Hexapla in Genesin & Exodum: that is, a sixfold commentary upon the two first bookes of Moses, being Genesis and Exodus Wherein these translations are compared together: 1. The Chalde. 2. The Septuagint. 3. The vulgar Latine. 4. Pagnine. 5. Montanus. 6. Iunius. 7. Vatablus. 8. The great English Bible. 9. The Geneva edition. And 10. The Hebrew originall. Together with a sixfold vse of every chapter, shewing 1. The method or argument: 2. The divers readings: 3. The explanation of difficult questions and doubtfull places: 4. The places of doctrine: 5. Places of confutation: 6. Morall observations. In which worke, about three thousand theologicall questions are discussed: above forty authors old and new abridged: and together comprised whatsoever worthy of note, either Mercerus out of the Rabbines, Pererius out of the fathers, or Marloran out of the new writers, have in their learned commentaries collected. By Andrew Willet, minister of the gospell of Iesus Christ.

OF THE TEN COMMANDEMENTS IN PARTICVLAR.

Of the first Commandement.

1. Questions upon the first Commandement.

QUEST. I. Whether it is better read strange Gods, or other Gods.

1. THou shalt have no strange Gods. 1. Oleaster thinketh it better here to expound ach ••rim, other: as it is taken, Iob 31.10. Let other men bow downe upon her: and then the meaning is this, that we should not acknowledge any other God beside the Lord that made heaven and earth. But seeing the word acherim, signifieth also strange: it is so better translated strange Gods; because there are no other Gods beside the Lord: and in other places, in stead of acherim, another word is used, hanechar, strange: as Sa∣muel saith, Put away strange Gods from among you, 1. Sam. 7.3. 2. The Scripture here speaketh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ac∣cording to mens opinion, not that there were indeed any Gods beside the Lord, but because they were so reputed and taken in the world. Iun. 3. So they are called Gods, because they counted them so, which wor∣shipped them: and strange, quia non sunt illi, qui coli debebant: because they are not such, as ought to be wor∣shipped. Tostat. quaest. 3. 4. The words in the originall are: strange Gods shall not be to thee: which the La∣tine translateth, non habebis, thou shalt not have: which also is our English phrase: which signifieth, that we must make no account or estimation of any other God, beside the Lord: Neminem estimabis Deum, &c. Thou shalt esteeme none to be God, but the Lord that created heaven and earth. Rupert. Habetur Deus mente: We have God, and none other in our minde, when wee acknowledge no God beside him: in our affection, when our love is toward him: in our will, when we obey him. Marbach.

QUEST. II. Why they are called strange Gods.

STrange Gods. 1. Some thinke they are called strange Gods, qui à Deo vero impediunt, because they doe hinder, alienate and estrange us from obeying and serving of the true God. Pellican. And therefore R. Salomon thinketh that all kind of idolatry is here forbidden, whether it be with image, or without image, because it estrangeth from God. But all imagery and idolatry is forbidden in the next Commandement. 2. Some thinke they are called strange Gods, because they are, alieni à rerum natura: strange and not to be found in the nature of things: as when they make images of compounded and mixed shapes: as they pictured Iuppiter Ammon in Egypt with a mans body, and a Rammes head: there being no such thing in nature: Tostat. Lyran. But this is too strict, and but one particular branch of idolatry: and the speciall prohibition of all kinde of graven images followeth afterward. 3. Therefore they are called strange, both because they were worshipped among strange people: Oleaster: as Iunius well translateth, Gen. 35.2. Put away (saith Iakob) deos alieni (populi) the gods of strange people: which word (people) must bee supplied: for Elohim, Gods, is in the plurall, and hanechar, strange, in the singular, and so cannot agree as the sub∣stantive, and adjective. As in respect of the strange people that worshipped them, they are called strange Gods: so also in regard of that which was worshipped; because they are not that, which ought to bee worshipped, they are called strange. Tostat. as before qu. 1.

QUEST. III. Whether any kinde of externall idolatry be forbidden in the first Commandement.

WHereas then there are two kindes of idolatry, one internall and spirituall in the mind, another ex∣ternall in the adoration of some Image or Idoll: 1. Some thinke that all kinde of idolatry both internall and externall is here forbidden: as R. Salomon cited before: but then the next prohibition, Thou shalt make thee no graven image, should be superfluous. 2. Some make this distinction of idolatry: there is one kinde, Cùm professione colitur alius Deus: When professedly another God is worshipped: and this is the most grosse idolatry, and properly belongeth to this Commandement. There is another, when another God is not professedly worshipped: but the true God, after a false manner, which is forbidden in the se∣cond Commandement. Vrsiu. But the same matter or subject must belong unto the same precept: and all manner of Idols whatsoever, or similitudes of any thing made to worship, are in generall words forbid∣den in the second precept. 3. Therefore I preferre here their opinion, which thinke that the spirituall and internall worship of God is properly commanded here, and the contrary forbidden. Here such idola∣try is forbidden, which was committed without any images or Idols: as Varro testifieth how that the Romanes worshipped the goddesse Vesta without any image: only they set fire in the Temple of Vesta: for they held Vesta to be the fire. Tostat. So also Procopius saith, that the first Commandement concerneth such invisible powers: quas divinis honoribus nullis positis idolis prosequuntur: which they prosecuted with divine honour, without any Idols. Hereunto subscribeth Calvin: Nec dubium est, quin istis verbis compre∣hendatur interior Dei cultus, &c. There is no doubt, but the internall worship of God is comprehended in these words, seeing this precept differeth from the next, wherein externall idolatry is forbidden.

QUEST. IV. Of the meaning of these words, Before me.

Vers. 3. BEfore my face. 1. Some doe understand it, as though the Lord should say, you shall preferre no Gods before me: make them superiours unto me, or set them above me: for so the preposition ghal signifieth, super, above. But this were to give way unto their superstition, which received other in∣feriour Gods besides the Lord: whereas the Lord commandeth none to be acknowledged at all for God, beside himselfe. 2. Cajetane thus understandeth, super facies: upon my face; tanquam tegens facies Dei, as covering the face of God. For when any of Gods divine properties, or attributes, as of wisdome, justice, providence are given unto any other, the Lords face is as it were covered, and his goodnesse obscured. But this may seeme to any man to be too curious. 3. Some interprete thus: against my face, that is, in despight of me, to provoke mine indignation: as if the wife should commit adultery, inspectante marite, while her husband looketh on: Piscat. But this sense onely sheweth the indignity, and injury committed against God herein, it comprehendeth not all. 4. Oleaster saith, mecum, with mee, that is, in my Temple: but it was not lawfull for them, no not in their hearts, nor privatly to acknowledge any other God. 5. The best reading therefore is, before me, that is, in my presence: neither publikely, nor in the heart, for wheresoever it be, there is the presence and face of God. Iun. The Chalde and Septuagint reade, praeterme: beside mee, in the same sense: but they doe not expresse the word in the originall. And further, this sense is indu∣ded, that whereas they had now received the Lord to be their God, and he had manifested himselfe among them, they could not, now as in the fight of God, admit of any other. The case of the Gentiles was other∣wise: for though they worshipped other Gods, yet it was not coram facit Dei, quae illis fuit incognita; be∣fore the face of God, which to them was unknowne, Calvin. And thus much in effect is declared afterward, vers. 23. Thou shalt not make with me Gods of gold, &c. Si me in Deum habetis, non potestis habere alium: If you will have me for your God, you cannot have another,

QUEST. V. What reasons ought chiefely to move us to acknowledge the Lord only to be our God.

HEre may be added the reasons, which ought to move us to acknowledge the Lord Creator of heaven and earth to be our God: 1. The first is taken from his dignity and excellency, and great glory, which is due unto him. The Lord himselfe saith, Isai. 42.8. My glory will I not give unto another. This honour therefore is of right due, peculiar and proper unto God, to be acknowledged to be the only Lord: there∣fore they rob God of his honour, that worship any other God. 2. The second reason is from the great be∣nefits, which we have received of the Lord: hee hath created us, and redeemed us, and given us all things needfull for our bodies and soules. 3. Because in baptisme wee have vowed obedience and service unto God, and to become his servants, and to renounce all other Gods whatsoever. 4. The Lord hath froed and redeemed us from the miserable thraldome of sinne and Satan, which was more grievous than the capti∣vity of Egypt and Babylon: and hath called us to his service, whose yoke is easie, and his burthen light. This is the fourth reason: Ex dominii diabolici gravitate: From the heavinesse of the Devils thraldome. 5. The fift is, ex pramii sui muneris immensitate, from the infinite greatnesse of his reward, who hath not promised unto us an earthly Canaan, a land flowing with milke and honey, as to the Israelites, but the everlasting kingdome of heaven. Ex Thoma 2.2. quaest. 122. ar. 2. ad. 3.

2. Doctrines observed out of the first Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the particular contents of the first Commandement.

THe contents of this Commandement, which prescribeth the true worship and acknowledgement of God, and forbiddeth the contrary, are by Moses himselfe, the best Interpreter of the law, reduced to these three heads: To love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, with all thy soule, with all thy might, Deut. 6.5. Monte, affectu, viribus, with our minde, our affection, our strength: In every one of these three shall be briefely shewed, the duties, which are commanded, and the vices forbidden.

First, in the minde and understanding, is commanded here the true confession and acknowledgement in our hearts of the only God: as our Saviour saith, This is life eternall, that they know thee to be the only very God, and whom thou hast sent Iesus Christ, Ioh. 17.3.

Against this duty, the offences and transgressions are these:

1. Ignorance of God, which is of two sorts: either simple ignorance, such as was that of the disciples of Ephesus, that did not know whether there were any holy Ghost or no, Act. 19.2. or affected and wilfull ignorance, as Psal. 14.1. The foole hath said in his heart, there is no God: Such an one was Pharaoh, who said, I know not the Lord: Such are all Atheists, as wicked Diagor••••, and Theodorus, that denied there was any God: and Protagoras. with the Machiavellians, and Cotta in Cicero, with the Academikes, which were doubtfull, whether there were any God, or no.

2. They also offend here, which erroniously bring in other Gods: As 1. Some doe worship Devils, as the Apostle saith, That the things which the Gentiles sacrificed, they sacrificed to Devils, 1. Cor. 10.20. Of this sort are all Conjures, Witches, Sorcerers, that make any compact or contract with the Devill. 2. Some among the Heathen worshipped the Sunne, Moone and Starres: As Ierem. 44. the Idolatrous women in Israel, imitating the Gentiles, worshipped the Queene of heaven, as they called the Moone. 3. Some wor∣shipped the elements, as the Persians the fire, the Egyptians the water. 4. Some adored men, as Gods, under the names of Iupiter, Mars, Mercury: And the Papists have set up their Saints, whom they invocate, and make their prayers unto: and so rob God of his honour, imparting the glory of the Creator, to the crea∣ture. 5. Some have worshipped unreasonable creatures: As the Egyptians a Calfe, an Oxe, Vultures, Cro∣codiles, the Syrians and Phenicians a Fish: the Persians a Dragon. 6. They which erre concerning the Trinity, whereof see in the end of the 3. doctrine following.

Secondly, God must have our whole heart, and entire affection: as 1. Our love. 2. Feare, and reverence. 3. Affiance, and trust. 4. Thankfulnesse.

1. God is to be loved above all: as our blessed Saviour saith, He that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me, Matth. 10.35. Contrary unto this affection of love, are, 1. The naturall emnity of the flesh by nature, against God: as the Apostle saith, The wisdome of the flesh is enmity against God, Rom. 8.6. 2. Selfe love, 2. Tim. 3.2. and the love of earthly things. Vrsi••.

2. We must feare God above all, Deut. 6.13. Thou shalt feare the Lord thy God, and serve him. As we are to love God, because of his mercy, goodnes, and bountifulnesse: so we feare him for his justice and power in punishing of sinne: And this feare bringeth forth reverence, worship, serving and adoring of God: as the Lord saith by the Prophet, If I be a father, where is mine honour? If I bee a master, where is my feare? Malach. 1.6. God therefore is to be honoured as our father, and to be feared as our Lord. Contrary hereun∣to, is: 1. Carnall security, and casting off the feare of God: as it is in the Psal. 10.11. He saith in his heart, God hath forgotten, he hideth away his face, and will never see. 2. Prophanesse, and irreverence in the pre∣sence of God, as in Euty••hus, that fell asleepe while Paul preached, Act. 20. 3. Hypocrisie, when men draw neere with their lips, but their heart is farre from God. Simler. 4. Servile feare,* 1.1 which differeth from true filiall feare▪ in these three respects. 1. In the beginning and cause thereof: the Filiall feare proceedeth from the love of God, whom the children of God are afraid to offend, because he is so gratious and mercifull a Father unto them: but the Servile feare ariseth, from the consideration of the justice and wrath of God.

2. In the object they differ: the Filiall feare worketh upon sinne it selfe: the Servile, upon the punishment of sinne. 3. In the fruits and effects: the Filiall feare is joyned with assurance and confidence: the Servile with despaire. Vrsin. 4. As these vices are in the defect, so curiosity is in the other extreme of excesse, when presumptuously any attempteth to search and pry into the secrets of God. Simler.

3. Affiance and confidence followeth, which relieth upon the wisdome, power, and constancy of God, which is accompanied with faith and beliefe, 2. Chron. 20.20. Put your trust in the Lord your God, and yee shall be assured, beleeve his Prophets, and ye shall prosper. A fruit and effect of this confidence is prayer: How can they call on him, upon whom they have not beleeved? Rom. 10.14.

Contrary hereunto, are, 1. Incredulity, and want of faith: as Christ comming into his countrey, marvel∣led at their unbeliefe, Mark. 6.6. 2. Doubtfulnesse, as in Peter, when he would have come to Christ walk∣ing upon the water: to whom our blessed Saviour saith, O thou of little faith, wherefore diddest thou doubt? Matth. 14.13. 3. Diffidence and distrust, as in the Courtier, who said, Though God would make windowes in heaven, this thing cannot come to passe, 2. King. 7.2. 4. Despaire, as in Cain, Genes. 4. and in Iudas, that hanged himselfe. 5. Confidence in man, in riches, strength, wisdome, or in any thing but God.

4. Thankfulnesse for benefits received, is also a part of Gods worship, as the Prophet David saith, Psalm. 116.12. What shall I render unto the Lord, for all his benefits toward me? This thankfulnesse and acknowledgement of Gods bounty, bringeth forth these two singular effects: First, Humility, that none ascribe ought to himselfe, or his owne worthinesse, but all unto Gods mercy: as Daniel saith, Vnto us ap∣pertaineth shame, &c. but compassion is with the Lord, Dan. 9.9. Secondly, Patience in adversity, to be thank∣full as well for adverse things, as prosperous, as Iob saith to his wife: Shall wee receive good at the hands of God, and shall we not receive evill? Iob. 2.10.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. Forgetfulnesse of Gods benefits and Ingratitude, as in Nabal, that considered not who had endued him with riches. 2. Pride, and vaine glory, as in the Pharisie, that stood upon his workes, Luk. 18. as also the Romanists doe, the Pharisies of this age. 3. Impatience, and murmuring against God: as in that wicked messenger, sent from the King, to take off Elisha his head; who said, Behold this evill commeth of the Lord, should I attend on the Lord any longer?

Thirdly, with all our strength we must love God, in the acts and workes of our life, referring all to his glory, Matth. 5.16. Contrary whereunto, is the dishonouring of God by our life, and causing the same thereby to be evill spoken of, as the Apostle chargeth the Jewes, Rom. 2.24.

2. Doct. Of the unity of the Godhead.

NOw out of this first Commandement: Thou shalt have no other Gods before mee, that excellent do∣ctrine is inferred and concluded, concerning the unity of the Godhead: And further, the Scripture elsewhere doth plentifully beare witnesse hereunto, as Deut. 6.4. Heare O Israel, the Lord our God is Lord only: likewise, Isay 44.6. Thus saith the Lord of hosts, I am the first, and I am the last, and beside me, there is no God. Beside the evident testimony of Scripture, Dam••scen doth thus shew the unity of the Godhead, by demonstration of reason, against those which beleeve not Scripture: 1. Deus perfectus est, &c. God is perfect: Si multos asserimus deos, in multis differentiam contemplari oportet: If we affirme many gods, in ma∣ny we must needs find a difference: Si autem differentia in eis, ubi perfectio? But if there be a difference among them, where is perfection? For if there be difference in respect of wisdome, goodnesse, vertue, à perfecto de∣ficit, there is a failing in perfection: if there be no difference, but an identitie, there must also needs bee an unitie, in the Godhead. 2. Deus incircumscriptus est, God is incircumscriptible, he cannot be circumscribed, defined, or limited to a place: Quomodo, si multi diversi{que} sunt, incircumscripti erunt? &c. But if they bee many and divers, how can they bee incircumscriptible? For wheresoever is one, there cannot bee another. 3. Differentia contrarietatem inducit▪ &c. Difference bringeth contrariety, and repugnance: if then the world were governed by many, how can it be, but it should be corrupted, and dissolved? Attenta in his ipsis gubernantibus pugna: considering the strife betweene these governours. To this purpose Damascen lib. 1. de fid. orthodox. cap. 5, 6, 7.

