Nero Cæsar, or Monarchie depraued An historicall worke. Dedicated, with leaue, to the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Admirall. By the translator of Lucius Florus.

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Title
Nero Cæsar, or Monarchie depraued An historicall worke. Dedicated, with leaue, to the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Admirall. By the translator of Lucius Florus.
Author
Bolton, Edmund, 1575?-1633?
Publication
London :: Printed by T[homas] S[nodham and Bernard Alsop] for Thomas Walkley, at Britaines Bursse,
1624.
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Subject terms
Nero, -- Emperor of Rome, 37-68 -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A16309.0001.001
Cite this Item
"Nero Cæsar, or Monarchie depraued An historicall worke. Dedicated, with leaue, to the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Admirall. By the translator of Lucius Florus." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A16309.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 31, 2024.

Pages

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NERO CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS.

I. NERO'S FIRST COMMING TO THE EMPIRE.

NERO CLAVDIVS, the adopted sonne of TIBE∣RIVS CLAVDIVS the late deceased Emper∣our, in the seuenteenth yeere of his age, obtaines that soueraigne power, by vertue whereof the Con∣suls, Senators, Tribunes, Captaines, and all other the officers, and actiue uerues of state, did exe∣cute their seuerall charges, there being now no

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fountaine of motion but in princedoome only. For CAESAR had of old so wrought himselfe into the commonweal, that the one (saith SENE∣CA) could neuer be diduced from the other with∣out the destruction of both: for as the prince needs forces so the people needs an head. Nature had ordaind another for the place, but heinous deuises interuerted the proper course of succession, and so BRITANICVS, the matrimoniall issue of CLAVDIVS AVGVSTVS and of VA∣LERIA MESSALINA, was wronged, and ruinated. ONVPHRIVS in his description of the citie of ROME, mentions a golden statua erected to this BRITANNICVS in the tenth region thereof, a moniment of NERO'S tyran∣nie (if NERO did erect it) rather then any a∣mends for losse of his life, and empire. The prin∣cipall agent in that iniurie of disenherison, was violent AGRIPPINA, her incentiue ambition, her instument that lordly freedman PALLAS; the meanes, incest, adulterie, paricidial poison, and murther.

II. OF NERO BEEFORE HEE WAS EMPEROVR OR ADOPTED.

THE omen, and sequel were conform to the worst of these. NERO came into the world an agrippa, or borne with his feete forward (his owne mother left it written of him so in her commentaries) and turnd the world vp∣side

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downe before he went out of it, which is e∣uery where knowne to be written. But that prae∣posterous natiuitie foreboded nothing, in PLI∣NIES conceipt (who notes that all agrippae were vnfortunate) but the parties disaster. Horrour, & terrour to the publick were in that which fol∣lowes. When the Chaldaeans pronounced, accor∣ding to their art, that hee should reigne, but mur∣ther his mother; shee submitted herselfe to that destinie, and in the furie of her pride fatallie said alowd, and let him kill me so as that proues true. Acceptance, and consent are dangerous poincts, in the poinct of drawing-on foretold euents. Nei∣ther are the sodein conceipts of parents concer∣ning their children, whither to the better, or the worse part, alwayes vain: for DOMITIVS AENOBARBVS, NERO'S owne father, vnpre∣meditately answerd his congratulating friends, that nothing could possiblie come of AGRIP∣PINA, and him, but cursed stuffe, ordaind to vndo the world, or words to such effect. An heauy doom, which DIO more probably reports in mil∣der termes. Fathers are naturallie iudges, & often∣times prophets also; and aswell their blessings, as their maledictions weighty. DOMITIVS meant not to read his childs fortune when he vtterd that conceipt, but there is euer more somewhat for the speakers to beware, and for children to feare, in the whatsoeuer words of their parents. During his childe-hood ANICETVS had the elemen∣tarie teaching of him, the same who was after∣wards emploid to murther AGIPPINA, and falselie to accuse OCTAVIA; his pupillage, or minoritie was gouernd by ASCONIVS LA∣BEO, concerning whom vve finde to NERO'S

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praise, that hee thanckfully procured consularie ornaments for him; and one BERYLLVS (saith FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS) traind him vp in the rudiments of the Greek tongue, but LVCIVS ANNAEVS SENECA, vnder the most ho∣norable title, and in the most vsefull emploiment, was the master of his manners. And they in rea∣son could not haue proued so vile, if his mother had not auerted his affections from the studie of all philosophie, as a thing vnfit for a Souereign.

III. THE FAMOVS ERROVR OF HIS EDVCATION.

AN opinion worthy of a gracelesse woman, and originallie the most certaine cause of his ouerthrow. For his nature most vn∣boundedly affecting immortalitie of fame (which was truely princely, & truely ROMAN in him) by this abducement from the knowledge of ho∣nesty, and worth (the onely true grounds of glorie) he pursued showes, and seemings, and sought not (saith that excellent philosopher DIO CHRYSOTOMVS speaking of NERO) for that which makes men good, or wise, but for that which might enable him to winn crownes of leaues, or garlands, for singing, fidling, piping, acting on stages, and the like ignobler trials, which neuerthelesse through the errour of his breeding, appeared to him such transcendently heauenly guifts, that in their perfection he con∣stituted chiefe felieitie.

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IIII. THE MINDE OF AGRIPPINA.

ON the other side, to reigne ouer the world seemed to his mother AGRIPPINA, a thing so dazling and diuine, that all things else stood far to her on the hither side thereof. Therefore in making her way, shee neuer distinguisht either of methods, or efficients, for want of knowing that which is a much greater thing then to rule the whole world, the ouer-ru∣ling of herselfe for higher ends. The study of true philosophy (for some philosophies are nei∣ther fit for kings nor subiects being falsely called wisdome) would haue taught her to consider, how much more glorious it is, to affect honest things rather then great, or to compasse great things honestly. For there can be no pleasure in the fruition of brauerie and power, which in the least degree, can be worthy of an euill conscience, end, and fame. Shee approued good precepts in SENECA, the more securely to practise her owne bad ones. Domination was her desire, and shee for that contemned all the lawes of god, & man. Nor is SENECA without a part in the blame, who kept him from solid eloquence proper to the antient orators, to hold him the longer in admi∣ration of himselfe, Who taught him how to an∣swear readely, who much more profitably might haue taught him how to thinck deeply.

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V. OF NERO, AS THE ADOPTIVE SONNE OF CLAVDIVS.

NERO had in marriage the sister of BRI∣TANICVS, OCTAVIA, the root of his fortunes, and in the life-time of CLAV∣DIVS, their father, was courted, and serued as heir apparent to the empire. According to which highest hope, the most flourishing title PRINCE OF THE YOVTH, or CAP∣TAINE OF THE YOVNG LORDS, which regularly imported heir-apparencie, was assigned to him alone. Old extant coigns, and in∣scriptions (in whose pretious remains the most certaine marks of facts suruiue) make it euident.

CLAVDIVS adopted him for his eldest sonne, because BRITANNICVS (formerly called GERMANICVS) was two yeares youn∣ger: so much it disaduantaged him with a feble father, to haue been born but only so much short. In the yeare of that vnluckie adoption, which

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was when CORNELIVS ORFITVS was Consul with CLAVDIVS CAESAR, three sunns appeared, as if the heauens, priuie to impen∣dent effects, had by their mystical character reue∣led what a prodigie was in breeding.

VI. OF NERO'S FIRST FIVE YFARES.

SENECA, chiefe for learning, & power (saith historical PLINIE) and AFRANIVS BVRRHVS (the more solidly honest man of the two) captaine of NERO'S guards, were deep of counsell in the edition of this prince, who though hee was in his birth the obiect of dire presages, and afterwards in court the creature of darkest practises, yet by the apposition of SE∣NECA, like a benigne starr among many ma∣lignant, hee came notwithstanding to bee pre∣sented to ROME in the shape of such an hope, as a faire fresh morning brings of a correspondent sunn-set. But to mingle nothing in historie, by the perplexing of times, or the forestalling of iudgments, this is confest, that the first fiue yeares of this young AVGVSTVS were generally such, as TRAIANVS himselfe is said to haue admi∣red, if they were not rather the reign of his gouer∣nours SENECA, and BVRRHVS then, por∣perly his. Yet the inofficious entrance pleaseth not: for hee preoccupated good-will to himselfe by his adopters disgrace, as may without enforce∣ment bee conceaued.

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VII. SENECA INOFFICIOVS TO CLAV∣DIVS, CONTRARIE TO THE MORAL GOOD OF NERO.

TWo orations pennd to his hand by SE∣NECA, and openly pronounced by NE∣RO, do both of them carry the marks of their inwardly offended author, though they were improper to the argument. For SENECA did not only not loue CLAVDIVS, but in a libell persecuted his memorie also. The first oration of the two, pretended by all sorts of praises to make him seem worthy the title of a god, which together with all diuine honors was accordingly decreed vnto him: yet this had some such passages in it, as publickly moued the hearers to laugh, and so hee went out ridiculous deitie. The second speach (summd by TACITVS) while it gaue them an idea of what should bee otherwise vnder him, and better then before, did abatingly insi∣nuate the wants of his predecessour. These be∣ginnings therefore thus vnderstood, do seeme to haue conferred somewhat towards the weakening of pious respects in NERO, who leauen'd with the scoffings of his Maister (for euen LIPSIVS notes that euill spirit in SENECA) did showe himselfe afterwards no vndexterous disciple, breaking sundrie bitter iests (remembred by SV∣ETONIVS) vpon his dead adoptiue father, the creator of his vndeserued fortunes.

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VIII. A WORD OR TVVO TOVCHING THE INSTITVTION OF A MONARCK, BY OCCASION OF NERO'S INSTITVTION.

TO vtter briefely somewhat, by way of francke speech, vpon this iust occasion, in the most chearfull, and most carefull pro∣uince of the world, the institution of a soueraigne prince, whose good, or euill is the common∣weals, there is nothing in it which can bee litle, or of litle moment, I do not say of that which is directly ill (for that admitts no doubt) but of that which leads, though but indirectly, towards it. Because great euils may grow out of the smallest causes. But it was neuer a little matter, by all means, and at all times, to maintaine, and strengthen na∣tural pietie, and ingenuous thanckfulnesse, which after some sort are all in all. Princes other∣wise minded vndo themselues. For seeing impe∣riall maiestie doth subsist by the veneration which is owing therevnto, for the reason of fa∣therly, and lordly power, they doe make exam∣ples to their owne harmes who beeing heredita∣rie, or beneficiarie princes minister the least suspi∣tion of irreuerent affections towards their proper parents, or founders. The most bottomly stone which can be laid for all future felicitie is digged out of none other quarrie then pietie, and what∣soeuer superedifide is not of like nature, will fall to

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ground, and in the fall thereof will carry it selfe, and with it selfe all the rest, either into obliuion, or infamie. To constitute CLAVDIVS diuine, and to deride him, was absurd in it selfe, as being against both their religion, and the clearnesse of their reason. And let the insinuations of his dis∣grace bee neuer so iust, yet they could not iustly seeme to spring from any other fountaine of af∣fections then that which traiterously tooke away his life. And whither did not licence carry leuitie when that very fact which was absolutely wor∣thie of all detestation, and punnishment, was be∣come the heinous subiect of SENECA'S, and NERO'S iests? Therefore, howsoeuer I hartely loue what SENECA'S writings haue good in them, and doe admire what is excellent either for wisdome, eloquence, or conceipt, yet I doe freely professe to hate that, as all men certeinly doe, who esteeme the conscience of moral, and ciuil duties, aboue the flashes of ambitious wit.

IX. THE SENATS VSE OF SENECA'S OFFICES, AT NERO'S ENTRANCE.

BVt the Senate discouerd no such iudgment of this course, for it greatly conduced to their ends, as men who affected censureship ouer their princes, & to remaine the arbiters of things. SENECA therefore, not without some suspition of vanitie on his part (as TACITVS obserueth) had the glory of witt, and eloquence, in the grace

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of his scholers vtterance, and their lord-ships en∣acted, that the last oration, because it contained the picture of the NERONIAN commonweale as there it was described, should bee cut in a co∣lumne of siluer, for euerlasting remembrance, and yeerely bee read in full court, vpon the Kalends of IANVARIE, when the new Consuls tooke their oathes. And this was done (saith DIO in effect) that NERO who gaue them the hope, should giue them the fulfilling also. A prouision worthy of their wisdome, the commoditie where∣of beeing put into their hands by SENECA, did causefully ennoble, & endear him to the publicke. And though NERO afterwards spoild all, by his incredible excesses, yet the oration remained still, an euidence of his engagement, a touchstone of his actions, and by the disparitie of premises, and sequels, did draw the greater foulnesse vpon his deformities. NERO'S faire ouertures for winning goodwill at first, remaine estreated in that most steddie author, CORNELIVS TACITVS, though the oration it selfe (for what moniments will not massie siluer betray?) be quite consumed. The generall notion of the speeches fabrick was, to giue hope, that all those things should bee auoided which had beene of∣fensiue before. Of this poinct the ITALIAN author of the famous RAGVALIAS of PAR∣NASSVS makes vnfriendly vse, in the imagina∣ry inauguration of CORNELIVS TACI∣TVS, to the fained kingdome of LESBOS, smal∣ly to the honor of TACITVS, whom hee makes throwne out againe for affectation of ty∣ranie.

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X. THE POISNING OF BRITANNICVS.

BVt the eminent fame of NERO'S first fiue yeares is only to bee vnderstood, as they were profitable to common-weale in the orderly correction, and administration of the policie, by the speciall care of SENECA, and the seruice of worthy patriots. For his owne manners other∣wise did soone beginne to putrifie. His delights, some of them, not honest in any man, as wilde maskings, and riotous wanton women; and some of them, though not dishonest, yet being pursued as chiefe emploiments were vtterly vnseemely in a prince. This conniuent permission of him to himselfe (worthely reproued by DIO) as it en∣creased SENECA'S power, so it inflamed NE∣RO'S vices. Therefore almost euery yeare of the fiue was staind with some notable fowle fact or other: for which notwithstanding, because there might bee some defense in the reason of his imperiall rights, or personall safetie, they would haue beene commiserated in him as piacularie infelicities, rather then vrged as criminall im∣pieties, had the world felt a continuance of com∣mon profit, or hee not bewrayed his naturall im∣manity. Within the very first twelue moneth of his gouernment hee spotted, and defloured the maiden candor of his fortunes by poisning BRI∣TANNICVS, who was his cosen german, his a∣doptiue brother, and testamentarie partner in the

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empire, one so incapable of malicious crimes, that he was then but at the fourteenth yeare of his age. This fact, considered in it selfe, though it directly violated the maine foundations of the world laid deepe by god in naturall pietie, yet some other appellation would haue beene inuented for auoi∣ding the proper of paricide (as I haue said before) had not the carriage of his part in it, and the hor∣rour of the circumstances made it wholy his own For hee curiously beheld the poison confected, & boild to a speeding height, saw it experimented, and causd it to bee secretly ministred in his owne presence at supper, in the presence of his wife, OCTAVIA (sister of BRITTANNICVS) and of AGRIPPINA; who notwithstanding all other her nocencies, was innocent of this treche∣rie, though not innocent of the impulsiues to it; for her absolutenesse being crost by SENECA, and BVRRHVS, shee durst threaten to set vp him as the righter heir, and thereby dubbed him the obiect of feare, and danger. And when the poore prince fell immediately downe dead, NE∣RO slighted it off, as but a fit of his falling sick∣nesse, and after a short pause renewed the feast, the carcase remoued away. But neither his authoritie nor his art could hinder the discouerie of the crime, for the body at the funerall fire was so throughly washt with sodaine showrs, that the lime and whiting which were vsed (saith ZO∣NARAS) to blanch it, for hiding the badges of poison, beeing from heauen dissolued, rendred the homicide visible. The tame taking of it a∣broad flesht his sauage nature, and made him vn∣fortunately vnderstand, that hee might doe more of that kinde when hee would. Howbeit some

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few ciuil restraincts (the outwearing tyes of de∣caying habits) kept him a while from yeilding vtmost scope to his licentious, and furious will. But the conscience of this murther was costly vn∣to him. For hee shared houses, lands, & lordships among his friends, as a booty, to counterweigh all constructions, and assure his partie; nor doe I doubt but that SENECA, as a chiefe sharer, did now obtaine no small proportion of his huge estate; for the circumloquution which TACI∣TVS vseth at this place may well bee thought to name him without naming.

XI. NERO'S FORTVNE IN THE VERTVE OF CORBVLO.

THE following first scenes of his reigne like a balme to cure his fame, brought also forth a decree of the Senate, commanding triumphal arches, and statuas to bee reared for his honor and memorie of that famous seruice which DOMITIVS CORBVLO had performed in ARMENIA against TIRIDATES the brother of the PARTHIAN king, endeuoi∣ring to plucke ARMENIA from the RO∣MANS▪ But the coigns of that time haue better preserued both the testimonie of that decree, and the image of those magnificent works, then the marble of which they consisted.

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Seeing therefore that coigns are so vital to me∣morie, and that nothing vnder heauen is so deere to a great, and noble minde, as to bee remembred with honour, I may much wonder why souereign princes (who doe hold of glory in chiefe) make either very little, or no historicall vse at all, no not of their copper moneyes. The present BATAVI∣ANS (who liue in a forme of gouernment most vnlike to monarchy) are braue and heroick in this, and doe worthely put the world in minde of the ancient GREEKES and ROMANS. I wish we had a current PAX IACOBI, as there was a PAX AVGVSTI; a BRITANNIA REDVX, as there was a ROMA RESVR∣GENS; a SALVS OCCIDENTIS, as there was a SALVS ORBIS; a FIDES REGVM, as there was a FIDES EXER∣CITVVM. Arguments of coigns, and indexes of effects, among infinite other most honourable, which hauing no relation to sides (the speciall scandall of the LATIN world) are indeed most worthy a mint royall, and do all of them belong, by his owne right, to our most sacred SOVE∣REIGNE.

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XII. NERO VAINLY DEVISTEH VVITH HIMSELF HOVV TO GOE BEYOND ALL EXAMPLES, IN MAKING MANKINDE BEHOLDING VN∣TO HIM.

AFter this high atchieuement in ARME∣NIA, where CORBVLO had burnt to ground the head-citie thereof ARTAXA∣TA, NERO CAESAR lay houering for some braue colour, or occasion of raising himselfe to such a glory as might surmount all others glo∣ries, and which (without owing for it to anothers merit) he might properly call his owne. A minde (to speake the truth) most worthy of a prince, and a shew of such a minde most necessary for him. For though it be most probable, that the reflecti∣ons of CORBVLO'S fame had inflamed him with a desire of euerlasting honor, and SVETO∣NIVS TRANQVILLVS absolutely puts the loue of immortall renowne into NERO'S cha∣racter, yet did it otherwise also concerne him to affect popularitie. For hauing cruelly poysned his brother BRITANNICVS, and discouered in his night-walkes, the most lasciuious, and ruffianly faults of his nature, intending likewise to murther his owne mother (most heinous handsels of more heinous sequels) he might easily beleeue, that without some notable further sacrifice for expia∣tion of what had passed vile (the same also to bee

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as a fine for licence of future worse) it was not possible to make the multitude (whom he serued as his idol) sure vnto him. Neither was it long be∣fore the disorders of the time had furnisht him for that purpose with wished opportunitie. CORNE∣LIVS TACITVS hath gone before mee in the enarration, & I may not ouerpasse it here, though it bee in a most tender case, if betweene prince, and people any other. The ROMANS, who for many yeares (saith TACITVS) had payd such moneys as were ratably assessed vpon the por∣tages, or sales of wares, without any their reproofs, or repinings, could neuerthelesse not endure their extortions who farm'd, or gatherd them. This matter of generall complaint being most iust, NERO was often, and openly calld vpon with a common voice to afford redresse; which would a∣lone both haue satisfied the duty of a prince to∣wards his people, and haue acquieted the people in their vtmost expectations. But NERO, who thirsted for a more glorious occasion, did not hould it enough to remoue the abuse, vnlesse withall hee tooke away the subiect it selfe, by re∣mitting all those paiments for euer. Which being intended as a diuine benefit, would haue proued no lesse, could the commonweale haue borne it. But the ripe, and wise made it apparent to NERO, that he did not therein discharge a burthen, but ruine the world. For those paiments were among the sinewes of the state, and it was no more possi¦ble for ROME to haue subsisted, had those returns of supply beene withdrawne, then for a good hus∣band to hold all together, where receipts do in∣finitely vndergo expences. In TACITVS ano∣ther worser pestilence is obserued, that tributes

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(the maine stayes of the state) would also haue beene cryde vpon to bee forgiuen, if those vsuall contributions should haue ceased, whose antiqui∣tie, and necessity, euen while the tribes of the peo∣ple did most hotly predominate by their fierie tribunes, had made them so familiar, that they were neither in truth, nor in estimation, any grie∣uance. For like innumerable small pipes, or quills of succour, they did incessantly helpe to replenish the publicke store, and though they rose in con∣temptible quantities considered in parcels, yet they did not ammount to contēptible heaps when mett in grosse, but abundantly serued both for the vses of maiesty, and of martiall affaires. Therefore NERO'S offer at glory was vnfortunate herein. The same neuertheles was praisd by the opposers, to the height of his ambition, though his will and performances admitted a qualification, in which consisted his truest glory. According wherunto he contented himselfe with reforming the abuses of collectors, & other mischieuous en∣ormities. A part of the good whereof, by vertue of his prouisions, extēded it selfe in the effects, euen to the times in which CORNELIVS TACITVS did chronicle this. Vast designes haue sodain fails. Mans minde, like the regions of the aire, hath somewhat in it at times which seemes to answer the nature of meteors. This puffe of intention, and windy caprouch of NERO'S, was a kinde of mentall typhon, or at best a meere image of va∣pour. Otherwise also, it can create no enuie to an orderly prince that NERO propounded some∣what to himselfe incomparable. For denomina∣tions, and iudgements of men are not made out of single facts, but constant habits. That ROME

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tooke no harme, but reaped speciall good thereby, showes her fortunes ancient friendship towards her, and her better childrens discretions, much more then NERO'S merit. The purpose notwith∣standing considered in it selfe, which pretended common good, was well worthy to haue beene the pretious stone of his first fiue yeares golden circle, which by reason of his disproportionated carriage stands for nothing now but the vanish∣ing glosse of a fucus, or various flitting bubble.

XIII. NERO'S MVNIFICENCES, AND LIBERALITIES.

BVt this most light, and most youthfull Empe∣rour to make vp otherwise the full pompe of his popular insinuations, was so manifold, and so extraordinary in his publicke liberalities, that his coigns stamped by decree of the Senate, retaine their endlesse memorie.

These two figures signifie that kinde of largesse which was called a congiarie, not altogether vn∣like a lottery, or a compendious way of deliuering

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the contents of a publicke dole. For the things, di∣stributed of free cost, not being all of them such that dispersions, or musses could be made of them, little balls comprehending the lot did issue, and were ample warrants for the receipt of the guift. The fortunate did not onely become hereby the maisters of ordinary things in NERO'S congia∣ries, as measures of corne (and of the ROMAN measure CONGIVS, the whole act was deno∣minated) birds, beasts, all sorts of houshold proui∣sion, apparell, bondslaues, and the like, but quanti∣ties of siluer, gold, and pearle, & at last also whole houses, ships, and estates in land. Of these free lot∣teries at the most solemne games, SVETONIVS tels vs there were a thousand seuerall parcels flung abroad euery day, during the whole festiui∣tie. And seeing the coynesse of breuitie will not permit, that things of one kinde should be hand∣led more then once, I will plucke backe into this cōmon place of his munificence, that most hono∣rable shame, though declared sundry yeares after the famous fiue, when SENECA offered to quit his fortunes, as a secret meane to secure his life. NERO therein hauing acknowledged his im∣mortall debt for the benefit of his instructions (the gardenings, and waterings of the minde) was so farre from coueting his maisters offerd riches, or thinking them great, that hee openly answerd, He had cause to blush, that hee who for the reason of his learned merits was of all men dearest vnto him, was not by his meanes in so long time become the richest also. A memorable saying, though discredited by con∣trary effects.

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XIIII. OF OCTAVIA, NERO'S FIRST WIFE, AND OF SOME OTHER WOMEN, WITHIN HIS FIRST FIVE YEARES.

HIs giuings therefore being such as if hee meant to alter the nature of his tenure, and not any longer to hold of adoption, for his title to the empire, but of bounty, he the rather presumed to neglect OCTAVIA. The honest and safe delight of marriage was corrupted in him by vnworthy change, for the loue of his enfran∣chised bondwoman, ACTE, vpon whom his do∣tage was so great, that hee subornd a pedigree, to deriue her from that magnificent ATTALVS, who dying childlesse in ASIA (where hee was a king, and she was borne and bought) ordaind the PEOPLE OF ROME his heire. This fiction in heraldrie, deuised to enworthy her, could not but strengthen AGRIPPINA'S iealousie, that NERO intended to marrie her. OCTAVIA lesse vnhappy had shee encountred no other then this concubine, who by the misery of her fortunes was iniurious to nuptiall beneuolence, but not pernicious to her interest in maiestie, and much lesse to the safetie of her life. Hee was of another minde towards OCTAVIA when hee publi∣shed her for his CYNTHIA, and himsefe for her SVNNE, as in this coigne he did.

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But in respect of originall right to power, his splendors proceeded from her. Afterwards by superinduction of that nobly borne, and beaute∣ous Lady POPPAEA SABINA, he first eclyp∣sed her matrimoniall light, and then extinguisht her vitall, as will elsewhere appeare in the due place. The wanton prince did at this time beginne to be so fast chained in affection to this POP∣PAEA, and she so perilous in her workings, that both OCTAVIA, his imperiall wife, and A∣GRIPPINA, his imperious mother, were de∣solated and destroyed thereby. No pleasures are more agreeable to health in youth, and heighth in fortune, then femall society, though many bee more warrantable: but that fond prince who sayls by such vncertaine starres, hazards his estate, and doth more then hazard his glory. ACTE was secure in her lowly condition, and loued NERO when his fortunes, and his life were ended.

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XV. THE DEATH OF AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA.

THe great reason which TIBERIVS CAE∣SAR might haue to depresse, and extin∣guish AGRIPPINA GERMANICI, may well be gatherd by the qualities of AGRIP∣PINA AVGVSTA, her owne true daughter for ambition. She was a mother (as VIND EX speakes in PHILOSTRATVS) whom it was no shame for a sonne to kill, that sonne being NERO; and she her selfe affirmed at her death no lesse. But the reason of that speech may bee al∣most assigned, because her selfe was rather an in∣fernall furie then a matron, who with such waste of all conscience, and of all common honestie, af∣fected supreme command. If one wickednes there∣fore might authorise another, none could con∣demne him as impious, for killing that woman, who meerely for prowd ends did most alluringly offer her body to the lustfull embraces of him who scarcely twenty yeares before was bred ther∣in? This one curse was wanting to the fulnesse of her other impieties, hauing formerly traded her selfe in manifold incests with CALIGVLA CAESAR her brother, & with her vncle CLAV∣DIVS. Violation of naturall reuerence betweene the mother, and the sonne was equall; AGRIP∣PINA'S by prostitution of her selfe, NERO'S by destroying her. As for the manner of her end, that busie APOLLONIVS of TIANA (whom PHILOSTRATVS would faine belye into

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somewhat more excellent then humane) misstook the storie, where hee saith, shee was drownd by an artificiall ship wracke. For shee escaped the waues, and oares, and died at her sonnes commande∣ment by the swords of immissiue souldiers.

§. I. The causes for which Nero resolued to destroy his Mother.

BVt the whole wide world from the time in which it first did rise out of nothing till this instant, affording perhaps no such case as hers, I should deale amisse to wrap the narration vp in the like breuitie as the rest, or not to vnfold the parts, that my readers may haue her last act entire, as that example of celestiall iustice, which euened all scores with wickednesse, and left no tally vn∣strucken. The chiefe impulsiues therefore which moued the sonne to hate and persecute to death the author of his life, and empire (concubinarie loue growne farre more potent in him then filiall

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pietie) were securely to bring about his marriage with POPPAEA SABINA, whereunto shee was a constant enemy, in fauour of his present wife OCTAVIA, and then (as the lesser care) to assure to himselfe the ROMAN scepter, which he feared lest AGRIPPINA in her furie and of∣fense would seeke to wrest away. A Lady, not vnlikely to effect it, considering her spirit, friends, and blood, the daughter of GERMANICVS, & heire generall, by her mother, to AVGVSTVS CAESAR She had threatned it, and for but threat∣ning it, and that but onely in an expostulatorie passion, she had bene formerly accused to her son, but shee brought her selfe off from the danger, with the mischiefe and ruine of her accusers, by her parentall priuiledges stoutly vrged, and such mitigations as SENECA, and BVRRHVS tempered together on her behalfe. Yet the impres∣sion, which that accusation left, was not totally wiped out with her apologies. For a cowardly minde is euermore credulous to the worse, and imagination multiplies feares when vitiated with such suspitions as the malice of others will not suffer to be withdrawne. The art of POPPAEA; who pretending care for NERO'S safetie, plide him vpon the weake side with terrifying sugge∣stions, and neuer gaue ouer till their deadly ar∣rowes (being holpen home to their marke with her amorous enchantments) had driuen all regard to naturall duties quite away, and left her with him in the state of a most abhorred enemy. On the other side AGRIPPINA did rise, and swell most violently against all barres to that sole tu∣torship which shee affected ouer her sonne. For SENECA himselfe, though a man of her owne

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choyce and placing about him, was growne such an eye-sore vnto her, vpon enuy at his authoritie, that shee forbare not to vpbraide him with his professorian tongue, as a comparatorie abatement. Which vnreuerent and foolish contumely sorted well with the rest of her behauiours, and her for∣mer contempt of wisedome. POPPAEA there∣fore could want no colour to continue the pre∣tenses of her care for his persons preseruation. And hereupon he finally determined to cut a mo∣ther off, to please a stranger in bloud, and I would adde, not onely a stranger, but an adulterous lewd dame, sauing as that is a circumstance which cannot aggrauate the fact, considering AGRIP∣PINA worser. Nor was this determination made (some thinke) without SENECA'S conniuen∣cie, if not also with his consent and impulsion, which TACITVS affirmeth not (as things to him vncertain all of them) but DIO CASSIVS doth.

§. II. Meanes thought, and agreed-vpon for the secret de∣struction of Agrippina.

THe execution was vndertaken by ANI∣CETVS, who hauing beene a bondman, & put about NERO to teach him GREEK, was afterwards manumitted by him, and created Admirall of the ROMAN nauie at MISENVM. The plague of planting seruile natures about young Lords, and noble persons, to forme their first educations (a thing most worthely noted by QVINCTILIAN, in his conference of Ora∣tors,

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as a pestilent errour) fell vpon the empresse AGRIPPINA not vniustly. That execution neuerthelesse was not needing to be by him vn∣dertaken, till three seuerall attempts to poison her, had first miscarried; her prouisions, and discoue∣ries more actiue, then their practises auaileable. Open force was with one consent condemned as improper, and dangerous. From thence it grew that drugs were employd about the vvorke, and vvhen they returned vaine, their vtmost consul∣tations could propound nothing for the purpose, but if there might bee somevvhat deuised vvhich should resemble, or imitate a casualtie. There vvere therefore vvho in her ovvne house contri∣ued a loose or hanging roofe, vvhich falling in a moment should pash, and oppresse her in her bed. A most villanous deuice, but hauing chincks to come out at, she escaped. After this, and vvhile in∣uention stuck, it hapned, that among the shovves, and amphitheatral pageants, a kind of ship-vvork, or nauall frame vvas presented to the people (vvho vvere courted by their princes, and greatest magistrates vvith such like toyes) so cunningly ioincted, that the hold or body thereof sodenly flying open, did put forth certaine vvilde beasts a∣liue, at the discretion of their maister, and readily closed againe. This originall produced vpon drie land, vvas reputed a patterne most fit to be tran∣slated to their vses at sea, for effecting, and colou∣ring the accidentall drovvning of AGRIPPI∣NA. For it might vvell passe (the secret being kept smotherd among themselues) vvithout any proba∣ble scandal, then onely that vvhich the common fortune of that vnstable element vvould both handsomly beare, and ansvver. And novv there

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wanted nothing but conuenient time, and place, to conspire for their ends with the vse of this per∣nicious engine.

§. III. The time, and place for execution of the deed, with a partil description of the trap-galley.

AGRIPPINA, being out with her sonne, and he with her, was then vpon refresh∣ment, and recollection of her selfe at AN∣TIVM, a pleasant sea-towne in old LATIVM, and a ROMAN colony, about thirtie small I∣TALIAN miles from ROME, famous for sump∣tuous buildings, and for a goodly temple dedica∣ted to equestrall FORTVNE, the tutelary god∣desse of the place, and of the cheualry of ROME, but specially affected for delicious retirements: where NERO himselfe was borne: but that be∣ing no part of ANTIVMS glory was thus farre profitable thereunto, that hauing no good port, nor rode for ships, NERO (to his birth-place in∣dulgent, but to her who bare him vnherbarous) caused an hauen to be forced by hand at an huge charge. For what he did in that kinde was rather excessiue, then not magnificent. At the same time, he remained at BAIAE; another, but a more volup∣tuarie seate, situated also vpon the sea, though shel∣tred in the bottome of a bay, from the open rage of windes, and waues, about fourescore miles from ANTIVM, where hee meant to welcome the spring of the yeare, and to keepe those famous

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feasts of MINERVA, which for that they lasted fiue dayes were stiled QVINQVATRVS, or QVINQVATRIA. These considerations offe∣ring themselues to be examined, it was agreed v∣pon, that all of them serued their turn, if AGRIP∣PINA could be but wonne to come. A taske not hard for NERO to performe, who was a much greater maister at malicious counterfaiting (an in∣separable property of base, and dangerous na∣tures) then euer he tooke himselfe to be at musick. Therefore with most officious letters he inuiteth her from ANTIVM thither, as to an entire at∣tonement, to bee sealed and ceremoniated at the ioyous celebration of those sacred solemnities, o∣uer-guilding his hookes with religion. Meane∣while the trap-galley was prepared for the seruice with such outward pompe, and brauery as be∣came the maiesties of the host, and guest, he CAE∣SAR AVGVSTVS, and she AVGVSTA do∣wager. The forme of a galley, or row-barge may appeare in this coigne, stamped in the name of the GENIVS of the PEOPLE OF ROME, for gratulation of NERO'S comming home, and that cabin or chamber hereof which is toward the sterne, was the place in AGRIPPINA'S galley where

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the trap was set. There her sumptuous couch was prouided. The bales, and supports were so fitted (for the whole roome it selfe was nothing else but a trap) that vpon a signe giuen (they giuing way) the roofe should sodainly fall, together with that end of the vessell, perpendicularly downe into the sea. And that the roofe, when it fell, might both sinke it selfe, & all the enginous part, a vast weight of lead was secretly spred, and sheeted ouer vpon the conuex top of the tilted cabin. So that when the bolts, or pins were vpon the warning strucken out, she must either of necessitie be braind (as they conceiued) with the vnexpected ruine, or her bo∣dy be deuoured in the deepes, or both. Nor in this consultation was it any part of their care, what should become of the other people aboord, for a greater number would haue been sacrificed to the seruice without any remorse in NERO, and they who could swim might so bee safe, whatsoeuer became of the galley. This trecherous deuice lear∣ned at first as a sport, but practised here to do mis∣chiefe, was afterwards vsed to a magnificent, and more innocent purpose. For XIPHILINE out of DIO writes, that seuen hundred wilde beasts were enclosed in a like fabricke, raised vpon the sandy floore of the amphitheater at ROME, which were put foorth out of the opening sides of the ship, at the pleasure of the keepers. Some haue written that the Emperor SEVERVS, (for it was in his dayes) did perhaps represent the ARKE OF NOAH herein. That a ship, or other vessell, may so be built by the direction of an enginéer, as vp∣on a sodaine to part in sunder, and shut againe, is apparent.

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§. IIII. Agrippina feasted by Nero at Baiae, and put aboord the trap-galley vpon her returne.

BVt such was NERO'S impatience against his mothers life, that he could not stay for an of∣fered opportunity to depriue her of it, but must consult how to hasten it; and his enuie against her cōtentment was so great, that althogh he was wel pleased with her solitary courses, yet because hee foūd it was a solace to her, he must of force entice her to perish by his practises, vnder shew of infinit good affection. His letters therefore, falser then the gally (as hauing a more hollow secretary to endite them, then this had cunning ship-wrights to fa∣shion it) comming quickly to her hands, did not difficultlie allure her out of ANTIVM; glad, poore woman, of fauour, and either crediting his faire words (which seemed to breathe nothing v∣pon her but the flowers of delight and loue) or as thinking it best to pretend credulitie. Withall, in his ordinarie discourses, NERO gaue it out (as if he were turnd good childe) that the displeasure of parents ought to be born, & their minds appeased with obsequious behauiours; to beget, and raise a rumour thereby that all was well againe betweene them, so to quash the contrary fame, of which the world was full. Himselfe, vpon notice of her ap∣proach, mett her in person vpon the shore, and waited vpon her to BAVLI, with all the shewes of honour, and deare regards: and while this face of amitie lasted, went with her (saith DIO) in the deceitfull vessell it selfe, to benumbe

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her all ouer with securitie. Nor did he pause long vpon the execution of his plot: for that very night she was inuited from her repose at BAVLI, to the fatall supper at BAIAE. But she, vnfortunate Lady, hauing secret intelligence that certain destruction lay quoild aboord (as a snake in flowers) in that pompous preparation, resolud not to goe to court by sea, but commanding a chaire to bee mounted, auoided the voyage, and was carried thither so. BAVLI (as PLINIE describes it) was seated betweene BAIAE, and lake LVCRINVS▪ and TACITVS contradicts him not, as placing it betweene cape MISENVM, and the bay of BAIAE, where he saith the sea winding inward doth wash the foot thereof. ORTELIVS, and MERCATOR doe both of them vnderstand it so, and accordingly assigne it in their mapps be∣tweene the inmost poinct of the port of AVGVS∣TVS, where the ROMAN nauie rode at anchor, & the bottome of the BAIAE. Which either TA∣CITVS also saith, or he is not vnderstood of mee where he writes, that AGRIPPINA, in here∣scape from drowning, was carried into lake LV∣CRINVS, & so to her manour. Vpon her cōming to court, she found such exquisite welcomes, such cheare, and cherefulnesse, in refutation of fore∣warnings (which NERO would haue her thinke were malignantly instilled) that all her iealousies were charmd fast a sleepe by degrees, and she re∣ceiued down deepe into her as an infallible truth, that nothing at all was meant towards her but good, and faire. And they verily vvho vvere not vvithin the conscience of the secret, but liued so safe, and happy as to sit spectators only, vvould easily haue svvorne that all vvas gold in those

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shovves of loue vvhich vvere so double-guilded. But her cunning enemies (NERO their chiefe) hauing obserued vvith vvhat distrust of the vva∣ter she came to BAIAE, to make it sure she should returne in the trap-galley, hee commanded the maister of her owne LIBVRNICA, or priuate barge, to bruise, and boulge it (saith SVETONIVS) as by some mischance, that the same being there∣by made vnseruiceable, he might in sted thereof obtrude that vnsound, and false-bottom'd bote at her departure. And hauing foold her into full be∣liefe of his sincerenesse with viler dissimulations then his trecheries were prodigious, he held her a∣mong meates, and cups with varieties of enter∣tainments till somewhat late in the night. When now yet at last there was a kinde of necessitie to part, he most officiously vshered her to her boates side, where ANICETVS (her assured foe) with all humble reuerence, tooke her in vnder his charge, without any other of her people, but onely CREPEREIVS GALLVS, and ACERRO∣NIA POLLA. But neither the sea (saith DIO) was willing to concurre to such an artificial parricide; for the water proued wondrous calme at the time (a circumstance which no wit of man could mai∣ster) nor the heauens to conceale it; for the skie was awake with store of starre-light (saith TACI∣TVS) as to conuince the fact.

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§. V. The trap in the galley miscarrying, Agrippina regains the shore; her two chiefe attendants di∣uersly slaine.

BEhold the successe. The galley now had not long beene off at sea, nor farre from shore, but the deadly signe was giuen. At which the en∣gine immediatly flew off, and had performed the effects for which it was ordaind, but that the props, and stayes of the forepart being by chance more stubborne then to yield to the crush (the life it selfe of the wicked mysterie) AGRIPPINA, and her woman of honour, remaind vntoucht. Their postures were the cause, for the empresse lying at length vpon a pallet, & ACERRONIA leaning backeward at her feet, the timbers ouer head fell not low enough to reach her; to the sad disaduantage of her easier end. An heauy hap sur∣prised CREPEREIVS GALLVS, who stan∣ding vpright, not farre from the sterne, was in∣stantly strucken dead with the hinder end of the falling roofe; it draue of it selfe so violently down. ANICETVS beholding the fraud thus acciden∣tally defeated, did neuerthelesse without remorse, obstinately pursue his cruell purpose, and so both shee, and ACERRONIA were howsoeuer tum∣bled out into the sea, by ouerturning the galley, but somewhat leasurably, as in a tumult where the most part being vninstructed for the drift, hin∣dred the forwardnesse of guiltie parties. AGRIP∣PINA is now in the sea, I cannot say the waues,

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for there were in it none other at all then those which the motion of the galley, and the tragicall vprore caused. And who would imagine that her lifes defense had not beene a part of the speciall constant care of heauenly prouidence, who had seene the deliuerance of her out of so dreadfull danger? But it soone appeared by the vndelayed se∣quell, that her vnwomanly vices merited shee should perish more tormentedly, and more ex∣amplarly. The instant escape notwithstanding was worthely to be admired. For she being full of wine (saith DIO CASSIVS) as returning from a most imperiall feast (her last) consequently more apt to speake, yet nothing but silence in swim∣ming preserued her aliue for the present, and shee at last got to shore, from out of the tempest of strokes, and blowes aim'd at her hed erroneously. She the rather escaped by the change of the aire, which sodenly thickned at that moment. An ac∣cident which they must grant, who would not make DIO vnnecessarily encounter TACITVS. ACERRONIA was beaten to death with poles, and oares, and with what other ship-tooles came to hand, while crying out for helpe, as if her selfe had bene the emperours mother, she ignorantly did her last best seruice for her lady, by giuing her opportunitie to slide away, vsing that name for a protection, which was the marke it selfe of mor∣tall hatred. Neither did AGRIPPINA passe free from harme, for she had a wound inflicted vpon her shoulder, the certaine badge, and earnest of her final, and forthwith-ensuing murther. The darker parts of this matchlesse storie I haue had a speciall care to enlighten, not without encombrance; be∣cause the text of the CORNELIAN ANNALS

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is at this place holden somewhat depraued, and o∣ther credible moniments are not to be sung at first sight within agreement to TACITVS.

§. VI. Maine doubts, touching Agrippina's escape, not to be cleared out of Tacitus, Suetonius, or Dio, attempted to be cleared otherwise.

IN this water-scene of AGRIPPINA'S tra∣gedy, nothing did euer trouble mee so much, vvith the shevv of improbabilite, as to con∣ceiue, hovv so tender, and delicate a lady should saue her selfe by svvimming, from among so ma∣ny deadly enemies, till the skiffes, or vvherries, came to the rescue, though the shore (saith TA∣CITVS) vvas neere at hand. For I neuer heard that the ladies of ROME did practise svvimming since CLAELIAS time. This speculation moued one TARCAGNOTA, an ITALIAN, to vvrite in his histories, that she saued her selfe, vp∣on a peece of vvood. Nor vvas that a vvodden or poore deuice had he named some other vvarrant for it, beside his ovvne. I my selfe could thinke vpon other vvayes also, hovv to remoue the scru∣ple, but that it is not all one to penne a historie, as to vvrite a poem; vvhere all things are permitted to phansie, and vvhere nothing. IVLIVS CAE∣SAR saith excellently vvell, that the immortall gods (to speake his ovvn vvords) haue an hand or stroake in all things, but specially in those vvhich

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cannot be carried by reason. Which seemes to bee verified in this strange escape, for I cannot ansvver to my selfe this doubt of her swimming by any thing which remaines in TACITVS, and doe therefore the rather incline to follow a poets au∣thoritie of those times, who in my opinion is not a poet in that particular. The tragedy of OCTA∣VIA (NERO'S wife) passing among those of SE∣NECA'S, affirmes vnto vs, that when AGRIP∣PINA was whelmed out of the galley into the water, she sunke, and rose againe, padling with her hands to keepe her selfe aloft. In that estate some cheard her vp in her faintings with their voices, and held her vp in her sinkings with their offici∣ous hands, till (as that tragedian writes) shee mett with assured succours by such of her seruants who for her sake despised death and danger. Her maruailous escape was enough a lone to make her seeme doubly venerable, both as AVGVSTA, and as preserued by the speciall fauour of the immor∣tall gods, the peculiar friends (as TACITVS saith elsewhere) of the CLAVDIAN family; whose lineall of-spring by the fathets side she was. Another greater point, not lesse dimme, or mistie then the former (for any thing which TACI∣TVS hath registred for clearing it) was the for∣tune of the galley it selfe, which though by his narrations it doth well appeare not to haue beene dissolued (at leastwise not vpon the sodaine) yet DIO CASSIVS most credibly reports, that it was dissolued, and the same ancient tragicke poet (who was contemporanie to the fact, whi∣ther he was SENECA or no) describes the foun∣dring of the vessell, and a face of manifest ship∣wracke, some vpon planks, and rafters, others

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plying their armes in sted of oares, these escaping, and others drowning. Nor could it in reason bee otherwise, euen by that which TACITVS him∣selfe tels vs, of ouersetting the galley, so to turne AGRIPPINA out into the deepes, whereby A∣NICETVS, and his complices being forced to prouide for their proper safeties, she was the more free to escape, vnder the protection of night, which came somewhat soone, because the vernall aequinox was as then but newly passed.

§. VII. Nero, after the newes of Aggippina's escape, giues present order for her death, in hope to make it seeme her proper act.

AFter this sort therefore she came safe to land, where shee prouides by surgery for the wound receiued on her shoulder, and be∣takes her selfe for ease, and refreshment to her chamber, from whence shee forthwith sends her trustie freed-seruant, LVCIVS AGERINVS, with a gratulatory message to her son at BAIAE, to signifie her happy escape. For she durst not seem to suspect any thing in it, saue meere mischance. But NERO CAESAR, whom expectation, and terror of conscience kept awake, was fully informed by ANICETVS, (long before AGERINVS could arriue) concerning the whole aduenture, and had already authorised him, as sherriffe, or superuisor of the execution. He tooke with him HERCV∣LEVS (the maister of the broken galley) and O∣LOARITVS

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(a sea-captaine) as his slaughter∣men, or executioners, strengthned with troopes of mariners in armes, (for he durst not trust his soul∣diers) directly to accomplish by force what no finenesse could effect. That employment the ser∣uile ANICETVS, as in loyall zeale to his Lord, and patron, did not lesse feruently vndertake, then as if it had beene a thing most certaine, that either shee, or NERO must absolutely perish. And to this most sauage act SENECA, and BVRRHVS (I grieue to speake it) were not onely priuie, and con∣senting, but SENECA the authour also, vpon the same supposition of necessitie. Meanewhile, as if lucke did fauour the designe, AGERINVS en∣tring to deliuer his message, ANICETVS impu∣dently drops a naked sword betweene his legges, and presently apprehends him, as transmitted by her with that sword to murther CAESAR. So the poore fellow was immediatly created a property to countenance his ladies killing, and was execu∣ted ANICETVS, thus instructed, and fitted, sets for∣ward with al possible diligence, & where he found such people in the way as had flockt to the shore in great numbers frō the parts about, with lights, or torches, clambring the rocks, & cliffes, & peste∣ring the shores, to gaze at the wonder, hee driues them home, & left all places solitary, sauing where he went himself. And here it must not be forgottē that notwithstanding any power permitted by NERO to this instrument of ruine, and his brace of inhumane butchers, yet was it very farre from his intention to auow the fact, but to haue it bla∣zed, and beleeued among the vulgar, that his am∣bitious mother, conspiring to vsurp the empire, sent AGERINVS to murther him, & that vpon

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his apprehension she finding her drifts discouered slue her selfe, to auoid the shame of a publicke conuiction for so capitall, and so vnnaturall a treason. Whatsoeuer therfore we reade afterwards touching ANICETVS, and his carriage, must all of it be interpreted by that chiefe intention. So there is no greatnesse of power, when it would ex∣tremely abuse it selfe, which is not glad to thinke of meanes how to auoid the note of wickednesse. An illustrious proofe of the hatefull deformities which are naturally seene in doing euill, and of the honourable beauties, and graces which do as na∣turally shine in the contrary.

