countrey, prohibited all ac∣cesse, and deseruedly, and as ill presages, not without de∣testation, reiected. And Pope Sixtus the Fifth, lest hee should seeme to be wanting, renewes vnto Cardinall Alane

(an English man, sent into the Low-Countries) [The De∣claratory Bulls of Pius the Fifth, and Gregorie the Thir∣teenth,* 14.46 ] excommunicates the Queene, deposes her from her gouernement, absolues her Subiects from their allegi∣ance, publisheth in print the [Crusado] as against Turks and Infidels, whereby out of the Treasury of the Church, hee bestowes vpon all assistants plenarie indulgence: where∣upon the Marquesse of [Burgaw] of the House of Au∣stria, the Duke of Pastraua, Amadaeus of Sauoy, Vespasi∣an Gonzaga, Iohn de Medices, and diuers other noble Gentlemen serued in this warre as Volunteers.

* 14.47 On the other side, Queene ELIZABETH, lest shee should be vnawares opprest, with singular diligence pre∣pares as many ships and warlike necessaries as was possible. And shee her-selfe (who was of a piercing iudgement in distinguishing of dispositions, and when shee was at her owne election, without commendation of others, alwaies happy) designed by name the principall Officers to the se∣uerall Offices in the Nauie;* 14.48 and made Charles Howard of [Effingham] Lord high Admirall of England, Generall; of whose good successe shee was very well perswaded, as a man whom she knew to be skilfull in Nauigation, proui∣dent, valiant, industrious, and of great authority amongst Sea-men, by reason both of his moderation and Nobility. Shee sends him seasonably enough to the West parts of England; where Drake, whom shee made Vice-Admi∣rall, ioyned himselfe with him; Shee commands Henrie Seimer, the second sonne of the Duke of Sommerset, to lye in waite vpon the Belgique shores, with fortie Ships, English and Dutch, to hinder Parma's comming out of the Riuers with his forces; Although there wanted not some who earnestly aduised to expect the Enemy, and receiue him in a Land-battel, as it was deliberated in HENRY the Eighth's Reigne, when the French threatned England with a migh∣tie Nauy.

For the Land-seruice, there were twenty thousand Soul∣diers dispersed vpon the South shores: besides, two Armies of choyce trained Souldiers were leuied and enrolled;* 14.49 Of the one consisting of one thousand horse, and two and twenty thousand foot; Leicester was Generall, and had his Campe at Tilbury, not far from the mouth of the Thames; (for the Enemy had certainely determined to approch London first.) And of the other which consisted of thirtie foure thousand foote, and two thousand horse for the Queenes guard, shee made the Baron of Hunsdon Gene∣rall.

Arthur, Lord Grey, Sir Francis Knollys,* 14.50 Sir Iohn Nor∣ris, Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, Knights, great and expert Souldiers, were appointed to consult a∣bout the Land-seruice; They aduized, That all those pla∣ces which were fit for the Enemies approch, eyther from Spaine, or the Low-Countries, as, Milford-Hauen, Falmouth, Plimouth, Portland, the Ile of Wight, Portsmouth, the Downes vpon the Shore of Kent, the Thames mouth, Har∣wich, Yarmouth, Hull, &c. should be fortified with workes and with Garrisons; that the trayned Souldiers vpon all the Sea-coasts, should meet, vpon giuing a signe, to defend these places, they should with all their endeuour hinder the Enemies landing; But if hee should happen to land, that they should waste the Countrey farre and neere, spoyle e∣uery thing that was vsefull, that he might finde no victuals but what he brought vpon his shoulders; and to keepe the Enemy continually busied and distracted with assiduous al∣armes, and crying, [Arme, arme,] day and night; But that they should not fight till other Commanders should ioyne their forces with them; That amongst the Leaders, they should nominate one which should command the forces of euery seuerall Prouince: But it is superfluous to set downe in particular what inland Prouinces were appoynted to guard both the shores, what number, what armes, and what

manner of fight was prescribed by them.

About this time, there were diuers who made often re∣monstrances to the Queene, that the Spaniards were not more dreadfull abroad,* 14.51 than the Pontificians dangerous at home; for that the Spaniards had not dared to haue en∣tred into hostility with England, but vpon confidence of and from them, and therefore that [some pretences were to be deuised to make them shorter by the head;] alledg∣ing the example of HENRY the Eighth, when the Em∣perour and the French King, vpon the Popes instigation, were ready to inuade England, Presently, as soone as hee had caused the Marquesse of Exceter, the Baron Monta∣cute, Edw. Neuill, and others, whom hee suspected to fauor the Enemy, to be executed, the inuasion fell with them; but shee refusing this counsell, as too cruell, thought it suf∣ficient to commit to prison to [Wisbich] in the Fen-Coun∣tries, certaine of the Pontificians, and those none of prime note neyther. And hauing an eye and a care of euery place, with frequent Letters excites those of the Nobility and Gentry, which were without them ready enough, giues instruction what was to be done in Ireland by [Fitz-Wil∣liams] the Deputy; Admonisheth the King of Scotland, both by his owne Seruants, and her Messengers to be vigi∣lant ouer the Papists,* 14.52 and Spanish Faction in his Country: But hee well knowing how great a tempest and destructi∣on threatned him, out of his perpetuall loue to true Religi∣on, and the Queene, of his owne accord, had now before refused to giue audience to the Bishop of Dunblan, sent to him from the Bishop of Rome; and had caused a League to be made amongst the Protestants in Scotland to resist the Spaniards; And hee himselfe, marching with his Army into [Annand] hauing taken Maxwels campe, who con∣trary to his faith giuen, was then lately returned out of Spaine; and enclining to the Spanish faction, caused him to be cast into prison, proclaymed the Spaniards Enemies, and

with great alacrity prouided armes against them.* 14.53

Amongst these great preparations of Warre on both sides, ouertures of peace were neuerthelesse made.* 14.54 About two yeeres before, when the Prince of Parma had consi∣dered with himselfe how difficult a thing it was to end the Low-Countrey warre, while they were daily aided with supplies from the Queene, had by Letters (vsing also the assistance of Iames Crofts, a Priuy-Counceller, a man very studious of peace, and of Andrew Loe, and others) seri∣ously negotiated for a treaty of peace, and that hee had authority from the Spaniard to that purpose; Shee fearing that this was but a pretence, whereby to make a breach of friendship betwixt her and the Confederate-Prouinces, and secretly to draw them to the Spaniard, deferred the matter for a time. But now that the imminent warre might be auerted and auoyded, she resolued to treat of peace, but with the Sword in her hand, and the Duke of Parma refu∣sed not the treaty.

Therefore, in February, there were sent into Flanders,* 14.55 Henrie, Earle of Derby, William Brooke, Lord Cobham, Iames Crofts, Controller of her Houshold, Valentine Dale, and Iames Rogers, Doctors of the Lawes, who being with all humility receiued in the Dukes name, they forthwith sent Dale vnto him, to consult of the place of meeting, and to peruse his Commission from the Spaniard. Hee ap∣pointed a place neere to [Ostend,] not in [Ostend] it selfe, which was now held against the King by the English; and promised to shew his Commission at the meeting. He ad∣uized them to be speedy, lest something might fall out which might disturbe or interrupt the treaty of peace. Ri∣chardot said openly, [That hee knew not what might bee done to England in the meane time.] Not long after, Ro∣gers was sent to the Prince, by the Queenes expresse com∣mandment, to know certainly, if the designe for the inuasi∣on of England were yet enterprized, which both hee and

Richardot seemed to intend. Hee affirmed, That hee had not so much as thought of the inuasion of England. When he desired a quicke dispatch and expedition of that affaire, hee blamed in some manner Richardot, who was sorry to haue vttered any such words concerning Eng∣lands inuasion.

* 14.56 The twelfth of Aprill, the Earle of Arenberg, Cham∣pigny, Richardot, Doctor Maesie, and Garnier, Commissi∣oner from the Duke of Parma, sat in Commission with the English vnder Tents, neere the Towne of Ostend, to whom they gaue place and precedence; and after their protesta∣tions that the Duke had full power giuen him to treate and conclude a Peace, the English propounded to them, that before all things it was requisite to embrace a truce. But they refused it, alledging, that if a Peace was not forth∣with concluded, it would be preiudicious to the Spaniard, who since sixe moneths, had to their great charges main∣tained a puissant Army. The English insisting, replyed, that that Peace was promised, before those troupes were con∣ueyed into Flanders. They answered againe, that it was true, they had promised it sixe moneths agoe, but that it was not then accepted. Moreouer, that it was not in the Queenes power to vndertake it for the Hollanders and Zea∣landers, who daily acted deeds of hostility. But the Eng∣lish maintained, that it would be generall for all the Queenes Dominions, and likewise for the Kingdome of Scotland. Yet they neuerthelesse would not agree there∣unto, but meerely for those foure Cities which the Queen then had in possession, as Ostend, Flushing, Bergen vp Zoom, and the Breele, and that during the said Treaty, and twentie dayes after, prouided that in the meane while it was lawfull to the Queene of England to assault Spaine, and to the King of Spaine to inuade England, as well out of Spaine, as of Flanders. During that time thus runned in speech about this Truce, and the place appoynted for the conference,

which at last was appoynted at Bourbourgh, Sir W. Crofts, who for the great desire hee had of peace, was gone to Bruxels, without the knowledge of the rest of the Com∣missioners, propounded in particular some Articles, for which hee afterwards was imprisoned vpon the Earle of Leicesters accusation (though that to the iudgement of o∣thers, hee ought not to haue beene reproued or disauow∣ed) (yet it is not lawfull to Commissioners to exceede the limits of their Commissions prescribed vnto them.) Fi∣nally, the English seeing they could not obtaine a full and intyre cessation of Armes, nor to see at all the Commission containing power for the Duke of Parma to treat of peace, they propounded:

THat the ancient alliances betweene the Kings of England, and the Dukes of Burgundie, might be renewed and confirmed. That the Flemmings might peaceably enioy their priuiledges, and serue God with libertie of conscience. That the Spaniards, and other strangers might be sent out of Flanders, to ridde the Flemmings, and the neighbou∣ring-Prouinces of all feare▪ And that if they would grant these things, the Queene, to shew that shee had not taken vp Armes for her owne particular interest, but for the necessary defence both of the Flemmings, and her selfe, would willingly hearken vnto any reaso∣nable conditions touching the Townes which shee then possessed in the Low-Countries, paying the mony which shee had laide out about them.

Whereunto the Dukes Deputies answered:

THat when it would please them friendly to con∣ferre with them about the renewing of their ancient alliances, there should be no disagree∣ment

in that regard. That stranger Princes had no∣thing to doe with the Flemmings priuiledges, of grace graunted as well vnto the reconciled Townes and Pro∣uinces, as vnto the rest which by force of Armes haue beene brought vnto obedience. That their stran∣ger-Souldiers were of necessitie retained there, because they were vp in armes both in Holland, England, and France. As for Townes taken from the King, and expences of money, the King of Spaine might well de∣mand recompence of the Queene, of many thousands of Crownes spent in the warres of the Low-Countries since her assisting and taking into her protection the rebelli∣ous Flemmings.

* 14.57 About this time, D^r. Dale, by the Queens cōmandement, was sent vnto the Duke, to make a friendly complaint vn∣to him of a Booke lately set forth by one Allin, an English Cardinall, by which hee admonished the Nobles and peo∣ple of England and Ireland, to ioyne with the forces of Spaine vnder the Dukes conduct, for the execution of Pope Sixtus the Fifth his Sentence published by a Bull against the Queene, by which he declared her an Heretique illegi∣timate, and cruell against the Queene of Scots, &c. and com∣manded her Subiects to assist the Duke against her. Many of those Bulls were printed at Antwerpe, to be dispersed in England. The Duke made him answere, that hee had not seene any such Booke or Bull, and that hee would not vn∣dertake any thing in the Popes name, yet that hee was to obey his King. Moreouer, that he honoured and admired so much the Queene for her Royall vertues, that next vnto the King, he made more account of her Maiestie, than of any other Prince. That hee had counselled the King to treate of that peace which would be more profitable to the English than to the Spaniards; for, (quoth hee) if the Spani∣ards be ouercome, they can easily recouer their losse again:

but if you be once vanquished, your Kingdome is vtterly lost. Whereupon Doctor Dale replyed, That the Queene was powerfull enough to defend her Kingdome, and that himselfe might well iudge, according to his graue wis∣dome, that shee could not easily be ouerthrowne by the losse of one battell, seeing the King of Spaine himselfe, by so long a warre, could not as yet recouer the inheritance of his Ancestors in the Low-Countries. Well, (said hee) these things are in the hands of the Almightie God.

Afterwards, the Commissioners had many conferences and alterations, and, as it were, weaued the same webbe a∣gaine. When the English desired a toleration of Religion to be granted but for two yeres to the [Vnited Prouinces,] it was answered, That [as the Spaniard interceded not in the like kinde for the English Catholikes: so they hoped that the Queene, in her owne wisedome, would forbeare to request any thing of the Spaniard preiudiciall to his ho∣nour, his oath, and his conscience.] When they required re-payment of the money which the States of Brabant owed the Queene, they answered, That [that money was lent without the Kings priuity or authoritie. But all ac∣counts beeing cast vp, it might appeare both how much that money was, and how much the King had spent in this warre, to whom more ought to be paid.] By such kinde of answeres, they deluded the English, vntill the Spanish ARMADA approched the coast of England, and the thunder of their Ordnance was heard from the Sea. Then receiuing a conuoy from the Prince, (who, during this trea∣tie, had brought almost all his forces to the shore) by his Commissioners were honourably conducted to the bor∣ders neere Calais. So vanished this treatie into nothing;* 14.58 vndertaken by the Queene (as the wisest sort of men iudg∣ed) to auert the Spanish Fleete, continued by the Spaniard, to surprize England vnawares, & vnprouided: so that both of them seemed to sew the Foxes tale to the Lyone skin.