Bernard also thus setteth forth the unity of the Godhead: God is one, but not as the Sunne or Moone is one, because there is not another: But he is Vnus sibi, idem est semper & uno modo: But he is one to him∣selfe, the same alwayes, and after the same manner; so is not the Sunne and Moone: Clamat uter{que} se non esse unum sibi, ille motibus, esta defectibus suis: Both of them proclaime, that they are not one and the same with themselves, the one by his motions, the other by the waine, and changes: So Bernard lib. 5. de considerat.

But against the unity of the Godhead, it will be thus objected out of the 82. Psal. vers. 6. I said yee are Gods, and ye are children of the most high. Origen thus answereth, he calleth them, Deos, tanquam à Deo de∣tos, &c. Gods, but made Gods by God: Ver•• Deus, unus est Deus, caeteris, qui ab ipso creati sunt, contulit nomen istud, non natura, sed gratia: The true God is but one God, unto the rest, which were created, not nature, but grace hath given this name: Origen. in mandat. primum.

That place also of the Apostle will be objected, 1. Cor. 8.5. Though there be that are called Gods, whether in heaven, or in earth, as there be many Gods and many lords, &c.

* 1.2 To this Cyrillus maketh this answer: Nuda appellatione honorantur, alterius ab ipso existe••••es naturae, &c. They are so called only in name, being of another and divers nature from God, &c. that is, they are so called of those that ignorantly worship them: the Gentiles tearme their Idols Gods, which are none: therefore it followeth in the same place of the Apostle, Yet unto us, there is but one God. Howsoever the Heathen being blinded, have imagined to themselves divers Gods: yet the people of God, to whom the Lord

revealeth the truth, acknowledge but one God. Cyril also in the same place, thus answereth touching the other place: Nunquid igitur, qui honorati sumus, ut voc••mur D••••, propterea naturae nostra mensuram ignora∣bimus? Shall we therefore, which have received this honour to be called Gods, be ignorant of the mea∣sure and condition of our nature?

3. Doctrin. That the beliefe in the Trinity is commanded in the first precept.

AS this Commandement enjoyneth us to beleeve the unity of the Godhead, so therein also is implied a Trinity of persons, the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost, who as one God, are of us to be worshipped: for thus it may be concluded out of this precept. Jehovah the only God, is to bee worshipped; but nor the Father onely, but tbe Sonne, and the holy Ghost are of us to be worshipped: Ergo, the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost are that one God. Simler. So our Saviour saith, Yee beleeve in God, beleeve also in mee, Ioh. 14.1. Christ the Sonne of God, is God, because he is to be beleeved upon. And againe, This is life eternall, that they know thee to be the only very God, and whom thou hast sent Iesus Christ, Ioh. 17.3. God the Father then, and Christ his Sonne, are the only very God.

And that the Sonne of God is to be worshipped with the Father, the Prophet David sheweth, Psal. 2. 11, 12. Serve Iehovah in feare, &c. Kisse the Sonne lest he be angry. In the former verse, whom hee calleth Sonne here, he nameth Jehovah. So wee reade in the words of the Prophet Agur, Prov 30.4. Who hath established all the ends of the world, what is his name, and what is his Sonnes name, if thou canst tell?

Further, that the Spirit of God, is also one God with the Father and Sonne, to be worshipped and glo∣rified, beside plentifull evidence out of the new Testament, which shall not need to be inserted here, be∣cause we are in hand with the law of the old Testament; sufficient testimony may be taken from the law, and Prophets: as Gen. 1.1. The Spirit of God moved upon the waters: But God only created the world. So likewise the renovation of the heart, is onely the worke of God, because it is a new creation: as David saith, Create in me a new heart, Psal. 50.10. but this is also the worke of the Spirit: Take not thine holy Spirit from me: ibid. vers. 11. Likewise it is only Gods worke to teach us his will, and to bring us to life eternall: but this is wrought by the Spirit, Psal. 143.10. Teach mee to doe thy will, for thou art my God, le•• thy good Spirit lead me unto the land of righteousnesse.

Ambrose very fitly proveth the Spirit to be God, by that place, Iudg. 14.5. where it is said, That the Spi∣rit of the Lord came upon Sampson: But Iud. 16.20. after his lockes were polled, it is also said: Hee knew not that the Lord was departed from him: Hee which came upon him before was the same, that departed from him now; there called the Spirit of the Lord, and here the Lord and Jehovah: therefore the holy Spirit is Lord and Jehovah. Ambros. lib. 2. de Spirit. cap. 2.

Dam••scen doth thus excellently prove the Trinity by this demonstration: Vnus Deus, non sine Verb•• est: God being but one, is never without the Word; but this Word hee hath in himselfe begotten of his owne substance, not like unto our word, which hath no substance, but vanisheth in the aire, because the condition of our nature is temporall: But like as our word proceeding from the mind, ne{que} per totum menti idem est, &c. is neither the same with the mind, nor yet altogether divers from it: So is the Sonne unto the Father, which is his Word, the same in substance, but divers in subsistence: Oportet autem & Ver∣bum Spiritum habere: nam & verbum nostrum nequaquam spiritus est expers: But the Word also must have a Spirit, for neither is our word without a spirit: but here is the difference, our spirit is not of the same substance with us, but the drawing in of the aire, for wee are of a compound nature: but the Spi∣rit of the Word, is of the same substance with the Word. To this effect Damascen lib. 1. de fide orthodox. cap. 6.7.

And in the same place he useth another demonstration: Impossible est Deum destitutum esse nativae foe∣cunditatis. &c. It is impossible that God should bee destitute of naturall fecundity: The Lord therefore must needs beget, Sed ex propri•• substantia generat, but he begetteth out of his owne substance, and that from all eternity: for if the Sonne had not beene from the beginning coexistent with him, of whom hee was begotten, we shall bring in a change of his substance: Nam cùm non esset Pater, postea factus est Pater, for so, when he was yet no Father, he afterward should become a Father, &c. Damascen ibid.

Thus out of the first Commandement, both the unity of the Godhead, and the Trinity is concluded: as Bernard thus elegantly inferreth: Quid sibi vult iste, ut ita loquar▪ ••ine numero numerus? si tria. quomodo non numerus? si unum, ubi numerus? What meaneth this number without a number? if there be three, how can there be but a number? if one, where is the number? But here I have what I may number, and what I may not number: there is one substance, and three persons, &c. Bernard. lib. de considera••.

Thus by the unity of nature the errour of the Gentiles is abolished, and by the joyning of the Word and the Spirit to the Father, the Jewish opinion is overthrowne: Et ex utraque secta nobis accedit utilitas, ex I••daica opinione naturae unitas, ex Gentilitia sola personarum discretio: So by either sect wee receive some profit, by the Iewes opinion the unity of nature, by the Gentiles, the discerning and difference of the persons only. Damasc. ibid.

Transgressors then of this Commandement concerning the unity of the Deity, and Trinity of the per∣sons, are 1. They which affirme and hold one God, but deny the three persons: as the Montanists,* 1.3 and Marcellians in times past, and the Turkes and Jewes now. 2. They which hold not the distinction of three persons only, but the division also of substance, as the Tritheists. The Arrians and Eunomians are of the same sect qui filium Deum confitentur, sed conditum asseverant: which confesse the Sonne to bee God, but yet affirme him to be made: So they bring in another God, contrary to this precept, Thou shalt have no other Gods, &c. Theodoret. 3. They which brought in a quaternian of persons, as Anastasius the Emperour, and

the Apollinarians. 4. They also which affirme the three persons to be but three names given unto God in Scripture: and therefore they say that the Father became man, and suffered for us: which are therefore called Patripassians.

3. Places of Confutation.

1. Confut. That justifying faith is not contained or commanded in the law.

1. BUt although to beleeve in the Trinity be commanded in the first precept, to adore and worship the Father, Sonne and holy Ghost, as the only God: yet it followeth not that justifying faith, which properly belongeth to the Gospell, whereby we apprehend Christ and his merits, should be contai∣ned and included in the law: therefore we mislike that assertion of Bellarmine, concurring therein with other Romanists, That the Gospell differeth from the law, as a perfect thing from an imperfect: and that the Gospell is contained and included in the law, as the tree in the seed. Bellarm. de justif. lib. 4. cap. 4. Some Pro∣testants also come somewhat neere this opinion: as Marbachius saith, that they offend against this pre∣cept, Qui Christi cognitione carent, quae cognitio, non alia re, quàm fide in Christum constet: Which want the knowledge of Christ, which knowledge consisteth in nothing else, than in faith in Christ. Marbach. Commentar. in hunc locum. Against this opinion, that faith in Christ is not commanded in the Morall law, the reasons follow afterward, but first the question must further be explaned.

* 1.41. First then we are to distinguish of faith: which is of foure kindes or sorts: 1. There is fides initia∣lis, or fundamentalis, the faith of beginnings, or the fundamentall faith: whereof the Apostle speaketh, Hebr. 11.6. That he which commeth unto God, must beleeve that God is, &c. And this kinde of faith to∣ward God, the Apostle referreth to the doctrine of beginnings, Heb. 6. 1. This faith apprehendeth onely the being and essence of God: to know him to be the only Lord. 2. There is another faith, called fides miraculorum, the faith of miracles, touched by the Apostle, 1. Cor, 13.2. If I had all faith, so that I could remove mountaines. 3. There is fides historica, an historicall faith, which beleeveth all things to bee true, that are written in the Scriptures:* 1.5 in which sense, S▪ Iames saith, The Devils beleeve and tremble, they be∣leeve there is a God, and that all is true which the Scripture speaketh of God, of his justice, power, puni∣shing of sinners, rewarding of the righteous. 4. There is beside these a justifying faith, whereof S. Paul maketh mention; In that I now live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Sonne of God, who hath loved me, and given himselfe for me, Galath. 2.20. This faith is the life of the soule, whereby hee which beleeveth is able in particular to apply unto himselfe the merits of Christs death. Now this is the difference betweene these foure kindes of faith: the first apprehendeth the essence and being of God: the second, the faith of miracles, his power: the third, which is the historicall faith, his truth: the fourth, namely the justifying faith, his mercie. The three first, to beleeve God to be, to beleeve him to bee omnipotent, to beleeve him to be just and true, are included in the first precept, Thou shalt have no other Gods, &c. but not the last: wherein is the errour of the Romanists, that make all these kindes of faith the same in sub∣stance, differing only in property: which if it were true, then it were possible for them that have the one faith, to have the other, and so Devils also, which in some sort doe beleeve, should also be capable of justi∣fying faith. But this matter, that all these kindes of faith are not the same in substance, nor of like nature with the justifying faith,* 1.6 is shewed elsewhere, whither I referre the Reader.

2. Further, we are to distinguish of the law: for it is taken sometime more largely, either for all the Scriptures of the old Testament: as Luk 16.17. It is more easie that heaven and earth should passe away, than that one title of the law should fall▪ So Ioh. 15.25. It is written in their law, they have hated mee without a cause: which testimony is found in the Psalmes, Psal. 35.19. or else the law is taken for all the bookes of Moses: and so the Law and Prophets are named together. Matth. 7.12. This is the Law and the Pro∣phets. But the law is sometime taken more strictly for the Morall law, whereof the Apostle speaketh, Rom. 7. I knew not sinne but by the law: and so S. Paul opposeth the law of workes, to the law of faith, Rom. 3.27. Now as the law is taken generally, either for all the old Scriptures written by the Prophets, or for the writings of Moses, it cannot be denied, but that faith in Jesus Christ, is in this sense both con∣tained and commanded in the law: for of Christ the Lord spake by the mouth of his Prophets, Luk. 1.70. And Moses wrote of Christ: as our Saviour saith, Had yee beleeved Moses, yee would have beleeved me: for Moses wrote of mee, Ioh. 5.45. But as the law is taken strictly for the Morall law, the law of workes, which containeth only the ten words or Commandements, so we deny this justifying faith to bee com∣manded in the law.

3. Indirectly, or by way of consequent it will not bee denied, but that this faith also is implied in the law: because we are bound by the law to beleeve the Scriptures, and the whole word of God: for this is a part of Gods worship, to beleeve his word to be true: and so some define faith: Est certa persuafio, qua assentimur omni verbo Dei nobis tradita: It is a certaine perswasion, whereby wee give assent to all the word of God. Vrsin. And so by this precept wee are bound to receive all the promises and doctrines con∣cerning Christ delivered in the old and new Testament. But directly as a part and branch, and so a worke of the law,* 1.7 wee deny justifying faith to be in this precept, or any other, prescribed or commanded. The reasons are these:

1. The Morall law and the Gospell differ in the very nature and substance: for the one is naturally imprinted in the heart of man, the other is revealed and wrought by grace. The first the Apostle testifieth, where he saith: The Gentiles which have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, Rom. 2.14.

The other also is witnessed by the same Apostle, Rom. 2.24. We are justified freely by his grace. The argu∣ment then may be framed thus: The morall law is graft in the heart of man by nature: but faith in Christ is not by nature, but by grace above nature: for if it were naturall, all men should have faith, which the Apostle denieth, 2. Thessal. 3.2. Faith then in Christ belongeth not to the law. Therefore it is strange, that Bellarmine confessing in another place, that pracepta decalogi sunt explicationes juris natura: that the pre∣cepts of the decalogue are the explications of the law of nature, Lib. 2. de Imaginib. Sanctor. cap. 7. could not inferre hereupon, that the precepts of faith and of the Gospell are no explications of the law of nature, and therefore have no dependance of the morall law. Ambrose useth this very argument: Nemo sub l••ge fidem constituat, lex enim intra mensuram, ultra mensuram gratia: Let no man place faith in the law: for the law is within the measure (and compasse of nature) but grace is beyond measure. Ambros. in 12. Luc.

2. The effects of the law of works, and the law of faith are divers: for the one worketh feare, the other love and peace, as the Apostle saith: Ye have not received the spirit of bondage to feare againe, but yee have received the spirit of adoption, whereby we crie Abba Father, Rom. 8.17. Againe the Apostle saith, The letter killeth, the Spirit giveth life, 2 Cor. 2.6. Thus then the argument standeth: the same thing cannot bee the instrument of contrary things, of life and death, peace and terror, love and feare: for a Fountaine cannot make both salt water and sweet, Iam. 3.12. But the law is the minister of death, of feare and terror: Ergo, not of life and peace, and so consequently not of the faith of the Gospell, which bringeth all these.

3. The same thing doth not both make the wound, and give a plaister to heale it. The law doth shew us our sinne, faith by grace in Christ healeth it: the law reviveth sinne: Without the law sinne is dead, Rom. 7.8. but we are dead to sinne, and alive to God in Iesus Christ our Lord, Rom. 6.11. The same cannot make us both to die unto sinne, and revive sinne: the law doth the one, therefore not the other. So Augustine saith: Ad hoc data est lex, ut vulnera ostenderet peccatorum, qua gratiae benedictione sanaret: Therefore was the law given, that it should shew the wounds of our sinnes, which it should heale by the benediction of grace. August. de poenitent. medic.

4. The Preachers, publishers, and givers of the law and Gospell are divers: The law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by Iesus Christ, Ioh. 1.17. But if justifying faith were commanded in the law, then grace also should come by the ministrie of Moses, that gave the law. This is Bernards reason, who further inferreth thus: Venit pr••inde gratia plenus & veritate Dominus noster, &c. Therefore Christ our Lord came full of grace and truth; that what could not bee done by the law, might bee fulfilled by grace. Serm. par••▪ 28.