§. VIII. The manner of Agrippina's murther exactly described.

ANICETVS therefore comming to the house, besets it round with part of his en∣trusted forces, to preuent all euasions either of persons, or reports, which might endanger, or publish the businesse till it was done. Finding the gates of the palace shut, he breakes them open, en∣ters, layes hold on such of the house as he meets, and stops not, till by way of surprise he rusheth vp to the very dores of her priuate lodgings, which the ROMANS (for the maiestie of such a person) reputed sacred, and inuiolable. There hee onely findes a few of her night-watch, and those, as it seemd, not arm'd (for NERO had taken away her guards of GERMANS before) the rest being fled for feare. In all which passages, ANICETVS

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seemes to haue intended nothing more then only to hinder AGRIPPINA from hearing of his approach, who mutually hating him, was known to her now to be her mortall enemy. Shee who till this instant lay deeply musing with her selfe, and grew more and more solicitous, that neither any messenger came from her sonne, no nor that euen AGERINVS, her owne messenger, did returne, sodainly heard all silent about abroad, which hap∣ned, because ANICETVS had frighted the people home, and then soone after molested her with this tumult, whereof as the reasons were to her vnknowne, so they were the certaine signes of some extreme calamitie at hand. In her chamber there was not any light at all but a small one, which thing did euen it selfe, make a show of somewhat in it like a funerall gloominesse, nor was any of all her people about her but one maid∣seruant onely, and she (of whom there was no rea∣son to looke for more fortitude then her men had discouered) being beckned out, did likewise for∣sake the roome, though her mistresse had sayd vn∣to her; And thou wilt also leaue me. But the iust cause of her departure immediatly appeared, for AGRIP∣PINA, casting her eye backe, sees ANICETVS enter with HERCVLEVS, and OLOARITVS. Their mercilesse minds, euery-where transparent in the fact, were not slightly foretold by their si∣lence, for it is not remēbred that any of one them spake a word. This gastly dumbe show, which was prouided for perdition, not for parlea, did not for all that make her speechlesse, but like a great lady cōtinuing mindful aswel of the empresse, as of the mother in her person, demanded the cause of their so rude, and vnseasonable entrance, saying by way

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of preocupation, If their errand was to visite her from her sonne, they might returne, and tell him the ioyfull newes that she was well amended, if to commit the heinous deed, she did beleeue nothing bad, or hard of him, and was sure he neuer signd their warrant for her murther. But no∣thing moued herewith they cast themselues about her; HERCVLEVS with a short club (who not∣withstanding the affinitie of name had nothing in him of heroick HERCVLES) marshald him∣selfe at the beds head (as I conceiue it) the other two at the sides, for more are not named to haue entred. OLOARITVS, without further preface, beginning to vnsheathe his sword, it is not found that she either shrickt, or wept, or vainely begd for fauour, but in retractation of her pretended bet∣ter opinion, laide her bare belly open, and challen∣ged him to strike that, as deseruing it, for hauing brought forth monster NERO. Which while it gaue perhaps some little pause, or stop to the hand of OLOARITVS, troubled with the horror of such a voyce, and action, her selfe at the same time (for what time else more agreeable?) stepping sodainly (saith DIO) out of her bed, HERCVLEVS steyd her, by discharging a blow vpō her head with his churlish bat, and stonisht her, and the sword then finisht the worke with many foines She made what vvards, or fense she could; for othervvise she needed not to haue endured so many vvounds as she did, before she died. And it sorted properly vvith the matchlesse maiesty of her bloud, and the fiercenesse of her fiery spirit, to die as vnvvil∣lingly as she could, being it vvas that she could not die reuenged. Her deaths wound was in her brest, if the authour of the tragedy of OCTAVIA doth not therein vse his professions priuiledge.

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§. VIII. Nero's behauiour, and words in priuate, vpon the view of Agriprina's corse; where the fame of their in∣cest is likewise scanned.

THe murther thus committed, the body was left where the breath departed, and NERO (waiting vpon the euent) had present word thereof. Many in those times, and they not vncer∣taine authours, saith SVETONIVS (who doth often couertly encounter with the iudgements, & inclinations of TACITVS) that he came in per∣son to the place where the corps lay, and (as if the rest of his doings had else been little, or nothing) beheld it crowner-like all ouer, praising this part, and dispraysing that, as if he had been to censure a statue. Which SEVERINVS BOETIVS in his booke of consolation, worthely marshalls at the foote of NERO'S inhumanities, as the greatest. And that he did not onely distinctly view, but both handle her limbs, and also tell her wounds, is testified by ZONARAS. There goes a rumour also that he saw her body opened, to behold the place of his conception. For which notwithstan∣ding there is no authenticke testimony that I can finde; nor other ground of coniecture (if that may be a ground) then a meere supposition, that shee was embowell'd before her burning. Sure I am, that no credible authour hath auouched it con∣cerning AGRIPPINA, whose funerall, & con∣fusion were so neere conioignd, as left small place and lesser vse for such a rituall office. They say moreouer, that while he was thus prophanely em∣ploid

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he grew thirsty, and in sight of that piteous obiect, quencht his drowth with drinke, who should rather haue done it with his teares, & at the end of this vnnaturall suruey he gaue out such an odde farewell as was viler (saith DIO) then the murther it selfe, for thus he impenitently said, that Hee did not suppose hee had had so faire a mother. The sentence neuerthelesse doth in part acquite him from her incestuous familiaritie. For how was it strange to him that his mother should bee so handsome, if she had been his concubine? CLV∣VIVS RVFVS, a consularie man, alwayes at NERO'S elbow, & in a most nocent court a most innocent courrier, was likely enough both to know what he writ, and to write what he knew, and he hath assured vs, that NERO was vpon the point of yeilding to his mothers prophane al∣lurements, had not SENECA found meanes to terrifie him frō it. How it hapned, that his action not concurring with his will, the rumour of the crime should hold, other worthy authors haue cer∣tifide. For into his college of concubines he had receiued a common curtisan, onely because shee was reputed to be as like AGRIPPINA as like might be, and thereupon he would boast himselfe to his companions, that he had been with his mo∣ther▪ How farre in true case of conscience it was differing from actuall commission is not difficult to decide, being euery where esteemed within a small degree equiualent. Those other particulars, touching the inspection, are not therefore incredi∣ble because incomparablie barbarous, or because some writers (whō TACITVS had seene) deny it; for other noble authours, and constant fame con∣demne him, nor doth the cruell curiositie hereof

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ablude from the rest of his. A man who grew by degrees so infinitely wicked, that nothing can be fatherd so horrible vpon him, which his sutable manners would not render credible. Though he was not therefore to be slanderd, for our common prouerbe, A sinne to belie the deuil, is none of the worst. But his vsage of young BRITANNICVS in the very first bud of his empire, when he most affected, and most had need to seeme good, his v∣sage afterwards also of the detrunked heads of his innocent wife, OCTAVIA, and of CORNE∣LIVS SYLLA (to speake of nothing else) are as so many arguments to tell vs, that our authors do not probably wrong him in these most infamous reports concerning his behauiour ouer his mur∣therd mother. The case of BRITANNICVS a most competent parallel. AGRIPPINA was by nature NERO'S mother; BRITANNI∣CVS by nature his cousen german, and by adop∣tion his brother: AGRIPPINA by her practi∣ses procured the empire for NERO; BRITAN∣NICVS ought to haue had it as immediate heire: AGRIPPINA was murtherd in the fifth yeare of NERO'S reigne; BRITANNICVS in the very first. Compare the good man to himselfe in both these examples. It was not enough for him to poyson this prince, but to make sure he should be irremediablie sped, himself would see the hagg LOCVSTA, boyle the stuffe in his owne sight, and when the operation of the first confection vvas not found svvift enough, hee buffeted her vvith his ovvne hand, for pre∣suming to excuse it, as in fauour of his honour had it been made to vvorke to presently, adding vvords, in refutation of her vanity, nothing infe∣rior

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in their horrour to those which vvere vsed o∣uer AGRIPPINA, for thus he replide, I am a∣fraid belike of the Iulian Law, meaning the lavv en∣acted by IVLIVS CAESAR against poysning. But to assure vs, that he euen vvantonly affected the heighth it self of all damnable deeds, we are to vnderstand, that vpon a second boyling, and triall of the liquor, when LOCVSTA now had fully pleased him, because it was immediately the bane of that beast to which they had giuen it, then loe, he farre outwent the licentious allegation of his priuiledged impunitie with other words, and actions. For he did not onely not punish her (ther∣in after a manner iust, because himselfe was the authour to her of the preparations) but highly ex∣tolled her, as a speciall instrument of his vses; yea more, he enfeoft her in lands, and lordships, and to prouide that the art might not perish, caused her to professe, and assigned schollers. Looke vp∣on this precursorie dramma of BRITANNICVS, and then doubt of the truth of his behauiour, and words, ouer mangled AGRIPPINA.

§. VII. A short speculation touching Agrippina's pedigree, and death.

THis was the end of IVLIA AGRIPPINA, the greatest, and most nobly borne lady vn∣der heauen, vnited by consanguinitie to all the emperours, from her kinsman IVLIVS CAESAR

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downeward: AVGVSTVS her great grandfa∣ther by the mother, TIBERIVS her great vn∣ckle by the father, CALIGVLA her brother by the whole blood, CLAVDIVS so neare of kin vnto her, that he ought not to haue been her hus∣band, NERO her sonne, an emperour of her own creatiō, & which makes most for the glory of her authority, able to dedicate her incestuous vnckle a god; but this went beyond all for endearing her to the people, that she was the lawful daughter of GERMANICVS, who sauing onely as he was not consecrated diuine, stood otherwise adored in memorie for the opinion of his worth, and pittie of his fortune. O heighth, then from which neuer any lady fell lower! O depth, then into which ne∣uer any fell more headlong! of filiall impietie the most horrible example; of motherly dignitie the most terrible precipice! Her estate at her death most comfortlesse, for hauing measur'd the de∣grees of felicity by no other scale then the degrees of worldly fortune, and contemning euery other point in the sphere of things but the verticall, was sodenly thus bereft of all together, without so much as an honest ethnicke conscience, which might bee supposed to vsher her to the fields of blisse, ordaind euen in their beleefe, for a lasting reward to the vertuous. Euery-way therefore most vnhappy, euen in this also, that by not being drownd, her name lost those altars, rites, and tem∣ples, which her son had destinated to her memory, not so much for her honor, as to hide his proper crime; but most of all because her soule was not of the nature of an accident, whose sepa∣ration is extinction, nor like the snuffe of a ta∣per, to die with her body, but to remaine immor∣tall.

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The truth whereof NERO felt, being conti∣nually haunted with her ghost, which no incanta∣tions, nor sacrifices could appease till his owne descended: for among his last words, when hee was to leaue this life for a worse, he cryed out in a sad Greeke verse, That his mother, wife, and father willd him die. A most famous warning to doe as iustice would, and not to thinke dully of God.

§. XI. The peoples inward iudgement of Nero's heinous fact against his mother in what sort out∣wardly exprest.

BVt whereas NERO calumniously intended to fasten vpon his mother the fame of her owne killing, it found so small beliefe, that the feare of his power, rather then the effects of his arts, pre∣uailed for his safetie. The secret friends therefore of AGRIPPINA (for who else rather?) and if not they, yet euen the common quarrell of nature against such exquisite wickednesse, found out partakers on behalfe of the world, to protest his guiltinesse, and to vexe his fame with the couert exercise of freedome. For about the necke of one of NERO'S statuas a leatherne sacke was hung, to vpbraid his paricide, the punishment whereof (in the ancient lawes of ROME) was to be trussed into such a male, with a cocke, a dogge, and a vi∣per, and so to be thrown all foure together quicke into Tiber. Another exposed an infant in the mar∣ket-place, with a scroll about the necke, like

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the mott of an heroicall deuice, or instructiue morrall, which sayd thus much, that the parent would not foster it, for feare it should kill the mother. And when his other euill deserts were come to such a swolne excesse, that the people forlornly bemoaned the fortune of their cittie, as if the time were at that instant come, in which it was to be desolated, according to certaine blinde prophesies which being masked vnder the vene∣rable title of the Sybils (though euen the verses themselues pointed expressely to the nine hun∣dredth yeare from ROME built, which was a∣boue fourescore yeares off) NERO proclaimed, that in the Sibylls oracles there was no such line, & therefore it was a bastard; then they (as if sorrow had inspired them) vniuersally celebrated another verse, as truly one of Sibylls (nor any one of hers proued truer) the fatall argument whereof was this: That the last of AENEAS line to reigne in ROME, should bee his mothers murtherer.

§. XII. Of Agrippina's colonie, and commentaries; and of her buriall.

ANd though shee was, in all other respects, most vnfortunate, yet in one point shee sa∣crificed luckely to felicitie. For it was her act, during her ful-saild fortunes, to deduce a co∣lonie of ROMAN Citizens to plant them among the VBII, vpon the RHENE, which, beeing called of her name, The colonie of AGRIPPINA,

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because it was her birth-place, while her father GERMANICVS serued in those parts, General of the ROMAN armies, doth at this day freshly florish; the chaire, and princely seat of the princi∣pal clergieman in GERMANIE, and first elector. As for her learned commentaries which shee left written touching the fortunes of her house, they are almost vtterly lost, sauing only as PLINIE the older, and CORNELIVS TACITVS haue cited out of them a fragment, or two, which are their only remaines, (our misfortune more then hers) for any thing knowne to mee to the contrarie. The very same night of her murther (such was the odious haste) shee was laid forth on a banqueting bed, and funerally burned, with∣out other herse, or greater solemnitie. So the old text of the twelue tables, wherein it was comman∣ded, that no man should plaine, or polish the wood vsed for the burning of bodies, seemes not in her case infringed. Neither, during all NERO'S dayes, was the earth which had beene broken-vp to make her funeral fire-pitt, cast in againe, or the ground it selfe either raild about, or otherwise enclozed. After his death, her houshold-people bestowed a simple sepulcher vpon her, in the place where TACITVS hath described it, neare the way to MISENVM, and the high-seated house of the dictator CAESAR, ouer-looking the bay of BAIAE. That very sepulcher, at this day extant, and called AGRIPPINA'S, is figured on the roofe, and sides with sphinxes, and griphons, but greatly sullied with the smoake of torches, and lights borne in by such as enter. GEORGE SAN∣DYS, as an eye-witnesse testifies it, in his generous trauails. Those figures seeme to haue beene the

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badges, or symbols of her ancestrie. For AV∣GVSTVS CAESAR (saith PLINIE, & SVE∣TONIVS) vsed the sphinx in his signet, or seale of armes; and ANTONIVS AVGVSTINVS (whom some haue styled the prince of antiqua∣ries) hath published out of his treasurie a coigne with a sphinx, as one of that emperours coigns, who was her maternall ancestor.

To declare what the griphons signifie, some OEDIPVS, or oracle must be found; vnlesse perhaps they were the tesseras, or tokens of ho∣nor, belonging to the CLAVDII, her pater∣nal progenitours, as the sphinxes were of her mo∣thers kindered. If any would rather haue them stand for AGRIPPINAS inuectiues against POPPAEA SABINA, as a most faire, but a most cruel beast, and against NERO himselfe, as a most griping biformed monster, or to lock vp vnder them some other allusiue, or moral sense, I will not dispute the matter. The Sunne to vvhom they vvere antiently sacred must giue that more certaine light. My first diuination pleaseth my selfe best, as that which I repute most probable

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And here the marueilous storie of AGRIP∣PINA AVGVSTA endeth, which I haue with alike faithfulnesse as care, drawne out of the most authenticke testimonies, and the clearest lights which the reason and nature of the things themselues would eliciently beare.

CAAP. XVI. AN ECLIPSE OF THE SVNNE, AND THE DAY OF AGRIPPANA'S DEATH OBSERVED.

THis hapned when VIPSANIVS, and FONTEIVS were Consuls, in the very yeare of that grand eclypse of the Sunne which XIPHILINE saith was such, that the very starres of heauen appeared. That solemne feast, QVINQVATRVS, in honor of MINER∣VA, to the celebration whereof she was most of∣ficiously inuited by her sonne, with purpose to haue her dispatched out of the world, was vpon the fifth day after the Ides of March (including the Ides, according to the Gruterian Fragments of ROMAN inscriptions) & her plotted shipwracke was vpon the very night of that feast. Her tragadie therefore, by this computation, fell vpon the twen∣tieth of March▪ but constituting the QVINQVA∣TRVS (as some more warrantablie doe) vp∣on the thirteenth Kalends of Aprill, it was then the one and twentieth of March. A grea∣ter argument of diuine wakings ouer the doings of men, that afterwards vpon the very same day of the month, vpon which this mighty empresse

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perished, the newes of the reuolt of GALLIA, which drew on NERO'S destruction, came first of all to NERO'S knowledge. This eclipse, and other signes, all of them declarations of a iust of∣fence taken in heauen at a fact which far outwent all aërie monsters, & common prodigies, gaue oc∣casion to noble TACITVS to breake forth in∣to anger, at the long patience of his Gods, who sufferd NERO to continue in life, and villanie, rather showing therein his sense of the indignitie, then to insinuate a carelesnesse in powers diuine. Howbeit, his words sound not well, and LIPSIVS, aswell as SAVILE, notes to vs an Epicurean faith in them. Otherwise, what are a few yeares permitted to malefactors for repentance, or to render them inexcusable at the iudgement-day, compared to that eternitie which shall punish them? Nor could gods forbearance of NERO seeme too long, for a thousand yeares are short, & the vengeance which ouertooke him late to TA∣CITVS, ouertooke him soone to the truth; the weight of the vengeance considered. When the senate, and people sacrificed at his comming to ROME, for ioy of his preseruation (for that was the name which office found out to diuert the note of crime) that grand eclips of the Sunne, seene (saith PLINIE) in ITALIE betweene seauen & eight, in ARMENIA betweene ten and eleuen, shewed an horrour at their offerings. Nor that the vnaptest diuination, for neuer were men so sould ouer to basenesse of flatterie, and irreligi∣ous simulations as at this time they, to content, & assure their NERO. XIPHILINE, out of DIO, befriends the Sunne, in saying the whole face of his light was darkened in that obscuration

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(which IOSEPH SCALIGER, and reason denies) for that part was vnhappie which was vnhidden, nor did this actuall eclipse portend these deeds, but mourne their doings, for it hapned, according to MARCIANVS, vpon the eleuenth Kalends of May, or the one and twentieth day of April, the very month-day it selfe after AGRIP∣PINA'S death. The constant rule which fore∣showes eclipses led the learned to expect some dismal euent, none more vnnaturall then this mo∣ther-slaughter. Hee was then in the fifth yeare of his empire, and so far within the fifth, as from within October, till the aforesaid day of March.

CHAP. XVII. NERO'S PART AFTER HIS MOTHERS END, TOVVARDS THE CLOZE OF HIS FIRST FIVE YEARES.

BVt the crime of NERO did not determine in the killing of her. For the charging her as with highest treason when shee was dead, and her life being taken away without defense, or no∣tice, vpon that supposition, by the prōpter autho∣ritie of SENECA then of BVRRHVS, added calumniation to paricide. Though this vvas no improbable rumor, considering both her minde, and her menaces. But SENECA from the very first entrance of NERO, strongly concurred to barre her from svvaying in empire, and it vvas hee, and his partie in court vvhich first outed

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PALLAS, her principall instrument, and final∣ly eiected her. And therein hee was not thought to haue deserued amisse of mankinde, or of the ROMAN name, her nature being bloudy, fierie, and busie, as altogether became the roote of such an of-spring. But the fact once committed, and a wide passage set open for the introduction of his dearest POPPAEA, through the deadly wounds of AGRIPPINA, there rose a new care how to satisfie the world. A knot more hard to vntye, then the vnstringing of her life. At the last yet, among all the salues, and remedies thought vpon in a case so scandalous, a letter was diuised by SENECA in NERO'S name to the conscript Fathers, wherein with much preface of sorrow, hauing declared his owne certaine danger, and the wonder of his narrow escape from being mur∣thered by her procurement, hee also vsed these passionate words, as QVINCTILIAN cites them, I do not as yet either beleeue I am safe, or care whether I am or no. As if saith TACITVS (pro∣bably reflecting vpon the same sentence) the man had been angry that himselfe had not rather perish∣ed. And though it was held a meere dissimulation▪ yet could hee say no lesse, & nature might returne with such a compungent quicknes after his minde grew clearer (which alwayes happens) that not only the sense of those words, but his weepings for her might be also true. His gripes in consci∣ence, and affrights in his senses are euery-where confest. The successe of NERO'S epistle left a grieuous taxation vpon the secretarie who endited it, because while hee went about to show the rea∣son, and necessitie of the fact, hee confessed the doing, which was contrary to the resolution in

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counsell, certainely to the intended qualitie of the fame, for that (saith SVETONIVS) was di∣uulged as if she had voluntarely slaine her selfe to auoid an open condemnation.

CHAP. XVIII. CONSIDERATIONS TOVCHING THE PREMISSES, AND COMMONVVEALE.

THese two terrible examples in the persons of BRITANNICVS, and AGRIPPI∣NA, gaue all the world to vnderstand, that there was now no hold, nor assurance in his na∣ture, for any dearenesse, or title, which could af∣ford defense either against his feare, or hate. And while the factions of a diuided palace counter∣mined each the other, POPPAEA growing no lesse pernicious, then AGRIPPINA had beene turbulent, NERO got loose from all the modest tyes of his breeding, & SENECA found his au∣thoritie shaken at the very bottome. For without a woman there was no paramount working with NERO, after once hee turn'd absolute, as now hee beganne to doe. Therefore though SENE∣CA was able by obsequious ACTE to plucke him from his mothers dire embraces, hee could not vse the poore wench to any such purpose against the predominant POPPAEA. By those occasions a new side was erected, consisting of such as had but litle other hope then in CAESARS vices, nor any other like scope as the seruing of them∣selues.

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As for the Senate and people, they had ve∣ry small care, or feeling in generall what the prince did vniust for his own satisfaction, in some few particulars, vpon what grounds soeuer, so long as it went well with themselues. Though by the words in TACITVS of such as detracted from the glory of PoeTVS THRASEA, in the case of the SYRACVSAN playes, many points of estate might haue beene better ordered then they were, euen within the commended fiue yeares And though wicked deeds should not bee done at all, yet when they were don by him whom they could not punnish, euen good men were glad to make the best of that which neither could be recalled, nor holpen. A patriots, and a wise∣mans office.

CHAP. XIX. THE GHOSTE OF AGRIPPINA, AND OTHER APPARITIONS AFFLICTING NERO.

THe death of his mother in the spring of the yeare, brought forth a fresher spring of po∣pular delights, and as if her life, like an vn∣seasonable barre, had hitherto hindred the fulnes of such benefit, the blessings of a goldē age imme∣diately seemed to follow. Banished persons were recalled, other acts of clemency exercised, & playes vpon playes, for entertainment of generall affecti∣ons,

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set forth, and celebrated. Her relicks in the meane vvhile remained honor-lesse. Another scan∣dall of NERO'S reigne. But though her name, & memorie was thus of purpose ouer-borne, yet, as if that fellnesse of spirit which shee had aliue, were growne more violent since shee died, her ap∣pearing ghost, & the furies of hell, with whips, and firebrands, by his owne confession haunted him at times, and tormented him euer after. For auoiding of which infernall vexations, hee con∣sulted, and practised with magitians, to come to her speech, and entreate her forgiuenesse. A vaine attempt, when it was his conscience which form'd his imagination, and acted in his senses; nei∣ther had SIMON Magus whom hee specially fauoured, but SIMON PETRVS, the proper receipt of quieting soules, had hee sought it. Guil∣tinesse is the immortall fiend of grieuous crimes, and conuerts the conscience to an hell on earth; nor is there cause for the wise or sober to repine at the seeming felicities of euill princes, because their mindes are vncessantly tormented. Nothing can afford sound peace but only innocencie. This is the first, and only mention of NERO'S vse for magicke, to which (saith PLINIE) hee vvas ex∣treamely adicted. DIO adds, that hee presented to the people most magnificent shovves, & playes to the honor of his mothers memorie, soone after her murther. But farre beyond all his princely do∣ings in this iolly, and Iouial kinde (if I may vse those lighter epithets) vvas the ordaining of his fiue-yearely playes, and prizes at ROME, in emu∣lation of those other, the most famous of Greece, and of all the world, called of their place OLYM∣PIAN, and with vniuersall confluence celebrated

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in ELIS, a prouince of PELOPONESVS. His blossoming youth, & light opinions most easily carried him to things pleasant, and in appearance glorious.

CAAP. XX. OF THE FIVE-YEARLY PLAYES, AND PRIZES INSTITVTED AT ROME BY NERO, AND OF HIS STVDIES.

HEe had accomplished fiue yeares of empire, and as much more as from October till Ianuary, when hee entred his fourth Con∣sulship, hauing for his fellow in office CORNE∣LIVS COSSVS LENTVLVS. In perpetual remembrance of which space of yeares compleate, hee ordained Prizes, and Playes, which of his owne name were styled by him NERONIA, prouided that vpon euery fifth yeares end they should for euer be kept & solemnized. The com∣passe of time betweene the OLYMPIAN a∣gons comprehended only fower yeares full, and was termed on OLYMPIAD: these other A∣gons (for that is the proper word) contained the finished reuolution of fiue yeares, which the ROMANS called Lustrum. Excepting that diuersitie, of computation, the rest of the institu∣tion agreed with the Greeke rule. NERO'S Prizes, or Agons haue three seuerall titles, Mu∣sicke, Actiuitie, and Horse-races; and in the word Musicke those trialls of wit which were

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made in prose, and verse, and are mentioned in TACITVS, were vndoubtedly vnderstood. This imitation cannot be discredited, because hee was the author; for it boasted noblensse in an high degree, and that also gloriously acknowledg∣ed by decree of the Senate in this present coigne.

NERO himselfe had the honor of eloquence in these first agons at ROME: an honor worthy for a prince to affect, specially, where not only the aduancement of language, and ciuil letters, but of wisdome, and vertue, and of the common good are arguments, or finall causes of that af∣fectation. His principall end in this foundation was the glory of his name. The garland belong∣ing to the victorie of playing on the harp was his highest ambition. ZOSIMVS diuides the agons of this festiuitie into only two sorts, scenicke and gymnicke, leauing out the horse-races. Stage∣playes certainely had now also their places heere, but not the pantomime, or mute actor, who by speaking gestures, and change of postures did si∣lently expresse what either the poët exprest in words, or the musicke in notes. Wrestlings, run∣nings, driuings of chariots, Circensian races, and

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the like, tooke vp the remainder of the time. Suc∣ceeding princes vpheld this institution, and when it was out-worne with neglect and time, GOR∣DIANVS the younger reuiued it, and by his best meanes, endeauor'd to make the fiue-yearly custome euerlasting; it was so pleasing to the multitude. Bread, and playes (saith IVVENAL) the only care of the common sort at ROME, nor doth TACITVS in his historie speake other∣wise of them in NERO'S time. For the seruice of this magnificent foundation hee finished vpon the next ensuing yeare his Thermae, and Gymnasium, which (as PHILOSTRATVS saith) were most admirable works. DEMETRITS the CY∣NICK (when CAESAR, the Lords, & people, kept the first feast of the dedication of those buil∣dings with all sorts of ioy, and sacrifices) had al∣most incurred a capitall mischiefe, by openly re∣prouing the vse of Thermae, or warme bathes, be∣cause it did soften manhood, and led to luxurie. His reasons were rather vntimely, then vntrue. The antient GREEKE Gymnasium was diuided into three chiefe spaces, or actiuitie-yards, fitted with buildings, and beautified with images in a stately manner, those courts or fields seuerally named the Xystus, the Plethrium, and the Maltho, and to them belonged the Hierus and Tetragonon, two other courts, or places. These were as the schooles of such manly maistries, for which at the OLYMPIAN games, there was either place, or prize. The iudges, called Hellanodiki, were repu∣ted sacred, and so were likewise the trialls them∣selues. The estimation of a victorie was great a∣boue all beliefe, when CICERO (nor that ouerreachingly) hath left it written in one of his

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orations, that to haue beene declared best, though but at leaping, wrestling, or the like exercises of manhood in those publicke and generall trials, was held a matter of as much glory, as it was at ROME to ride in triumph. A thing neuer gran∣ted there but for subduing kings, and nations in set battle with the slaughter of at least fiue thou∣sand armed enimies. Neither came they to be re∣ceiued into the cities of whence they were but with admirable preparations and celebrities vp∣on their returne, as it well appeares in VITRV∣VIVS, but infinitely better in the prince of lyrick poets PINDARVS. The iudges (whose autho∣ritie was most religiously reuerenced) did after the agon award the garland. The parties name was ceremoniously deliuered to the Kerykes, or as it might bee among vs to the heralds, and officers of honor, to proclaime it with sound of trumpet in the full, and open theater. The garland it selfe at the OLYMPIAN prizes was of Oliue, and the honors, and priuiledges of the victor incredi∣ble. EVTYMIVS, one of them, attained in re∣mote antiquitie, to the opinion of a demigod. PAVSANIAS hath the strange storie how hee outwrestled the deuil▪ such a champion hee was reputed. To the honor perhaps of this EVTY∣MIVS, for the more countenance (as I take it) and grace of the NERONIA, was that gallant, and florishing coigne, stamped at NERO'S com∣mandement. His victorie was on foot, but NE∣RO (as it seemes) hath mounted him in his mo∣ny to a triumphal chariot.

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CONSTANTIVS LANDVS (Earle of Complana in Italie) explicates this pompous fi∣gure otherwise; the person in it to stand for the emperour NERO, & the name EVTYMI∣VS to signifie secure; as if it were not EVTYMI∣VS in the coigne (which after that manner of writing signifieth (as I thinke) nothing at all) but EVTHYMVS, the name of that demigodded champion in PAVSANIAS. That noble gen∣tlemans easie coniecture▪ I infringe not, for with∣out reproofe of the coigns inscription I cannot make good mine owne, no more then he can his. But I doe assure my selfe, and others, that coignes were published with historicall matter, and titles, to reuiue the memorie of antient stories for their more venerations sake: and nothing can be truer then that false writing is sometimes found in marbles, coignes, and other moniments. The common fault of vn ouerlookt artificers. This princely money minted by NERO in reuiuall of the rape of the SABIN women vnder ROMV∣LVS, may abundantly witnesse that custome which I mention on behalfe of my con∣iecture.

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The studie of NERO was versification, which TACITVS thinks hee borrowed, hauing no guift therein at all. But SVETONIVS (who in more things then this disagrees with TACITVS though vn-named) both proues hee had, and proues it well. It was one of his exercises to trans∣late Greeke tragedies into Latine, who made true tragedies in bloud, such as euen the GREEKES neuer fained. But whatsoeuer his talent was that way, his admiration of it well deserued that hee should haue made prerogatiue verses, according to his fortunes. His owne perswasion aswell of abilitie, as of his long winde, was so magnificent, that hee meant to write in verse the affaires, and stories of the ROMANS, in fower hundred bookes. Such a reckoning as would haue beene much more conscionable, had APOLLO, or the MVSES made it. ANNAEVS CORNVTVS (whom he intended to vse as a principal maister in that facul∣ty) durst say they were to many, & when some one or other vrged against him the example of CHRY∣SIPPVS, who composed as great a number of bookes, CORNVTVS reioignd, and said, that the works of CHRYSIPPIVS, containing wise discourse, were profitable. This distinction had almost extinguisht the speaker; for NERO'S sur∣reioinder

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was a sentence which sent CORNV∣TVS into banishment. The truth is, hee had a vaine in verse, and SENECA in his Naturall Questions cites him vpon occasion, and highly praiseth one of his lines; which is indeed a dain∣tie one. In PLINIE the argument of one of his poëms appeares to haue beene the praise of his POPPAEA. And MARTIAL (who seemes to fauour him) insinuates, that hee wrote like a learned wanton. So there is no doubt to be made at all of his poëticall Genius, though it pleased LVCAN (in CASAVBONS SVETONIVS) vn∣mannerly to repeate an halfe-verse of his to the tune of a lowd report backward, where their god∣desse CLOACINA was serued. There seemes not a graine of good salt in all his writings, but admirations, & defixions of the soule vpon beau∣teous outsides. A wit of the middle region, which only serued to sweeten his sensualities. The arts hee delighted-in declare as much, for though they were noble, yet far beneath the maiestie of a prin∣ces minde. No man discommends the true fin∣grings, or delicate touches of a maister, vpon a well-strung instrument, nor the stroaks of a skil∣full pencill in painting, nor the art of grauing. These were his. But a prince ought to mount high∣er, & thinke better. This obiection was mot-with. Therefore, after supper it was his custome to ad∣mit to his eare, and presence, such as TACITVS, (speaking compasse) calles Doctors of Wisdome, to auoide the word Philosophers, as not beeing La∣tin enough. They were admitted so far. But his hearing (as it seemes) dealt enuiously with his vnderstanding, for their sayings suncke not in. Yet neither did they want grauitie, nor hee

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liberalitie. Those studies the chiefe title which SENECA had to gather all his riches, as hee himselfe acknowledged to NERO. The riotous youths of these our times vniuersally more studi∣ous of wittie then discreete, of odde conceipts then solid. No title to accesse, and copious che∣rishments with princes, more worthy then the studie of wisdome, and where it languisheth man∣ners are euermore degenerous. A prince, accor∣ding to NERO'S garb (take him as hee was po∣pular, and not as a tyrant) would sort rarely well with them, who doe either not know, or not enough regarde, that with all his wast of wealth, and formes of vanitie, hee made to himselfe none other friends but the vitious vulgar, and such lewde ignoble persons as liued vpon the times im∣purities, as TACITVS most grauely hath ob∣serued in his histories. Wittie flashes doe condi∣mentally well; but, if that were their best vse, the guift of poësie were with little reason styled diuine. There are who lay other studies in the bottome to balasse the fiërie leuities of conceipt, and only they doe honor the Muses with their manners. Those other while they vn∣learnedly, and miserably mistake licence for free∣dome, are oftentimes pleasant companie, but ne∣uer good.

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CHAP. XXI. OF THE COVNSEL OF HISTORIE FOR THE WORSER PART OF NE∣RO'S REIGNE, AFTER HIS FIRST Quinquennium.

SVch was NERO, according to the briefe I haue giuen of him, during his first fiue yeares; and wether the worst of that which followes should at all be remembred, were a point to be ar∣gued, if the whole truth were not of the necessi∣tie of historie. FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS neuer∣thelesse drawes a curtaine ouer his personall, and publicke exorbitancies, & leaues them vndisplaid. For I hold it far better (saith hee) to burie their de∣scription in silence, then to make knowne, in what measure out of measure hee abused his power, through ouer great prosperitie, and riches, because I thinke it will be troublous, and offensiue. The same reuerence makes mee also willingly say, and thinke the same. So much the rather, because all bookes are full fraught with particulars which declare the great reason, why the name of NERO signifies now, by his desarts, a tyrant in the excellencie, who supposing all the world ordain'd for his peculiar ends, regards no∣thing but the satisfaction of his owne irregular appetites, without respect to God, or man. And what monster was hee not, who though hee made away the nearest of his friends, and the best of his people, yet perpetrated such other things, as in parallel with which, those actions though more then barbarous, doe not seeme intollerable?

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CHAP. XXII. IN ADDRESSE OF SPEECH TO MY LORD, TOVCHING THAT WHICH FOLLOVVES IN NERO'S REIGNE.

SOme of the lesser matters shall not bee vn∣worthy my hand, or your Lordships eare and view, which accustomed to most honorable obiects shall auoide hereby the horrour, and of∣fense which may rise by the contrary. For nei∣ther can the modestie of your most noble nature delight in shamefull wonders, nor stands it with the dignitie of those most roiall infusions which fashion your heroicke habits, to suffer such vices to approach within sight, which in their proper station are far beyond the kenn of common villa∣nies. Therefore men of tender feelings in consci∣ence had rather beleeue them to be fained, then done indeede. IOSEPHVS (a most discreete and credible author) professiuely affirms, that the euill will of some writers hath painted NERO much more prodigious in his life and reigne, then truth would beare, but withall confesseth him so bad, that there needed no falshoods to make him seeme worse. There were also who wrot high∣ly in his fauour, as the same IOSEPHVS saith. CALIGVLA'S incest, with all his three sisters was abominable, but the way of their vse not vn∣naturall, but what NERO did in his male wife, SPORVS, or suffered by his titularie husband, PYTHAGORAS (SVETONIVS calls him DO∣RYPHORVS) are shamefull wonders, and like∣ly,

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if any other else, to bee of those whom IOSE∣PHVS singly thought were impudent vntruthes, or (to vse his owne rough roundnesse) lyes. But the best chaine to be vsed in the euolution of facts is composed of the linckes of time, in order as they were done; To antedate, or postdate may bee e∣qually vnequall. As for them vvho delight in strange matters, they shall knovv vvhat seemes to mee the greatest maruaile of NERO'S reigne, see∣ing vvee are vpon entrance into the vvorst there∣of.

CHAP. XXIII. THE PRINCIPALL WONDER OF NERO'S TIME, AND OF PRINCEDOME.

THat sacred monarckie could preserue the people of ROME from finall ruine, not∣vvithstanding all the prophanations, blas∣phemies, & scandals of tyranous excesses, vvhere∣vvith NERO defiled & defamed it, is the vvon∣der vvhich no other forme of gouernement could performe, and is the principall both of his time, and of princedome it selfe. A vvonder of imperi∣all maiestie vvithin the vvonder of most extreame vnvvorthynesse. But the ioynts, and compactures of the empires fabricke vnder an head, vvere so supple, and solid that vvhat SENECA vvor∣thely praised in generall, as the prerogatiue of monarckie, is exemplified true in this. Neither is it basenesse, or madnesse (saith that famous

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Sage) for thousands to take weapon in hand for the defense of one person, or with many deaths to redeeme the single life of an olde per∣haps, and feeble man, for they tender their pro∣per safeguard, while they fight for their prin∣ces, in whose weale, or woe their owne is com∣prehended. To this purpose he, with a great deale more. But whereas the sentence points vpon CLAVDIVS, who was that olde, and feeble man, it holds good not only to olde, and feeble, but to all sorts of princes persons, whether olde, or young, tame or violent, ciuil, or sauage. The truth whereof appeared before in CALIGVLA, now in NERO, & after-wards in other wicked rulers. Therefore it vvas possible, that the empire should be kept together for the vses of the people of ROME, by permitting all power to one, though it was to that inhumane SYLLA, who first of mortalls taught his countrey to feele (saith Halicarnassian DIONYSIVS) that the Dictatorship was a tyrannie; it had not other∣wise beene possible. And if NERO, (in whom alone all the corruptions which had beene en∣gendred in ROME, from the birth of ROME till his owne dayes, seem'd drawne together into one apostem, or bile) could not putrifie those strengths which princedome gaue more vnto the state, then either the commons, or the nobles when they ruled all, who can enough admire, or reuerence that sacred institution which vertue crownes, and vice cannot dissolue? The excellen∣cies of it speake their author: for so diuine a good as the fast connection of mankinde together in one vnder one, could bee the guift of onely God, vvho in his gouernement of heauen, and earth,

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doth vse none other forme; himselfe a King and monarck.

THE END OF THE FIRST FIVE YEARES OF NE∣RO, HIS MOST COM∣MENDED TIME.

CHAP. XXIIII. THE REVOLT IN BRITAINE AND OTHER TROVBLES OF WARRE.

IN ROME there vvas nothing all the vvhile but songs, and dances, and all sorts of publicke shovves, and iollities, some of them most despe∣rately lasciuious, and impudent (NERO their author, and example) without much cause of feare, or sadnesse to any but the good. But these were suddainely either sowr'd, or marred for the time, with the newes, and cumber of the maine reuolt in BRITAINE. To show how the ROMANS came to bee in the way of so terrible a blow as they receaued now, I will giue a briefe rehersall of

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their first arriuall, till the Consulships of CAESO∣NIVS PAETVS, and PETRONIVS TVR∣PILIANVS, vnder NERO, the yeare and time of this furious defection. And if I shall seeme somewhat more copious in recapitulation then for the occasion, it is neuerthelesse within vse and decorum, because it will compendiously serue for all that was ROMAN in our Iland.

§. I. An introductorie summe of affaires in Britain from the Romans first entrance vnder Iulius Caesar, till the present reuolt vnder Nero.

ONe hundred and ten yeares therefore were now outrunne, from the Consulships of CNAEVS POMPEIVS and MARCVS LICINIVS CRASSVS, since CAIVS IV∣LIVS CAESAR, in the name of the Senate and people of ROME, transported certaine legions, for glories sake, and for the more quiet possessi∣on of his conquests in GALLIA, to inuade, and conquer BRITAIN. A thing which neuer any ROMAN had attempted, and SCIPIO did at most but harken-after. If that at leastwise bee the meaning of PYTHEAS, the friuolous MAS∣SILIAN in STRABO. To empeach this loftie purpose, the state of the VENETI (that chiefe commonweale of GALLIA ARMO∣RICA) had made a puissant league arming out

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to sea aboue two hundred saile of men of warr to fight with CAESAR, because BRITAIN (saith STRABO) was their principall mart; of which his conquest would bereaue them. It was the re∣fuge also of the calamitous people of the conti∣nent; who sought to bee safe and free from the power of the ROMANS, against whom the BRITANNS euermore relieued, and supported the GALLS. Vpon which strict assistence CAE∣SAR chiefely grounded the pretense of his in∣uasion, truely perswading himselfe that hee could not hold GALLIA firme, vnlesse withall hee subdued BRITAIN. But the VENETI were so∣licitous for their neighbours, and allies in vaine. For their noble combination proued tragically pernicious to their fortunes, liues, and liberties. CAESAR therefore vnresistably goes on. For the spirit of conquest, which moued thus force∣ably in him, is a most vehement spirit, and stirres not at all, but for the higher ends of the worlds supreme commander; as to bring backe common∣weales to monarckies; to alter kingdomes from one family, and people to another; to make one kingdome of many; to humble the insolent; to new mould and fashion the barbarous; to blend and mingle nations; to confound, and extirpate others; or the like; at his celestiall pleasure. If it were otherwise, why should there bee at one time a CYRVS, long after him an ALEXANDER, or now a IVLIVS CAESAR, rather then at a∣nother?

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§. II. The Britanns at bloudie odds among themselues, vpon Iulius Caesars inuasion.

THe iland then was full of ciuil warres, as∣well because it was full of petie kings, as for other perplexiue respects, growing out of the distinction of originals among the most early, or most antient races, and the later ones, CAS∣SIBELINE in BRITAINE, head of the one, and, of the other, DIVITIACVS in GAL∣LIA, to whom king GALBA succeeded. Con∣trarie to that preceptiue oracle of HOMER, let there bee but one king; for more then one doe not well. The best of APOLLOS oracles no truer. In this estate of things the weaker states of BRI∣TAINE could not otherwise preserue themselues then by the counterpoise of leagues; till the end∣lesse iniquities of disagreeing princes enforced parties to fly vnder foreigne guards as to auoide oppressions at home. This the tragicall case of that poore distressed prince MANDVBRATIVS, whose father (late king of the TRINOBANTS) was slaine by CASSIBELINE. MANDVBRA∣TIVS himselfe (whom domesticke moniments call by another name) compelled to quit his countrey, did not therefore quit his claime. So notable an opportunitie of the ilanders intestine diuisions (though not acknowledged by CAE∣SAR, as a motiue of his attempt) could not but bee a speciall hand to becken him ouer, and bring him in.

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§. III. The effects of Caesars two inuasions, and his finall returne out of Britaine.

CAESARS first inuasion with onely two le∣gions did rather knocke at entrance then six a title. The second with eight hundred saile, and aboord of them aboue thirtie thousand ROMAN foote, and two thousand horse, in fiue whole legions (a bodie of force somewhat propor∣tionable to the enterprises qualitie) was princi∣pally dedicated to the recouerie of his shine of honor, endangered to the darkning notes of rashnesse, and infelicitie in the yeare next before; from which the death of IVLIA his only child, the wife of POMPEI, which happened (saith SENE∣CA) during these BRITAN affairs, was not a∣ble to withdraw him; though a matter of such in∣finite importance, that it dissolued the barre which kept their emulations from encountring, and drew vp the floodgate it selfe, through the which whole diluges of humane blood shortly af∣ter rushing in, did ouerflow the ROMANE world. In that most iealous point of reputation CAESAR competently satisfied himselfe by those performances of his armies which the compasse of one summer saw effected, and his owne incom∣parable commentaries specifie. Where nothing sounds more honorable or showes more conspi∣cuous then the restoring of MANDVBRATI∣VS to his fathers throne vpon the petition of the

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TRINOBANTS. Touching the generall effects of his labours, STRABO speaks the truth, that diuine IVLIVS CAESAR did no great thing in BRITAIN, though (whatsoeuer CICERO sportingly saith to the contrarie) hee returnd en∣richt with many captiues, and store of spoiles. It is withall most true, that it was not an act of or∣dinarie magnanimitie, or felicitie, to show the way ouer the separating sea into such a most mighty and most populous Iland. And yet hee did som∣what more then only show the way ouer. For the testimoniall arguments of conquests (hostages, and some yearly payments) were first by him or∣dained here in part; and CASSIBELINES hands were tyed fast (in the articles of his render) from molesting MANDVBRATIVS. One on∣ly particular of all the spoiles remaines remem∣bred, a brestplate embroidered, or set with British pearles, which CAESAR consecrated to mother VENVS, as to the most friendly patronesse of his fortunes, and the originall of his family, in token whereof hee ware a seale (saith DIO) with an armed VENVS in it. Pearles nothing cleare nor ponderous, but duskie, & small (saith PLINE) and therefore altogether vnworthy of such a god∣desse. But as they were the fruites of our OCEAN, and the purchase of CAESAR, they had a great∣nesse of value, and a brightnesse of luster which might easily make them exceed Orientall vnions of the clearest water. As for the BRITAN captiues, CICERO is pleased to write, that hee feared none would be found among them either musitians or scholars, whereby to aduance their maisters benefit by their sales in markets. A scorne to the rudenesse of the peoples breeding. No man

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of note taken prisoner, but LVGOTORIX, whom gloriously enough CAESAR calles a noble captaine. But the Druids, Bards, and Eubages, (the three orders in AMMIANVS MAR∣CELLINVS of the old BRITISH Academs) founded by OSTHANES the second (as PLINIE, mee thinks insinuates) may sufficiently relate, & blunt that scoffe of TVLLIES. To bee subdu∣ed by the more polite, and noble is no infelicitie to the barbarous, so as corporall seruitude, & reall iniuries bee forborne. For that wilde freedome, or rangeing humor which is but meerely naturall, how sweete and pretious soeuer it bee, the same, without the fillings of liberall acts, and file of ho∣norable manners, which constitute and accom∣plish a worthy man, is but meerely brute, and sa∣uage. Things thus ordred, CAESAR presently re∣tired into GALLIA and left nothing behinde him to vphold his fresh atchieuements here but the awefull maiestie of the names of ROME, and CAESAR. Neither did hee greately neede more, seeing his haruest of glorie was not such as to de∣serue his professiue, and particular ascription, for among those his fiue famous triumphs, recorded in VELLEIVS PATERCVLVS, the BRI∣TAN by speciall name was not any.

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§. IIII. The Britans, and the things of Britain, a part of Caesars triumph ouer the Galls.

BVt CAESAR who inserted our matters into his commentaries, would not wholly leaue them out in his GALLICK triumph. For I doe not otherwise vnderstand that place in LV∣CAN, where hee complaines how much CAESAR lost in glory, by conquering more then GAL∣LIA, then that the captiue BRITANS were mixt with the captiue GALLS at this show: consequently, the things, or particulars of BRI∣TAIN, with the things of GALLIA, aswell as their persons. Therefore the image of the ouer∣passed Ocean; of the ile it selfe on a rocke, the cliffes, and downes of Kent (celebrated by QVINCTVS in an Epistle to his brother CICERO) father THAMESIS; those chariots of warre out of which (saith DIODORVS SICV∣LVS) the BRITANS fought like the old heroës of TROY, and which by a proper word were called Esseda, CASSIBELINES for∣rest-campe, or fastnesse (misnamed a towne) the breastplate, or curace embroiderd with BRI∣TISH pearles, and such other portable small pageants (which by a proper word were cal∣led fercula, of beeing carried, or borne about in that manner) could not bee vngratefull spectacles, or not singularly condimentall at ROME, already glutted and tired with behol∣ding the figures of eight hundred seuerall townes

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as PLVTARCH reckons) forceably taken by CAESAR in GALLIA, during there his ten yeares warres, and in one day all presented.

§. V. Of the Britans, and the British chariot of Moecenas vn∣der AVGVSTVS CAESAR.

