Hexapla in Danielem: that is, A six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine prophesie of Daniel wherein according to the method propounded in Hexapla vpon Genesis and Exodus, sixe things are obserued in euery chapter. 1. The argument and method. 2. The diuers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Morall observations applyed. Wherein many obscure visions, and diuine prophesies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great breuitie, perspicuitie, and varietie ... and the best interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Diuided into two bookes ... By Andrevv Willet Professour of Diuinitie. The first booke.

3. The questions and doubts discussed.

1. Quest. The difference betweene this vision and the former.

1. In the former there was a description of foure kingdomes: here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted, quia mox abolendum erat, because it was now at hand to be abolish∣ed, Calvin. which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had writ∣ten in the Chalde tongue, because those things concerned the Chaldean state, which were reuealed to Daniel: now he vseth the Hebrew tongue, because these things which fol∣low in this prophesie, specially concerned the people of God, as of their great affliction vn∣der Antiochus, in this chap. and c. 11. and of the comming of the Messiah, c. 9. first then this differeth from the former vision, c. 7. vt pars à toto, as a part from the whole, Calvin. 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdome of Christ, which is omitted here. 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things, as should befall the people of God vnder Antiochus, as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before. Prter.

2. Quest. Of the time of this vision.

In the third yeare of the raigne of Belshazar, &c. 1. Pererius thinketh, that this was 14. yeares before the taking of Babylon by the Persians, for he giueth vnto Belshazars raigne 17. yeares: so also Ioseph. lib. 10. antiqui••. c. 12. 2. Iunius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes, which make Balthazar to raigne 5. yeares, thinke this vision was shewed vnto Daniel three yeares before the destruction of Babylon. 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrewes is more probable, which Oecolampad. and Pellicane follow, that this vision was in the third and last yeare of Beshazar: for the next time which is noted of Daniel, was the first yeare of Darius, c. 9. 1.

3. Quest. What manner of vision this was.

v. 1. A vision appeared vnto me, &c. Whereas there are two sorts of visions, some are shewed vnto men in a traunce, when they are waking, as that vision of the foure cornered sheete which Peter saw, Act. 10. some are reuealed in sleepe, as Ioseph was admonished by an Angel in a dreame, Matth. 1. 1. Some thinke, that Daniel had this vision as the former, because he saith, after that which appeared vnto me at the first: as making no difference be∣tweene this vision, and the former, which was shewed vnto Daniel by night vpon his bed: Perer. following Theodoret.

2. But it is more probable, that this vision was sent to Daniel, now beeing awake: one reason is, because simply it is called a vision: there is no mention made of sleepe•• which is al∣waies expressed, when the vision is reuealed by dreame, Osiand. Oecolampadius addeth this reason further, that because Daniel made good vse of the former vision, remembring it, and committing the same to writing, ampliorem gratiam accipit, he receiueth greater grace, and

that which was before shewed by night, now vigilans certissime agnoscit, he knoweth most certainely beeing awake.

Quest. 4. How Daniel is said to be in Shushan. v. 2.

1. Dyonisius Carthusianus is of opinion, that this is an inexplicable question, how Da∣niel at this time could be at Shushan, which was the chiefe seate of the kings of Persia. 2. Some doe make it indifferent, whether Daniel were here corporally, or in vision onely, Bul. But the obiections which afterward followe doe shewe that either of these cannot be indif∣ferently held. 3. Pererius and Pintus following the Latine text, resolue that Daniel was there corporally, and that it is like the prouince Susiana at this time belonged vnto Chal∣dea: but the text saith otherwise, that it was in the prouince of Elam, which was in Persia: Iosephus hath the like opinion, that Daniel beeing at Susa, with some of his companions went into the field, and there suddenly rose a great earthquake, which scattered his compa∣nions from him, and he was left alone, and then sawe this vision of the ramme and the goat: But no such thing is expressed in the text, and therefore this report of Iosephus hath no ground.

4. It remaineth then, that Daniel was in the palace of Shushan, onely in vision: as after∣ward, c. 10. 4. he was beside the great riuer Hiddekell: corporally Daniel was not there vp∣on these reasons. 1. because Daniel could not goe whether he would beeing a captiue, and therefore it is not like he could be suffered to be in his enemies countrey. 2. he was by al∣legeance bound to the king of Babel, and by Gods ordinance was to serue him, till the years of captiuitie were expired, Ierem. 27. 7. 3. Daniel was in Babylon at the taking thereof by Darius, it is not like that he could be permitted to come and go to the professed enemies of the Chaldeans. 4. And that he nameth the third yeare of Belshazar, it is euident he was then vnder the gouernement and dominion of the Chaldeans. 5. Beside the manner of speach sheweth as much: when I sawe, I was in the palace of Shu••han, that is, in my vision I thought I was there, as Vatablus interpreteth: Daniel then was in Shusan not corporally, but spiritually by vision: And this vision answereth to the euent, because there these things should come to passe, the Persian kings should there be conquered: for Alexander tooke that rich citie and spoyled it.

Quest. 5. Of the citie Shushan, by whom it was builded, and whence so named.

1. Strabo writeth that the citie Susa, as he calleth it, was first builded by Tithonus the father of Memnon: Diodorus lib. 3. c. 6. maketh Memnon the first builder of it, whereupon the citie was called a long time Memnonia. Plinie lib. 6. c. 27. saith it was built by Darius Hystaspis: But it is euident out of the text here, that Darius, which followed after these times could not be the builder of it. It may therefore thus be, that the citie was first founded by Memnon, and then afterward enlarged by Darius.

2. Strabo also saith, lib. 15. that it was Cyrus chiefe citie, both because it was nearer vn∣to other prouinces, which he had subdued: and for the honour of the Susians, that were most faithfull to the Persians, and neuer fell from them.

3. It was so called of Susan, which signifieth a lilie, of the pleasantnesse of the situation: as Ath••neaus noteth, Iun. Pol. of this Shushan, was the whole prouince called Susiane, Bullin.

Quest. 6. Of the situation of the citie Shushan.

1. It is here said to be situate in the region or prouince of Elam: Hierome readeth, follow∣ing Symmachus, in the citie of Elam: for the word medinah, signifieth both a prouince and a citie, both the place to the which lawes and iudgements are giuen, & the place from whence they come, that is from the chiefe citie: But it is here taken for a prouince: for how could one citie be said to be within another. 2. Hierome further affirmeth, that this Susan was the chiefe citie of the Prouince of Elam. But Strabo, Theodoret, Iosephus, doe make it a part of Persia: Plinie doth deuide the region Susiane, from Elemais by the riuer Euleus, and ma∣keth: two Prouinces of them, lib. 6. cap. 27. But all these may thus be reconciled: that both tho se regions on the one side and on the other of the riuer Vlai, were all one, and belonged to the Prouince of Elam: but afterward the Susians growing famous, they were distinguish∣ed into two pro••••••ces, and both belonged to Persia, Perer. 3. This Elam was so called of Elam one of the sonnes of Sem, Gen. 10. 22. of whom the inhabitants were called Ela∣mites

of whom we reade, Act. 2. 9. Parthians, Medes, Elamites. 4. Some take Shushan and Ecbatane for the same citie, histor. Sholast. but that cannot be, for Ecbatane was the chiefe citie of the Medes, Iudith 1. 1. but Sushan was the chiefe citie of Persia: Hierome also is in the same error: for he saith that Daniel built that great tower at Susan, where the kings of the Medes and Persians were buried: whereas Iosephus saith he built it at Ecbatane in Media, who in the same place euidently distinguisheth betweene Ecbatane and Susan. making them two diuerse cities, Iosephus, lib. 10. cap. 12. So that either Hieromes memorie herein fayled, or els he tooke both those cities for one. 5. The Persian kings had beside an other citie called Persepolis, where they had a most sumptuous palace made of white marble, the pillars were of gold, the roofe or sealing set forth with glistering starres: which goodly Palace, Alexander at the instigation of his concubine, caused to be set on fire. 6. Of this Princely palace of Susan, where the kings of Persia made their abode, mention is made, Neh. 1. 1. Esther. 1. 1.

Quest. 7. Of the Riuer Vlai, where Daniel had this vision.

v. 2. I was by the riuer Vlai. 1. Hierome readeth by the gate Vlai, as cities haue diuers gates, which are named by their seuerall names, as the gate Carmentalis in Rome: so also gloss. ordinar. but the word Vbal, doth not so signifie. 2. Theodotian, whom Theodoret fol∣loweth, maketh it a proper name, by Vbal Vlai. 3. But the better reading is, by the riuer Vlai: for so Vbal signifieth a riuer: and Plinie maketh mention of the riuer Eulaeus that runneth by Susa, and compasseth that most famous temple of Daina there: the water of which riuer was had in such price, that the Persian kings onely vsed to drinke of it, and whi∣ther so euer they went, they had of this water carried with them, Plin. lib. 6. c. 27.

Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himself•• in the first person.

1. It is the manner of the Prophets, in their seuerall visions to expresse their names, as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diuerse other places: as Daniel in this place saith, a vision appeared vnto me, euen vnto me Daniel, and the reason is, because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth vpon the credit of those Prophets, to whome they were onely reuealed: but it is otherwise in matters of historie, where the author need not insert his owne name, seeing the credit of histories relyeth not vpon the authoritie of the writer, but vpon the euidence and truth of the things themselues. 2. Therefore that is a weake exception, which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the booke of the Reuelation, that it was not written by Iohn the Euangelist, but by some other, because the Euangelist verie sparingly nameth himselfe in the gospel: and when he doth so, he describeth himselfe in the third person, the disciple whom Iesus loued: for as is before shewed, there is great diffe∣rence betweene the writing of prophesies and histories: the Reuelation beeing prophetical, it was fit the Euangelist should expresse his name for the credit of those visions, as the other Prophets vse to doe in their prophesies.

Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme, v. 3.

There are three parts of this description. 1. from the similitude or comparison: they are likened to a ramme. 2. by the parts, the two hornes. 3. by the effects, their preuayling to∣ward the West, North, and South.

Concerning the first, there are diuerse opinions, why the Persian Monarchie should be resembled to a ramme. 1. Theodoret alleadgeth this reason, sicut aries sua lana grauatur, as a ramme is loaded with his fleece, and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice: so the Persian Monarchie abounding in wealth, at length became a prey: But the Persians are like∣ned to a ramme in their flourishing and prosperous state, when as yet they rather preyed vp∣on, then were a prey vnto any. 2. Lyranus from the Hebrewes thinketh the kingdome of the Medes to be expressed by a ramme, a gentle beast, quia non multum erat infestum Iudae∣is, because it was not much troublesome to the Iewes. But hereby the kingdome not of the Medes onely, but of the Persians is signified, who were grieuous to the people of God. 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith, the kings of Persia were as rammes, quia lanis suis, id est, opibus, eundem populum fouit, &c, because with their riches as with wool, they cherished the same people of the Iewes: But the most of the Persian kings, though some were more equall, did suffer the Iewes to be pilled and polled. 4. Calvin yeeldeth this reason, we

knowe, quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium, how base and meane the beginning of the Persians was. 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth, that here the king∣dome of Persia is set forth comparatiuely, as hauing relation to the kingdome of Grecia, likened to a goate, quia multo fuit agilior, & origo obscurior, because his agilitie was grea∣ter, and his beginning more obscure, Calvin. And the ramme bringeth a great companie with him, but of sheepe: such were the multitude of the Persians, as sheepe before Alex∣ander, Osiand.

Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two hornes, whereof one was higher then the other.

1. Some here doe vnderstand certaine particular persons, as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ramme, hauing both Medes and Persians in his armie, as the two hornes thereof: Some vnderstand this ramme to be Darius, gloss. interlinear. Hierome, whom Ly∣ran. Hugo, Calvin, Genevens. follow, maketh Darius king of the Medes, and Cyrus king of Persia, these two hornes, whereof the latter was the greater: for Cyrus grewe to be grea∣ter then Darius. 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two hornes to be two families of the Persi∣an kings, the one of Cyrus, which was extinguished in Cambyses his sonne, the other of Da∣rius Hystaspis: But neither of these opinions can stand: for the goat fighting with this ram, brake his two hornes: Alexander ouercame Darius, long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus; these then could not be the two hornes: neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds, but was elected to the kingdome for his valour, as writeth Iustinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the sonne of Darius Arsanes, who succeeded Ochus his brother. 3. Wherefore by these two hornes are better vnderstood the two king∣domes of the Medes and Persians, this grewe to be the greater in power, though the other were the more auncient: thus the Angel expoundeth afterward, v. 20. these two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians: Thus interpret Oecolampadius, Pellican, Osiand. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 11. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme.

v. 4. I sawe the ramme pushing against the West, and against the North, &c. 1. The kingdome of Persia beeing in the East, did extend it selfe vnto the other three parts of the world, toward the West, as Babylon, Cappadocia, Asia minor, Grecia; toward the North, as Lydia, Armenia, Albania, and other Northerne countreys; toward the South, as Arabia, Aethiopia: and this answereth to the former vision, c. 7. 5. where the beare, which signifi∣eth the Persian Monarchie, had three ribbes or morsells in the mouth. 2. no beasts were a∣ble to withstand them: for though the Babylonians had combined themselues with the E∣gyptians, Thracians, Grecians, and other nations, and were in league with Craesus king of Lydia, as Herodotus testifieth, lib. 1. yet all would not helpe: as the Prophet Ieremie saith, the strong men of Babel ceased to fight, they became as women, Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said, he did what he listed, this must be vnderstood of the Persian Monarchie in generall, for some of their kings in the end had but hard successe, as Cyrus with his armie was slaine by Queene Tomyris, and Xerxes was foyled of the Grecians, and constrayned with shame to flee away: yet notwithstanding these particular losses, the Monarchie continued still, and in∣creased in power, Calvin. Oecolamp.

Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words, as I considered, v. 5.

The Latine translation reading, I vnderstood, giueth occasion here of question, how Da∣niel is said to vnderstand this, whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him vn∣derstand it: 1. Hierome thus interpreteth, that he had a generall vnderstanding: he was in∣structed by the former vision, hereby to vnderstand the change and commutation of king∣domes: so also Lyran. gloss. ordinar. Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniels desire to vnder∣stand. 2. But all this question and doubt is remooued by the right translating of the words: I considered, or marked, the word is mabin, eram perpendens, as I weighed and considered, Montan.

Quest. 13. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resem∣bled to a goat.

1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians are so resembled, ob sagacitatem & acumen ingenij, for their subtiltie and sharpenesse of wit: as the goat is noted to haue a sharpe and piercing

eye. 2. Some thinke that the Grecians are here taxed for their wanton games and playes, to the which they were giuen: as the goat is knowne by his skipping and leaping, Melanct. Bulling. 3. Polanus thinketh because Daniel sawe a kid of the goates, as the words are, that is, a young sucking kid, that the weakenesse of the Macedonian strength is thereby sig∣nified, which was farre inferiour to the power of the Persians. 4. Iunius and Pintus thinke Alexanders youth to be thereby insinuated, who was not aboue 20. yeare old, when he tooke in hand these warres. 5. Iunius further noteth hereby the education of Alexander in all liberall artes: because he is resembled to a sucking kid: But the personall qualities and properties of Alexander, are set forth in the horne, the goat signifieth the kingdome it selfe of Grecia. 6. Some doe by this resemblance note the intemperancie of the Grecians: whereof this was an euident argument, that a certaine cōmon strumpet among the Greekes, hauing set vp a building for a publike and common vse, one added this title, ex intemperan∣cia Graecorum, by the intemperancie of the Greekes, Osiand. And as this was the fault of the whole nation, so the like vice raigned in their kings: Philip was slaine for his Veneri••, and Alexander died of a surfet, or as some thinke, was poisoned at a banket, Melancthon. Lyranus further addeth this storie; that there was a virgin sent to Alexander, which had beene nourished with poison, to the intent, that Alexander comming vnto her might be poisoned: but Aristotle perceiuing it by her gesture, and the casting of her eyes, gaue Alex∣ander warning thereof: he alleadgeth for this storie the booke of the secrets of ••ecrets, but it seemeth to be of no great credit. 7. But the best coniecture why this similitude is vsed, is that of Theodoret, quia ariete velocior est hircus, because the goat is nimbler then the ramme: so also Calvin, and this reason is warranted by the text, he touched not the ground, which signifieth the great celeritie which Alexander and the Grecians vsed, as though he touched not the ground as he went: as the goat skippeth and bounseth as he goeth: for so Alexander made such hast, as that he seemed to runne, or rather flie ouer the world, in the space of sixe yeares ouerrunning the most famous kingdomes: He beeing asked how he obtained such great victories, made answer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he deferred no opportu∣nitie: And when he was to encounter with Darius armie at Granicum, Parmenio perswaded him to stay till the next day; but he presently passing ouer the riuer, set vpon the Persians with happie successe.