5. The qualities and conditions of the law and the Gospell are divers, the law promiseth life to him that worketh: Moses thus describeth the righteousnesse of the law, That the man which doth these things, shall live thereby, Rom. 10.5. But the Gospell requireth not the condition of working, but beleeving, to him that worketh not, but beleeveth in him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousnesse, Rom. 4.5. If then faith were commanded in the law, to beleeve, should also be a worke of the law: then the Apostles conclusion were in vaine: I conclude that a man is justified by faith, without the works of the law. But if faith be excluded out of the works of the law, then it is not commanded or contained in the law, for then it should be a worke of the law.

2. Further, the invocation of Angels and Saints, which is commonly practised, and stifly maintained in the Church of Rome, is another apparent transgression of this first commandement: because they give a speciall part of the divine worship, which consisteth in prayer, and invocation, unto the creature. First we will see and examine the arguments, produced by the Romanists, in defence of this superstition, and then by other reasons out of the Scriptures convince and confute them.

The Romanists Arguments answered, brought in defence of the invocation of Saints.

1. THe Saints doe pray for us: therefore we may and ought to pray them. The antecedent or first part, that the Saints doe pray for us, they would prove by these places of Scripture: Exod. 32.13. Moses thus saith in his prayer, Remember Abraham, Izhak and Iakob thy servants, &c. Ierem. 15.1. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet could not my affection be toward this people. Baruch. 3.4. O Lord God almightie, heare now the prayer of the dead Israelites. 2 Macchab. 14.15. And Onias spake and said, This is a lover of the brethren, who prayeth much for the peopl••, to wit, Ieremias the Prophet of the Lord.

Answ. 1. As for the testimonies cited out of Baruch, and the booke of Macchabees, they prove no∣thing, because they are no books of Canonicall Scripture. 2. The other testimonies are impertinently alleaged: for in the first Moses maketh no mention of the prayers, which Abraham, Izhak and Iakob should make for the people, but of the covenant which the Lord made with them. In the other, of an hypotheticall and conditionall proposition, they make a categoricall and absolute affirmation: The text is, If Moses and Samuel stood: they inferre, that Moses and Samuel did stand. Simler. But it may better be answered: that if these were alive among the people to stand before the Lord for them in prayer, &c. as see the like, Ezech. 14.14. Though these three men, Noah, Daniel and Iob were among them, they should deliver but their owne soules by their righteousnesse. 3. The Saints doe pray unto God by their generall wishes and desires, as wishing that the Kingdome of God were accomplished▪ as Revel. 6.10. The soules under the Altar crie with a loud voyce, saying, How long Lord, &c. doest thou not judge and avenge our bloud▪ But our particular necessities they are ignorant of, and so doe no•• make particular requests

for us: therefore the argument followeth not; they pray by their generall desires for the Church: Ergo, they pray for us in particular. 4. Seeing that the Romanists doe hold, that the Patriarks and Fathers of the old Testament, were in Limbo, which they make a member or part of hell: they doe contradict themselves, in making them mediatours and intercessours in heaven.

2. Argum. The Angels, they say, know our affaires and pray for us: As Zachar. 1.12. The Angell of Iehovah answered and said, O Lord of hosts how long wilt thou bee unmercifull to Ierusalem? &c. Therefore it is lawfull to pray to the Angels.

Answ. 1. That the Angels doe report our affaires unto God, and so may make relation of our prayers and words also, as of our other gests and acts unto God as the Lords messengers and ministers, we will not denie: but that they make any particular requests for men, the Scripture no where speaketh, and we are not bound to beleeve: the relation of our prayers unto God is one thing, and mediation and intercession is another. 2. That Angell of Iehovah, which prayed for Jerusalem, was the Lord Christ, who maketh intercession for his Church: unto whom the rest of the Angels returne their message, vers. 11. who is al∣so called Iehovah, vers. 20. 3. Neither doth it follow, if it could bee proved out of Scripture, that the Angels prayed fo•• us, that we are to pray to them: because they are not alwayes present to heare us: and we are forbidden in Scripture to worship them, Revel. 22.9. and therefore to pray unto them, which is a part of divine worship.

3. Argum. The Saints that are living doe one pray for another, much more the Saints being dead, because their charitie is more perfect: and seeing there is a communion of Saints, as of the living▪ so al∣so of the dead, which communion being not in faith and hope, whereof there is no more use with them, that are at rest, it remaineth it is in charitie: As therefore we may request the living to pray for us, so we may pray the dead also, to entreate for us.

Answer. 1. The argument followeth not, for the Saints alive doe one know anothers necessitie, so do not the Saints departed this life: Isay 63.16. Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knoweth not us: and they might as well inferre thus; The Saints alive doe one instruct and teach another, Ergo, much more the Saints departed. 2. Their charitie is seene, in that they doe in generall long to have us joyned with them in that blessed estate, though in particular, because they know not our wants, they cannot wish our supplie. 3. And though it be granted that this communion is in charitie, this proveth no particular inter∣cession made by them for us: but as we in generall give thanks in earth, for their peaceable departure, and deliverance from the miseri••s of this life: So they in generall desire, that we may be partakers of the same blessed rest with them. 4. Wee request the living to pray for us, because they are present with us, but the dead are absent, and heare us not: it may as well be inferred from hence, that we may also consult with the dead, and aske counsell of them: which is directly forbidden, Deut. 18.11.

4. Argum. Absolom could not bee admitted to his fathers presence, till Ioab had mediated for him, and Bethshaba Salomons mother, entreated for Adoniah: So it is necessarie to have mediators to come unto God.

Answer. 1. We have also one sufficient Mediator Christ Jesus, who is able sufficiently to reconcile us unto God. 2. Though many mediators are used in Princes Courts: because either the Prince is ignorant of our affaires, or his affection estranged: yet it is not so with God, who knoweth all things, and the love of Christ toward us exceedeth the love of all other inferiour mediators which men can seeke unto. 3. The example of Bethshaba, is unfitly alleaged, for shee obtained not her suite.

5. Argum. Invocation of Saints is warranted by the Scripture: 1. Gen. 48.16. Iacob saith concerning Iosephs two sonnes: Let my name be named upon them. 2. Iob 5.1. Eliphaz saith to Iob, Call now, if any will answer thee, and to which of the Saints wilt thou turne thee? 3. Praise the Lord in his Saints, Psal. 150.1. 4. Eze••h. 22.30. I sought for a man among them, that should make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. but I found none.

Answer. 1. Iacob meaneth by that phrase, that they should be called by his name, and counted as his children, as the same phrase is used, Isai. 4.1. seven women shall take hold of one man, and say, &c. Let thy name be called upon us: who will say, that they prayed to their husband? they desire to be called by his name. 2. Though that had beene Eliphaz meaning, that Iob should have made some of the Saints depar∣ted, his patrones: yet because Iobs friends maintained an evill cause, and afterward are reproved of God for it, all that they say, is not to be justified: but that is not Eliphaz meaning; he speaketh of the Saints and righteous living, to see if Iob could finde among any of them a patrone to defend his cause. 3. The place in the Psalme is to be read, Praise God in his Holinesse. Iun. Or in his Sanct••ari••. Vatab. Neither doth it follow, because God is praised in his Saints, therefore wee are to pray to Saints: as it followeth in the next words, Praise him in the firmament: will they have also the firmament prayed unto. 4. That place in Ezechiel, is understood of men living, not of the dead.

6. Argum. The honour given unto the Saints, redoundeth unto Christ, as he saith, Matth. 25.45. In as much as yee did it, unto one of the least of those, ye did it unto me.

Answ. Our Saviour speaketh of his members living here upon earth, to whom we are to extend our charitie, not of the dead: and of such honour, as is due unto the Saints, not of that which is due unto God, for to give that to any creature, were not to honour, but dishonour God.

7. Argum. Many miracles have beene done, at the tombes and sepulchers of the dead, where prayers are made: therefore God is well pleased, that they should be prayed unto.

Answer. 1. The argument followeth not: so by the touching of Elishaes bones, one that was dead was restored to life: this was to confirme their doctrine and propheticall calling. 2. Many of those

miracles are fained, and small credit is to bee given unto them. 3. Some of them were wrought by the operation of Satan to deceive: as the Lord warneth his people to take heed of such false Prophets which shew signes, Deut. 13. And S. Paul saith, That Antichrist shall come by the power of Satan, &c. in lying won∣ders. Among the Gentiles, such miracles and wonders also were wrought. This may suffice for an answer to their reasons. Our arguments follow.

Reasons out of Scripture, disproving the invocation of Saints.

1. THere is neither precept nor example extant in Scripture, to warrant the invocation of Saints, the Scripture sendeth us to God: Call upon me in the day of trouble and our Saviour teacheth us to pray to his Father, Our Father. In matters of doctrine, an argument drawne negatively from the Scriptures, doth conclude strongly.

2. The Saints know not our affaires: Abraham is ignorant of us, Isai. 63.16. they are not present to heare us, they are at peace, their soules rest under the Altar, Revelat. 6. they doe not know our hearts, therefore they are not to be prayed unto: all these things are requisite in them, to whom we should offer our prayers. But they say, that the Saints in the divine essence, as in a glasse doe behold our affaires. Con∣tra. Whether doe they behold all, or what it pleaseth God to shew them? not the first, for they know not the time of the comming of Christ to judgement: if the second, then God must first be prayed unto, to re∣veale our affaires unto them: were it not then much better for us to goe the next way unto God?

3. S. Iohn saith, We have an Advocate with the Father, Iesus Christ the righteous, 1 Ioh. 2.8. We need then no other Advocates: for we have greater cause to doubt of the love and inclination of the Saints to∣ward us, than of the love of Christ.

4. Christ biddeth us aske in his name, and promiseth we shall receive, Ioh. 16.24. Then are prayers made to others superfluous: seeing by Christ we are promised to obtaine our requests.

5. There is none other name under heaven, (than Christs) whereby wee must be saved: If we have sal∣vation in Christ, then all other good things: It is the Apostles reason: If God gave his Sonne for us, How shall he not with him give us all things also? Rom. 8.32.

6. This invocation of the Saints, maketh a way for superstition and Idolatrie, for so the Heathen did invocate the name of the dead, and place them in the number of the gods, erect Temples and Altars, and consecrate festivall dayes unto them.

7. God onely is to be worshipped; invocation is a part of the divine worship; therefore to bee yeel∣ded unto God. They would shift us off here, with a distinction of religious adoration: one which is in the highest degree, and so proper unto God, another inferiour, which may bee yeelded to Angels and Saints.

Contra. In that adoration, which they yeeld unto Saints, they doe the same things, which they offer unto God: as in consecrating of Altars, Temples, Holydayes unto them: and they doe attribute unto them omnipresence, and omniscience, to know all things, and to be every where present, in a manner as they ascribe these things to God. Ex Simler.

Morall Observations upon the first Commandement.

1. Observ. The neglect of the honour and worship of God the cause of calamities in the world.

THis first precept, which commandeth the worship of God, teacheth what is the cause why the Lord punisheth the world with famine, warre, unseasonable weather, scarcitie of the fruits of the earth: even because his worship is neglected, as the Lord saith by his Prophet: Because of my house, that is wast, and you runne every man to his owne house: therefore the heaven over you stayed it selfe from dew, and the earth stayed her fruit, Hag. 1.9. Cyprian to the same purpose thus elegantly writeth: Quereris quòd nunc tibi minùs uberes fontes, &c. Thou complainest, that now adayes the fountaines are not so flowing, nor the aire so wholesome, nor the raine so plentifull, nor the earth so fruitfull, &c. Tu enim Deo servis, per quem tibi cuncta deserviunt? tu famularis illi, cujus nutu tibi cuncta famulantur? For doest thou serve God, by whose meanes all things serve thee? Doest thou wait on him, by whose becke all things waite on thee? Cyprian, contra Demetrian. Whereby we are admonished, that when such calamities and judgements are in the world, we should returne to our dutie, and set up the worship of God, and give him the praise: then will hee in mercie returne unto us, as hee saith by his Prophet: Build this house, and I will bee favourable in it, Hag. 1.8.

2. Observ. Not to trust in riches.

AGaine, this precept reproveth them, which put their trust or confidence in any thing beside the Lord: as they doe which put confidence in man, or repose their trust in riches: And therefore the Apostle doubteth not to call the covetous man, an Idolater, Ephes. 5.5. because hee thinketh his life standeth in the abundane of riches: David therefore exhorteth rich men, If riches increase, set not your heart upon them, Psal. 62.11.

3. Observ. Against those that run unto Witches and Soothsayers.

FUrther, as in this Commandement, witchcraft and all kinde of sorcerie is forbidden, so also is it a wicked and abominable thing to seeke unto Witches, and Soothsayers, which is condemned by the Prophet Isay 8.19. When they shall say unto you, enquire at them, that have a spirit of divination, and of the Soothsayers, &c. should not a people enquire after their God? from the living to the dead? For herein foolish people offend two wayes, in forsaking God, and running unto such meanes, which cannot helpe them: as the Prophet Ieremie saith, My people have committed two evils, they have forsaken me the fountaine of li∣ving waters, to digge them pits, even broken pits, that can hold no water, Ierem. 2.13. So Ahaziah King of Israel sending to Baalzebub for recoverie of his hurt, found therein no helpe; and beside, he shewed his infidelitie, in not seeking unto the God of Israel, 2 King. 1.16.

Vpon the second Commandement.

1. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. What a graven Image is.

4. THou shalt make thee no graven Image, neither any similitude, &c. 1. Some in stead of sculptile graven, read, an Idoll, and they make this difference betweene an Idoll, and an Image or similitude: An Idoll is a representation of a thing that is not, neither hath any being in the world: as if one should make the Image of a mans bodie, with the head of a dog, or a bodie with two faces: such a shape, Quam ••o••••lus non vidit, sed animus sibi fingit, which the eye hath not seene, but the minde imagineth, they say is an Idoll: a similitude or Image is of such things, as are seene in the world: and to this purpose they alleage that saying of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 8.4. We know, that an Image is nothing in the world. Gloss. ordin. ex Origen. Con∣tra. But this place of the Apostle is not rightly applied: for there the Apostle speaketh in generall of all the Idols of the Heathen, of what shape or fashion soever, that they were a•• nothing in the world, that is, vaine things, which mens superstitions fancies had devised: which saying of the Apostle, is agreeable to that of Samuel, where the Prophet exhorteth the people to serve the Lord, And not to turne backe after vaine things, which cannot profit you, nor deliver you, 1 Sam. 12.21. And further, the word pesel here used, signifieth any thing that is graven, of pasal to grave. Oleaster. 2. This then is the difference betweene these two words, pesel, a graven Image, and temunah, a similitude or likenesse: the first is a picture proportioned and fashioned out of stone, wood or mettle, and so carved, and graven: a similitude is an Image Picta in plani•• superficiebus ex solis coloribus facta, painted in plaine tables, onely made of colours: and these similitudes, though they be evill, yet Non tantum nocent sicut statuae, doe not so much hurt, as the other resemblances, because these come nearer to ••he nature of things living, and so may more easily deceive. Tostat. quast. 3. So also Lyran. 3. Some Hebrewes thinke, that temunah signifieth any similitude, either of things visible, or invisible: but Oleaster thinketh, tha•• the representation of things visible, is rather understood by this word, as Deut. 4.15. it is said, Yee saw no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the day that the Lord spake unto you: the first opinion is more probable, because the invisible spirits, as Angels use to be pictured, as well as visible things.

QUEST. II. What things a similitude must not be made of, to worship.