HIs next successor OCTAVIVS, who, in the consularie registers of the Capitol, is CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR OCTAVIANVS, second Emperour, and first AVGVSTVS, had somewhat else to thinke-of, at his entrance into the empire, then the affaires of BRITAINE. But when the ROMAN world, recouering out of those ciuil miseries, into which the murther of IVLIVS CAESAR had headlong plunged it, began to florish a fresh, by the benefite of monar∣chie (the onely confessed remedie) then came hee downe in person as farre as into GALLIA, with a purpose to re-assail our Iland, so to force vpon it the keeping of couenants (as DIO CASSIVS insinuates) about eight, or nine and twentie yeares from his predecessors inuasions. At this HORACE pointeth in his Odes. Some princes therfore of BRI∣TAINE beholding the neere approch of so black a tempest, sent speciall ambassadors to deprecate the effects, and (for such reasons as STRABO com∣memorates) preuailed. IVLIVS CAESAR assessed vpon the BRITANS of CASSIBELINES partie, a certaine yearely paiment (three thousand

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pounds, saith GALFRIDVS Aturius) and it pleased AVGVSTVS to content himselfe with such pettie performances as did rather serue for tokens of subiection, or acknowledgments of te∣nure, then meriting to carrie the weight, or name of tribute, being customes, or tolls vpon iuorie or∣naments for bridles, carkanets, or chaines of am∣ber, vessels of glasse, and other toyes, which passed for merchandize betweeene the GALLS, and BRITANS. But why CILNIVS MOECAE∣NAS (that most ingenuous fauorite of AV∣GVSTVS, and euerlastingly renowned friend of free studies) did ride in a British chariot, it appeareth not. The thing is mentioned in PROPERTIVS, and shewes somewhat of a tri∣umphal right, or glory, that HORACE may not vainly seeme to haue cast vpon AGVSTVS the annexing of the BRITANS to the rest of ROMAN subiects, nor the Senate and people of ROME to haue vnwarrantably boasted of all the three parts of the then knowne world vnder his dominion (as in their coigns they did) if BRITAIN (so fa∣mous a limbe of EVROPE) were not within his triple pretense, three worlds combined in one.

A submission of those potentates of BRITAINE (I call them potentates whom CAESAR would haue

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styled kings, and STRABO aptly termeth Dynasts) is euident out of the premisses. Euident also their acceptance into speciall protection, or socíetie; for thereupon they consecrated their inscribed gifts, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 presents, in the Capitol, with tender of their feal∣tie. And the example of MOECENAS seemes to conuince, that AVGVSTVS, in gratulation to himselfe of so faire a felicitie, permitted the vse of speciall honours to speciall friends. A custome which following times frequented. If MOE∣CENAS (as hee was conceitfull) tooke it not vp onely for a fashion, as others afterwards did so fast, that PLINIE complaines of the cost be∣stowed on BRITISH chariots, and CALIGV∣LA'S friends vsed no other to attend him, ouer his admirable bridge, in SVETONIVS. All this while the iland was not yoaked downe with gar∣risons. Not a ROMAN souldier in it. And AV∣GVSTVS was so indulgent to the state thereof, or so prouident for his owne, in hauing kings for instruments of their proper seruitude, that hee bred vp (as the BRITISH story saith) king KYMBELINE (the third from CASSIBE∣LINE) and the same with CVNOBELINE whom GREEKS and ROMANS celebrate.

§. VI. Of the peace of Britain, and of other rarest matters there, vnder TIBERIVS CAESAR.

TO diuine AVGVSTVS (for that was the style of the time) TIBERIVS IVLIVS CAESAR (according to the title of his

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changed name) was surrogated by adoption who hauing both the liuely example of his adoptiue father, & his posthumous warrant vnder his own hand-writing also, to iustifie his forbearance to enlarge the ROMAN empire (a thing agreeable to his proper iudgement) attempted nothing which might disturbe our iland. Whereupon, to∣gether with the priuacy of situation, it securely enioyed the blessing of quietnesse vnder him. For the auerrment of VELLEIVS PATER∣CVLVS, that the peace of TIBERIVS AV∣GVSTVS diffused it selfe into the west, and into all the angles of the earth, doth vndoubtedly reach to BRITAIN, if it doth not by circumlocution name it also. During that deepe calme, the most hea∣uenly light of Christian veritie shone ouer hither (saith GILDAS, the BRITAN Sage) soone af∣ter the passion, which hapned vnder TIBERI∣VS. His former cares (recorded in PLINIE, and TERTVLLIAN) for clearing GALL, and A∣FRICKE from inhumane superstitious, could not but accidentally prepare the BRITANS (a∣mong whom the Druids florished) for a more ho∣ly character. In the life which I haue diligently written of TIBERIVS there is more. Meane∣while, such was hee to vs during his almost three and twentie yeares.

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§. VII. Britaine menaced by Caligula Caesar. A touch of his follies, and tower.

CALIGVLA affected to seeme terrible to BRITAIN, and there might bee some∣what in his head to that purpose, when it was his pleasure that his troups of friends should waite vpon him (mounted as before-sayd) ouer the semicircular bay of BAIAE. But there was in∣deed iust reason why he should both seeme, and be terrible also, when his armie on this side the Alps contained, as some report in DIO, two hun∣dred and fiftie thousand fighting men. A multi∣tude so huge, as was alone enough to make him haue nothing to do but within himself. For which part of the world durst professe enemy to such a ROMAN force? While he lay houering on the coast, eager of glory, and yet withall (as if the RO∣MAN eagle had been transform'd into a coward∣ly kight, or buzzard) vnwilling enough to finde out iust matter for it, our iland vomited forth AD∣MINIVS (some would haue him written ARMI∣NIVS) the rebellious sonne of CVNOBELINE a BRITAN king, with a thin company of his fellow runawayes. A more foild, and reffuse ware then the shells which his souldiers afterwards gathered. But his ends were abundantly serued. For, vpon ta∣king the submission of those fugitiues, he boasted himselfe (saith SVETONIVS) as if the whole iland had yeelded it selfe. But for a complete conquest, as well ouer sea, as land, he embatteld his huge ar∣my vpon the shores, and bent his warlicke engins

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against NEPTVNE, and his TRITONS, while hee, & his selected friends lanched out in their gallies, as far perhàps as to be sea-sicke, and then returnd such a victor ouer the BRITAN Oetā, as he had bin ouer the BRITAN iland. For vpon a charge soun∣ded (that part of the ridiculous storie is common∣ly knowne) the souldiers, at his command, gathe∣red the shelfish they found, and stored vp the shels as the spoyles of the Ocean, due to the Capitol, and Palace. Which they could not doe but vpon an ebbe. A time chosen out (& that a circumstance, in which the whole salt of the stratagem lay) as if the trem∣bling element had retired it selfe not of course, but for feare of him; the noyse of his artillery, armes, and trumpets able to out-clamour and deafen, not onely a quiet, or murmuring sea, but a fierce and raging one. There followed vpon the seruice a real largesse in money, and the galleys were carried for a great part of the way, ouer land, to ROME, as sacred moniments. CALIGVLA neuerthelesse did not fulfill a triumph, though his wife CAESONIA (as PERSIVS satyrically noteth) ordred the prepa∣rations for it. But that the memorie of such an ex∣ploit might neuer perish, hee built vpon the place an exceeding high tower, the same to be also a sea∣marke, with fire on the top by night, as if hee meant to match the Pharus it selfe of ALEXAN∣DRIA. Most cōtend, that this was at Brittenhuis in HOLLAND; but LAEVINVS TORRENTIVS (a wor∣thy man) admonisheth vs, that others hold it to haue been at KERBVRG, or CHERBVRG in NOR∣MANDIE. Somewhat verily of KAISARS, or CAE∣SARS name seems to remaine aliue in the name of the place. Others suspect, that the tower, call'd by the Dutch, and vs, the old man of BOLEIN, by the

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French, tour d' ordre, at this day standing very high vpon the port of BOLEIN, is either it, or out of it. The inhabitants entitle the same to IVLIVS CAE∣SAR as the author; which doth not hinder, but that he may well be CALIGVLA. For in the rolls of the Capitol, CALIGVLA is expresly entred CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANI∣CVS. Thus, of so notorious a peece of masonrie, the very seat is doubtfull. The workes of foolish prin∣ces as their counsels, come to nothing. The fame of their folly is immortall, and that alone. Cali∣ligula came to the Ocean as to warre in Britain. The words of DIO, and XIPHILINE out of DIO. And they compared with his intention, seeme to carry his encampment and towring structure, far enough of from HOLLAND. For as mad as he was he could not but know, by IVLIVS CAESARS example, there were nearer cuts ouer hither then so. BRITAIN in the meane while, sat firme vpon her rockie foundations, as vnshaken with the bra∣uado, as with billowes. Not a ROMAN souldier in it.

§. VIII. The conquest of Britain vnder CLADIVS CAE∣SAR. A rare coigne of his concerning the state thereof.

BVt CLAVDIVS CAESAR, who in the fasti of the Capitol (that noble moniment) is TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANI∣CVS, about twentie yeares before this grand reuolt of the BRITANS vnder NERO, professiuely re∣uiued

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the example of his diuine predecessor, IV∣LIVS CAESAR, and with all sorts of warlicke prouisions, made a voyage ouer in person: The vulgar BRITISH history (in which neither is all vnlikely, nor vntrue) assignes the occasion which CLAVDIVS tooke for his comming, to be the deniall of the tribute by the sonne of KYM∣BELINE, who (if he was the same with that royall person whom the GREEKE, and ROMAN authors call CVNOBELINE) was dead before. DIO CASSIVS for the time of his death affirmes no lesse. There was also a tumult in the ile, because (saith SVETONIVS) the fugitiues were not sent backe. ADMINIVS (as I suppose) and his adherents. So the detention of tribute seems to haue been in re∣prisall, to force their restitution. And here the part of that BERICVS comes aptly in, who (as DIO saith) was expulsed out of BRITAN, for sedition. The cause not hard to find, considering the pre∣mises, if BERICVS may be thought one of the ADMINIAN faction. But of these things let o∣thers reason. Here certainely our iland first began to feele indeed the weight of conquest. CAESAR had a MANDRVBATIVS to induce, and train him on, and CLADIVS a banished BERICVS. The computation of force in AVGVSTVS time, fit to hold BRITAIN in obedience (according to STRABO'S account) was extremely vnder the marke. One legion and some horse. CAMDEN (the king of our antiquaries, and not of arms onely) reckons vp three whole legions, the second, the ninth, and the fourteenth, imposed by CLAVDIVS to retain his martiall purchase. Sure I am, that when the BRITANS fell from NERO, there was another called the twentith; all foure of them mentioned

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in TACITVS, where he chronicles the defection, and all foure few enough. Yet NERO was so farre from augmenting the ROMAN forces here, with extraordinaries, that but for very shame (as SVE∣TONIVS saith) he had euen reuoked the ligiers. Howbeit STRABO'S estimate, supposing equitie, and AVGVSTVS, might be a full proportion. For the odds are not small in the seuerall natures of times, which extremely alter the states of pow∣er. A few, vnder a wise and venerable prince, are vertually as many as thrice their number vnder a vaine, or violent. With iniurie no force is not weake; with iustice no fewnesse is not strong. Sen∣tences verifide vnder NERO in BRITAIN; vnder whom euen the deitie of CLAVDIVS was made a greater burthen to the BRITANS (as ap∣peares by that of which themselues complaine in TACITVS) then CLAVDIVS himself was when aliue. Among those pretious coignes which the treasurie of ANTONIVS AVGVSTINVS hath afforded to the world, I finde one of CLAV∣DIVS concerning BRITAN peaceable, omitted by all men who haue of purpose handled our affairs.

What the left hand of the image held, vnluckely appeares not, in that faire printed copie, with which it pleased a great, and generous Earle to be∣friend

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me. It might be a garland, a cornucopia, a little winged victorie, or the like, but I could thinke it was some round figure, the signe of tribute-money. The whole may signifie, that CLAVDIVS, the conque∣rour of BRITAIN, ciuilised the subdued BRI∣TANS. The persons gowned habit a manifest to∣ken of it, who is otherwise wont to be represented martial, and vnclothed. And though the rudder, or helme of a ship, which here BRITANIA holds downward in her right hand as a rest, doth ordi∣narily signifie nothing else, in antient ROMAN coigns, but that the countrey whose figure ap∣pears vpon the metal, is an iland, whereunto there is no accesse but by water, yet here perhàps it fur∣ther noteth, that not onely, the nauigation of BRI∣TAIN florished by his meanes, but that tillage, for∣merly neglected, did also set vp now, & prosper, if that which coucheth behind, be not the halfe part of a ship, but the hinder end of an antique plough. A coigne put forth into the world after the Sou∣therne BRITANS were prouinciated, and the RO∣MAN gouernment fully setled here. Nor impro∣bably when the colonie of old souldiers was drawne, and planted at CAMALODVNVM, in the twelfth yeare of CLAVDIVS. For that was precise∣ly the time, as that most modest, and antient good friend of mine, WILLIAM CAMDEN Clarenceux, hath happely, and learnedly obserued out of ano∣ther of CLAVDIVS medalls. CAMALODVNVM the place, vpon which the raging tempest of re∣bellion did first discharge the force of it self, as the insolencies of that colonie were among the hei∣nous sparkes which firde the wronged natiues. This in generall was the case, and state of BRI∣TAIN, so farre as the ROMANS intermedled,

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from the first entrance of IVLIVS CAESAR thereinto, who what hee could not materiallie an∣nex to the main-land, attempted to fasten vertuallie to the empire, as an out-worke.

CHAP. XXV. THE INTERMITTED NARRATION OF THE REVOLT OF BRITAIN VNDER NERO, PROSE∣CVTED.

AFter the death of consecrated CLAVDI∣VS, BRITAIN, with the rest of the RO∣MAN world, comming vnder the scepter of NERO, it was nowe of his reigne the seuenth yeare, CAESONIVS, and PETRONIVS Con∣suls, when the incensed BRITANNS, led by a woman and a widowe, reuengefullie writ her quarrell in the bloud of thousands of enemies. For such they esteemed all who were either free of ROME, or of the ROMAN partie. The causes of which sodein furie, with the bitter effects, the estate of things foregoing, and following (as affor∣ding great lessons) deserue a narration sutable to the maiestie, though not to the length of the intro∣duction. And first of all (that we may admiringlie know how large a place the euil shooke) it must not bee forgotten, that presentlie before the terrible blowe, all the countreyes, nowe comprehended vnder the noble names of ENGLAND, and WALES (excepting onely the Ile of MONA or ANGLESEY) were either immediatly RO∣MAN, as prouincial, or indirectlie, and vpon the

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by, as seeming social. A goodlie scope of habitable element, one thousand miles in circuit, and it self the best and greatest part of BRITAIN, full of braue people, and of natiue commodities; which the ancient equitie of the ROMANS should haue kept, and cherished more carefullie.

For the straightned Ocëan which separates it from the continent, doth not separate it from the benefits, and blessings of the continent. And if the aër of our ile be not alwayes the most pure, and transparent, yet is it certainly the most temperate. But without all other commodities (and the names of ours would fill a long inuentarie) it was alone enough for an attractiue to the ROMANS, that not onely the inferior sorts of oare, but siluer also, and gold it selfe lay couched in the mines of BRI∣TAIN, which their diligence would draw forth into light, and vse; the vaines of mineral coales a tresure left for vs, whose improuident wasts of wood hath made them as pretious as metal. The BRITANNS themselues, who by the right of theyr first comming hither were natural Lords of the soil, a people easily fashionable to the noblest arts, and not to that mean one of making cheese, the ignorance whereof stands vpon some of them in STRABO, as a special note of barbarism. Nei∣ther were the Romans now in any such numbers here, that insolencie might thereupon securely rest it selfe. For to defend their owne share they at most employd but foure legions, with theyr ordinarie aids, consisting partly of GALLS, and GER∣MANS, and partly of the ilanders themselues, the legions of none but ROMANS only. All which together could not very much surmount fortie thousand, according to common pro∣portions.

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An handfull of men if compared to the natiues. But of this more properly elsewhere.

§. I. Of the title of the Romans to theyr conquests.

ANd here it seemes good, once for all, to make it vnderstood, vpon what points in doctrine, and persuasions in conscience, the old moral ROMANS iustifide to themselues theyr vniuersal conquests. This I cannot better doe then in the words of DVBIVS AVITVS, a ROMAN captain in GERMANIE vnder NERO, before this reuolt. The forlorne nation of the ANSIBA∣RIANS (among whom BOIOCALVS was a chiefe) for necessarie sustentation of theyr liues, would haue possessed certaine border-grounds, or wastes vpon the ROMAN pale in GERMA∣NIE, but for some reason in state were denyed. BOIOCALVS, (a faithfull old seruant of the ROMANS) becomes theyr aduocate, and pleads in TACITVS, among other things; That the hea∣uens were for the gods, the earth for men; and whatso∣euer had not an owner, was euery mans. AVITVS hereunto answered. That the commandement of bet∣ters was to be obeyd. And it was the plesure of those gods whom BOIOCALVS appealed, that the RO∣MANS should be Lords of the world, to award, or iudge a way what they thought good, without brooking any vm∣pires but themselues alone. A most high pretense, and as full of natural pietie, as maiestie. Nor had theyr title to empire any poinct so excellent vnto which to referre it selfe, as to the will of Almightie God,

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who in this great game, and chesse-play of the world disposeth of power at his pleasure. So CY∣RVS was called his. And this title doth not seeme more transcendently noble, then honestly true in the case of those old moral ROMANS, though they most grossely erred in the obiect of theyr worship. For they, of all other people vpon earth (saith that matchlesse Historian, CRISPVS SA∣LVSTIVS) were the most deuout, and religious. Nor doth the apostata, IVLIANVS CAESAR, in S. CYRILS workes, ascribe the raising of the ROMAN empire to any other immediate author but diuine. This opinion therefore which confest a celestial prouidence, a goodnesse also in that pro∣uidence towards them who depend thereupon, and a necessitie of such dependencie, merits veneration simplie in it selfe, to the iust confusion of the god∣lesse. Thus flew the ROMANS aloft ouer the heads of other mortals, and prosperd in worldly power beyond all example. If they swarued from the rule of such a beliefe, the correction cost them dear; as in the massacre of VARVS and his legi∣ons vnder AVGVSTVS; and now by this Vi∣rago vnder NERO.

§. II. The estate of the Roman-Britanns immediately be∣fore the reuolt.

THe ROMAN-BRITANNS, on the other side, though ouerlaid with that power, which by hauing subdued the rest of the world, re∣moued the reproach of being ouercome, were ne∣uerthelesse onely conquered to obey, and not to be ser∣uile

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base. Which greatly to their honor TACITVS testifies for them in his AGRICOLA. They therefore suffered their people (whom CLAV∣DIVS, and OSTORIVS SCAPVLA his lieue∣tenant-general, had vpon the conquest disarmed for feare of rebellion) to bee orderlie prest out at their musters, for the seruice of the ROMAN em∣pire, in the nature and name of aids. This kept vp martial spirit among them, though it exhausted the able bodies of the prouince, when they were not farthest off from the spirit of ciuilitie. The RO∣MANS their examples for both. For their hono∣rable, graue, and most decent fashions in peace worthily wann the BRITANNS (a noble, and imi∣tating people) to translate them to their proper vse. The chiefe mens children, who were wont to bee traind-vp in the blundring, and heynous schools of the DRVIDS, had now the life of the LA∣TIN tongue, and the shine of liberall knowledges. For the ROMANS conceiued an higher opinion of the witts of the BRITANNS for studie, then they did of the GALLS. So, they who before could not endure the conquerours language, did now both willinglie vse it, and were also ambitious of becomming excellent therein. CLAVDIA RVFINA, that chast, and learned BRITANN Ladie (very young in these dayes) demonstrates the witts of the men, when she a woman could deserue the commendatorie verses of so rare a ROMAN witt as MARTIALS. But they soone grew too much Romanised, by frequenting warme bathes, costlie banquets, and the like, which passing vnder the title of fashion, were fetters indeed, and a bondage: For there is not a worser mistresse to serue, then voluptuarie waste, and vanitie. Old

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rudenesse a friend of freedome. New formes while they pretend to polish parts, doe oftentimes file euen manhood it selfe away. Old rudenesse notwithstanding is happely changed for faire hu∣manitie. The golden mean alone can take vp the matter so, that freedome may subsist by the force of a generous spirit, and yet smooth arts retaine their tast and luster. This I write of the tamer BRI∣TANNS in these dayes, by the warrant of that which AGRICOLA, not many yeares after, per∣swaded to the fiercer in his owne. For if he thought ciuilitie the way to assure the wilde; the ROMANS for the same purpose had vndoubtedly induced it vpon such as were alreadie humbled. Manifest in the former coign of CLAVDIVS. The inhabi∣tants of cities and townes, (the softest part of euery nation) liued willinglie obedient. For they remained secure, and ritch by the exercise of ciuil mysteries, though charg'd with sundry dueties. From which common burthen as they could not possibly bee freed vnder their owne Princes, or vnder any other forme of commonweale, so neither could they haue been so well in lieu defended, had not fond securitie charm'd asleepe all the eyes of ROMAN circum∣spection. As for the people of the countrey; they al∣so had their reason of content, men for the more part indifferent whom they serue, but as the condi∣tions are diuerse. They therefore by the familier rent-seruices of plowghing, and grazeing (employ∣ments markt out in scorne by the warlick Queene in DIO) or otherwise in paying theyr tythes (the vsuall proportion of tribute) did generallie erne protection, and sustenance. The ROMANS neuer tooke all the land away from the natiues whom they had conquer'd, but left them part. The nobler

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sort, such of them as were stript or disseised either of estates, or authoritie, vnder-went therein the chance of warre, and such vnequall lawes, as liked their new Lords best. These wrecks, and waifs of fortune, were the proper fuell of combustion, or ra∣ther the fire it selfe, alwayes prompt, and alwayes putting for trouble. But from the yearlie payment of poll, or head-money, which throughout the RO∣MAN world was modest, and tolerable (the value of a teston, or some such toy) neither were the li∣uing nor the dead exempt. For that very yeare wherein any one of them dyed was answered. NERO himselfe did neither vrge, nor enlarge grie∣uances, but rather sought redresses. For his consti∣tutions in TACITVS, the one against ouercharging the prouinces with portage of corne to the publicke grana∣ries, the other to make ships tribute-free, were both of them of that nature, and ought to haue reacht ouer hither, as to a famous member of the empire, a∣bounding with corne and merchants. The ordina∣rie gouernment of the ROMANS was far from barbarous, therefore the warlick widowe forecastes in DIO, that they had wunn vpon many with faire persuasions. If their fauours were vnequal, that tended to nourish their partie. But before this vnluckie reuolt, the TRINOBANTS, and some other of the BRITANS stood possessed of so rare a felicitie, as to enioy the peace of ROME, without any ROMAN iudges among them. For the ROMANS medled not, but left them ouer to be whollie ruled by their naturall magistrates, and pe∣culiar lawes. TACITVS witnesseth it, and the GREEK historians (speaking of their condition before the rebellion) doe call them their owne men, and free. Neither did the ROMANS enuie the

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immunities, and honors of their citie to persons who could not enioy them by any right of birth; most magnanimously forgetting what they had at any time done hurtfullie as enemies, and receiuing them, both into her embraces, as bosome-friends; and also into her lapp as children. CLAVDIVS so earnestlie desirous to bestow the franchise of the souereign citie vpon the RRITANNS whom hee had conquered, that SENECA (in his irreligious sports vpon that emperour) vpbraids it. ROME imperiall a gratious common mother of mankinde, and not a mistresse only. Therefore the fall of ROME, as Queene of the earth, was the common sorrow of the earth, euen in scripture it selfe. To the stubborne; sharp, and stern: against aduersa∣ries; fierce, and braue. And if the subiects in the pro∣uinces were vnworthelie violated, or villanously entreated, it was not because the lawe allowed it. For the greatest Magistrate, during his whole time abroad, might receiue nothing of guift, but hay, fower beds, and wood for fireing, towards his prouisi∣ons; and CICERO glories, that hee tooke not all them neither, when hee was proconsul in CILI∣CIA. There neuer was any common weale which more diligentlie prouided against wrongs, and ra∣pines then the ROMAN, or which more seuere∣lie punisht them. The times, euen of TIBERI∣VS, rarelie happie for the prouinces herein. PHI∣LO (who himselfe was an eye-witnesse, and a par∣taker of the benefit) doth excellently note it in his AVILLIVS FLACCVS. But the quiet estate of the ROMAN-BRITANNS, and the thriuing condition of their arts, and trades vnder NERO, was sodeinlie blasted by the scandalous, and wret∣ched iniquitie of some of the predominant (as it

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almost euery where happens) to the so great hazard of the whole, that TRANQVILLVS speakes of BRITANN, as lost for the time.

§. III. The causes of the grand reuolt. Boadicia's quar∣rel the chiefe.

THe reasons which drewe the BRITANNS to rise, and attempt the massacre of the RO∣MANS were great and many. Profound contempt of NERO was the first. For that did chieflie embolden the ROMANS to doe wrong, and draue the sufferers to despaire of an orderlie re∣dresse. To gouerne with the opinion of iustice, keepes officers from presuming, and the rest of sub∣iects from ruin by rysing. DIO (a man of a most honourable place, and a like minde) assignes two principal causes which prepared the BRITANNS for an open hostilitie. The confiscation of goods, and (I blush to write it) Seneca's cruel vsuries. For whereas CLAVDIVS CAESAR (which concernes the first point of the two) had graciously forgiuen such for∣feitures and seisures as belonged to him in right of his conquering sword (NENNIVS, the ancient BRITANN, writes, that they were the tributes themselues) or had otherwise bestowed large summes vpon the chiefe among them; and for that, as for an act of celestiall bounty; was honourd as a god, while as yet aliue, CATVS DECIANVS, NERO'S Procurator in BRITANN, contended, that extremity ought to be pursued, notwithstan∣ding

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any showe of discharge, or plea of pardon, and notwithstanding good CLAVDIVS had caused a Decree of the SENATE to passe for strengthning the fauours hee had done: thereby to inuite the more to yeeld themselues. A solemne wise custome of the ROMANS, to winn vpon the first with fauour, and humanitie, as they did of old in GALLIA, where they styled the AEDVI, their fellowes, co∣sens, and brothers. On the other side ANNAEVS SENECA (NERO'S chiefe counsellour) hauing a stocke going here at vse, of about two hundred and fiftie thousand pounds sterling, sodeinlie calls in his moneyes, (the loan whereof had been thrust vpon the BRITANNS, whether they would or no) where a rebellion would sooner discharge debts, then exhausted meanes could. Yet this is hee (ô strange) who cryed out, when hee was at ritchest; How vnknowne a good is pouertie! But DIO is su∣spected by some of the most noble clarks of our age, as somewhat too vnequall to the honour, and me∣morie of famous SENECA, the sharpest witt of ROME. There are other iniuries named, which concerned the commons, and the rest in generall; which toucht by TACITVS in his AGRICOLA, did principallie consist in the abusiue assignation of rates, and the carriage of corne for the armies. But if one onely iniurie had beene forborne, the com∣mon grieuances (now the blathers of rebellion, and euermore vsed to bee blowne-out with words to their vttermost widenesse, when the discontented meete) might perhaps haue sighed-out themselues without any Champion, to wage a warre on their behalfe. But in the person of a Prince al the nation is strucken; and wrongs done to a chiefe are interpre∣ted by friends and followers as their owne. Among

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all the BRITANNS there was not any of this time so eminent as the Dowager of PRA∣SVTAGVS, late king of the ICENI. Her name in antiquitie is very variouslie written. One and the same woman being in TACITVS, BO∣ODICIA, BOVDICEA, and VOADICA, who is in DIO, BOVNDVICA, and perhaps in CAMDENS BRITISH monies, BODVO. Her husband while hee liued, remained in amity with the ROMANS, as a social king: and hauing first deuised his kingdome ioinctly to NERO, and his daughters, he deceased. The BRITANNS ex∣cluded neither sex from the crowne, and it was the testators meaning, that his daughters, hauing CAE∣SAR for their guardian, and hee for his fauour ha∣uing a childes part, should either bee Queenes of their owne shares, or in coparcenerie after their mother. For both by her owne words in her orati∣on in TACITVS, it seemes that shee reputed the kingdome hers, and in DIO it is expresly said, that shee gouerned in chiefe as souereign, at the time of her taking the field; and (as farre as can be gathered by all the marks of her spirit) euen then also when the king her husband liued. But the daughters (poore sillie ladies) found a sorrie partner-ship, where the lion was to make the partition For NERO'S cap∣taines, and officers, exercised intollerable licence; the pallace of PRASVTAGVS their father, as also his ritches (which were great and long in gathe∣ring) together with his whole realme, not receiued into custodie for the good of the orphans, nor NE∣RO'S part laid out as a bequest or legacie, but that which was theirs ransackt and spoild as bootie. They also of the bloud roial, the kinsmen of the king, were no better accounted of then as prisoners

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taken in warre, in the nature of bondmen, or slaues. A most grieuous poinct, and yet still worler was feared. Princes (by the fortuné of their souereigne function) doe oftentimes beare the name of the crimes which others commit. These foule ones pressing for the first place, were out-gone by other more villanous. For the princelie sisters (whether by force or fraud) were irreparablie dishonoured in their bodies, and BOADICIA her selfe (their most vnfortunate mother) full of most iust griefe, and wrath, and full of all the tempestuous passions which nobilitie embased, or nature violated can suggest, did bleed & smart vnderwhips, and cutting lashes. This the CORNELIAN ANNALS sig∣nifie; worthie of beliefe against the writers nation. But DIO (who is thought but to haue paraphrased vpon TACITVS in this storie) hath no such par∣ticular, neither touching the Dowager, nor her daughters. GILDAS certainlie who was himselfe a BRITANN, and liued in BRITAIN when his miserable countreymen had reason to wish the RO∣MANS here againe, is highlie displeased, calling her (for of BOODICIA hee is thought to mean) a craftie deceitfull lionesse, guilty of the murther of those who were left to gouerne her. She her selfe in her speech to her army complaines, that euen old age was not free from the lust of the lasciuious ROMANS; as if her selfe had beene that way wronged also. But she would not haue concealed it; and in DIO she doth not appeare old, or decayd, but a strong and perfect woman. Her picture hangs vp there in such words as showe the person of some martial Bosse, or A∣MAZONIAN Giantesse.

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§. IIII. The person and qualitie of the warlick widdowe curi∣ouslie described.

BOADICIA'S bodie (that I may aduance her image to the life in the top of this historie) was bigg, and burlie, or rather huge: which some (translating the GREEK into LATIN) not think∣ing to bee a fit parcell in the bill of a ladies praise, haue turned tall. Her face naturallie good, and full of dignitie, was of purpose set to the qualitie of the present seruice, after a most seuere and serious manner. Which moued famous DIO to hang [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] an epithet of such an ambiguous sence vp∣on her countenance, as like a double picture repre∣sents her diuerslie to a diuerse vnderstanding; ex∣cellently comely, or incomparablie terrible. Her complexion verie faire. Which who will wonder at in a Ladie borne in BRITAIN? Her copious tresses dangling in compasse farre beneath her waste, were of a most bright yellowe. And though by her colour her constitution might seeme to bee cold, yet her doings declared, that choler had the maistrie in her, euen vnto deceit and adustion. Her lookes most eager, sharpe, and piercing. An ar∣gument perhaps that her eyes were disproportio∣nablie small; and that was a signe (if artists erre not) of fraud and cruelty. They exemplifie in the foxe, and bear. Nature finallie to make the consort of her properties complete, furnisht her with an alarum∣bell for the countrey, and a deadlie knell for thou∣sands;

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a tongue as harsh, and rolling as her selfe was high and great. Her husband a potent king. Her progenitors kings in BRITAIN. Nor among them any one more likelie to be hers, then mightie CASSIBELINE himselfe. Certainlie she deriues (in XIPHILINES summe) to the expulsion of IVLIVS CAESAR, as to a fact and glorie, descen∣ded hers. The ROMANS inexcuseable to them∣selues, while in contempt of her sex they couple to the pride of oppression, the dull, and blinde absurdi∣tie of keeping no watch vpon her.

§. V. Of Suetonius Paullinus, Nero's Lieuetenant in Britain: and of his designe against Anglesey.

IN the meane while SVETONIVS PAVLLI∣NVS, who commanded in chiefe ouer all the ROMAN forces in BRITAIN as lieutenant for NERO, was far off in the ile of MONA, or ANGLESEY, vpon a most earnest desire to an∣nex it to the rest of the empire. Which ministred to the BRITANNS both an occasion and meanes of reuenge, and was to the widowe an aduantage di∣uerse wayes. For besides that some part of the army did necessarilie attend him in that seruice (which must needes leaue the prouince somewhat the wea∣ker) his person was not onely absent, but those things also without the which euen his presence had beene to little purpose. Attention, circumspection, the awe of souereign authoritie, and whatsoeuer else are restraincts in common sense vpon the vnsure,

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and fickle, and which should also haue beene in his deputies to the purpose of ruling the subiects, were no lesse away with him then hee himselfe. This great ROMAN Senatour (for after BOA∣DICEA, it is reason to speake of him, her aduer∣sarie vanquisher) was a soldier of so victorious e∣minencie, as well in AFRICA as in ALBION, that he commonly went reported as a match for martiall worth to NERO'S kinsman, CORBV∣LO; between whom in their times the globe of warlicke glorie seemed to moue. None of the safest commendations vnder such a feeble prince, whose ignoble life was the clearer seene thereby. PAVL∣LINVS so able in obseruation, and so wakefull in studie, that PLINIE (who afterwards saw him Consul) doth cite him as a worthie author. So farre from rash, that he was naturallie a prolonger. Arro∣gant neuerthelesse, and sowr, in his owne case (as TACITVS notes him in his AGRICOLA) when once he had gotten the vpper hand. Which vices of minde, are familiar to armed might, and are as rarelie found seueral from deeplie musing and tar∣dy natures. The seruants of glorie doe not alwaies see the moral helpes they need. Nothing could pre∣uent those blemishes but temperance. Two yeares time hee had alreadie spent in BRITAIN with prosperous successe. But because the ile of MONA, by the common benefit of such a situation, was a kinde of naturall fortresse, as well to the natiues, as to those other of the enemies who fled, he resolued to make it the chiefe worke of that summer to con∣quer it, that common libertie might haue no refuge any where. An enterprise full of difficultie, both in respect of the mightie barrs which high and crag∣gie mountaines laid in the way, and of the salt

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narrow channell of MENAI, which made that shire an iland. But the loue of glorie smoothed all with him to his hand. For, according to the vsuall saying; nothing seemes hard to the willing.

§. VI. Suetonius being absent vpon the conquest of Anglesey, what Roman forces, and friends resided behinde for a stay, and where.

BVt least the desire of renowne might appeare to bee blinde ambition rather then wise cou∣rage, hee left both the prouince, and borders full of legionarie soldiers, and of their aides. For he is no discreet commander, whose lookes are onelie forward, and not like a bi-fronts, both wayes. Three men are named to haue remained behinde with command. CATVS DECIANVS princi∣pal, as being the steward, attorney, or auditor ge∣neral of CAESARS profits in BRITAIN. The ROMANS call'd such a man Procuratour. NERO'S vast riots needed vnconscionable sup∣plies. And CATVS, to gratifie those ends at his proper enuie, instrumentallie conuerted the ICE∣NIAN kingdome to a prouincial demesn of the CAESARS. For to their imperiall part all the coun∣treyes where ROMAN armies were in warfare, did by a most politicke prouision of AVGVSTVS, ap∣pertain. CATVS therefore was among the ICE∣NI, and with a force. Hence it was, that the colo∣nie at CAMALODVNVM, vpon notice of their danger, sent to him for helpe: PETILIVS

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CEREALIS commanded ouer the ninth legion, and quarterd neerest to the colonie; for hee was the first who made vp towards the rescue. And where else should wee think his abode was but in those very camps about BANNAVENNA, which CAMDEN poincts out vnto vs, at GILDS∣BROVGH, and DAINTRIE, in his ICENI? PAENIVS POSTHVMVS, campmaster of the second legion (surnamed AVGVSTA) lodged vp∣on the necke of the SILVRES. And these two seates of legions, OSTORIVS SCAPVLA ordai∣ned when hee was General vnder CLAVDIVS here. TACITVS signifies it where hee mentions the riuers SABRINA, and AVFONA. The twen∣tieth legion (in some opinions) was not transpor∣ted hither till after NERO'S dayes. But because I finde in TACITVS, that the vexillaries, or the old soldiers of that legion, or as some read the place, the vicesimarians themselues, that is to say, they of the twentieth legion it selfe, were with SVETO∣NIVS at the battle, it is plaine to mee, that the camp, or winter-seat of the twentith, was alreadie begun at DEVA, to bridle the ORDOVICES. As for the fourteenth legion (of all other in BRITAIN the most renowned) there is not the least word concer∣ning it till the battle with BOADICIA. No war∣rant for HOLINSHEAD to fain that it came o∣uer sea for the purpose of that fight. For, as touching the number, king AGRIPPA is my witnesse in IOSEPHVS, that fower legions were the propor∣tion allotted for the custody of this iland euen in VESPASIANS dayes; and the former argument satisfies, that the fourteenth had residence here before the battle. The countreyes themselues were very ful of ROMAN castles, holds, and forts, full of inhabi∣tants,

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full of dwellings all ouer, and not at CA∣MALODVNVM, LONDON, and VERVLAM onelie, though onelie they are named for their sin∣gular misfortunes. Thus we see that the absence of SVETONIVS entrusted it selfe for safetie till his returne, to at least thirtie thousand foote of all sorts, besides horse, bestowed diuerslie: which in a land where all things seemed quiet, seemed more then needed. Other stayes, and affiances he also had, and those not founded in armed power, but in amitie. For the ROMANS were too wise to repose them∣selues where they came, vpon their owne strengths whollie; and for that cause made all the friends they could. Among vs therefore, the TRINOBANTS, and the rest of the nations within the TRINO∣BANTISH vnion (which was as antient as from IVLIVS CAESARS dayes) were louinglie theirs (till BOADICIA secretlie withdrew them) CO∣GIDVNVS speciallie, who could neuer be with∣drawne.

§. VII. Main obseruations touching Cogidunus, a king at this time in Britain.

THis COGIDVNVS was a king in BRI∣TAIN, to whom, vnder CLAVDIVS CAE∣SAR, the ROMANS about eighteen yeares before, had giuen sundrie countreyes for enlarge∣ment of his dominions, which they themselues could not handsomlie keepe vpon their first con∣quests. In requital whereof, hee continued a most constant and faithfull friend, and could not but stand them in great good sted in this most perilous

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moment. For there is no doubt but he was now a∣liue, because TACITVS who was himselfe at this time not aboue sixe or seauen yeares old (as being borne but either in the first of NERO or in the last of CLAVDIVS) hath left it written that COGI∣DVNVS was so within his memorie, as hee tooke notice of his vnshaken faithfulnesse. For euen kings themselues were so among the instruments of seruitude. The seat of his kingdome might bee in middle-ENGLAND; and the nations, which the ROMANS vnited to his crowne, the DOBVNI, and CATTIEVCHLANI. For they lay next north from the THAMES, and therefore the lesse fit for the donours; who did at first prouinciate no parts of BRITAIN, but such as that riuer, and the BRI∣TISH sea (now of the resemblance called the Sleeue) did southward bound. The place, when CLAV∣DIVS reignd, where VESPASIAN in thirtie se∣ueral battles, and fights (some of them also very pe∣rilous) wann twentie strong townes, and the ile of WIGHT by special name, hauing at that time the second legion vnder his command. His scholars prize for the empire; whereunto hee came in con∣clusion. By the benefit of this friendship with immu∣table COGIDVNVS, the ROMANS, while they were in action against the SILVRES, and OR∣DOVICES, had him readie for all occasions. And by his authoritie these mid-land parts doe seeme to haue beene so tempered, that SVETONIVS, after BOADICIA was vp, passed safe from ANGLE∣SEY to LONDON, though the people on euery side were enemies (for so TACITVS expresly saith) which otherwise then by some such meanes (the BRITANNS being then victorious) could not pos∣sibly haue hapned, without surprize, or blowes.

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No common risings, or tumults there at all. The BRIGANTS, and other northerlie nations carried a face of amitie, but were vnsound at the kores, by reason of the late bloudie strife about CARTIS∣MANDVA, their abandoned Queen, whom the ROMANS relieued against them, as CAESARS friend. The ICENI were the top it selfe of dan∣ger, and as well they as the TRINOBANTS (their neerest neighbours) dwelt eastward from CO∣GIDVNVS as far off as the GERMAN OCE∣AN would permit. These considerations are all of them such, and so important, that without them our knowledge of the whole must needes bee very imperfect. Right historie deals in particulars, and handles limb by limb. Generalities are for sum∣mists. The odds full out as great, as between a glim∣mering twilight, and a bright noon-day; or as be∣tween a bare nomination of parts, and their precise dissection. My diligence vpon a ground neuer here∣tofore beaten by any, wil in others quicken greater. SVETONIVS therfore, by this account, might carrie with him about ten thousand to the enterprise of MONA. And these prouisions for retayning pos∣sessed purchase had without all doubt been abun∣dantlie sufficient, if BOADICIA would haue re∣sted quiet. For the BRITANNS very willinglie o∣beid when they were not abused. But here wee be∣hold (not without much horror at the giddie con∣dition of humane affaires) what a mightie bodie of men & matter one womans wrath was able to stir: or rather that vsuall sentence, patience too much moo∣ued, turnes into rage, made good to the world by a most terrible instance.

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§. VIII. Boadicia, and the Britanns meet in great secrecie, and resolue to rise in armes.

BVt all the care which PAVLLINVS tooke could not make vp the want of his personall presence. In the worth of some one man a∣lone there is sometime so much weight. This ab∣sence therefore of the ROMAN Generall was inter∣preted by BOADICIA and the BRITANNS, as a benefit sent from heauen, because it remoued the difficultie of assembling: the first degree alwayes of a rebellion, next after the inward matter is incli∣nable. Therefore at their meeting, the prime thing which they gratulated to themselues was, that they met, though it were in greatest secrecie as their e∣state, and cause required. And to quicken their da∣rings to an headlong, and desperate extremitie, they vpbraided to themselues in detestation, as if they were men who could doe any thing rather then dye for their countrey. A notion, or common place of in∣citement most apt to fire the bloud; In which sense TACITVS hath it, and SAVILE; who was an∣other TACITVS for grauitie and iudgement. Some haue turnd the keen edge of that sentence by turning it quite contrarie thus; as if they were men who knew not to doe any thing else but onelie to die for their countrey. The wrongs, and dishonors, which the most noble authors sustain oftentimes by many translatours, are infinite and intollerable. Scarce one booke among one hundred honestlie done, and

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not one of one hundred exactlie. But to our present taske. The forwardnesse of the Dowager Queene vnlockt all hearts and tongues among themselues; and while each one layes open his griefes (which in telling kindle) or would for companies sake seeme to haue cause (as in such cases it euermore happens) they all agree together to rise in armes with her. As for the sworne couenants betweene the RO∣MANS, and the BRITANNS (which DIO calls their Symbasies) as also the Senates decree for their confirmation, by vertue whereof they had title to a lawfull redresse, they were all broken-through as cobwebs. The sword their iudge and vmpire. Right, and common libertie the names of their quarrell: confusion, spoil, and thirst of bloud the sequel. In∣stincted thus, and embude by BOADICIA, the countrey-TRINOBANTS came in to the plot, and so the rest. Most cunning and vnauoida∣ble, while the cold aër of feare (like a counter-cir∣cumstance of qualities) kept together the heat of counsel. In CAMALODVNVM it selfe they had their close correspondents among their countrey∣men inhabiters.

§. IX. The Druids of Britain, parties in this reuolt.

THe head and members of this blacke agree∣ment were fastned together in a most bloudie knot with speciall rites, and ceremonies. For a mysterie so deepe and darke was neuer seald vp without most solemn vowes, toucht at by TACI∣TVS

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in the word pepigerant. Nor need wee doubt that they were as horrible as could bee deuised, con∣sidering the DRVIDS were the solemnisers, who besides the generall barbarousnesse of their super∣stition, had a special tooth against the ROMANS. For if they preuaild, their profession must needs goe downe, because that wise and ciuil people abhorr'd it as hellish. SVETONIVS therefore, after his vi∣ctorie, felld their groues distaind with sauage rites. The DRVIDS interest a most inward cause of troubles. And how much they thought it concernd them to beat off the ROMANS, who had forbid∣den their sect in ROME and GALLIA, did well appeare in their bedlam doings at MONA. Vpon their altars they vsed to offer in fire the bloud of men; and that was their sacrifice: to know what should happen, they did cut vp an enemie quicke; and that was their sooth-say. They opened there∣fore some ROMAN or other aliue, to read in his heart-strings, how they should speed, and intercep∣ted his bloud to offer to their goddesse, ANDATE. Bloud was the seale of this coniuratorie secret, and this a season of all other the most likelie for the wiues, and daughters in lawe of the wilde and ru∣der BRITANNS (of which sort BOADICIA'S forces did principallie consist) to celebrate those rites in which PLINIE saith they were wont to goe naked, their bodies colourd ouer with oad. A grizlie ceremonie for a gastlie purpose.

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§. X. Wonders fore-show the ouer-hanging euils.

TO the euerlasting confusion of the impious, all times afford cleare proofes in facts, that there is one vniuersal minde of things, whose fore-knowledge is seene in fore-warnings, and whose goodnesse is declared in giuing them. God, who is that minde, and from whom alone all good things come, in his ordinarie, and generall care o∣uer all, and not ouer the elect alone, sends signes, and wonders. Out of this fountaine of pittie to∣wards his creatures, it proceeded, that many great maruels fore-went the sodein change; and not with∣out particular respect to some in BRITAIN (for CHRISTIANITIE euen here had friends as then) and neuer but for his owne more glory. DIO, (himselfe an ETHNICK) ascribes the same to God. The OCEAN betweene BRITAIN, and GALL, at the full tide did ouerflowe, of a bloudie colour, and at a low water the prints of mens bo∣dies were seene vpon the bare, and not the dead bodies themselues, which the englished ANNALS of TACITVS mistakingly say. The similitudes also of the broaken, and shatterd houses of a colonie were seene vnder water in the mouth of the THAMES. These in that element. Vpon the land; the image of victorie in the temple of CLAVDI∣VS, without any known cause, fell downe with the backe vpwards, as if it gaue way to the enemy; wo∣men rapt with a sodein furie, sung near destruction,

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or Woe and alas at hand. Moreouer, in the common court-hall of CAMALODVNVM, there was heard a strange hollow noise or murmure as of the barbarous, by night (which DIOS Greek text notes) with much lowd laughter, and in the theater (the place of sports) a dreadful lumber, mixt with a sound, at the same time, as if multitudes of spectators were weeping and howling together therein, when there was not a man in either. Wonderfull things and to wonderfull ends. Causes of greatest dread to the ROMANS, and of like encouragement to the BRI∣TANNS. In these descriptions I haue holpen my selfe by comparing TACITVS, and XIPHI∣LINES DIO together, and with the most cor∣rected readings in best Criticks, which I thought meete to admonish, not for boast of indu∣strie, but to keepe blame off, where I shall be found to differ from the vulgar. Though the subiect bee such as well deserues greatest diligence.

§. XI. Boadicia's musters, and attire, and of the place of the rendeuous.