That Spanish ARMA∣DA,* 14.59 the greatest and best furnished with men, muniti∣on, and all warlike prepara∣tions that euer the Ocean did see, and arrogantly na∣med Inuincible, consisted of one hundred and thirtie ships, in which were nine∣teene thousand, two hun∣dred and ninety souldiers, eight thousand, three hun∣dred and fiftie Mariners, two thousand eightie Gally-slaues chayned, two thou∣sand, six hundred and thirty peeces of great Ordnance. The Generall was Alphonsus Perez Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia. (For An∣tonius Columna, Duke of Pa∣lian, of S. Cruz, or of the ho∣ly Crosse, designed Gene∣rall, dyed during the prepa∣ration) and vnder him was Iohn Martinus Recaldus, a most skilfull Nauigator. The third before the Calends of Iune,* 14.60 they loosed from out of the Riuer of Tagus, and bending their course to∣wards the Groin in Gali∣cia,* 14.61 by a strong tempest they were dispersed, three Gal∣lies with three Oares on a

seat, beeing by the industry of Dauid Guin, an English slaue, and the perfidiousnesse of the Turkish Gally-slaues, carried to the coast of Frāce, after some time, with great difficulty met at the Groin, and the Hauens thereabouts. So distressed and weather-beaten was it, as it was re∣ported, that the Queene was constantly resolued not to expect it that yeere, and Se∣cretary Walsingham wrote to the Lord Admirall, (as if the Warre were at an end) to send back foure of the grea∣test Ships. Hee (a man not very credulous) excusing himselfe fairely, intreated him not to beleeue anything in so important a matter, without mature deliberati∣on; and desired that hee might retaine them, though at his owne charges. And hauing a prosperous winde, sayled towards Spaine, with hope to surprize the Wea∣ther-beaten ships in the Har∣bours. When he was almost vpon the coasts of Spaine, the winde became South: and hee, who was comman∣ded to defend the English

shores, fearing lest they with the same wind might arriue in England vnespied, retur∣ned to Plimouth.

* 14.62 With the same wind, the twelfth of Iuly, according to the Iulian computation, the Duke of Medina, with his whole Fleet, weighed ancor againe, and set forward from the Groin. About two dayes after, he sent before into the Low-Countries, Roderick Telius, to aduertize the Duke of Parma of the approch of the ARMADA, and to informe him of other need∣full businesse. For hee had commandement to ioyne himselfe with the Forces and Fleete of the Prince of Parma, and to waft them ouer into England, vnder the protection of his Armada, and to set on shore his land∣forces at the mouth of the Thames. Now what was done euery seuerall day in this Nauigation, according to the most credible relati∣ons, both of the Spaniards, and our owne Countrey∣men, that the truth may more cleerely appeare, I wil brief∣ly deliuer.

The sixteenth day, there was a great calme, and a thicke cloud couered the sea till noone, and then a strong North-winde blew, then a South-winde till mid-night, and then an East: So that the ARMADA beeing much scattered, could hard∣ly re-collect it selfe, till it came within sight of Eng∣land, which was the nine∣teenth day of the moneth: which day the Lord High-Admirall of England, being certainely aduertized by Captaine Flemming, that the Spanish Fleet was come into the Brittish sea, (vulgar∣ly called the Channell,) and discouered not farre from the Lizard, the winde then keeping the English Nauy in the Port,* 14.63 with great diffi∣culty, and no lesse industry, and alacrity of the mariners, (himselfe not disdaining to pull at the hawser amongst the common Souldiers) at length brought them into the open Sea.

The next day, the English came within ken of the Spa∣nish ARMADA, built high like Towres and Castles,

rallied into the forme of a Crescent, whose horns were at least seuen miles distant, comming slowly on, and al∣though vnder full sayles, yet as though the windes labou∣red, and the Ocean sighed vnder the burthen of it, the English purposely suffered them to passe by them, that they might pursue them with a fauouring gale of winde.

The one and twentieth of Iuly, the Lord high Admi∣rall of England, sending be∣fore him a Pinnace called the Defiance,* 14.64 by discharging a peece of Ordnance out of her, prouoked them to the fight, and presently out of his Ship called the Arke-Royall, the Admirall thun∣dred vpon a Spanish Ship, which hee thought to haue beene the Admirall of Spaine, but was the Ship of Alphonso Leua. At the same instant, Drake, Haw∣kins, Furbisher, peale terrib∣ly vpon the Reare which Ri∣caldus commanded; who performed all the parts of a valiant and discreete Com∣mander, to stay the Ships vn∣der

his gouernement from flying, desiring to ioyn with the body of the Fleet, vntill his owne Ship, extremely battered with shot, became vnseruiceable; and with much difficulty mingled her selfe with the rest of the Fleet: Then did the Duke of Medina re-collect his dispersed ships, and with full sayle held on his course. Neither could he do other∣wise,* 14.65 in regard both that the Winde stood faire for the English, and that their ships inuaded, retyred, and re-in∣uaded them vpon euery quarter with incredible ce∣lerity. When they had con∣tinued the fight sharply two houres, the Lord high Ad∣mirall of England thought good to retyre, in respect that hee wanted forty ships which were not yet come out of the Hauen.

The night following; a Spanish Ship, called the St. Katherine, being very much battered in this conflict, was receiued into the middest of the army to bee repayred. And a huge great * 14.66 Cataloniā ship of Oquenda, in which

was the Treasurer of the Fleet, was set on fire with Gun-powder, by the deuice of a Flemmish Gunner. But the fire was seasonably quenched by other shippes sent in for the purpose; a∣mongst which, a Gallion of Peter Valdes, falling foule with another Ship, and her fore-mast intangled & bro∣ken with the others sayle∣yard, the Ayre being stormy and the night darke, and none able to relieue or suc∣cour her, was forsaken, and became a prey to Sir Francis Drake,* 14.67 who sent Valdes to Dertmouth, and gaue the Ship to bee rifled and pilla∣ged by the Souldiers. And Drake being that night com∣manded to carry the Lant∣horne in the poope lighted, neglected it: for following certaine Germane Mer∣chants Hulkes, whom hee tooke to be enemies, it was the occasion that almost all the English Fleet lay still, be∣cause they could not see the Lanthorne.

Neyther could hee and the rest of the English ship∣ping come neere the Admi∣rall,

till the euening follow∣ing, who the precedent night, with the ships called the Mary, and the Rose, hot∣ly pursued the Spaniards. All this day, the Duke was securely busied in setting his Fleet in array, and comman∣ded Alphonso Leua to draw vp, and ioyne the auant-gard and the reare together, and assigned euery seuerall Ship his station, according to the forme prescribed in Spaine, with paine of death to euery one that forsooke their stati∣ons, sends Ensigne Glich, to the Duke of Parma, to in∣forme him of the estate of the Fleete; and committed the Ship of Oquenda in Bis∣cay,* 14.68 (hauing first remoued into other Ships, the Kings treasure and the mariners) to the mercy of the Seas. Which the same day, with fifty mariners and souldiers more or lesse, miserably mai∣med and halfe burnt, fell in∣to the English mens hands, and sent to the Port of Wey∣mouth.

The three and twentieth day of the moneth, at breake of the day, the Spaniards ha∣uing

a prosperous North∣winde, turned sayle towards the English, who to get ad∣uantage of the winde, easily turned themselues towards the West, and after they had contended to preuent each other of the benefit of the winde, both parts prepared themselues to the fight, and fought confusedly, and with various successe, while in one place the English vali∣antly fetched off the London ships dangerously circled in by the Spaniards, in ano∣ther, Ricaldus then in dan∣ger, with no lesse resolution of the Spaniards, was disin∣gaged. There was neuer more lightning and thun∣dring of the Artillery, then there was on both sides, most of which notwithstanding went in vaine from the Spa∣nish, flying sheere ouer the English Ships. Onely Cocke an English-man, in a small Barke of his owne, dyed gloriously in the middest of his Enemies. For the Eng∣lish Ships beeing much lesse thā the Spaniards, with great dexterity inuaded the ene∣my, and hauing discharged

their Ordnance, retyred pre∣sently into the open Sea, and leuelled all their Shot with a certaine and successefull ayme, against the great and sluggish Ships of the Spani∣ards: And yet the English high Admirall thought not fit to grapple,* 14.69 and so try the fortune of a fight hand to hand, as many inconside∣rately perswaded: For the enemy had a strong and wel appointed Army abroad, which hee wanted: their Ships were farre more in number, greater of burden, and stronger, and higher of building, and they fighting from aboue, threatned no∣thing lesse than certaine de∣structiō to them that fought against them vpon the lower Ships: And hee did likewise fore-see, that the losse of his men would be much more preiudiciall to him, than the victory could be profitable; For beeing vanquished, hee should haue brought the Queene into almost ineuita∣ble danger; and being Vic∣tor, hee should onely haue a little blaze of glory, for the dissipation and discomfiture

of his Enemy, and slaughter of his Souldiers.

The foure and twentieth day of the Moneth, there was a mutuall intermission of all hostile acts. The Ad∣mirall sent diuers small Barkes to the next shores of England, for supply of am∣munition, and diuided his whole Fleet into foure squa∣drons; the first of which himselfe cōmanded; the se∣cond, Drake; the third, Haw∣kins; and the fourth, Forbi∣sher; and appoynted certain Pinkes or Pinnaces out of euery squadron, to make impressions vpon the enemy at the dead of night in seue∣rall quarters; but a calme following, that counsel wan∣ted successe.

The fiue and twentieth, which was Saint Iames his day, a Gallion of Portugall, called the S. Anne, which could not keepe company with the rest of the Fleete, was set vpon by diuers small English Barkes; In ayde of whom, Laeua and Diego Tel∣les Enriques, with three Gal∣leasses, made out, whom the Lord Admirall, & the Lord

Thomas Howard in the Gol∣den Lyon (which by reason of the great calme, were faine to be towed by fisher-Boats) so battered with the canon,* 14.70 that not without great difficulty, and with great losse of men, they brought off; after which time the Galleasses neuer of∣fered to fight: The Spani∣ards report, that that day the English at a neerer dis∣tance than euer, with their great Ordnance extremely rent the Spanish Admirall, being at that time in the Rere; and hauing slaine ma∣ny of their men, shot downe their maine Mast, but that Mexia and Recaldus came opportunely, and repelled the English. That then the Spanish Admirall, accompa∣nied with Recaldus and o∣thers, inuaded the English Admirall, which escaped by the sudden changing of the Winde; that thereupon the Spaniards left the pursuit, and holding on their course, sent another messenger to the Duke of Parma, with all speed to ioine his Fleet with the Kings ARMADA,

and to send supply of Bul∣lets. Of this the English were ignorant, who write, that they shot off the Lant∣horne from one of the Spa∣nish Ships, the beake-head from another, and terribly battered a third; that the None-such, and Mary Rose, hauing had onely a short conflict with the Spaniards, left them, and with other Shippes went to the rescue of the Triumph then in dan∣ger. So that the relations of them that were present at the same actions, are diffe∣rent for the manner, while euery one remembers that which hee obserued of his owne side.

* 14.71 The day following, the Lord High-Admiral of Eng∣land, for their valour and fortitude, Knighted Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Roger Townesend, Iohn Haw∣kins, and Martin Furbisher. And it was concluded, thenceforth not to assault the Enemy, till they came to the Streights of Calais, where Henry Seymor, and William Winter expected their com∣ming. So the Spanish Fleet

went on with a full South∣west winde, the English fleet following them. But so far was the title of Inuincible, or their terrible aspect vn∣able to affright our English shores; that the Youth of England, (leauing their Pa∣rents, Wiues, Children, Kindred, and Friends, out of their dearer loue to their Countrey) with Ships hy∣red at their owne charges, ioyned themselues in great numbers with the Fleete, with generous alacrity,* 14.72 and incredible courage; and a∣mongst others, the Earles of Oxford, Northumberland, Cumberland, Sir Thomas and Sir Robert Cecill, Sir Henrie Brooke, Sir Charles Blunt, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Robert Carey, Sir Ambrose Willoughby, Sir Thomas Gerard, Sir Arthur Gorge, and other worthie Nobles, of great note and account.

The seuen and twentieth day of the moneth,* 14.73 towards euening, the Armada cast anchor neere Calais, being aduized by the Pylots, that if they went further, it

would bee in danger to be carryed into the North O∣cean by the tyde; and ouer against them, within can∣non shot, lay the Admirall, and the English Fleet at an∣chor, to whom Seymor and Winter ioyned themselues. Now was the number of the English Ships come to bee one hundred and forty, all a∣ble for the fight, swift of sayle, & apt to cast about to take any aduantage, and yet there were not aboue fifteene of them, which bore the weight and burthen of the Warre, and repelled it. The Spaniards presently (as often before) by frequent messen∣gers,* 14.74 vrged the Duke of Parma, to send forty Fly-boates, without which he could not fitly fight with the English, by reason of the magnitude and sluggishnesse of the Spanish Ships, and the great dexterity and agility of the English; and earnestly required him to put forth to sea with his Fleete, whom the Armada (as was agreed) should protect as it were with wings,* 14.75 till their arriuall in England: But he being vn∣prepared, could not readily come, his flat-bottom'd Boats being withall very broad, were full of leakes, victuall was wanting, and the mariners detayned a long time against their wills,* 14.76 were stolne away. Besides, the Hollanders, and Zelanders ships of Warre which houered about the Ports of Newport and Dunkerke, whence they were to set out, were so well prouided of great Ordnance, and Harquebuz∣ziers, that he durst not come from the shores, vnlesse wit∣tingly and willingly hee should cast himselfe and his soul∣diers into visible and manifest danger: yet did hee not o∣mit any thing worthy of a diligent, industrious, and

valiant Prince, being strongly inflamed with a desire to sub∣due England.

The Spanish Forces to assault England.