THat are in heaven above, &c. 1. By this are forbidden first the worshipping of the celestiall bodies, as the Sunne,* 1.8 Moone, and the Starres, as is more at large shewed, Deut. 4.19. for the Gentiles worship∣ped these: whose corruption the Israelites followed: as the Idolatrous Kings of Judah did dedicate houses to the Sunne, 2 King. 23.11. and the superstitious women did offer incense to the Moone, whom they call the Queene of heaven, Ierem 44.18. They were not then to make any similitude of these celestiall bodies, to worship them. Beside, the fowles of the aire are comprehended under those things that are in heaven: as it is explaned Deut. 4.17. Or the liknesse of any feathered fowle, that flieth in the aire: for the Gentiles al∣so worshipped fowles and birds; as the Eagle which they consecrated to Iupiter, the Dove to Venus, the Peacocke to Iuno, the Raven to Phoebus, the Bat to Minerva: Tostat. quaest. 4. 2. Neither were they to make any likenesse of beasts of the earth to worship them:* 1.9 for divers of the Heathen did adore the terrestri∣all creatures: as the Egyptians made Apis, which was a pide Bull, their god: they also worshipped a Ramme: for so they pictured Libycus Ammon with a Rammes head: and generally the Egyptians wor∣shipped all those cattell, which the Hebrewes used to sacrifice unto God, as it appeareth Exod. 8.26. 3. They are forbidden also to make the likenes of any thing in the waters, as fish, or other creeping things, as it is further explained,* 1.10 Deut 4.18. For the blind Gentiles did worship fishes: for although at the be∣ginning, when Idolatrie was first taken up among the Heathen, they at the first fell not to this grossenesse: because in those first ages, navigation was not so common, and so they had not any great experience of the waters, and fish: yet afterward, the fondnesse of the Heathen brought them also into this foolish vaine, to worship fishes: as the two fishes they made one of the signes in the Zodiak, because Venus and Cupid, two of their gods, when they fled away from Tipheus the giant, did take upon them, as their Poets faine, the shape of two fishes: likewise, they set the Delphine as a signe among the starres, in memorie of Ari••n the Musitians deliverance,* 1.11 who being cast into the Sea by the mariners that robbed him of his riches, was carried by a Delphine, being allured by his musicke, safe to the land. Ex Tostat. quaest. 4. 4. The waters are said to be under the earth, not in respect onely of the higher parts of the earth, or because it descendeth

into the concavities, and hollow places of the earth, cum tamen sit supra terram, being yet of it selfe situate above the earth, as Tostatus: but rather, as Cajetane thinketh, Situs aquarum est terra habitabili inferior, the situation of the waters is indeed lower than the habitable earth: as it is said to be founded upon the seas, Psal. 24.2.

QUEST. III. Of the difference betweene bowing downe and serving.

Vers. 5. THou shalt not bow downe to them, neither serve them, &c. 1. Cajetane referreth both these unto the externall act of worship, as in bowing the knee, uncovering the head and such like, and offering of sacrifice: which he understandeth under the name of service: Omnis enim oblatio sub servitutis nomine comprehenditur: For all kinde ob oblations are comprehended under the name of service. The internall act of adoration hee would have contained in the former precept, Thou shalt have no other gods, &c. To the same purpose Tostat. quaest. 4. But this being a divers commandement from the former, it forbiddeth all kinde of worship of Idols, both externall and internall: Idolatrie is the proper transgression of this pre∣cept, and therefore therein is absolutely and generally condemned. 2. Their opinion then is rather to bee received, that doe thus distinguish these two: the first word shacah, to bow downe, signifieth that outward worship, which is done by the bodie, or the members thereof: the other word ghabad, betokeneth to serve: and it importeth such, service, as the servant yeeldeth to his master. Oleast. which is in the minde. So also Pr••copius: Cultus proficiscitur ex animo, adoratio fit specie quadam cultus: Worship proceedeth from the minde, adoration is in outward shew. He that worshipped Idols, doth also adore them, that is, outwardly: but he that adoreth, or boweth himselfe unto them, that is, by externall gesture, doth not alwayes worship. As a man may be constrained by torment to give outward adoration to Idols, which in his minde he knoweth to be nothing. So it is forbidden, ut nec affectu colas, nec specie adores, that neither thou worship them in affection, nor adore them in shew: Gloss. ordinar. Nec excusatur Marcellinus Papa, qui tamore impulsus exteriori actu obtulit illis thura: Neither is Pope Marcellinus excused, who being compelled by feare, did in externall act offer incense unto them. Cajetane.

QUEST. IV. In what sense the Lord is called a jealous God.

Vers. 5. I Am the Lord thy God, strong, jealous. 1. Origene sheweth well how the Lord is jealous of his people: Zelans dicitur Dominus, quia animum sibi mancipatum non patitur damonibus admisceri: The Lord is said to be jealous, because he will not suffer the soule addicted to his service, to have any societie with devils. Like as a man is jealous over his wife, but that shee may keepe her selfe onely to his love, but for other women hee careth not: So the Lord was jealous over his people: but as for the Gentiles, hee suffered them to continue in Idolatrie, he was not jealous over them. The jealousie therefore of the Lord proceedeth from his love: but if his people, whom he is jealous of, shall commit spirituall fornication still, then the Lord threatneth to cast them off, and to be no more jealous of them: as the Lord saith by his Prophet, My jealousie shall depart from me, and I will cease, and be no more angrie, Ezeck. 16.42. Zelus itaque charitatem declarat: The zeale therefore of God sheweth his love. Theodoret. 2. Zelare dicitur Deus cum creaturam, quam non vult perire, castigat: God is said to be jealous of his creature, which he doth chastise and correct, that it perish not. Augustin. 3. The Manichees tooke exception to this, that the Lord calleth himselfe a jealous God: which they tooke to be an affection unmeet for God: and so they would deprave the author of the old Testament. To whom Augustine maketh this answer: That like as the wrath of God, non est perturbatio mentis, sed potentia vindicandi: is no perturbation of minde, but his power of re∣venging: sic zelum Dei non crucia••um animi, &c. So the zeale of God we understand, not to be a vexatien of the minde, such as the husband is tormented with against the wife, or the wife against the husband, sed tranquillisimam sincerissemam{que} justitiam▪ but Gods most sincere and calme justice, &c. And further he excel∣lently sheweth the cause, why the Spirit of God in Scripture useth such termes of God, quae apud homines in vitio poni solent, which among men are taken in the worse part, ut inde admonerentur, &c. that men thereby should be admonished, that even when they speake, as they thinke, with honour of God, they speake not worthily of the divine Majestie: cui honorificum potius silentium, quàm ulla vox humana competeret: to whom honourable silence better agreeth, than any speech of man. 4. Iulian the Apostata also here thus ob∣jected: whereas the Lord is said to bee a jealous God; either hee suffered Idols to bee worshipped in the world, then is not Idolatrie to be condemned: or if they were worshipped against his will, then is he not omnipotent.

Answ. 1. A man is jealous of his owne wife onely, and not of another woman: therefore because God had no care of the Gentiles, as of his owne people that were espoused unto him, he is not said to be jealous of them. 2. Hee suffered them to walke after their owne lusts: not because hee could not have hindred them; but the wise Creator permitteth the reasonable creature to follow the instinct of their nature: yet calling some by grace whom he pleaseth, and punishing the rest for abusing the light of nature, who there∣fore were left inexcusable, because knowing God by the creatures, they yet did not glorifie him as God: as the Apostle sheweth, Rom. 1.21.

QUEST. V. Of the titles which the Lord here giveth himselfe, and wherefore.

I Am the Lord thy God, strong, jealous, &c. The Lord giveth unto himselfe here foure severall titles, the more to inforce this commination following: 1. He calleth himselfe their God, because he had taken them into his speciall protection, and had bestowed many benefits upon them, therefore they ought to

love him more than any other. Tostat. 2. He is a strong God, potest se veluno nutu vindicare, which can revenge himselfe at his becke. Lippom. And he is strong, as well to effect his promises to the obedient, as to punish the disobedient. Vrsin. 3 Zelotes est nolens habere consortium in amando: He is jealous, he can abide no partner, in that which he loveth. Tostat. And this as well signifieth his indignation, qua com∣movetur suis contumeliis, whereby he is moved for the contumelies that are offered unto him. Vatabl. as the love of God toward them: for jealousie ariseth, ex amore ejus, qui laditur propter turpitudinem, &c. from the love of him that is hurt, because of some uncleannesse committed, &c. Vrsin. 4. Lastly, in saying, visiting the iniquitie: he sheweth his severitie: in tantum non connivet ad impietatem, &c. he is so farre from winking at impietie, that hee punisheth it even in the posterity of the wicked, and their sonnes and ne∣phewes. Lippom.

QUEST. 6. Of the generall commination and promise annexed.

VIsiting the iniquitie, &c. 1. Some take this to be a speciall perswasion added to this commandement, Quia inter omnia praecepta nullum majus est, quam hoc: Because there is none among all the precepts grea∣ter than this. The generall motive was set before, because he brought them out of the land of Egypt. Tostat. 2. But I approve rather their opinion, which take this commination and promise to appertaine unto all the commandements: but to be joyned to this, because it is fundamentum caeterorum, the foundation of the rest. Vrsin. Huic mandato tanquam principali ex quo alia oriuntur, addidit Dominus minas, &c. To this com∣mandement as the principall, out of the which the other take their beginning, the Lord added threatnings, and promises, &c. Lippom. And this is confirmed by the words here following, vers. 6. to them that love me, and keepe my commandements: the Lord maketh mention of keeping his commandements, not of one, but of all. 3. It might have pleased God simply to have propounded his commandements: but he both adjoyneth promises to stirre up our dulnesse, and threatnings to terrifie the perverse and froward: which promises are rendred, not as the deserved reward of our obedience: for it is of mercie: as the Lord saith, shewing mercie unto thousands: otherwise we doe no more than our dutie, and therefore deserve nothing. Simler.

QUEST. VII. How it standeth with Gods justice to punish the children for the fathers sinnes.

THe iniquitie of the fathers upon the children, &c. 1. Theodoret upon this place hath this singular opinion by himselfe: Quod nudae literae insistere impium sit, &c. That it is evill to insist here upon the bare let∣ter, seeing the law saith, The fathers shall not be put to death for the children, nor the children for the fathers, but every man shall be put to death for his owne sinne, Deut. 24.16. And he addeth further: Majores apud Deum sunt comminationes, quàm poenae, &c. That God useth greater threatnings, than punishments: as every one that was not circumcised at the eight day is threatned to be cut off: and yet many in the desert were uncircumcised at that age, whom Ioshua circumcised in Gilgal: and so here he thinketh that this is threat∣ned onely to terrifie parents from sinning. So Theodoret.

Contra. 1. But this were to give great libertie to offenders, to thinke that God onely threatneth for terror: it might be inferred as well, that God doth but dallie also with his promises, as with his threat∣nings: which were impious to thinke. 2. If God doe not alwayes punish as hee threatneth, it doth not argue any revocation of his judgements, but his mercifull forbearing to call men unto repentance. 3. That commination against the neglect of circumcision is not denounced against the infant, whose fault it was not, if he were not circumcised the eight day, but against them that did not see it performed on their in∣fant, as appeareth by the example of Moses, Exod. 4. punished for the neglect of circumcision. And so accordingly all they, which deferred the circumcision of their children in the wildernesse, their carkase•• fell there.

2. Origene maketh this allegoricall exposition: The father that sinneth he maketh the Devill: Pater peccati diabolus est: The devill is the father of sinne: all they are his children which doe his works: Dia∣bolus ergo, dum hic mundus stat, non recipit sua peccata, &c. The devill, while this world standeth, doth not receive punishment for his sinnes: redduntur infilios, i. in eos quos genuit per peccatum: but upon his children, whom he hath begotten by sinne, are their sinnes rendred: for men, while they are in the flesh, are corrected of God, &c. Contra. But that this is a forced, and farre fetcht exposition, the other opposite part mani∣festeth, of the Lords shewing mercie unto thousands: but the devils expect no mercie. And againe, seeing this commination is specially made to terrifie wicked parents; it can no wayes concerne the Devill, to whom the law was not given, but unto men.

3. Hugo de S. Victor. giveth this reason, why children are punished for the sinnes of their fathers: be∣cause they are, Sicut aliquod membrum ipsorum, quia in ipsis malefactoribus quo dammodo erant seminaliter & peccabant: They are as a part of them, because they were in seed in the malefactors themselves, and so in a manner sinned in them. Contra. But the Prophet saith, the same soule that sinneth shall die: the children being but yet in the loynes of their fathers, as the tree in the seed, had no soules, therefore then could they not sinne.

4. Some doe reconcile this law, and that other Deut. 24. where it is said, that the fathers shall not be put to death for the children, nor the children for the fathers, after this manner: that there a rule is given for the proceedings in civill judgement, that one shall not suffer for another: but this is understood of Gods judge∣ment, before whom all are held as guiltie, and who prescribeth no law to himselfe. Acacius. Contra. But this solution is not sufficient: for Ezechiel, which saith, the same soule that sinneth shall die, speaketh also of the judgements of God, which should not be inflicted upon the children for the fathers. Ex Simler.

5. Cajetane giveth this solution: Although God in the law command, that the sonnes should not bee put to death for the sinnes of the fathers: Ipse tamen qui creator, conservator & Dominus est unicui{que} nemini facit injuriam, &c. Yet he that is the Creator, preserver, and Lord of every mans life, doth no man wrong, if he temporally chastise the sonnes, &c. His reason dependeth upon Gods right, and power, which hee hath over every mans life, that as he gave it, so he doth no wrong to take it away at his pleasure. Contra. But the Lord saith by the Prophet, Ezech. 18.32. I desire not the death of him that dieth. Now if there were no other cause why the Lord should punish the children of the wicked, in taking away their life, but the will and pleasure of God, the Lord should seeme to desire the death of men: contrary to that saying of the Prophet.

6. Procopius giveth this exposition: that God threatneth to punish the posteritie of the wicked, ut pa∣rentes à peccandi licentia retraheret: to withdraw the fathers from sinning: parentes non tam dolent sua morte, quàm liberorum, prasertim si his fuerint authores mortis: Fathers doe not so much grieve for their owne death, as for the death of their sonnes, especially if they were the cause of it. Contra. This is true, that the punishment of the children redoundeth to the parents: but this is not all, that by this meanes the fathers should bee drawne to repentance: for although their children be neere them, yet they are neerer to themselves, and their owne punishment would much more move them.

7. There remaine two most usuall expositions: the first is, that temporally sonnes may be chastned for their fathers, but not eternally: for aeternaliter quilibet punitur pro malo, quod egit, &c. For eternally every one shall be punished for the evill, which he doth himselfe. Tostat. quaest. 5. So also Thomas: Si loquimur de poena, qua habet rationem medecina, &c. If we speake of that punishment, which is by way of medicine, we may be punished for another. Such are all temporall and bodily corrections, they are medicinall, and tend to the good of the soule: and the sonne, quantum ad animam non est res patris: in respect of his soule is not any thing of his father, but in respect of his body. Sic Thom. 1.2. quaest. 87. artic. 8.

Contra. Although this exposition be sound and true, yet it doth not fully take away the doubt moved before: 1. For the Prophet Ezechiel also speaketh of temporall punishment, namely of captivitie, which the sonne should not beare for the father. 2. And this place is rather understood of eternall punishment, than temporall, which the sinne of Idolatrie deserveth. Simler. 3. And the phrase here used, visiting the iniquitie of the fathers upon the children, sheweth that the Lord speaketh rather of penall judgements, which should bee inflicted upon the sonnes of the wicked, than of medicinall corrections. 4. And Augustine fur∣ther urgeth this reason: that if it bee understood of temporall chastisement, as of captivitie, then non so∣lum odio haebentibus, sed diligentibus se redderet peccata, &c. God should not onely render the sinnes to those that hate him, but to those that love him; for Daniel, and the three children, and Ezechiel with other righteous men, went into captivitie. Sic Augustin. quaest. 14. quaest. veter. & novum Testament.

8. There remaineth the second common and received sense of these words, which most of the fathers thus understand, that the Lord will visite the iniquitie of the fathers upon the children, if they also con∣tinue in the wicked race, and follow the evill example of their fathers: as Hierome; Ideo iniquitates eorum portaverunt, quia imitatores eorum in nequitia extiterunt, Therefore rhey doe beare the iniquitie of their fathers, because they did imitate them in their wickednesse. Hieron. in oration. Ierem.

Some agreeing in generall with the rest, that it is to be expounded of the wicked children of wicked parents: yet doe understand it of originall sinne, which is properly called the sinne of the fathers, because they received it from them, which is punished in unregenerate children of the wicked, but is pardoned in those that are regenerate. To this purpose Gregor. lib. 15. Moral. cap. 22. Contra. But originall sinne is ex∣tended further than to the third and fourth generation, which are here mentioned: therefore it is not like, the Lord meaneth that sinne. Ex Simler.

Some will not have this place at all understood of the sinnes of the fathers, but of the children onely, qui peccant sicut patres, which sinne as their fathers did. But, as Tostatus well argueth against this assertion: This were not to punish the sinnes of the fathers in the children, Sed peccatorum filiorum malorum in seipsos, but of the wicked sonnes in themselves. Tostat. quaest. 5.