ONe hundred and twentie thousand men ap∣peared now for warre at BOADICIA'S musters. An admirable effect of a close and sodein conspiracie. Those numbers not drawne to an head out of the ICENI, and TRINOBANTS alone, but also out of what other BRITISH na∣tions soeuer. Some other else there were. TACI∣TVS notes it in generall words euen at this first as∣semblie. For the earth of the ICENI (according to

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worthie CAMDEN) was spred no farther then the compasse of fower shires, nor they the greatest, and the same at this day inhabited with fewer then fif∣teen hundred parishes; the countrey of the TRI∣NOBANTS (the gemme and flower of BRI∣TAIN) with lesse then ten aboue sixe hundred; and it selfe but two shires now. Impossible therfore that so huge a force should rise on a sodein within so narrow a circuit, as sixe of our present shires; spe∣cially, where very many thousands held loyall to the death, and where so many impediments of free assemblies interposed themselues in the ROMAN forts, and garrisons about. BVNDVCA, the head, and life of these reuolted BRITANNS, came forth in state, attended with the peers, and chiefes. Her bodie cloathed in a deep, and full gathered garment, embroidred with diuers colours all ouer; about her necke a chaine of great wreathed lincks of gold; her shoulders sustaind vpon them a milita∣rie cloake, or a thicke wrought mantle, buttond be∣fore, her goodlie tresses flowing in length downe her backe, serued for a couer, or a golden vaile to all. Thus shee went alwaies attyred. But now more; she held with the one hand in the lapp of her gowne, a leueret or hare for a mysterie; and in the other, a launce for terrour. HOLINSHEAD in her printed picture sets a crowne of gold vpon her as a finall ornament; and it displeaseth not; though authoritie wants. An helme with a coronet, and a plume of feathers more proper, and they also Ro∣manesco, as her cloake, and somewhat else. In this wise fitted, and adornd, shee takes her stand vpon a square hillocke of turfes, rising vp about with sundry steps of the same, altogether after the fashion of a ROMAN tribunal in field. And by that

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qualitie which is assigned to the materials of this militarie throne, it may be well suspected, that the place it selfe of this camp was some where in Marsh∣land, or the ile of Elie, as a place among all other the ICENIAN countreyes, one of greatest safetie. For those turfes were cut vp out of plashie, or fennie grounds, and shee her selfe also assignes in her speach a refuge to bee had in the like, if the worst should happen. That the very word Elie, onely as∣pirated in the first letter, is vsed by DIO, is not much to the purpose; because HELOS doth not signifie there the proper name of a place, but is one∣ly appellatiue of a marsh, or moorish soile: though some there bee (saith CAMDEN) who deriue the name of that ile out of the GREEK, for the proba∣ble significations sake. Her selfe in her owne per∣son most conspicuous, had her naturall tallnesse so holpen out with the notable aduantage of this ear∣then stage, mounted vpon the leuel flatnesse of the open land, that shee easilie ouer-lookt all their heads, as they had their eyes on her.

§. XII. Bunduca's oration to her armie, affording a most force∣able poinct to inflame the Britanns by opposing their manners to the Romans.

HEere DIO CASSIVS NICAEVS puts into her mouth a long oration, well worthie of his eloquence, and the wit of a GREEK, who was so greatlie delighted with the wonder, and worth of this argument (the world hath not a rarer)

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that hee seemes to haue made the exquisite hand∣ling thereof, his maister-piece. For there is not any thing of that bright author extant, vpon which he can be thought to haue dealt with greater care, or endeuour, then vpon his BVNDVCA'S storie, which (by the speciall good fortune of our famous iland) wrought so well in the minde of XIPHI∣LINE, that he seems not to abridge, but to insert it entire. That oration I will not draw in hither, both in regard that HOLINSHEAD partlie hath it al∣readie, and I haue showed the causes of this reuolt in a speciall chapter before, (the principall matter of the speech) and also for that it is not my purpose to translate, but to make all mine owne. That which next is most of force, and in the oration may be called a counter-comparison, or a confronting of contraries (the receiued word in art is antithesis,) shall not escape my diligence, the particulars extra∣cted after my way, and couched pillar-wise in table, for the readers clearer comprehension, without ex∣ceeding my written warranties. An excellent glasse of the ROMAN, and the reuolted BRITANNS manners.

BVNDVCA saith:

The ROMANS are few, and strangers. The BRITANNS many, and at home.

The ROMANS haue their helmets, and curaces, which load them with their brazen weight▪ and render them vnapt to pursue. The BRITANNS haue neither helmets, nor cura∣ces, but swords, bucklers, and darts, which are not burthensome.

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The ROMANS trust to their trenches, walls, and parapets, which consi∣sting of oaken stakes, one fretted, and wreathed in∣to another, doe shew them as shut vp in boxes. The BRITANNS haue their tents in the open field, and for their defences their marshes, bogs, and moun∣taines.

The ROMANS must haue their shadie bowers, houses ouer head, bread of ground corne, wine, and oile, or they cannot hold out. The BRITANNS brook hunger, thirst, cold, and heat. Any herb, or roote serues then for food; water will quench their drowth, and euery tree is to them a roofe, or canopie.

The ROMANS sowe corne, & are handicraftes∣men. The BRITANNS haue learned nothing but to fight.

The ROMANS must haue their warme bathes, their boyes, their daintie fare, and their bodies sup∣pled with oile. The BRITANNS vse none of these, but haue their wiues, and all other things in common, and count all children their owne, which makes the fe∣males as valiant as the men.

The ROMANS are insolent, insatiable, vniust, and worthy to be the slaues of a BVNGLING FID∣LER. The BRITANNS, by such as these, are wronged, and ouer-borne.

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The ROMANS, who so long haue endured the yoake of their ladie, and mistresse, Madam NE∣RO (for who can thinke him a man?) deserue to con∣tinue slaues still. The BRITANNS had heretofore beene free, and though others should be so base as to spend their dayes in vassall villenage vnder a DOMITIA, or NE∣RONIA (fitter names for him then any of the mas∣culine gender) it is certain∣lie her last resolution, ei∣ther to liue free, or die.

The ROMANS are foxes, and hares. The BRITANNS are wolues, and greyhounds.

At this (as at a cu in a players part) she for lucke sake suffers the hare to slip out, which all the while before lay wrapt in the foulds of her skirts. The hare among the BRITANNS a creature vnlaw∣full to be tasted; and now (as if some thing sacred were in it) the subiect it selfe of omen. That prouing luckie (the poinct of fortune being in the way it tooke) all the soldiers spent their mouthes in an v∣niuersall showt, crying a BVNDVCA. Shee ac∣cepts the luckie signe, and after her thankes giuen to ANDATE (the goddesse to whom shee was chiefe∣lie deuoted, and the same which Victoria was a∣mong the ROMANS) most affectionatelie recom∣mends her cause to her speciall protection. Her o∣risons, and all other rites finished, she forth with ri∣seth, and leads them most fiercelie on to extirpate all that was ROMAN in BRITAIN, with sword, and fire, and with all the extremes of warre. Against which for the present, there was no sufficient stop, the tyde was in such sort out at vnawares. CA∣MALODVNVM

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felt the first great mischiefe of the tempest, and perisht vnder it.

§. XIII. The motions and actions of this mightie bodie of rebelli∣on; and first concerning the Roman colonie at Camalodunum, and the castles on the borders.

IN this famous place, CLAVDIVS CAESAR had planted that colonie of old soldiers (as an help for curbing the rebellious, and a mean to informe, and fashion others in the duties of lawes) whereof there is mention before. But this in∣tention, by the faulr of the new inhabitants, fell out quite otherwise. For being but lately brought thither, they did not onely thrust the natiues out of their owne permitted dwellings, and dispossest them of other lands then such as vpon suruey had already been allotted by the publicke officers to euery soldi∣er in particular, (according to the custome) but shar∣pened these wrongs with reuilings, terming them captiues, and slaues. Wherein they foulie mistooke. For the BRITANNS were conquerd to yeeld, and not to bee trod vpon. Force had maistred their strengths, but naturall indignation remained. STRABO therefore foretold the truth, that if vio∣lence were vsed to the BRITANNS, there would bee danger. In the meane while, looke how many the old soldiers, so many new Lords there were. For the younger sort (of whom there was for a kinde of garrison, a slender band) partlie through

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likenesse of manners, and partlie in hope of the same licenciousnesse, did soothe, and vphold the older in their madnesse. This bred so deepe an hatred in the hearts of the natural CAMALODVNIANS, and of their countreymen, the TRINOBANTS about, as it secretlie drew them to side with BOA∣DICIA; so much the rather, because they saw it was not a short bondage which they were likelie to vndergoe, but in the purpose of the ROMANS a perpetual. For whither the word which TACI∣TVS vseth in this case, were an altar, or an earnest of tyrannie, whither ara, or else arrha, or (as VA∣LENS ACIDALVS reads it) arx, that is to say, a capitall fort, or keep of oppression, the TRINO∣BANTS could neuer cast their eyes vpon the tem∣ple of CLAVDIVS erected among them, but as vpon a dedication of their seruitude to perpetuitie. CAMALODVNVM, the standing court or palace-roiall of their kings, while CVNOBELINE li∣ued, was now become the center of pleasant retire∣ments for the ROMANS, not the rendeuous of their power. And though it stood as farre remoued from all open enemies as the easterne sea would suf∣fer, yet did that temple, vnder the colour of cere∣monies, sucke and engorge the ritches of the BRI∣TANNS, not as a temple, but as if it had beene a gulph, or indraught of the neighbour OCEAN. The onelie worship of such a kinde of dietie as CLAVDIVS, the principall cause to ripen the wrath of God, and to hasten fearefull vengeance. The outward state of the towne seemed neuerthe∣lesse very flourishing. For, besides the old palace, and other the buildings of the BRITANNS (for the ROMANS (saith SIGONIVS) did not vse to destroy the buildings they found) it had a senate-house

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for consultations, a theater for playes, that goodlie temple of CLAVDIVS, and as well they, as the rest, vndoubtedlie answerable in some mea∣sure to the ROMAN magnificence. But the BRI∣TANS of the towne, whom the insolencies of that colonie had vtterlie lost, holding close correspon∣dence (as is noted before) with those in BOADI∣CIA'S camp, for the hope and desire of reuenge, did notablie further it, and as otherwise also, so spe∣ciallie by disswading the ROMANS to fortifie. For the colonie lay open on all sides, the better to enioy free walkes, and aër about, though it had not alwayes done so. For this was the towne which CLAVDIVS assaulted, and tooke, and whose i∣mage he represented in a mock-fight at ROME. TRANQVILLVS cannot be thought to meane it of any other. The old ditches therefore fild with the ramparts thrown in, and all the fortifications rased after it was wunne, yet safetie was not alto∣gether neglected, though pleasure was rather sought then strength. It had no trench, no palisado, nor o∣ther defence about it selfe, but it had the maiestie of the ROMAN name (a reputed wall of brasse) the awe of a fresh conquest, and sundrie strengths (though many miles off) in the marches, or pale of the prouince (euident in the AGRICOLA of TA∣CITVS) where the ROMAN garrisons watcht, and warded in castles, sconces, and other presidia∣rie places. These together with the small force of soldiers mentioned before, were the hopes vpon which the colonie relyed against all sodein inroads or commotions, as the hope of those soldiers con∣sisted in the strength of the temple. Which though at other times they might haue beene competent, yet now were vaine. For BVNDVCA suddenlie

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assailing such other of the ROMAN soldiers as lay scatterd here and there vpon the frontiers in forts, and castles, and forceing the garrisons, rusht ouer them with such violence into the bosome of the countrey, as the sea at a breach, making vp with all speed to the colonie it selfe, the obiect of their grea∣test spight.

§. XIIII. The Roman colonie at Camalodunum destroid by Boadicia.

THe darke and thicke cloud of warre, full chargd with the lightnings and thunders of reuenge, was scarce any sooner before CA∣MALODVNVM (where their correspondents ex∣pected them) but it was also within it. The RO∣MAN partie there, vpon the first appearings of dan∣ger, had sent to CATVS DECIANVS for some assistance, but hee (as so bad a man must needes) misdoubting his owne case, onelie spared two hun∣dred soldiers, and those not fullie armed. The colo∣nie it selfe, with their wiues, children, seruants, all sorts of tradesmen (as in a great flourishing corpo∣ration) and their families, could not amount to so few in all as tenne, or twentie thousand; though it was a colonie of but about tenne yeares standing. CAMDEN saith it was that braue, and noble legi∣on, the fourteenth, surnamed Gemina Martia Victrix, which CLAVDIVS planted here, and of the word Victrix styled the whole colonie Victricensian. This may be so; for though wee finde a fourteenth

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legion in the field with SVETONIVS PAVL∣LINVS at the ouerthrow of BOADICIA, yet might the numbers be new, though the name con∣tinued. For by suffection, or supplie, they lengthe∣ned out the names of fortunate legions, not onely farre beyond the age of a man, but of many ages al∣so; as a ship, which though by new trimmings, and frequent reparations, it bee not the same in stuffe, yet is the very same in opinion, by reason of the name remaining. And this kinde of entire plantati∣on was sutable with the antient custome of the ROMANS, which (as TACITVS notes, and commends) was of whole legions, with their cap∣taines, and officers. Euery ROMAN colonie an i∣mage of ROME their mother. CLAVDIVS am∣bitious to imitate the best and oldest. But the colo∣nie (how populous so euer) was manifestlie weake in all respects; for these antient warriours had a∣bandoned the vse of armes, and being ouer-mel∣low with ease and pleasure, held it enough to walke vp and down with warders, or truncheons in their hands. A fashion of honour (saith LIPSIVS) which was common to them by speciall priuiledge with captaines, to whom alone it did regularlie be∣long. Old, and young, the feeble and the able, men, and women, as in a time of deep peace, mingled to∣gether. The BRITANNS who were natiues of the citie (for colonies were reputed cities) alwayes couert enemies, and ouert now, ioyne to their par∣tie The soldiers seeing no hope left for a common defence, quit the streets, and market-place, and throngd themselues vp within the great temple, nei∣ther safe in the veneration of CLAVDIVS, as a sanctuarie (though the temples of the CAESARS were sanctuaries) nor in their small forces. The

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name of NERO, the present emperour, void of honour. Their onely affiance this: that if they could maintaine the gates, and battlements, till PE∣TILIVS CEREALIS came in with his legion, they might perhaps escape. No third course could be deuised (for the enemie would not parlea) and this was friuolous. For BOADICIA becomming mistresse of all the towne at an instant, did sodeinlie sacke, or fire whatsoeuer lay without the walls of the temple. The assault whereof was neuer inter∣mitted till it was wunne; which hapned vpon the second day of the siege. All went to wracke there∣in, as in the rest. Sword, furie, and fire concurred in the execution. There was nothing ROMAN, which force tooke not away, or reuenge deuoured not. CAMALODVNVM, vnfortunate in her kings, and colonie, though very fortunate in the blessings of a seate, was thus betraid, and destroid together. Neuerthelesse the commoditie of situati∣on gaue it life againe very soone after: for euen in PLINIES time it was a towne of speciall note. In our dayes, the antient name is not shorter by the syllables which MALDON wants thereof, then the place it selfe is short of the former glorie; though it otherwise be a faire, and a famous borough.

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§. XV. Petilius Cerealis comming tardie to the rescue, is en∣countred vpon the way by Boadicia, and put to flight.

THe BRITANNS were so flesht with this bloudie handsel, that BOADICIA, hearing how PETILIVS CEREALIS, and the ninth legion, ouer which hee commanded, were marching vp for the deliuerance of the colonie, they could not but haue cause to deride his too late ap∣proach for bringing succour to his fellowes; and to gratulate to themselues, that hee sought for a mis∣chiefe too soone. Therefore while they greedily catcht at reuenge, as if they would fore-lay, or take it before hand vp, they gladlie set forward to his in∣terception. A rashnesse in CEREALIS, with so great a disproportion of numbers to encounter the first heates of an huge incensed multitude, and cen∣sured for such by his Generall, PAVLLINVS. Neither was BOADICIA deceiued in her hopes. For all the probable meanes of information being cut off from CEREALIS together with the colo∣nie, shee meets him vpon much the more aduan∣tage, giuing in vpon his squadrons with so round and home a charge, that vtterlie vnable to resist, he was beaten from his ground, and compelled to flye away vpon the spurre, with onely his troups of horse. The infanterie of the legion, thus left naked, and immediatelie ouerlaid, was driuen to the earth, and cut in pieces, not any one taken to mercie.

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That all the ROMAN footmen which were then in the field, lost their liues is euident, but that they were more then two thousand may bee doubted; because the very same number (two thousand iust) was soone after sent ouer hither by NERO, to fill vp the breach of that vnluckie legion. They of the same who were not in the field with CEREALIS, serued to man the camp, and to see to things behind. So necessarie a poinct of prouidence, that other∣wise they had perisht all. For it will easilie bee thought that the BRITANNS pursued close. But he riding for his life, got within the trenches, and by their helpe was safe. Which kinde of spea∣king in TACITVS, satisfies mee, that CEREA∣LIS was not a dayes iourney from his campe, and that the BRITANNS attempted to enter vpon the luckier remaines of the legion, but preuailed not. Hither also is the reason of BOADICIA'S change of course to be drawne. For to linger about the win∣ning of forts, and hard places (which as yet was vaine) being found to be losse, the counsell alters. In sted whereof, as a more compendious way to their purposes, they fall vpon such other places as had the fattest booties, and least defences. Men (as they are described in TACITVS) greedie, and glad of pillage, but of all other long toils of warre impatient. Lo here the naturall spirit of the tumul∣tuous multitude, whose proper scope is to grow by robberie, and not to restore common freedome. For of that noble desire they generallie haue no feeling, because their more part hath no honesty.

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§. XVI. Catus Decianus Nero's procurator, leaues Britain without leaue.

THis ouerthrow of CEREALIS, and the de∣serued hatred of the ICENI against CA∣TVS DECIANVS, among whom hee had exercised his couetousnesse, and crueltie, strooke such an affright, as hee durst not abide any longer, but sped ouer-sea into GALLIA. There is nothing so bad, or base, which vnderstood to be spoken of a couetous wretch or coward, will not readily bee beleeued by others. Therefore it is not hard to per∣swade, that hee was the cause of all those molesta∣tions which SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS af∣terwards sufferd by the meanes of IVLIVS CLAS∣SICIANVS. For CATVS (to whom CLASSI∣CIAN succeeded in office) poisoning the credit of PAVLLINVS, with all the ill reports hee could, his owne vile deserts might the rather escape vn∣seen, as in a troubled water. And if CORNELIVS TACITVS were to be thought a man apt to be∣lieue at large, and that in some of those particulars which hee rehearseth vp among the causes of the BRITANNS reuolt (as the stripes of BOADI∣CIA) hee might perhaps be abused, there is not any thing which would sooner offer it selfe to mee as the occasion of misleading him, then the conceipt, that it was his fortune to light vpon CLASSICI∣ANS accusations of SVETONIVS PAVLLI∣NVS. BOADICIA also, by way of stratagem,

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might tell the BRITANNS, that her bodie was scourgd, and a thousand such other things, to cre∣ate the more hatred against the ROMANS, though not one of them were true; which as CLASSI∣CIAN might vrge in writing to disgrace the times of PAVLLINVS, so might TACITVS finde. DIO did not thinke her words in those poincts cre∣dible: for hee could not then haue omitted them without blame. That TACITVS should onely tell of the scourgings, and not specifie the cause is strange. But he doth little other in the case of king TIGRANES, who was put to death vnder TI∣BERIVS. That so vehement a louer of popular partie as he, could haue so reuerent a conceipt of roiall maiestie as to thinke that no cause was suffici∣ent to iustifie the violation euen of vnderling prin∣ces (such as TIGRANES, and BOADICIA) and that hee might therefore forbeare to insert the reason, is by no meanes credible. All that occurs to me as the most likely cause why the centurions, and other the rauenous, and outragious officers of NERO, laid violent hands vpon her, is meerely this, that it was an effect of their quicke, or capti∣ous sence of her words, vpon expostulations in her palace, and kingdome, when they oppressed her. Among which words, if there were but the same, or the like, which she afterwards vsed in her armie (a matter not improbable) the admiration is at an end. For they were so full of most iust scorne, and open contempt of NERO'S person, as could not but minister that aduantage which their couetous∣nesse, and cruell iniquitie desired. Yea, so far forth, as to make it seeme a fauour, that they punisht her no more seuerely then so: the blemishing of maie∣stie, high treason among the ROMANS. The storie

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of TACITVS in that poinct failing vs; our best perswasion must be, that his writings are in those places imperfect, as LIPSIVS and other think they are in very many, and without doubt doe ther∣in thinke most truely. CATVS DECIANVS was glad hee got whole away. That hee fled alone, or that great numbers did not follow his example, is not probable. The THAMES, and sea were open.

§. XVII. Suetonius Paullinus, vpon the newes of Boadicia's re∣bellion, came in haste from Mona to London.

WHile these things were in doing at the one side of BRITAIN, SVETONI∣VS PAVLLINVS, the ROMAN Ge∣nerall, was busied at the opposite other. As that maister of a familie, who while hee seekes a farre off to enlarge the seat of his abode with more out∣houses, beholds his maine dwellings on a blaze in their remotest parts. He had therefore scarce finisht the conquest of the ile of MONA, and let light in throughout the same, by felling the bloudy groues of the DRVIDS, when the newes of this grand re∣uolt violentlie pluckt the fruit of his fresh victories out of his hands. Other labours aske his attendance now, and other cares. But they not such as to make him wholly negligent of MONA, vpon which he pla∣ced garrisons. Great ones vndoubtedlie, considering the remotenes of place, the difficulty of relieuing, the wayes almost impassible; enemies round about, who though but very latelie ouercome, yet were strong∣lie

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re-encouraged by the example of BOADICIA. That he afterwards withdrew those presidiarie for∣ces (the yron yoake of warre) is very apparent. For TACITVS elsewhere saith, that PAVLLINVS was recalled from the possession of MONA, by the newes of the BRITANNS rysing: and posses∣sion is not otherwise to be vnderstood to bee kept in such a case, but by maintayning forces vpon the conquered land. His danger also did shortlie need that he should call vnto him all the helpe he could. Lastlie, IVLIVS AGRICOLA vsing the coun∣sell and seruice of some of the auxiliarie BRI∣TANNS themselues, did about ten yeares follow∣ing, bring that iland backe vnto obedience, and therefore it had gotten loose againe, what course so∣euer PAVLLINVS tooke, or the rulers betweene. From MONA to LONDON (about two hundred miles diuided) the way was for a great part sharpe, and rugged, and euery where else either the length of the march, or the perils of the passage made the smoothest of it rough enough. To LONDON notwithstanding it mainely concernd him to come. Holpen therefore by the faithfulnesse of COGIDVNVS (according to my former grounds) hee held on his iourney with admirable constancie, among swarmes of enemies, and got safe through.

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§. XVIII. Of Nero's LONDON before Suetonius Paullinus was driuen by Boadicia to abandon it: and first whi∣ther it were once a Roman colonie, or no.

HEere the name of LONDON is first found in antient authenticke writings, and that for the calamities sake which at this time it suf∣fered most extreame. But that violence which could abate, and desolate happinesse for the time, aduan∣ced the name thereof to immortall remembrance by CORNELIVS TACITVS, her principall histo∣rian, and witnesse. Tragicall effects the most naturall matter of renown. Prosperous successes va∣nish in the warmth of their owne fruition. His me∣morie therefore deserues a speciall honour there. And if euer the most ciuill, pompous, and thankfull vses of the magnificent arts of statuarie, founding, mowlding, musiue, and grauing, preuaile to come vp here, as among the GREEKS and RO∣MANS, both hee and others shall vndoubtedly en∣ioy it. London (saith he) is a towne, which though it was not ennobled with the surname of a colonie, yet was it most notable for multitude of merchants, and multitu∣dinous passages; that is to say; for great resort, or flocking to and againe by sea. But if the CORNE∣LIAN word, Commeatuum, here, bee called vpon to beare a lesse proper sense, then are wee for these englishes to substitute, a towne abounding with all sorts of victuals, or prouisions. Though voiages, fleets, embarkments, and passages vsuallie made,

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doe necessarilie imply an ouerflowing plenty in the station. Both interpretations true. But there are two seuerall translations each of them in print, who out of that very place of TACITVS would make LONDON seeme a colonie. If there be any hope that he could haue such a meaning; it must shine from out of other words in his AGRICOLA, where summing the hurts, and mischiefes of BOADICIA'S darings hee speakes plurallie, as if colonies were destroid, and not one colonie alone. That reading of the place being literallie vrged, LONDON then may best put in for that title, with CAMALODV∣NVM. But some of the most learned neither reade the LATIN word as in the number of multitude, and there is also another commodious answere; fi∣gure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular, as a gracefull excesse. LONDON was neuer said to bee a colonie. The honour so much the more, that hauing no such potent support, it should grow so superlatiuely eminent. These are some few among the infinite innouations of transla∣tors. Description of places is an expresse office of historie; as the clearing of doubts a necessarie right of description.

§. XIX. The qualitie and estate of London immediately before the burning.

THe seat of LONDON, one of the best of the world for locall guifts, and maiestie, was more antiently inhabited then ROME it

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selfe, according to some. Which may also well bee true according to reason; though CAESARS com∣mentaries, and such as follow him in them may seeme to inferre the contrarie; as if none of the BRITANNS had any other townes, but woods or thickets, ditcht, and banckt about. The clearing of which sauage deformitie, by competent proofes, and reasons, would bee an office of honour well bestowed vpon the most noble of ilands. Nor should day bee taken for the taske but for auoiding to dis∣continue the line of narration. It is therefore most of vse for the present, and most certaine for the sto∣rie, that the estate, and qualitie of LONDON, im∣mediately before the burning vnder NERO, was most flourishing; at leastwise comparatiuely with all other places of BRITAIN, for the poincts of trade, resort, and plenty. And those few words of COR∣NELIVS TACITVS formerly cited, confesse somewhat either of a wrong, or wonder; that LON∣DON being worthy indeed to enioy the title, and priuiledges of a colonie, it was left notwithstanding vnder the inferiour reputation of but onely a towne among the ROMANS. A city among the BRI∣TANNS and their principall. The very last ioincts in the composition of the name LONDINVM (if nothing else) would proue it well. For the word Dinas in antient BRITISH, signifies (as they say) a citie. Among CAMDENS ROMAN copper coigns, touching our countrey, there is one in ho∣nour of BRITANNICVS, the sonne of CLAV∣DIVS CAESAR, which hath nothing legible vp∣on it, but

METROPOLIS ETIMINII BA.

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that BA. (in short writing) standing for BASI∣LEOS, or KING,

THE CHIEFE CITIE OF KING ETIMINIVS.
the name of the citie fretted out, and quite worne away with age.

Camdens BRITANNICVS.

But OCTAVIVS STRADA, a gentleman of knightlie degree, vnder the emperour RODOL∣PHVS the second, with the honourable title of be∣ing his ANTIQVARIE, hath publisht one of those inualuable medals much more entire.

Stradas BRITANNICVS.

A most fortunate iewell to BRITAIN, better worth being but copper, then obrize gold, or para∣gon stones; nor simplie a single peece of money,

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but it selfe an entire treasure. For without the least alteration of characters,

METROPOLIS ETIMINII BALO
being the visible remain of the circumferential in∣scription vpon the reuerse, a most easie distinction (by supplie of poincts decaid) reads,
METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BALO
that is to say,
METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BA∣SILEOS LONDINVM.

For in the very letter L. and much more in the syllable LO, all men (though but slightlie conuer∣sant in antiquities) will readily confesse, that after the name of the king, the name of the place in BRI∣TAIN did commence.

THE MOTHER-CITIE, or PRINCIPAL CHIEFE TOVVN OF KING ETIMINI∣VS, LONDON.

Now if great IOSEPH SCALIGER, witti∣lie straining, or (as most thinke) directlie corrupting SENECA'S play of CLAVDIVS, to bring forth his Scoto-Brigantes, could not containe himselfe from breaking out into a glorious ioy, that he was now the man to whom the noble SCOTTISH nation stood obliged for such a testimonie of their antientie in BRITAIN, then might I also (who endanger no mans writings, but deale sincere∣ly) gratulate to my selfe this discouerie. And, if no∣thing shall hereafter infirme it, Great BRITAIN

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must no longer incurre the barbarous note of being citie-lesse in CAESARS dayes; and then also must LONDON vndoubtedlie owe the best proofe, and clearest light, as well for dignitie as antiquitie, that hath hitherto beene seene among vs, vnto me; who first of mortals haue duly asserted the honourable name thereof into the title of a ciuill Metropolis, till this present hower ouerwhelmed in the rubbidge of BRITAINS ruine. For though OCTAVIVS STRADA (to whose memorie immortall thankes are due) hath afforded the medalia, hee hath not medled with the life of the thing, the meaning▪ that is onely mine. Speciall historie depends vpon the rare argument of the coign; for both the which one act of exposition shall serue in their more proper place, and time. And that LO being the initial let∣ters of the name, should in STRADA'S coigne sig∣nifie LONDON, cannot seeme strange either to the learned, or the ignorant, when in other coigns concerning BRITAIN, the meere single L it selfe imports as much. Nor will it be the fortune of any man to finde a towne in BRITAIN, whose name beginning with those letters, can be fit to beare the stately title of a metropolis, but this alone.

London to say the truth (say those famous ANNALS) was not ennobled with the surname of a colonie. The ROMANS therefore who had setled their hous∣holds in LONDON (for as wise SENECA ob∣serues, they made their countrey euery place where they ouercame) were so many, that nothing wanted to erect it into a colonie, but an act of the SENATE of ROME to authorise the title, and rights; their numbers appearing to bee alreadie suf∣ficient for support of the charge, and dignitie. They therefore and their fellowes, the natural BRITANNS,

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together with the ordinarie sequels of their per∣sons, and professions, who dwelt therein, ammoun∣ted to an extraordinarie multitude, which made the place not more populous then full of houses. For the proportion of habitations answeres the proporti∣on of inhabitants. How many the LONDO∣NERS were of either kinde, is a matter lesse known, then how far euery way the buildings went, which neither could be narrow, nor ignoble; but large as forcopious merchants, & magnificent as for magni∣fico's. For, as the most learned CAROLVS SI∣GONIVS obserues out of CICERO, the gentle∣men, and knights of ROME, dealt in merchandise at home, and abroad, and were members of the col∣ledge of Mercurie, whose statelie seate was vpon mount CAPITOLINE it selfe, and whose limbs, and parts were spread through the ROMAN world. One of the suburbs of NERO'S LONDON abutted vpon the fields which are at this day ter∣med of the neighbour Spittle, as NERO'S coigns, and the coigns of other emperours dig'd vp there, among the monuments of the dead, doe abundant∣lie witnesse. The very bignesse of LONDON a cause why PAVLLINVS forsooke it the rather, as hauing not men enough to keepe it. So antient a citie of the BRITANNS, the same in like sort so new a seat of the ciuill ROMANS, could neither want temples, bains, aquaeducts, courts of counsel, and iustice, nor other publicke workes to render it complete in it selfe, and a farre-off worth the behol∣ding. The riuer full of ships (for merchants and shippes doe alwayes suppose one the other) the ri∣uage full of sea-faring men, the inns full of stran∣gers. Here was the staple of trade, and the capitall mart of BRITAIN, the bower of the noble (for

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they had no where else to be so furnisht,) the blisse of the thriftie (for they had no where else to bee so enriched) the delight of all. Here also, or no where rather, the publicke storehouses, granaries, and ma∣gazines; the safest stowage of gotten spoiles, the soldiers packs, and baggage, the hostages of the BRI∣TISH states, the publicke records, (as at SAMARO∣BRIVA vnder IVLIVS CAESAR, in GALL-BELGICK) and whatsoeuer stuffe, or prouisi∣ons SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS in his aspi∣ring spirit, might designe for a triumphall, or an o∣uant showe at ROME. His care to reach to LON∣DON before the cruell rebells, an argument of the premisses, and of this also, that it was the top it selfe of all the ROMAN interest in BRITAIN. His pur∣pose moreouer to erect the same into the seate of warre, makes it credible, that it was not without a wall euen then, but euery way defensible; had it met with a season more fauourable, or with a cap∣taine as firme as the faith of the people. Within it the splendor of armes, and the furnitures of peace, which till the most fierce BOADICIA strucke vp for battle, was euery where most deepe, and still. And whereas the place of store had euermore a strong guard within it, as at SAMAROBRIVA before said, where a legion lay in defense, so here (if my diuinations faile mee not) either the valorous fourteenth kept, or some large portion thereof, as in the main stay, or seat of the empires part in BRI∣TAIN, it selfe also the key or gate of the prouince, which lay beyond the riuer from SVRREY-side to∣wards CORNVVALL. An argument hereof, that though LONDON for the territorie was Tri∣nobantish, yet for the iurisdiction was Can∣tian; at leastwise, in PTOLOMEAS dayes vn∣der

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ADRIAN. And the infrequencie of soldiers which is alledged in TACITVS for a cause why SVETONIVS did dislodge from thence, was the infrequencie (if coniecture hits right) of that braue bold legion, whose bands and troups were not full as then, by reason of absences vpon leaue, or farre dispersion of the parts, which all came in before the battle, though wanting at the musters. Thus ritch, thus populous, thus great, thus strong, thus good∣lie, and thus abounding with all the necessaries, and pleasures of life, SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS possessed LONDON at his returne from MONA, for the seruice of CAESAR, and of CAESARS RO∣MAN-BRITAIN.

§. XX. Nero's lieutenant in Britain abandons London to the rebells.

NOr did the place seeme of lesse importance to SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS himself, who (all other businesse set apart) vnderwent so much paine, and perill, to reach and keepe it. But LIPSIVS not without cause complaines of the many wants and imperfections of narration in this noble piece of the CORNELIAN Annals; the blame whereof hee principallie casts (as common∣ly elswhere) vpon transcribers, who while they should haue giuen vs true copies, haue otherwise v∣sed their pleasures in them, contrarie to faith, and office. For in a matter which had somewhat in it of a wonder, to tell vs nothing but the name of the

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vertue by which PAVLLINVS wrought, to bring himselfe from MONA to LONDON, yeelds slen∣der satisfaction. But if some part of his aduentures; and some particulars of his carriage had been with∣all vnfolded, the competent reader (whose proper∣lie the iudgement is) could of himselfe haue gathe∣red out of them, whither it was constancie, or rashnesse in the ROMAN Generall, to march through the midle of his enemies. Which heroicke action, as now it stands declared, may rather seeme of one who had gotten a ring, or receipt, to qualifie him with a gliding inuisibilitie, then his who followed right reason, the onely true guide of valour. More∣ouer also, it would not haue beene impertinent, but very satisfactorie, and vsefull, to haue reuealed what kindes of soldiers, and how many went with him in guard along; where they rested vpon the way; and among what seuerall nations; as XENO∣PHON in his excellent bookes of CYRVS his As∣cense hath done. But the law of ANNALS, re∣quires no such exactnesse, being properlie nothing else but summaries, or narrow registers. I for my part am glad to behold so many poincts, and glim∣merings of facts remaining in TACITVS for ac∣complishing our countreyes historie in this most memorable parcell. In him therefore wee finde the subiect matter of PAVLLINVS his main delibera∣tion at LONDON; his doubtfulnesse what to re∣solue; his generall musters there; his scantnesse of numbers; the capitall motiue of his warinesse; his finall determination, and execution thereof. The question in counsell was; whither hee should choose and vse London for the seat of warre or otherwise aban∣don it. Before the proposure whereof it must neces∣sarily precede, that he resolued with himselfe, not

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to issue out to fight with Boadicia; And both these poincts were principally grounded vpon the know∣ledge of weakenesse in the ROMAN partie, disco∣uerd after his entrance at the musters. To perswade a stay, the reasons were great and many. The pre∣seruation of so famous a place; the honour of the Roman name; the certaintie of aid from Nero; the danger of a retreat; the necessitie of giuing a stop to Boadicia's furie. But without some competent proportions of forces, he was warnd by the fresh disaster of PETILIVS CEREALIS not to hazard battle. To authorise a departure there wanted not arguments, and those most weightie. For, wheras SVETONIVS PAVL∣LINVS had here appointed the generall assemblie of his side, now vpon a view taken, his troups and companies were not found full, but infrequent, and thin. The main prop therefore of resistance failed, which whither it were by CATVS DECIANVS his example, fraud, or basenesse, or otherwise, did howsoeuer happen. A more compulsorie cause was want of corne, which DIO notes. For neither with∣out store of men could so great a citie be defended; nor men be kept aliue without food. The fortune of LONDON thus hanging in ballance, and sway∣ing mainly downwards for the present, the newes of BOADICIA'S terrible approach, drane them whither they would or no, to a round, and present resolution. That seeing LONDON could not be made good against the preuailing rebells, who were now in their ruffe and vtmost brauery, the excellencie of the place could be no colour why they should wilfullie perish with it. The ho∣nour of the Roman name was doublie safe, both by the monstrous oddes now against them, and by a meere ne∣cessitie. Besides that, whensoeuer they got the vpper-hand againe, honour would acknowledge old clients, and

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willinglie returne with aduantage. And though aid would certainlie arriue to relieue them besieged, it would bee more acceptable at Rome so to order things here in Bri∣tain as not to need reliefe: and if there should bee need, Nero's succours would not come lesse contentedlie to find their fellowes in an open field, then shut vp within dit∣ches, and fortifications, as in a kinde of dishonourable pinfold. The danger of a retreat nothing comparable to the mischiefe of a stay. And London was not lost gratis, but did a seruice worth it selfe, if the ritches, and plea∣sures thereof could performe that for the present, which their armed powers were vnable to doe. The stop of Bo∣adicia's furie much better to be made with onelie the for∣tunes of a place, then besides the losse of the best towne with the remains also of all the Roman-Britann powers together in one. Nor could any goods perish, which were but sackt, or pillaged, and not quite destroid: for one vi∣ctorie would recouer both all their owne things, and their enemies. It was therefore a loan or licence, rather then a desperate debt, or shipwracke, to permit the rebells to make spoile, and bootie; and meerely a stale, or golden ball, such as Atalanta stoopt vnto. Therefore, while the greedie Boadicians spent their time in sharing among themselues the wealth of the most famous merchant-towne of Britain, the Roman partie should haue opportunitie to gather head elsewhere, without the shame of an open flight, and with the certain∣tie of making a secure retreat. Nor though Boadicia, per∣ceiuing the scope, should be willing to suspend the sack∣age, and plie the pursuit, yet would she not dare to vrge it, because the cardinall mysterie of her greatnesse was licence to rob and steale This benefit among the rest not the least, that euen time it selfe would abate the edge, and quantitie of the present mischiefe, nothing violent being permanent; wayes would also be found, how to sun∣der

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the combined, thereby to weaken the mightie knot▪ and if nothing else yet this would vndoubtedlie happen, that euery one as he had gotten most, would most affect to be gone, each to enioy his purchase, the end and fruit of their partakings; nor should Boadicia bee alwayes able to hold them together. And to imagine the very least, yet the commoditie, to assemble, and enable the Roman par∣tie, would vndoubtedly follow; whereby the necessitie to fight should bring no necessitie vpon them of being ouer∣come in fight, but a iuster hope of preuailing by the meanes of more prouisions. Thus was LONDON heauily condemned to bee left for the time to the lusts, or mercie of the rebells. In execution of which sad sentence, the ROMAN Generall caused it to be proclaimed through the city, that hee must rise and leaue the place, though not the people; for whosoe∣uer would depart and partake with him the fortune of warre vnder the ROMAN name, and standard, should be receiued, the rest vpon this warning were otherwise to prouide for themselues so well as they could, either by abode, or absence. The LONDO∣NERS, the comfort of whose liues, and hopes rely∣ed vpon the issue of this counsell of warre, tooke desperation in at the same eare at which these newes did enter. The wofull estate, and face of a people and things, after such a proclamation, cannot easi∣lie be imagined. And in historicall narrations of ca∣lamities it is vnlawfull to fain at all, or to make any other description then of only that which was actu∣allie, and properly theirs of whom the speech is in∣stituted. Office•••• of inuention, and imagination, are the proper of other MVSES; those of reason, and consequent discourse the onely ones of historie. This we finde in textuall authoritie, that vpon this dismall Oyez, Oratours in the name of the whole

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corporation besought the Generall with teares, and cryes, not to forsake them. But in vaine; for against all batteries of passionate gestures, vowes, and adiu∣rations, hee continued inexorablie firme to his own decree. Of them therefore who were at this instant time of LONDON, some resolued to stay behinde; being persons whom either weakenesse of age, or sex made vnable to flye, or such other as the sweets, and dearenesse of the most beloued place, confir∣med in a desire to stand, or perish with it. The re∣sidue being fitted as well as the miserie, and shortnesse of the time would possiblie suffer, encrea∣sed (as CAMDEN obserues) the forces of PAVL∣LINVS, and were receiued after the signall of de∣parture, into part of his host, or conuoy: The ri∣uer vndoubtedly, though straightly beset, at least∣wise vpon London-side; befriended many by affor∣ding meanes to escape. The ROMANS had a na∣uie vpon the coasts, as appeares in TACITVS at the end of the BRITISH affaires, where TVR∣PILIAN succeeds in the charge.

§. XXI. London entred, sackt, and set on fire by Boadicia.

SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS, hauing abso∣lutely thus quit the place; there are some rea∣sons to perswade, that they who remaind be∣hinde, attempted to defend themselues, without dy∣ing whollie vnreuenged. For they besought not PAVLLINVS of his stay, but of his helpe; and in the life of AGRICOLA there is mention, after

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the burning of the ROMAN colonie, that BOA∣DICIA forced a great fortified ground, or castra, whereby whatsoeuer TACITVS meanes, whe∣ther a campe, according to the nature of the word, or (contrary to the propriety of his speaking, and of the Latin language in those dayes) some mighty castles, or citadels; to looke for such a thing any o∣ther-where rather then here, is improbable: finally; the same grauest author writes, that they who re∣mained, were ouer-laid by the enemie; which ar∣gues a resistance; and DIO expressely professeth, that BVNDVCA did assaile and take two cities by force. But of the fort of LONDON, commonly knowne all in present by the nobler part thereof, the Tower; and of DIANA'S temple (where the cathedrall church of Saint PAVL doth thrust the head there∣of into the clowds) which as the temple of CLAV∣DIVS in CAMALODVNVM did, might serue as a castle for the time; as of whatsoeuer else may in most likelihood concerne this point of defense, there may be opportunity to speake elsewhere more at large. BOADICIA, succeeding to PAVLLINVS with a most different affection, was now become absolute mistresse of LONDON, and of all there∣in. The wilde vplandish crewes of her beggerlie kern, and sauages, with the rest of that rable, spared nothing quicke, or dead. Thirst of reuenge in her, and rapine in them banisht all humanitie. The streets and houses, and all the corners were filled with miserable murthers; the goods felt other ruder owners then the right ones; nor did they content themselues with a simple massacre; and when they had glutted their barbarous appetites with all sorts of licenciousnesse, and outrage, they fired the spaci∣ous towne, as if in the smoake of the burnings the

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note of their carriage should vapour away. A most horrible effect of the pretended recouerie of liberty. But while they consumed what things or persons it pleased them, they withall consumed time, to their vndoing, and fatallie cockerd themselues vp with the hope of continuall felicitie: the cause why they finally miscarried. GALGACVS wisely afterwards obserued it in a speech, to his Caledonian BRITANNS. This destruction was particularlie foretold among the former wonders, by the images of shattered houses vnder water; which being seene in the riuer of THAMES, belonged not in the qualitie of the presage, to CAMALODVNVM, but to LONDON. Of those fourescore thousand ROMANS, & RO∣MAN-BRITANNS, which were slaine by the BOADICIANS in this vast reuolt (as DIO giues the account) fewer then fortie thousand could not perish here, according to the least proportion. That such was now the fortune of the place, can∣not be colourablie doubted; both because TACI∣TVS in generall words hath testified, that fire was among the common instruments of BOADI∣CIA'S reuenge, and PAVLLINVS himselfe is my witnesse in DIO, that here it wrought particular∣lie, though he names not LONDON otherwise then by circumstance. For of those two chiefe townes destroid in this dreadfull rebellion by firing them, the one (saith he) was betraid; euidently CA∣MALODVNVM: the other was abandoned; the spe∣ciall case of LONDON. The faithfull towne sit∣ting vtterly desolate in cinders, and ashes, among the dead trunckes, and bloudlesse bodies of the late children and inhabitants therof, had no other com∣fort but the honourable conscience of constant loi∣altie; and the noble hope to rise againe more hap∣pie,

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and maiesticall; which afterwards proued so true, that for the greater dignitie it came to bee enti∣tuled AVGVSTA. The nature of the merit immor∣tall in the fame, and the imitation perpetuall to the people. Nor doth any thing threaten the glorie thereof so much, as the halfe-brutish manners of the rascall multitude (the branne, and scurfe of all so∣cieties) who darken the desarts of the worthie, by confounding their qualitie in common estimation abroad. Or rather not they, but some disguised limbs of such crewes as swarme forlorne, and desperate, about the citie, without profession of life, and who contriue for disorder. Full amendment the proper and continual care of the magistrate; the wishes of that amendment common with my selfe to all who loue the honour of the realme therin, & LONDON.

§. XXII. VERVLAM sackt, and destroid by BOADI∣CIA. An essentiall difference betweene the persons of a municipium, and a colonie.

THe same miserable fortune there was of the towne called VERVLAM (a municipium, or a free-borough of the ROMANS) as there was of LONDON it selfe. And though in COR∣NELIVS TACITVS it be the last of the three fa∣mous places in the order of naming, which were en∣tred vpon at this time, yet whither it were also such in the order or suffering, may be doubted. For how doth that reason hold good which SVETONI∣VS rendred as the finall cause of his quitting LON∣DON,

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By the losse of one towne to saue the whole resi∣due, if VERVLAM was ouerwhelmed after? But being it is cleare for the disorder of the fact, the strife, or doubt concerning the order of the time, may very well cease, and wee may follow what wee finde. CAMDEN probablie supposeth this towne to haue beene the very same which IVLIVS CAESAR wanne by assault from king CASSIBE∣LINE, Captaine-generall of the league of BRI∣TAIN. VERVLAM therefore is now but a part of the common calamitie which was then the onely all. Nor did any thing more vnmaske the co∣uetous, corrupt, and inwardly most vitious intents of the BOADICIANS, then the iniurie done hereunto. For in CAMALODVNVM the maine bodie and stocke of the people were ROMANS, and LONDON likewise was full of them, which ministred some colour for mercilesse carriage; but why they should deale in that manner with VE∣RVLAM, the magistrates, and comminaltie wher∣of were BRITANNS, no tollerable cause can be well assigned. True it is they had the dignitie and benefit to be free of ROME, but were not otherwise RO∣MAN. A principall difference betweene the persons of a colonie, and those of a municipium, this; that in a colonie they were euermore drawne out of the cor∣poration it selfe of the people of ROME, as mem∣bers before; but in the other, they were not any part of that imperiall bodie till fauourably receiued by municipiall priuiledge into the freedome; men gene∣rally forein else, and but by admission capable. The VERVLANIANS therfore were BRITANNS, though now they smarted as ROMANS, & found their riches to be their vndoing. It might be suppo∣sed (if histories were places for supposals) that king

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COGIDVNVS (of whom there is already suffici∣ent spoken) was Lord of the soile about, which being vpon the frontire of the reuolted TRINO∣BANTS, the towne for that cause suffered mis∣chiefe, in hatred, and despite of his constant friend∣ship to his great benefactors the ROMANS. And here among many other the like, in the CORNE∣LIAN Annals, the infelicitie of the text, corrupted by transcription, breeds confusion. Nor doth the surgerie of Criticks so heale it, but that new galls and blisters may still arise. What TACITVS would principallie say is not obscure: For hee hath told vs; that the Britanns, omitting castles, and garrisons, as tedious and troublesome to con∣quer, ranged loose about, and made bootie or hauock of that which was most of worth abroad; And although a very commodious sense seemes to lurke vnder the disordered shufflings of the vulgar text, which is, that the Boadicians carried their pillage, and robberies into places of safety (whither woods or bogges, or whatsoeuer else) and full of gladnesse for their cheui∣sance, did then come againe to fetch more (which eue∣ry man will repute reasonable to suppose) yet those learned maisters frame other coniectures; best to be seene in their owne writings. The most iudicious of them agree in this to be the sense; that the Boadi∣cians sought for that which was most gainefull to them∣selues, and withall vnsafe for the owners to defend; a people forward to boot-hale, and consume, but backe∣ward to the duties of warre. A censure they well deser∣ued, and extends to all others, who propounding to themselues no laborious, nor honest meanes of life, long for ciuill confusions, that they might haue what to lauish, though for but neuer so short a while, and with whatsoeuer lasting miserie of the innocent

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and industrious. Natiôns marke it wel. The ruins of VERVLAM (soone afterwards re-ëmpeopled, and reflourishing) a wall of flints and brickes, eaten downe into the earth with age and weather, and deepe double trenches about, which remaine at this day, looke sadly with an ouer-growne face vpon the towne of Saint ALBAN, and retaine the anti∣ent name. That the syllable VER, the first in the word, should be somewhat sounding honorable in the BRITISH tongue, because VER-GOBRET was the name of a chiefe magistracie among the GALLS (whose language was the same with the BRITANNS) and their most heroicke champion, was called VER-CINGETORIX, is more easie to image, then to prooue. But that it signified the same with Mawr, is probable, if the sense of Ver, or VAWR, in some BRITISH dialect, bee like∣wise equiualent to Great in English, as MAWR is. Great an apt addition in these particulars. HVM∣FREY LHVID, one of the most learned late an∣tiquaries of the BRITANNS, will haue it, that the prettie streame which runs thereby was denomina∣tiue of the place, and VERLAM to haue been Wer∣lhan, the fane, or temple vpon the water Werr, hee supposing that to be the name thereof; the same towne also afterwards called CAER-municip, by oc∣casion of the ROMAN franchise. It is no great mat∣ter whither of the opinions be truer, or if neither. Here also sword, and fire (the instruments of wrath & furie) deuoured what rapine left: nor fewer thou∣sands then tenne of those eightie, which the BOA∣DICIANS slew in all, could probably perish ther∣in.