The number of the Gallions of Portugall.

THe Gallion S. Martin, as Captaine Ge∣nerall, and principall of the Fleet, was of the burthen of one thousand tunne, there were in her three hundred choyce Sould••ers, one hundred and seuentie Mariners, and she ca∣ried fiftie pieces of Ordnance.

S. Iohns Gallion, called the Admirall ge∣nerall, of the burthen of one thousand and fif∣tie tunne, had in her two hundred thirty one souldiers, one hundred seuentie nine mari∣ners, and fiftie Canons.

S. Markes Gallion, of the burthen of se∣uen hundred ninety two tunne, with two hun∣dred ninety two Souldiers, and one hundred and seuenteene mariners.

The Gallion S. Philip, of eight hundred tunne, foure hundred and fifteene souldiers, and fortie Canons.

The Gallion S. Lewis, of eight hundred and thirtie tunne, with three hundred seuenty sixe souldiers, one hundred and sixteene ma∣riners, and forty Canons.

S. Matthews Gallion, of seuen hundred and fifty tunne, with two hundred seuenty se∣uen souldiers, two hundred mariners, and for∣tie Canons.

S. Iames Gallion, of fiue hundred and twenty tunne, with three hundred souldiers, one hundred mariners, and thirty Canons.

The Gallion of Florence, of nine hundred sixty one tunne, with foure hundred souldiers, one hundred mariners, and fiftie two canons.

S. Christophers Gallion, of three hun∣dred fiftie two tunne, with three hundred souldiers, ninety mariners, and thirty Canons.

S. Bernards Gallion, of three hundred fifty two tunne, and two hundred and eight souldiers, one hundred mariners, and thirtie canons.

The Ship called Zabra Augusta, of one hundred sixty sixe tunne, with fifty fiue soul∣diers, fifty seuen mariners, and thirteene ca∣nons.

The other Zabra, called Iulia, of one hun∣dred

sixty sixe tunne, with fifty souldiers, and seuenty two mariners, and foureteene canons.

The whole body of the Portugall Fleet, con∣sisted of twelue Vessels, viz. tenne Gallions, and two Zabra's, the whole burthen where∣of, made vp the number of seuen thousand seuen hundred thirty seuen tunne, and three thousand three hundred thirty souldiers, one thousand two hundred thirty three mariners, and three hundred and fifty canons, with all other necessaries, as Bullets, Powder, Match, &c.

The Fleete of Biscay, comman∣ded by the Generall, Don Jean Martinez, de Ricalde.

THe Admirall, called Saint Anne, of se∣uen hundred sixty eight tunne, with three hundred twenty three souldiers, one hundred and fourteene mariners, and thirty canons.

The Admirall Grangrina, of one thou∣sand one hundred sixtie tunne, with three hundred souldiers, one hundred mariners, and thirtie sixe canons.

S. Iago, of sixe hundred sixty sixe tunne, with two hundred and fifty souldiers, one hundred and two mariners, and thirty canons.

The Conception of Zebeleu, of foure hun∣dred sixty eight tunne, one hundred soul∣diers, seuenty Mariners, and twenty canons.

The Conception of Iohn, of foure hundred and eighteene tunne, one hundred sixtie foure souldiers, seuenty mariners, and twen∣ty foure canons.

The Magdalen of Iohn Francesco d' Ayala, of fiue hundred and thirty tunne, two hundred souldiers, seuen mariners, and twen∣ty two canons.

S. Iohn, of three hundred and fifty tunne, one hundred thirty souldiers, one hundred mariners, and twenty foure canons.

The Ship called the Mary, of one hundred sixtie three tunne, one hundred and eightie souldiers, one hundred mariners, and twentie foure canons.

Another, called the Manuel, of fiue hun∣dred and twenty tunne, one hundred and thirty souldiers, forty three mariners, and six∣teene canons.

A Ship called S. Mary of Monte Maior, of seuen hundred and seuen tunne, two hun∣dred and twenty souldiers, fifty mariners, and sixteene Canons.

Other Vessels belonging to this Fleet, called Pinnaces.

THe Pinnace, called the Mary of Aguir∣ra, of seuenty tunne, thirty souldiers, twen∣ty three mariners, and tenne canons.

A Ship named Isabella, of seuentie one tunne, thirty souldiers, thirty two mariners, and twelue canons

The Pinnace, called the Miguel de Susa, of ninety sixe tunne, thirty souldiers, twenty sixe mariners and twelue canons.

The Pinnace of S. Stephano, of seuentie eight tunne, thirty souldiers, twenty sixe mari∣ners, and twelue cannons.

This whole Fleete consisted of foureteene Vessels, tenne great, and foure lesser, called Pinnaces, their whole burthen amounted to sixe thousand fiue hundred sixty seuen tunne, two thousand thirty seuen souldiers, eight hun∣dred sixty three mariners, which make vp two thousand eight hundred and two. Also, two hundred canons, one thousand one hun∣dred and ninety bullets, foure hundred sixtie seuen quintalls of powder, euery quintall ac∣counted for one hundred twenty fiue weight, one hundred and forty of bullets, and eighty nine of match.

The Fleete of Castile, whereof Diego Flores de Ʋaldes was Generall.

THe Gallion generall, called the Christo∣pher, of seuen hundred tunne, hauing in her two hundred and fiue souldiers, one hun∣dred

and two mariners, and thirty canons.

The Gallion S. Iohn Baptist, of seuen hundred and fifty tunne, with two hundred and fifty souldiers, one hundred and fortie mariners, and thirty canons.

The Gallion S. Peter, of fiue hundred and thirty tunne, with one hundred and thir∣ty souldiers, one hundred and forty mariners, and forty canons.

S. Iohns Gallion, of fiue hundred and thirty tunne, with one hundred and seuenty souldiers, and one hundred and twenty mari∣ners, and forty canons.

The Gallion S. Iago el Maior, of fiue hundred and thirty tunne, with two hundred and thirty souldiers, one hundred thirty two mariners, and thirty canons.

The Gallion S. Philip and S. Iago, of two hundred and thirty tunne, with one hun∣dred and fifty souldiers, one hundred and six∣teene mariners, and thirty canons.

The Gallion S. Medela, and Celedo∣nia, of fiue hundred and thirty tunne, with one hundred and seuenty souldiers, one hun∣dred and tenne mariners, and thirty canons.

S. Annes Gallion, of two hundred and fifty tunne, with one hundred souldiers, eigh∣ty nine mariners, and twenty foure canons.

Our Lady of Vigenia, of seuen hundred and fifty tunne, with one hundred and ninety souldiers, one hundred mariners, and thirty canons.

The Ship called the Trinity, of seuen hundred and eighty tunne, with two hundred souldiers, one hundred twenty two mariners, and thirty canons.

The S. Katherina, of eight hundred six∣ty two tunne, with two hundred souldiers, one hundred and sixty mariners, and thirty canons.

The S. Iohn Baptist, of sixe hundred fif∣ty two tunne, with two hundred souldiers, and one hundred and thirty mariners, and thirty canons.

Our Lady of Rosaria, called the Pinnace, with thirty souldiers, twenty sixe mariners, and twenty foure canons.

The Pinnace called S. Anthony of Pa∣dua, with three hundred souldiers, and fortie sixe mariners, and sixteene canons.

The number of this whole Fleet of Castille, consisted of foureteene Gallions, and two pin∣naces; their entyre burthen amounting to eight thousand seuen hundred thirty foure tunne, hauing in it two thousand foure hun∣dred eighty fiue souldiers, one thousand seuen hundred and nineteene mariners, together a∣mounting to foure thousand one hundred se∣uenty seuen men, and three hundred eightie foure canons, with all other necessaries, and bullets, powder, and match.

The equipage of the ships of Andeluzia, commanded by the Generall D. Pedro Ʋaldes.

THe Admirall Ship, of one thousand one hundred and fifty tunne, hauing in it fifty souldiers, one hundred and eighteene ma∣riners, with fiftie pieces of canons.

The S. Francis, of nine hundred and fif∣teene tunne, with two hundred and thirty souldiers, sixtie mariners, and thirtie canons.

The Gallion S. Iohn Baptist, of one hun∣dred & ten tun, with two hundred and fifty souldiers, twenty mariners, and forty canons.

The S. Iohn Gargaren, of fiue hundred and nine tunne, with one hundred and seuen∣tie souldiers, sixty mariners, and twentie can∣nons.

A Ship called the Conception, of eighty tunne, with two hundred souldiers, sixty fiue mariners, and twenty fiue canons.

The Beare, or Ship called S. Anne, of nine hundred tunne, with three hundred souldiers, eighty mariners, and thirtie canons.

The S. Katherina, of seuen hundred and thirty tun, with two hundred and fifty soul∣diers, eighty mariners, and thirty canons.

The Trinitie, of fiftie tun, with two hun∣dred souldiers, twenty mariners, and thirtie canons.

The S. Mary de Iuncar, of seuen hun∣dred and thirtie tunne, with two hundred and forty souldiers, eighty mariners, and twenty foure canons.

The S. Bartholomew, of nine hundred seuenty sixe tunne, with twenty fiue souldiers, eighty mariners, and thirtie canons.

A Pinnace called the holy Ghost, with for∣ty souldiers, thirty three mariners, ten can∣nons, and well stored with bullets, powder, and other necessaries.

This Fleet consisted of ten Gallions, one Pinnace, which in burthen amounted altoge∣ther to eight thousand seuen hundred and two tunne, hauing in it two thousand foure hun∣dred souldiers, eight hundred mariners, two hundred and sixty canons, and all other ne∣cessaries thereunto belonging.

The Fleete of Guypuscoa, by D. Michell de Quendo.

THe Generalls Ship, called S. Anne, of one thousand two hundred tunne, hauing in it thirty souldiers, ninety mariners, and fif∣ty canons.

The Admirall, called the Lady of Roses, of nine hundred forty fiue tunne, with two hundred and thirty souldiers, sixty foure ma∣riners, and thirty canons.

The S. Sauiour, of nine hundred fiftie eight tunne, with thirty three souldiers, eighty mariners, and thirty canons.

The S. Martha, of fiue hundred fortie eight tunne, with one hundred and eightie souldiers, seuenty mariners, and twenty fiue canons.

S. Stephen, of nine hundred thirty sixe tunne, with two hundred souldiers, seuentie mariners, and thirty canons.

The S. Barba, of fiue hundred twenty fiue tunne, with one hundred and sixty souldi∣ers, fifty mariners, and fifteene canons.

The Mary, of two hundred ninety one tunne, with one hundred and twenty souldi∣ers, fortie mariners, and twenty canons.

The S. Crosse, of sixe hundred and eighty tunne, with one hundred and fifty souldiers, forty mariners, and fifteene canons.

The Vrsadoncella, of fiue hundred tun,

with sixty souldiers, forty mariners, and eigh∣teene canons.

The Pinnace called the Ascension, of sixe hundred tunne, with thirty souldiers, twenty mariners, and twelue canons.

The Pinnace called S. Barnaby, and a∣nother named Our Lady of Guadalupa, with the Pinnace called the Magdalen, these three in burthen, souldiers, mariners, ca∣nons, and other necessaries, equalled the pin∣nace of the Ascension.

There was in this Fleet of Guypuscoa, foureteene Vessels, which were in burthen all together sixe thousand nine hundred ninety one tunne, had in it two thousand ninetie two souldiers, sixe hundred and seuenty ma∣riners, making vp the number of two thousand seuen hundred and eight men, two hundred seuenty seuen canons, with all other necessa∣ries.

The Fleet of Easterne ships, called, Leuantiscas, whose Generall was Martin de Vertendona.

THe Generals Ship, called Ragazone, of one thousand two hundred ninety foure tunne, hauing in it three hundred and fifty souldiers, ninety mariners, and thirty fiue canons.

The Admirals ship, called Ia Laua, of se∣uen hundred twenty eight tunne, with two hundred and tenne souldiers, eighty mariners, and thirty canons.

La Rata S. Mary, the crowned, of eight hundred and twenty tunne, with three hundred and forty souldiers, ninety mariners and forty canons.

The S. Iohn of Cicilia, of eight hundred and eighty tunne, with two hundred and se∣uenty souldiers, seuenty mariners, and thirty canons.

The Trinity Valencera, of one thou∣sand one hundred tunne, with two hundred and forty souldiers, ninety mariners, and for∣ty sixe canons.

The Anunciade, of seuen hundred and three tunne, with two hundred souldiers, ninety mariners, and thirty canons.

The S. Nicholas Predaneli, of eight hun∣dred thirty foure tunne, with two hundred and eighty souldiers, eighty foure mariners, and thirty canons.

The Iuliana, of eight hundred tunne, with three hundred and thirty souldiers, eighty mariners, and thirty sixe canons.

The S. Mary of Pison, of sixe hundred sixtie sixe tunne, with two hundred and fif∣ty souldiers, eightie mariners, and twenty two canons.

The Trinity of Escala, of ninety tun, with three hundred and two souldiers, ninety ma∣riners, and twentie fiue canons.

This whole Fleete consisted of ten Ships, whose burthen was seuen thousand seuen hundred and fiue tunne, and had in it two thousand eight hundred and eighty souldiers, eight hundred and seuen mariners, and three hundred and eleuen canons, with all other necessaries.

The Fleet of Ships called Vrcas, whose Generall was Lopas de Medina.

THe Generals Ship, called the great Grif∣fin, of sixe hundred and fifty tunne, ha∣uing in it two hundred and fifty souldiers, sixtie mariners, and forty canons.

The Admirall, called S. Sauiour, of sixe hundred and fiftie tunne with two hun∣dred and thirty souldiers, sixty mariners, and thirty canons.

A Ship called the Pedro Martino, of two hundred tunne, with eighty souldiers, thirty mariners, and thirty canons.

The white Falcon, of fiue hundred tun, with one hundred and seuenty souldiers, forty mariners, and eighteene canons.