Therefore the former exposition is currant, to expound these words of the sinnes of the children, which they learned of their fathers: Quia patrum extiterunt aemulatores, haereditario malo de radice in ramos crescente: They are punished, because they ded emulate their fathers, this hereditarie evill growing from the root into the branches. Hieron. in Ezech. cap. 18. So also Augustine, Ex eo, quod addidit, qui me oderunt, &c. In that he addeth, which hate me, it is understood, that they are punished for the sinnes of their fathers, Qui in cadem perversitate parentum perseverare voluerunt: Which would persevere in the same perversitie of their fathers: August. cont. Adimant cap. 7. Gregor. Quisquis parentis iniquitatem non imitatur, nequaquam ejus delicto gravatur, Hee that imitateth not the iniquitie of his father, is not burdened with his sinne, lib. 15. moral. cap. 22. Chrysostome. Si nepos secutus fuerit vias patris & avi sui, &c. If the nephew doe follow the wayes of his father, and grandfather, thou wilt render unto them to the third and fourth generation. Chrysost. homil. in Psal. 84. Super illa, non in aeternum irasceris, &c. Severus. Therefore it is added, Of those that hate me, Vt apertum fiat, non ob parentum peccata, sed ob illorum odium adversus Deum eos puniri: That it may bee manifest, that they are not punished for their fathers sinne, but for their owne hatred against God. Ex Lippoman. Diodorus: In eisdem peccatis persistentes just as poenas exolvetis: Persisting in the same sinnes you shall pay just punishment. Rabanus. Peccata patrum iniquorum non redundant ad filios, si eorum imitatores in malo non fiant. The sinnes of the wicked fathers, doe not redound to the children, if they doe not imitate them in evill. Ex Lippom. All these fathers doe understand, that clause, eorum qui odorunt me,

Of those that hate me, not of the fathers alone, as Tostatus, but of the children also named before: that it answereth to them all: and so not onely the construction of the words giveth it: for this clause being the last of the sentence, sheweth it hath reverence to that which goeth before: but the other opposite part, Vnto thousands that love me, doth more manifest it: for there is no mention made of fathers, but of the thousand generations, unto whom this condition is annexed, Of those which love me. But against this ex∣position, which in this place I preferre before the rest, it will be thus objected.

1. Object. If the father be evill, and the sonnes evill, they shall not onely be punished unto the third, and fourth generation, sed etiam in mille, but to a thousand. Tostat.

Answ. It is true, that the generation of the wicked shall be punished for ever, so long as they continue evill: but the exemplarie sinnes of the fathers, are said to be visited onely to the third and fourth genera∣tion, because so long the impietie of the fathers may be had in remembrance. Wee therefore here under∣stand, not the particular sinnes onely of the wicked children, but the exemplarie sinnes also of the fathers, concurring with the other.

2. Object. The children of righteous parents are rewarded to a thousand generations onely for the righteousnesse of their fathers: therefore the other are punished onely for the wickednesse of their fa∣thers. Tostat ibid.

Answ. This argument may better be retorted: for as the posteritie of the righteous, if they doe dege∣nerate, shall bee punished, notwithstanding the righteousnesse of their fathers, as the Prophet sheweth, Ezech. 18.13. so the children of wicked parents, leaving their fathers sinnes, shall not be partakers of their punishment, as the Prophet saith, Hee shall not die in the iniquitie of his father, Ezech. 18.17. Then as the Lord sheweth mercie to thousands, but conditionally, Of those that love him: so he visiteth the iniquitie of the fathers upon the children, with the like condition, Of those that bare him: if both father and chil∣dren, are alike haters of God.

3. Object. If the children bee punished, because they doe participate with their fathers in their sinnes: Tune non patris portat 〈…〉〈…〉, Then he beareth not his fathers sinne, but his owne. Lippom.

Answ. It followeth not, they are punished for their owne sinne, therefore not for their fathers: for one and the same punishment there may be divers causes: but the iniquitie of the fathers and the children may concurre together, to ma••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 punishment. Vrsin.

4. Object. The sense of the punishment of the posteritie, cannot reach unto those which are dead of their ancestors: therefore this commination is nothing to the parents.

Answ. 1. The evill parents are vexed with the punishment of their children, Cum vident eos cruciari viventes, When they see them to be tormented while they live: for unto the fourth generation men may live to see their offspring. Tostat. 2. Or though they live not to see the punishment of their children, yet this may move them while they live, that they know assuredly, that God will punish their seed after them, for their sinne, when they are dead.

5. Object. But why doth not God give grace unto all the posteritie of the wicked, as well as to some, that they may repent, and turne from the wickednesse of their fathers?

Answ. God is not tied to any man, he doth them no wrong in withholding his grace, and leaving them to their owne nature, for God giveth his grace to whom he will, and detaineth it from whom he please: and though he should denie his grace to all, none could complaine. Galas.

So then wee resolve upon this sense, that both this commination here threatned, and the promise of mercie exhibited, are conditionall, the one, if the children doe continue in their fathers sinnes: the other, if they embrace the love of God, together with their righteous fathers: And herein together with the con∣sent of the ancient Fathers and Interpreters, doe concurre our new writers: Pelarg. Marbach. Calvin. Simler. Galas. Borrh. Pellican. Oleast. Osiand. with others, whose particular sentences herein agreeing with the testimonies already alleaged, it were needlesse to rehearse.

Lyranus toucheth both these last interpretations, yet seeming to preferre the latter: Temporali poena justè filii puniuntur à Deo pro iniquitate patrum, quia in hoc puniuntur patres: The children are justly pu∣nished with temporall punishment of God, for their fathers iniquitie: because herein also the fathers are punished: Alio modo intellegitur de poena aeterna, quae infligitur filio pro iniquitate patris, in quantum est imi∣tator paterni sceleris: It is understood another way of eternall punishment, which is inflicted upon the sonne for the iniquitie of his father, because he is an imitator of his fathers sinne.

QUEST. VIII. Why mention is made of the third & fourth generation.

VNto the third and fourth generation, &c. 1. Some thinke that this was no generall law, but onely concerned that present age of the Israelites: and therefore the Lord maketh mention of the third and fourth generation, because now the Israelites came out of Egypt in the fourth generation, as the Lord foretold unto Abraham. Gen. 15.16. and in this fourth generation, they committed that grievous Idola∣trie in making a golden Calfe: therefore the Lord threatned them, that if they committed Idolatrie, hee would bring upon them the sinnes committed by their fathers in Egypt, in the second and third genera∣tion, in worshipping the Idols of Egypt. Ex Procop. But this cannot bee the reason, why mention is made here of the third and fourth generation: for as the other part of the promise of mercie to a thousand ge∣nerations is generall, so also is this commination generall: because also the precept is generall, to take heed of Idolatrie.

2. Rupertus giveth this reason, Iniquitatem patrum, qui fratrem suum Ioseph vendiderant nunc reddi∣derat, &c. He rendred now upon the fourth generation, the iniquitie of their fathers that sold Ioseph: for

now mount Sinai smoked in terrible manner, as though the Lord came downe to take revenge of them. Contra. 1. But in this fourth generation God delivered them out of bondage, and had wrought wonder∣full things for them, both in Egypt, and in the wildernesse: therefore this was a time rather of mercie, than of judgement. 2. And if God had visited that iniquitie upon them now, the posteritie of Ios••p•• should have smarted as well as the rest. 3. Further, this commination is specially intended for the sinne of Ido∣latrie, which the brethren of Ioseph were not guiltie of then: for Iakob before had buried all their strange gods under an oke, Gen. 35.

3. Procopius thus understandeth these foure generations, for the foure ages of the world, the 1. from the creation to the floud, the 2. from Abraham till the giving of the law, the 3 from thence to Christ, the 4. from the comming of Christ unto the end of the world: which Christ calleth a generation: when he saith, this generation shall not passe, till all these things be fulfilled. Augustine not much differing, un∣derstandeth these foure generations: the 1. from Abraham to David: the 2. from David: to the capti∣vitie of Babylon: the 3. from thence to the comming of Christ: the 4. from Christ unto the end of the world: in the which fourth generation God visited upon the Jewes the iniquitie of their fathers, and cast them out of their land. August. cont. Adimant. cap. 7.

Contra. 1. But if these foure generations should be taken for the continuance of the world, then what difference should there be, betweene the third and fourth generation, and the thousand generation, limi∣ted for the Lords shewing of mercie?

2. The generation that our blessed Saviour speaketh of, was that present age, wherein those things concerning the destruction of Jerusalem should be fulfilled.

3. And lawes are made to meet with inconveniences following, not alreadie past: to what end then should the generations be counted, which went before the making of the law? And at the com∣ming of Christ, he found not the Jewes given to Idolatrie: for the which sinne, specially this punishment is threatned.

4. Hierome maketh this allegoricall exposition: thus mystically applying these foure generations, to the foure degrees of sinnes: the first in the thought; the second in the will, and purpose; the third when the sinne is brought into act; the fourth, Si in tuis sceleribus glorieris, if thou gloriest in sinne: These two last the Lord useth to punish, and not the former. Hieron. in Ezech. cap. 18.

Contra. 1. If the third and fourth generation are thus to bee expounded, then so must the thousand mentioned afterward: but it will be hard to make a thousand degrees of vertue. 2. Neither is it true, that God onely punisheth the two last degrees of sinne, the act, and glorying in it: for our Saviour sheweth, that adulterie may bee committed in the heart, Matth. 5. and Moses was punished for his incredulitie at the waters of strife, which was internall, Numb. 20.

5. Lippoman hath this conceit, that the third and fourth generation are to be put together, and so they make the seventh generation, and then this is the sense, Deus tantae severitatis, &c. God is of such severitie, that the punisheth impietie in the seventh generation, when as it seemeth to be forgotten: the posteritie being by so many degrees distant from their ancestors, that sinned.

Contra. But Lippoman in the same place doth answer himselfe, shewing out of Scripture, that these numbers must be counted, not as one added to another, but as included one within another, as Prov. 30.18. There be three things hid from me, yea foure, that I know not: he meaneth not three and foure, but foure in all, as it followeth in the next verse.

6. Therefore this is the best reason, why the Lord nameth the third and fourth generation; because men may live so long to see their offspring to the fourth generation: as it is said of Iob, chap. 42. Acacius: Et sic mutuò videre possunt, & filii peccata parentum ad imitandum, & patres poenas filiorum ad dolendum: And they may mutually see, both the sonnes the sinnes of their parents to imitate, and the fathers the pu∣nishment of their sonnes to grieve at. Thomas 1.2. quaest. 87. art. 8. And two other reasons beside are yeelded hereof, both that the parents by this long suffering of God in not punishing presently, might bee called to repentance: Vt ex hac punitione tolerationem divinam non parvi pendant patres, &c. That the pa∣rent should not lightly esteeme this divine forbearance. Cajetan. And beside, to shew, that if they cannot be wonne with this lenitie and longanimitie of God; that they shall not goe unpunished: Longanimis sum in parentes, &c. I am long suffering toward the parents, and toward their sonnes: Si autem nepotes majorum suorum peccata secuti fuerint, ultionem infligam: But if the nephewes doe follow the sinnes of their ancestors, at the last I will inflict punishment. Theodoret.

QUEST. IX. Why mercie is promised to be shewed to a thousand generations.

SHewing mercie unto thousands. 1. Augustine understandeth this of a thousand yeeres: as if any of the seed of David love the Lord, Quem constat utique ante mille annos fuisse, who was a thousand yeares since, for two causes God will shew him mercie: Quia & ipse Dei cultor est, & exejus semine, qui amave∣rat Deum: Because both he himselfe is a worshipper of God, and of his seed that loved God: Quaest. veter. & nov. testam. cap 14.

C••ntra. But it is evident by the construction of the words, that in this clause must be supplied, the word generations, which is understood before: the words in the originall are. To the thirds and the fourths: that is, those which are in the third and fourth generation from their fathers, and so must thousands be un∣derstood here: now a thousand generations is more than a thousand yeares.

2. Theodoret maketh particular application of this unto the calling of the Gentiles, Quae per Abraha semen benedictionem divinam adeptae sunt: Which through Abrahams seed obtained the divine blessing after

so many yeeres. But this is not fitly applied, for here mercie is promised to a thousand of them that love God: but the Gentiles were Idolaters before they were called to the knowledge of Christ, & therefore they are without the compasse of this promise: It was rather fulfilled in the beleeving Jewes, who while they followed the faith, and did the works of Abraham, continued the Lords people more than two thou∣sand yeeres.

3. Acacius expoundeth thus: Interminatum tempus significavit, in quo anima ipsa, postquam ex hac vita transmigraverit, indeficientem à Deo misericordiam consequetur: Hee signifieth an undetermined time, wherein the soule, after it is passed out of this life, doth obtaine mercie never fayling, at the hands of God. Contra. But this terme of thousands cannot be referred to the immortall state in the next world: be∣cause hee speaketh of the time of keeping Gods commandements, which is in this life: and beside, as the one part of the third and fourth generation, must be understood of the time of this life, so likewise must the other.

4. Neither can it be taken literally, for from the first man Adam to the last, shall there not to be a thou∣sand generations: seeing from our blessed Saviour to Adam there are rehearsed, not full out fourescore generations, Luk. 3. and yet here it is said, to thousands, which cannot bee lesse than two thousand. Tostatus.

5. Wherefore the best solution is this: that here po••itur numerus certus pro incerto: a certaine number is put for an uncertaine. Tostat. q. 5. Soleo meminisse probitatis parentum in perpetuum: I use to remember the righteousnesse of the Fathers for ever. Lippom. And this is according to the Lords promise to Abraham, I will be thy God, and the God of thy seed, Gen. 17. without any limitation, that is, for ever.

QUEST. X. How men are said to hate God.

Vers. 5. OF them that hate me. 1. God cannot be said properly to be hated, as man is said to hate: as when one man hateth another, he wisheth he might perish or lose his honour, riches, or such like: but so man hateth not God, as if they would have God to perish. Tostat. qu. 5. 2. Neither are they said to hate God in respect of his essence, which is goodnesse it selfe, which no man can hate, Quia de ra∣tione boni est, ut ametur: Because it is of the nature of goodnesse to be loved: Thom. 2.2. q. 34. ar. 1. in Cor. 3. Neither can God be said to be hated in respect of all his effects: for some are naturall effects created by God, as to live, to move, to understand: these effects of God no man hateth, for then he should hate him∣selfe. 4. But there are two sorts of effects, for the which God is hated of the world, because he is pecca∣torum prohibitor, poenarum inflictor: a prohibiter of sinnes, and an inflicter of punishment. Thom. ibid. So they which keepe not Gods commandements, which hate vertue, and love vice, are said to hate God: as they doe love him which keepe his commandements. Tostat. qu. 5.

2. Places of Doctrine out of the second Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the particular contents of the second Commandement.

THe things commanded in this second precept are these: 1. Verus Dei cultus, the true worship of God: Vrsin. Quem constat spiritualem esse, ut ejus natura respondeat, which must be spirituall, as answering unto his nature: Calvin. For God is a Spirit, and will be worshipped in Spirit, Iohn 4.

2. A rule is prescribed, how God will be worshipped, according to his will revealed in his word: unto the which it is not lawfull to adde any thing, nor to take therefrom. As the Lord said to Moses, Accor∣ding to all that I shall shew thee, so shall yee make the forme of the Tabernacle, Exod. 25.9.

3. God requireth the true devotion and affection of the heart in his worship: as the wise man saith: My sonne give me thy heart, Prov. 23.26. And the Prophet David, Mine heart is prepared, O God, Psalm. 56.7.

4. All our service and worship of God must be referred to his praise and glorie, as the Church prayeth: Not unto us O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give the praise: Psalm. 115.1.

These things likewise are forbidden: 1. To make any similitude or likenesse of God, Isay. 40.18. To whom will yee liken God? or what similitude will ye set up unto him? Marbach.

2. Ne quid de Deo crassum vell terrenum imaginemur: Wee must not imagine any grosse or terrene thing of God: Calvin. As that hee hath a bodie, or parts, or affections like unto man: as the Anthr••∣pomorphites, and Homoformians, as Rupertus calleth them: Grande sibi fingunt simulachrum, doe imagine a certaine great image, which sitteth in heaven, and the feet thereof reach unto the earth: because the Scripture saith, Heaven is my seate, and earth is my footstoole. Rupert. lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 32.