Quest. 14. Of Alexander the great, signified by the horne betweene the eyes, his birth, education, ex∣ploits, death, and ende.

1. Alexander was borne, not as Solinus in the 385. yeare after the building of Rome, which falleth into the 103. Olympiad: nor as Orosius in the 402. yeare of the building of Rome, which was after the 107. Olympiad: But Eusebius better casteth the time, who pla∣ceth Alexanders death at 33. yeares of his age, in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad: so that his birth falleth out in the 1. or 2. yeare of the 106. Olympiad: so also Perer. Bullin∣ger in his tables of chronologie: the same day that he was borne, the Temple of Diana at E∣phesus was set one fire, which the Magicians interpreted to signifie, that one was then borne which should set fire on all Asia.

2. Alexander at 15. yeares of age was committed by his father to Aristotles tuition and instruction, with whom he spent 5. yeares in the learning of artes and other knowledge meete for a king, Iustin. lib. 12.

3. At 20. yeares, not 24. as Orosius, Alexander beganne his raigne, the first yeare he subdued Thracia, Grecia, and other countreys adioyning, the second yeare he ouercame Darius at Granicum, and so possessed Asia: the 3. yeare he vanquished the Persians againe in the streights of Cilicia: in the 4. yeare he went into Phenicia, Egypt, Iudaea, a••d came to Ierusalem, where he met Iaddua the high priest, and adored him, and was encouraged by a vision to goe against the Persians: in the 5. or rather the 6. yeare he finally vanquished Dari∣us, and all the power of the Persians: the 6. yeeres following he subdued many nations euen vnto the riuer Ganges, and the Indian Ocean.

4. Concerning the time and yeares of his raigne, they were neither (as Eusebius) sixe, or as Diodorus, seauen: or as Arrianus eight, or as Liuius thirteene, as Tertullian tenne, or as Strabo, an eleauen: Iustinus giueth vnto him, 14. yeares, Clemens Alexandrinus 18. yeares, lib. 1. stromat. But he raigned 12. yeares and odde moneths, as Theodoret, so also Bulling. Perer. and so is it testified, 1. Macchab. 1. 6. that Alexander raigned 12. yeares.

5. He died at Babylon some write of a surfet, some of poison, in the yeare of his age 32. as Hierome, not 34. as Iustinus, or 33. as Rupertus: he liued 32. yeares, and raigned 12. yeares and odde moneths.

Quest. 15. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius, described by the goats ouercomming of the ramme.

1. Alexander encountred Darius forces in three great battels, first at Granicum where with 32000. footemen, and 4050. horsemen, he ouercame 600000. Persians. After that Alexander discomfited Darius host at Issum in Cilicia, consisting of 300000. footemen, and an 100000. horsmen, in which battel there were slain 80000. footemen, & 10000. horsmen, and 40. thousand taken prisoners, among the which were Darius wife, his sister, and daugh∣ters: The third & last battel was at Alexanders returne out of Egypt, where he built the fa∣mous citie Alexandria, when at Arbela, Darius met him with 400000. footemen, and an 100000. horsemen, where the power of Persia was fully ouerthrowne: and Darius was slaine by Bessus one of his owne captaines, whom Alexander for that fact commanded to be rent asunder, beeing tied to the toppes of trees, Orosius lib. 3. c. 16. 17.

2. So Alexander broke the two hornes of the ramme, that is, ouercame the power of the Medes and Persians: first at Issum he subdued the Persian forces, then in the last battle he conquered the Medes with other Northerne nations, as the Caspians, Iberians, Albanians, whom Darius had hired to assist him in this battel, Iun. Analys.

3. Whereas it is said, there was none to deliuer the ramme out of the power of the goat, thereby is shewed, that there was no meanes, by force or other to helpe Darius: for in these 3. battels Darius brought not lesse then 15. hundred thousand against Alexander, and yet it auayled him nothing: Darius also attempted Alexander with promise of great gifts, and of part of the kingdome, and the mariage of his daughter: But Alexander would accept of no conditions, vnlesse Darius would haue resigned vnto him the whole kingdome: he an∣swered him, that the world could not beare two kings, Oecolamp.

4. He is said also to cast him downe to the ground, and stampe vpon him, that is, Alexan∣der made none account of the Persian glorie, and riches, who at the instance of his concu∣bine, caused the most goodly pallace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire, Calvin.

Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horne, and of the death of Alex∣ander.

Three things are worthie of obseruation in Alexanders death. 1. the time. 2. the causes. 3. the manner of his death.

1. When Alexander was at the greatest, and was returned from the conquest of the In∣dians, as of king Porus, and Ambira, and purposed to passe ouer into Greece, and into the West parts, he died in the way at Babylon, where embassadours from all nations in the world expected him, from Carthage, and Africa, Spaine, France, Sicilia, Sardinia.

2. The causes of this sudden iudgement which befell him, may be thought to be the great vices, which he fell into in the last three yeares of his raigne, hauing in the former 8. yeares, shewed himselfe an example of a good prince: The••e fowre great sinnes he was tou∣ched withall, crueltie, he killed diuerse of his friends in his drunkennesse, which was ano∣ther vice: then he was giuen vnto lust and wantonnes: his pride also was such, that he would be worshipped as a God, and made himselfe Iuppiter Ammons sonne: for which cause he commaunded Calisthenes to be killed, because he refused to worship him: for these his great enormities the diuine iustice ouertooke him, and iudged him.

3. The manner of his death some thinke was by poison: but the most agree that he died of a surfet: he feasted at a Physitians house a Thessalian, one of his friends, and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking vnto midnight, and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning feuer, and after fewe dayes died at Babylon, and had no time to returne into his owne countrey: thus write of him, Iustinus, Arrianus, Curtius, Plutarke.

Quest. 17. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne.

1. These fowre hornes were fowre kingdomes into the which the Monarchie of Alex∣ander was diuided: in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtayned the kingdome of Babylon, and Syria: in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdome of Macedonia: in the North An∣tigonus

held Asia minor, in the South Ptolome obtained Egypt. 2. the Rabbines doe not agree among themselues what these fowre hornes should be: Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the fowre hornes, one Romanus at Rome, the second Alexander in Alexan∣dria, the third Arideus in Achaia, the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia: Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the fowre kingdomes, of Rome, Egypt, the land of Israel, Persia: But both these o∣pinions are euidently conuinced by the text: for the Angel afterward interpreteth these fowre hornes to be fowre kingdomes which should stand vp of the nation of the Greci∣ans, v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceiued, who appointeth but three successors to Alexan∣der, Ptolome in Egypt, Seleucus in Syria, and Antigonus in Macedonia, whereas he succee∣ded in Asia, and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia.

Quest. 18. When these fowre kingdomes did arise, after the great horne was broken.

1. The author of the historie of the Macchabees affirmeth, that Alexander beeing sicke, parted his kingdome among his seruants, while he was yet aliue, 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrarie to all other historiographers, Iustinus, Diodorus, Curtius, Arrianus, Orosius, Iosephus: who all affirme that this was the cause of the long warre among Alexanders cap∣taines after his death, because he had appointed none to succeede him. 2. Pererius to iusti∣fie the Apochryphall storie of the Macchabees, thus helpeth the matter, that Alexander be∣ing at the point of death, when he could not speake, did resigne his ring vnto Perdiccas, to whom the rest of the captaines at the perswasion of Aristonus did yeeld the chiefe domini∣on, and so in that by his authoritie the fowre kingdomes were diuided to the rest, it was in effect done by Alexander, who had resigned the kingdome vnto Perdiccas, while he liued: But this agreeth not with the true historie▪ for after Alexanders death, not Perdiccas, but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded, and Perdiccas was but viceroy: neither was there any peaceable diuision of the kingdom, but after much contention and bloody warres, wherein 15. of Alexanders captaines were slaine, Polan. 3. Some thinke that presently after Alexanders death, the captaines made this distribution among themselues, and diui∣ded the kingdome into fowre parts, gloss. ordinar. but that is not so: for after Alexanders death, Philippus Arideus succeeded, and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy, vntill Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his sonne, and then Philistio was protector of the kingdome: But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother; and Alexander his sonne with Roxane his mother, and Hercules an other son of Alexanders with Barsan•• his mother were killed by Cassander: so immediately after Alexanders death this diuision could not be made. 4. Wherefore the truth is, that a long time after Alexanders death, there was contention among Alexanders captaines for the kingdom, Orosius saith 14. years: And then these fowre captaines preuayling, diuided the kingdome among them as is shew∣ed in the former question: And as Eusebius writeth the kingdome of Syria begunne the 11. yeare after the death of Alexander.