The Blacke-Castle, of seuen hundred and fifty tunne, with two hundred and fiftie souldiers, fiftie mariners, and fiue and twenty canons.

A Barke of Hambourgh, with sixe hun∣dred souldiers, fifty mariners, and twenty fiue canons.

La Cassa de Par-grand, together with Sir Pedro el Maior, the Samson, and S. Pedro el Minor, of as great burthen as the Barke of Hambourgh.

The Barke of Danske, of foure hundred and fiftie tunne, with two hundred and ten souldiers, fiftie mariners, and twentie fiue canons.

The white Falcon Mediana, of three hun∣dred tunne, with eightie souldiers, thirtie mariners, and eighteene canons.

The S. Andrew, of foure hundred tunne, with two hundred and fiftie souldiers, and fortie mariners.

La Cassa de var Chica, of three hun∣dred and fifty tunne, with one hundred and seuenty souldiers, forty mariners, and fif∣teene canons.

La Cuerba Bolante, of foure hundred tunne, with two hundred and tenne souldi∣ers, forty mariners, and eighteene canons.

The white Polonia, of two hundred and fifty tunne, with sixty souldiers, thirty mari∣ners, and twelue canons.

The Aduenture, and S. Barba, which were as much in burthen as the S. Iago, of sixe hundred tunne, with sixty souldiers, for∣ty mariners, and nineteene canons.

The Ship called El gatto, of foure hun∣dred tunne, with fifty souldiers, thirty mari∣ners, and nine canons.

The S. Gabriel, of two hundred and eightie tunne, with fifty souldiers, and twen∣ty fiue mariners.

The Esayas of like burthen.

So that these twenty fiue Ʋrcas, are in burthen, ten thousand two hundred seuentie one tunne, and carryed three thousand two hundred twenty one souldiers, seuen hundred and eight mariners, and foure hundred and tenne canons, with all necessaries, as Pow∣der, Lead, and Match.

Pinnaces and Zabra's com∣manded by Don An∣tonio de Men∣doza.

THe Generalls Ship, called our Lady del Pilar de Zaragossa, of three hundred tunne, with one hundred and twenty souldi∣ers, fiftie foure mariners, and twelue canons.

La Caridade Inglesse, of one hundred and eighty tunne, eighty souldiers, thirty ma∣riners, and twelue canons.

S. Andrew d'Estoches, of one hundred and thirty tunne, fiftie one souldiers, thirtie mariners, and twelue canons.

The Pinnace of the Crucifix, of one hun∣dred and fifty tunne, with fifty souldiers, thir∣ty mariners, and eighteene canons.

A Ship called our Lady del puerto, containing as much as the Pinnace of the Crucifix.

The Conception of Caraffa, and of our Lady de Beguoa.

The Conception of Capitillo, with the S. Ieronimo, are of sixtie and seuenty tun, with fiftie souldiers, and thirty mariners, and eight canons apiece.

Our Lady of Grace, the conception of Francis Lastero, our Lady of Guadalu∣pa, the Conception of the Holy-Ghost, and our Lady of Fresneda; these Ships containe iust as much as those aboue-mentioned. More∣ouer, a Ship called Zabra la Trinidad, with another Zabra S. Andrew the Con∣ception, together with the conception of Som∣marriba, S. Katherine, S. Iohn de Ca∣raffa, and the Assumption, containe as much as those that went next before.

The whole number of the twenty two Pin∣naces and Zabras, were in burthen, one thou∣sand one hundred thirty one tunne, and had in them foure hundred seuenty nine souldiers, fiue hundred seuenty foure mariners, and one hundred ninetie three canons, with all other necessaries.

The foure Galleasses of Napler, commanded by D. Ʋgo de Mencado.

THe Generals Galleasse, called San Lo∣renzo, with two hundred and seuenty souldiers, one hundred and thirty mariners, three hundred slaues, and fifty canons.

The Galleasse Petrona, with one hun∣dred and eightie souldiers, one hundred and twelue mariners, three hundred slaues, and fifty Canons.

The Galleasse Girona, with one hun∣dred and seuenty souldiers, one hundred and twenty mariners, three hundred slaues, and fifty canons.

The Neopolitan Galleasse, with one hundred twenty foure souldiers, three hun∣dred slaues, and fifty canons.

These foure Galleasses carryed altogether, eight hundred and seuenty souldiers, foure hundred sixty eight mariners, two hundred canons, and one thousand two hundred slaues.

The foure Gallies of Portugall, vnder the command of D. Diego de Medrana.

THe Generals Gallie, with a hundred and tenne souldiers, one hundred and sixe mariners, one hundred slaues, and fiftie ca∣nons.

The Princesse Gallie, the Gally Diana, the Gallie Vazana, contayning as much as the Generalls Gallie.

The briefe and generall ac∣count of the whole Fleete.

THe whole Fleete together, was composed of twelue Gallions of Portugall, in bur∣then seuen thousand seuen hundred thirty

seuen tunne, carrying foure thousand three hundred and thirty souldiers, one thousand two hundred thirty three mariners, foure hundred canons, with ammunition of bullets, powder, and match.

Of foureteene Ships of Biscay, commanded by Iohn Martinez de Ricaldo: These Ships all together were of burthen, sixe thou∣sand fiue hundred sixty seuen tunne, and car∣ryed two thousand and fifty souldiers, nine hundred mariners, and two hundred and se∣uentie canons.

Of sixteene Gallions of Castile, in bur∣then one thousand seuen hundred tunne, carrying two thousand fiue hundred and sixty souldiers, and foure hundred and twenty canons.

Of eleuen Ships of Andaluzia, in burthen eight thousand seuen hundred sixty two tun, two thousand fiue hundred twenty fiue soul∣diers, nine hundred mariners, and two hun∣dred and sixty canons.

Of foureteene Ships of Guipuscoa, in burthen sixe thousand nine hundred ninetie one tunne, two thousand one hundred and two souldiers, seuen hundred and eighteene mariners, and two hundred and eighty ca∣nons.

Of the Easterne Fleete, with tenne Ships in burthen, seuen thousand seuen hundred and fiue tunne, carrying two thousand nine hundred souldiers, one hundred sixty seuen mariners, and three hundred and tenne ca∣nons.

Of the Fleete of Vreas, twenty three in number, in burthen ten thousand two hun∣dred seuentie one tunne; and in them, three thousand three hundred twenty one souldi∣ers, seuen hundred and eight mariners, and foure hundred canons.

Of twenty two Pinnaces or Zabras, in bur∣then one thousand two hundred twentie one tunne; and in them, three hundred seuentie sixe souldiers, fiue hundred seuenty foure ma∣riners, and one hundred and tenne canons.

Of foure Galleasses of Naples, carrying eight hundred sixtie foure souldiers, fiue hun∣dred mariners, two hundred canons.

Of foure Gallies, which carried foure hun∣dred

souldiers, and twenty canons.

In foure Galleasses, there were likewise, one thousand two hundred Gally-slaues, and in the foure Gallies, eight hundred eightie eight; which together, make vp the number of two thousand eighty eight persons.

And beside the aboue-mentioned Pow∣der, there were, if any danger or necessitie should happen, sixe hundred quintalls of pow∣der.

So as in the whole Fleete, there was one hundred and thirty Ships, twenty fiue Ʋrca's of the burthen of fiue hundred, & seuen hun∣dred tunne▪ nineteene Pinnaces, of the bur∣then of seuenty and an hundred tunne; thir∣teene Zabra's, with two of Portugall, foure Galleasses, and as many Gallies, of the bur∣then of fifty seuen thousand eight hundred six∣ty eight tunne; and in them, nineteene thou∣sand two hundred ninety fiue souldiers, and eight thousand foure hundred and fiftie ma∣riners, with two thousand sixe hundred and thirty gally-slaues, and two thousand six hun∣dred and thirty pieces of Ordnance of all sorts; among which, were great and middle Culuerings, and some great canons.

There was likewise twenty small Vessels, called Caruels, for the seruice of the Fleete, and tenne Falua's, with sixe Oares apiece.

There were in this Fleete, one hundred twenty foure Voluntaries, attended by foure hundred fifty & sixe seruants bearing armes, and two hundred thirty eight entertayned by the King, with one hundred sixty three ser∣uants.

There was one hundred seuenty seuen per∣sons appoynted to wayte vpon the Ordnance, with two Engineers, one Physician, one Sur∣geon, and thirty seruants. Fourescore and fiue both Physicians and Surgeons, with one hundred and eighty Church men, all Domi∣nicans, Franciscans, Flagellans, or Iesuites.

The Collonels Regiments, or Tertois payed by the King in this Fleet, with the number of Men vnder euery Regiment.

Don Francisco de Bouadilla, the Kings Camp-master generall.

The Regiments of Sicily, commanded by Don Diego Pimentell, vnder whom were twenty foure Captaines.

The Regiment of Tertio, commanded by Don Francisco de Tolete, vnder whom were twenty fiue Captaines.

The Regiment of Don Alonzo-luzon, vnder whom were twenty sixe Captaines.

The Regiment of Yeffa comm. by Don Augustino Mexia, vnder whom were twenty sixe Captaines.

Diuers Companies of free bands, some of which were drawne from the troupes of Ca∣stile, by Don Iuan de Guzman; the o∣thers, from Portugall, by Gasper Sossa.

So that there were in the aboue-mentioned Regiments, or Tertois, and in the companies of Suelty, one hundred seuenty one Ensignes, amounting to the number of eighteene thou∣sand nine hundred seuenty three souldiers, with thirty more, to make vp the number of nineteene thousand two hundred ninety fiue, with diuers ministers, and officers, as well of iustice as of the Dukes Court, one hundred eighty fiue persons.

To be short, the whole Fleete consisted of eighteene thousand nine hundred thirty seuen foot, eight thousand sixe hundred and fiftie mariners, two hundred twenty foure Vo∣luntaries, with foure hundred fiftie fiue ser∣uants that were allowed; and two hundred thirty eight other seruants on one part, one hundred sixty three on another; one hundred sixty seuen persons appointed to attend the ca∣nons, eighty fiue for the Hospitall to sicke per∣sons, one hundred and eighty Church-men of all orders, twenty three Gentlemen of the Dukes Court, fifty seruants, seuenteene su∣perintendants

generall of the Army, one hun∣dred seruants more belonging to them or to the offices of iustice.

So that in the whole Army there were twenty eight thousand sixe hundred eighty se∣uen persons, besides two thousand eight hun∣dred and eight Gally-slaues, that tugg'd the Oare in the Galleasses and Gallies.

All these had good and sufficient prouision, victualls, and things necessary for so great and inuincible an enterprize, which I for bre∣uity will omit to shew at large, praying to God that theirs or others ambitious enterprises vpon England, may be still by the Almigh∣ty and euer-sauing hand of God confounded, and ouer-whelmed like Pharao. Amen.

ABRAHAM DARCIE.

Forces to defend England, against Spaines pretended inuasion.

By SEA.

Vnder the command of the Right Honourable Charles Ho∣ward, Earle of Nottingham, L. High Admirall of England.

ROYALL Ships.

SEuenteene Royall Ships, attended by twelue other warlike Ships, and sixe Pinnaces.

LONDON Ships.

Sent out by the City of London, six∣teene tall Ships for warre, and foure Pinnaces.

BRISTOW Ships.

From Bristow, three Ships, and one Pinnace.

BARSTABLE Ships.

From Barstable, three good Ships, and one Pinnace.

EXETER Ships.

From Exeter, two Ships and one Pin∣nace.

PLIMMOVTH Ships.

From Plimmouth, seuen braue Ships, well appoynted, with a Fly-boat.

Also, one Pinnace of the Lord Ad∣mirals.

Another▪ of the Lord Sheffields.

And one of Sir William Winters.

MERCHANTS Ships.

The Merchants Aduenturers of Eng∣land also sent ten lusty Ships at their owne proper charges.

In the BRITTISH Seas.

There were also sixteene Royall ships sent into the narrow Sea, vnder the command of the Right Honourable Lord Henry Seymor, with many other small Ships, Barkes, and Pinnaces, sent out of the North and West parts of England, by diuers Noblemen, and o∣ther honourable persons, Gentlemen, and Merchants.

By LAND.

The Land-forces (which were encamped at Tilbury in Essex, vnder the command and go∣uernement of Robert Dudley, Earle of Leicester) were these following.

BEDFORD Shire.

OVt of Bedfordshire, there were seuenteene Lances, forty light horses, and fiue hundred foote sent, well appoynted.

BVCKINGHAM.

From Buckingham shire, eighteene Lances, fourescore and three Light-horses, and fiue hundred foot.

HARTFORD.

Out of Hartford shire, twenty fiue Lan∣ces, threescore light horses, and one thousand foot.

KENT.

Out of Kent, fifty Lances, one hun∣dred light horses, and fiue thousand foot.

SVFFOLKE.

From Suffolke, fifty Lances, two hun∣dred light horses, three thousand foot.

ESSEX.

Out of Essex, fifty Lances, one hun∣dred light horses, and fiue thousand footmen.

MIDDLESEX.

Middlesex, thirty fiue Lances, foure∣score and eight light horses.

SVRREY.

Raized out of Surrey, eight Lances, fourescore & eighteene light horses, and a thousand foot.

NORFOLKE.

Raized in Norfolke, three thousand foote.

LONDON.

Out of London, one thousand foot.

BARKESHIRE.

From Barkeshire, came one thousand foot.

OXFORD.

From Oxford shire, one thousand foot.

More by LAND.

There was likewise raysed out of these Shires following, ano∣ther ARMY, cosisting of foure hundred fourescore & one Lan∣ces, one thousand foure hun∣dred thirty and one light hor∣ses, and thirty foure thousand and fifty foot, for the safegard of her Maiesties Royall Per∣son, and were vnder the command of the Lord. Chamberlaine.

GLOCESTER Shire.