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§. XXIII. The most sauage behauiours of the Boadicians in the vse of their victories throughout.

THus farre the motions, and actions of that mightie bodie of enemies assembled together vnder a most glorious title, the recouerie of common libertie, and commanded in chiefe by BOA∣DICIA, prospered after their manner. The same being now at the vtmost height aswell for successe as wickednesse, fell sodeinly to ground. No won∣der at all; considering how hatefull they had made themselues in the sight of God and man, by abusing their power, and fortunes: quite blotting out all the splendours of their fauourable cause, with the foule∣nesse of their carriage. There was no taking to mer∣cy (saith TACITVS,) no quarter allowed, no hope of ransome, nor any trade of tearmes, as in other warres; but blades, halters, fire, gallowes, and vt∣ter vengeance to all that was ROMAN, or towards it; the Boadician BRITANNS not onely striuing to be euen with their oppressours, for the wrongs they had done, but also to get before-hand with them, by worse, and greater. But not to accuse this course too far, because their purpose was absolute∣ly to root out all that was ROMAN; the vnkinde∣ly kindes of their sauage practise in the workes of reuenge, and extirpation, are hardly credible. BO∣ADICIA, a most martiall, bold, and mighty Lady, but not woman enough; for led by infernall super∣stitions, or no lesse then infernall passions, her BRI∣TANNS

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tooke the most noble, and honourable dames among their enemies, stript them naked, sliced away their pappes, stitcht them to their mouthes as to make them seeme feeding, and final∣ly staked their bodies through in length. Villanies at which barbaritie it selfe would blush, and which in themselues most horrible, DIO'S credit makes cre∣dible. The men whom they far more cruelly saued, then they could haue simplie slaine, had their bel∣lies ript open aliue (saith SVETONIVS PAVLLI∣NVS in XIPHILINE) their boweles cut out: some gored vpon burning stakes, and others boild to death in seething water. Man is to man a diuell at times; no where rather verifide then here. The forms and paines of these murthers not to be out-gone for their invention, and execution, sauage wit found how to aggrauate by religious impiety, and irreligi∣ous contumely. For it being not absurd to think, that they might aslo eate what thus was drest (the infe∣rence familiar from the shambles to the kitchin) these certainly whether sacrifices, or games, were most spitefully presented, while they offred in their temples, or reueld at their feasts, but specially in the groue of their goddesse ANDATE, the patronesse of their proceedings, as ANDRASTA, or ADRA∣STE was their deitie of reuenge. For DIO, and XI∣PHILINE, in BVNDVCA'S oration, distinctly speake of them as of two seuerall; if our copies bee sincere. Their great sacrifice of all, which CAESAR, and STRABO describe, is rather not remembred here in particular, then likely to haue been forborn. The DRVIDS who dealt in bloud, the authors, & actors of all; vpon this one ground of doctrine in their schooles, that the wrath of the Gods could not be appeased in a case of life, but with the life of man. And

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their inhumane diuinations had not any other rea∣son for their mysterie. They composed a colossus of wouen osyars, or a monstrous bigg gyant of wic∣ker, which stuft with men, was set on a fiery blaze, and burnt all. STRABO writes that they had an huge image of hay, vnder which not onely men, (shot first with arrowes, or fixr vpright vpon raf∣ters) but cattle, and al sorts of beasts were packt and consumed together. The generall words in TA∣CITVS, and the particular in DIO, exclude not these figures of death from the acts of this tragicke vengeance, though they expresse them not. And a thing so solemne with the Druids of GALL (whose mother-schools were in BRITAIN) which might answere in quantitie to a GREEK hecatomb, and was in very deed an holocaust, was not probablie o∣mitted now, in such plenty of humane bodies, and so great wantonnesse of inhumane butcheries. But this augments not the opinion of their cruelties, though it addes a strange one to the formes. There is more then enough already said, to shew how iust∣ly the BOADICIANS perished. To fall into the hands of the wilde and vitious, is a wretched, and a dreadfull thing.

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§. XXIIII. The course which Suetonius Paullinus held in his retreat from London, and of his constraint to resolue for fight.

BVt while BOADICIA, and her people grew ripe for ruin, the ROMAN-generall, after he had abandoned LONDON, maintayned re∣treat, partly to gather more strength, but specially to shunne for the time the furie of a prosperous ha∣tred. For DIO plainely tels vs, that hee feared the encounter. Such were the heats and darings of the victorious enemy. The way which SVETO∣NIVS tooke, after his departure, was in mine opi∣nion toward SEVERN, where PAENIVS POST∣HVMVS, encamped with the second legion, among the SILVRES. A great accession of strength in such an addition of number. Neuerthelesse it failed. For when SVETONIVS commanded them to draw themselues vp to his quarter, PAENIVS POSTHV∣MVS, maister of the camp, and of the company, vt∣terly refused to come, contrary to the dutie of his place, and discipline of warr. Of him BOADICIA vndoubtedly meant, where she glories in her speach before the fight, that of those ROMANS who had escaped her sword, some couered themselues within their camp, and the rest (SVETONIVS, and his po∣wers then present in the field) did but cast about which way to flye. But in his march towards that second le∣gion, the Generall, by crossing the THAMES at LONDON, could not but farre away prouide best

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for his owne more safetie, and his peoples most su∣stentation. For in keeping the riuer vpon his right hand still, the water was both a deepe barre against the pursuing enemy, and betweene the same and the British OCEAN, the prouince, which ran all along, was ROMAN. Thus houerd hee aloofe, in obedience to his nature, which being slow, and weighty, preferred safe courses with reason, aboue great good lucke by chance. But when hee beheld the intollerable brauery of the woman, in maintai∣ning a personall chase vpon him (for it was not long before she followed close, and quicke) it was high time to redeeme his fame, or die in the quar∣rell. Away goe all lingrings therefore; euermore pernicious, when things are no longer to bee deba∣ted, but done. The necessitie of action often begets felicity in action: and a state of feare is a state of guard. Vaine confidence destroid the other.

§. XXV. The number and qualitie of the Roman forces, proui∣ded for fight.

COncerning the power which SVETONI∣VS PAVLLINVS had in readinesse at this great extremity; TACITVS is vniuersally so vnderstood, that the whole number is not taken to haue amounted to fully tenne thousand, horse, and foote of all sorts in armes. A dreadfull disproporti∣on against three and twenty times as many. They are named in the CORNELIAN ANNALS, the fourteenth legion, with the rereguard, or triarij, of the

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twentieth, as some doe point the readings, and aids, of the nearest at hand, drawne out as vpon a violent need in haste: but, as others doe place the points, they are reckoned the fourteenth legion with the Tria∣rij, or rere of the same, and the vicesimarians, or soldi∣ers of the twentieth, together with aids as before-said. The word for that companie is in the text uexillarij, which some haue translated standard-bearers. But a∣ny thing (as it seemes) is good enough in their con∣ceits, for the common swallow. Some expunctory volumes of such abuses would doe well. The num∣ber of these choise old soldiers (for they were vete∣rans) the last hope of euery battle, was vpon cer∣tainty sixe hundred, and neuer either more, or fewer in complete legions, whose rere they alwaies made; and in later times, for their antient name triarij, they came to be styled vexillarij, because they fought vn∣der one vexillum, flag, or banner. They who would see more of this, may satisfie themselues out of CLAVDIVS SALMASIVS, the SELDEN of GALLIA, if without creating enuy to my lear∣ned friend, Iohn Selden, I may compare them so. As for that common vnderstanding of TACITVS there, concerning the numbers, though no man supposeth any corruption of the text, yet may it well receiue a trauerse in common sense. For it will easily be credited that SVETONIVS brought some proportion of souldiers with him from the ile of MONA, if but for his necessary guard, vnlesse hee may bee thought to haue ridden poast from thence to LONDON, where there also was an assemblie of others, as is plaine, because the view of their thin∣nesse moued him to quit the station. Besides, hee tooke into a part of his troup all the voluntaries of LONDON, and each legion had store of aids ap∣pertaining

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to it selfe. The fourteenth (whose fame is greatest) had belonging to it eight cohorts of BA∣TAVIANS, braue fellowes all, & were, if full, about foure thousand, who would groane out in their graues if they should be put from their share in the glorie of this day. And if no part could belong to them herein, the fourteenth alone which seemes to haue come entire; had sixe or seauen thou∣sand beside the prest aides, and the vicesimarians. All which that they should not make ten thousand together, is strange. Therefore if the number bee true, the words of TACITVS may thus bee vn∣derstood, that to those forces with which SVETO∣NIVS parted from LONDON, there came now in the end and in all, such, and so many more as am∣mounted to almost ten thousand. If the number be not sincere, then the numeral word in the ANNALS, hath had a maine limb lopt away. And if it were nine aboue tenne, the wonder of the victorie would seme great enough euen with nineteene thousand.

§. XXVI. Of Iulius Agricola, the father in law of Cornelius Tacitus.

NEither was it the least honour of SVETONI∣VS PAVLLINVS, that IVLIVS AGRICOLA, (whose life his sonne in law CORNELIVS TACITVS (doubtfully whither with more pietie, or eloquence) hath commended to all posteritie) that he had his breeding for warre in his schoole, where he carried the honourable title of a tribune,

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and exercised al the duties of his place. On the other side, it was the speciall good fortune of AGRICOLA that he had PAVLLINVS for his maister, whose fa∣miliar friend he liued, and as well his companion in armes, as his camerado. Here therefore did that no∣ble gentleman learne, how to command by hauing obeid, and what the warres of BRITAIN requi∣red, before hee came (as hee afterwards did) to bee Generall himselfe in BRITAIN.

§. XXVII. The number of men in Boadicia's armie, their nations, qualities, and armes.

BOADICIA, whose people had handled the quarrell of their countrey infinitely worse then the sorest enemies which euer their countrey had, drew hastily vp to the fatal ground, vpon which SVETONIVS necessarily resolued to ride out the finall fortune of a day while any hope remained. Her two defloured daughters are the onely persons particularly remembred to haue attended in the ser∣uice, and yet euen their names are lost. So inglori∣ous are all whom the light of letters retaines not aloft in sight. Her numbers couerd the region ouer. Two hundred and thirty thousand fighting men in field. Successe, and spoile most effectuall meanes to multiply partakers. The ICENI, & the TRINO∣BANTS were chiefe in the action, as authors. There were also the CORITANI, and other Marshmen (BOADICIA shewes it in DIO, where she speakes of fennes and bogges for hiding themselues, if ouer∣throwne)

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there were the ORDOVICES (for who else had such mountaines to shelter them as they?) and whosoeuer else of the BRITANNS, the BRI∣GANTS certainely were not absent. TACITVS expresly names them. And why the greatest Cri∣ticks should be so troubled thereat, as to substitute a∣ny other word for that, seemes to mee a great mar∣uell. For the speaker in that place is GALGACVS, the rough Caledonian Prince, who vnder the one name of BRIGANTS (being among his nearest neighbours, and therefore most knowne to him) doth seeme to vnderstand, and comprise all the more Southerlie BRITANNS, who were at this time out in armes, vpon this one womans lea∣ding. To GALGACVS therefore all were indiffe∣rently BRIGANTS, who were not his. And be∣sides the authoritie of TACITVS, the very descrip∣tion of the manners of some of the Boadicians in XI∣PHILINE, doth plainely conuince, that the rudest nations were at this worke, and consequentlie the BRIGANTS, as neither the most polite, nor most re∣mote, and certainly not least populous. Wherefore the CORNELIAN text is sincere, and decent. For GALGACVS is speaker, and not TACITVS. Nor can DIO'S text bee iustified without this sen∣ses admission. For he was euidently too much in the thought of the MAEATS, and CALEDONIANS, such as his owne times saw them vnder the empe∣rour SEPTIMIVS SEVERVS, when he recor∣ded his BVNDVCA'S oration, if he meant the bar∣barous manners, which that oration boasteth to be common to all the BRITANNS who were in that martiall auditorie. For nothing can bee more vn∣true: because, euen in IVLIVS CAESARS times some of them were much more courteous then others,

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and the ciuility of many of the BRITANNS, now vnder NERO, is confessed as a disaduantage. There is no doubt, nor cause of doubt why the BRI∣GANTS should not be helpes to BOADICIA as complices; vpon whom soone after the whole weight of warre did fall; nor improbablie for this partaking. For the ROMANS prosecuted the con∣tagion of assistance as they did the maine oppositi∣on it selfe. Their enemies succours, properly ene∣mies. The most wilde, and barbarous therefore of the qualities which are deciphered in her oration, are onely to bee vnderstood of a part of the BRI∣TANNS, & not of all; or of the more Southerly. But amongst her strengths at this time, wee must not reckon the flockes of British wiues and women, who were brought to sit spectators of the expected vtter ruine of PAVLLINVS (the cause and hope of their iourney) though the versifier in his Albions England, pleasantly encroaching vpon the poet, doth furnish this Queene-Mother, and her martiall daugh∣ters, with sixe thousand armed Ladies, out of his Ho∣mericall hearsayes. A licence of wit not vnbeseeming the musicke of rimes, but incompetent for the gra∣uity of storie, which admits no fables. And though the CORNELIAN writings mention not the na∣ture of the Boadician armes, and weapons at this field, but repute them as naked men, and doe else∣where before, deny, that the ORDOVICES (har∣die BRITANNS) had the vse either of murrions, or brest-plates, yet DIO, and XIPHILINE make it cleare that she not onely had soldiers compleatly ar∣med, and light both horse and foote, but charriots also of warre, such as IVLIVS CAESAR, in penning the British affaires, doth greatly celebrate, though of all these there is not the least inckling, or touch in CORNELIVS TACITVS.

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§. XXVIII. Of the place of the battle, and season of the yeare.

THe leuell, or plot of ground vpon which the army of BOADICIA, by the ROMANS forestallment, came to be embatteld, was cer∣tainly vpon a plaine, of at least fiue, or sixe miles ouer in breadth, betweene two woods; at either end of the open field one. The quantitie of the space shall bee made apparent by the same infallible demonstrati∣on in the Tacticks, by which POLYBIVS dis∣prooued CALLISTHENES, erroneously descri∣bing the field betweene ALEXANDER, and DA∣RIVS; as that poinct also of the two woods, by the best bookes compared. But whereabout in these parts of BRITAIN, that very place was, vnlesse it were vpon SALISBVRIE plaine, where there is a black-heath, and scope enough, is not for mee to imagine. Edmund Spencer, who was in his time, the most learned poet of ENGLAND, layes it to haue beene further off; for he names besides SEVERN. But without praying in aide of his poëms, I seeme to my selfe to haue made it vehementlie probable, that the field was hereabout, by hauing shewed that PAVLLINVS was marcht hitherwards. And somewhat perhaps it will fortifie the coniecture, that vpon the brimme, or skirts of this most spatious plaine, nor far from Stonage, there suruiue at this houre three memorable arguments of antient camps, the greatest of which being ouer against

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WILLY, is doubly enuironed with depth of ditch, and by the forme (saith CAMDEN) appeares to haue beene a ROMAN worke, the other singlie; none of them farre asunder, and all of them distin∣guisht, by the common people, with the seuerall names of Yanesburie castle, Dunshot, and Woldsburie. And admitting that VESPASIAN was the au∣thor of Yanesburie vnder CLAVDIVS (as some doe well diuine) that cannot hinder why SVETO∣NIVS PAVLLINVS should not the rather make vse thereof at this time vnder NERO, both as a strength readie wrought, and fortunately hanseld by the lucke of so braue a commander. Concer∣ning the time of the yeare; it was manifestlie in the stoope thereof, as declining towards the winter-quarter; which many signes, extant in TACI∣TVS, seeme to discouer: the expedition of MONA abruptly ended; the mention of win∣ter-campes; and the BRITANNS trusting for corne to the ROMAN store or haruest, which they presumed should be theirs. So it may be thought to haue beene at sometime or other in September, when these two GENERALS, more opposite in affecti∣ons then diuerse in sex, encountred.

§. XXIX. The order of the Roman battle.

THe ROMAN Generall, in marshalling his little army, did principally labour, to keepe all his enemies before him, that their vnreasonable numbers might not enclose, nor ouer-lay him. And

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in that one poinct the maine mysterie of his finall hopes consisted. Therefore he selected a place with a wood at his backe, to serue with the help of art as a wall, or bulwarke behinde: from whence forth∣right, and before the entrance into the open wowlds or plaines, the whole plot of ground betweene cheeke, and cheeke, but specially at the very mouth it selfe, was narrow, and yet withall wide enough to containe his people, as being halfe a myle broad, or so; the sides themselues secure, by whatsoeuer thickets, waters, cliffes, or moores, or other aduan∣tages of nature, or prouisions of skill, by trenches, or barricadoes, with his carriages and the like, in which the ROMANS were excellently ready mai∣sters. A ground well chosen for fight is not a little onwards to a victorie: and these straights, hauing the euen countrey for a prospect, and therefore true against ambush, were to the ROMANS as a very campe or fortresse. PAVLLINVS hauing thus deuised for the best, and fore-stalled the choise of the field, hee drew out his soldiers, now through∣ly refresht, and furnisht. They were Legionaries, freemen of ROME, and auxiliaries, their fel∣lowes in armes, and not otherwise ROMANS; and these of all sorts, horse and foote, and as well hea∣uy, as light armed men. His principall hope, and strengths resided in the fourteenth legion, which was there entire. The victorious standard, and en∣signes whereof, thought to be worthie of a particu∣lar memoriall, were aduanced in such forme as this coigne in LIPSIVS specifies.

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The method of his proceedings was this. He di∣uided the bodie of his force within these straights, into three wards, or battalia's (for that is euident in DIO) that he might the better keepe himselfe from the mortall mischiefe of circumuention, and oppres∣sion, and also by possessing the whole plot, fight at once and in front quite through. And hereunto he was necessarily driuen; because the enemies, as to daunt him with the ostentation of their multitudes, which threatned a most certaine surcharge, tooke vp in front fiue, or sixe miles at least, as where their or∣der of battaile comes to bee displaied will appeare. The legionaries how many thousands is vncer∣taine. Fewer then sixe they were not. Of them (vp∣on whom the bloudie summe, and weight of the worke did rest) the middle ward, or main consisted, commonly armed with helmets, raisd higher with plumes of feathers, and substantiall breast-plates, each of them ballancing two or three piles, or dar∣ting iauelings in their hands. A terrible weapon. For being about seauen foote long, and plated with yron halfe way from the massiue head downward, the head it selfe either round, and broad, or more vsually foure square, the staffe alone a prettie gripe about, they could in hurling deliuer it with such a

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violence, as to strike through a corslet, yea, through the man himselfe sometimes, and armour together. For the vse of combat, each had a couering target, either ouall round, or square and hollow, in man∣ner of a roofe-tile, about thirtie inches thwart, and aboue fiftie long, with a broad Spanish sword, which hung somewhat off behinde, with the pommell towards the right hand, not much aboue two foot long in blade, of an excellent temper, fine and thin, to lop off limbs, but passing strong at the point to maintaine a thrust, or foine. Nor doth CORNE∣LIVS TACITVS mention any other sort of legi∣onaries in the infantery at this field. On either hand of this martiall phalanx stood the battles of the aids, with speares and greater swords, and though they might haue the titles, or properties of vann and rere, yet it is cleare enough in XIPHILINE, that they made all but one front with the legionaries, from whom they were distinguisht with certaine spaces competent. The troups of horse stood ready in wings. And they (in mine opinion) were extraor∣dinary many, because TACITVS, who makes but one battle of the stedfast infantery in all, casting off the light-armed into clusters, and plumps about, supplies the sides with cauallarie. The ordinarie proportion of horse to a legion was but three hun∣dred, which they diuided into two maine bodies, and subdiuided by thirties into cornets, which would make but poore weake wings, or rather not wings, but according to the phrase of the CORNE∣LIAN Annals, the two other battalions for supply of vann, and rere, in regard that all the three diui∣sions of the armie, in DIO, seemed after a sort to be put into one, by placing them in one and the selfe same line of longitude. Their great vse also at

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this great seruice doth alone demonstrate, that the numbers of the horse were vnusually many, nor vnlikely to be either all, or, the most part of the ca∣uallarie which belonged to all the ROMAN legi∣ons in BRITAIN. I for my part haue suspected and thought, that PAVLLINVS came from ANGLE∣SEY to LONDON, with none but horse, and those, them of the twentieth legion. And there is no cause for vs to thinke, why PETILIVS CEREALIS might not spare his horse-troups hither, himselfe being shut vp within his fortifications. So that let PAENIVS POSTHVMVS enioy his owne feares, and with-hold his concurrence at this field, yet (as we see here) SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS might be otherwise furnished with extraordinary horse-troupes. What vse or station the old soldiers, or the rere of the twentieth legion had in this field, there is no particular mention any where, I wish that there had beene, because they seeme to haue done very nobly, as well because their presence is singularly specified, as a very choise member of the ROMAN forces here, as for that they wanne much honour to their proper companie, or legion. But because their speciall placings are not remembred, it seemes most likely, that they fought not apart, but were sorted among other the ribs, & sinewes of the legi∣onarie forces. The forlorne hopes of foote, or light nimble shot, of all sorts (DIO names archers in particular) whose part was to take off the edge of the encounter, were cast off before the squadrons, in carelesse and scattered companies. All the soldi∣ers who expected in battle-ray, but specially the le∣gionaries were vpon the least distance one from another, which the vse of their weapons would per∣mit, that fighting all close together, they might at

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once be bothimpenetrable, & invincible. The bredth and depth of their battalia's, because the true mea∣sure of the ground is vnknown, cannot be certaine; but supposing all the men were but well-near tenne thousand, the length of the whole front of all the three battles might containe, at three foot space be∣tweene man and man, about foure, or fiue hundred, and in file about seauenteen, or eighteen, leauing in∣teruals betweene battalia and battalia, for retreats and other vses, and roome for the horse-troopes vp∣on the outsides. All which might together take vp about that halfe a mile ouer, in the mouth of the straights, which is mentioned before. The ouer-plus of the soldiers (for vpon the poinct of eight thousand would doe all this) may be thought to bee in reserue for accidents, and other the sodein exi∣gents of warre. And this coniecture of about foure or fiue hundred in rancke, is somewhat supported out of TACITVS himselfe, where after the end of the battle, he writes, that near vpon foure hundred were slaine of the ROMAN side, and not many more hurt or wounded. Which seemes as much as if hee had said, that the fortune of the two first rancks dispatched the day. And this might well be true ac∣cording to the axiom of PAVLLINVS, in the CORNELIAN ANNALS, putting his people in minde, that euen where many legions fought, a few hands did the deede. But as for the numbers in the ROMAN party at this battle, I haue elsewhere be∣fore tendred some reasons, which lead me to beleeue they were rather twice tenne thousand then onely the moitie of twenty. Thus while the Generall was busied, and as he past from company to company, he inspired them with courage, by the life of his presence, and power of his words, calling them some∣time

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by the glorious name of Romans, and otherwhile by the more familiar title of companions in armes and fellow soldiers. He sets before their eyes the cruelties, and hor∣rid dealings of their enemies, their owne and their coun∣treyes honour, and their common danger in the most ab∣solute necessity of doing, or dying nobly. No hope but in victorie; no refuge for runnawayes. Pure Manhood, and the fauour of their cause with powers diuine, who vse to incline to the sufferers of wrong (such as hee in DIO declares their cause to be) the onely meanes of safety to themselues, and of recouering Britain to the em∣pire, which was otherwise now in manifest perill to bee vtterly torne away. Hee sowes withall euery where about him, most certaine hopes of good successe, by remembring their former valours, and prosperities against these ve∣ry enemies, whom hee named contemptiblie, as men both vnskilfull, and vnarmed; mingling for a speciall ingredi∣ent towards the atchieuement of the victorie, this pre∣cept or rule of fight; that after they had most forceably throwne their piles home, they should all then rush forth together in a runne, and with their drawne swords, and the bosses of their targets, presse in round and close, and neuer giue ouer till they preuailed. His conclusion: that if the worst should happen, yet hee and they, by dying ho∣nourably on the place, should keepe possession of Britain, were it but with their dead bodies onely. In these, and the like exercises of speech and action, PAVLLI∣NVS spent the whole time till the very instant it selfe of ioyning. Nor fell his words, like burning sparckles vpon dancke and vnprepared matter, but vpon dry, tindry spirits, such as were most ready to take, and kindle: which their countenances, and gestures testified. The dutie of a Chiefe towards the poinct of perill (saith the greatest Captaine of the world in his invaluable commentaries) is to work

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vpon that forward and stirring humor, which be∣ing naturally in all men, is apt to be inflamed with a desire of battle; accordingly to augment that ea∣gernesse, and heat, vpon the instant of encounter: but neuer to represse, or checke it backe in any de∣gree. The fatall errour of POMPEI at PHARSA∣LIA. But not of PAVLLINVS heere. For that rule of warre was envred by him to the proofe; who the more to assure his fierce soldiers, affirmed, that not onely their fore-fathers, but they themselues also had often ouercome many more enemies at a time then these. A thing which otherwise then by the figure of excesse can hardly haue any defense: for TA∣CITVS, and the truth are cleare, that the Britanns were neuer before in so great numbers, vnlesse it be ad∣mitted (which PAVLLINVS also saith) that the women at this field were more then the warlike youth. But that was also another extreame of speech; another (as they call it) hyperbole. And thus both hee, and his, prouided either for a graue or garland.

§. XXX. The order of the Britanns battle.

ON the other side, Queene BOADICIA, full of present spirits, and martiall vigour, leads vp her two hundred and thirty thou∣sand men, and forgetting the softnesse of her sexe, performes in person all the duties of a most vigilant and diligent Chiefe. For mounted in an open char∣riot, with her two orphane daughters before her

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in the same, as the obiects of compassion, and the motiues of wrath and reuenge, shee rides about the plaine, and marshalls them to the last man. The na∣tions of BRITAIN, assistants at this need, as they were many and diuers, so each of them was arran∣ged by it selfe in a seuerall battalion, which TA∣CITVS doth not obscurely declare, where hee mentions her accesse to euery of them apart; and ARIOVISTVS, in his array of battle against IV∣LIVS CAESAR vsed the same method. So it seems to haue beene a custome in these parts, for the appa∣rent benefit which comes by distinctions of worth, from whence degrees of courage doe manifestly spring. The noble ground of armories. And these were the rowts and troupes, who being ordered in seuerall, are mentioned in TACITVS to haue euery-where vaunted themselues in the face of the ROMANS with so great scorne and iollitie, because of a few smiles of mutable fortune. And surely all sodein prosperitie is for the more part a druncken thing; much harder to carry well then either aduer∣uersity, or a doubtfull state. Happier they whom it it ouer-turnes not, then whom it raiseth. It was the BRITANNS bane. The front of her battle exten∣ded it selfe to fiue or sixe miles out, at the least. For eight or nine thousand onely, with the smallest allow∣ances of distance, take vp alone in one rancke so much ground; not accounting the interualls be∣tweene nation, and nation, by which they were disparted, and designed. This proportion of extensi∣on is fully proued out of DIO, who writes in plaine tearmes, that SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS had not so many in his army, as placed man against man, could equall the length in battle-ray, nor the very first rancke of the BRITANNS. Nor seemes

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it doubtfull, that the forme of her battle was semi-circular; the dilatation being to affright the RO∣MANS, and the forme to enclose them. But that speech of DIO'S, if taken precisely, and according to the rigour of the letter, is either a confirmation, against my former arguments, that the ROMANS had tenne thousand in the field; or that the BRI∣TANNS had aboue that number in front. These nations had all of them their seuerall banners, or markes of conduct. For POMPONIVS MELA writes, that the BRITANNS imitated the Gallicke fashion in armes; and CAESAR in his immortall bookes doth say, that CONSIDIVS partly disco∣uered by their ensignes, that the GALLS were masters of an hill of aduantage. The GALLS had en∣signes therefore. But reason, much better then testi∣monies, conuinceth, that this was so among the BRITANNS; because it must of force be so. For where order is, there is also a necessity of directiue signes; impossible otherwise to be preserued. What their stuffe, or arguments were, is vnknowne. They had their paintings, and lineamentall purfles as is obserued in the Elements of Armories. To say, that the figures of a wolf, and greyhound were among the symbolicall notes of the BRITANNS, because BO∣ADICIA, in her auspicatory oration, may seeme to allude to their bearings, is but to say it onely. And yet the conjecture dislikes mee not the more, that King HENRIE the Seauenth, who descended of these antient BRITANNS by the fathers side, did aduaunce the greyhound in supporture. Before the head of this huge, and wide-spred battle of the BRI∣TANNS, the chariots of warre were planted, which (as MELA depourtrayes them) had sharpe sithes standing out, wherewith to mowe downe enemies.

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Among them the nimblest & the lightest of her peo∣ple were scatter'd at aduenture: the horse vpon either hand. Against the maine body, or strength of the ROMAN battalia's, BOADICIA did set her cor∣slet-men, or such as were whole arm'd. DIO wit∣nesseth their vse at this seruice; and their meanes of furniture came in all probability from the spoyles of the legionaries, who rashly carryed on by PETILI∣VS CEREALIS, were (as we haue heard before) defeated all of them, and slaine, in the beginnings of this reuolt. Behinde, shee placed the carriages, wal∣ling the backe of her battels with waggons, waynes, and carts, where the wiues and women of the BRI∣TANNS stood lookers-on. And least those impedi∣ments might not proue barr enough to their then vnthought-of flight, there grew a wood also next be∣yond. Thus while vpon vaine assurance they pro∣uided to create a spectacle for their women, they emparkt themselues for slaughter; the game, and sur∣fet of the ROMANS; little dreaming that they should become their owne showe. But ouermuch bold∣nesse is rarely any other then the common for-run∣ner of a downefall. ARIOVISTVS, Generall of the GERMAN league, against IVLIVS CAESAR, had the same kinde of theater, and spectators, and because it was also with the like ill successe, the BO∣ADICIANS lackt not the poore comfort of ha∣uing an example, and parallel; themselues not the first, nor the onely vnluckie that were. Obstinacie on both sides fixed with trabal nailes of necessitie; the BRITANNS to maintaine what they had be∣gunne; the ROMANS to maister their perill, or to die. No possibilitie to hang the quarell euen vpon the weighing beame of iustice and peace. BOADI∣CIA therefore was not more wanting to her

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peoples encouragements, then to their disposure for fight. Yet, by some words in the CORNELIAN Annals, it may well be gathered, (notwithstanding all her great care and paines in placing them) order was not kept so precisely, as their dangerous estate required: for as well the cauallarie, as the foote, vaunted themselues euery-where in the face of the enemy, flaunting, and brauing about in heaps, and troupes. BOADICIA her selfe deepely tainted with that selfe-flattering pestilence: for from thence it was shee told her armie; the Romans would neuer stand the ecchoing showtes of so many scores of thou∣sands, or the bare rustle of their armes, much lesse endure their shocke, and stroakes: thereupon also she boasted the defeat of PETILIVS CEREALIS, as a pat∣terne of their warlike workman-ship, and the ear∣nest of their lasting good fortune; gloriously affir∣ming; feare did so benumbe their enemies, that they of them who were absent, coopt themselues vp within camps, and sconces, not daring once to peere out (a thing not vntrue with PAENIVS POSTHVMVS) and that these very men, whom they had at last with so much trouble and trauaile found out and ouertaken, did not meditate fight, but flight, and how to runne safest a∣way. Euident in her opinion, by the sheltring them∣selues within those straights; the lodgings and denns of the timerous; not fore-casting, that it might in them be nothing else but a point of warre-craft, to nourish foulest ouerweenings by the greatest show of feare. Her person, conspicuitie, and postures in speaking, added greatly to the life of her words. For riding about from one embattelld nation to ano∣ther, she turnd her selfe on all sides in her open cha∣riot, roially appointed; presenting her fortunes, and the fortunes of her princely children, who sat with

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her in sight there, as the most liuely meanes for stir∣ring vp extreamest indignation, and reuenge. Ma∣lignant humors thus being throughly stirred, and the clowds of defiance impatiently striuing to emp∣tie themselues in a tempest of blowes, BOADI∣CIA at an instant strucke of all the locks of re∣straint on her side, by giuing the word, and with∣out God to friend, permits her cause to brute triall.

§. XXXI. The battle, ouerthrow, and death of Boadicia.

IMmediately hereupon, the BRITANNS raise vni∣uersall showts, and cryes, to affright the RO∣MANS, and vainely chaunted out aloud their warlike odes, or ditties; which deuised by their Bards, or by each of themselues as his boystrous wit would serue him, were filled with glorious braues, and irefull threats. At the same time also they aduance their battalia's, and continuing their songs, and clamours, make the wide plaines trem∣ble with the stresse, and strength of a generall vio∣lent motion; men, horses, chariots, and all sorts of armes & weapons stirring at once, render the noise as of a rough and angrie sea. A stately LACEDEMO∣NIAN march towards the onset (as SYLBVRGIVS translates the place in DIO) & not an headlong furi∣ous; onely somewhat full, and round at the instant it selfe of charging. The first assault therefore was with shrill sounds, and voices; quickly to be dampt, and alaid with the groanes and shrikes of the dy∣ing. On the contrary, SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS,

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perceiuing his people fiery prompt, hoysed vp aloft at a spears end the publicke signe of battle, which was commonly the Generals purple fur-coat, in the nature of a bloudie banner. And first of all, the RO∣MAN legionaries, (throughly taught to contemne lowd clamours, as a terrible toy) kept close together within the narrow out-let of their ground, aswell to encrease their enemies presumption, as to preuent oppression and circumuention. But when the BRITANNS had deliuered their rouing shot, and were aduanced within the reach of mischiefe, the ROMANS (till that instant husht, and silent, and obseruing faire regularitie) all on a sodein ioyne together in a martiall showt at a signe, and most forceably flinging their heauy piles into the thicke of their comming enemies, they presently drew their swords, and clashing them hard vpon their shields, sally out at once with all the force they could, and dealt their stroakes and thrusts to great aduantage. The CORNELIAN Annals, where they speake of the fourteenth legion at this field, doe not meane by these words, velut cuneo erupit, any thing else but a close and ioynct squadron, not the forme of battle, called pointed, and which bursting forth with an vnexpected force, had the operation, not the figure of a wedge, or of a long three square, with an obtuse angle forward. All authoritie is a∣gainst it. Nor onely in this place of the best authors is the Latin word cuneus interpreted, and vnder∣stood so; for TITVS LIVIVS himselfe doth La∣tin the M••••••••••ONIAN Phalaux by the same. At the same time they encountred euery where all ouer. Out flew the auxiliaries (among whom, accor∣ding to CAMDEN, bands of LONDONERS were) and with no lesse brauerie of courage, and

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with as great violence as the legionaries, charged their cruell aduersaries home; the archers vndertook the chariotéers, & their cauallarie attacked the other. The bloudie confusion of this tumult is well set forth by DIO and XIPHILINE: The violent giuing in of the ROMANS vpon the BOADICI∣ANS at their sodein rushing forth, did easily rowt, and disorder their rancks, though their files could not choose but be very deepe in regard of their ne∣cessitie to contract their length for fighting nar∣row, which made their vast multitudes rather mis∣chieuous to themselues, and combersome, then vsefull. A maine reason of BOADICIA'S ouer∣throw. For the weight and worke of the day was brought hereby to rest but vpon a few; and the RO∣MANS, (in regard of their discipline, skill, and ex∣perience) had extreamely the oddes while they only dealt vpon the euen. Nor had she patience to watch them, nor art to draw them out of their fortifide ground. Venerable Moderâtion, thy coolings how necessary for the ouer-boylings of prosperitie! That defect a common cause of greater fiercenesse then good fortune. And in the case of my dearest coun∣trey, during this whole warre, there was nothing from first to last so vnfortunately absent. The vi∣ctory of the ROMANS (as much as out of TACI∣TVS may be gathered) seemes to haue begunne at the cornets of horse, who with their armed staues, or lances, charged in flanck, and front, and euery where as their enemies came to hand, or were strongest. The fight neuerthelesse continued hot, and doubtfull till the euening, nor was the face ther∣of simple or vniforme, but diuers. The light-armed of the one side, lay fiercely at the light-armed of the o∣ther; the well-armed oppose their likes; horse encounter

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horse; the Roman archers let flye at the chariots of the Britanns; they againe driue headlong vpon the Romans, and tumble them ouer. But for want of armour, where∣with to mock the shot, they are enforced with the storms of Roman arrowes to fall off againe. The foot trampled vnder-foot by the horse; and the horse beaten back by the foot. Many close together make vp with a ioynct force against the waggons of warr; they on the other side beare many downe before them, and compell others to flye. Here the Archers aduauncing ouer-forwardly, beyond the protection of their cauallarie, are glad to saue themselues by flat running away: there, other keep aloofe for feare of the peircing arrowes. These things while they were not acted in one place onely, but in three at once (according to the triple distinction of the Roman host in DIO) the conflict was long maintained on both parts with equall boldnesse, and brauerie. This is the table of the bat∣tle, or maine meddlie betweene the BRITANNS and the ROMANS, as it stands drawn with immortall words among the Greekes; which singularly helpe to open the most weighty chro∣nicle of TACITVS; where the acts of this great and bloudy businesse are all of them trussed vp together in a lesser roome, then the short con∣tents of a chapter. Briefs in heroicall arguments, as they are the iniurious eclipse of mightie actions, so in all other kindes of learning where they are in∣sisted vpon by truants as principall, they proue to be the very bane it selfe of wits, and studies: On the contrary, whatsoeuer in narrations is for the size thereof aboue the iust length, doth iustly heare tedious; and whatsoeuer for the nature of it is pe∣tie and poore, and beneath the maiestie of storie, is worthely base and odious. In this famous conflict (where the naturall libertie of BRITAIN, and the

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title of the empire lay at stake) the ROMANS, by dashing in with the whole breadth of their batta∣lia so violently as they did vpon the enemies, though they draue innumerable of them downe to the earth, tare their rancks in pieces, and strucke those other with amazement, and dismay, whom their weapons could not reach, yet they plunged them∣selues so farre off withall from their ground, or stand of aduantage, into the depths of the surmoun∣ting multitudes, as they were after a sort enclosed, and compelled to fight all. In the end notwithstan∣ding (though so late first, that it was at least vpon the setting of the Sunne) the ROMANS were eue∣ry where, throughout the field, victorious, while the barbarous sinnes of the BRITANNS, commit∣ted in the time of their prosperitie, fought not lesse against the guiltie then the armed foe. There is no regard, nor heed to be taken in this place what our domesticke poets faine, in fauour of Queene BOA∣DICIA and her side; as if they were ouercome by the treason of some BRITANN Captaines who reuolted to PAVLLINVS; or the like goodly, or honourable excusals. For they haue no warrantie in vnexceptionable moniments. But after the BRI∣TANNS, in the head of their battle, beganne to shrincke, and turne, that alone was a blow to all behinde, who being many scores of thousands, re∣mained vntoucht, during the fight, because they could neuer come vp to handie-stroakes, for want of roome, in the narrowings of the field. So they who first did fall to running away, were among their owne fellowes as vnresistable as enemies, while they fearefully sought to open passages for their owne escape, bringing a strong necessitie for all to disband, and scatter, and wholly to relye on

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flight for present safetie. The Ladie Generall, con∣strained to obey the authoritie of her disaster, got free out, and fled. But the ROMAN partie most bold in attempting, was also now most nimble in pursuit, making execution of the ouertaken flyers, and slaughter of the very labouring beasts, and cart-horse. Yea, such was their hatred, and heat of reuenge, that their swords made no difference be∣tweene sex and sex, but slew euen the women, who were seated aloft vpon the waines, and carts, as vpon scaffolds, at the backe of their armie, to giue their applause. A most certaine signe of the wrath of God for the punishment of insolencie, and pride, that the councell which the BOADICI∣ANS followed for a supposed triumph, was con∣uerted to the piteous encrease of their miserie. For the carriages thus planted and possessed, were like a wall against euasion. A vulgar writer, describing the effect of this obstacle, hath prettie smooth ver∣ses, wherein he saith; that the women, who were moun∣ted in that manner to behold who bare himselfe stoutly, and to controll the coward; did now call in vaine vpon their sonnes and husbands to turne the head, for they themselues, together with their sonnes and husbands were mercilesly slaine. This, and the dead bodies of cattle, did mightily augment the heapes of carcases. They who got past the doleful barricado of the carrs, were furiously followed into the wood (which by DIO'S description grew beyond) and in no small number perished. Here it is apparent, that the place of the field was betwixt two woods, according to my as∣sertion else-where; the one at the backe of PAVL∣LINVS, the other behinde the BRITANNS carriages. Vnlesse perhaps some would rather haue it vnderstood, that the BRITANNS, thus put to

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the sword among the trees, were of those who had runne vp in the rage of charge past the ROMAN squadrons, within their strengths, and so were fol∣lowed through. Many notwithstanding were sa∣ued aliue after there was a glut of bloud, and victo∣rie assured. Multitudes also escaped away, either by their speed, their earlie running, or by the benefit of night. These did prepare to re-enforce their troups, and to put for another day. A lamentable fell of men; almost fourescore thousand cut downe into their graues with the sharpe-edged axe of warre. There are some (saith TACITVS) who haue deliuered it for truth (and they were but some) that of the Ro∣mans there died not full out foure hundred, and, (as once before hath beene occasionally mentioned) not many more then such a number hurt. For which cause this victorie was markt vp among the famous ones of old, and most worthily might bee so; for, besides the glory of the day, it brought backe BRI∣TAIN to CAESAR, and fixed it to endure for sun∣dry ages after. They who auoided the violence of this misfortune, while they were in preparation for a new triall, lost their souereigne ladie and mistresse, BOADICIA. Our ENGLISH poets present her, kil∣ling her selfe; one of them by falling on her lance, as the most gallant forme in his conceit, ano∣ther without naming the way, but all with admi∣ration, as of one of the most noble Shee-worthies of the world. TACITVS saith she finished her life by poyson, and DIO and XIPHILINE, by sick∣nesse; which admit a reconciliation; she dying by a sicknesse of poyson. With her departing soule (as if it had beene the soule of the opposition) the flame of warre went out by degrees, and the BOADI∣CIANS, as confessing themselues to be then quite

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vanquished, and neuer before, shifted each for him∣selfe and fled. Her death was vehemently lamen∣ted of her suruiuing friends, who honoured her fu∣nerall with stately rites, and buried her remaines ambitiously braue.

§. XXXII. Of the place of Boadicia's buriall.

THis most great, and noble ladie (the stay and last anchor of her partie) thus deceasing, the fortune of the miserable princesses, her daughters, lyes vtterly vnknowne. That they al∣so ended their liues, together with their hopes, a∣bout the same time, remaines therefore probable, because there is not the least inckling left in the world, what afterwards became of them. Concer∣ning the place of her enterrment, it will easily bee collected out of the premisses, vnto what opinion my coniectures doe incline. For without auerring any thing precisely, no other toombe seemes to mee so likely to be hers, as the admirable moniment of the stones vpon SALISBVRIE plaine. The dumb∣nesse of it (vnlesse the letters bee worne quite away) speakes; that it was not any worke of the ROMANS. For they were wont to make stones vocall by inscriptions. The common opinion, touching that trophea, or whatsoeuer else it may be called, would haue it belieued, that their structure was contriued in memorie of the BRITAIN Lords, perfidiously murthered by the SAXONS here, vpon an interuiew. Of that hainous assassi∣nate,

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NENNIVS hath a touch, but assignes not the place. GEFFREY Arthur, or Monmouth, is the man, who fetcheth these marueilous stones (reported by him to be medicinall) from out of IRELAND, for the pupose of a memoriall, by MERLINS counsell, and force of armes. That STONAGE was a worke of the BRITANNS, the rudenesse it selfe perswades. And if that plate of mixt metall (mentioned by CAMDEN) which found about fourescore yeares since neare to that moniment, and inscribed with such characters as were not legi∣ble to the learned of that time, did appertaine to STONE-HENGE, or (as it is more commonly na∣med) STONAGE, then may it easily be credited to haue beene some old BRITISH inscription, de∣dicated to the immortall fame of some or other great Worthie, nor of any rather then in my conceit of the most mightie BVNDVCA. To strengthen which diuination, the cleare testimonie of DIO, that the BRITANNS enterred her pompously, or with much magnificence, cannot be better verified then by assigning these orderly irregular, and form∣lesse vniforme heapes of massiue marble, to her euerlasting remembrance. The name of the dance of gyants, by which it is styled in MONMOVTH, hath nothing allusiue, no not so much as to the tale he tels vs. CAMDEN himselfe doth bewray, that his iudgement was vnsatisfied touching the reason of that moniments erection, notwithstan∣ding all he could finde. The storie of BVNDVCA (then which neither our owne noble countrey, nor the whole globe of earth hath a rarer) was so little vnderstood of MONMOVTH, as it doth not ap∣peare at all, that euer the bare sound thereof arriued within his hearing. But had the pretious volumns

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of the CORNELIAN Annals, and DIO CASSI∣VS, and IOHN XIPHILINE, (where her hero∣icke deedes are vpon record to all posterities) been within the spheare of his studies, not AVRELIVS AMBROSIVS, nor those foure hundred and three∣score noblemen of BRITAIN, murthered in VORTIGERS reigne, should perhaps haue carri∣ed away with him the fame of this materiall won∣der, but her magnanimous selfe. Higher then to her no bookes doe reach, with any probabilitie of a person more capable of such a testimonie then she, and the profound obliuion which couers the au∣thor, and the first intention of rearing them, where now they still defie the weather, doth strongly for∣tifie my suspition, that the stones were consecrated to the glory of BVNDVCA, and of her captaines slaine in her quarell, so long time since as NERO CAESARS dayes, much aboue fifteene hundred yeares. And surely such a calme, and patience of state, followed vnder PETRONIVS TVRPILI∣ANVS, who the next yeare after was sent to take charge of the ROMAN armie in BRITAIN, as successor of SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS, that might well permit such an office to the BRI∣TANNS in her honour, or if those would not, yet other ensuing seasons might; her name for euer glo∣rious among them. The ruins of that old fortresse which suruiuing not farre from Stonage, are thought by some, whomsoeuer, to haue beene a ROMAN worke, afford no cypher for spelling out the foun∣ders of this stonie marueil. To grant, that it might be a common monument of the murthered lords, and that AVRELIVS AMBROSIVS, or AM∣BROSIVS AVRELIANVS, the almost onely BRITANN Prince (saith venerable BEDE) of

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ROMAN race then left aliue, and other BRITISH kings doe slumber there in their ashes, till the resur∣rection-day, is no hindrance why it might not at first haue beene erected in honour of that most he∣roicall championesse of BRITAIN, BOADICIA; since DIO and XIPHILINE affirme, they fu∣nerally enterred her with much magnificence. The bones of men digged vp at times neere this place vnder little banckes, conuince it to haue beene se∣pulchral; but armours of a large and antique fashi∣on, vpon which the spade, or pickaxe are some∣times said to hit, doe cleare the owners from hauing beene in the number of those BRITANNS, whom pagan HENGIST wickedly slew: for they came not armed, but weaponlesse. They are not the friends of honour, who carrie not a reuerence to the memorials of the noble dead; or contemne an∣tiquities, the rewards, and records of vertue. My iealousie touching the cause of STONAGE, concludes not others freedome to censure what they please.

§. XXXIII. A recapitulation of the premisses touching the af∣faires of Britain hitherto.