Quest. 19. Who was this little horne, v. 9.

1. This little horne was Antiochus Epiphanes, that is, noble or famous Antiochus, or ra∣ther as Polybius calleth him, Epimanes, the furious or madde Antiochus: he came out of one of the fowre hornes, namely, of Seleucus Nicanor, beeing the eight of that race, which are thus reckoned, Seleucus Nicanor, Antiochus Soter, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Callinicus, Seleucus Ceraunus, Antiochus Magnus, Seleucus Philopator, and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus, and younger sonne to Antiochus the great. 2. Hie∣rome then is here deceiued, who maketh this Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Philopator, beeing indeede his brother. 3. He is called a little horne▪ not in respect of other kingdoms, then whom he was mightier: but in these respect••, 1. because he had no title to the king∣dome at the first, beeing the younger brother, and Seleucus his elder brother had also an is∣sue male Demetrius, Polan. 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome, and liued as a pri∣uate man, Perer. 3. he was of a seruile and flattering nature, and had no princely qualitie, and condition in him.

Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horne.

Three effects are described. 1. his attempts against other nations. 2. his violence a∣gainst the people of God. 3. his blasphemie and profanenesse against God himselfe.

1. He attempted much against the South, namely▪ against Egypt, vpon this occasion:

Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter vnto Antiochus the great, sister vnto this Antiochus Epiphanes, by whom he had Ptolome Philometor, who being a child, Antiochus tooke vpon him the tuition of him and his realme: but vnder that colour his meaning was to hold the kingdome of Egypt to himselfe: Then the Egyptians craued helpe of the Romanes, who sent C••ius Popilius, who discharged Antiochus out of Egypt, making a circle with his rod at his feete, requiring Antiochus present answer before he went any further.

2. He raged also against the people of God the Iewes, whose countrey is called the plea∣sant land, because of the knowledge and worship of God, as it is in that sense called the ioy of the whole earth, Psal. 48. 2. In two expeditions which he made against Egypt, in both of his returnes from thence he inuaded Ierusalem, and put the Iewes to the sword. At the first time he was receiued by Iason the high Priest, and in his second returne by wicked Menelaus: Thus he raged against the host of heauen, the people of God, who are as the Lords host militant here in earth: and he cast down some of the starres to the ground, which some vnderstand generally to be the people of the Iewes, Hugo. some the chiefe and famous men, Cal. Polan. But rather by starres are vnderstood the excellent professors of the Church, whom he caused some to forsake their faith, some to be tormented, as the mother with her 7. sonnes, 2. Macc. 2. 7. thus the casting down of the stars is vnderstood, Apoc. 12. 4. Bulling.

3. Then followeth the third effect, his prophanesse and irreligion against God, who is called the prince of the host of his Church, hereof there are fowre wicked and vile fruites. 1. the daily sacrifices should be taken away, with other ceremonies of religion, the Sabbaths violated, Gods seruice and worship intermitted. 2. The Sanctuarie was defiled, and the ab∣hominable Idol of Iupiter Olympus set vp in the place of the worship of God. 3. many of the Iewes reuolted from the faith, and so the armie, that is the Church militant was betrayed into the hands of Antiochus, v. 12. 4. he cast downe the truth, that is destroyed the lawe, defacing and burning the bookes of the law, 1. Macchab. 1. 59. Bulling.

Quest. 21. Of the meaning of these words, v. 12. the armie was giuen vp with the daylie sacrifice by iniquitie.

There are diuerse readings of this verse. 1. Some translate the word, tzeba, time, thus reading, a time shall be giuen ouer the daylie sacrifice for the iniquitie, Calv. Mercer. in Iob. 7. v. 1. Genev. But seeing the same word tzeba is taken for an host or armie, v. 10. it is not conuenient to alter the signification here. 2. Some other reade, robur ei datum est, &c. pow∣er was giuen him against the dayly sacrifice, &c. so the Latine and Perer. Pint. Pap. Osiand. but this reading likewise is refused vpon the former reason, because the same word is other∣wise taken before. 3. It remaineth then that this is the true sense and reading: the host was gi∣uen vp with the dayly sacrifice (Bul. Vat.) or against the daily sacrifice, I. Pol. by iniquitie or treachery. 4. This defection, treacherie, or iniquity, some vnderstand generally of the Iewes & iniquitie of the people, for the which they were punished, and depriued of the daily sacri∣fice, Cal. Genev. some referre it more specially to the sinnes of the Priests and people (in cor∣rupting and defiling of the seruice and worship of God) committed against the daily sacri∣fice, for the which they were worthily deliuered vp, Vatab. But here seemeth to be speciall relation to the treacherie of the Priests, by whome the citie and temple was betraied, as first by Iason, afterward by Menelaus, who buying the high Priests place for money, neglected the Temple and the seruice thereof, transgressed the lawes, and preferred the games and plaies of the Gentiles, as is more at large declared, 2. Macch. 4.

22. Quest. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni, v. 13.

1. Some reteine the Hebrew word Palmoni, as the Septuag. but it was not a proper name of this great Angel, to whome the other Angel spake, it was a title rather or epithete giuen him, that admirable or excellent Angel, as Vatab. 2. Some doe take this word as de∣riued of these two words, peloni almoni, which signifieth a certaine one vnknowne: as Ruth 4. 1. peloni almoni, ho, such an one, come hither: But this Angel beeing spoken vnto as the su∣periour, and the other Angel which asked the question beeing set forth by the title of holy one; it is not like that this great Angel the reuealer of secrets, should be expressed by such a meane tearme. 3. Therefore this palmoni, is vnderstoode of Christ, who is the reuealer of secrets: and it signifieth one which hath things secret in number or ac∣count, Iun. some deriue it of pala, wonderfull, and almoni, a certaine one: so it should signifie one admirable or wonderfull, Oecolampad. some of pala, and ghalam, which signifi∣eth to hide, he that hideth things secret, Polan. but the best deriuation is, of pala, won∣derfull or secret, and manah to number: so Palmoni is he which hath all ••ecrets in number

and account, Pap. and so interpreteth Iunius.

Quest. 23. What Angel that was, vnto whom one of the Angels spake.

1. This whom Daniel calleth one of the Saints, was no doubt one of the Angels, and most like to be the Angel Gabriel, because he is bidden afterward by name to cause Daniel to vn∣derstand the vision, Bulling. 2. But concerning the other, who is called Palmoni, vnto whom the Angel spake, some questiō is who it should be: Perer. and Pintus do suppose it was some superiour Angel: and thereupon Pererius would ground his speculatiue conceit of the Hier∣archie of Angels, that some are inferiour and ministring spirits, some are superiour and giue direction vnto the other. 3. But this great Angel, called Palmoni, was (no doubt) Christ him∣selfe the Prince of the Angels: for so he is called, Isay. 9. 7. peleh, wonderfull, whence this name Palmoni is deriued, Cal. Bulling. 4. Now this Angel that asked the question, did it not of any curiositie, as the disciples enquired of Christ, Act. 1. and therefore are reprooued, but the Angel for the instruction of Daniel, for the common good of the Church, desireth to knowe this secret.

Quest. 24. Of the time prescribed, v. 14. of 2300. dayes, how it is to be taken.

1. R. Leu•• by so many dayes would haue vnderstood so many yeares, beginning from the time of Saul, which he calleth the morning, because then the kingdome of Israel flourished, and by the euening he vnderstandeth the taking away of the kingdome: from thence to the third reparation of the Sanctuarie he would haue counted 2300. yeares, when he saith the Temple should be built the third time againe, and after that neuer to be destroyed: But this Rabbine herein is a false Prophet, for from Sauls raigne there haue runne 2600. yeares, and yet this their third Temple, which they dreamed of, is not raised. 2. R Saadia by these 2300. dayes would vnderstand so many moneths, for so he counteth an 180. yeares from the be∣ginning of the kingdome of the Greekes vnto Antiochus: whereas it is euident, 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against Ierusalem in the 143. yeare, Oecol. and beside, whereas it is said in the text, vnto the euening and morning, it is euident, that neither moneths or yeares are here to be vnderstood, but so many naturall dayes: Cal. Theodoret by the euening vnderstan∣deth the beginning of their calamitie, by the morning the ende thereof: but the phrase of Scripture sheweth, that thereby the naturall day is comprehended, which consisteth of the day and night. As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter, the euening & morning were the first day, and the second day, so the rest. 3. It remaineth then, that by these 2300. dayes, so many daies precisely must be vnderstood, which make 6. yeares 3. moneths & 20. dayes, counting 365. dayes to a yeare, Bulling. 4. Some doe here reade onely a 1300. dayes, Osian, So also reade Montanus, and Pagnin: but the Hebrewe word alephaijm, beeing put in the duall number, signifieth two thousand, Vatab. Iun. Polan. Oecolamp.