OVt of Glocester shire, there were twenty Lances, one hundred light horse, and two thousand fiue hundred foot.

SOMERSET.

Out of Somerset shire, fifty Lances, one hundred light horse, and foure thou∣sand foote.

SVSSEX.

Out of Sussex, were twenty Lances, one hundred light horse, & two thou∣sand fiue hundred foot.

WILTSHIRE.

Out of Wiltshire, were twenty fiue Lan∣ces, one hundred light horse, and two thousand three hundred foot.

BARKESHIRE.

Out of Barkeshire, ten Lances, foure∣score and fiue light horse, and fiue hundred foot.

OXFORD.

Oxford, twenty three Lances, one hundred and three light horse, and one hundred and fifty foot.

CAMBRIDGE.

Cambridge, thirteene Lances, forty light horse, and seuen hundred foot.

NORTHAMPTON.

Northampton, twenty Lances, foure∣score light horse, and sixe hundred foot.

LEICESTER.

Leicester, nine Lances, threescore and tenne light horse, and fiue hundred foot.

WARWICKE.

From Warwicke, seuenteene Lan∣ces, threescore & sixteene light horse, and fiue hundred foot.

HVNTINGTON.

From Huntington, sixe Lances, twenty sixe light horse, and foure hundred foot.

DORSET.

Dorset, one hundred and twenty Lan∣ces, and one thousand foot.

SVFFOLKE.

Out of Suffolke, were threescore and tenne Lances, two hundred and thir∣ty light horse, and three thousand foot.

NORFOLKE.

Norfolke, fourescore Lances, three hundred twenty one light horse.

HARTFORD.

Hartfordshire, fiue hundred foot.

SVRREY.

Out of Surrey, fiue hundred foot.

WORCESTER.

Worcester-shire foure hundred foot.

SOVTHAMPTON.

Southampton two thousand foot.

DEVON.

Deuon, two thousand foot.

LONDON.

London, nine thousand foot.

MIDDLESEX.

Middlesex, one thousand foot.

This true Description of Eng∣lands and Spaines Forces thus particularly set downe, was faith∣fully gathered, for the better sa∣tisfaction of the Reader, out of sundry true English Manuscripts, and French Bookes, by

ABRAHAM DARCIE.

But the industry of the Queene preuented both his diligence, and the credulous hope of the Spaniards. For, by her command, the day af∣ter the Spaniards had cast anchor, in the dead of the night, the Admirall sent eight of his worst Shippes, dawbed on the out-sides with Greeke Pitch and Ro∣sin, & filled full of sulphure, and other materials sudden∣ly combustible, vnder the conduct of Young & Prowse, with a full gale of winde di∣rectly vpon the Spanish Ar∣mada; which, as the Spani∣ards saw approch neerer and neerer to them, (the flame shining ouer all the Sea) thinking those burning ships besides the danger of the fire, to be filled with some deadly Engines;* 16.1 with a howling and fearefull out∣cry, weyed anchor, cut their Cables, hoysed their sayles, cried out vpon their rowers, and, strooke with a horrible and a pannique feare, with impetuous haste betooke themselues to a confused

flight. Amongst which, the Admirals Galleasse had her Rudder broken, and went almost adrift, and the day following, making fearefully towards Calais, ranne vpon the sands, and after a doubt∣full fight with Amias Pre∣ston, Thomas Gerard, & Har∣uey, was taken; Hugh Mon∣cada,* 16.2 the Captaine, beeing slaine, and the souldiers and rowers eyther drowned or slaine, they found and carri∣ed away a great quantity of Gold. The Ship and Ord∣nance were seyzed by the Gouernour of Calais.

The Spaniards affirme, that the Generall seeing these fi∣ery shippes comming, com∣manded all the Fleete to weigh anchor, that the dan∣ger might passe them, and to take againe euery one his place. And surely, he him∣selfe tooke his owne againe, after warning giuen by a shot which was notwith∣standing heard but of a very few, because the Ships being on all sides scattered, were some of them in that affright carried into the North Sea, & some others on the shores

and coasts of Flanders. In the meane time,* 16.3 Drake and Fenner assayle with great noyse of Cannon-shot that part of the Spanish Fleete, which were rallying them∣selues before Grauelin, and were by and by ioyned by Fenton, Southwell, Beaston, Crosse, Raymon, and anon, by the Lord Admirall himselfe, Thomas Howard, and Shef∣field. The Duke, Laeua, O∣quende, Ricauld, and o∣thers, being come from the shore, sustained as well as they could, the charge, which was such, as the most part of their Shippes were torne and bruised, and the Gallion S. Matthew, com∣manded by Diego Pymentel, and appointed to assist Fran∣cisco de Toleda, in the S. Phi∣lip, was broken with the con∣tinuall batteries of Seymor and Winter, and being dri∣uen towards Ostend, was a∣gaine beaten by the Zelan∣ders, and taken by them of Flushing, as was the other called Saint Matthew, and all the rest of the FLEET grieuously afflicted all that day.

The last day of the Mo∣neth, at the breake of day, the Winde turned North∣west, and the Spaniards stri∣uing to get into the straight againe, are driuen towards Zeland. The English, as the Spaniards beleeue, ceased their fight, perceiuing some of their Ships in great dan∣ger, and ready to runne on the sands and shelues on the Coast of Zeland, but the winde changing to South∣west, the Spaniards tooke the benefit thereof, and beeing gotten out from amongst those sands, consulted in the Euening what they were to doe,* 16.4 and by common con∣sent, resolued to returne into Spaine by the North Ocean, because they wanted many necessary things, and aboue all, Bullets, that their Ships were broken, and that they had little hope of the Duke of Parma's putting to Sea.

Being then already at sea, they tooke their route to∣wards the North, followed by the English Fleete, vnto whom they would some∣times shew their prowesse: and many being of opinion

they would returne, the Queene, with a Kingly cou∣rage, mounted on horse∣backe, and holding in her hand the trunchion of an or∣dinary Captaine,* 16.5 made a re∣view of her Army, & campe, which was at Tilbury, walkes vp and downe, sometimes like a Woman, and anon, with the countenance and pace of a Souldier, and with her presence and words for∣tifieth the courages both of the Captaines and Souldi∣ers beyond all beliefe.

The very day of the last fight, the Duke of Parma hauing paid his vow to our Lady of Halle, came to Dunkerke, but too late, and was there receiued by the Spaniards with reproach, as if to fa∣uour Queene ELIZABETH, hee had willingly caused them to lose so faire an occasion to execute their enter∣prise. Therefore, in some sort to content them, he punished some that had charge of the victuals, and mocking not∣withstanding at the Spaniards insolency and arrogancy, who bragge that in all parts where they beare Armes, they euer draw after them an assured victory, and that the Eng∣lish dared not to looke them in the face, much lesse endure their countenance. And surely, Bernard Mendoza, with great pride and vanity sung forth in France, by a printed Pamphlet, the triumph before the victory: But the English Lord Admirall, to keepe the Prince of Parma from com∣ming out of Dunkerke, commanded Seimer and the Hollan∣ders, to keepe the Coast of Flanders, and hee himselfe fol∣lowed

the Spaniards behinde, vntill they were past Eden∣borough Frith in Scotland. For, some feared they would retyre to the King of Scots, at that time much incensed for the death of his Mother; & that to appease him, Ashbey, her Maiesties Ambassadour there, offered him very good con∣ditions,* 16.6 to wit, the dignitie of a Duke in England, a yeerely pension of fiue thousand pound, and a guard for his person, at her Maiesties costs, and other things. Now whether he did this of himselfe, or by procurement of others, I cannot well say, nor take no pleasure to enquire thereafter: but so it chanced, that the fault was imputed vnto him, and these conditions were neuer accomplished.

The Spaniards then hauing lost all hope of pursuing their enterprize, and iudging their safety to consist meerely in their flight, follow still their route, without staying in any place. Thus did this Fleete returne shamefully into their Countrey, which was preparing three whole yeeres with so infinite expences, after hauing beene fought withall so oftentimes in one Moneth, and then put to flight with the losse of many men, (and not of aboue one hundred English, nor no Ship but Cocks Barke onely lost) all the shot of those great Spanish Ships, being spent in vaine, flying ouer the English Ships) hauing also gone round about the Iland of Great-Britaine, by Scotland, the Iles of Orchades, and Ire∣land, and beene furiously beaten, and greatly diminished by tempests, wrackes, and all sorts of miseries.

* 16.7 In memoriall of which defeat, there were certaine Me∣dailles coyned, wherein some had a Fleete grauen vnder∣sayle, and hastning away with all speed, with this Inscrip∣tion,

* 16.8 Ilest venu, il•• veu, il a fuy. Hee came, Hee saw, Hee fledde.

And others, in honour of the Queene, with some Ships on

fire among a confused Fleete, with these words;

Vne Femme a conduict ceste action. A Woman conducted this Action.

As thus they fled, many of their Ships were lost vpon the Coasts of Ireland and Scotland, where some seuen hundred Souldiers and Mariners were cast ashore, who, at the re∣quest of the Duke of Parma, vnto the King of Scotland in their behalfe, and by the Queenes permission were passed into Flanders a yeere after. But those poore wretches which were cast away in Ireland,* 16.9 were not so mercifully dealt withall: for some of them were slaine by the Irish dwelling in the woods; the other, by the commandement of the Deputy, who fearing lest they should ioyne with the Irish Rebels; and seeing that Bingham, Gouernour of Connaugh, had refused vpon his reiterated commandement to kill those which had yeelded themselues, hee sent Fowle the second Marshall, who, drawing them forth which had hidden themselues, cut off the heads of about two hun∣dred of them, which the Queen detested with all her heart, as a deed full of cruelty. This so affrighted the rest, that sicke and weake as they were, and halfe starued, they re-embarked themselues in their broken vessels, and were for the most part sunke at Sea.

The Fleete being returned home,* 16.10 imputeth this mis∣chiefe vnto the Duke of Parma, and vnto their too-much obedient prudence, in taking it for so haynous a crime, to disobey the commandement imposed vpon them: For they were straitly charged to attempt nothing, vntill the Duke of Parma were ioyned vnto them with his Forces, without reseruing any liberty vnto themselues to iudge of occasions which might happen: a thing very fit to haue bin done: & they boasted to haue bin able without that, to haue defeated the English Fleete in their Port; and the men of

warre were in great dispute, whether it were necessary, whatsoeuer hapned, to obserue religiously what is com∣manded, lest by the neglect of obedience, the commande∣ment should be lost: Or if it were fitter to correct things commanded by necessity, and apply them to present vse, according to the growth of affaires, that the occasions and moments of doing expeditions might not be lost.

* 16.11 The Spaniard did constantly beare this losse, as com∣ming from aboue, rendring thankes vnto God that it was no greater, and vsed singular mercy and charity for the comfort of the Souldiers and Mariners.

* 16.12 Queene ELIZABETH likewise commanded publique prayers and thanks-giuing to be made in all the Churches of England, and went her selfe in triumph amongst the Companies and Societies of London, which marched on both sides of her Maiestie, with their Banners, and roade thorow the Streetes (which were richly hung with blue hangings) in a Chariot drawne with two Horses, (Prin∣ces themselues not vsing foure, as now adayes particular persons doe) to Saint Pauls Church, were shee gaue God humble thankes, heard the Sermon, (which shewed the glory due to GOD alone,) and caused the Ensignes taken, to be there set vp and shewed vnto the people. Then shee assigned some reuenewes vnto the Admirall, for the ser∣uice which hee had performed with so good and happy successe;* 16.13 praised highly her Sea-Captaines, as men borne for the preseruation of their Countrey; and as often as shee saw any of the other, called them by their names, to wit∣nesse that shee tooke note of their deserts: which they tooke as sufficient reward for their seruices: Shee also re∣compenced the maymed and poorer sort with honoura∣ble pensions.

This publique reioycing was increased by the arriuall of Sir Robert Sidney, who being come out of Scotland, as∣sured her Maiestie, that the King of Scots, embraced most

affectionately the Queenes friendship, made sincere profes∣sion of true Religion, and would defend it with all his might: Hee was sent vnto him before, when Great Britaine was first threatned with the Spanish Fleete, to acknowledge by his reioycings and thankes-giuing, of the good will which he bore to the Queene, to praise his forwardnesse to defend the common cause; to promise him reciprocall succours, if the Spaniard made any inuasion in Scotland; To giue him to vnderstand with what ambition the Spani∣ard gapeth after the whole Monarchy of Great Brittaine, solliciting the Pope to excommunicate his Royall person, both to spoyle him of the Kingdome of Scotland, and to exclude him out of the succession of the Kingdome of England; To put him in minde of the threatnings which Mendoza, and the Popes Nuntio vttered against him, and that therefore hee was to take heed of Papists. Whereun∣to, (that wee may note it by the way) the KING an∣swered graciously and merrily:

J expect no other courtesie of the Spani∣ard, then such as Poliphemus promised to Vlysses, (to wit,) That he would deuoure him the last of all his fellowes.