BEfore IVLIVS CAESAR the ROMANS knew vs not, and he came twice ouer hither in armes, with vnlike successes; made MAN∣DVBRATIVS king of the TRINOBANTS, or of LONDON-land, as his father was; but left not a ROMAN behinde. AVGVSTVS remained exorable to the peace of BRITAIN. TIBERIVS

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was no way troublesome. CALIGVLA would haue beene. CLAVDIVS made it his chiefe busi∣nesse, arriued, conquered part, and planted RO∣MANS, and ciuilitie. NERO CAESAR hazarded all for want of iustice. The BRITANNS general∣ly discontented, and BVNDVCA (the dowager Queene of king PRASVTAGVS) shamefully wrong∣ed, she becomes their captaine, and wrought many wonders, while SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS, (CAESARS lieuetenant) was busie to winne the ile of MONA for the vses of the ROMAN Empire. Downe went the ROMANS, at CAMALODV∣NVM; downe went CAMALODVNVM it selfe; downe went the infanterie of the legion which PE∣TILIVS CEREALIS led vp against her; and SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS was himselfe so terrified after his returne from MONA, that he left LONDON to the spoile, which she sackt, and fi∣red, and tooke VERVLAMIVM; destroying in these three places vpon the poinct of fourescore thousand, with a most firme resolution to leaue no∣thing ROMAN in BRITAIN, that (according to her words in DIO, to her armie) the example might with the terrour of it, secure succession. And while as yet the tide of her gallantrie was vp, shee pursued SVETONIVS himselfe, as the capitall ob∣iect of her quarel, vpon whom the defense of the ROMAN cause relyed here. But the wanton, and bloudie abuse of her fortune, pluckt infelicitie vpon her; for while in confidence of a continuall happi∣nesse, by reason of her excessiue numbers, shee was ouer-forward to fight, shee encountred him in a set battle (vpon tearmes of great disaduantage, in regard of the place) was discomfited, fled and died. BRI∣TAIN hereupon (like a recouered sicke bodie relap∣sing)

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came backe to former sufferings, and to worser farre, till NERO (therein pittyfull) remoued SVE∣TONIVS, whose implacabilitie (in regard he tooke it as his iniurie, that the rebellion hapned during his lieuetenancie in BRITAIN) endangered the pro∣uince to a new insurrection: as it was suggested by his enemies at court. With the death and buriall of BOADICIA, DIO CASSIVS concludes, and seals vp the warlike troubles, and all other the businesses of our BRITAIN, vnder NERO; and so doe also I. There cannot be a fitter stop, nor a fuller. For the hither parts of our iland were neuer after∣wards able to come into the like hope of freeing themselues (if meerely to change lords be to be free) because their sinewes, by so dreadfull a defeat, were vtterly dissolued. A most weightie poinct, which XIPHILINE out of DIO truely notes. My reca∣pitulation of premisses (to which seruice this chap∣ter is singled forth) hath together both example and authoritie in LVCIVS FLORVS, and mani∣fold vses in it selfe; because it is equally good for re∣membrance, and manuduction, and those volatil spirits who couet all in a word, need looke no fur∣ther then so. Neuerthelesse, the true children of hi∣storicall knowledge, who enioy the blisse of studi∣ous leisure, they certainly, by comparing the riches of narrations, deliuered in a iust length, with the beggerie of abridgements, will clearely behold the notable oddes betweene the one and the other. For the spoile, and losse of things left out, or nakedly told, can be no way counteruaild with the carcases, and stubbs of facts preserued standing in narratorie moniments. Lastly, though now and then, and throughout this whole historicall webbe of NE∣RO, there are sundrie doctrines, iudgements, and

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other lights sparingly wouen-in of set purpose, which some would shoulder out into marginall spaces, or blanckes at the end; yet this is the way of that excellent maister, and patterne of Histori∣ans, POLIBIVS, who speakes interposiuely, and in his owne person often. A skill, or cunning, in the noble craft of writing, which most effectually con∣ueighs the profit of directions with the delight of narrations into the sober reader; and the better with∣all prouides for the lasting of what is good.

§. XXXIIII. Free thoughts and notes vpon the whole matter of BOA∣DICIA'S action, by way of publick counsell.

SVch was the issue and euent of that great euill which the deepe contempt of NERO prima∣rely caused, as hath already beene fully descri∣bed. A lesson for soueraigne princes; by iustice, and other the vertues of that super excellent function, to sustaine themselues from sodein slidings beneath their proper values. On the other side (to take the whole matter into consideration) without measu∣ring BOADICIA'S enterprize by finall successe (for that were not to measure, but to depraue the same) it may worthily appeare, that feminine impotencie of minde was chiefe therein, from the beginning to the ending. For, transported with the desires of reuenge, and soueraigntie, shee neuer indifferently weighed the qualitie, and power of the empire, a∣gainst which shee vndertooke. A grand, and rui∣nous errour. The ROMANS at this time, had the

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lordship of the world by the speciall purpose, and prouision of God. For (as the noble, and eloquent king, AGRIPPA, speakes in IOSEPHVS) it had otherwise beene impossible. The speciall deuo∣tion of their monarkes most remarkeable. AVGV∣STVS CAESAR so religiously reuerent towards that deitie, which was adored in the temple of HIERV∣SALEM, that he commanded the first fruits should be sent from all the parts of his dominions, where the IEWES abode. Nay more; hee founded in that place it selfe, for a daily sacrifice in fire, the perpetu∣all constant allowance of a bull, and two lambs, ho∣nouring their synagogues, as the schooles of iustice and temperance. Aske admired PHILO an account for what is written here. The same pious instituti∣on was not onely continued by his dowager, the empresse LIVIA, but by her sonne, TIBERIVS, and euen in NERO'S dayes. For the reiection of that customarie holocaust, by the seditious of HIE∣RVSALEM, was among the causes of the warre which ruin'd it. So the ROMAN empire did after a sort hold of true God in chiefe, by a kinde of speciall rent seruice, and acknowledgement: and as al honour, glory, and power doe properly belong to our Lord, IESVS CHRIST, so euen TIBERI∣VS CAESAR (vnder whom it pleased him to suffer) was most forward for his adoration (apparent in TERTVLLIAN) that nothing (hauing the name of God) might among the ROMANS remaine neg∣lected, for feare to endanger their empire, by offen∣ding any power diuine. But no man, sound in his braine, will exact such a transcendent consideration at BOADICIA'S hands. Things subiect to sense shall trye her. The state of the empire, as it was in NE∣RO'S time, king AGRIPPA hath described, in that

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rarest oration of his, which for the naturall piety, wisedome, and weightie worth therof, deserues to be written in a table of gold, or rather in the hearts of all men, who would not forget their reason, while they pretend for libertie. Nineteene legions, and aboue foure and twentie cohorts, besides the guards of the prince, and the standing watch of ROME, (both which together contained about fif∣teene thousand,) and besides all other forces in ITALIE it selfe, and at sea, are particularly there found bestowed in the prouinces. These, with their ordinarie aids, did not amount to so few as two hundred thousand in continuall pay and readinesse. Of which number eight legions full, and their aux∣iliaries lay neare at hand vpon the RHENE. Of these, certainely, BOADICIA was bound to take knowledge, before shee ranne such an hazard of her selfe, and countrey. And if her knowledge might excusablie haue bounded it selfe within the walls of BRITANN (as king AGRIPPA termes our Ocean) yet the experience of former times would haue informed her enough, concerning the RO∣MANS. But euen that knowledge was manifestly corrupted in her, when in her first oration to her ar∣mie, she doth not obscurely vaunt, that the valour of her ancestors had made our seas terrible to IVLI∣VS CAESAR, and CALIGVLA, and yet CLAV∣DIVS, in her owne fresh remembrance, had pas∣sed them in person, and preuailed. But the carriage of some of the ROMANS could not bee endu∣red: and it is most honest, iust, and noble to dye for common good. Therefore MARCVS CICERO (of all the gowned ROMANS one of the best pa∣triots that euer ROME Ethnick could boast) ora∣culously pronounced, that no worthie man did euer

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foregoe his freedome, but together with his life. For what other thing is life it selfe, but a most fettred condition of humane being, and after a manner void of vse, or motion, when it onely hangs vpon a tyrants will? In such a case, the choise of dying free vpon defense, is sweeter then to remaine in life a slaue. Hence came her armes, and hopes: which propounded to themselues the making of such an example, as should for euer secure the iland from in∣uasion, and encourage the rest of the world to fol∣low. Most loftie propositions, and which failing, it must needes be neuerthelesse confest that she went vpon highest darings. On the other side, no action can euer attaine true renowne, whereunto reason is forein. For nothing is so peculiar to barbarous∣nesse as to be ouer-indulgent to passions. And to bee so deceiued with the name, or sound of freedome, (the ordinarie miserie of the common sort) as but meerely to proue instrumentall to particular ends, or reuenges, and not to obtaine reliefe, is fit for none of the wise. Then, then should the IEWES haue concurred with one consent to defend their liber∣ties by manhood, when POMPEI first assailed them. So disputes king AGRIPPA. The BRITANNS in like sort should haue done their vtmost to keepe off the ROMANS, and to empeach their setlings. For, vntill then, that was iust resistance, which see∣med afterwards plaine rebellion. The same noble prince (a creature, I confesse, and client of the CAE∣SARS) could finde no hope of remedy for his wronged countreymen by the sword, no nor by complaining of their oppressour while hee was a∣mong them with power. His counsell therefore was, to expect his remoue vpon course, and then to accuse him. The admission, and administration

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of which most sound aduise would haue preserued their citie and temple entire, whereas the refusall (a manifest operation of the curse of God vpon them for the death of his onely sonne, our Sauiour) de∣stroid them both. BOADICIA had no course so se∣cure as that, if either she her selfe meant to suruiue, or would not cast her countrey into an absolute capti∣uitie, while she went about to ease it of a partiall. For, with two or three hundred thousand bodies of men, and they of them who were armed, and trai∣ned, being neither for discipline, art, or weapons, comparable to the victorious ROMANS, to defie, and assaile the whole empire, was a plaine effect of a womanish furie. AEGYPT alone, hauing at once within it vnder NERO, seauen millions of people (easily knowne by their poll-money) besides the in∣habitants of the goodly citie of ALEXANDRIA (which gathered tenne miles in compasse) was ne∣uetthelesse yoaked downe with onely two RO∣MAN legions. Yea, the three hundred and fifteene seuerall nations of GALLS (next neighbours to our iland) vnder this very emperour were all kept in o∣bedience, with poore twelue hundred soldiers; being almost fewer men, then they themselues had cities. Therefore it was not a work of number, for BOA∣DICIA to deliuer the BRITANNS, from NERO, that she might subdue them to her selfe (for that was the end) but of vertue, skill and felicitie. Her stout stomacke disdained, or despaired to seeke re∣dresse; which if SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS would not haue afforded, his next successors might. To conclude: had that ladie extended her wrath to none but to the nocent, and rested then vpon her guard, till NERO (who manifestly fauoured the quiet of BRITAIN) had beene aduertised of the

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causes of her armes, that very middle course it selfe (though middle courses are euermore misliked by the violent) was not without hope, nor reason. For when the FRISIANS in GERMANIE ranne to their swords, for resisting the rapines, and cruelties of OLENNIVS (such another wretch among them, as CATVS DECIANVS was here) with∣out exceeding the right of a naturall defense, TI∣BERIVS CAESAR stirred not against them at all, but silently permitted them to enioy their owne sa∣tisfaction, as if in secret fauour of iustice, and as a sharpe lesson of modestie to others; though TA∣CITVS assignes another abstruser reason. NERO very likely to haue embraced such an example; if but for his owne more leisure to sing and play. BOA∣DICIA went vpon higher straines, resoluing either for death, or domination. The people in the meane time, doe howsoeuer euery-where smart for the fol∣lie of their princes, and their owne. Accordingly, they support her quarrell, without being first sure how themselues should afterwards stand better, when the ROMANS were off; and it was most cer∣taine, that vpon their miscarrying, they must all of them lye at the victors mercie, without so much as the right of an vnattainted subiect, the priuilege to complaine, whatsoeuer they suffer more ex∣treame. The case of her ICENI worthily harder then ordinarie, because they had formerly taken armes against OSTORIVS SCAPVLA vnder CLAVDIVS, after that first they had voluntarily entred into the league, and amitie of the ROMANS. Let me speake out cleare, as by way of counsell for the best, and in a common cause. Without some ve∣ry speciall feelings, or ends of their owne, few or none of the mightie lead onward to the remoue of

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an euill for common reliefe. Therefore, after BOA∣DICIA was once enraged, other causes were dili∣gently sought, to drawe and encrease a side, for ena∣bling her particular reuenge: The names of liber∣tie, and reformation are the vsuall maskes of facti∣on; and libertie it selfe, after a short while is rarely any-where lesse then vnder the new lords rule. Things, fit for all times, and nations to consider, lest too late they finde true; The▪ vniustest peace is to bee preferred before the iustest warr. BOADICIA notwithstanding liues a name of glory among the fewest, for the great nobilitie of her pretenses, and the most roial qualitie of her vndertakings, such as neuer any lady waged higher.

CHAP. XXVI. ONE OF THE PRETORS IN ROME GVILTY OF An Heynous Libell AGAINST NERO. FREE TOVCHES VPON THAT OCCASION, CONCERNING Libells, AND THEIR Authors.

OTher sicknesses of the time brought forth a case at ROME, the next yeare after the trou∣bles in BRITAIN, which for that it hath most neare affinitie with the ranck, and odious li∣cenciousnesse of some in our own age, deserues in a prime degree to be exemplified. ANTISTIVS SO∣SIANVS, who for his birth might haue had better manners, and for his place ought (as being a magi∣strate of honour, and a senatour) composed in his owne house a railing inuectiue against NERO, and

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divulged it in anothers. For at a famous supper with OSTORIVS SCAPVLA (the generous sonne of that great OSTORIVS SCAPVLA, who died in BRITAIN) the intemperate gallant, among his bits, and cups, did openly read the defamatorie verses. But the auditorie was not staunch enough: for the fame soaking through, arriued soone at CAE∣SARS eares. The senate was hereupon acquainted with the man and matter, as the proper auengers of their princes iniurie. This ANTISTIVS (take him as he was in himselfe) had nothing of a discreet or honest man; which fully qualified him for the writing of libels. It is worth the labour to scanne him all ouer. Hee was therefore in his first times, a factious friend of immodest, and idle quarrels; euen so farre forth as to engage his magistracies power for their maintenance. For whereas VIBVLLIVS, a graue and honourable officer of state, in the se∣cond CONSVLS of NERO, by vertue of his pretorship, had cast certaine persons into prison, for seditious partakings about common players (the matter oftentimes of much offence) AN∣TISTIVS attempted to free them by authoritie of his countermand, as he was a tribune of the people of ROME. But VIBVLLIVS carried the cause, and the other the blame, by the voice of the Senate. Afterwards, when himselfe came to be a pretor, and encrease of dignitie should haue encreased his graui∣tie, he despising his proper happinesse, and station, and madlie supposing that neither any argument, time, nor person was exempted from the licence of his wit (a phrensie of false glory) vndid himselfe, and endangered others. A most headlong medler, apt for mischiefe, and of an iniurious spirit. For the Prince (though being NERO'S selfe) was neither

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at the worst, nor had in particular giuen him any cause of spleene: and CAESARS reformation could not any way belong to him, who was himselfe so farre out of all good order. They who are cleare ought to be spare in reprouals; but the foule should euermore be silent. The sentence (that I meane which was executed vpon him for this fact) tooke his honour, estate, and liberty away. And of this milder doome, PAETVS THRASEA (the wonder of his time for morall life) was the leading author. For others would haue also had him put to death after the most smarting and ignominious manner. But whom prosperitie made vnreuerent to her blessings, aduer∣sity perhaps recouered to soundnesse and himselfe. Nothing lesse. For in his banishment (that was a branch of the censure) hee bewrayed the truth of a libellours nature; playing parts (when hee thought they would serue his turne) most abiect, false, and base. CORNELIVS TACITVS (with a penne which prints deeper then the hottest fearing-yrons) hath branded them in vpon him for euer: nor doth that pondrous author temper himselfe from calling him vile. Among two-footed beasts, it is hard to say, whither a delator, or a libellour be worst. And it is not an ordinarie infelicitie to bee in company where such mis-behauiours happen. OSTORIVS SCAPVLA therefore (the maister of that vnluckie feast) willing all hee could to preserue that sacred obliuion, vnder which faire conuersation locks vp table-talke, gaue in for euidence, that hee heard no∣thing. And most happie had it beene for that mag∣nanimous, and valiant gentleman, if in the voider the memorie of those heinous lines had beene al∣so corapped-vp. For the libellour should then haue afterwards mist the meanes to ruine him, and

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others; by counterfeit friendship, trecherous inter∣ception of doubtfull secrets, mischieuous pilferie of papers, and their poisnous enforcements. Of all which as ANTISTIVS was most guiltie, so it did consummate his shame. For to the rest of his bad qualities it added the foulest, and the summe of all, that hee was ingratefull. Thus much for the person of ANTISTIVS, in whom wee vndoubtedly be∣hold the image of his fellow-libellours, or priuie true speakers of scandalous things against maiestie, with treasonable ends; and not in sorrow for the publicke, or as a friend of vertue. The office of a so∣ueraigne is sacred, his person for his offices sake: and though his vices bee not more exempted from ha∣tred then from view, yet euen the worst would haue them hidden. This accordingly was the endeuour and desire of NERO, who when he was afterwards most infamous, did hope notwithstanding, that what hee did shamefull in the night, the darkenesse of night, in fauour of the proper workes of it self, would fully couer. Therefore, when hee found by the co∣dicils of PETRONIVS, that his lasciuious secrets, (which hee till then did suppose lay hidden) were detected; SOSIA was banisht, as the pipe by which they were conveigh'd from CAESARS chamber thi∣ther. Nor could it but add to the crime of ANTIS∣TIVS, that the seuere PAETVS THRASEA spake very much honour of NERO, before he deliuered his opinion in abatement of the libellours punish∣ment, and stiled NERO a right worthy Prince; for all this while was SENECA about him. It is good for the world, that there should be some sharpe de∣clamers against vices in abstract, or in generall. The defamatorie noting of persons is not to bee permit∣ted, but onely to the magistrate. Take mutuall re∣uerence

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away; and you lift the world from off the hindges. And it was no new prouision which the emperours VALENTINIAN, and VALENS or∣dained, but the interpretation of an old, when they signified by their rescript, that not onely to compose, and divulge a defamatorie libell, against any honest sub∣iect of the empire, but meerely to publish the contents, though they destroyd the originall, was by them declared felonie. And truely, if honour bee worthily more pretious then life (the touch whereof, whether true, or false, is the common ground of bloudie duells) can there any thing be thought more vniust, then that a scandalous tongue, or style, should passe with ap∣plause against whomsoeuer, not first condemned by law? The same emperours notwithstanding made it free, by their explanation, for any one who did subscribe his name, and at the perill of his head (for that was the penaltie) stood to maintaine what his tongue and hand had publisht, should both bee secure, and receiue, with thancks, reward. If there∣fore the honour of subiects was so tender, what va∣lue can be assessed vpon that of soueraigne princes? Yet the Christian moderation of the noble empe∣rours, THEODOSIVS, ARCADIVS, and HO∣NORIVS, is the example of our sacred SOVE∣REIGN, whose iudgements in their owne case was diuinely high. For thus they said in effect: That if any blasphemed them (the Apostle vseth that word in matter of maiestie) being led therevnto, either by leuity, or madnesse, and not of malice, it was their pleasures that such a delinquent should not suffer. Reser∣uing alwayes to themselues the iudgement of the spirit. ANTISTIVS, among all other his bad desarts, most iustly odious, for that by his vnseasonoble o∣uer-boylings against NERO, the pestiferous exten∣sions

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of the law of maiestie (so pernicious formerly to all affiance in conuersation, and so calamitous to the noble) began vpon this occasion to bee raised out of the graue againe, to the bane of many wor∣thy Peeres. An act of highest magnanimitie, for a Prince to sit far aboue all maledictions, vnmoued, and not vpon euery reuenge slightly to vncollar in∣dignation. The fault notwithstanding is not the lesse for being left vnpunished; and DAVID forgat not SEMEI. ANTISTIVS a miserable man du∣ring life: for as his wilde wit ouerthrew him, so his trecherie stood him in little sted. For hauing excee∣ded the limits of his banishment, and the SENATE misliking it, MVCIANVS (in VESPASIANS dayes) to appease their lordships, did shut him vp again within his ile; their angry curse vpon him. Such was ANTISTIVS in his manners, and for∣tunes. His likes deserue to haue a NERO for their prince, and not a most milde king IAMES.

CHAP. XXVII. THE WORTHIE CARRIAGE OF DO∣MITIVS CORBVLO, AGAINST THE PARTHIANS.

THe generall body of the ROMAN power moued euerywhere substantially strong, not onely in the westerne world vnder SVETO∣FIVS PAVLLINVS, but in a leading eminencie vnder CORBVLO against the PARTHIANS, in the quarell of ARMENIA, the possession of which countrey was alike by both affected.

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NERO'S greatest courage was onely to thinke or talke of making a voiage in person to the CASPI∣AN passages (a naturall gate in the crowne of mountaines which separate the PARTHIAN, and ARMENIAN territories) but CORBVLO (a se∣uere commander, and such as the worke needed) redeemed the ROMAN name from dishonour, which SVETONIVS, the historian, reports to haue beene much greater then it was; for hee absolutely saith, the legions escaped by forking. The PARTHI∣ANS had not that aduantage, or vsed it not, for TA∣CITVS affirmes it was onely a fame, and it was no more. THEODOSIVS (out of the perished parts of DIO) hath the particular, which though full e∣nough of disparagement, did neuerthelesse not a∣mount to such a CAVDIAN infamie. Thus it was. LVCIVS CAESENIVS PAETVS, straightned in RHANDAEA, sought conditions of peace for feare of VOLOGESVS (the PARTHIAN king) and accepted such as were agreed vpon, thereby to saue himselfe, and soldiers. The chiefe points in the com∣position were: that the ROMANS should quit ARMENIA, and NERO should crowne TERI∣DATES (the brother of VOLOGESVS) king there∣of. For performance of which (saith THEODO∣SIVS) oath was giuen. But the valour, wisedome, and singular diligence of CORBVLO repairing all by due degrees, brought great VOLOGESVS himselfe to yeelding termes, and his brother TIRI∣DATES (whom PLINIE notes for maistership in magicke) to adore the ROMAN ensignes, and deposit his diadem.

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CHAP. XXVIII. NERO'S FIRST COMMING VPON THE COMMON STAGE.

THese seruices of his Lieutenants generall a∣broad, and in parts so oppositely distant as east, and west, and in the vtmost bounds of the ROMAN empire, towards both those coasts of heauen, gaue NERO boldnesse to despise all re∣ports of what hee did vile, or beneath the maiestie of CAESAR, among his owne at home. It was now the tenth yeare of his raigne when first hee came vpon the open stage, nor that at ROME first, but at NAPLES, meditating a new kinde of triumph, not ouer armed enemies, but ouer rimers, players, min∣strels, and the like. As if, to accomplish the glorie of the ROMAN name, any thing was wanting which NERO could supplie. His ambition was so vehement, and strange in this kinde (as for an ho∣nour which he in his ignorance held to be worthie of the lord of the world) that his coigns represent him in the habit of a cytharist, or (if our word reach the fulnesse of the sense) an harper.

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Till now, all his proofes, and essayes of himselfe were onely in his palaces, or gardens, but, after long practise, presuming he might worthily goe out maister, hee aspired to publicke auditories. These were stronger means to precipitate the People of ROME into old decrepit age, then all the cruelties, and rages of the former times, for they properly tended to effemination, or rather were effeminacies selfe. S. AVGVSTINE notes, that whosoeuer af∣fects superioritie, and loues not glory, goes beyond beasts both in crueltie, and riot; and hee brings for illustration the example of this NERO; whose man∣ners were so corrupt, that none (saith that holy Father) would euer surmize that any manly matter was to bee feared or expected at his hands, and yet his acts were so tyrannically sterne, that they who knew him not, would neuer beleeue there was any thing womanish in him. In this vnprincely ambition his fingers were not so moueable, and swift vpon the strings of the lyra, as the gripe of his depraued power was heauy vpon many, whose greater parts hee maliced. This, a∣mong his priuado's in court, was knowne to bee so certaine a way of doing mischiefe, that they shot therewith euen at SENECA himselfe when his partner in authoritie, AFRANIVS BVRRHVS, was now lately dead. For then they accused him in their secret whispers, that hee had a disloyall desire to excell in eloquence, and poesie; and therefore more often addicted himselfe to the composure of verses, after once he found that CAESAR tooke delight in them, then at any time euer before. The vanitie, and weakenesse of all created power in court, not more apparent, then miserable; when the foundations thereof are in any the least degree subiect to be sapt, and eaten through with so 〈…〉〈…〉 feeble

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suggestions, where the prince hath neither fore∣head, heart, nor braine. NERO vnwillingly brookt any man, who might bee thought to stand in the same line of honour for those faculties, or did not adoringly admire his; esteeming it as his most speci∣all glory, and felicitie, that some way or other hee could securely destroy emulators. His seale, where these imaginations are not obscurely profest, GVILLAVME du CHOVL (counsellour of estate to some of the late French kings) did finde in anti∣ent sculpture, and caused it to be cut and printed. GABRIEL SYMEONI also, an Italian author, for∣merly published the same. Out of whose extant worke it is deriued hither into mine. A strange in∣uention for an imperiall signet. And my memorie fails me, if it be not also in the printed collections of ROMAN seals, imitated out of sundry rings, as they were seuerally set with cornelians, aggats, onycles, and other the cheaper sort of pretious stones, engrauen for the vse of signature.

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The argument of this cachet (so the French call it) is the famous fable of MARSYAS, who was flayed aliue, for presuming to challenge the harpe of APOLLO into a triall, against the musicke of his pipe. What NERO meant by assuming it, or in what cases hee was accustomed to seale therewith, is meerely matter of coniecture, not of certaintie. For whether it were to terrifie those who durst compare, or contend in skill with him; or to iustifie his most high veneration of musicall agons, in re∣gard they were the peculiar glory of so great a dei∣tie as APOLLO, or whither it were that hee arro∣gantly vsurped a resemblance, or whatsoeuer my part is sufficiently discharged in hauing deliuered not what I may deuise, but what I finde true.

To please the meaner sort of people was the poore chiefe poinct of his policie. For in their affe∣ctions he reposed his safetie, and in their applause his glory. Therefore, to entertaine all their senses with their proper delights, (there being no other way so sure of winning them) he layes hold of their eares with songs and tunes; of their eyes, with pub∣like games, and showes; and finally of the residue of the fiue, with the most voluptuous, and impu∣dent permissions of all sorts of gluttonous and ve∣nereous excesses in publicke. That banquet, or Bac∣chanal, which SOPHONIVS TIGELLINVS prouided in the poole of AGRIPPA, or (as DIO hath the place) in the amphitheater, where nothing was chaste, nothing frugall, nothing honest, hath the fame of the maddest and most wilde of all that euer were in his dayes. Lasciuious naked wo∣men, immeasurable cheare, wine, words, and no∣thing barrd, but abstinence or modestie, which though it was the cause why the meeting ended in

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quarels, blowes and bloud, yet this was freedome in their estimation, being indeed nothing else but an ouerflow of authorised corruptions and villanies. But some few dayes after the feast, there succeeded an act more prodigious; the coupling of NERO to PYTHAGORAS Doryphorus, as an hus∣band. CARDAN excuseth him vpon those flatte∣rers, who while they did put him into a frolicke for the honour of the goddesse ISIS, perswaded a sacrilege in stead of a ceremonie, and so deceiued him. A fiction, and a toy, but not amisse for the scope of CARDANS writing, to vent a wittie wonder of his owne deuising, as if NERO were a Worthie. That most inherent fire of lust, which all religion, and all good lawes striue to quench in the hurtfull heats thereof, by making adulteries, rapes, and vn∣naturall violations capitall, and other licentious in∣temperance shamefully criminall, NERO inflames and enrageth with example & leaue. The destroyer of health and happinesse, nor in any thing so mis∣chieuous to manners as in this his most loathsome, soule, and monstrous practise.

CHAP. XXIX. THE BVRNING OF ROME BY NERO.

THe citie of ROME, filled, and polluted thus, with his incredible vices; behold, as if to purge the same, it sodeinly conceiued fire, and vehemently prospered towards an vniuersall blaze. That NERO was the author of it seemes branded vpon him for a truth, though CORNELIVS

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TACITVS (whose historicall iustice is admired) reports it as a matter vncertaine, because his authors differ among themselues, some affirming, some de∣nying it: and he himselfe doth elsewhere professe, to deliuer nothing for vndoubted veritie, without common concent of good bookes. A rule of narrati∣on much more tender, seuere, and scrupulous, then that often times of his censures. His inward iudge∣ment notwithstanding doth not obscurely incline to the affirmation. I for my part will forbeare to de∣riue vp this most depraued affection of NERO so high, as to his first times; though, among his pub∣licke entertainements of the people, hee presented one of the gowned playes of AFRANIVS (or such an one whose argument, and dramaticall per∣sons were ROMANS) entituled The fire, giuing leaue to the actors, when (according to the plot) the house of the stage was on a flame, to share the gor∣geous furnitures among themselues as bootie. And howsoeuer perhaps hee did not as then reflect vp∣on the burning of ROME, yet might it afterwards very well seeme a presage thereof, or a modle. En∣uie to mankinde, wantonnesse of will, and the ab∣surd desire of glorie, his most inward incentiues to a fact so strange. He pronounced king PRIAMVS an happie man (saith XIPHILINE) because hee beheld the end of his kingdome and countrey together. And when in ordinarie discourse one chanced to vt∣ter in his hearing, a tragicke Greeke verse, impor∣ting, when I am dead, let the fire take all, or, let the earth and fire be confounded together, hee presently re∣plide, not when I am dead (quoth he) but while as yet I am aliue. Voices, hard to say, out of which of the hels inspired. And here, his desire of conuerting ROME into embers, doth first of all seeme

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to haue kindled. About which worke he neuerthe∣lesse went not so closely, that his guiltinesse did not glimmer through. He abode within his birth-place, ANTIVM. From thence hee slily lets slip into di∣uerse parts of ROME, a few odde fellowes, coun∣terfaiting druncken (saith DIO) and would doe some other mischiefe, who began the consu∣ming euill. Yea some of NERO'S own chamber (as it is in the CAESARS of credible SVETONIVS) were seene to carrye course flaxe, or toa, and torches a∣bout, the meanes of fiery mischiefe, and yet most of those great, and consularie lords, into whose grounds they came, neuer laid hand vpon them. Hee wanted a citie on fire, ouer which to sing the burning of TROY. Thus hee had it. And there is abundantly enough, euen in the CORNELIAN Annals, to conuince NERO'S conscience of the deed, though their noble author (pursuing his rule of vncertainty) euen interprets those very reasons with a temper. Many threatned thicke at such as would haue quencht the flames; others openly hurld firebrands, crying, they knew what they did, or, there was one who would beare them out. Besides, hee himselfe did not set forward from AN∣TIVM to ROME, till the fire had laid hold of that part of his house which ioignd the palace and the gardens of MAECENAS. Finally, no art, nor boun∣tie of his, could induce the commons to belieue in NERO'S innocencie. For, doe what he could, the ge∣neral perswasion went, that he commanded ROME to bee set on fire. These, and sundry other the like things the CORNELIAN Annals affirme. Alone sufficient to proue NERO the principall partie, though all other testimonies (which neuerthelesse speake plainly, and come home to the question) were euerlastingly silent.

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§. I. Of the hugenesse, and goodlinesse of NERO'S Rome.

MArble ROME (such as AVGVSTVS left it, and specially boasted of) was compre∣hended within a wall of almost fourteene miles in circuit, enlarged afterwards to fiftie, vnder the Emperour AVRELIAN, when stone was re∣puted a part of the empires strength. But, that spati∣ous bodie, and the suburban limbs thereof, might together rather seeme an whole countrey superedi∣fied, then onely a citie. For the buildings ran out aboue thirtie miles one way, and from the milliarie pillar, fixt in the crowne of the ROMAN forum, as a center of measure, a line of seauentie thousand pa∣ses would not draw the praetorian campe and the furthermost houses in. PLINIE therefore in his contemplations of the hugenesse of ROME, may worthily conclude (as he doth) that no citie vnder heauen could be compared thereunto, the height of the buildings considered with their multitude. ITALIE, (saith the same PLINIE) the foster-childe of all other countreyes, and the same their mother also, selected by powers diuine to make the heauens themselues shine brighter, to vnite dispersed common-wealths, to soften their manners, to draw the differing and harsh-sounding languages of so many nations, to a familiar con∣uersation by the interchange of speech, to bestow huma∣nitie vpon human-kinde, and in a word, to make one common countrey for all the people of the world; and soueraigne ROME, a face most faire, and

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worthie to be set on a necke so louely. Her encreases of habitations so manifold, that the seauen and thirty gates thereof could not let in more; and ROME, for want of roome, did shut out additions in sub∣urbs, which answered in quantie to so many seue∣rall cities. For to OSTIA (the port of ROME, and mouth of TIBER) the banckes were couered with buildings, twelue miles outright one way. And all but needfull, considering, that by the proportions of LIPSIVS, ROME harboured not fewer then foure or fiue millions of people. This moued one of the antient to write (as MARLIANVS voucheth him) that he supposed all ITALIE would in time bee builded ouer, and the bounds of the citie of ROME be the shores of the sea. But the wonder of the seat did not grow from the greatnesse onely, but from the innumerable ornaments of publicke, and priuate workes, erected for vse, delight, and glory, dispersed ouer all the fourteene wards, or regions thereof. Temples, Forums, Libraries, Therms, Aqua∣ducts, Theaters, Amphitheaters, Circi, Porticus, Arches, Columns, Statuas, Palaces, and the rest, whose bare names scarce remaining, doe fill vp volumns with their inuentaries. Yet their young maister, NERO, thought not such a ROME, either good enough, or braue enough for his abode. For hee was mani∣festly displeased with the fashion of tenements, as not competently magnificent, nor lesse with the narrownesse and irregular angles of streets, and lanes, such as they rose at aduenture after the first burning of ROME by the GALLS. His owne im∣periall court within the walls of ROME, the most goodly part of the whole, did likewise seeme too meane and narrow. No remedy therefore but all must downe; which purpose of his, nor daring to

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professe, he meant to father it vpon the casualtie of fire, whereunto it was so often subiect, though no∣thing so mischieuously as now. For such a course was held, as if there should need no more burnings; one burning to stand for all; and ROME to be her owne no more.

§. II. The fire, and NERO'S triumph ouer it.

THat the fiering of the citie throughly was throughly studied, may in part appeare by the very place it selfe of the mischiefes origi∣nall; which was thickest builded, and vpon the lowest ground. For in old times before, it had been so surrounded with the watrie excursions of TI∣BER, that it conuerted the soile into a rotten moore, good onely for sallowes, and canes to grow vpon: neither was there any ordinarie passage ouer it to mount AVENTINE, but by ferrie. This whole large bottome, or vallie, enclosing the PALATINE hill vpon two sides, towards the west, and south, and called the Velabrum, being wonne in time to be firme, was euerywhere now inhabited. Among all the magnificent workes which adorned it, the principall Circus, or Race-yard was one, being about halfe a mile in length, of an ouall forme, with rowes of seates one aboue the other, competently capable of all the people of ROME (as IVVENAL ouer-reacheth in his Satyres) but euen, as sober men write, of at least one hundred, and fiftie thousand spectators, without vnciuill shouldrings. Of this

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Circus the whole quarter where it stood was deno∣minated, and in that corner thereof which abutted vpon the PALATINE, and CAELIAN hils, where the oile-men, and druggers dwelt, the first flames rose, which sailing with no slacke winde, fed vpon the buildings so fast, as if they had beene sensible of CAESARS allowance. The fiery streames breaking further forth in the aër, ranne speedily through the scaffolds, and timbers of that most goodly worke, full of the vnresistable furie which they found out among those fat and gummie trades. From this le∣uell or plaine, the combustion mounts with ease, and scales the hils. NERO'S owne house, called The transitorie, (by reason of the passage ouer the vallie from mount to mount, through a gallerie raised be∣tweene, vpon arches, and pillars) was in the way of the fire; which he willingly suffered to perish, that his losses being mixt with the common, the losses of priuate citizens might appeare the more tollerable, and his malice escape, the rather without marking. From those hils the flames strike downe againe, vp∣on the inferiour tops of houses, and rage without controll. For least common helpe should preuaile against any single inuasion, the burning blaze was kindled in sundry precincts, and streets at once, ma∣king the worke manifold. So while they laboured to quench and stop destruction in one place, new eruptions of fire and flame tooke them off from thence, and did euerywhere frustrate endeauors. Nor was there any surer signe that NERO was come from ANTIVM, then the open assistance gi∣uen towards the consuming of ROME. Other ef∣fect his presence had not. Whereas gentle CLAV∣DIVS CAESAR (when in his time a mightie fire threatned the citie) issued out in person, brought

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forth his treasure, and both with voice and bountie encouraged all men to the extinction. AVLVS VI∣TELLIVS, afterwards emperour, a capitall instru∣ment of NERO'S in this burning: for his enemies before they murthered him, among all other what∣soeuer their reproaches and reuilings, added the ti∣tle of incendiarie, which well became his interest in NERO'S fauour. But, ouer and aboue all vnder∣hand kindlers, and boutefeus, the night-watch of the citie, whose dutie most immediately it was, to haue subdued the calamitie by quenching, or pulling downe of houses, did openly cherish it. Nor they alone but the pretorian guards also. For I cannot conceiue how DIO should meane any other then the pretorian, where he speakes of other soldiers besides the night-watch. A certaine signe indeed that NERO was come. The citie seemed now (saith XIPHILINE) like a mightie winter-campe, when it is all-ouer full with fires, to warme the armie. But the descriptions which PINDARVS, & VER∣GIL make of AETNA, are in comparison but as of a great chimney on fire. For what was that one barren hill of SICILIA to the most wealthie sea∣uen of ROME? The fourteene wards or regions thereof, were not simplie as members of a diuision, but as if the same number of great cities had beene ioyned to constitute one: which while they are not all of them on fire at once, and yet all of them in open danger, the crackling fate of parts did repre∣sent to mens mindes the burning of the whole. One of the least mountaines was scarce fully couered with buildings by her founders at first, but the po∣werfull growth of aboue eight hundred yeares had not onely taken the other sixe hils in, and hidden them with edificatures, but the lowest parts had so

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ouertopt them also with magnificent spires, as they could not easily be distinguisht, till this fire defor∣med the imperiall face thereof, and office afterwards freed the lamentable prospect from rubbish. The winde sitting southerly, and southwesterly, con∣spired at this time with NERO, and conuerting temples, and tenements into the likenesse of glow∣ing furnaces, carried the lowd flame ouer from the PALATINE hill to mount AESQVILINE. The fall of stones, timber, walls, roofes, and whole pa∣laces, assailed and embraced with the fire, not able with their noise to burie the crye and shrickes of wo∣men and children. Nothing to bee seene but flashes bursting forth out of clowds of smoake, as it were out of ambuscado's. One and the same raging fire becomming funerall and finall to the liues, and for∣tunes of innumerable thousands. Stealth, force, and rapine the practise of the desperate NERONIANS. Which when it was generally perceiued, and that after many dayes, and nights opposition of the euil, the worke was growne too hot, and too great to bee maistered, few men remained any longer carefull for their particular estate in goods, but lamented the dolefull waste, and downefall of their common countrey. Onely NERO was not dismaid, nor troubled, but highly pleased For, delighted (as hee said) with the goodlinesse of the blaze, he insulted ouer the publicke woe. Attired therefore in his theatrall habit, with his harpe in his hand, hee ascends (saith SVETONIVS) to the top of MAECENAS Tower, vpon mount ESQVILINE, whose stately fabricke (as HORACE describes it) was a neare neighbour to the loftie clowds, or, to speake in the language of conuersation, ouerlookt the most part of ROME. BOISSARDVS writes; that it is at this day called

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Fronton di Nerone, a goodly frontispice. There he feedes himselfe with the sight of infinite burnings, and sings to his harpe the destruction of TROY, or rather of ROME (as it was plainely there to bee seene, saith DIO) and not of TROY. Some thinke it was not any thing of HOMERS or VERGILS which he sung, but a poëm of his owne, because SERVIVS HONORATVS, and, before his time, IVNIVS IVVENALIS are witnesses, that NE∣RO dealt in verse vpon that argument. For nothing vnder heauen could bee more agreeable to his dis∣position, then that he should not only set all ROME on fire, but euen the whole world it selfe, for giuing the life of expression to his conceits, if his po∣wer ouer the one had beene equally much as ouer the other. It is not one citie, but all mankinde which is in danger, when a NERO swayes. That humane nature (howsoeuer corrupted, or depraued) should possibly haue in it such a thing as hee, is fearefull to consider. Therefore it cannot be lesse then misera∣ble, for any one to bee absolutely left to him∣selfe, but chiefly for young princes. In this ex∣ample neuerthelesse, it doth comfortably well ap∣pear, what excellent seruice, religion, and all wise lawes performe to man, by whose restraincts the generation of humane monsters is hindred, or their malice qualified. The moral of the fable of OR∣PHEVS, and of his brute auditorie reacheth to that obseruation. Euery one hath a tyrant in himselfe: and in most people the vnreasonable part predomi∣nates. The contemplation of this fire hath endan∣gered me to a flowd of discourse. CARDAN feebly defends the innocencie of NERO in this fact, by the huge charge he was at, in the renouation and repaire of buildings. The raging euill contained it

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selfe within the walls, which turned the cities seat out againe into fields, and countrey; not so fresh as at the first. Her antient rudenesse much better then vastitie in cinders. ROME, the common home of mankinde; the storehouse of conquests and spoiles; the habitation of the gods of the world; the conflu∣ent of arts and natures choise; the supreame court where the pleas of all the earth were held without appeale; the center of nations; the head and heart of empire; the seat of peace and warre; the mother and type of all ciuill maiestie; in her owne dwel∣ling, and by her owne sonne, was frighted thus out of her sacred abode, and scorcht, and miserably maimd. The secret name of ROME, VALEN∣TIA, to the custodie whereof, (as it is in SOLI∣NVS) the silent goddesse, Angerona, was destinated, scarce needed euocation by enemies with spells, and charmes, as being almost readie to reueale it selfe in this agonie, and so to haue dissolued empire. Most remarkeable of all; that this fire began vpon the same day, vpon which the GALLI SENONES, many ages before, had sackt, and fiered it. COR∣NELIVS TACITVS assignes the time to haue beene as vpon the nineteenth day of our Iulie, or the foureteenth Kalends of August, or so to say, Septem∣ber. A manifest errour in chronologie (saith IO∣SEPH SCALIGER) for it was the sixteenth of those Kalends, or the one and twentieth day of Iuly. Somewhat more for vs to admire, that there should be a concurrence of like infelicities vpon like daies. So FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS notes, that HIERV∣SALEM was taken by TITVS vpon the very selfe same day, in which antiently it was captiuated by the king of BABILON. The stop of this flaming desolation was procured after sixe dayes continuall

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waste, not by quenching, but by casting to the earth a great number of houses, ouer whose breach the flames could not stride to the abrupt. The place vpon which those demolisht buildings stood, was afterwards consecrated; as the confessed meanes for preseruation of the residue. That most memo∣rable inscription is partly aliue in LIPSIVS, and SCALIGER, and wholly in IANVS GRVTE∣RVS, out of MAZOCHIVS. The same is now in ENGLISH also fully here.

THIS FLOORE, WHICH IS CLOSED WITHIN THIS BOVNDER OF LIT∣TLE HILS, OBELISKES, AND THE ALTAR SOMEWHAT BENEATH, IS DE∣DICATED, IN ACCOMPLISHMENT OF A VOW, WHICH BEING VNDERTAKEN BY OCCASION OF FIRE, When the citie burnt for nine dayes in NERO'S times, WAS FOR ALONG WHILE NEGLECTED, AND NOT PERFORMED, AND IS DEDICATED VP∣ON THIS PROVISO, THAT NO MAN PRE∣SVME TO BVILD AN HOVSE WITHIN THESE LIMITS, OR REMAINES, BAR∣GAINE, OR PLANT A TREE, OR SOW ANY THING, AND THAT THE Praetor, TO WHOSE LOT THE GOVERNEMENT OF THIS RE∣GION SHALL HAPPEN, AND EVERY O∣THER MAGISTRATE MAY KNOW, THEY ARE EVERY YERE TO SACRIFICE VP∣ON THE FEAST OF Vulcan, BEING THE TENTH KALENDS OF SEPTEMBER, WITH A calfe, AND A tame boare.

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This vndisputable euidence testifies vnto vs, that the fire lasted nine dayes; and not onely sixe (though onely sixe were enough to deuoure a mightie citie) as CORNELIVS TACITVS reconciliably rec∣kons. For a second fire, which seemes to haue held so long as to make the sixe dayes nine, immediately rose out of the Aemilian gardens, belonging to TI∣GELLINVS SOPHONIVS. Greatly to the en∣crease of NERO'S infamie. For this was hee, who, with the aduantage of his masters bad propensions, had preuailed in NERO, against all the honest in∣fusions of SENECA, and had vtterly driuen out all his precepts. The corrupter, and deprauator now, and afterwards the betrayer, and abandoner of his Soueraigne. A crime, among some few other, most inexpiable.

§. III. The worke of the fire in spoile.

TAke now a proportion of the harm done here. Of all the fourteene wards or regions of ROME, onely foure remained entire, three burnt to ground, and the other seauen most fowly defaced, and halfe conuerted into embers and ashes. Mount PALATINE, one of the fourteene, and the plot it selfe where king ROMVLVS auspicated the empire of the world, was laid bare, and waste all ouer. If therefore any such fatall mysterie had cou∣ched vpon the place of omen, that the desolation thereof must haue wrought the dissolution of the fortune of ROME, (as in the surreption of the

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Palladium of TROY) the dissolution had vn∣doubtedly followed. For Roma Quadrata, and Sedes Imperij were in those very words religiously wor∣shipt there, and the temple of Felicitie it selfe esca∣ped not the infelicitie of burning. This region, not∣withstanding it was the least of all sauing one, con∣tained aboue two miles in compasse: which beeing but a third part of the consumings, and but a tenth of the deformations and marrings, what an image and face of destruction, and solitude must needes rise out of the whole together? But that hurt could not be worth the doing for NERO, whereof there could either be a valuation, or an inuentarie. The particulars innumerable; the damage inestimable. For giuing the ruine of structures in to the heape as a surplus (because hee neuer meant they should stand) and the vtter waste of riches in plate, coigne, vtensils, and other goods (because they were both valuable and suppliable) there perisht such other things which could neither be restored nor prized. TO CORNELIVS TACITVS, SVETONIVS, DIO, and the rest of the old ROMANS, the temples of their gods, excellent maister-pieces, and moniments of their triumphall Worthies, were of that kinde, but that which did not concerne ROME onely, nor those times alone, but all people, and ages, and which for euer perisht in this balefull fire, were an∣tient and vncorrupted volumns stored vp in pub∣licke, and priuate libraries. In those other things it was either profound antiquitie, or reputed san∣ctitie, which did set vpon them their highest or vt∣most value, but in the abolition of the workes of wit, immortalitie it selfe did suffer, and seemes to haue turned mortall. This was indeede to destroy old ROME, and the empire also. For while those

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noble cabanets, and treasures of memorie remained, the ROMAN Worthies, and their actions would for euer haue beene aboue ground, and suruiued. The soule, the bodie, the fortunes, and all things of man, or belonging to him, haue seuerally their shares in such a priuation, as the bookes consumed did seuerally in their arguments concerne them. And albeit those innumerable thousands, whom either smoake did smother, the weight of ruins crusht, flames burnt to dust, villaines slew, or who desperately threw themselues into the fire, as if the end of all were come, (which DIO testifies many did) and voluntarily perished, were for the pre∣sent more mist then whatsoeuer else, yet no∣thing concerned all men and times but those bookes alone. For which and other his famous deeds, the common iustice of the world hath crowned NERO with the proper reward of their merit. His name the euerlasting trampling-stocke, and hatred of mankinde. These things hapned, CAIVS LECANIVS, and MARCVS LICINI∣VS, Consuls, in the yere from ROME built eight hundred and seauenteene. Howbeit the mindes and tongues of the people (as if the computation were falsified) ranne wholly vpon a prophesie in SI∣BYLL, which threatned a generall perdition vpon the yeere nine hundred. Concerning which I haue long before said sufficiently in AGRIPPINAS mur∣ther.

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§. IIII. NERO'S vse of the burnings, and destructions of old ROME.