Quest. 25. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended.

1. Melancthon beginneth this tearme in the yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes, an 145. and endeth it in the yeare 151. when Nicanor and his armie were destroyed, and the whole land recouered: but seeing euident mention is made, that Antiochus began to afflict Ierusalem in the 143. yeare, 1. Mac. 1. 21. this teame must not take beginning after that: and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen vnder Antiochus Epiphanes, who was this little horne, this tearme must not be extended after the death of Antiochus, who di∣ed in the 149. yeare, 1. Mac. 6. 16.

2. Some do begin this tearme in the 143. yeare, when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuarie, and tooke away the golden altar, 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this tearme of 6. yeares, shall determine in the 148. yeare when Iudas Macchabeus recouered the citie, & purged the Temple: then the 3. moneths and odde dayes are counted ouer and about to finish the pur∣ging & sanctifying of the Temple, Bull, Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus, which was in the 149. yeare. But this account cannot stand: for from the beginning of the 143. yeare, to the purging of the* 1.1 Sanctuarie by Iudas, which was in the ninth moneth Chi∣sleu, the 25. day, in the 148. yeare, is not 6. yeares, there wanteth 3. moneths and 5. dayes.

3. Calvin will haue the sixe yeares to ende in the moneth Chisleu, in which moneth the temple was polluted: but 3. moneths after the moneth Chisle••, the sixe yeares beeing expi∣red, it was cleansed, in the moneth Adar: and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing obserued cōcerning any particular time: the contrarie is euident in the 52. v. following, that in the moneth Chisleu (not Adar) the temple was cleansed, in the 148. yeare,* 1.2 as three yeares before it had beene defiled in the same moneth, in the 15. of Chisleu.

4. Iunius, whom Polanus followeth, beginneth this time in the 142. yeare, the sixt moneth, and 6. day: and so the full summe of 6. yeares, 3. moneths, and 20. dayes, will come out in the 148. yeare, in the ninth moneth, the 25. day. He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of Ierusalem, when Menclaus with other wicked men, first obtained li∣cence of the king to followe the ordinances of the heathen, 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account: for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the storie of the Macchabees, when this tearme of a 2300. yeares beganne, it must haue a perfect ende at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie, which was in the 148. yeare, on the 25. day of the ninth moneth Chisleu: Pererius answereth, that it is not necessarie to vnderstand that this cleansing of the Sanctuarie should be in the verie ende, sed prope finem, but toward the ende: But the contrarie is euident out of the text, that after the 2300. dayes, then shall the Sanctuarie be cleansed: But they which beginne the sixe yeares in the 143. yeare, cannot ende this tearme at such time as the Sanctuarie was cleansed, but extend it further.

5. Some, as Pererius noteth, to make this tearme ende iust at the cleansing of the San∣ctuarie, doe read, a 2200. dayes: but this is an euident controlling of the text, which spea∣keth of a 2300. dayes.

6. Pappus indifferently summeth these dayes, either from the first spoyling of the citie, in the 143. yeare, and so they shall ende in Antiochus death; or from the setting vp of the abhomination of desolation, in the 145. yeare, in the moneth Chisleu, 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and then they shall ende in the ouerthrowe and subuersion of Nicanor and his host, which was two yeares after Antiochus death: But this beeing a prophetical prediction, must haue a certaine and definite accomplishment, it cannot indifferently be taken two wayes: I preferre therefore the fourth interpretation as the best.

7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time, two times, and a part, that is 3. yeares and 10. dayes for the desolation of the Sanctuarie,* 1.3 but here the summe of 2300. dayes ma∣keth sixe yeares, 3. moneths, 20. dayes: This must be vnderstood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus, which was in the 42. yeare, as is before shewed; and then followeth Antiochus first comming to Ierusalem, when he layd wast the citie and spoyled the people, in the 143. yeare: but the 3. yeares must beginne from the second comming of Antiochus in the 145. yeare, when he set vp the abomination of desolation: And therefore here menion is not made onely of the iniquitie of desolation, and treading downe of the Sanctuarie, but of the armie also, that is, the Lords people and the citie, Polan.

8. Herein also appeareth Gods mercie, who now afflicteth his people in measure, he ful∣filleth not (all out) seuen yeares in the desolation of the citie and temple, whereas before he punished them with a captiuitie of seuentie yeares, Oecolampad.

Quest. 26. When the kingdome of the Greekes, so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning.

1. Lyranus is of opinion, that the raigne of the Greekes should begin from the death of Alexander, comment. in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be, for after Alexanders death, for the space of 13. or 14. yeares, there was no certaine succession of the kingdom, Alexanders captaines one warring against another, till those fowre kingdomes of Macedo∣nia, Asia, Egypt, Syria, were setled.

2. Ioannes Annius is yet more bold,* 1.4 and controlleth those numbers set downe in the storie of the Macchabees, that whereas Antiochus is said to beginne his raigne in the 137. yeare of the kingdome of the Greeks, he saith it was the 153. yeare, from the death of A∣lexander, from whence the kingdome of the Greekes must be counted in his opinion: And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those bookes of: the Macchabees, were not inser∣ted by the author of that storie, but by Iosephus: But though the booke of the Macchabees is not receiued as Canonicall for any matter of faith or doctrine, yet it may be esteemed of for matter of storie: and therefore it is great bouldnes therein to contradict the same: And he in this his censure giueth vnto Antiochus 16. yeares, whereas he is held to haue raigned but 12. yeare: he began to raigne in the yeare 137. and died in the 149. yeare, 1. Mac. 6. 16.

3. Therefore these yeares of the kingdome of the Greekes must beginne from the raigne of Seleucus in Syria, not from the death of Alexander, as may thus be gathered. 1. where∣as Antiochus polluted the Sanctuarie in the 145. yeare, if this time were taken from Alex∣anders death, it should be the 157. or 159. yeare, for so long it was after Alexanders death.

2. Beside, Iosephus lib. 12. antiquit. cap. 7. saith, that this 145. yeare did concurre with the 153. Olympiads: then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander, which was in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad: from thence to the 153. Olympiad, are 39. O∣lympiads, which make an 156. yeares, whereas it was but the 145. yeare from the begin∣ning of the raigne of the Seleucians.

Quest. 27. Why the kingdome of the Greekes, is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians.

1. Though Alexander were the first king of the Greekes, and founder of that Empire, v. 21. yet his raigne is not counted, because the kingdome descended not to his posteritie, as the kingdome of the Seleucians did: for there were many descents in the same familie, vn∣till the kingdome was dissolued by the Romanes.

2. And whereas it may be obiected, that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdomes, but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt, whose race continued longer, then the Seleucians in Syria: yet these haue the name of the kingdome, because the were migh∣tier then the rest, and they had chiefely to doe with the people of God, whom the hystorie of the Macchabees specially concerneth.

3. Further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece, but in Syria and Chaldea, yet it is called the kingdome of the Grecians, because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence, and vsed the language, customes, superstitions of the Greekes, Perer.

Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel.

1. Some doe take this to be an excellent name, common to all Angels: it signifieth the strength or power of God: but it is euident, Luk. 1. 19. where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie, that it was the proper name of an Angel, Iun. commentar. 2. But Gre∣gorie well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselues, as though they could not be discerned, but by their seuerall names, in that celestiall citie where they enioy the vision of God, sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt, &c. but when they come vnto vs to minister, they doe take their names of their ministerie and office, &c. as here this Angel is called Gabriel, the strength of God, because he was employed in the de∣fense of the Church against the enemies thereof. 3. But this further must be considered, that this Angel is not so called, ab essentiali potentia dei, from the essentiall power of God, but of that power which was giuen him to execute the Lords commandement. Iun. 4. And this is the onely name giuen vnto Angels in Scripture: for the name Michael, which signi∣fieth one as God, is ascribed vnto Christ, who is equall vnto God: As for the other names, Raphael, Ieremiel, Sammael, they are but the deuised tearmes of men, inserted in the Apo∣chryphall bookes, but not to be found in the Canonicall Scriptures, Polan. Iun.

Quest. 29. v. 16. Vpon these words, make this man to vnderstand the vision: whether Angels can giue vs vnderstanding.