About this time, died the Earle of Leicester,* 16.14 on the four∣teenth of December, of a continuall burning Feauer, as hee was on his way to goe to Killingworth: which death, al∣though the Queene much grieued at, yet this ioy was ne∣uer a whit diminished thereby. Hee was the fifth sonne of Iohn, Duke of Northumberland; vnder King EDVVARD, first Gentleman of the Kings Chamber, vnder Queene MARIE, who restored him to his first honours, together

with his Brothers and Sisters, Master of the Artillery at the Siege of Saint Quintaines; and vnder Queene ELIZA∣BETH, who affected him, because of a simpathy of spirits betweene them, occasioned perhaps by some secret con∣stellation, which the Greeke Astrologers call Sinastria; he was Master of the Horse,* 16.15 Knight of the Royall Orders of the Garter, and of S. Michael, one of the Priuy Coun∣cell, Steward of the Queenes House, Chancellor of the V∣niuersity of Oxford, Iustice in Eire of all the Forrests be∣yond Trent, the Queenes Lieutenant, and Captaine of the English Forces against Spaines, Gouernour, and Captaine generall of the vnited Prouinces of the Netherlands: he be∣gan in his latter time to conceit a new hope and title of ho∣nour and authority, looking to haue, with Soueraigne pow∣er annexed thereunto, a generall Lieutenancy vnder the Queene, both throughout all England and Ireland, of which he had gotten Letters Patents, if that the Right Honoura∣ble William Cecill, Lord Burleigh, and Sir Christopher Hat∣ton had not opposed themselues thereunto, and also if the Queen had not betimes preuented the danger which might haue insued, in giuing too-much power to one man alone. Hee was reputed a compleat Courtier,* 16.16 magnificent, libe∣rall, a protector and benefactor of Souldiers and Schol∣lers, very skilfull in temporizing, and fitting himselfe to the times, to serue his owne turne, very officious, and cunning towards his ill-willers; for a time much giuen to Women, and finally, a good husband in excesse. To conclude, as long as he preferred a power subiect vnto enuy before a so∣lid vertue, euill speakers tooke occasion to tugge and teare at him continually, during the best of his fortune, by defa∣matory libels, which contained some slight vntruths. And to say the truth, hee was openly held to be in the ranke of those which were worthy of praise, but the things which hee secretly plotted, displeased many. The Queene, who was flexible ynough in all other things, & was hardly euer

seene to remit any thing due to her treasure, caused his goods to be sold to their vttermost value,* 16.17 to pay that which he ought her.

The Duke of Parma hauing now broken off his purpose of inuading England, to carry away notwithstanding with this great prepared Army for that end, some glory from the English, and by the same meanes to open the way of Zeland, and deliuer Brabant from incursions, besiegeth Bergen ap Zoom, a Towne of Brabant,* 16.18 strong by reason of the situation thereof, and the Forts round about it, and garded by a garrison the most part English. But his inde∣uour was frustrated by the fore-sight of the Noble Lord Willoughby, and the valour of the Garrison Souldiers: For although that during the whottest of the siege, there arose a great discord amongst the besieged, some fauouring Drury, Gouernour of the place, established by the Lord Willoughby, the English Generall, and others adhering vn∣to Morgan, prouided thereof by the Queenes Letters, each of them notwithstanding hauing a care of the com∣mon good, behaued themselues valiantly, and by sallies and other military deuices, did all of them so finde the E∣nemy busied, that after hauing slaine, taken, or drowned about foure hundred, which Grimston and Redhead,* 16.19 feig∣ning themselues to be Fugitiues, had drawne into the Fort by great promises, protestations, and oathes; the Duke hauing lost all hope of shutting vp their Hauen, and to make himselfe Master of the Towne, and seeing the Win∣ter at hand, and victuals fayling, raysed his siege two Mo∣neths after. And the Lord Willoughby, to honour with some recompence the well-deseruing, knighted Sir Fran∣cis Vere, who then began to shew himselfe, Sir Thomas Knowles, Sir N. Parker, and Sir I. Pooly, for their worthy valours.

England being now freed from the present feare of a forreine Warre,* 16.20 found not her selfe so happily deliuered of

an inward Schisme; For schismaticall impiety waxeth alwaies insolent when any Warres be stirring, nor euer did shamelesse and rebellious impudence, and outragious ma∣lice more insolently beard the Ecclesiasticall Magistracie: For whereas the Queene, who was

EVER THE SAME,

was very vnwilling to innouate any thing in Religion, thinking it the way to cut the nerues of the Ecclesiasticall administration, and the Royall Prerogatiue; some, which onely admired the discipline of the Church of Geneua, iudging that there was no better way to establish it, than by blazoning the English Hierarchie, and bringing the Prelates in hatred with the people, did in scurrilous maner spit out their slanderous venome against this Hierarchie, by certaine iniurious printed Bookes, which carryed the Titles of,

* 16.21 Martin Mar-Prelate, or A Whip for the Prelates. Minerales Diotrephes demonstra∣tion of Discipline, &c.

That the Authors of them seemed not to be professors of Pietie, but rather Roysters: neuerthelesse, they were Mi∣nisters, the one was named Penry; and the other, Vuedall, and Iob Throckmorton, a learned man, but a merry concei∣ted fellow, and had for their fautors or supposts, Sir Ri∣chard Knightlie, and Sir R. Wigston, worshipfull Knights, graue and prudent personages (who had beene seduced by like Ministers) & had bin fined deepe in the Starre-Cham∣ber, in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, according

to his accustomed goodnesse and mildenesse, had not with much adoe appeased the Queene.

Whilest these, I say,* 16.22 by slandering made way to this discipline, other companions in this their enterprize, in contempt of the Laws, began to put it in practice, in diuers corners of the Kingdome, holding Synods and Assemblies in certaine places, establishing to that end Presbyteries, of which number Thomas Cartwright, Edmund Snap, An∣drew King, Proudlous, Pain, and other Ministers beeing committed, some turbulent spirits thought to haue rescued them. But I leaue vnto the Ecclesiasticall Historian, the description of the petulancy of these people, which was stayed by the wisedome and patience of the Lords Arch∣bishops, vnto whom the knowledge of that businesse ap∣pertained.

Although that tempest which had thundered so loude, and with such threatnings from out of Spaine, was now blowne ouer, yet fell there some little gusts, as reliques thereof in Ireland and Scotland, and out of England vpon Spaine, rushed out a more grieuous, as anon wee shall de∣clare. For, in Ireland, by reason that Fitz-Williams, the Lord Deputie, who made search for all Spanish goods lost by wrecke, did exact them with rigour, and by occasion thereof, imprisoned some as fauourers of the Spaniards; a∣mongst other matters, occasion was thence giuen & taken of all the troubles since hapning.

Daniel Rogers sent into Denmarke to condole the death of Frederick the Second,* 16.23 and confirme the ancient allian∣ces with his Successour, treateth with the Curators of the Kingdome, to procure

THat the Danes should not beare Armes a∣gainst the Queene in the seruice of any Ene∣mies of her Kingdome. That they should not grant permission to stay Ships for particular faults,

in the straits of Denmarke or Seiland. That the Iland-fishing, whereof the libertie was to be renewed e∣uery seuen yeeres according to ancient order, might not be hindered by any new deuices. That the English might not pay any custome in the Sound, but at their returne from the Baltique Sea, nor in other Money than with that of Denmarke. That the proprietaries of the Ships should not be holden by the fraud or deceits of Pilots and Ship-masters. That the things where∣with Cloth are made vp, were free and exempted from paying any custome; and that the Tribute called Last gelt, should be forgiuen to the English.

But these things were put off to another time, because of the Kings being vnder age: for the Danes were in some fa∣shion ill pleased & discontēted with the English, for not pas∣sing then by the straits of Denmarke, going into Russia, but along the Coast of Norwegue, Finmarck, Lappy, Scrufinic, and Biarmie.* 16.24 But Boris Theodoride elected and chosen The∣odore Iahannide's Successor to the Empire of Russia, who dyed vpon the beginning of this yeere, he mist no occasion to helpe and succour the English, purchasing carefully, by all meanes possible, the Royall amity of Queene ELIZA∣BETH.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Booke 3.
• * 1.2

  Randolphes intercession for Morton against Le∣nox.
• * 1.3

  The King of Scots his an∣swer.
• * 1.4

  Randolph complaineth to the Nobles of Scotland.
• * 1.5

  Endeauoreth to raise Re∣bellion.
• * 1.6

  Getteth him out of Scot∣land.
• * 1.7

  Morton be∣headed.
• * 1.8

  His friends fled for Eng∣land.
• * 1.9

  Norris victo∣rious in Friezland.
• * 1.10

  Is discomfi∣ted.
• * 1.11

  Albanois.
• * 1.12

  A ridiculous combate.
• * 1.13

  Drunkennes brought out of the Low-Countries in∣to England.
• * 1.14

  The King of Spaine posses∣seth Portu∣gall.
• * 1.15

  By what right.
• * 1.16

  The Queene of France her title to Por∣tugall fetcht farre and re∣iected.
• * 1.17

  Inciteth the Q. of Eng∣land secretly against the Spaniard.
• * 1.18

  Antonio ba∣nisht Portu∣gall, commeth into England.
• * 1.19

  Delegates sent into Eng∣land from France about the Duke of Anjous ma∣riage.
• * 1.20

  Couenants of mariage con∣cluded vpon.
• * 1.21

  A reseruati∣on added.
• * 1.22

  The King of France vr∣geth the mariage.
• * 1.23

  The Queen of England deferreth.
• * 1.24

  Wherefore.
• * 1.25

  Duke d' An∣jou retur∣neth againe into Eng∣land.
• * 1.26

  Queene Eli∣zabeth gi∣ueth a Ring vnto the D. of Anjou.
• * 1.27

  A motion of sundry con∣ceits in Court.
• * 1.28

  The Queen greatly dis∣quieted.
• * 1.29

  Her Maiesty thinks what inconueni∣encies might ensue in con∣temning and despising the Match with the Duke of An∣jou.
• * 1.30

  Reasons dis∣swading her from mary∣ing.
• * 1.31

  A book pub∣lished in print against the mariage.
• * 1.32

  The Queens Declaration against this pernicious Libell.
• * 1.33

  The Author discouered and he that had disper∣sed the bookes.
• * 1.34

  Right hands cut off.
• * 1.35

  The Iesuite Edm. Cam∣pian with o∣ther Priests are put to death.
• * 1.36

  The punish∣ing of Ca∣tholikes needfull.
• * 1.37

  Suspition of them increa∣sed.
• * 1.38

  By their ter∣giuersation.
• * 1.39

  False positi∣ons spread abroad.
• * 1.40

  Booke 3.
• * 1.41

  New Lawes against Pa∣pists.
• * 1.42

  The Duke d' Anjou sayleth into Flanders.
• * 1.43

  Hee is made there Duke of Brabant, &c.
• * 1.44

  Certaine English re∣uolt from him.
• * 1.45

  Generall Norris cari∣eth himselfe generously, and beha∣ueth himself valorously.
• * 1.46

  The Duke d'Anjou de∣parted from Flanders with shame.
• * 1.47

  A Comet.
• * 1.48

  Queene Eli∣zabeth be∣stoweth the Order of the Garter vpon the King of Denmarke.
• * 1.49

  Or, the Coller of Esses.
• * 1.50

  The Mer∣chants com∣plaint not regarded.
• * 1.51

  The Treaty with the Queene of Scots is de∣ferred.
• * 1.52

  Gowry and others begin tumults in Scotland.
• * 1.53

  Gowries conspiracie. They inter∣cept the King.
• * 1.54

  The Duke of Lennox driuen out of Scotland
• * 1.55

  An Embas∣sie from the French King, sent to deliuer the King of Scots.
• * 2.1

  The Q. of Scots deplo∣reth her sons intercept∣ing, and her owne deso∣lation.
• * 2.2

  Lidington and de Grange.
• * 2.3

  Booke 3.
• * 2.4

  The Duke of Lenox's returne through England.
• * 2.5

  It is consul∣ted about the deliuery of the Q. of Scots.
• * 2.6

  The Scots of the Eng∣lish faction are against it.
• * 2.7

  The English and French in emulati∣on, striue to obtaine the fauor of the King of Scotland.
• * 2.8

  The King of Scotland seekes the loue of the Queene of England.
• * 2.9

  The Lord Esme Stuart Duke of Le∣nox reputed a Papist by some mali∣cious ill-wil¦ler of his, dyed at Pa∣ris a true and sincere Protestant.
• * 2.10

  The King of Scotland sets himselfe at libertie.
• * 2.11

  His Maiesty vseth kindly those who formerly had seaz'd themselues of his Royal person.
• * 2.12

  Cals to the Court all such Nobles as stood and were of his side.
• * 2.13

  Walsing∣ham is sent into Scot∣land from Q. Elizabeth
• * 2.14

  The King of Scotland answers him freely.
• * 2.15

  Walsing∣ham ••e∣monstrati∣ons to his sa∣cred Maie∣stie.
• * 2.16

  The King answered them.
• * 2.17

  The King propounds a Pardon, to those who had seaz'd themselues of his person
• * 2.18

  Hee com∣mands such as re∣fus'd it to void the Kingdome.
• * 2.19

  His Maiesty re-establish∣ed the Re∣putation and Honor of the Duke of Lenox, causing like∣wise his children to returne into Scotland.
• * 2.20

  The Mini∣sters are a∣gainst the King of Scotlands Authoritie.
• * 2.21

  Q. Eliza∣beth obtai∣neth of the Musconian Emperor a peace for the King of Sweden.
• * 2.22

  That Em∣peror re∣quires an absolute alli∣ance with England, be∣ing a suter to her Maiesty, to grant him an English Lady for his wife.
• * 2.23

  Sir Hierome Bowes is sent Ambas∣sador to him from Eng∣land.
• * 2.24

  The Empe∣ror died.
• * 2.25

  A certaine kind of Deere cal∣led Maclis.
• * 2.26

  Theodore the New Emperor of Muscouia disallow'd the compa∣ny or Mono∣polie of En∣glands Mer∣chants.
• * 2.27

  Alberto Alasco a Polonian Nobleman came then to England to see Queen Elizabeth.
• * 2.28

  A wonder∣full and fear∣full Earth∣quake in Dorsetshire.
• * 2.29

  The death of Thomas Ratcliffe, Earle of Sussex.
• * 2.30

  Likewise the decease of Henry Wri∣othesly Earle of South∣hampton.
• * 2.31

  Sir Hum∣phrey Gil∣bert, Knight, drowned vpon the Sea by ship∣wracke.
• * 2.32

  It is a most difficult matter, and a very hard thing to bring the Colonies in farre coun∣tries.
• * 2.33

  The death of Edmund Grindal, Lord Arch∣bishop of Canterbury
• * 2.34

  A wood cal∣led Tama∣rin first brought in∣to England.
• * 2.35

  Iohn Whit∣gift is pre∣ferred to the Arch∣bishopricke of Canter∣bury.
• * 2.36

  He endeuo∣red to vnite the English Church.
• * 2.37

  Brownist Schisma∣tiques.
• * 2.38

  One Somer∣uille strang∣led himselfe in prison, and Ardern is hanged.
• * 2.39

  The English betray Alost, and doe de∣liuer it in∣to the hands of the cruell Spaniard.
• * 2.40

  A miserable end of Trai∣tors.
• * 2.41

  The Earle of Desmond is killed.
• * 2.42

  Nicholas Sanders, an English Se∣minarie Priest affa∣misht him∣selfe.
• * 2.43

  Vicount of Balting glasse fled away out of Ireland.
• * 2.44

  Sir Iohn Pe∣rot is made Lord Depu∣ty of Ire∣land.
• * 2.45

  Labouring men are sent into Ireland.
• * 2.46

  The gesture and behaui∣ours of Iohn Perot Vice-Roy of Ire∣land.
• * 2.47

  Booke 3.
• * 2.48

  Troubles in Scotland.
• * 2.49

  The Earle of Gowry is taken.
• * 2.50

  The conspi∣rors are dis∣persed.
• * 2.51

  Queene Eli∣zabeth suc∣coureth some of them.