IN fiering ROME he burnt in himselfe with a farre worse fire; the absurd desire of a name. His madnesse greater to hope for glory by the doing, then his wickednesse was in the fact. He was there∣fore so impatiently desirous to see that new town, & palace, actually rise, according to that idaea of them which he had drawne to himselfe within his owne imagination, as he could not brooke the orderly ta∣king downe of the old. The top of his ambition, to be thought worthie for such an instauration, to carrie the name. ROME no longer to bee called ROME, but NEROPOLIS, or NERO'S citie. And truely he did so much in that respect, by ma∣king faire wide streetes, and building in right lines, with galleries and tarrales before the houses, that SENECAS TIMAGINES, had he liued now, as vnder AVGVSTVS, would haue had iust cause of new enuie. For nothing vext him when ROME fell on fire (as often times it did) but that the de∣cayes re-edified rose euer much more beauteous, and braue then before their burning. But so farre is HIE∣ROME CARDAN from the right, in coigning to vs an opinion, by way of trifling, as if the money which defraid the charge of these magnificent re∣parations, had issued out of NERO'S cofers, that in SVETONIVS TRANQVILLVS the contrary is manifestly true. And PAVLVS ORESIVS testifies,

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that he taxed vpon the Senate a yearely paiment of ten millions of sestertium towards the expense. A summe, which, reduced to our account, is hardly comprehensible within numeration, when euery such million makes vp fiue and twentie millions of crowns English. But howsoeuer that was; his gripes, and drawings for money were so strange, and vni∣uersall, as if he had set ROME on fire for a colour to gather the wealth of the world together, by pub∣licke and priuate robberies. This notwithstanding (as also some other base and horrible acts, which passe for NERO'S) might properly belong to that trayterous caytiue, TIGELLINVS, who durst doe something in his maisters name, which his mai∣ster NERO neuer either authorised, or knew. The CORNELIAN histories auerre it clearely. O faîth, at al times needfull, and euer honourable, but in the neare seruants of soueraigne princes so absolutely requisite, that where it is wanting, they are not ser∣uants but subuerters, & are accordingly to be left ouer to the hangmans mercy. NERO, for certaine, was so little an admirer of money, that he held there was no other vse thereof but profusion. TIGELLINVS and his complices, ought in my beliefe to vndergoe the infamie of these extortiue courses. This coigne of NERO'S,

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in the iudgement of that excellent and famous Spa∣nish Praelate, ANTONIVS AVGVTSTINVS, concerns the house, or palace which NERO CAESAR raised vpon the ruins of his chiefe citie. Therefore he reades not MAC. for Macellum (which doth not onely signifie a flesh-market, or butcherie, but a place where all sorts of food are sold, as PLV∣TARCH and others doe assure vs) but MAG. for Magna, in allusion to this new palace. Howbeit, (saued my reuerence to his learning) DIO for∣ceth mee to dissent, who in expresse words writes, that NERO reared a market-sted, and, for our su∣rer satisfaction, giues vs in Greeke characters, the Latin name, and calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Besides that, the mansion which NERO erected, is no where signally called Magna, but Aurea, not the Great, but the Golden one. Sufficient to shew, this coigne was ordained by commandement of the Senate (as the single capitals vpon it, S. and C. doe signifie) to acknowledge him the author of such a munificence. The memoriall thereof belongs to the citie, not to CAESARS peculiar dwelling; and the word meant by that literall note, is not Magna, but Macellum. But how much soeuer NERO added to the outward maiestie, and beautie of ROME, it was thought that in the heats it was farre lesse healthie then before; because the Sunne had more power vpon it, by reason of the greater breadth and directnesse of the streets. Nor did he obtaine to haue ROME called NEROPOLIS as he is said to haue affected.

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§. V. NERO'S new palace, or GOLDEN HOVSE.

HAuing thus destroid olde ROME by bur∣ning, he destroid it againe (which you will wonder at) by building. For making vse of the soile, vpon which so many magnificent and goodly fabrickes (publickely consecrated either to religious rites, or to the eternall memorie of noble deedes) where also so many thousands of iles, and other messuages lately stood (the harbours of pri∣uate citizens) he constituted in the roomth of them all, one maine abode for himselfe. The extra∣ordinarie compasse of this place met with such wits as answerably flew out of all compasse, the more fully to figure the same. That libell therefore in verse, which SVETONIVS hath registred in his common places of the CAESARS liues (for so they rather are, then properly histories, whose me∣thod is naturall, and continuous, not broaken in∣to dischronicall species) tells vs; all the citie of ROME was now become no more but one house onely. Yea PLI∣NIE also is more pleased with daintie, and gene∣rall notions, then with the solemnitie and particu∣lar proprietie of historicall phrase, in describing this monster of a towne-seat. Therefore hee freshly playes the young man againe, and no way inferi∣our to that epigrammatist in excesse of speech, writes; that all ROME was set within NERO'S house, and that all the lands of some of the old Roman Worthies were not so capacious, and large, as here the cellars onely. Formes

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of expression which become a poëm singularly well, or a flourishing orator. Theyr ouer common pursuit is in our owne times growne the errour, and vice of wits; among whom nothing now hath taste, but (as they are called) fine conceipts: The bane of all solid elequence, and more of solid studies. NERO loathed his former palace. The transitorie, as too small and meane, and therefore founded this other, which comprehended that as a parcell, naming it, altogether, The golden house. The huge∣nesse better to be conceiued by the rule of proporti∣on in the art of building (as the stature of HER∣CVLES was found by the measure of his foot) then by imaginatiue hyperboles, which leaue no certainty, nor draw any lines of truth within the vnderstan∣ding. Euery iust part discouers the iust totall. This court imperiall therefore, had a porch, or entrance, so exceedingly wide, and receiptfull, that the more then gyantlike image of NERO, one hundred and twentie foot high, was eleuated within it. And SVETONIVS further specifies vnto vs, for the clearer declaration of the spaciousnesse, that it had porticus triplices milliarias. By which words, though no man (whom I can finde) doth directly know what is meant, yet they represent to the minde a wonderfull argenes. I could suppose their sense to be, that three parts or sides of a square, from the porch to the first front, or from the house backeward, were deckt with walkes or galleries, hauing in all a thou∣sand pillars. These, together with their equall di∣stances, which could not bee lesse in art then the length of their owne shafts, must needes take vp a mighty compasse. This image of NERO, made by ZENODORVS, in emulation of the Colossus of the Sunne, at RHODES, betweene whose ouer∣striding

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legges ships entred the port, seemes also to haue admitted vnder it all sorts of things and peo∣ple here. A particular storie belongs to this wonder of statuarie worke. For afterwards when NERO'S vile deedes were publickely damned, the head was remoued, and in place thereof (saith PVBLIVS VICTOR) the head of the Sunne, with a glorie of seauen golden beames about it, euery beame sea∣uen foot and an halfe in length, some say aboue twentie foot (which is more probable, because more proportionable) was fixt and dedicated. The like COLOSSVS painted vpon linnen cloth (an inuen∣tion till then vnknowne) resembling NERO at the proportion of one hundred and twentie foot long, when it was now finished in the LAMIAN gardens, both the monstrous picture, & the gardens themselues were consumed (saith PLINIE) with light∣ning But the maruel of NERO'S house consisted not in the magnitude only, but in the materials, appurte∣nances, & workemanship. Nor principally in them. For iuorie, pearle & gold, were grown stale, because they were common ornaments. But the chiefe won∣der of the inuention sprung meerely from desolati∣on. For he laid rogether great depopulated places; turning them into woods, gardens, wildernesses, lakes, fields, and vineyards, most curiously adorned with architecture. Things of much more need, and value there then metall and gemmes. No man ther∣fore ought extreamely to admire, that the epigram in SVETONIVS cryes out, that CAESAR did thrust so much of ROME forth of the natiue seat thereof, as if the inhabitants must haue beene enforced to remoue to the VEII, almost twentie miles off, and euery way round as farre. Wilde wayes of description, which in right historie are little better then odious, they

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are so wandring and so generall, creating no con∣stant or circumscriptible image in the minde of the reader. The reall course of giuing satisfaction, would haue told vs in plaine tearmes, what quan∣titie of ground the golden house and habitation tooke, and what was the frame and face thereof in the most singular parts. I may briefly afford some more certaine light to this admirable argument. The PA∣LATINE, and AESQVILINE hils, which lay to∣wards the north of the world, were the only places of which he made most vse for his new affected a∣bode. Mount PALATINE (the X. ward or region of ROME) comprehended (according to ONVPHRI∣VS and others) XI.M.DC. foot about. In which there were VII. maine streets; XXVI. temples and chappels, great and small; antient guildes, or common halls, IIII. the PALATINE bathes; priuate baines XV.ii. publicke libraries; corne-mills XII. garners XVI. palaces, or princely, and great mens houses, CXIC. (among which, was that of SENECA'S) and MDC. iles; or messuages (for that is here meant by iles) which toucht not one the other: besides BACCHVS medow; the groue of the faeries; open places; colosses; arches tri∣umphall; altars; and many other most famous things. Of∣ficers in ordinarie for gouernement of the ward: masters, XXVIII. curators, and bedles (or denun∣ciators) a like number, of each a paire. Mount AESQVI∣LINE (or the V. ward or region of ROME) toge∣ther with the tower of MAECENAS, and VIMINAL bill, was bounded within the measure of XV.M.DCCCCL. foot; contained XV. maine streets; the temple of all the gods (PANTHEON) and about XXX. other temples, and chappels great and small; VIII. con∣secrated groues; II. fields; the Praetorian campe; great hot bathes, II. priuate baines, LXXV. curious

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fountaines, and conducts aboue CXXC. garners, XXIII. corne-mills XXII. palaces, or renowned mens houses, CLXXX. and in them the poet VERGILS; iles, MMDCCCL. besides an amphitheater; a cir∣cus; a parke; most famous gardens; and besides alother me∣morable obiects of sight. Officers in ordinarie: maisters LX. ouerseeers or curators, II. bedles, or denunciators, as many. Here also, VII. cohorts, or MMM. and D. soldiers, part of the cities watch, had their quarter, or station. This table will at once set before our eyes both the fierie spoile, and the scope reserued by NE∣RO. His phansies accomplished; he came to warme or dedicate his golden house (though DIO PRVSI∣AS thinkes his own natiue tenement truely golden, and NERO'S but onely in name) and vpon behol∣ding it at full, approued the some thus farre, that now at last hee beganne to dwell like a man. A noble speech for certaine; and which might well haue come from CAESAR; the speaker not considered. To assure the continuance, he vainely included the temple of FOR∣TVNE, which builded all of a transparent stone, called phengit, was internally as bright as day by selfe-reflections. Howbeit hee did not so finish his golden mansion, but that the very first bill which OTHO Caesar afterwards signed, was a warrant to the treasurer to issue out a eleauen hundred and fif∣tie thousand crownes for ending it. The true space of this vsurped habitation is certainly mis-reported; the flashes of hyperboles abusing our senses. It was not a mile forth-right, in the opinion of that right learned, and worthie man, LAEVINVS TORREN∣TIVS. For my part, I could thinke the same, consi∣dering what VALERIVS MARTIALIS testifies of some particulars, so short a while after, as in DO∣MITIANS dayes, who had his turne of empire

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within thirteene or fourteene yeares from NERO. And yet that maister-poet runs on in the vaine of the rest, as if in the whole citie there stood but one house: the figure of amplification was generally so rife. In it appeares, that where NERO'S poole or pond was, which (by the report of SVETONIVS) being like a sea for the bignesse, and enuironed with buil∣dings like cities (O vast excesse of words) DOMI∣TIAN had made firme ground, and raised his am∣phitheater vpon it. Out of this I am satisfied that the water which is in SVETONIVS as great as a sea, might be about some hundred and fiftie yards ouer. The epigram is extant, and toucheth many o∣ther poincts of this argument, but this one aboue all, that DOMITIAN vndid what NERO wrought, and laid open his iniurious encroachments, resto∣ring ROME to her selfe, and one mans delights to all mens benefits. Wisedome builds sure, because it chooseth the heart of man for a foundation; but what a NERO raiseth, a DOMITIAN ouer∣throwes, and one malignant tyrant, destroyes the others doings; as when the plague remoues a feuer. Nothing stands bold which hath not vertue for the basis, but in stead thereof, vaine-glory and wrong. The burning of ROME, and NERO'S buildings, are subiects of speech so full of amazement, and admirable odnesse, as may worthily warrant my plenty, seeing they well deserue a great deale more.

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CHAP. XXX. THE CHRISTIANS PERSECVTED BY NERO, AS THE BVRNERS OF ROME.

NERO hauing thus plaid with the ruins of the sacred seat, and with the euils of his na∣tion, and in the practise of such tragicall re∣uells, going farre beyond the malice, and darings of enemies, hee neuerthelesse inuented a way how to excell euen himselfe in wickednesse, by raising the first great Persecution against CHRISTIANS, as incendiaries. For when hee found, that neither his innumerable offices, or diligent offers at affor∣ding comforts, could deliuer him from the suspiti∣on of the fact; in the necessitie of accusing some, hee apprehended those innocent men, as guiltie, whose free confession of their faith was interpreted a full conuiction of the obiected crime. Such preiudices reigned then against religion. There was at that present a flourishing Church of Christians in ROME, euen before Saint PAVLS arriuall. NE∣RO'S owne court was secretly garnisht, and enri∣ched with some of those diamonds, whose salutati∣ons the Apostle remembers in his epistle to the PHI∣LIPPIANS. The bad man therefore wanted no matter for his sauage fraud to worke vpon, which he fulfilled so industriously, that they who abhor∣red Christians for their religion, commiserated their punishments as vndeserued; and NERO, while with their bloud hee sought to quench and couer

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his infamy, heaped vpon himselfe new enuie. Some (saith TACITVS) being cased in the skins of wilde beasts, were wurried to death with dogs, some were crucified, and others burnt in publicke, to furnish the euening with bonefires. The martyr, like the staffe of a torch, was packt vp within papers, stif∣ned in molten waxe, and other kindling stuffe, with a coat of sear-cloth about his body bound vpright to an axeltree: which being altogether pitcht in a sandy furrow, wereso set on fire at the bottome with bauins, or drie seare twigs, (which the LATINS call Sarmenta) to maintaine light for NERO'S night-sports in his gardens, vpon which occasion CHRISTI∣ANS were by-named Sarmentarians. Some of rhem were gored in length vpon stakes (saith IVVENAL, for of them hee meanes) the one end fastned in the earth, the other comming forth at the mouth. Here those new combats, crownes and triumphs were dedicated by the tyrant, which preuailed to eterni∣tie, and mounted in time the crosse of CHRIST aboue all the arches, and tropheas of the empire. Nor did this Persecution rage in ROME alone. For OROSIVS saith it was generall. The credit of which affirmation is singularly vpholden by a most notable inscription, found among certaine ruins in PORTVGAL, and extant in GRVTERVS, which pretendeth thankfulnesse to NERO; first for purging the prouince from strong thieues, and then againe (as he was Chiefe Priest) from those other who sought to inculcate to mankinde A NEW SVPERSTITION. None wil doubt those words to be meant of CHRISTIANITIE, who are but meanely acquainted with the style of those times among the ETHNICKS; that being the phrase it selfe of TACI∣TVS, and TRANQVILLVS. The famous inscription followeth.

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NERONI. CL. CAIS. AVG. PONT. MAX.

OB. PROVINC. LATRONIB. ET. HIS. QVI. NOVAM. GENERI. HVM. SVPER∣STITION. INCVLCAB.

PVRGATAM.

This moniment is doubly glorious to the Saincts of that age, because it both couples robbers, and them together (for vniust contu∣melie encreaseth dignitie) and because of the eui∣dence which it giues of a more then particular agon. Most happy, O, and most heauenly soules, whom diuine election marshal'd in the front of that battle, and the like grace enabled to reach to the garlands which shall neuer vade, and to weare them trium∣phant in glory, the starres themselues farre vnder. It could bee no ordinarie goodnesse (saith acute TERTVLLIAN) which NERO condemned, and we glory on behalfe of our sufferings, that they had such a dedicator as he. This was the first great Per∣secution, which like a blast did spread the religion it blew. No excellencie hath foundation in delica∣cie, whatsoeuer is soft and tender, neuer attaines to depth, or diuturnitie. Rough, and manly are the onely fit beginnings of things ordained to endure. The originall power of rhe ROMANS had no o∣ther soueraigne properties but these: for such was their founder, ROMVLVS.

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CHAP. XXXI. PISO'S CONSPIRACIE AGAINST NERO.

GOd and all good men offended, the many yeares patience of ROME at NERO'S licence, turned it selfe at length (as it com∣monly hapneth) into cogitations how to free the world from so prophane, and dire an euill. PISO, a most popular great lord, was the top in this work, as designed by the conspirators to succeed, when NERO was deposed and kild. Yet PISO, hauing him open vnder PISO'S owne roofe, and power thereby to destroy him at pleasure, pretended a re∣ligious horrour against it: as if the breach of the lawes of priuate hospitalitie had beene fowler, then the breach of faith, and loialtie. A coulourable scru∣ple. For the truth was, their numbers were so great who were ignorant of the treason, and would hold the murther of a prince (how wicked soeuer) a dete∣stable fact (saith TACITVS) that hee dreaded least LVCIVS SILANVS (one more great then PISO) making vse of their forces, would inuade the em∣pire, and frustrate his hopes, had the plot beene ex∣ecuted at the BAIAE, as the rest of the conspira∣tors desired, whither NERO came vpon trust (lay∣ing state aside) to feast, and reuell in priuate. Looke vpon the motiues of this knot, as TACITVS him∣selfe hath assigned them, and particular aims will be found the principall ingredient, how much soe∣uer the publicke good was pretended: as in such

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cases when is it not? Hee liues not in the world, who wisheth well to mankinde, and would haue a NERO liue: and he on the other side is passionate∣ly transported, who lookes more vpon change, then scope; and what they would moue from, and not whither they would moue. This conspiracie should be vnremembred here, because it was onely a preuented purpose, not an act, had it not swallow∣ed vp ANNAEVS SENECA (NERO'S maister) and ANNAEVS LVCANVS, the poet (SENECA'S brothers sonne) two, aboue all other of their times, the most renowned in their seuerall wayes of lear∣ning. LVCAN was so farre guiltitie as priuitie, appro∣uall, and vehement encouragements in priuate (as it is in CASAVBONS SVETONIVS) but SENE∣CA (saith DIO) was a principall, and PISO (saith TACITVS) was onely vsed (as it was thought) for a stale: the Philosopher himselfe the man inten∣ded for the succession. Happie ROME if the change had been for that! There had beene a iealous eye cast vpon that PISO, some two or three yeares be∣fore; and SENECA, euen then, was accused of society with him: which so vnited their cases, that SENE∣CA profest, his safetie depended vpon PISOS. The CORNELIAN Annals are cleare for the age of this plot; and PLINIE left it written, that PISO (for fra∣ming a title to the empire) should haue married ANTONIA, the daughter of CLAVDIVS CAE∣SAR. But this was the way, by which SENECA prouided as for his owne safetie against his danger by NERO; and for declaring himselfe innocent of his scholars iniquities.

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CHAP. XXXII. OF SENECA, AND LVCAN, TWO OF THE CONSPIRATORS.

DIO CASSIVS (in CASAVBONS opinion the most accurate Historian) is suspected of partiality against SENECA, by LIPSIVS, and DELRIO. On the other side, it is not impossible but that as he was of a most honourable degree in commonweale, hauing beene companion in Consulship with his owne emperour, so also, that like a learned, wise, and honest man, sincerely delighting in the harmonie, which words, and deeds produce when they agree, and detesting the contrarie, hee forbare not corruptly, in fauour of excellent wit, or of excellently wittie seemings, to vtter what he found of SENECA'S manners, and carriage, as in dutie, and allegiance to the Muse and law of historie, though it derogated neuer so much from the credit of SENECA. Actions of life (to whose description an historians penne is iniunctiue∣ly tied) are of all other in the world, the most appa∣rently legible, and transparently intelligible booke, in which to behold any person, according to the truth of his qualities, distinctly, and dispersonated. And although it may concerne mankinde, that the good which comes by the writings of any great author, should not be empaired by the contradicti∣on of his deedes, yet there belongs no such priui∣ledge to words, that for their sakes the report of

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facts should be falsified, or (which amounts to a for∣gerie) that a part of the truth should be withdrawn, or smothered. The sacred condition of soueraigne maiestie cannot exempt either kings or Caesars from the display of their vices of life, or errours of rule, when they come vnder an account for them at the tribunall of historie. Now, that the maiestie of those noble studies which can giue immortalitie of fame among mortals, should conferre a more exemption vpon their professours, is not reasonable. DIO char∣geth him with many poincts in practise of things contradictorie to his doctrines, as with auarice, with incontinencie, with flatterie. That in onely the first foure yeares vnder NERO, hee had gathered an e∣state of money of fifteen hundred thousand pounds sterling, is neirher an argument that hee was coue∣tous, nor a matter of wonder in it selfe, considering his place; and it were to be wisht that all the money of the world were at wise mens dispose. And NE∣RO'S replie to SENECA, when he offered to quit his fortunes, was full of most princely sense; for in sted of accepting that offer, hee professed to be so farre from repining at his riches, that hee was asha∣med to see some freed-men more wealthie then his mai∣ster. As for incontinencie, for which he was both ac∣cused vnder CLAVDIVS, by PVBLIVS SVILIVS, and banished also, the same SVILIVS affirmed vn∣der NERO, that SENECA was most iustly sen∣tenced for defiling the house of the CAESARS, mea∣ning the person of the ladie IVLIA, the daughter of GERMANICVS, and SVILIVS (not without SENEGA'S enuie) was therefore sent vnder NE∣RO into exile, in extreame old age, as a calumnia∣tor. As for flatterie, it is plaine that DIO doth not wrong him, for hee courted AGRIPPINA'S

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fauour, and the fauour of freed-men, and streamed so farre out in the praises of POLYBIVS, one of the freed-men of CLAVDIVS, that LIPSIVS is himselfe ashamed of it, and plainly confesseth, that he was an enemie of SENECA'S glory, who pub∣lished that Consolation to POLYBIVS. Which sounds, as if LIPSIVS would haue SENECA'S honour remaine entire, though it were against that wholenesse of truth which the lawes of historie doe exact, no lesse against the best wits, then against the greatest kings. That noble DIO (for hee onely reports what he found, and is not found to haue fained any thing) hath written how SENECA'S vsu∣ries in BRITAIN, were a cause of the terrible rebel∣lion there, by calling in his moneyes too sodeinly, is a particular which wants not ground of credit by that which SVILIVS vrgeth in TACITVS a∣gainst SENECA. Of his hauings, there is most am∣ple testimonie; of his giuings none at all. Some haue reputed him a Christian, but TERTVLLIAN hath all in a word, HEE IS OFTEN OVRS. They are in an errour (as DELRIO truely thinkes) who father more goodnesse vpon him then so. His extant writings make TERTVLLIANS censure of him true, and his last words (repeated by TACI∣TVS) ending in a friuolous ceremonie to IVPITER, conclude on behalfe of paganisme. Saint AVGV∣STINE saith no more, but that SENECA was perhaps a friend to Christianitie. They therefore, who with LVDOVICVS Viues would haue SE∣NECA'S labouring to NERO for leaue of with∣drawing himselfe from ROME, vpon the Persecuti∣on (as he seriously did) to be a signe of more then so, goe too farre. And if other arguments were wan∣ting, this one alone might serue in stead of a multi∣tude,

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that hee had not the right spirit, who (besides the doctrine of selfe-murther, by him commended) would meddle in the violent deposing of his soue∣raigne Lord. A certaine signe that he profited little in his supposed familiaritie with Saint PAVL, who in these very times of NERO, and to these very ROMANS taught quite the contrary, as also bles∣sed PETER. As for LVCAN (the other of those two famous writers) whose mortall quarell to his prince was nothing else but an indignitie, forsooth, offred about verses, he stirred not so hotly among the complices for incensing hatred, as hee coldly suncke at his arrest, into ignoble feeblenesse. For it wrought so farre vpon him, that in vnworthie hope to make amends for not disclosing the treason soo∣ner, and to winne compassion from a paricidiall prince by endeauouring to imitate his impiety, the miserable man appeached apace, and among all o∣thers his innocent mother, ATTILLA. This shril∣lest trumpet of popular paritie, and the boldest de∣cryër of monarckie, brought to test in his own per∣son, quailes in courage, as if at last hee felt in soule the horrour of vnder-valuing princely maiestie, in whomsoeuer resiant, and therefore toucht with the sense of sacriledge, hee ceased to maintaine any stif∣nesse against the conscience of it. Wit and manners are ouer-often diuided. Most happy they when ioy∣ned. To be an excellent maister in any kinde, and a worthie constant man are two. Nor is this any secret, or scandalous wonder at all, considering how grace and nature (the fountaines of those diuer∣sities) are frequently found seuerall. Enough it is, that NERO reapes no benefit by LVCANS immo∣derate praises, in the addresse of his PHARSALIA. For NERO'S fame is not the fairer thereby, and the

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verses (full of their makers admirable fire) shall warme the vnderstanding reader, while LATIN, and the world endures. LVCAN, otherwise a blab by descent; for his father before him, ANNAEVS MELLA, bewraid a conspiracie against CALIGVLA (saith TACITVS) and was therefore himselfe the lesse pittied when hee fell vnder NERO. I returne to the conspiracie.

CHAP. XXXIII. MORE, TOVCHING PISO'S CONSPIRACIE.

THe conspirators with PISO were many, and many of prime qualitie, FENNIVS RVFVS (Prefect of the Praetorium, ioinctly with TI∣GELLINVS) and the vnthankefull PLAVTIVS LATERANVS, NERO'S bounden beneficiarie, the designed Consul, two of them. But SENECA a∣lone was a mightie part of NERO'S danger, who besides his priuate riches in lands, and treasure, and besides his Praeture, had the honour also of Consul∣ship, which he bare in extraordinarie, and suffectiue∣ly, together with TREBELLIVS MAXIMVS, as MARTINVS DELRIO authentically prooues. Adde to this the matchlesse fame of his wit, and worth, and the taste hee had giuen of the felicities, which the common weale enioy'd, during his sway in Court. The meeting of the conspirators, to pre∣pare for the action, was in an old Temple of the Sunne; therefore when the businesse was acciden∣tally detected, the first honour in the publicke

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thankes, was ascribed to his golden godhead. After detection, and condemnation, SENECA (the vn∣cle of LVCAN, by the fathers side) died first of the two. But while CORNELIVS TACITVS vnfor∣tunately neglected to preserue the last diuine dictats of that expiring Worthie, because they were in eue∣ry mans hands, they are irrecouerably lost; and sup∣posititiously to reuiue them were no common inso∣lencie. LVCAN expired in the rehersall of some of his owne verses, which what they were, LIPSI∣VS better notes then VERTRANIVS. The man∣ner of death was the same to both: for they opened their vaines, and bled themselues drye in warme water. Multitudes perished by occasion of this trea∣son, but PISO (the chiefe therein) nothing braue∣ly; nor did any one of the conscious speake neare to the height of such a daring as the killing of a tyrant, but onely SVBRIVS FLAVIVS, a tribune of Prae∣torian soldiers, and SVLPICIVS AFER, a centu∣rion: for when NERO demanded of the tribune, why contrary to his oath, and dutie, he made one a∣gainst him, his answere was: Because (quoth hee) I hated thee: and yet there was not one in thine ar∣mies more loiall then my selfe, all the while thou didst deserue loue, but after thou hadst murthered thy mo∣ther, and wife, and hadst turned chariotéer, stage-player, and boutefeu, I could no longer endure thee. SVLPICIVS the second example of constancie (as TACITVS calls him) to the like question, returnd this blunt satisfaction; Because (quoth hee) there was no other way to helpe thee, but to rid thee out of the world. SVETONIVS, and XIPHILINE out of DIO, celebrate these rough fellowes as well as TA∣CITVS, who to show, that both sexes concurred to NERO'S destruction, tells vs, that EPICHARIS,

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a meane woman, but a maine embroiler, equald the popular glory of those words, by saying no∣thing; for tortures could worme no secrets out of her, and to make sure from being conquered with further paine, she found meanes by strangling her selfe, to stop the passage of vocall discoueries. NE∣RO, for iustification of his proceedings against the conspirators, called a SENATE, and in a speech to the Conscript Fathers, laid open the cause. To leaue the people satisfied, he also published an edict, an∣nexing thereunto the testimonies of witnesses, and the confessions of the condemned persons. A truth of that nature was not hard to proue, for the de∣signe of his deposure, and death was euident, and all lawes warranted his right reuenge. But his amend∣ment which had beene the greater satisfaction, and the surest way to his future safetie, was so little me∣ditated on his part, that he could not thinke it need∣full. The attempt had pernitious effects: for from hence his iealousie and hatred of the SENATE (as the secret well-willers of his ruine) sprung; and hee himselfe neuer after spared to spill any bloud, the countenance of this one reall plot, so serued his turne to warrant him against the innocent. The fruit and vse to him of his escape. Neither was this all; for when in preuention of his possible danger, hee had topt the prime eminencies of the empire, his warinesse (rising out of this discouered danger) made him inaccessible to the like, no man being suf∣fered to approach his person, either weaponed, or vnsearched.

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CHAP. XXXIIII. OF TYRANTS, AND TREASON, BY OCCASION OF THIS CONSPIRA∣CIE AGAINST NERO.

THey may be thought insensible of common, and naturall freedome (the life it selfe of all honestie and noblenesse) who should but thinke towards the impunitie of such a man as NE∣RO; and it sounds both harsh and dull to propose the counsell of such a patience. For it will vn∣doubtedly be askt, what shall become of legall li∣berty, and acts of goodnesse, if, according to all the old schooles of the ETHNICKS, it shall not bee held a most faire, and honourable deed to take a∣way the life of a tyrant? To this I answere; they know not what liberty, and goodnesse meane, who thinke those habits are subiect to outward force: for none are free but the wise, and none are wise but the good. As for the generall weale of the world (the highest and most considerable poinct vpon the whole matter) the author of all power, will certain∣ly prouide, that the abuse of fiduciarie power (and there is none other vpon earth) shall neuer passe vnpunished. Neither doth it; for euery Tyrant liues tormented within himselfe, vnder the scourge, and knife of his inward feelings, and outward feares; which no man better describes then TACITVS. A man so zealous for Tyrannicides, that hee calls it a most goodly and most honourable minde in SVBRIVS FLAVIVS, when hee was stirred vp

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within himselfe to assassinate NERO; and speakes of it as of a thing excellently glorious. But where∣fore this? For when was it seene, that the heauy hand of God did not finally infelicitate a tyrant? For CORNELIVS SYLLA (who durst enstyle himselfe, THE HAPPIE) died miserably of the Lowzies. Euen the sweet Muses themselues were most luckily preserued by the fall of two such pro∣fessors as SENECA, and LVCAN, from the odi∣ous brand of being bloudely dangerous in state. For what hath the dignitie of measure, or the innocen∣cie of liberall letters to doe with actiue mischiefes? There is in all generous natures a rising against great mens violences, and who is hee that can resist the first heats, and boilings of indignation, or would not wish reuenge? But they who account it liberty to obey such vncorrected rulers, doe serue but vnru∣ly maisters, and rarely sit downe without repen∣tance, if perhaps they perish not before. For what else made NERO himselfe miserable, but the wilde, and vndistinguisht pursuit of appetites? Or what turned him out of a prince, into a tyrant, but capti∣uitie to passions? No man becomes miserable but by such subiection. Tyrants, (and what a kinde of creature a tyrant is, I haue toucht before) are the worst of all wilde broods. Wolues, and beares, in regard of them, are meeke and tractable. They therefore are the speciall beasts of chase for celesti∣all vengeance, in the forrest of the world; and when they fall, it is a fauour from aboue; if worse come not after. The pertense of all conspiracie, is the re∣moue of a tyrant, as an intollerable euill to the pub∣licke, but the life euen of a good Prince, is thereby vnassured. For hee whomsoeuer conspirators kill, shall as well be published a Tyrant, or Vnapt, as the

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worst of the NERO'S. The safeguard of one good, and profitable Soueraigne is so to bee tendred, that for him alone many bad ones are to bee permitted to stand, at the perill of their owne account to God, and fame.

CHAP. XXXV. THE DEATH OF POPPAEA SABINA, THE MISTRESSE AND SECOND WIFE OF NERO: WHICH OCCASIONS THE REHEARSALL OF OCTA∣VIA'S TRAGEDY.

THe death of her who had beene his mistresse, and was now his consort in marriage, POP∣PAEA SABINA, grieued NERO more then all his sinnes. To enioy her hee the rather murthe∣red his owne mother at her instigation; and at her like instigation, first expelled his wife, OCTAVIA, the daughter of CLAVDIVS CAESAR, then ba∣nisht her into the vncomfortable iland, PANDA∣TARIA, and finally slew her, though her portion was the ROMAN empire (which honest AFRA∣NIVS BVRRHVS durst vrge) and her selfe in the flower of her youth; as being destroyed in her twen∣tieth yere. Yet to effect a disorderly act orderly, his first obiection to induce a nullitie, was barrennesse; which foundring in the passage, as seeming insuffi∣cient, adultery was laid to her charge. PYTHIAS, one of her women, being wrung vpon the torture to force a confession (for the crime was first laid a∣gainst OCTAVIA, and proofes were sought for

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afterwards) to the iniurie of her imperiall lady, gaue this memorable example of loyall seruice. TIGEL LINVS (who had NERO'S sword, saith XIPHI∣LINE, and was to NERO as an euill Genius, and to men, & things as the handle of the scourge of the world) sitting in commission at the rack, demanded some immodest questions touching OCTAVIA; but PYTHIAS being raised aboue feare or pain by honest courage, did spit in the commissioners face, telling him that her lady was honester in her wo∣mans parts then his mouth. And albeit the truth was vnable to preserue OCTAVIA'S life, yet her honour thereby remaines intire. SENECA had vr∣ged in vain her births prerogatiues, and the vertues of her life, for a stop to his precipitations, but the values which hee did set vpon the strumpets out∣ward excellencies, and her plesancies of conuersati∣on ouer-weighd in him (who neuer beheld, or be∣leeued vertue) both his proper conscience, and the others greater worthinesse. More vaine for hinde∣ring the wrong was the peoples vnarmed furie, which brake herevpon, and dragg'd into the durt the images of POPPAEA, preparing to fire euen NERO himselfe out of his palace, if hee tooke not OCTA∣VIA againe. But hee easily withstood them by his guards, and tamed their distempers with blowes. This tragedie of OCTAVIA hapned in the eighth yeere of NERO, prouing all those publicke vowes and sacrifices vaine, which not long before were made in the Capitoll by SVLPICIVS CAMERI∣NVS, master of the College of the Aruall Brethren, for the weale of NERO, and of OCTA∣VIA. But the small successe needes the lesse wonder, when the gods are vnderstood to whom they offred. For her Father CLAVDIVS

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was one (as the inscribed marble testifies) who had most reason to heare them, vnlesse hee now found (as a God) that OCTAVIA was not his daugh∣ter indeed, but the daughter of an Egyptian Piper, and of her mother the Empresse Messalina. POPPAEA durst suggest it to NERO behinde OCTAVIA'S backe. So much it hurts the most innocent childe to haue a lasciuious mother; and so much it concernes worthy mothers to liue in good fame; because the blemish descends, and somewhat preiudicates the descendents vndeseruedly. To this bloudy violence was added such an indignitie as doubled the cause of commiseration. OCTAVIA'S head was brought to SABINA for a solace. But to come into the se∣cure fruition of this one bewitching woman, it was not enough for him, that with the liues of his mo∣ther, and wife, hee had remoued from himselfe all sound aduise, as well as all respect to ciuill, or natu∣rall obligations, vnlesse he had also reacht one hand to MASSILIA in the west of the world for the head of CORNELIVS SYLLA (the descendent of SYLLA the Dictator) and the other to ASIA in the East, for the head of RVBELLIVS PLAVTVS, who by the mothers side was a branch of the im∣periall famlie, to fortifie his iniquities with preuen∣tion of rebellion. These two chiefe peeres, his chiefe feares, being thus dispatched, shee was brought to NERO'S bed as his bride. Let vs now behold the end. In the fourth yere after OCTAVIA'S diuorce POPPEAS turne is come. Shee was noble for birth, but by beauty more: for her mother, hauing the reputation to be the fairest lady of her time, shee kept that glory aliue in her person, augmented with the felicitie of hereditarie fairenesse; so bewitching a seat had pride, craft, cruelty, lust, and all high

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vices obtained, the more easily to deceiue, and dam∣nifie the world by her. TACITVS describes her, gratious of speech, nor without rare cunning how to seeme modest in company, but playing in priuate the lasciuious wanton, alwayes shifting her appe∣tites, and applications whither her chiefe ends led. She was in marriage with a fit, and worthie hus∣band RVFVS CRISPINVS, a worthie knight of ROME, and was by him the vnhappy mother of a sonne, whom NERO commanded to bee drowned a childe, because among the prettie sports thereof, it would play (as one translates the place in SVETONIVS) for dukedomes, and empires. But for the loue of MARCVS SALVIVS OTHO (afterwards an vsurper Caesar) shee abandoned that husband, and fitting the vses of OTHO, and NE∣RO by turnes, till all her owne turnes were serued, she finally abandoned OTHO also, for NERO, whose fruition was the height of her wishes, to be∣come thereby the top of woman-kinde in wicked∣nesse, no lesse then in maiesty of place. Thus far at least a furie of hell, in the shape of a Venus: for there was no priuiledge of naturall guifts, nor purchase of artificiall, which she either wanted, or would want, wherewith to worke vpon the captiue empe∣rour. OTHO was at first NERO'S pandar, then his wittall, and had beene a sacrifice (because he still claimd partnership in SABINA'S society) had not SENECA (as PLVTARCK saith) preserued him, by suggesting an emploiment for him into LVSI∣TANIA, where OTHO remained with much ho∣nour, till GALBA rose. In the tragedy of OCTA∣VIA, NERO pleads her praises, as of a ladie most worthie of his loue, for her incomparable beauty, forme, and graces, leauing nothing out, but the

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relish of all praises, and that which TACITVS most truely notes, was wanting in her, an honest minde. Shee was with childe by NERO when OCTAVIA was put away. Her curiosities, and delicacies about the care of her person are so fa∣mous, that the finest dames, and ladies may deriue vp to her, as their chiefe, in all their polishing my∣steries. Her mules had bridles, and furnitures of gold, and were commonly shod with siluer, yea some of them (as PLINIE saith) with gold. But what was that in so vast a fortune? Therefore that which EVTROPIVS and his Metaphrast PAEA∣NIVS note, among the chiefe arguments of NE∣RO'S riot, that he fisht with nets of gold, drawne with cords of purple, rather seemes such a vaine singularitie as this, then a wonder of waste. Her fiue hundred female asses, in whose milke shee ba∣thed, were euermore about her court. For the care of her skin was such, that shee rather wished death then the decay thereof. The Satyrist celebrates a fra∣grant paste, of her inuention, denominated Poppaea∣num of her. But one verse of that author mistaken, hath moued some erroneously to write, for encrease of the wonder, that her asinine dayrie went with her into banishment; whereas she was neuer in ba∣nishment, though himselfe, hauing first hung CAE∣SAR fast at the lines of her eyes, most cunningly threatned, if she might not be his wife, then to leaue him, and to wander ouer the world as a banished person. This hastned AGRIPPINA'S ruine, there being no meane among such riuals. But the euill for∣tune of ROME denyed the remoue of such a dain∣ty pestilence as SABINA. Shee was wouen now into all the secrets, and swayes of empire among the same threds by which shee was wrought into

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her lords affections. Therefore shee sat with him in his counsell of bloud, vpon the head of SENECA, none present but they, and TIGELLINVS. Coignes represent that lady in this vnattired dresse, and posture.

They who haue seene the marble heads of POP∣PAEA, remaining at ROME, can best iudge how neare the stone, and metall agree together in her pi∣cture. To mee there seemes not in the coigne such an admirable louelinesse of face, as might carry the force of so strong and strange enchantment. NE∣RO, in his amorous songs, called her tresses amber. A translation which seemed to PLINIE so ambi∣tious, and improper, as hee marshalled it among NERO'S monsters: the same trope of speech repu∣ted in our doting age, but a weake, and cheape com∣mendation, among beauties deuoted adorers. Ce∣lestiall prouidence confest, that it now concerned the glory of it selfe to giue an example in POPPAEA, what a painted dunghill dishonest beauty is. Vpon the wedding-night it selfe, shee saw in a fearefull dreame the horrible foulenesse of her wayes, and had a faire warning (for I doe not thinke this parti∣cular in the tragedie of OCTAVIA to be poetical) that NERO the author of her aduancement, should

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be the minister of deserued vengeance. It seemed to her, that the matrons of ROME with discheueld haire, weepingly mourned at her marriage: that NERO'S murthered mother, sprinckled with the bloud of NERO, rushed forth at the terrible sound of trumpets, brandished a flaming firebrand, and that POPPAEA for feare did follow at a becke. Im∣mediately the ground cleft, into the open hollow∣nesse whereof her marriage-bed, and SABINA her selfe were sodeinly hurried together. There while shee musingly reposed her wearie body, behold, her former husband, RVFVS CRISPINVS, with her drowned sonne, and heire, and a throng of o∣thers entred: CRISPINVS offers to renew inter∣mitted embracements; when NERO in an affright breakes into the roome, and forceth his bright drawne sword into her throat. This was the inau∣spitious dreame. The end whereof fell out accor∣dingly touching the actor, though it varied in the way. For NERO comming late one euening from his chariot-sports, POPPAEA, then great with childe, and as in such cases sicklie, vpon confidence in the naturall and customarie priuiledges of such a condition, and of her predominant power, pertly pratled at him for being so long abroad, nor for∣bare with reproaches, and taunts to incense that fierce and sauage lord so farre, that with a kicke of his heele on her belly, abortion followed, and shee her selfe died of the cruell blow. The vengeance therefore forewarned to her, and euer to be expected of her likes, was thus paid throughly home. My heart in the meane time is at good peace within it selfe to behold the honour of heauenly iustice thus fully clear'd and settled. But the dead body of POP∣PAEA was not burnt according to the custome of

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the noble ROMANS, but emboweld, and embal∣med like a forein Queene, or Maiestie. PLINIE therefore (who wrote the life of NERO) cannot be meant to speake of her funerall cou'rfeu (if I may so tearme it) but either of her consecration, or of some other rituall magnificence, where he in his Na∣turall Histories, hath left it seriously written, that one whole yeares crop of all the cinamom, and casia, which Arabia afforded, amounted not to so much as was alone consumed in solemne fires and flames vpon her fi∣nall ceremonies. Though this was no common mad∣nesse, yet, as he did most firmely affect her while shee liued (notwithstanding the sodein phrensie in which he accidentally slew her) so, not contenting himselfe to giue her the rites of an Empresse only, or AVGVSTA, he procured her to be enstalled a GOD∣DESSE also. Which in the frontispice of this volumne is expressed by a deificatorie herse, or throne; the pea∣cocke being the same thing in signification there at the defication of a woman, which an eagle was at a mans. Therefore his vast prouisions to raise her by her name, and picture, to his imaginarie heauen was a bed of spices, and odours, like the figuratiue nest of the Phoenix. Her adoration was hereup∣on obtruded with such earnestnesse, that the honest, and genrous dislike thereof was crimi∣nally obiected to PAETVS THRASEA; that fa∣mous Senatour, whom TACITVS admires for his vertue. And this accusation ranckt by his enemies among the quarrels pickt against him, did helpe to bring him to his end. CALI∣GVLA had led to his cosen NERO in this kinde. For hee had formerly consecrated DRV∣SILLA, his sister and concubine, as NERO did POPPAEA. But NERO impatient of her losse,

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to vphold his sensible solace, by force of imagina∣tion, sought to conuert pretie SPORVS, a delicate youth, into a girle, because he nearly resembled her. And there wanted not those (saith DIO Chrysosto∣mus) who for reward durst vndertake it. So that e∣uen her dietie was mischieuous. For it first cost SPORVS his sex; and when his lord was dead, it cost him his life also, by his owne hand reft vnder VITELLIVS Caesar.

CHAP. XXXVI. OF THE EAST-INDIAN TRADE IN NERO'S TIME.

THis furious wilfull waste of such pretious wares, consumed by whole ship-loades at once, in honour of humane carcases, which they offered to their gods by crummes, and drams, leads PLINIE, as a patriot, into such a speculati∣on, and complaint, as is worthie for other times to know. The EAST-INDIAN Trade, a terrible drain of treasure euen in those dayes. For PLINIE, by occasion of the aromatickes, and spices, which be∣ing vsed about POPPAEA'S herse, were imported commodities, speaking also of fishings for pearles in the INDIAN Ocean, and of other vaine riches, seri∣ously affirmes, that the trafficke thither did annual∣ly conueigh out of ROME in ready coigne so much, as by our standard amounts to more then three hundred thousand pounds sterling. One little slender necke (saith TERTVLLIAN) supports

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whole forrests, and ilands, and SENECA writes, that patrominies dangled in file by two's and three's, at the tips of ladies eares: his owne wife one of them. Nor was this any wonder, when some one vnion was sold (saith PLINIE) for aboue a million of gold. These mad valuati∣ons worthily incited merchants to trauaile vp the riuer of NILE, and from thence by carauans or conuoyes ouer land (as PLINIE describes their shortest way) to the Red Sea, and so to the INDI∣AN Ocean. The ordinary returnes, in December, or Ianuarie, yere by yere (as he rates the profit) yeel∣ded in cleare gaine an hundred for one. Prodigious excesses at ROME being the reason of carrying such heapes of treasure abroad, were found, and felt to bee ouer-burthenous, and diseasefull euen to ROME it selfe, though the riches of all the world lay packt and piled there together. Those Orientall nations did alwayes (as it seemes) vnderstand the vse and value of our mints, and were so happy in the follies of the West, that while they sat in quiet at home, they were sought vnto from the farthest coasts by sea and land, through all sorts of perils, to receiue for their shadowie superfluities our substan∣tiall paiments; and for wares either meerely orna∣mentall, and voluptuarie, or not needfull but in a moderate measure, to emburse ready gold and sil∣uer, the materiall sinewes of commerce, and the best staple-ware of common-weale. But if profusi∣on might be tollerable in ROMANS, who had the mines of SPAINE (famous euen in the MAC∣CABEAS) and all the meanes of the world to maintaine the stocke of bullion, and to augment it, those other noble nations will vndoubtedly beware betimes, which want the like. For they intend not

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to returne to such a condition as CICERO speakes of, where he writes, there was not in all BRI∣TAIN so much as a scrap of siluer. The translatour of PLINIES Naturall Histories, hath rendred the originall in such words, as if the place were not to be meant of treasure conueighed away for trade, but onely laid out to furnish a voiage. For what reason I know not. Cleare it is, that PLINIE speakes of money not expended, but exhausted.

CHAP. XXXVII. SOME ROMAN ANTIQVITIES EXAMI∣NED, SEEMING TO GIVE diuinitie TO NE∣RO. HONOVRABLE WORDS OF POPPAEA SABINA BY FLA∣VIVS IOSEPHVS.

BEing in the argument of ROMAN deificati∣ons, the place doth conueniently admit a GRVTERIAN inscription, which in the hundred and sixteenth page of that goodly vo∣lumne, seemes to call NERO, Diuus, or a God. For there we finde:

D. NERONIS.

QVINQVENNALIB.

The coignes also of OCTAVIVS STRADA haue one of copper with this sentence vpon it;

AGRIPPINA AVG.

DIVI CLAVDII NERONIS MATER.