1. The Angels of themselues haue no power to infuse vnderstanding into the minde of man: but he onely which hath created the heart of man, can giue vnto it vnderstanding: And the Angels themselues cannot vnderstand the secrets and mysteries of God, vnlesse it be gi∣uen vnto them, as here the Angel called an holy one, enquired of Palmoni, which is Christ, the meaning of this vision, v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to vse the ministerie of An∣gels, they may helpe to make a way for our better vnderstanding, as he which openeth the windowe, may be said to giue light vnto the house, yet it is the sunne properly that giueth light: So the Sonne of righteousnesse illuminateth our hearts, the Angels may helpe to pre∣pare the way, Polan. 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open Daniels vnderstanding, but by a manifest and cleare interpretation of the vision: and so the Lord vseth the ministrie of men in the preaching of the gospel, to open the hearts of the hearers.

Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia.

1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia, which is a part of Greece, before Alex∣ander, as Philip, with others; yet Alexander here compared to an horne for strength, is said to be the first king, namely of the Monarchie, Osiand, the first king of the Grecians, that ouercame the Medes and Persians, Polan. 2. And here it must be obserued, that the two

first kingdomes are likened vnto beasts, the rest vnto the hornes of beasts, because they did issue out of the other, as the hornes came out of the beast. 3. And by the hornes we must vnderstand, the kings together with their kingdomes, Osiand. 4. Lyranus giueth this rea∣son, why Alexander is called the first, because before him the kings were nullius momenti, of no account or fame: He was the first notable king: But he is so called, not onely in re∣spect of his name or fame, but of his power and conquest, as is before touched.

Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp: in the latter ende of their kingdome.

1. Some doe thus expound the word, beacharith, procedente tempore, during the time of these kingdomes, Iun. annot. Polan. but the same word, v. 19. they interpret extremi∣tatem, the extremitie of wrath, or the last wrath: therefore it is not fit in this place to giue it an other interpretation.

2. Some reade in the ende of their kingdome, Genevens. that is toward the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians, or Greekes, Vatab. So also readeth the Latine, post regnum illorum, after their kingdome: But this cannot be vnderstood of the ende of the kingdome of the Grecians, or Seleucians: for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose vp, there were more which succeeded in that familie after him, then went before him: for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posteritie, in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that familie, so that tenne succeeded him: Antioch us Eupator, Demetrius Soter, Alex∣ander Epiphanes, Demetrius Nicanor, Antiochus Sedetes, Antiochus Gryphus, Antiochus Cyzicenus, Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus, Antiochus Pius, whom Tigranes expelled, An∣tiochus Asiaticus, whom Pompey depriued. And further whereas the kingdome of the Se∣leucians continued 270. yeares, as Appianus, and Antiochus beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare, and died in the 149. yeare, 1. Macchab. 6. 16. there remained yet after Antiochus death an 120. yeares of the raigne of the Seleucians: Antiochus Epiphanes then could not come in the ende of that kingdome.

3. Lyranus making Antiochus a type of Antichrist, vnderstandeth the finall end and disso∣lution of the Greeke Empire, when the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes beganne: for the kingdome of Antichrist, quodam modo pertinet ad regnum Romanum, belongeth after a sort to the kingdome of the Romanes: But seeing it is confessed of all, that historically this vision and prophesie was first fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes, though typically it be referred vn∣to Antichrist: then first this must historically be applyed to the time of the rising vp of An∣tiochus.

4. Bullinger here vnderstandeth the ende of the Macedonian kingdome, for so Antio∣chus Epiphanes, beganne to raigne in the 4. yeare of Perses the last king, who raigned a 11. yeares, in the last whereof he was ouercome and taken by P. Aemilius, and Macedonia was brought to be a Prouince: But this interpretation agreeth not with the text, which saith, that in the ende of their kingdome, &c. a king of fierce countenance shall stand vp: it is euident then that he meaneth that kingdome out of which this fierce king should come, which was the kingdome of the Seleucians.

5. Calvin thus interpreteth, in the ende of their kingdome, that is, vbi ad summum per∣uenerint, when they are come to the height, and begin to decline: for after Antiochus Epi∣phanes, the glorie and power of that kingdome begunne to decay: But that is not said pro∣perly to be the end of a kingdome, when the power thereof is somewhat altered onely, the regall authoritie still remayning.

6. Therefore the best reading is, posteris temporibus, in the latter times of this kingdom, so is the word acharith taken, Gen. 49. 1. c. 2. 28. see before c. 2. quest. 31. cum regna illa aliquantum temporis constiterint, when those kingdomes haue continued some while: and the better part of the time of their continuance was past: for Antiochus came in the 137. yeare, which was toward both the latter, and the decaying times of that kingdome: for there remayned an 120. yeares of that kingdome, not so much time, as was alreadie fulfilled, Iun. commentar.

Quest. 32. The description of Antiochus and of his doings.

He is described. 1. by the time of his rising vp. 2 his qualities. 3. condition and state. 4. his acts and exploits. 5. by his ende.

1. The time is expressed, when the iniquities, or defection, or falling away is perfited, which some vnderstand generally when the iniquities of the people were encreased, Lyran. Hugo. then God would raise vp one to punish them. Some referre it to the professed enemies of the Church of God, when they should be multiplied: But there is speciall reference had to the generall defection and falling away from religion, vnto gentilisme, as is declared, 1. Macchab. 1. v. 12. v. 43. and c. 2. v. 15. And the ringleaders of this apostasie were Iason, who bought the high Priests place of Antiochus for money, and Menelaus who by the like briberie obtayned it, Iason beeing expelled: which wicked men procured the Greeke playes to be set vp in Ierusalem, and sent money to Tyrus for a sacrifice to Hercules, and followed the abhominable fashion of the heathen: as it is more at large shewed. 2. Macchab. 4.

2. He is set forth by his adiuncts. 1. he shall be of an hard countenance, that is, of an im∣pudent face, a shamelesse man. 2. he shall vnderstand darke sentences, which some expound thus, he shall cause by his doings this darke vision to be vnderstood, as beeing fulfilled in him, Hugo. But hereby rather is signified his craft and cunning, he should be most subtile and politike to contriue his purpose.

3. His state is set forth, his power shall be mightie, but not in his strength: which some expound, 1. his strength shall not be like Alexanders, Genevens. 2. or astutior erit quam potentior, he shall be more craftie then powerfull: grassabitur per fraudes, he shall proceede by craft, not by strength, Calvin. so also Iun. annot. 3. Hugo following the interlin. gloss. giueth this sense, not in his owne strength, but of Gods, for he could not so haue prospered vnlesse Gods will had beene so, for the punishment of his people. 4. not in his owne strength, sed Satanae virtute, but by the power of Satan, gloss. ordinar. ex Gregor. 5. But the mea∣ning rather is this, he seduced others, quorum viribus abuteretur, whose power he should a∣buse to helpe himselfe: for both he was helped by the treacherie of the high Priests, Iason, and Menelaus, Bulling. and he had also the helpe of forren kings, Eumenes, and Attalus, as Appian in Syriacis. Polan.

4. His acts and exploits are of two sorts, either against men, or against God himselfe: Against men. 1. he shall destroy wonderfully, which Hugo referreth to Antiochus obscure be∣ginning, that he suddenly should rise to so great power: Oecolampadins vnderstandeth it of his wonderfull crueltie, who in three dayes slue 80. thousand in Ierusalem, 40. thousand were put in bands, and as many sold: But it may more fitly be vnderstood of his deceit and craft, whereby he wonderfully prospered: for he procured the death of his father Antiochus, and then of his elder brother Seleucus, and then defeated also Seleucus sonne of the kingdom. 2. he shall destroy the mightie and holy people, Gregorie vnderstandeth here, mente inuictos, those which were strong and inuincible in minde, whom he corporally ouercame, as the mo∣ther with the seuen children, and other of the Saints, Lyran. Hugo vnderstandeth the Iewes which were strong and mightie, auxilio dei, by the strength of God before: this sheweth ra∣ther, that he should not onely prosper against the people of God, but subdue other strong nations also, as the Egyptians, with other people, Calv. Polan. 3. A third effect is, that he should so by his policie and craft preuaile, winning some by flatterie and bribes, others by fraud and deceit, that he should thereby wax wonderfull insolent and proud aboue measure: in so much,* 1.5 as that he should thinke to command the floods, and to weigh the mountaines in a ballance. 4. He shall in peace destroy many: 1. some reade in copia rerum, in the abundance of things: which Hugo vnderstandeth of his gifts: Lyran: of his power giuen him of God. 2. but the word shalvah signifieth peace: Calvin expoundeth, that he shall per quietem quasi per ludum, by peace, and at his ease, and as in sport, without any difficultie preuayle: some giue this sense, that he shall set vpon men which were in peace, nihil opinantes, thinking no∣thing: but the meaning is, he shall vnder color and pretense of peace destroy many: for so he inuaded Egypt vnder pretense to be gardiane to the young king, his nephewe: so he gaue peaceable words vnto the Iewes, who gaue credit to him, and he entred the citie, and put them to the sword, 1. Macch. 1. 31, 32. 2. Then followeth his insolencie against God him∣selfe, he should stand vp against the prince of princes: for so he set vp in despight of God the abhominable idol of Iupiter Olympus in the temple.