  The King demandeth them by the League,
• * 2.52

  but in vaine.
• * 2.53

  Walsing∣ham fauou∣reth the fu∣gitiues. Hunsdon against thē.
• * 2.54

  Controuer∣sie, or the power of a Secretary argued.
• * 2.55

  The ar∣raignment of Gowry.
• * 2.56

  He defen∣deth his own cause.
• * 2.57

  He is behea∣ded.
• * 2.58

  The treason of Francis Throckmor∣ton.
• * 2.59

  The Lord Paget rety∣reth into France. The com∣plaints of the Catho∣likes.
• * 2.60

  Spies are suborned.
• * 2.61

  Many suspe∣cted.
• * 2.62

  The malice of the Pa∣pists against the Queene.
• * 2.63

  The cle∣mency of the Queene towards the Papists.
• * 2.64

  Priests are banished.
• * 2.65

  Fugitiues demanded of the King of France.
• * 2.66

  The answer of the King of France.
• * 2.67

  The Spa∣nish Ambas∣sador sent out of Eng∣land.
• * 2.68

  Waade is sent into Spaine.
• * 2.69

  Is not re∣ceiued·
• * 2.70

  Throck∣mortons confession.
• * 2.71

  He denieth all.
• * 2.72

  He seeketh an evasion.
• * 2.73

  Being con∣demned he inlargeth his confession. About to d••e he deny∣eth all.
• * 2.74

  A new trea∣ty with the Queene of Scots.
• * 2.75

  Propositions made to her.
• * 2.76

  She answe∣reth.
• * 2.77

  She deman∣deth to be associated in the King∣dome with her sonne.
• * 2.78

  The treaty dissolued by surmises.
• * 2.79

  An associa∣tion begun in England.
• * 2.80

  The Queen of Scots maketh new propositi∣ons.
• * 2.81

  The Scots of the Eng∣lish faction oppose them
• * 2.82

  The inso∣lencie of the Scotch Mi∣nisters.
• * 2.83

  Against the Lawes.
• * 2.84

  Ecclesiasti∣call Lawes of Scotland.
• * 2.85

  Buchanans writings re∣proued.
• * 2.86

  A fained conference.
• * 2.87

  The Scots and English make incur∣sions one vp∣on another.
• * 2.88

  The Ambas∣sie of Patrick Gray.
• * 2.89

  Hee is sus∣pected of bad dealing.
• * 2.90

  The pati∣ence of the Queene of Scots offen∣ded.
• * 2.91

  She is com∣mitted to new guar∣dians.
• * 2.92

  She earnest∣ly seeketh for liberty.
• * 2.93

  Things plotted a∣gainst her.
• * 2.94

  Counsell holden a∣mongst the Papists.
• * 2.95

  The death of the Earle of Westmer land.
• * 2.96

  NEVILL a most noble•• most ancient and illustrious name.
• * 2.97

  The death of Plowden.
• * 2.98

  Alancon dyeth. The Prince of Orange is slaine.
• * 2.99

  The power of Spaine growne ter∣rible.
• * 2.100

  Booke 3.
• * 2.101

  The French King inue∣sted with the order of the Garter.
• * 2.102

  Is accused of treason.
• * 2.103

  He percei∣ueth not the euasion.
• * 2.104

  His confes∣sion.
• * 2.105

  He consul∣teth with Iesuits about the murthe∣ring of the Queene.
• * 2.106

  With the Popes Nun∣cio.
• * 2.107

  With Mor∣gan.
• * 2.108

  With Priests.
• * 2.109

  With the Pope him∣selfe.
• * 2.110

  He disclo∣seth the matter to the Queene.
• * 2.111

  He waue∣reth in his minde.
• * 2.112

  Alans book addeth fresh courage to him.
• * 2.113

  Neuil offe∣reth him his helpe.
• * 2.114

  He disclo∣seth the matter.
• * 2.115

  Parry is arraigned.
• * 2.116

  Punished with death.
• * 2.117

  Lawes de∣manded in the Parlia∣ment against Bishops.
• * 2.118

  Against Non-resi∣dents.
• * 2.119

  The associa∣tion esta∣blished.
• * 2.120

  Lawes a∣gainst Iesuits and Priests.
• * 2.121

  Felony.
• * 2.122

  Praemunire.
• * 2.123

  The Earle of Arundel re∣solueth with himselfe to fly out of England.
• * 2.124

  He writeth to the Queene.
• * 2.125

  Is appre∣hended.
• * 2.126

  The Earle of Northum∣berland is found dead.
• * 2.127

  The Coro∣ners En∣quest.
• * 2.128

  The causes of his impri∣sonment manifested.
• * 2.129

  The Earle of Northum∣berland is lamented of diuers.
• * 2.130

  Queene Eli∣zabeth la∣boureth to contract a league with the Prince of Germany.
• * 2.131

  The like with the King of Scots.
• * 2.132

  A relation of the death of Russell.
• * 2.133

  The manner of his death.
• * 2.134

  The proofes amongst the borderers.
• * 2.135

  The death of Thomas Carre of Fernihurst.
• * 2.136

  The fugitiue Scots are sent out of England backe into Scotland.
• * 2.137

  They haue intelligence of others re∣maining in the Kings Court.
• * 2.138

  They enter into Scot∣land.
• * 2.139

  Sterlin is taken by them.
• * 2.140

  They are re∣conciled to the King.
• * 2.141

  Amnistie.
• * 2.142

  Maxwell establisheth the Masse.
• * 2.143

  The rebelli∣on of the Bourgs in Ireland.
• * 2.144

  Mac-Willi∣am.
• * 2.145

  or Sheriffe.
• * 2.146

  The Scots of Hebrides called into Ireland.
• * 2.147

  The Gouer∣nor laboreth for a peace, but in vaine.
• * 2.148

  He pursueth the rebels.
• * 2.149

  And he brings them to submissi∣on.
• * 2.150

  Next the Scots of Hebride.
• * 2.151

  Whom he doth assault,
• * 2.152

  and defeats them,
• * 2.153

  The title of Mac-Willi∣am aboli∣shed.
• * 2.154

  The Estates of the Ne∣therlands consult of a Protector.
• * 2.155

  Reasons of the French side.
• * 2.156

  For the English.
• * 2.157

  They are re∣fused by the French.
• * 2.158

  The English consult a∣bout the protection.
• * 2.159

  The Dutch offer them∣selues to the Queene.
• * 2.160

  Antwerpe is yeelded vp.
• * 2.161

  The Queen deliberateth with her selfe.
• * 2.162

  She takes vpon her the prote∣ction.
• * 2.163

  Vnder what conditions.
• * 2.164

  The Queen publisheth the causes.
• * 2.165

  She sends forth a Nauy to the West Indies to diuert the Spaniard.
• * 2.166

  The towne of S. Iames taken by the English frō the Spani∣ard.
• * 2.167

  A disease cal∣led Calen∣tura, where∣by many perish.
• * 2.168

  The surprize of Hispani∣ola, or Saint Dominick by the Eng∣lish.
• * 2.169

  The proud and audaci∣ous Motto of the Spani∣ards Aua∣rice and Co¦uetousnesse.
• * 2.170

  The English doe assault the City of Cartagena.
• * 2.171

  They set fire vpon the townes of S. Anthony, and S. He∣lena.
• * 2.172

  They come to Virginia.
• * 2.173

  They bring the Colony thence.
• * 2.174

  Tobacco.
• * 2.175

  The booty of the Eng∣lish voyage and expedi∣tion.
• * 2.176

  Their pil∣lage.
• * 2.177

  A search made for the discoue∣rie of a way to the East India.
• * 2.178

  Or Straits.
• * 2.179

  An Edict against Woad.
• * 2.180

  The compa∣ny of the Barbary Merchants.
• * 2.181

  The death of the Earle of Lincolne.
• * 2.182

  Of the Earle of Bedford.
• * 2.183

  The Earle of Leicester sent into Holland.
• * 2.184

  His instru∣ctions.
• * 2.185

  Booke 3.
• * 2.186

  Absolute Authoritie is giuen to Leicester by the Estates.
• * 2.187

  The Queen offended thereat.
• * 2.188

  She expo∣stulateth with him.
• * 2.189

  With the Estates also.
• * 2.190

  They excuse themselues.
• * 2.191

  Leicester sendeth suc∣cours to re∣leeue the Ci∣ty of Graue besieged.
• * 2.192

  But it is yeel∣ded vp.
• * 2.193

  The Spani∣ards expel∣led out of the Betow.
• * 2.194

  An aduen∣trous enter∣prize.
• * 2.195

  Venlo is lost.
• * 2.196

  Axele is taken.
• * 2.197

  Graueline attempted.
• * 2.198

  Duisbourgh beleagerd.
• * 2.199

  Which yeelds.
• * 2.200

  Sir Philip Sidney is slaine.
• * 2.201

  The valour of Edward Stanley of the house of Elford.
• * 2.202

  The Estates complaine to Leicester against him∣selfe.
• * 2.203

  He retur∣neth into England.
• * 2.204

  The Earle of Arundell is accused of many things
• * 2.205

  He answe∣red them well, and is but fyned.
• * 2.206

  The King of Denmarke intercedeth for Peace with the Queene of England.
• * 2.207

  Queene Eli∣zabeth an∣swereth.
• * 2.208

  She furni∣sheth Henry King of Na∣varre with money.
• * 2.209

  She desireth a league with Scot∣land.

  By what counsell.
• * 2.210

  The fugi∣tiues and Scottish Ie∣suits do sug∣gest diuers things to the Queene of Scots.
• * 2.211

  The French labour to hinder the League.
• * 2.212

  The King of Scots propound∣eth condi∣tions.
• * 2.213

  He is not deterred by the French.
• * 2.214

  King Iames's answer to them.
• * 2.215

  The League of fast friend¦ship.
• * 13.1

  A conspira∣cie against Queene Eli∣zabeth.
• * 13.2

  How disco∣uered.
• * 13.3

  Ballard re∣turneth into France.
• * 13.4

  Ballard sent backe into England.
• * 13.5

  Meeteth with Ba∣bington.
• * 13.6

  He instructs him in the stratagem.
• * 13.7

  Babington receiueth Letters from the Queene of Scots.
• * 13.8

  He writeth back to her.
• * 13.9

  She answe∣reth him.
• * 13.10

  His associ∣ates in the conspiracie.
• * 13.11

  Babington giueth to euery one his taske.
• * 13.12

  They con∣fer together.
• * 13.13

  Their vani∣ty.
• * 13.14

  Babington in care to bring in the forraigne aides, sends Ballard to worke for him. Insinuateth with Wal∣singham.
• * 13.15

  Deceit by deceit de∣ceiued.
• * 13.16

  Giffard dis∣couereth all the conspi∣racy.
• * 13.17

  Sendeth the Letters he receiued, to Walsing∣ham.
• * 13.18

  Ballard vp∣on his de∣parture is taken.
• * 13.19

  Babington soliciteth for Ballards libertie.
• * 13.20

  Falleth into the same net.
• * 13.21

  Getteth himselfe out.
• * 13.22

  Lyeth in a wood.
• * 13.23

  Harrow-Hill.
• * 13.24

  They are found.
• * 13.25

  And all the rest of the conspirators
• * 13.26

  All disco∣uered.
• * 13.27

  The Q. of Scots kept with a guard and separa∣ted from her ser∣uants.
• * 13.28

  Her Cofers with Letters sent to the Queene.
• * 13.29

  Giffard sent into France, dyeth mise∣rably.
• * 13.30

  The Tray∣tors come to Iudgement.
• * 13.31

  Are puni∣shed.
• * 13.32

  The Queen of Scots her Secretaries examined.
• * 13.33

  The King of France is aduertised.
• * 13.34

  Sundry opi∣nions how to dispose of the Scottish Queene.
• * 13.35

  By what Law shee should be iudged.
• * 13.36

  Commissio∣ners appoin∣ted to heare the cause.
• * 13.37

  A Commis∣sion granted to that end.
• * 13.38

  Booke 6.
• * 13.39

  William Poulet Marquesse of Winchester, Ed∣ward de Ʋere Earle of Oxford▪ Lo: high Cham∣berl••ine of Eng∣land, George Tal∣bot Earle of Shrew••bury Earl Marshall, Henry Gr••y Earle of Kent. Henry St••••••••y Earle of Derby, William Somerset Earle of Worcester, Ed∣ward Manners E. of Rutland, Am∣brose Du••ley E. of Warwick, Master of our Ord∣nance, Henry Herbert Earle of Pembroke, Robert Dudley E. of Leicester, Master of our horse, Henry E. of Lincoln, Charles L. Howard high Admiral of Eng∣land, Anthony Viscount Mon∣tagu, Henry Cary Barō of Huns∣don, Lo. Chamberlaine of our houshold, Henry Neuill Baron of Abergaueny, Edward Lord Zouch, Edward Parker L. Mor∣ley, Will. L. Cobham, Lord War∣den of the cinque Ports, Ed∣ward L. Stafford, Arthur Lord Gray of W••lton, Iohn L. Lum∣ley, Iohn L. Stu••ton, William L. Sands, Henry L. W••ntworth, Lo∣dowick L. Mordant, Iohn L. Saint Iohn of Bletso, T••••mas Sackvill Baron of Buckhurst, Henry L. Compten, Henry Lo. Cheney, Sir Francis Knolls knight, Treasu∣rer, Sir Iacob Crofts knight, Cō∣troller, Sir Christ. Hatton Vice-Chamberlaine, Sir Francis Wal∣singham our Secretary of State, William Dau••son Esq. our se∣cond Secretary, Sir Ralph Sad∣ler knight, Chancellor of our Dutchy of Lancaster, Sir Wal∣ter Mildmay knight, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aym•• Poulet knight, gouernor of our Island of sarsey (all our tr••sty & beloued priuy Counsellor,) and Sir Christopher W••ay knight L. chiefe Iustice of the Com∣mon plees, Iohn W••••sey esq. our Secretary for the Latin, Sir Ed∣mund Anderson knight, L. chiefe Iust. of our Bench, Sir Roger Manwood chiefe Baron of our Exchequer, Sir Thomas Gawdy, and Sir William Pickering.
• * 13.40