3. Idolatrie, when any divine worship, internall or externall, is given to any image, set up to repre∣sent God, of what kinde and fashion so ever it be, is here especially forbidden: as Ezechiel found the El∣ders of Israel offering incense to the similitude of creeping things, and abhominable beasts, Ezech. 8.10. Wherein they commit a double errour, both in robbing God of his honour, giving it unto dumbe crea∣tures, and insensible things: Againe, Se turpiter infra creaturas abjiciunt: They doe basely abject them∣selves to these creatures which the Lord hath given them dominion of: Borrh. Here then the Romanists are found to bee transgressors, that doe prostrate themselves most basely before Idols: as shall be further seene afterward.

4. Not onely the adoring of Images, but the setting of them up to be a stumbling blocke, and occasion of offence to the people, is likewise here prohibited: & therefore Hezekiah when he saw the brasen Serpent

to be abused to Idolatrie, he brake it in peeces, that the occasion of that sinne might be taken out of the way, 2 King. 18.4. The Lutherans therefore are here overseene, that tolerate Images in their Churches, which are dangerous to the weake, though they be taught by them, not to worship them.

5. Not onely Idolatrie is here forbidden, but all other kinde of superstitious worship devised by man, which the Apostle calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, will worship, Coloss. 2.23. for we must be contented ritibus sive cere∣••••••is à Deo ipso praescriptis, with rites and ceremonies prescribed of God himselfe. Such were the sacri∣fices of the old Testament, and the Sacraments in the new. Piscator. Here the Romanists likewise offend, which make seven Sacraments, whereas Christ hath ordained but two: and unto these two they have ad∣ded many superstitious rites of their owne.

6. It is a breach also of this Commandement, even to applie things of themselves indifferent, so unto the service of God, as to make them a necessary part thereof: as our Saviour reproveth the Pharisies, for washing of their hands often, and for washing of cups and tables, because they put holinesse therein, Mark. 6.3. Vrsin.

7. Hypocrisie is another transgression here, when men externally observe the ceremoniall or morall works of God commanded, without faith and true devotion. Such the Lord by his Prophet reproveth: This people commeth neere unto me with their mouth: but they remove their heart farre from me, Isai. 29.13.

8. Prophanenes is here also prohibited, which is a contempt either of the whole outward worship of God, or of some part thereof: Vrsin. as it is written of one of the Popes of Rome, that he cast the Sacra∣ment into the fire: and some of the Romanists have spoken unreverently of our Communion, calling the Communion table, an Oyster table.

2. Doct. All is to be ascribed to Gods mercie, nothing to mans merit.

Vers. 2. SHewing mercie, &c. Nothing then is to be ascribed to any merit or desert: for all proceedeth from the mercie of God. Vrsin. The obedience then of the parents, and their posteritie, is not any meritorious cause to procure the favour of God: but hee crowneth their service in mercie: as Iakob maketh this holy confession: I am not worthie of the least of all the mercies, and of all the truth which thou hast shewed unto thy servant, Gen. 32.10.

3. Doct. True obedience proceedeth from love.

Vers. 3. OF them that love me, and keepe my Commandements. Though we are brought first by feare to stand in awe of God, and to reverence his law, yet our obedience is not acceptable, unlesse it proceed of love: Oleaster: as our blessed Saviour said unto Peter: Lovest thou me, &c. Feed my sheepe, Ioh. 21.16. Peters discharge of his dutie in feeding the Lords sheepe, proceedeth from love.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Cont. That an Idoll and an Image are all one.

Vers. 1. THou shalt make thee no graven image, nor any similitude. The first word is pesel, any thing that is carved or graven: the other is temanah, similitude: both the one and the other is forbidden: therefore that is but a vaine distinction of the Romanists, betweene idolum, an Idoll, and imago, an image; they confesse they worship Images, but no Idols, such as the Gentiles adored: for every similitude of any thing whatsoever is forbidden to be made: now their Images are similitudes. Let them heare also the testi∣monie of some of their owne writers concerning this matter. Cajet•••••• upon this place saith: that it is for∣bidden, exhibere d••i•• in imagine seu idolo signum aliquod honoris: to exhibite unto God in an image or Idoll any signe of honour. Lippoman also thus writeth: Dictio Hebraica est pesel, quae est sculptile & ido∣l••••, sicut vertunt, Septuaginta, &c. The Hebrew word is pesel, which is a graven image, and an Idoll as the Septuagint turne it, and an image, as the Chalde readeth, &c. qua tamen omnia idem sunt: which all notwithstanding are the same. See more elsewhere of this matter, Synops. p. 397.

2. Cont. Against the Popish difference betweene Idoll worship and Idoll service.

Vers. 5. THou shalt not bow downe to them, nor serve them. The word is ghabad, which Oleaster pro∣nounceth abad. Iunius useth to expresse the letter (aiu) with a double aspiration, hhabad: the word signifieth to serve, as servants doe service to their masters. Pelargus then noteth well hereupon, that the Popish distinction betweene 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Idoll worship, and Idoll service is by this con∣futed: for we are forbidden here to give 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, service unto Idols.

3. Cont. Against the Turks that allow of no Images.

THou shalt not bow downe to them. Simply then we are not forbidden to make images: for there is great use of pictures, in describing of histories, drawing of Cards, and Mappes: and Moses Tabernacle was set forth with the pictures of Cherubs, and Salomons brasen Laver stood upon twelve Oxen: there∣fore the curiositie of Turkes is here reproved, that abhorre and detest all Images, even of beasts, yea of flowers: whereas they worship a great and abominable Idoll in their minde, and with externall adora∣tion, that wicked Mahomet.

4. Cont. That it is not lawfull to make any Image at all of the Trinitie.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make thee no graven image. Further against the Romanists we observe: that it is not lawfull to make any image or similitude at all to represent God the Father, the Sonne, or the Holy Ghost by. Our reasons are these: 1. The Scripture speaketh evidently, Deut. 4.15. Take heed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your selves, for yee saw no image in the day, that the Lord spake unto you. Isai. 40.18. To whom will yee liken God, or what similitude will you set up unto him? Act. 17.29. We ought not to thinke, that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone graven by art and the invention of man. Rom. 1.23. They turned the glory of the incorruptible God to the similitude of the Image of a corruptible man. Out of these places of Scripture, these reasons may be gathered: 1. From the interdict or prohibition, God forbiddeth any image to be made of him. 2. From the nature of God, which being infinite, and incircumscriptible, cannot be por∣traited by an image. 3. It is a dishonour unto God, to liken him to a corruptible man. Vrsin.

2. Lactantius useth this reason: Images are made of men, Vt ex ea solatium capiat absentis: thereby to take comfort over him that is absent: Supervacua ergo hominis Imago, cum prastò est: an Image of a man then is superfluous, when hee himselfe is present: Dei autem, cujus Spiritus ac numen ubi{que} diffusum, abesse nunquam potest, semper uti{que} supervacua Imago: Thou an Image of God, whose d••vine Spirit can ne∣ver be absent, being dispersed every where, is alwayes superfluous. Lactant. de Origen. error. lib. 2. cap. 2.

3. Augustine thus testifieth, Aut id ipsum quod sedere Pater dicitur, flexis poplitibus fieri putandum est, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illud incida••••us sacrilegium, &c. Neither whereas God the Father is said to sit, must wee imagine it to be done, as with bowing of the knees, lest wee fall into that sacriledge, which the Apostle chargeth them with, that changed the glorie of the incorruptible God, into the similitude of a corruptible man: Tal•• simulachrum nefas est Christiano in templo collocare: Such an Image it is a wicked thing for a Christian to set up in the Church, much more wicked in his heart, &c. August. de fid. & Symbol. cap. 7. Augustines reason is taken from the incorruptible nature of God, grounded upon that place of the Apostle, Rom. 1.23.

4. Nicephorus lib. 18. cap. 53. reporting of the Jacobites and Armenians, which did make the Images of the Father, and the holy Ghost: saith, Quod per quam est absurdum, which is a very absurd thing: and he useth this reason: Imagines eorum sunt, quae videri & circumscribi possunt: Images are of those things which may be seene, and circumscribed.

5. Ioann. Aventin. lib. 7. writeth of Iohn. the 22. that certaine in the coasts of Bohemia and Austria, which pictured the Trinitie like an old man, a young man, and under the shape of a Dove, he held to bee Anthropomorphites, and some of them he condemned to the fire.

6. V••rro writeth that the Romanes worshipped God 170. yeares without any image: Quod si adhuc mansisset, castius dii observarentur: Which use if it had continued, the gods should more chastly and soberly have beene reverenced: August lib. 4. de Civitat. Dei, cap. 31. The making of images of God, even in this Heathen writers judgement was a decay of true religion and devotion. Ex Simler.

7. Plutarke in the life of Numa, reporteth, that he forbad the Romanes to have any image of the gods, under any shape of man or other creature: and he giveth this reason: Quòd nefas esset praestanti••rae deterio∣ribus ad simulare, neque Deum aliter, quàm mente atringi posse censerent: Because they judged it unlawfull to resemble the most excellent things to the baser, and that God could not otherwise than by the mind•• be attained unto.

The contrary Objections answered.

1. Object. BUt it will bee thus objected: The Scriptures doe ascribe unto God humane parts, as ••••nds, eyes, feet: therefore it is not unlawfull in such manner to describe and resemble God.

Answ. 1. There is great difference betweene words and deeds: God which in Scripture so useth to speake to our understanding; yet hath forbidden any such image to be made of him. 2. God useth such metaphoricall speeches, for our edifying to applie himselfe to our capacitie: but in making such images there is no such edifying or building of faith, but rather the contrarie, the corrupting and destroying of it. 3. There is no adoration or worship tied unto these words, as there is unto such images. Vrsin.

2. Object. God hath manifested himselfe in humane shape, as to Daniel, chap. 7. therefore it is lawfull for us to make the like representations of him. P••larg.

Answ. 1. The argument followeth not: we may in like manner speake of God as the Scripture spea∣keth: but to devise other signes to represent God, than he himselfe hath appointed, we may not. God may manifest himselfe how it pleaseth him: but man must not presume further, than hee hath warrant from God: so to speake of God, as the Scripture doth, is not forbidden; but to make an image of God is prohibited, therefore they are not alike. Simler. 2. Those manifestations of God had a promise of his presence: but to attribute so much unto an image, were plaine Idolatrie. 3. Those visions were but for a time, so long as it pleased God by such meanes to manifest himselfe: and therefore there was no feare of any abuse: Images are permanent, and still in sight, and so give occasion of Idolatrie. Vrsin.

5. Cont. Whether it be lawfull privatly to have the Image of Christ.

SOme thinke, that privatly to have the image of Christ it is not unlawfull, so that we take heed of of∣fence: ne homines existe••••ent nos illos adorationis causa habere: lest men should thinke wee have them to worship Simler. But I rather approve herein the judgement of Vrsinus, who subscribeth to that decree of the 7. Synode held at Constantinople, where it was decreed, ne Christus pingeretur, that Christ should not be pictured at all. And the Synode yeeldeth this reason: because Christ being both God and

man, the image of Christ must needs be a lying image, which cannot expresse his Godhead. So that either in such an image they divide the natures of Christ, separating his Godhead from his humanity, and so fall into the Nestorian heresie: or else they must make the Godhead of Christ also circumscriptible, and so with Eutyches confound his natures. 2. Beside, who seeth not that there is great perill of adoration, in having an image of him, who in that humane shape was worshipped? The like danger there is not in ha∣ving the private pictures of the Apostles and Martyrs: for to their persons, while they lived, no adoration belonged.

3. Eusebius Pamphilus hereof thus writeth unto Constantia the Empresse, who writ unto him, to send her the image of Christ: who disswadeth her from it, by this argument: Quis gloria ejusmodi & dignita∣tis splendores lucentes & fulgurantes effigiare mortuis & inanimatis coloribus possit? &c. Who can with dead and unlively colours expresse the shining beames of such great glory? the glory of Christ, which appea∣red in his humanity, cannot be pictured.

Epiphanius writeth of the Carpocratites, that they had certaine pictures made with colours, and some of silver and gold, quas imagines Iesu esse dicebant: which they said were the images of Iesus, and were made in the time of Pontius Pilate, when Christ was among men: these Images they kept secretly.

Cyrillus thus writeth to Theodosius, lib. de rect. fide: Num tanquam hominem adorabimus Emmanuelem?* 1.12 absit: deliramentum hoc esset, & deceptio: Shall we then worship Emmanuel, as a man? by no meanes: for this were a great madnesse, and deceit: & tamen imagines nihil nisi Christi corpus reprasenture possunt: and yet images doe represent nothing but the body of Christ. Simler. who seemeth to allow the private use of such images, but not in publike: but these reasons condemne all images of Christ in generall.

6. Cont. Against the toleration of Images in Churches.

ANother abuse beside concerning Images, is in tolerating them publikely in Churches, though they be not adored and worshipped, which is the errour of the Lutherans: as Marbachtus thus delivereth his opinion: Quod ad templa attinet, servandum imaginum discrimen, ut non quaelibet imagines in eis ha∣beantur, &c. Concerning Churches a difference of images is to bee observed, that not all images be there had, but only those which have some godly instruction, &c. To the same purpose Osiander. But that the very sight and spectacle of Images in the publike place of Gods service is dangerous, and unlawfull, it may thus appeare:

1. Such images set up in the place of Gods service, are an occasion of Idolatry: for mans heart being naturally corrupt and prone to Idolatry, by such objects is nourished in errour. And therefore Hezekiah, when hee saw the brasen Serpent to be abused to Idolatry, did breake it in peeces, and so tooke away the very occasion of stumbling. Augustine saith to this purpose: Cum idola his locantur sedibus, honorabili sublimitate, ut à peccantibus & immolantibus attendantur ipsa similitudine animatorum membrorum, &c. af∣••t••iunt infirmos animos: When as Idols are set in such places of honour aloft, that they may be beheld of those that pray, and offer, by the very likenesse of humane parts they doe affect the mindes of the weake. Epistol. 49. ad Dardan.

2. Images set up in the Church for the people to gaze upon, doe winne away their minde from cele∣stiall cogitations: therefore as the Prophet David saith, Turne away mine eyes from regarding vanity, Psal. 119.37. so all such vaine objects should be removed from the peoples sight. The ancient Romanes would have no Images in their Churches, that the worship of God might bee more pure: And the Lacedemoni∣ans would allow no pictures in their Courts, and places of assembly, lest the beholding of them might have withdrawne the Senatours mindes from thinking of the affaires of the Common-wealth. Simler.

3. The weake are offended by such Images: the superstitious and obstinate confirmed in their errour: they which are without, as the Turkes and the Jewes, are by this meanes hindred from embracing Chri∣stianity.

4. It is directly against the Commandement to make any image to represent God by: therefore it is unlawfull also to keepe or retaine them. Vrsin.

5. The Lord commandeth all such Idols to be broken downe, Exod. 23.24. and 34.13. And the good Kings in Scripture are commended for destroying and pulling downe of Idols: as Asa, Iehu, Hezekiah, Iosias. Vrsin.

The contrary objections for the toleration of Images in Churches, answered.

1. Object. MOses caused Cherubines to be made over the Arke, and a brasen Serpent for the people to looke upon. Salomon made the images of Oxen in the Temple, for the brasen Laver to stand upon: therefore it is Lawfull also to have Images now.

Answ. 1. These images had Gods speciall commandement, who giveth lawes to others, not to himselfe, but sometime commandeth things, beside the generall law: as hee did the Israelites to carry away the goods of the Egyptians. 2. These images were not in the view of the people, which were made in the Temple, and Tabernacle, but there whither the Priests only had accesse. Simler. 3. And they were not set up aloft as images are to be worshipped: but onely made to set forth the worke of the Tabernacle, and Temple. 4. The brasen Serpent was used as a figure of Christ: which figures doe now cease, the body being come, which is Christ. Vrsin.

2. Object. Images are Lay mens bookes: that they which cannot reade, may learne by the history

what was done: so Gregory reasoneth reproving Serenus a Bishop, for pulling downe of Images.

Answ. 1. This was the very defense which the Heathen used for their Idols: as Athanasius obje∣cted: Si ista vobis sunt pro literis, ad divinitatem speculandam, ut falsò jactatis, &c. If these things bee unto you in stead of letters to behold the Deity, as you falsly boast, why doe you set more by the signe than the thing signified? 2. If Images were a meanes to instruct rude and ignorant people, it is like God would not have omitted this meane in the old Testament, for the instruction of that rude people: but the Lord was so farre from approving any such way, that he doth straitly forbid it. 3. If Images serve for instruction, they must have an interpreter: for they are dumbe of themselves: and an interpreter may better instruct without them. 4. The Scripture saith that an Image is the teacher of lies, Habak. 2.18. and that Idols speake vanity, Zachar. 10.2. If they serve then as Lay mens bookes, they only teach them lies. Simler.