The fift and last part of the description is of his ende: he shall be broken downe without hand, that is of man, he died by the stroke of Gods hand, of a most incurable disease, 2. Macchab. c. 9. which is now to be handled more at large in the next question.

33. Quest. Of some difference in the storie of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus.

There are some differences, which seeme to admit some reasonable satisfaction, but some other there are, which can not be reconciled.

The differences of the first sort are these. 1. whereas the narration of the death of An∣tiochus is set forth in three places, 1. Macch. c. 6. 2. Macch. c. 1. and c. 9. in the 1. Macch. c. 6. v. 1. it is saide, that Antiochus would haue spoiled the rich temple in the citie Elymais: and yet, 2. Macch. c. 9. it is saide to be the citie Persepolis, the temple whereof he would haue spoiled: Pererius here answereth, that it was in deede the citie Susa in the Prouince of Ely∣mais, the temple whereof he would haue robbed; which is called Persepolis a citie of Persia: though he confesseth, that there was a citie of that name, but that was destroied by Alexan∣der; he himselfe, with his captaines beeing drunken, at the instigation of Thais his concu∣bine, set fire vnto it with his owne hands. Contr. But a better answer may be found out: that the words are not to be read, he heard that Elymais in the countrey of Persia, was a citie greatly renowned for riches, as the Latine translatour readeth, whome our English translati∣ons follow: but the Greeke text standeth thus, he heard, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that there was in Elymais in the region of Persia, a citie. So Elymais, is not the name of the citie, but of the countrey which belonged to Persia, where this citie was. And Persepolis is knowne to haue beene the proper name of a citie, which though it had beene destroied by Alexander aboue an 150. yeares before this, yet it might, and is like in all this time to haue beene re∣paired againe.

2. Whereas 1. Macch. 6. 5. it is said, that one brought him tidings into Persia, how his ar∣mies were discomfited in Iudea: and 2. Macch. 9. 3. it is said the newes was brought him to Ecbatane, which is in Media, not in Persia, Tob. 3. 7. Pererius giueth this satisfaction, that the messenger might first come into Persia, but not finding the king there, he went to Ec∣batane.

3. 1. Macch. 6. 4. the Latine translator readeth, he came againe to Babylon: but 2. Macch. 9. 28. it is said, he died in a straunge countrey among the mountaines: he could not die in a straunge countrey beeing at Babylon, for that was his owne countrey. This doubt also may easily be remooued by amending the translation: the words in the original are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he was to returne to Babylon, Iun. Vatab. in animo habuit, &c. it was in his minde to returne to Babylon, Perer. but the Latine translation is, reversus est in Babyloniam, he re∣turned to Babylon: which reading if they will stand vnto, this contradiction can not be re∣conciled.

4. 1. Macch. 6. 8. it is saide, he fell sicke for sorow: but 2. Macch. 9. it is declared how he was stricken with an incurable disease, that wormes came out of him, and no man could en∣dure the stinke of his bodie: Pererius also thus reconcileth these places, that both were true, he might sicken of griefe, and his sicknes was encreased by that filthie disease: so also Hugo, he died morbo scilicet & tristitia, both of the disease, and griefe also.

These doubts may with some probabilitie be satisfied: but this contradiction can not be healed, that whereas 1. Macch. c. 6. and 2. Macch. c. 9. Antiochus is reported to haue died partly of griefe, partly of a strange disease: Now 2. Macc. 1. 16. it is reported, that he with his armie was slaine with stones in the temple of Nanea, their heads cut off, and throwne out. To this obiection diuers answers are made, to preserue the credit of this booke.

1. Some thinke that this Antiochus slaine in the Temple of Nanea, was not Antiochus Epiphanes, whose death is mentioned in those two other places: but Antiochus magnus the father of this Antiochus: so Lyran. Carthusian. Melchior Canus.

Contr. Bellarmine, and Pererius both doe refuse this answer: for this Antiochus thus killed, was an enemie to the Iewes, and they reioyced in his fall: but the other Antiochus surnamed the great, was a friend vnto the Iewes, and shewed great kindnes vnto them, and they vnto him, as Iosephus writeth,* 1.6 how when Antiochus had ouercame Scopas Ptolome, Philometors captaine, and subdued Celosyria, and Samaria, the Iewes yeelded themselues, and receiued his armies into their cities, and refreshed them: which benefit Antiochus ac∣knowledged in certaine letters to his friends, purposing to require the same.

2. An other opinion is, that this Antiochus was the sonne of Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus Philopator, whome Epiphanes depriued of his kingdome,* 1.7 who was surnamed An∣tiochus pius, who put downe Tryphon, that vsurped the kingdome. Bellarmine here forget∣ting

himselfe saith, that this Antiochus was called Triphon, or Gryphus: in one sentence he committeth two errors: for this Tryphon vsurped the kingdome, whome Antiochus expel∣led: and Antiochus Gryphus was the 17. king of Syria, whereas Antiochus pius was the 15. Bulling. of this opinion, that this was Antiechus pius here reported to be slaine, are Rupert. lib. 1. de victor. verb. c. 6. Michael Medina, Carolus Sigonius. But these two arguments make against this opinion, 1. that Antiochus pius had no such ende, but died in battell against the Parthians, Iustin. lib. 38. in fine. 2. Antiochus though there was some variance betweene him and Hyrcanus, yet he spoiled not the citie, but when he besieged it, he gaue them seuen daies truce at their request, to celebrate the feast of Tabernacles, and beside sent them vessels of siluer, and vessels of gold, and much incense: and at the length a league was concluded be∣tweene them. But this Antiochus, that should be put to death in the Temple of Nanea, was a professed enemie vnto the Iewes, and therefore they reioyce and giue thankes for his death.

3. Pererius deliuereth an other opinion, to the which he subscribeth as probable: that not Antiochus, but the captaine of his host was killed with stones: they cast stones as it were thunder vpon the captaine. But it is euident, that Antiochus is vnderstood by the captaine, v. 13. 14. Albeit the captaine, and they which were with him, seemed inuincible, yet they were slaine in the Temple of Nanea: for Antiochus, as though he would dwell with her, came thither to receiue money vnder the title of a dowrie. It was Antiochus himselfe, that pretended ma∣riage with Nanea, or Diana, as the like is reported of Tiberius, Nero, Heliogabalus, that would make marriages with the goddesses: he therefore came himselfe in person, to receiue as a dowrie, the treasure of the Temple.

4. But Bellarmine, and Pererius likewise doe most approoue this solution, who thus in∣terpret these words, v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae, the captaine with his host fell in the temple of Nanea: that is, they were smitten, not slaine. Bellarmine giueth instance of the like place, Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodome and Gomorrah fell there, in the slimie pits, that is, were dis∣comfited, they were not killed: for the king of Sodome met Abraham afterward. Pererius obiecteth that place, Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romanes should come against Antiochus, and he should be smitten, yet he was not killed.

Contra. 1. The word vsed 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not they fell, but they were smitten or slaine: concisi sunt, they were hewen and cut in pieces, as Vatablus and Iunius translate. 2. in that place, Gen. 24. 10. it is onely said, they fell, but here more is expressed, they were cut in pieces, v. 16. 3. and in the other place, the word is better translated by Vatablus, consternabitur, he shall be grieued, or terrified, not smitten.

5. This then remaineth to be saide, that this is an vncerten and vntrue report of Antio∣chus death, as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid, and when Nehemias sent to set it, they found thicke water in stead of fire. And therefore that other report of Antiochus death, beeing twice set downe, 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9. is to be receiued as the more probable. Iun.

34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus.

1. As the apostasie of the Iewes was a forerunner of the tyrannie and persecution of An∣tichrist: So when persecution is raised in the Church, many doe fall away: as when Constan∣tius fauoured Arrius, and persecuted the orthodoxall professours, Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to Arrianisme. And of late daies when Charles the fift made warre a∣gainst the Protestant Princes in Germanie, many gospellers either fell to Poperie, or recei∣ued the Interim: And in England in Queene Maries daies, many forsooke the Gospel, and turned Papists.