  Commissi∣oners come to her.
• * 13.41

  She answe∣reth the let∣ters vpon the sudden.
• * 13.42

  Booke 3.
• * 13.43

  Addeth the next day to her answer,
• * 13.44

  She refuseth her tryall.
• * 13.45

  Exception against the new-made Law.
• * 13.46

  Sir Christo∣pher Hatton perswadeth her to ap∣peare.
• * 13.47

  Her tergi∣uersation.
• * 13.48

  Shee yeeld∣eth at last to appeare and answer.
• * 13.49

  The maner of the sit∣ting.
• * 13.50

  The Lord Chancellor speaketh to her.
• * 13.51

  Her prote∣station
• * 13.52

  Recorded.
• * 13.53

  Proceeding.
• * 13.54

  She denieth the former allegation.
• * 13.55

  Copies of letters she∣wed.
• * 13.56

  Extracts out of Bab∣bingtons confession.
• * 13.57

  She denieth them.
• * 13.58

  They vrge her with the confessions of Sauage and Ballard.
• * 13.59

  She blames Walsingham.
• * 13.60

  Walsingham maketh his Apologie.
• * 13.61

  Charles Pa∣gets letters are produ∣ced,
• * 13.62

  and Babing∣tons,
• * 13.63

  and the te∣stimonies of her Secreta∣ries.
• * 13.64

  She obiect∣eth against their cre∣dites.
• * 13.65

  Arguing a∣bout trans∣ferring the kingdome.
• * 13.66

  She excu∣seth her selfe for hauing giuen Mor∣gan an an∣nuall pensi∣on,
• * 13.67

  by pensions giuen to the Scottish∣men.
• * 13.68

  She offereth the Duke of Guise and her sonne pledges for her libertie.
• * 13.69

  The Lord Burghley answereth.
• * 13.70

  She inter∣rupteth him
• * 13.71

  He procee∣deth.
• * 13.72

  Letters she∣wed again.
• * 13.73

  She inter∣rupteth their rea∣ding.
• * 13.74

  Affirmeth her Secreta∣ries were not to be credited.
• * 13.75

  She is accu∣sed againe for trans∣porting the Kingdome. She con∣demnes her Secretaries as periured.
• * 13.76

  Sir Thomas Egertons (the Q Sol¦licitors) de¦monstratiō.
• * 13.77

  She crauest a hearing i•• open Parlia¦ment.
• * 13.78

  Sentence pronoun∣ced against her.
• * 13.79

  Some su∣spect the credite of the Secreta∣ries.
• * 13.80

  Or, duety.
• * 13.81

  Declaration that the sentence a∣gainst the Q. of Scotts did nothing preiudice her sonne. A Parlia∣ment held. The banish∣ing of tray∣tors confir∣med.

  The States approue & confirme the sentence and desire the publica∣tion therof.
• * 13.82

  The Queen answereth.
• * 13.83

  She desireth them to find out some o∣ther reme∣die.
• * 13.84

  Their An∣swer to her.
• * 13.85

  Her reply to them.
• * 13.86

  The Q. of Scotland is certified of her iudg∣ment.
• * 13.87

  The Am∣bassador of France slay∣eth the pub∣lishing of the Sen∣tence.

  Notwith∣standing, it is published.
• * 13.88

  The Queen of Scotland carrieth her∣self with a resolute courage.
• * 13.89

  She moues a request to Queen Eli∣zabeth.
• * 13.90

  Opinions of the Q. of Scotl. cause.
• * 13.91

  In her be∣halfe.
• * 13.92

  Against her.
• * 13.93

  The Q. of Scotland's sonne inter∣cedeth for her.
• * 13.94

  Some Scots against her.
• * 13.95

  The K. by letters and messages.
• * 13.96

  And pro∣poundeth some things considera∣ble.
• * 13.97

  As the K. of France did by his Am∣bassadors.
• * 13.98

  Bellieures reasons for the Qu. of Scotland.
• * 13.99

  Answers to his Reasons
• * 13.100

  The Am∣bassadour of France attempteth Queene Eli∣zabeths life.
• * 13.101

  Stafford dis∣couereth the enterprise to the Coū∣cell.
• * 13.102

  The Ambas∣sadour de∣nieth it.
• * 13.103

  The Ambas∣sadour mild∣ly rebuked.
• * 13.104

  Whether an Ambassador be to disco∣uer the at∣tempts, if he know any to be com∣mitted a∣gainst the Prince to whom he is sent.
• * 13.105

  But Gray the Scot, more.
• * 13.106

  She weigh∣eth these businesses.
• * 13.107

  The Cour∣tiers per∣swade her,
• * 13.108

  By reasons.
• * 13.109

  And by ex∣amples.
• * 13.110

  She is not∣withstand∣ing suspen∣siue & per∣plexed with doubtfull feares.

  She com∣mandeth a Warrant to be drawne for the exe∣cution.
• * 13.111

  Her Coun∣cell send secretly.
• * 13.112

  The Q. of Scotl. pre∣pares herself for death.
• * 13.113

  Shee is brought to the scaffold.
• * 13.114

  Her spee∣ches to Meluine her Steward.
• * 13.115

  To the Earles.
• * 13.116

  Her last words.
• * 13.117

  The Epitaph.
• * 13.118

  The proui∣dence of God plainly seen in her death.
• * 13.119

  Elizabeth is sorry there∣fore, and grieueth thereat.
• * 13.120

  Is angry with her Councell.
• * 14.1

  They vrge him vpon his owne confession.
• * 14.2

  The Queen, Sergeants reproue him.
• * 14.3

  The Iudges opinion vp∣on his fact.
• * 14.4

  The L. Gray defendeth him.
• * 14.5

  Sentence gi∣uen against him.
• * 14.6

  He maketh request to the Com∣missioners.
• * 14.7

  Dauison his particular Apologie.
• * 14.8

  The indig∣nation of the Nation of Scotland.
• * 14.9

  Suggestions vsed to the King.
• * 14.10

  Qu. Eliza∣beth indeuou∣reth to ap∣pease them.
• * 14.11

  By what reasons.
• * 14.12

  Sir Francis Drake is sent into Spaine, to preuent the comming of the Jnuinci∣ble Nauy for the inuasion of England.
• * 14.13

  His expedi∣tions.
• * 14.14

  The great Carraque Saint Phi∣lip is taken.
• * 14.15

  The profit which the English re∣ceiued there∣by.
• * 14.16

  The East Indies Com∣panie.

  Thomas Ca∣uendish cir∣cuits the Earth.
• * 14.17

  Stanley and Yorke, Trai∣tors.
• * 14.18

  New kinde of Duels brought into England.
• * 14.19

  With what successe.
• * 14.20

  The States of the vnited Prouinces doe blame the Earle of Leicester.
• * 14.21

  The States send for Lei∣cester again, to raise the siege before Sluce.
• * 14.22

  Leicester is molested.
• * 14.23

  Leicester goes about to make him∣selfe Lord ouer their Cities.
• * 14.24

  He is called home againe.
• * 14.25

  The Title of his Excel∣lency.

  Leicester distributes Medailles coyned en memory of his person, to those of his faction.
• * 14.26

  The Estates doe put in Leicester; place, Prince Maurice of Nassau.
• * 14.27

  Leicesters faction in the Low-Countries. Russell suspected.
• * 14.28

  Leicester auoids his aduersaries accusation.
• * 14.29

  The death of the Lord Neuill, Ba∣ron of A∣bergauenny.
• * 14.30

  And the Duchesse of Somerset, being very aged;
• * 14.31

  And Sir Ralph Sad∣ler;
• * 14.32

  Also, Sir Thomas Bromley.
• * 14.33

  The Earle of Rutland dyes;
• * 14.34

  And Sir Christo∣pher Hatton
• * 14.35

  is made Lord High Chan∣cellor.
• * 14.36

  William Fitz-Willi∣ams, Lord Deputie of Ireland for the same time.
• * 14.37

  The reason why it is a difficult thing to war against Jre∣land.
• * 14.38

  Booke 3. 1588.
• * 14.39

  A wonder∣full and ad∣mirable Yeere.
• * 14.40

  Great prepa∣rations are in hand in Spaine to as∣sault and inuade Eng∣land.
• * 14.41

  By what counsell.
• * 14.42

  The reason why.
• * 14.43

  They con∣sult about the meanes how to as∣sault and subdue Eng∣land.
• * 14.44

  Preparation in Flanders.
• * 14.45

  Traytors hated.
• * 14.46

  The Popes assistance.
• * 14.47

  Preparation in England
• * 14.48

  By Sea,
• * 14.49

  And Land.
• * 14.50

  Consultation for defence.
• * 14.51

  And con∣cerning the Papists at home.
• * 14.52

  The King of Scotlands a∣lacrity a∣gainst the Spaniards.
• * 14.53

  Booke 3·
• * 14.54

  Conference of peace in the meane time.
• * 14.55

  Commissio∣ners sent to that end into Flanders.
• * 14.56

  Propositions of the Eng∣lish answe∣red.
• * 14.57

  Complaint made vnto the Duke of Parma.
• * 14.58

  The confe∣rence breakes vp.
• * 14.59

  The Spanish Armada
• * 14.60

  28. Maij.
• * 14.61

  Sets forth, and is dispersed.
• * 14.62

  Sets out a∣gaine.
• * 14.63

  The English Nauy sets out.
• * 14.64

  The first fight.
• * 14.65

  The ability of the Eng∣lish Flees.
• * 14.66

  Cantabrica.
• * 14.67

  Peter Valdes taken.
• * 14.68

  The Ship of Oquenda taken.
• * 14.69

  The English Admirals prouidence.
• * 14.70

  The third fight.
• * 14.71

  Knights cre∣ated for their valours, by the Right Honourable Charles Howard, Earle of Noting∣ham, Lord High-Ad∣mirall.
• * 14.72

  Diuers No∣ble-men and Knights of England, ioyne them∣selues with the English Fleet before Calais.
• * 14.73

  The Spanish Fleet lyes at anchor, and rests betwixt Calais and Douer.
• * 14.74

  The Duke of Parma is sent for a∣gaine by the Spaniards.
• * 14.75

  He is vnpre∣pared.
• * 14.76

  The good seruice of the Hollanders, who hindred Parma from ioyning his Forces with the Spanish Nauy.
• * 16.1

  The Spani∣ards amazed fly confu∣sedly.
• * 16.2

  Hugh Mon∣cada slaine.
• * 16.3

  The fourth combate.
• * 16.4

  The Spani∣ards resolue to returne home by the North-Sea.
• * 16.5

  The Queene visits her Campe.
• * 16.6

  Conditions offered vnto the King of Scots.
• * 16.7

  Money coy∣ned in memo∣ry of this fa∣mous victo∣ry.
• * 16.8

  Tout ainsi cōme l'on dit de Caesar, IL EST VENV, IL A VEV, IL A VINCY. on peu dire de mesme de L'espagnol auss que IL EST VENV, IL A VEV, mais qui pis est IL ••'EN EST ENFVY, aulieu que Caesar estoit victo∣rieux.
• * 16.9

  Misery of the Spani∣ards in Jre∣land.
• * 16.10

  Causes of the defeat.
• * 16.11

  The Spani∣ard takes patiently this ouer∣throw.
• * 16.12

  Queene Eli∣zabeth cau∣sed a generall thankes-gi∣uing to God for it, and publique re∣ioycing in England.
• * 16.13

  Praysed those who were of the English Nauy.

  The publike ioy is increa∣sed by the good newes which came out of Scot∣land.
• * 16.14

  The death of Robert Dudley, Earle of Leicester.
• * 16.15

  His digni∣ties and titles.
• * 16.16

  His disposi∣tion and manners.
• * 16.17

  Leicesters goods are sold.
• * 16.18

  Berghen ap Zoom besie∣ged by the Duke of Parma.
• * 16.19

  Who raiseth the siege.
• * 16.20

  Innouations in England.
• * 16.21

  Martin Mar-Pre∣late, and o∣ther scanda∣lous Bookes.
• * 16.22

  Beginning of a great Rebellion in Jreland.
• * 16.23

  Ambassa∣dour in Den∣marke.
• * 16.24

  The Empe∣rour of Rus∣sia most fa∣uourable to the English.