3. Object. The Commandement of abolishing and destroying Images, was ceremoniall, and therefore it concerneth not Christians now.

Answ. To take away all occasion of Idolatrie, is not ceremoniall, because it tendeth to the mainete∣nance of a morall commandement.

4. Object. Images are an ornament to Churches: therefore they may be tolerated.

Answ. 1. Churches are ordained for the assemblies of the living Images of God, not for dead Images. 2. The adorning of the Church must not bee contrary to Gods commandement, and so to his disho∣nour, nor to the offence of the members of Christ. Vrsin. 3. A man would not have his wife decked with an harlots attire: neither is it fit that the Temple of God should borrow ornaments from Idola∣ters. Simler.

5. Object. A thing is not to be taken away for the abuse. Answ. If the thing bee good it selfe, and ne∣cessary, it must not be condemned for the abuse: but the case is divers, where both the thing and the abuse are unlawfull.

6. Object. It is sufficient that the people be taught and admonished, that Idols are not to be worshipped, though they be not taken away.

Answ. 1. The Apostle biddeth us to abstaine from all appearance of evill. 2. And the surest way is to remove from the sight, the occasion of stumbling: as Moses did beate the golden Calfe to powder, and Hezekiah brake in pieces the brasen Serpent.

7. Object. Images were not simplie forbidden, but because of the pronenesse in those dayes of the peo∣ple to Idolatry: but now the fulnesse of time being come, the people are not so prone. Paul. Burgens. addit. 2. in cap. 20. Exod.

Answ. 1. The experience of former times in the dayes of Popery proclaimeth the contrary, that the people were as blindly lead, to offer to Images, to goe in Pilgrimage unto them, to prostitute themselves before them, as ever were the Israelites. 2. And this being a morall precept, is as needfull now, as it was then: and therefore S. Iohn concludeth his Epistle with this precept as most necessary, Babes, keepe▪ your selves from Idols, 1. Ioh. 5.21.

Against the adoration and worship of Images.

7. Controv. Against the adoration of Images.

THe Romanists beside the publike tolerating of Images, and setting of them up in their Churches, doe also maintaine and defend the adoration of them. Paulus Burgensis hath this position: Eadem adoratione adora••ur Imago repraesentans, in quantum talis, & res per ipsam repraesentata: The Image is to bee adored, with the same adoration, with the thing represented, as it doth represent it. Addit. 2. in cap. 20. So also Bellarm. de Imagin. lib. 2. cap. 25. That this is a blasphemous opinion, and contrary to the Scriptures, it is thus proved.

1. The Lord directly here forbiddeth any Image to be made to be worshipped, under paine of his hea∣vy indignation, upon all Idolaters, and their posterity, to the third and fourth generation: yea the Lord accounteth them all haters of him, and enemies unto him, that doe worship such abominations.

2. They are accursed, which make any Images to worship them, Deut. 27.15. Cursed bee the man, that shall make any carved, or molten Image, an abomination to the Lord, &c. and shall put it in a secret place.

3. Another reason is taken from the nature of such Idols, They are but silver and gold, the worke of mens hands: they have a mouth and speake not, they have eyes and see not, &c. Psalm. 115.4. and vers. 8. They that make them are like unto them, and so are all they that put their trust in them: They are vaine and deceitfull, and of no power.

4. From the effect: the setting up and adoring of Idols, is a robbing God of his honour, Isay 42.8. I am Iehovah, this is my name, and my glory will I not give to another▪ nor my praise to graven Images.

5. From the fruits of Idolatry, the grosse blindnesse and ignorance of men, that bow themselves unto the worke of their owne hands, as the Prophet Isay doth describe it, 42.19. None considereth in his heart, &c. I have burnt halfe of it in the fire, and have baked bread also upon the coales thereof, &c. and shall I make the residue thereof an abomination, shall I bow to the stocke of a tree?

6. From the end: No Idolaters shall inherite the Kingdome of God, 1. Cor. 6.10. Idolaters and all liers, shall have their part in the lake, that burneth with fire and brimstone.

The objections of the adversaries answered.

1. Object. We doe not worship the Image, but that which is represented by the Image.

Answ. 1. So did the Gentiles maintaine their Idolatry as Arnobius sheweth, Lib. 6. contra Gentes. Siml. So the Israelites in making their golden Calfe, had relation unto God, for they proclaimed an holy day to Jehovah: yet that pretext excused them not. Vrsin. God therefore forbiddeth all Idolatry, under what pretence soever. 2. If they doe not worship the Image it selfe, why doe they give divers kindes of worship unto Images, to the Image of Christ more, to the Images of Saints lesse?

2. Object. The honour of the signe redoundeth unto the thing signified thereby.

Answ. If the signe be pleasing unto him, that is signified: but if it be such as hee forbiddeth, and con∣demneth, it is rather a dishonour, than an honour: and so the adoring of Images is a dishonour unto God.

3. Object. The contumely or dishonour offered to the Image of God, is a dishonour to God himselfe: therefore the honour thereof redoundeth also unto God.

Answ. If any with a despiteful intention against Christ, doe deface his Image or picture, it is contume∣lious against Christ, because of the evill intention of his heart: but if any doe it of a zealous mind against Idolatry and superstition, it is no dishonour unto Christ: as Epiphanius did rend a certaine picture of Christ in a cloath, which he found in a Church: Epist. ad Ioan. Hierosol. and therefore the argument fol∣loweth not. Vrsin.

4. Object. Some say, that the second precept against the making of Images was only temporall, and con∣cerned the Jewes. Ambros. Catharinus, in opusc••l. de imaginib.

Answ. The condemning of Idolatrie in the new Testament, as in the places before recited, 1. Cor. 6. 1. Ioh. 5. Revel. 21. sheweth that the precept is morall, and so perpetuall.

5. Object. The Idols of the Gentiles are condemned, because they represented those which were no Gods. Answ. The Gentiles in their Idols also had a relation to God: they were instituted, as Maximu•• Tyrius saith, Vt admoneamur Divinae naturae, to admonish us of the Divine nature.

6. Object. The Lord saith by his Prophet Zephanie, 2.11. He will consume all the Gods of the earth: but Popish Images Images are not yet destroyed: therefore they are not the Idols condemned in Scripture.

Answ. This Prophesie was fulfilled under the reigne of Constantinus, and Theodosius, when Idols were every where destroyed: And this Prophesie concerneth the true Church of Christ, that all Idols should be taken away: and therefore the Romanists shew themselves not to bee the true Church of Christ, be∣cause Idols are not removed from among them. Simler.

Of humane precepts and traditions.

8. Controv. Against humane traditions.

IT hath beene briefely touched before, that among other transgressions of the first Commandement, this is one, the bringing in of superstitious inventions and usages into the service of God, without the war∣rant of his Word: See before Doct 1. transgress. 5. Here then exception is to be taken against the Roma∣nists, for their presumption herein.

But first, let us see the divers kindes of those things▪ which are commanded by men: which are of foure sorts: 1. The Governours Civill and Ecclesiasticall, doe sometime command such things as are in∣joyned by the Lord, and prescribed by the Word: as such are the Christian lawes of Princes, inflicting punishment upon the offenders against the Morall law, concerning our duty toward God, or our neigh∣bour: such are the exhortations and admonitions of the Ministers of God, out of the Word: these Com∣mandements, all men are bound in conscience absolutely to obey. Of this kinde of precepts is that place to be understood, Deut. 17.12. That man, that will doe presumptuously, not harkening unto the Priest that standeth before the Lord, or unto the Iudge, that man shall dye.

2. There are also politicke constitutions of the Magistrate, which determine of circumstances concer∣ning the better keeping of the duties of the second Table: such are the positive lawes of Princes: as when to beare armes, to appoint law dayes, to prescribe orders and rules for apparell, and such like: where∣in wee are commanded to yeeld obedience to our superiours: As the Apostle teacheth, Rom. 13.1. Let every soule be subject to the higher powers: and vers. 7. Give to all men their duty, tribute, to whom tribute, custome, to whom custome, feare, to whom feare, &c. And these precepts doe not simply binde in conscience, in respect of the matter commanded, but in regard of the generall band, whereby wee are bound to obey the Magistrate in all lawfull things, and to avoid offence.

3. There are also Ecclesiasticall precepts, which concerne ceremonies, and other Ecclesiasticall orders, belonging to the duties of the first Table, which concerneth the worship of God: as to appoint times and houres of prayer, to prescribe a forme of prayer, and what gesture is meet to be used therein, as to kneele, to stand, in what order the Scriptures should bee read: these and such other Ecclesiasticall constitutions being appointed according to the generall rules of the Word, that all things be done to edifying in order, and without offence, are obediently to be received: in such things men should not bee contentious, but willingly yeeld their obedience: as the Apostle saith: If any man lust to bee contentious, wee have no such custome, nor the Churches of God. And these ordinances of the Church doe not binde in conscience, other∣wise then in regard of offence and scandall, and as wee are generally bound in conscience, in all lawfull things to obey our superiours.

4. The fourth sort of humane precepts, are those, which are superstitious, and command things not agreeable to the Word, but rather contrary unto it: Such are the seven Popish Sacraments, the multitude of ceremonies, which they have brought into the Church: their superstitious fastes, their pilgrimages to Saints, processions with the crosse, and such like: Such were the traditions of the Pharisies, which our blessed Saviour speaketh against, Mark. 7. Such precepts are not to be obeyed: but herein we must follow the Apostles resolution, It is better to obey God▪ than man. Ex Vrsin.

These foure kindes of precepts are thus distinguished: the first doe absolutely binde in conscience, as a part of Gods worship directly: the second doe binde in conscience, not in respect of the matter comman∣ded, but of our obedience, which we owe unto the Magistrate in all lawfull things: the third, for avoi∣ding of scandall and offence: the fourth sort doe not binde at all, as being unlawfull, and contrary to the Word of God. But for the traditions of the Church, that they are a part of the worship of God, it will be thus objected.

1. Object. God commandeth obedience unto our Superiours.

Answ. No otherwise than they command such things as are agreeable unto his will, either directly, which are prescribed in the Word; or by way of consequent, that are consonant to the rules of the same.

2. Object. Such things as are done to the glory of God, are a part of his worship: such are the determi∣nations of the Church.

Answ. Those things, which of themselves serve to the glory of God, as being by the Lord himselfe com∣manded, belong unto his worship: not all those things, which accidentally onely serve to that end, and as secondary meanes attend upon the service of God.

3. Object. Some of the Saints did worship God after a manner not prescribed, so also may the Church now: so Samuel sacrificed at Ramah, and Elias in Carmel.

Answ. 1. To sacrifice unto God, was a thing commanded: though the place were indifferent before the building of the Temple. 2. These were Prophets, and had the extraordinary direction of the spi∣rit. Vrsin.

4. Morall observations upon the second Commandement.

1. Observ. God is full of long suffering.

Vers. 4. VIsiting the iniquity of the fathers, upon the third and fourth generation, &c. Hierom out of these words, well observeth the lenity and longanimity of God, that so long forbeareth to punish. And whereas some thus object, Quanta in eo crudelitas, ut iram suam us{que} ad tertiam & quartam extendat generationem? How great cruelty is in God, who extendeth his wrath to the third and fourth generation: hee maketh this sufficient answer: Non severitatis est iram tenere us{que} ad tertiam & quartam generationem, sed signum m••sericordiae poenam differre peccati: It is no signe of severity to containe anger unto the third and fourth generation, but of clemency to deferre the punishment of sinne. Hieron. in Ezech. cap. 18.

2. Observ. That fathers for love unto their children should feare to offend.

AVgustine further doth gather hereupon a profitable instruction, both for parents, and for their chil∣dren: that the fathers, Affectu filiorum revocarentur ad reverentiam Creatoris: should bee revoked unto the reverence of the Creator, by the affection unto their children: knowing that their sinne shall bee punished in their posterity: and that the children, Timentes ne incurrerent peccata patrum, legi Dei obte••∣perarent: fearing lest they should incurre the sinnes of their fathers, should obey the law of God. August. de qu••∣stion. vtter. & nov. Test. cap. 14.

3. Observ. God is more inclined to mercy than to severity.

Vers. 5. SHewing mercy unto thousands. Whereas Gods justice is extended but to the fourth generation, his mercy to the thousand; herein appeareth how much more prone the Lord is to mercy, than unto severity: as Cajetane well noteth, Ad conferendum bona Deus est propensissimus, ad inferendum mala parcus: God is most ready to conferre good things, but sparing to bring upon men evill: and the reason is, because he conferreth and bestoweth good things of himselfe, but evill being urged thereunto, by the evill demerites of men.

Vpon the third Commandement.

1. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. What is signified by the name of God, and how diversly it is taken.

THou shalt not take the name of Iehovah, &c. 1. The name of a thing is that whereby it is knowne unto others, and severed and distinguished from other things. In this latter respect God needeth no name, because he is but one: neither properly can any name be given him, because he is infinite, and cannot bee comprehended in a name: neither is a name given unto God in respect of himselfe, but to us, that in some sort he may be made knowne unto us: that there is a God, we all know by nature: but what God is, we

know not, but as it pleaseth himselfe to reveale. Tostat. qu. 6. 2. The name of God is not here only, that name tetragrammaton, Iehovah, consisting of foure letters, as the Hebrewes strictly take it: but for what∣soever, whereby the Lord is made knowne to us, as his wisdome, mercy, justice, truth. Calvin. 3. The name of God is taken, 1. for God himselfe, Ioel 2. Whosoever calleth upon the name of God shall be saved. 2. For the word of God, as Ioh. 17. our blessed Saviour saith, I have manifested thy name. 3. For the wisdome, power, mercy, and other attributes of God: Malac. 1. Great is my name, that is, my glory, power and Maje∣sty. 4. For the commandement of God: as Ioh. 17. I came in my fathers name. 5. For that whereby God is called: as Iehovah, Exod. 3. This is my name for ever. Marbach. 4. The names which are given unto God are of three sorts: First, the names whereby the divine nature and essence is expressed, as Elohim, God, Adonai, Lord, Iehovah: for these only are peculiar unto God. Secondly, the names taken from his attri∣butes, as his wisdome, goodnesse, justice, and such like: which properties though in most excellent man∣ner they agree unto God, yet are also communicated unto men. Gods name is properly taken in vaine, by abusing of the first sort: and of the second also, when they are uttered with some speciall note and refe∣rence to God: otherwise we may spake of wisdome, clemency, justice, in generall, without reverence, and yet not prophane the name of God. The third sort of names, are those, which are given to our blessed Savi∣our, both God and Man, as Iesus, Christ: which are the names of God: who although he were man, yet the name is not given to the parts, but to the whole suppositum or person: now Christ is divinum suppositum; a divine, not an humane suppositum or subject: because Christ was from the beginning: as the Apostle saith, Hebr. 13. Christ yesterday and to day, and the same for ever. Now then to prophane and abuse these blessed names of our Saviour, is to take the name of God in vaine. Tostat. qu. 6.

QUEST. II. That it is more to abuse the name of Iesus, than simply of God.

YE••, it is more offensive to abuse the name of Jesus, and a greater dishonour, than simply to abuse the name of God, or any other appellation given unto him: and that for these reasons: 1. Because God hath magnified and exalted the name of Jesus above all names, in respect of his great humiliation and obe∣dience even to the death of the Crosse: as the Apostle sheweth, Philip. 2. 2. Because there is no other name, under heaven, whereby we are saved▪ than the name of Jesus, Act. 3. 3. The name of Jesus betoke∣neth both the divine nature, and the second person of the Trinity: the name of God sheweth the divine nature onely: and that name, quod signat Deum sub pluribus perfectionibus est honorabilius: that name, which describeth God with more perfections▪ is the more honourable name. 4. The name of God, shew∣eth him to be our Creator: the name of Jesus, sheweth him to be both our Creator and Redeemer. To∣stat. qu. 7.

QUEST. III. How many wayes the name of God is taken in vaine.