2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance, and full of craft, such were the persecutors of the Gospel, as Iulian the Apostata, Valens the Emperour, the Duke of Albanie in the low countries.

3. As Antiochus encreased by the treacherie of others, that helped him: so it is vsuall for the enemies of the Gospel to preuaile, if they can by treacherie: as many treasons against Queene Elizabeth, and our noble Soueraigne that now is, haue beene set forward by some forren Popish princes.

4. Antiochus by flatterie, and vnder colour of peace deceiued many: so did the Duke of

Albania in the lowe countries: and king Philip when he intented the inuasion of England, ann. 1588. yet made shewe of peace by the Prince of Parma vnto Queene Elizabeth.

5. As Antiochus was taken away by Gods hand not by mans: So the Lord himselfe en∣countreth the wicked, as he did Pharaoh and Herod. Polan.

Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning, v. 26.

1. Some vnderstand it thus, the vision, quae per successiones temporum complenda est, which is to be fulfilled in succession of time: Hugo. 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth: by the morning he would haue vnderstood the time of Antiochus, by the euening the time of Anti∣christ, who was prefigured by Antiochus. 3. the vulgar Latine readeth, the vision of the morning and euening, as though this were spoken of the time, when this vision appeared. 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision, v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. dayes vnto the euening and morning, that is so many naturall dayes: this vision which is expressed by part of the subiect taken for the whole, is said to be true, Cal. Polan.

Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision.

1. Some by fealing vnderstand the committing to memorie, Hugo. 2. Some the com∣mitting of it to writing, Lyran. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the vse of men, which seale and confirme those things, which are true: and so Daniel is bid to seale it, as a thing most cer∣taine. 4. Some thinke that hereby is signified, that he should conceale this vision, least the Iewes hearing what affliction they should endure in their owne countrey, might be slack to returne thither. 5. Chrysostome giueth this sense: that he should keepe it faithfully, ne tem∣poris prolixitate dispereat, that it perish not in continuance and length of time. 6. The He¦brewes referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah, would haue it therefore sealed, because the time was long, before it should be fulfilled. 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seale vp the vision, were these. 1. that he should not communicate it vnto the Chaldees, whom it concerned not, or to any other carnall men, or vnbeleeuers, that would not giue credit vnto it: but that he should conceale it from such: yet vnto the faithfull he might impart it: As the Prophet Isay saith to the same purpose, 8. 16. bind vp the testimonie, seale vp the lawe among my Disciples, and this is according to the rule of our Sauiour, not to cast things holy vnto dogges, Matth. 7. 6. Polan. 2. By this sea∣ling of the vision is signified, that it was not presently to take effect, but after a long time, about 300. yeares after: yet it should be most certainely fulfilled in the appointed time, Iun. in commentar. so he is not bidden simply to conceale it, but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof: and that be should not measure it, ex vulgi sententia, by the opinion of the vulgar sort, Calvin.

37. Quest. What kings busines Daniel did, v. 27.

v. 27. I did the kings busines, &c. 1. Some doe thinke that this was king Darius busines, that caried Daniel with him into Media, Lyr. and they thinke this worke was the building of the great tower, which Iosephus maketh mention of, Hug. But this can not be so: for Iosephus saith, that Darius caried Daniel with him into Media; but Daniel was at this time at Shu∣shan, v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane, as Iosephus wri∣teth, lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad. and Pellicane, in that it is said, when I rose vp, I did the kings busines, doe inferre, non dicit se à Sufis redijsse, sed surrexisse, he saide not he did returne from Susa, but onely rose vp, and returned to his busines, &c. so that their opinion seemeth to be, that Daniel was in deede now at Susa: But it is shewed before, that he was at Susa onely in vision, qu. 4. 3. It remaineth then, that this king was Belshazar, as is euident, v. 1. by whome it seemeth he was emploied, though not so much, nor in so great affaires, as he was vnder the former kings, Osiand. but what manner of emploiment it was, it is not expres∣sed, neither can certenly be gathered, Iun. Daniel then hauing noted before, that this was done vnder Belshazars raigne, v. 1. returned vnto his busines, which is an euident argument that he was then in Belshazars Court, or at hand, not at Susa, because he presently rose vp, hauing recouered himselfe, to doe the kings busines, Calvin.

38. Quest. Of the meaning of these words, v. 27. none vnder∣stoode, or perceiued it.

1. Some read, and there was none to interpret it: so Lyran. Hug. Pintus, following the

vulgar Latine, which they vnderstand thus: that is, none interpreted it as the Angel, Hugo. or none could interpret it in particular concerning the kings names, but onely in generall, Ly∣ran. But the word here vsed mebin, signifieth not interpreting, but perceiuing and vnderstan∣ding: neither could Daniel say, none could interpret it, seeing the Angel had giuen the inter∣pretation of it before. 2. Some read, none vnderstood it. The Hebrewes thinke that Daniel himselfe vnderstood it not: but that can not be, seeing the Angel was bidden to cause him to vnderstand it, v. 16. 3. Some thinke, that none of those, to whome Daniel reuealed the dreame, could vnderstand it, Oecolampad. but Daniel did not impart it to so many, to trie who vnderstood it, and who vnderstood it not: for he was commanded before to seale it vp, to hide and conceale it, and lay it vp in his heart. 4. The words are then better translated, none perceiued it, that he had beene sicke for griefe, because of the heauie vision: he dissembled his affection, and neither in word, nor so much as in countenance bewraied, that he had seene a vision: according as he had beene before charged to conceale and keepe the vision to himselfe, Iun. Polan.

39. Quest. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged, for the better vnderstanding of this vision.

1. After that Antiochus (the great) father vnto Antiochus Epiphanes, had beene vanqui∣shed by Scipio, he was constrained to deliuer ouer vnto the Romanes his sonne Antiochus to be an hostage, where he continued 14. yeares: and then hearing of his fathers death, wat∣ched his time, and fled secretly from Rome, and tooke vpon him the kingdome of Syria, ma∣king a way thereunto by procuring the death of Seleucus his elder brother, and disinheri∣ting Demetrius his sonne.

2. Then Antiochus, after he was setled in the kingdome, inuaded Egypt, vnder this co∣lour, to be tutor vnto the young king Ptolome Philometor his sister Cleopatra her sonne: he put many to the sword, and subdued many cities: And in his returne, beeing sauoured by diuers seditious persons in Ierusalem, as by Iason, who had bought the priesthood of him for money, and wicked Menelaus, who got the Priesthood for himselfe, promising more money, and put Iason by, 2. Macchab. 4. by this meanes he entred into the citie, robbed and spoiled the Temple, and put many to the sword: this was in the 143. yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes, in the 6. yeare of his raigne.

3. Then about two yeare after he made a second expedition into Egypt, where he was commanded to depart by Popilius the Embassadour of the Romanes, who making a circle in the sand with his rod before Antiochus, vrged him to make his present answer, before he went thence.

4. In his second returne he entred Ierusalem againe, and made hauocke of the citie, defi∣led the Temple, and set vp therein the abomination of desolation, the idol of Iuppiter Olym∣pus: this was in the 145. yeare in the 8. yeare of his raigne, 1. Macchab. 1. 57.

5. Then Mattathias beeing mooued in zeale, stood vp to resist the Tyrant, and Iudas his sonne, with his brethren after him: and at the length they preuailed, and 3. yeares after they cleansed the Sanctuarie, and restored the sacrifices: and this was in the 148. yeare, 1. Macch. 4. 52. in the 11. yeare of Antiochus raigne.

6. After this this wicked Tyrant went into Persia, thinking to robbe the rich Temple at Persepolis, where hauing the repulse, and hearing at the same time how his captaines Timo∣theus and Nicanor were discomfited with their armies in Iudea, partly of griefe, and chiefly beeing smitten of God with an incurable and stinking disease, he died in the 149. yeare, and the 12. of his raigne: see the storie, 2. Macchab. 9.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1. Macch. 4. 52.
• * 1.2

  1. Maccha. 1. 57.
• * 1.3

  R•• con••ll.
• * 1.4

  lib. super Phi∣lon. qui inseri∣bitur breviariū temporum.
• * 1.5

  2. Macchab. 9. 8.
• * 1.6

  lib. 12. antiqu••. cap. 3.
• * 1.7

  Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei. c. 1••.