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But NERO is no where found to haue vsurped, or accepted diuinitie: in that alone hee vsed mode∣sty. In IANVS GRVTERVS therefore, it should (as I thinke) be D. D. that is to say, dedicated: the rest of the words also in the moniment, fauour that interpretation. As for that coigne in OCTAVIVS STRADA, the inscription doth infallibly belong to the piety of CLAVDIVS CAESAR. For hee was consecrated a Diuus, and did likewise ordaine, in memorie of his mother AGRIPPINA, the wife of GERMANICVS CAESAR (put to death by her husbands vncle, TIBERIVS) that her chari∣ot of honour should be led in the CIRCVS vpon the dayes of show, her selfe named Augusta. This solues the doubt so, that NERO can haue no inte∣rest in the words, who was neuer either called, or written, CLAVDIVS NERO, but NERO CLAVDIVS, nor was at any time named Diuus, or Diuine. CEREALIS ANICIVS indeed (as the register, or commentaries of the acts of the Senate witnessed) moued openly for a temple to be erected to NERO as a God, at the common charge, when the PISONIAN knot of conspiracie was cut in pieces. But that sacrilegious flatterie neuer past current; and was it selfe reckoned afterwards among the signes of NERO'S fall at hand; because that highest wor∣ship was reserved for the dead departed. The im∣mortality of the soule euery where conuinced to be certaine, out of the vniuersall loue and care which is in humane nature, for the immortality of a name. The true formall cause of all the old wonders in Towers, Mausolaeums, Pyramides, and the like, and at this present the supreame ambi∣tion of the most wise CHINESES. But notwith∣standing the ROMANS neuer solemnized any

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deification, apotheosis, or enrollurent of Worthies a∣mong the Gods, till the funerals; yet both AVGV∣STVS, TIBERIVS, and CLAVDIVS were ho∣noured aliue with temples. Or rather not they, but either their Genij simplie, and solie; or some other of their adored obiects, as goddesse ROME, or the like, ioinctly and together with the Genius of CAE∣SAR. Therfore, though no man was properly cal∣led Diuus till he was dead; yet sacrifices, and celesti∣all rites were vsuall in this other kinde to the liuing. Nor could it iustly seeme any vsurpation in NERO, who according to the value at which heauen went in his cosen CALIGVLA'S dayes, did as exquisite∣ly earne the same for himselfe, and his adored POP∣PAEA, by wicked deedes, as euer the mad CALI∣GVLA did for his concubine sister, DRVSILLA. POPPAEA SABINA much more worthy then NERO. For she was not otherwise without praise: at leastwise, when once she stood possest of her am∣bitious ends. For FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS (whom IOSEPH SCALIGER is not afraid to commend for his diligence, and loue of truth, aboue all the GREEKES and ROMANS, and in those respects more safely to bee trusted, euen in their owne af∣faires, then they themselues) calls her a good lady, or pious woman, and franckely celebrates her bountie, clemencie, and promptnesse to relieue the oppressed. Which though, as towards her, it might partly seeme thankefulnesse in him (being indeed her bounden beneficiarie) yet would not hee, for parti∣cular obligation, abuse publicke faith with any offi∣cious falshood; chiefely, when she her selfe had now beene dead many yeares before. For our IOSE∣PHVS was that noble ingenuous person, to whom his roiall countreyman, king AGRIPPA, writ

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aboue threescore seuerall letters, all of them testimo∣nies of his truth in storie; whose writings also in that respect TITVS CAESAR honoured with his owne princely signature. And that his worthie stu∣dies might neither want dignitie, nor ease, the fru∣gall emperour VESPASIAN gaue him faire lands; and his second sonne DOMITIAN (otherwise most vnlike to father, and brother) did make those Manours, which IOSEPHVS held of VESPA∣SIANS gift, free from all manner of publicke charge, and paiments. An honour which IOSEPHVS himselfe doth esteeme paramount to all the rest. Such was the candor and fauour as well of the gen∣tle, as tyrannicall, towards the sober learned: nei∣ther was his most opposite religion any barre to their enioyment. My reuerence towards his me∣rits hath gladly laid hold vpon this occasion to celebrate his memory. POPPAEA (for a certaine) was somewhat, most delightfull; because OTHO Caesar, when he came to the empire, both restored her sta∣tua's, & publisht Greeke coigne of his own, with her image and name vpon it, not as Diua, but Augusta; though she had abandoned him, for NERO; that is to say, for empire. OCTAVIVS STRADA hath the coigne in print. Her most glory is our not vn∣reasonable hope, that shee might secretly fauour Christianitie, because NERO came from their mar∣tyrdomes, at such time as by chiding him she kind∣led his furie, and thereby drew vpon her selfe her owne destruction.

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CHAP. XXXVIII. THE COMMING OF TIRIDATES TO ROME.

SOone after POPPAEAS deification, TIRI∣DATES, brother to the PERSIAN, or PAR∣THIAN monarck, VOLOGESVS (for PER∣SIAN, and PARTHIAN were now indifferently meant each of other among the ROMANS) and the same also a principall maister in his countries Ma∣gickes, came safe to ROME. His errand was to re∣ceiue backe there at NERO'S owne hands, the di∣adem of ARMENIA, which hee was wrought by CORBVLO to deposit before the ROMAN en∣signes, vpon condition to re-assume it so. An acti∣on of incredible cost, and glory. And not to robbe NERO'S time of the rights thereof, his sloathful∣nesse had the felicitie, by other mens labours, to re∣couer publicke losses, as formerly in our iland by the valour of SVETONIVS PAVLINVS, and finally now in the Orient, by his kinsman, DOMI∣TIVS CORBVLO. This did cost deare. For this one homager was allowed after the rate of twenty thousand crowns the day, from his first setting forth towards ROME, till his entrance there. Hee had in his company for hostages to NERO, not his owne children onely, but the children also of his brother (that great king VOLOGESVS) of PACORVS, and of MONOBASVS, and in his traine three thou∣sand PARTHIAN horsemen, with store of RO∣MANS. A ready meane to consume so great a summe;

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the trauaile being whollie by land. For it was a∣gainst the rites of his mysteries to come otherwise, least hee should violate nature and them, with vo∣mits at sea. But those two most goodlie horses of marble, which at this day remaine in ROME, a∣mong the principall wonders of sculpture there (the reputed workmanship of PHIDIAS, and PRAX∣ITILES) were conueighed at this time by ship, by the prouision of TIRIDATES (if drowzie BOISSAR∣DVS be not deceiued) as a most acceptable and roi∣al present. And, that BOISSARDVS is much decei∣ued, I am led to beleeue; because in the ONVPHRI∣AN descriptions, the two horses of TIRIDATES are placed vnder that title, in the seauenth region of ROME, and their stuffe is not of stone but of brasse. Other two of marble are of ALEXANDER Mag∣nus, backing Bucephalus, situated in High-street-Ward, or in the sixth ROMAN region. Besides the former expense, NERO in one dayes space, & in part of en∣tertainment, guilded POMPEIS theater ouer. The greatnes wherof TERTVLLIAN excellently expres∣seth, where he saith, that POMPEI was onely not great when compared with that Theater. Propor∣tionably to these beginnings he bare all other char∣ges, and at departure, rewarded his new vassal with an hundred thousand sestertium, which, according to the rates of our exchange, rise to about seauen times as many pounds; all, to set out the maie∣sty of the ROMAN empire to strangers, in the seat of the empire. A great and princely conceipt. By these matchlesse magnificences (for NERO in his guifts was not of a narrow heart) hee so enshrined himselfe in the mindes of the PARTHIANS, that twenty yeares after NERO was dead, his onely name was so gratious, that a counterfeit vsurping it,

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they were hardly wunne to render him, or from not affording their vtmost assistance in his quarell. The receipt of TIRIDATES was vniuersally applauded. NERO therefore, who was so auerse to all martiall expeditions, that but for shame hee had drawne the ROMAN legions out of BRITAIN, and so timorous of weapons, that TIRIDATES riueted his sword to the sheath thereof, for his assu∣rance (because hee would not vnknightly yeeld to goe vngirt, though it were vpon condition, to re∣ceiue the diadem of ARMENIA) was now notwith∣standing, with as shrill, and ioyous showts accla∣mated Imperator, as if in person hee had conquered ARMENIA by the sword. This was the out-side of things. But NERO had other, and those more inward ends, in his so ambitious inuitation, and pompous entertainement of the PARTHIAN prince. For thinking it little, to bee but a god among the gods, his minde sored to command by magicke o∣uer them all. Then this one phansie hee neuer had in PLINIES conceipt any more generous, nor could possibly mount higher. His mothers ghost continuing troublesome, there is no where else any probability that he laboured to call her vp to a par∣lea, and to appease her, rather then now, though also now in vaine. Somewhat of magicke practises seemes to be insinuated vnto vs, in the little image, or puppet of a girle, which NERO so superstitiously adored, as likewise in the serpents slough, found a∣bout the bolster of his bed, when as yet hee was a babe, or infant. Of both those sorcerous toyes there is mention in SVETONIVS. But though NERO was initiated by king TIRIDATES into the or∣der of magicians at their magicke suppers, and to the gift of the kingdome of ARMENIA had

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bestowed as much in entertainement as was worth another kingdome, yet the art would not come. No surer signe in PLINIES opinion that the whole mystery was a mockage, when NERO could not purchase it. But the friends therof excused the faile: for that the gods would not appeare to a body which was pimply, and vncleane. Such was NE∣RO'S, as SVETONIVS saith. But those goblins who were auerted with foule skinnes, and not with foule sinnes, were worthy of NERO'S orisons, and PLINIES scornes. To this far extended glory of crowning TIRIDATES, NERO added another greater. For there neither being warre, nor remaines of warre within the ROMAN world, hee closed the gates of IANVS, in signe of vniuersall peace. This coigne was dedicated to the memory thereof, and giues vs the antient plaine figure of that famous temple.

By EVSEBIVS it may well appeare, that it was about this time also that NERO vsed the glo∣rious prerogatiue of enlarging the bounds of the ci∣tie of ROME, because hee had prouinciated the kingdomes of PONTVS Polemoniac, & of the COT∣TIAN Alps, and enlarged thereby the territorie of the

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empires demesn. A thing recorded as the principall honour of AVGVSTVS, and of other the greatest ROMANS.

CHAP. XXXIX. OF PVBLIVS PAETVS THRASEA, WHOM TACITVS CALLETH Vertues selfe. AND OF DEMETRIVS, HIS Cynick.

THese publicke ioyes were not pure, but mixt with sorrowes; as all in NERO'S dayes. As if his meaning had beene, while the world was diuerted vpon delightfull obiects, to take his aduan∣tage, and time, for committing some such notable cruelty, as might rather bee ouerwhelmd, then iu∣stified. Such was now the extinction of PAETVS THRASEA, whose reputed vertue made him seem the times chiefe wonder, the parallel of MARCVS CATO. That BAREA SORANVS, the designed Consul, was coupled with him in the calamitie, ad∣ded to the opinion of BAREA'S worth, but tooke from him his fame: the others carrying most eyes, and voices after it. The poincts of his indictment, and the deadly poincted inferences which his accu∣sers drew for his destruction, as against one who was too good to liue, are summ'd where they are likely to continue longest, in the CORNELIAN ANNALS. Morall vertue is formidable to abused power. This noble ETHNICK was most vnhap∣py to haue no better a counsellour at his last wants then that DEMETRIVS, whom TACITVS cals a Doctor of the Cynicke rule, or schools. That sentence

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of his, which SENECA cites with praise, will speake that description aloud. The words of the igno∣rant (quoth DEMETRIVS) are in the same account with mee as winde which the belly vents: for what are the odds, when such fellowes make a noise, whither they make it vpward or downward? Golden sense in an vn∣cleanly resemblance, and worthy a Cynicks vse, if for such a man as SENECA to commend. And there is scarce another whom SENECA doth e∣qually honour, wheresoeuer hee hath cause to in∣duce, or mention him. Cynicks were cheape acquain∣tance, costing little. But this ghostly Doctor was the onely helpe which dying THRASIA vsed to informe himselfe what to thinke of the Soule of man, and of the Soules dissociation from the body. A corruptor of THRASEA, and of all his other disciples, by breeding contumacie in them towards superiors. If at leastwise this be that DEMETRI∣VS whom VESPASIAN the emperour, called a Curr, for barking or grumbling out somewhat a∣gainst him, without vouchsafing either to rise vp, or otherwise to reuerence him, being then AVGV∣STVS CAESAR, and a prince, indeed borne to re∣found, and restore the ROMAN empire. SENE∣CA by his so much admiring this wise man, (and according to his institution he was excellently such) doth therein well enough show, that himselfe was farre from CHRISTIAN.

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CHAP. XL. THE GENERALL CREDIT, AND VSE OF Stage-poëtrie, AND OF ACTING IN PLAYES, IN NERO'S TIME.

BVt this very PAETVS THRASEA, as well as PISO, the head of the conspiracie, could act a part in a tragedy, and did it in publicke. See what great examples can perswade! After NE∣RO beganne to delight in verses, SENECA more addicted himselfe to their making, then euer before; and when SENECA (the most famous professor of morall wisedome) wrote tragedies, NERO, and the lords, might with lesse reproofe bee actors, or beare a person. For at PADVA, the place of his birth, PAETVS THRASEA openly sung (that was the proper word of art for tragedians, as to dance was the like for comedians) in a tragicke habit, at the playes antiently ordained there by ANTE∣NOR the Troian. OEDIPVS, HERCVLES fu∣rious, and THIESTES, are three of SENECA'S tragedies. And among those in which NERO was an actor, those names of tragedies are in DIO'S ca∣talogue. THIESTES the chiefe of SENECA'S. The parties themselues whom those actors persona∣ted were neuer so pompous in their liues, as their counterfects and imitators were vpon the ROMAN stage: for NERO studded their golden scepters, staues, and visards, with orientall vnions, & pearls of the most caracts. Himselfe beheld the publicke sword-playes in a spectacle, or mirrour of emerald, perhaps to help his eye-sight, which was orherwise imperfect, & poring.

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CHAP. XL. NERO RESOLVES FOR HIS VOIAGE INTO GREECE, BVT NOT AS A RIGHT ROMAN.

THe sad and heauie clouds which sat vpon the face of the citie for the losse of her best citi∣zens being wiped away by the chearefulnes, and splendor of the late entertainment, NERO ef∣fectually meditated a triumph, of which neuer any ROMAN thought before, most worthy of his cro∣chets, and of his inglorious way to glory. To gain from GREECE in GREECE, the fame of the best singer, the best cytharist, the best player, the best chariotéer, was the conquest hee affected. A vaine man, among vaine people, and they his vassals also, might well rest assured of all the garlands which ei∣ther OLYMPVS, or other places of triall could af∣ford. There was a time when hee brauely debated of marching in person with an auengefull army, one while into the CASPIAN entries, another while into AETHIOPIA, whither, for his informa∣tion, hee emploid a tribune and certaine companies of praetorian souldiers, as to prepare, and accommo∣date his enterprise. But these propositions proued embrions of vanity, for hee neuer proceeded further then to the discourse, and show of preparations, though the matter was proper to his calling, and those other not. For the prince of LATIN poesie in enumeration of the arts which belonged to a right ROMAN, omits fidling, and faining, and excellently teacheth, that to giue lawes to the world, and to rule

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paramount in peace and warre, according to iustice; to spare the dutifull; and beat downe the rebellious; were properly theirs. High towring thoughts did not sort with NERO'S soule. His poore one fluttered a∣mong the lower flyers.

CHAP. XLII. THE PROVISIONS OF NERO FOR AS∣SVRING ROME TO HIMSELFE, IN HIS ABSENCE.

THe liues of worthy persons were sacrificed in preparatiue for his safe departure out of ITA∣LIE, and to secure his abode in GREECE. Once before this time, when he was in a minde to haue sailed into AEGYPT, but did not, hee chiefly promised two things by his proclamation; first, that his absence should not be long, and next, that his pro∣uisions for the publike should bee such, that all things should remaine immoueable, and prosperous till his re∣turne. By the order taken now, the course at that time may be coniectured. For without regard to the maiestie of the ROMAN name, he left ITALIE, in meere tendernesse to his peculiar, vnder the com∣mand of HELIVS CAESARIANVS, an enfranchi∣sed bondman, enfranchised by CLAVDIVS. As if imperiall ITALIE were now become but some countrey-farme, or grange, which needed nothing else but onely a seruile bailif. At the same time, and vndoubtedly with a purpose to preuent rebellion in the very seed thereof during his absence, hee publi∣shed an edict (mentioned in PHILOSTRATVS) to the speciall credit of philosophy, by which hee

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commanded all doctors, or maisters of that profession to depart out of ROME, and ITALIE. That part of philosophie which concerneth morall wisedome, was deeply had in iealousie, specially the Stoicks, if not for SENECA'S sake, certainly, (as TIGELLI∣NVS speakes in TACITVS) because their opinions bred them arrogant, turbulent, and affecting to be in a∣ction. And COSSVTIANVS (the sonne in law of TIGELLINVS) obiects the like against PAETVS THRASEA, defending his auersion from those studies by authoritie of the old common weale. Words put, with good aduantage to that sect, into the mouth of such hatefull men as TIGELLI∣NVS, and hee. But PHILOSTRATVS hath done what he can to iustifie their wits who were the au∣thors to NERO of that edict. For while hee vaun∣tingly makes his admired APOLLONIVS, the o∣racle of all the chiefe rebellions in his time, particu∣larly of VINDEX, and GALBA against NERO, he showes withall that NERO'S counsell of state fore∣saw the danger. Those doctors were perilous to empire, vnder the pretext of freedome: CHRIS∣TIANS were not, who knew a better freedome. Things howsoeuer settled at ROME, hee setteth saile for GREECE, with such multitudes of peo∣ple, and prouisions for atchieuing that conquest (by which (saith HERODIAN) he made himselfe a ri∣diculous spectacle) as might very well haue sufficed for the number, and quantities to subdue it, if it had not beene very long before subdued to his hand. And this was done with such dammage to the countrey, as it is a doubtfull case with APOLLO∣NIVS of TIANA whether XERXES did more harme by setting GREECE on fire, or NERO by singing in it.

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CHAP. XLIII. NERO IN GREECE: HIS HATRED THERE TO THE SENATE OF ROME. OTHER HIS DOINGS, TOVCH∣ING THE MAINE OF HIS ERRAND.

THis voiage into ACHAIA (for that prouince of GREECE had him most) afforded many aduentures, besides those of his friuolous tri∣als; whose garlands how fresh, and greene soeuer in their leaues, were dry, and sere to glory, the myste∣ry of his errand. His meditations to destroy the SENATE (if that be not among the scandalous fa∣bles of which IOSEPHVS on his behalfe giues a generall caueat) began to ripen there. That most noble order of men most wisely situated by ROMV∣LVS, like a kinde of starry firmament, betweene the fires of maiesty, and the vnstedfast waters of the commonalty, to attemper the heates of the one, and the inundations of the other, a chrystall screene, or spheare in the middest of absolute power, and absolute obedience, the same which first draue kings out of ROME, and soone after op∣pressed the people (as being it selfe subiect to corrup∣tion, as all other humane institutions) had so far in∣curred the inward dislike of NERO, that he is char∣ged to haue giuen no slender signes of a purpose to haue abolished that degree. VATINIVS, to whom he was ouer-indulgent, a fellow of a more mischie∣uous nature, then his originall was base (which ne∣uerthelesse was not more noble (saith TACITVS)

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then a shoomakers shop had bred it) in his rude buf∣fonries would openly say; CAESAR, I hate thee as thou art a Senator; and for that hatreds sake (as if it were freedome) was easily in speciall grace. This a∣uersion of NERO, how great or little soeuer, was none other then the childe of feare, begotten in him by the late conspiracie of PISO. And of that conspi∣racie that was the worst effect. But the mischiefe which he reuengefully meant against the SENATE, whatsoeuer it was, aborted; himselfe shortly dying. Meane-while his delights (according to their cu∣stome) moued in the lowest regions of popularitie. Nor was he fortunate in them. For the best iudge∣ments held it true, that he was rather any thing then a good singer to the harpe (saith VINDEX in PHILO∣STRATVS) and yet rather that then a prince. So poor an ambition, and not to preuaile therein, was pite∣ous. Hee thought otherwise of himselfe. And that beggerly tragedian in SPAINE who disdained to stoop to a comparison in his art with NERO, was luckily poore: for no riches could haue protected such an insolencie. His bribing conquests were in∣terpreted by him, and his courtiers, so gloriously, that poasts were dispatched ouer the ROMAN world to signifie the same; that publicke sacrifices might be made for gratulation. But APOLLONI∣VS excellently taught what others were to thinke of NERO'S skill, and what NERO should haue thought; when being questioned (as to entrap him) what hee conceiued of it, fearelessely answe∣red the bloudy TIGELLINVS, I thinke (said A∣POLLONIVS) better farre then you, for you repute him worthy to sing, but I to hold his peace. And so it plainly was. For by all confessions it appeares, that his voice was weake, and hollow. The formall

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words of allotting the prize at the tourney of arts, and which he himselfe (exercising the office of the common cryer) pronounced in publicke, after euery bowt, or act, are in DIONS Epitome these: NERO CAESAR, victorious in this triall, crownes the People of Rome, and his owne world with this garland. After this, or the like manner he obtai∣ned in GREECE, during his abode there, one thou∣sand and eight hundred greene crownes, but none of them such as incomparable PINDARVS did ce∣lebrate, whose vnreachable MVSE, HORACE worthily admires. That which the Apostle obser∣ued (in his epistles to the CORINTHIANS) touching their preparatorie abstinence, and suffe∣rings, who were to contend for one of those glori∣ous rewards, doth marueilously suite with NERO, who practised in priuate, and in publicke, vnder all the seuerest lawes of those exercises. PLINIE notes two speciall poincts of his patience, for conseruati∣on of his voice: to lye on his backe with a leaden plate on his breast, and to fast certaine dayes in eue∣ry moneth, with nothing else but oile, and syues, and not so much as a bit of bread. There wanted nothing but prayer to haue cast out that diuell of va∣nity. The Apostle vseth the proper word of those PRIZES, Agons; and CORINTH it-selfe (where he preacht, and taught) and (as IOSEPH SCALIGER noteth out of DIONYSIVS, the Areopagite) not onely hee, but PETER also stood vpon that isthmus, or necke of land, where the games in honour of NEPTVNE were celebrated. So the place and practise were neither vnknowne, nor pro∣bably vnseene of that heauenly man. But hee neuer noted more industry in the champions, and aduen∣turers, for gaining the customarie reward, then NERO

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Augustus vsed in his owne person, being the first of men who most dishonested sacred maiesty with im∣proper maisteries; yea, and that also, mischieuously, and to compasse vading ornaments, not immortall.

CHAP. XLIIII. NERO'S ATTEMPT FOR CVTTING THROVGH THE CORINTHIAN Isthmus.

ONe great worke hee entred vpon during his abode in ACHAIA, which seemed worthy of an emperour. For it was the enterprise of digging through the isthmus, or neck of land, which like a naturall bridg ioing'd the main of GREECE to the most renowned penile thereof, PELO∣PENNESVS. The least breadth of the straicts, from the two opposite hauens, LECHEAE, & CHEN∣CHREAE, was by PLINIES commensuration fiue miles: and to conueigh merchandise about by sea, from but one side of that barre to the other, tooke vp in nauigation aboue fiue hundred. PHI∣LOSTRATVS accounts the circuit exactly, sixe thousand, and twenty stadies, eight of those stadies one mile of ours, which (admitting that scale) pro∣duceth another, a farre greater summe of miles then PLINIES. Therefore many princes had thought of making a nauigable channell betweene sea, and sea. But king DEMETRIVS being one of them abandon'd it, because the skilfull (PHILOSTRA∣TVS saith they were AEGYPTIAN philosophers) informed him, that the sea in the one bay was so

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much higher then the sea in the other, that if the partition were remoued, all the neare ilands, vpon the lower leuell would be surrounded; and (which seemes to mee the most probable obiection of all) that the cut it selfe would be of no vse, the current, or waterfall, would bee so impetuous, swift, and strong. Reasons which preserued those two huge peniles of AMERICA (naturally combined at the creation of the world, by a farre broader necke of earth then that which annexed PELOPONNE∣SVS to GREECE) from being sundred by the pickaxe, and spade; though that necke alone is the cause of fetching a circuit from Nombre de Dios to PANAMA, many thousands of miles about. So mightie a space there is between at sea. IVLIVS CAE∣SAR thought of this disvnion: CALIGVLA went somewhat further; for he sent to suruey the ground: but NERO made it a serious businesse, & for auspica∣tion, and example, he himselfe plaid the pioner in person at the sound of a trumpet (which gaue signall to the Praetorian Guards for their generall falling to worke) and digging vp the first of the soile with his owne hands, carried it off in a basket vpon his shoulders. So infinite was the desire hee had to get immortality of fame howsoeuer. Here MVSO∣NIVS (the BABILONIAN Sage, and second in fame to APOLLONIVS for philosophy) was found with his shouell, or spade among NERO'S labourers, condemned (as it seemes) to the worke, and was so farre from being troubled, or ashamed, either of his bonds or obedience, that hee most ci∣uilly askt of his fellow Philosopher, DEMETRI∣VS (who tooke him in the manner) what if he should finde him fingring an harpe, and singing as NERO did? DEMETRIVS himselfe reported this of MVSO∣NIVS.

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And what there was in it for PHILO∣STRATVS to mislike, but CAESARS barbarous∣nesse, I cannot see. For it seemes to mee an example of a wise, and manly patience vnenforced. For if he could haue approued NERO'S courses, the words import that hee should not haue needed to digge in the Isthmus. PAVSANIAS saith, that those princes died violently, who formerly attempted it; and DIO tells vs what wonders hapned at this action, for a terrour to NERO, who proceeded in contempt the rather. Bloud gushed forth of the wounded earth, hollow groanes, and horrible noise were heard, and many sprights, or wandring ghosts appeared. Presa∣ges of some extreame infelicitie. But the reason which PAVSANIAS brings, to show the offense of such an attempt is wise, and pious, and more worth then all those wonders: It is hard (saith hee) for man to force the workes of God; which is as much in effect as to say, had God almighty, the most wise creator of the world, seene it good, hee would haue made it otherwise at first. But neither these rea∣sons, nor examples, weighed so much afterward with that most magnificent HEROD of ATHENS, the famous Sophist, but that hee both thought the worke a thing of immortall renowne, and wisht al∣so for the leaue of doing. Which neuerthelesse hee fear'd to aske, though it was in far better times then NERO'S. The labourers medled not with the sto∣nie entrails of the Isthmus, and hauing therefore on∣ly pared away the crust, or mould aloft, the place at this present maintaines the antient, and originall situation, not to be changed. PHILOSTRATVS saith, that the trench was cut halfe a mile vp into the land, from the hauen LECHAEVM, when the worke was abandoned. NERO conquered the

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GREEKS by his bribes, and power, in their O∣LYMPIAN, and PYTHIAN exercises, but him∣selfe was conquered by the Isthmus, which remained inexpugnable. It is a princely thing for princes to desire to excell all men in doing nobly, as they ex∣cell all men in sublimity of place: but to erre (as this prince did) in the obiect of endeauors, and in the meanes of atchieuement is miserable, and vn∣learned.

CHAP. XLV. THE END OF HEROICK CORBVLO; AND THE EMPLOIMENT OF VESPASI∣AN, AGAINST THE REBELLI∣OVS IEWES.

ALl extraordinary eminencies in subiects, by an old axiom as well of single, as of popular tyranny, are fearefully beheld as dangers, and cautelously preuented as imminent, though ne∣uer any tyrant was able to kill his successor. Here therefore, while NERO demurred about his vnde∣cent victories, DOMITIVS CORBVLO peri∣shed. Hee had deserued most excellently at NERO'S hands, and for that cause was by him entituled his benefactor, and father. But iealousie preuailing now aboue the memory of his deserts, hee was sent for into GREECE after the most honorable manner, but being arriued, and waiting for admission to his presence, it was denied, and word sent out that hee must dye, without any cause remembred in histo∣ries to haue beene assigned, but onely the will of NERO. His great heart, full of indignation readily

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yeelded, vsing none other words but these, I am wel enough serued, and so ranne himselfe vpon his sword. But it was not long before the vngratefull prince stood in need of such another magnanimous leader. For while NERO was yet in ACHAIA, there arri∣ued the terrible newes of the reuolt of the IEW∣ISH nation, and of the flights and defeats of his ar∣mies, which had beene led in vaine against IERV∣LEM by GESSIVS FLORVS the CLAZOME∣NIAN, and afterward by CESTIVS GALLVS, the President of SYRIA. CAESAR, to seeme a right CAESAR, appeared vnshaken at the relation, but remained inwardly afflicted. VESPASIAN, then in ACHAIA with him, was perswaded with ma∣ny sweet words, and promises to beare the stresse of that seruice, God almighty beginning euen then to make some new purueyance (saith FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS) for the reliefe, and better estate of the common-weale of ROME. For the forces which were necessarily entrusted to this captaine, for dedu∣ction of the rebells to obedience, gaue him meanes in time to attaine the empire, which his wisedome, and naturall piety restored. From ITALIE also his lieuetenant, or vice-roy, HELIVS CAESARIA∣NVS, whom hee trusted aboue all the free Peeres of the ROMAN world, as holding himselfe most assu∣red of faith, and seruice there, interrupts the solaces of his patron with frequent packets, calling vpon him to returne; the state of publicke affaires requi∣ring it. For HELIVS (who lorded it intollerably) felt the ground of committed power tremble vnder him, and the more stirring spirits, whom hee impro∣perly backt, grow perilous. That maiesticall seat was not for a seruant to possesse subordinately, nor long inordinately for his ill-aduised maister. But

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when letters, and messages were vnable to plucke him from off the vanities of his glorious quest (for he wrote in answere, that he had not as yet done enough to make him returne worthy of himselfe) HELIVS sped to him with such admirable celerity in person, that he might rather seeme to haue flown, then onely to haue plide the switch, or saile. The cause of such hast was the iust feare of a new, and great conspiracie.

CHAP. XLVI. NERO'S SVCCESSE AT THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO.

NERO, in the meane time made that iourney to the oracle of APOLLO at DELPHI, where he liked his entertainment so ill, that (as DIO writes) hee seised into his hands the whole CIRRAEAN Hundred, which antiently belonged to the Temple of APOLLO, as part of the land alot∣ted in mortmain for sustentation of the priests, sha∣ring it as an escheat among his impious soldiers; nor resting there, prophaned the place it selfe, out of which the oracles issued, by butchering men vpon the mouth of the vent, or caue. What the vsage was which could kindle NERO'S anger, and disdeigne a∣gainst his owne most honor'd APOLLO, whose name, & effigies himself vsurped so confidently, that he stamped it in his coigns, DIO professeth not to know certainly. I partly thinke that I haue found it out. He came in pompe to visit the Delphian deitie, his head crown'd with a garland (the reward, and en∣signe of his victorie) his body attired in a long flow∣ing garment, such as parties at the musicke prize ac∣customed

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to weare in their agon, with an harpe in his hands. His welcome notwithstanding was so cold, because he was promiscuously cruell, and had a minde immusicall, and base, that the god of wise∣dome (saith THEMISTIVS in his fifth Oration) would by no meanes brooke his sight, but trussed vp his locks in an effeminate hair-lace, & decrow∣ned him at his exit: for he seemed vnto him (saith that renowned Greeke Orator) not as LYCVRGVS did at his comming, a God in humane shape, but a wilde bruit beast vnder the semblant of a man. And this it was which probably enraged NERO: and this the dis∣grace, to which IVLIANVS Augustus (for so Saint HIEROME calls him, who could haue called him the Apostata) alludes in the person of APOLLO, at the Satyricall banquet of the CAESARS. IVLIANVS owne words there are such as these. Then NERO en∣ters next, with an harpe in his hands, and a garland of laurell vpon his head. Here SILENVS, looking aside at APOLLO, said: This is the man who would needes be thought to be thy fellow. It is so (answered King PHAE∣BVS) but I shall soone depriue him of his crowne of bayes: for neither did he make me his example in all, and euen in those things in which he attempted to be my para∣lell, hee was no true imitator. At this word, COCYTVS pluckt his crowne from his head, and drew him headlong to hell. Thus far that emperour. But APOLLO was otherwise quit with NERO, by his old deceitfull way of riddles. For NERO enquiring after his final fortune, the mocking spirit had aduised him thus, BEWARE OF THE THREESCORE AND THIRTEENTH YERE, which hee (as SVETONIVS saith) vnderstood to be meant of his owne ages date, but it proued GALBA'S, who dethroned him. So securitie disarmed his person,

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and the wrong end of the double text ran through him. Superstition is worthily fed with illusion, and irreligion as worthily punisht with credulity.

CHAP. XLVII. THE CHOICE ANTIQVITIES, AND ALL THE PRIME MONIMENTS OF THE GREEKS, CVLL'D, AND CARRIED AWAY FOR ROME, BY NERO'S AVTHORITIE.

THe defacings of GREECE (that temple of ciuill glory) and of Greekish countreys, by se∣lection, and transportation of their monimen∣tall rarities, chiefly vpon occasion of NERO'S voi∣age, which gaue him meanes to behold them, and cause to couet their possession, were most offensiue. For, besides the murthers, rauishments, extortions, and other the euils of such a tempest, as NERO'S e∣mulous presence, they were euery where rob'd of their principall pieces of art. Inualuable all, because they belonged to the immortality of memory (their ciuill felicitie) irreparable also, because their indiui∣duall antientnesse could not be supplied, if their arti∣ficiall excellencies might. Their temples, sanctuaries, Therms, Hyppodroms, and all other their publicke, and priuate buildings, OLYMPIA in ELIS, and DELPHI in BAEOTIA, the capitall seat of A∣POLLO himselfe, were subiect to his generall pil∣lage, onely RHODES excepted. A fortune, not of the situation, which disioign'd it from the Conti∣nent of ASIA, but to charter-fauour. For CRATON, or ACRATVS (as TACITVS calls him) who had

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NERO'S commission, could not meddle there, be∣cause that noble Sea-state liuing free to her owne lawes, by permission of the ROMANS, was by spe∣ciall words exempted. In thankfulnesse of which priuiledge (grounded vpon their former good hap to haue had him their patron vnder CLAVDIVS) it may wel be that this RHODIAN coign was publish't.

It represents a victory, to flatter NERO perhaps, when they, as the rest of the empire, concurred in the applause of his Olympian reuels. DIO PRV∣SIAS (surnamed of his golden eloquence, CHRYSO∣STOMVS) though otherwise a stranger at RHODES, (sauing only as euery countrey was a philosophers home, and philosophers would be thought the com∣mon doctors, and superuisors of mankinde) made a famous free oration there, in TRAIANS time, to re∣ctifie the decaying opinions, and practise of honour among them. A most noble argument, and as nobly handled. The RHODIANS, who abounded in bra∣zen statuas, standing consecrated to the euerlasting names of their represented Worthies, were iniuri∣ously growne, for sparing cost, to rase out old in∣scriptions to gratifie new deserts. Against this bad encroaching custome DION bent his engins of rea∣son, and speech, and obiected NERO'S priuiledge. That College of Honour, for which your Lordship in

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your excellently honest zeale to our countrey, open∣ly moued, meetes euery where with aids, and sup∣ports of authority, and reason; and DIOS oration alone were able to introduce that sacred noursery of braue encouragements; diuturnitie of remem∣brance for publicke merit, by statuarie, plasticke, fu∣sorie, and other the arts of magnificence. A secret, little vnderstood, but neuer to be too soone enured among the noble. It was for such a minde as NE∣RO'S (which enuide immortality of good renown to others, and was deficient to his owne) to violate the wonders of workemanship, & the greater wonder of deseruing such memorials. Images to life, and the names of Worthies in arts, and armes, should be ad∣uanced in the most conspicuous ciuill places. For there is no vse to be instituted of them, but ciuill, and for ciuill causes only. If any will contend, that these iniuries to the depressed GREEKS were not all of them done by NERO'S authoritie at this present, I will not striue, but turne about from hence, with a short stop, to his returning home.

CHAP. XLVIII. NERO'S RETVRNE.

HELIVS, being arriued where CAESAR was, preuailed so far that he sodeinly returned in such tempestuous weather, as it gaue iust hope, that the seas would take to heart the cause of the land, and deuoure him with waues whom wa∣ters could not wash white, nor deserued a graue-roome on earth. The train-sent of a conspiracie which HELIVS did beat vpon, seems to haue beene the fatall purpose of that rebellion in GALLIA, the

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force whereof shouldred NERO, before it was long, out of his imperiall seat. For as the seas moue of themselues with a kinde of horror, before some terrible tempest, and as certaine signes doe alwayes foregoe euery great sicknesse in humane bodies, so, maine mutations are neuer in the world without their sensible tokens, effects of heauenly proui∣dence. It hapned so now in GALLIA before the dead∣ly stroake of change. And herein I doe not meane of those prodigies only, which PLINIE commemorates as fore-runners of downefall, and whereof himselfe was a witnesse. Such were riuers flowing backe to their springs; oliue-gardens, and meadowes, in the lands of VECTIVS MARCELLVS (NERO'S attourney generall) transported ouer the high-way betweene, and setling themselues on the further side; the decay of that cypresse tree which had lasted from the dayes of RO∣MVLVS till then; the paire of hermaphrodite mares (foaled in GALLIA, among the TREVIRI) which serued to draw NERO'S coach, or the like reputed wonders; But I also meane those prëambulatorie notes, by which it may suspiciously appear, that some mighty businesse is in hand, when secret murmurs, and other markes of approaching mischiefe disco∣uer somewhat, euen to an halfe open-eye, and when common bodings mis-giue.

CHAP. XLIX. NERO'S DOINGS AFTER HIS RETVRN.

IN the meane space (as if nothing else were need∣full) the vnwise prince doth wholly tend to enter ROME in a fidling triumph, by breaking downe her walls (no contemptible omen of his owne dis∣mantlings) as hee had done before at NAPLES,

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ANTIVM, & ALBANVM, according to the custome of the Hieronickes, or sacred victories. For with that adiunct the GREEKS adorned their deserts who returned victors from their generall prizes.

CHAP. L. THE LAST ACT OF NERO'S PERSECV∣TION OF CHRISTIANS.

BVt whosoeuer triumpht in sport, the champi∣ons of eternall verity triumpht in bloud. For, after NERO'S return, the two principal lights of the Christian name, were by his comman∣dement led to their martyrdome, both vpon one day, both with one glory of profession, though in a diuers kinde of suffering, the one by cru∣cifixion reuerst, the other by decollation. So the fire of persecution which had vnequally flamed ouer the world, after about foure yeares from the first ri∣sing therof, went forth in two most shining blazes, as dying lamps expire with enlarged flames. The summ of Christianitie being their care, & their deaths being the summ of iniquitie, EVSEBIVS dates the Persecution, not where it began, but where it gaue the sorest blow. Which if some had well considered, they might haue spared the reproofe of EVSEBI∣VS, as if he had mis-placed the time.

CHAP. LI. HOLY MEN THE INVISIBLE STAYES OF THE WORLD.

ANd though the Persecutor obserued it not, yet did he therby cut away at once the two main anchors, at which the ship of empire, and the

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last hope of his safety did inuisibly ride. Their pray∣ers, and their presences mightily preserued the estate of peace, according as they also did (in the opinion of PAVLVS OROSIVS) vnder CLAVDIVS AV∣GVSTVS, that indulgent father of the world. The persons of Saints are like secret pledges of common quiet, apparently seene in the case of the fiue cities, for which ABRAM interceded, and their meditations are as shields for the earth against the wrath of hea∣uen. God taught his most potent office of praier in persecution, for preseruation of the ciuill estate, by his prophet IEREMY to the Iewes, in their captiuity at BABILON, and these blessed Apostles, enured it in their writings, and examples, during their corpo∣rall abode in ROME. These cables, and stayes being thus cut off, NERO could not but be ouer-whelmed with the vengeance due to his crimes, among which the greatest was the wilfull effusion of Christians bloud, vnder iniurious, & calumnious titles. For IO∣SEPH SCALIGER voucheth an old pagan scholi∣ast, affirming, that they suffer'd as sorcerers, or magi∣tians, and to say the truth, what could it appeare to NERO (who knew not things diuine) but an effect of some notable enchantment, that women who in his dayes were inuited, and authorised to all sorts of lewdnesse, should be wonne to the quite contrary? The sacred annals assigne deuout chastity as a cause among the causes of that Persecution. His own per∣swasion was firme in this (saith SVETONIVS) that there was no such vertue; for he himself was defiled all ouer; and had deflowred the Vestal virgin, RV∣BRIA. He could not therefore but be much the rea∣dier to ascribe so strange a conuersion to witch∣craft. Again, the famous case, and bloudy downfall of Simon Magus (that most blasphemous impostor)

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in the fight of ROME, and of NERO (as in SVETO∣NIVS vnder the fabulous name of an ICARVS) pro∣cured by the prayers, and adiuration of the Apostle (as in DAMASVS, HIEROME, AVGVSTINE, EPIPHANIVS, ARNOBIVS, and others) had the rather seald an opinion of magick arts in Christi∣ans, according to the malice, and ignorance of the times. IANVS GRVTERVS (to whose diligence the common-weale of ciuill letters is not a little indeb∣ted) in his vsefull volumn of Inscriptions hath a testi∣mony touching a place in ROME called The Simon Magus, where that memorial which was (whatso∣euer it was) being taken away by the barbarous, the same was restored by CASTALIVS INNOCENTIVS, Audax, at that time iudge in sacred causes. The In∣scription transcribed hither, followes here. CAS∣TALIVS. INNOCENTIVS. AVDAX. V.C. PRAEF. VRBIS. VICE. SACRA. IVDICANS. BARBARICA INCVRSIONE SVBLATA RESTITVIT. But NERO CAESAR perswaded himselfe, that this sacrifice which hee made of their captaines as hee was High Priest (for that function was also his) would settle his owne domination by his Auerruncan deities. But he committed such an offense therin, as did consummate all his infelicities.

CHAP. LII. NERO DESTITVTED.

THe ETHNICK storie (which I professe to prose∣cute) proceeds, and further saith, that the vlcer of his misgouernment, bred, and fed in ROME, by the odious flatteries of the degenerous Senate, who without their least freedome of reproofe, held vp his spirit, in the conscience of all his grand mur∣thers,

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in which his brother, mother, and his nearest friends perished, was first begunne to be lanced by IVLIVS VINDEX in GALLIA. The kore of that foule apostem (for his times saith AMMIANVS MARCELLINVS, were the colluuion, or sincke of the world) was in himselfe, which himselfe was driuen to incise. All friends sodeinly forsooke him, and in that iust destitution he was glad to flye bare∣footed, and muffled, vpon as sorry a iade (saith XI∣PHILINE) as his coat was base, with onely foure left vnto him, of so many scores of thousands. I take de∣light to recount their names who retained faith to∣wards their lord in his last necessities. Which was piety in them, whatsoeuer his impiety was. They were his freed-men; PHAON, to whose farm-house he fled, and EPAPHRODITVS, Maister of Requests, SPORVS his male concubine (called POPPAEA SABI∣NA, and not RHODOGVN, saith DIO PRVSIAS) and another whom SVETONIVS nameth not, but EVTROPIVS, and SAVILE (out of him) calls NE∣OPHYTVS. When NERO therefore approached the village, in many feares and affrights, he was enfor∣ced, for auoiding note (after al other difficulties, and miseries, for getting vp to the next wall of the place among vnder-woods, & briers, or through the path of a queachie reed-plot) to creep like a beast on all foure. Wherby Gods iustice did cast his body in∣to that abiect posture, which most resembled the state of his vnthankfull, and sauage minde. But thus he made shift at last to come vnseene where he was to hide himselfe, in such extreme want of all things, that for quenching his thirst, hee was driuen to lade water with his hand out of the next plash, saying, This is NERO'S beuerege. He meant therby that drink of his owne deuising, which PLINIE celebrates as a

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most witty inuention. It was only faire water boild, and that being put into a glasse, was set in snow, whereby he enioyd the coolnesse wthhout the con∣tagion. Sodden liquor (saith he) is more wholesome, then raw; and water once heated, and cooled again, is by so much the colder.

CHAP. LIII. OF NERO'S END, AND OF EPAPHRODITVS.

THe Senate in the meane space neglected not to concurre to his speedy depression, proclai∣ming GALBA, Emperour, and him the pub∣licke enemy. But those cornets of horse which they sent vpon the spur for his apprehension, were out∣stript by swifter meanes, which warned him of the nearenesse, & ineuitable certainty of his danger, be∣sides the horriblenesse of the death to which he was adiudged: for their sentence was, that he should suf∣fer after the antient manner. In that most seuere, and shamefull execution; the body of the condemned person was to be stript stark naked, his hands fast bound behinde him, his head stockt vnder a forke, and himselfe in open view beaten to death with rods. Or (to speake that more explicately, which SVETONIVS speakes congestedly) to be beaten first with rods by the lictor, and then his head to be cut off with an axe by the com∣mon hangman. For that was truely MORE MA∣IORVM in this case. Nor doth NERO seeme to haue vnderstood it otherwise, when he was so ear∣nest that his body might be funerally burned entire, the head remaining on. NERO hereupon, after ma∣ny fearefull delayes, and abiect lamentations, puts a poniard to his throat, which EPAPHRODITVS did helpe to driue home, lest his capitall enemies

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should seize on him aliue. This EPAPHRODITVS was indeed a very worthy man, a great friend, & ad∣uancer of honest studies. FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS honours him with highest praises, as the person to whose patronage he dedicated those his immortall volumns of the IEWS Antiquities. And it must not stand among the least of his good fortunes, & com∣mendations, that EPICTETVS (the most graue, & re∣nowned Stoick of the world) was his seruant in houshold; a man more free then his maister. But DOMITIAN (a portion of NERO for cruelty, saith TERTVLLIAN) as in more prouision for his owne securitie, by the terrour of such a retrospection, commanded this noble freed∣man to die, because his hand had howsoeuer assisted to NERO'S self-murther. Though it was no-other∣wise then as only to confer a benefit. The act had in it the shew of good, and SVETONIVS commends it for such But whither he was well ouercome by his zeale, and pittie, may seeme a proper subiect for a controuersie among rhetoricall declamers. Thus was NERO'S voice, and fingring marr'd, & these were a∣mong his last words; O what an artist I die, or thus, O Iupiter, what a master I am in singing to the harpe, and yet perish! For DIO, and MANASSES in his chronicle, doe fill vp that sentence in SVETONIVS so. Yet was he not such an artist, as hee was an example of ter∣rour to wicked rulers, who make musick to them∣selues out of the miseries of the publicke. To add to the sacred titles of Augustus, of High-Priest, of Tri∣bunitial power, and of the Father of his countrey, which adoption, and the common-weal bestowed, and he defiled, that one most vaine new title of PERIODO∣NICK (by which hee meant his victories in the Arts obtained from the GREEKS in all their chiefe natio∣nall

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games, and places of tryal visited in circuit) see∣med to him a thing most glorious, and diuine. A plaine effect of a most defectiue breeding.

CHAP. LIIII. SPECVLATIONS, On Behalfe of Common∣weale, VPON THE DEPOSVRE AND DEATH OF NERO.

HEre neuerthelesse, if the freedome, & serenity of discourse, & censure might haue their full allowance, it would easily be found, by view of euents, that the People of ROME had beene farre better perhaps to haue attended NERO'S amend∣ment, or what else soeuer of him, being so young (for he died not two and thirty yeares of age) then to suf∣fer a NYMPHIDIVS, a GALBA, an OTHO, a VITELLIVS, and all the bloudy confusions inse∣perable to sidings for the imperiall garland, which hapned, all of them, within the compasse of only one yeare, and two & twenty dayes. DIO exactly notes that quantity of interim from NERO'S end till VES∣PASIANS entrance. Within so narrow a circle those infinite euils were enwrapped, which immediate∣ly ensued, and which brought forth some more fil∣thy monsters then NERO'S selfe; nothing being tol∣lerable, during that whole space of time, but onely the shortnesse of it. Nay, it imported the Senate, and People of ROME to haue kept this sacred secret from euer going abroad, That a CAESAR (who was also none of the CAESARS) might be elsewhere made then at ROME, and among the sword-men in the prouinces, no lesse religiously then they kept either their fatall shield, or SIBYLLS verses, or as it did concerne

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those other of old to haue preserued the image of MINERVA, at TROY. For at this breach the empires fall first entred. For the election of emperours being translated thereby after seauen successions, from a certaine family, became the meed of most voices in the armies, and they the vendible ware of popula∣ritie, donatiues, and congiaries. Adde, that the very sinews, and shot-anchor of humane prouisions was volently dissolued, when the soldiers (contrary to honesty and discipline) were taught to despise their allegiance, and gownmen to concurre in like periurie with the soldiers. And what shall con∣serue the life of the most innocent, and most merito∣rious prince, if the pillar of fealtie be remoued? Or what must not that state suffer hazardous, whose principall tyes shall sodeinly be dissundred, before new can possibly be so prouided as withall to be timely fastned? Monarckie is like the pole of the world, where all the meridians meet, and cannot be dislocated in the person vested therewith, but v∣niuersall perturbations must follow. CAPITO COSSVTIANVS, though a very bad man, said very well; That to ouerthrow souereignty, liberty was cryed vp, but if souereignty was thereby ouerthrowne, then would liberty it selfe be set vpon. MAVRICVS (in PLVTARCKS GALBA) was both a wise man, and a worthy Senatour, who beholding the wilde way which NYMPHIDIVS SABINVS ambitiously gaue to the peoples licentious reuenges, and cruelties, immediately after NEROS end, spake it openly. That he feared lest they would wish for NERO. Yea TACITVS himselfe, howsoeuer af∣fected with the allowance of change, as in honest detestation of tyranny, was neuerthelesse so toucht with the mischiefes, and miseries which forthwith

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followed thicke, that he breakes out vpon that me∣ditation, into words which the best of his friends can hardly excuse from impotent impiety (borrow∣ed in the probable opinion of IVSTVS LIPSIVS) out of round and flagrant LVCAN.

CHAP. LV. THE LINE OF THE CAESARS ENDED.

IN NERO the maiestical tree of the CAESARS withered, in him their channell of power dryed vp, the last of their line, and house. For MAR∣CVS AGRIPPA (by IVLIA the daughter of AV∣GVSTVS CAESAR, had issue) AGRIPPINA, the wife of GERMANICVS CAESAR, the pa∣rents of AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA, the mother of this vnhappy man. All other the branches, and hopes of the IVLIAN familie, were at seuerall times betweene, and vpon seuerall occasions de∣trencht, or otherwise decaid, and dead, their rights combyned in his bloud, going all of them out in NERO CAESAR, as a tedi∣ous lampe with an euill odour.

FINIS.

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