HIs name in vaine. 1. As Gods name is hallowed and sanctified three wayes: in our mind, and thoughts, when we conceive and thinke nothing unworthy or unbeseeming the glory of God: in our words, when we speake reverently of God, and his workes: and in our workes, when wee glorifie God in our life and acts: So Gods name is profaned in like manner; both in our minde and thoughts, in idle, curious and vaine speculations of God: in our words, by rash or false oathes: in our deeds, when the name of God is abused to sorcery, inchantment, or such like. Simler. 2. Two wayes is Gods name taken in vaine: Cum nomen Dei assumitur ad confirmationem falsitatis, vel frustra: when the name of God is taken up to con∣firme an untruth, or to no purpose. Lyran. For he is said to doe a thing in vaine, qui nullo fine praesupposito agit, which doth a thing no end at all propounded: or mal•• & indebito fine praesupposito, or an evill and unlawfull end pretended. Tostat. qu. 8. 3. Oleaster noteth these three wayes, when the name of God is ta∣ken, or lifted up in vaine (for so the word nash•• signifieth, according as it was their manner to sweare with lifting up of the hand, as Abraham did, Genes. 14) First when they use the name of God, pro re futil••, for a vaine or trifling thing. Secondly, in rem, quam non intendis impleri: upon a matter, which thou doest not purpose to fulfill: as they which sweare falsly. Thirdly, in vaine, that is, without cause: ne jures nisi ob necessitatem: thou must not sweare, but upon necessity. 4. Thomas more distinctly sheweth: first, what a vaine thing is, and then how the name of God is taken in vaine:

First, a vaine thing is taken for that which is false: as he that sweareth falsly: then for that which is in∣utile, unprofitable; and here they offend, which doe sweare de re levi, for a small and trifling matter: sometime vaine, or vanity is taken for sinne, and iniquity; and in this respect they take the name of God in vaine, which take an oath to doe any wicked thing, as to commit theft, or any such thing: of this kinde was Herods oath.

Secondly, the name of God is assumed or taken up, upon these reasons: 1. Primò ad dicti confirmationem: First to confirme our saying: and here they offend, which sweare by any other than by the name of God. 2. Sumitur ad sanctificationem: The name of God is used for sanctification, as Baptisme is sanctified in the name of God. Here they transgresse which abuse the Sacraments, or holy things. 3. Tertiò sumitur ad con∣fessionem & invocationem: Thirdly, it is taken up, for confession, and invocation. Here they which abuse prayers and the invocation of God to superstitious ends, as to enchantments, or such like, doe profane the name of God. 4. Quarto sumitur ad operis completionem: Fourthly, it is taken for the perfiting and fini∣shing of a worke, as the Apostle, Coloss. 3. Whatsoever you doe in word▪ or in deed, d••e all in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ. They therefore which have begun a good profession, and afterward fall away, doe take the name of God in vaine. So Thomas 2.2. quaest. 122. art. 3. 5. The Hebrewes then doe take this Com∣madement too strictly, that here is forbidden only prolatio nominis Dei tetragrammaton indebita: the un∣due

pronouncing of that foure lettered name of God, which is Iehovah, which it was lawfull, they say, only for the high Priest to use, and that only in the Temple, and only then when he blessed the people. Ex Lyrano.

QUEST. IV. What is required in taking of a right oath.

Seeing perjury, and taking of a false oath is a breach of this Commandement, as it is a dishonour unto God (for as our brother is hurt thereby, it belongeth unto the ninth Commandement) it shall not bee amisse here to shew, what conditions are required in an oath, that perjury may bee the better prevented: this the Prophet Ieremy declareth in these words: Thou shalt sweare in truth, in judgement, and righteous∣nesse, Ierem. 4.2. Which three shall now be declared in their order.

1. The first thing required, is truth in every oath, whether it be assertorium, or promissorium: whether it be an affirming oath, or promising oath: the first must have conformity with the truth unto the thing already done in present, which is affirmed to bee true, otherwise it is a false oath: the other respecteth the minde and intent of him that sweareth: for he promiseth not certainly that it shall be done, because he is uncertaine of the future events: but si intendat facere, ut promittit, verum est: if he intend to do as he pro∣miseth, it is a true oath, otherwise not. Tostat. qu. 8. 2. And not only falsity is contrary to truth in taking of oathes, but deceit and fraud also: as he sware fraudulently, that having made a truce with his enemies for certaine dayes, set upon them in the night: and the woman that sware she was with childe by Eustochius of Antioch, which was not the Bishop, but another common person of the City of the same name. Simler And not he only which sweareth falsum cognitum, a false thing knowne, but falsum dubium, a false thing that is doubtfull, taketh a false oath: but he that having exactly sifted his memory, and yet is deceived, non formaliter jurat falsò, formallie doth not sweare falsly. Cajetan. He that thus sweareth falsly, injuriam facit Deo sibi, & omnibus hominibus, doth offer wrong to God, to himselfe, and to men. To God, because an oath being nothing else, but the calling of God to witnesse, he that sweareth falsly beleeveth, Deum, aut nescire verum, aut diligere mendacium, that God either knoweth not the truth, or that he loveth a lye. To him∣selfe he doth wrong, for he bindeth himselfe to the judgement of God, wishing that the Lord may punish him, if he speake not the truth. To men hee offereth wrong, because there can bee no society or dealing among men, if one may not trust another. Thomas, in opusculo.

2. He that sweareth must doe it in judgement, that is, deliberatly and advisedly, not rashly, and hastily. The Romanes had an use, that hee which would sweare by Hercules, should goe forth of the doores, that he might be well advised, and take some pause before hee sware: for they held that Hercules did sweare but once in all his life, and that was to the sonne of King Augeas. This deliberation in their idolatrous oathes, should admonish Christians to be well advised in swearing by the name of God. Simler.

3. They must sweare in righteousnesse: that it be a just and lawfull thing which hee sweareth. Herein David offended, which sware in his rage to put Nabal and his whole house to the sword. Simler. And he must not only sweare that which is just and lawfull, but justly: as he which hath seene his brother commit any offence secretly, if he take a voluntary oath to discover it, being not urged to depose so before a Ma∣gistrate, sweareth not justly. Tostat. quaest. 8.

QUEST. V. Whether men be bound to sweare often.

SOme of the Jewes held, that it was a part of Gods worship, to sweare by his name, and therefore they thought they did well in often swearing: and this their custome, they would warrant by that place, Deut. 6.13. Thou shalt feare the Lord thy God, and serve him, and sweare by his name. Contra. 1. The three former conditions, to sweare in truth, judgement, and righteousnesse must be observed, and kept in every oath: which cannot be, if men were bound or commanded often to sweare. 2. An oath was brought in among men for necessity, for this is laid upon man, as a punishment, that one is not beleeved of another upon his bare word: and our Saviour saith, Whatsoever is more than yea and nay, commeth of evill: there∣fore where no necessity urgeth for one to sweare, it is no acceptable service unto God. 3. As to sweare is not altogether unlawfull, as shall be shewed afterward, in the places of controversie against the Anabap∣tistes▪ for then it should in no case be permitted, as adultery, and murder, are simply prohibited; and wee reade in Scripture, that divers of the servants of God have taken oathes: So neither is an oath usually to be taken, where there is no just cause: and yet an oath is restrained, Non propter seipsum, sed propter mala quae sequuntur ex eo: not for it selfe, but for the evils and inconveniences that follow: as wine is to bee used warily, not for that it is evill, but because being abused, it procureth drunkennesse: so the frequen∣ting of an oath is not good, because perjury often followeth. 4. Therefore that text alleaged, is no com∣mandement to sweare: for then they which sweare most, should be counted the most holy and religious men: but Loquitur ex permissione, the text speaketh by way of permission: that when one is to sweare, he may and ought only to sweare by the name of God, and not of any other. Tostat. quaest. 9.

QUEST. VI. Whether it be lawfull to use cursing.

NOt farre discrepant or differing from the nature of an oath, is execration or cursing: where it is to be considered: 1. That simply it is unlawfull to curse, as offending both against the first table in the abuse of Gods name, and against the second, in the breach of charity, when men of hatred, and in their rage doe curse, and wish evill unto their neighbours. 2. Yet there are examples in Scripture of holy men, as of David, who in the Psalmes often wisheth the destruction of his enemies; and of Paul, who saith, I would

they were cut off that trouble you. But here there are divers considerations to bee used: 1. That divers of these execrations were denounced with a propheticall spirit, and so were propheticall predictions of their destruction, rather than maledictions. 2. They wished not their destruction as a revenge upon them, but only that God would bring their wickednesse to an end, by cutting them off: which kinde of prayer is not against the glory of God. 3. They did not pray as private persons, wishing they might bee revenged upon their enemies: but as publike persons respecting the glory of God, and the good of his Church. 4. Yet these examples are very cautelously to be followed. Simler.

QUEST. VII. For what things an oath is not to be taken.

THese five things a man is not to take an oath of: 1. Of things that are false, for hee that so sweareth maketh God the witnesse of a lye. 2. Of things doubtfull and uncertaine: for it were presumption to call God to be witnesse of that which he is uncertaine, whether it be true or not. 3. Of things unlaw∣full, for so he maketh God contrary to himselfe, in calling him to be a witnesse to that, which hee himselfe hath forbidden. 4. Of things impossible which are not in our power. This were a mocking of God, for hee cannot have a serious purpose, when he sweareth to doe that, which hee knoweth hee cannot doe. 5. Of light and frivolous matters, for he that sweareth upon small occasion, giveth not due reverence un∣to God. Vrsin.

QUEST. VIII. Whether all kinde of oathes are to be kept.

IT will be here further questioned, whether all kinde of oathes are strictly to bee kept. 1. Whether oathes made unto enemies and theeves are to bee performed. The answer is, they are: 1. In the 15. Psalme, vers. 5. he is described to be a righteous man; that sweareth to his owne hinderance, and chan∣geth not. 2. The cause why a man keepeth not touch with his enemy, is the feare of the losse of life or goods: but the honour of God should bee more deare unto us.* 1.13 Regulus is commended in the Romane histories, for keeping his faith in returning to his enemies. 3. Beside, if faith should not be kept to such, this inconvenience would follow, that in such like extremities no credit would bee given unto others. Simler.

2. Concerning oathes made to theeves: for the preservation of the life,* 1.14 though they bee extorted oathes, if the things be lawfull and possible, which he sweareth, as a man bindeth himselfe to a theefe, by oath to pay him a summe of money, and to be silent, to save his life, the innocent party is bound to keepe this oath. It will be objected, that this oath is hurtfull to the commonwealth, for by this meanes theeves escape unpunished. But it may be answered: 1. That the hurt hereby redounding to the State, is not in this case to be redeemed, or prevented with the losse of a mans life. 2. It is for the good of a Common-wealth, that the life of every honest member thereof should be preserved. Vrsin.

3. But there are unlawfull oathes that are not to be kept: such as Novatus exacted of his followers,* 1.15 that they should not returne unto Cornelius the Bishop of Rome his communion. Such is the oath of fealty and obedience made to the Bishop of Rome: these oathes are better broken than kept: 1. That which it is unlawfull to sweare, it is unlawfull also to performe being sworne: it is but a doubling of sinne to keepe a wicked oath, as Herod did in putting Iohn Baptist to death. Vrsin. 2. David brake the rash oath which he made against Nabals house: and the Israelites, which had entred into covenant, and so bound themselves by oath to serve Baal, who was thereof called Baal bereth, Iudg. 8 33. yet afterward forsooke Baal and his worship, when they turned unto God. 3. And the reason is, because in all oathes there is a secret exception of the higher power, and former oathes made. God is greater than man, and wee have first bound our selves unto him: therefore no oath ought to be performed, which is against God, or godlinesse.

4. As touching the oath which Iosua made to the Gibeonites, it was a lawfull oath, though Iosua was somewhat deceived in it: 1. Because those Canaanites were not excluded which sought peace, and im∣braced the religion of the Israelites; as appeareth, Iudg. 11.19, 20. 2. The Lord approved this oath, and judged the house of Saul, because he violated it, 2. Sam. 21. Simler. 3. Ioshua kept this oath, lest it might have brought a slaunder upon the name of God among the Gentiles, by whom they had made this oath, if it should have beene violated. Vrsin.

5. There are certaine oathes that are lawfull in the promising, and fall out to be unlawfull in the per∣forming: as if a man binde himselfe by oath to assist his friend, and he afterward prove an enemy to his countrey.

6. Although unlawfull oathes are better broken than kept, yet it is not to bee done rashly; lest other might be incouraged to violate lawfull oathes: as, though the Israelites had sworne, that they would not give their daughters in marriage to them of Benjamin, which was no lawfull oath, yet they were carefull to keepe it. Simler.

QUEST. IX. Of the commination added to the third Commandement.

THe Lord will not hold him guiltlesse, &c. 1. The Hebrewes, when they will increase the signification of a thing: Id per negationem nominis, quod nos per superlativum, f••cere solent: Use to expresse that by the negative, which wee use to doe by the superlative: The Lord shall not hold him innocent or guilt∣lesse: that is, pro impio & scelerato habebit, &c. shall hold him for a wicked man. Lippom. 2. And it is as much to say, as, he will punish him: for whom the Lord holdeth innocent, he punisheth not. Tostat.

3. This commination here added, sheweth a treble office of the law: Quorum unvm in docenda voluntare Dei, &c. The one is in teaching the will of God, what should be done, what not done: the other in ma∣nifesting the sinne; the third in shewing the punishment for the duety omitted. Borrh. 4. And by this commination is signified: that although the Lord be full of long suffering: Compensare tamen soleat tarditatem gravitate supplicii, &c. Yet he doth recompence the slacknesse of the punishment, with the greatnesse thereof. Lippom. This sheweth, that although blasphemers escape the censure of men, yet the Lord will most certainely punish them. 5. Paulus Burgensus here taketh up Lyranus, because he maketh this com∣mination, causa prohibitionis, the cause of the former prohibition: which he correcteth thus: he saith, it is comminatio paenae, a threatning of punishment, not the cause of the prohibition. But if Lyranus be inter∣preted with favour: as the Replier to Burgensis thus expoundeth, that, comminatio est causa motiva obser∣vantiae praeceptorum: The commination is a motive cause of the observation of the precepts; Burgens. had no great reason to take this exception to Lyranus.

3. Doctrines observed out of the third Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the generall and particular contents of this Commandement.

THe contents then of this Commandement in generall, are, that as in the negative is forbidden the abuse and profanation of the name of God: so in the affirmative included, wee are commanded with all reverence and feare to use the name of God.

The particular vertues here required, with their opposite vices are these: 1. The propagation of the true doctrine of the will and workes of God, and setting forth the same unto others, as the Lord chargeth his people, Deut. 4.9. Take heed to thy selfe, &c. that thou forget not the things which thine eyes have seene: but teach them thy sonnes, and thy sonnes sonnes, &c.

Contrary hereunto are: 1. The neglect of this duty, in not declaring the will and workes of God to others: for it sheweth, that they are forgetfull of Gods benefits, and so have and know them in vaine, as that unprofitable servant saith in the Parable: I was therefore afraide, and went and hid thy talent in the earth, Matth. 25.25. 2. The corrupting of the true doctrine concerning the will and workes of God, as Ieremy saith of the false Prophets, that they prophesied lies in the name of God, Ierem. 14.14. Vrsin. This is a speciall transgression of this Commandement, when any abuseth the name of God, Ad confir∣mandam erroneam religionis doctrinam: To confirme any erroneus doctrine of religion: Osiander. As they doe, which alleage Scripture in defense of their errours. And to this purpose, Gloss. Interlinear. Nomen Dei, legne, lapidi, vel hujusmodi non attribues, &c. Thou shalt not give the name of God to stockes or stones, or such like, &c.

2. The setting forth of Gods praise, blessing of his name in all his workes, seeking of his glory, reveren∣cing of his Majesty, is here commanded, as the Apostle saith, Coloss. 3.17. Whatsoever yee shall doe in word or deed, doe all in the name of the Lord Iesus, giving thanks to God even the Father by him.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The contempt or neglect of the glory of God, as Rom. 1.21. When they knew God, they did not glorifie him as God: which transgression is committed, when men doe not acknowledge God the giver, and author of all good things which they injoy. 2. Blasphemy, which is to speake evill of the name of God, as to murmure and repine against him, to make him the author of evill, and such like: against this sinne, it was decreed by Moses law, that he that blasphemed the name of God, should bee put to death, Levit. 24.17. 3. Cursing and execration is contrary hereunto, when men doe curse others, as from God, as wishing the plague of God to light on them, or such like: for so they make God but as the executioner, to take revenge according to their lust, and wicked desire: of such curses speaketh Da∣vid, Psal. 109.17. As he loved cursing, so shall it come unto him, as he loved not blessing, so shall it bee farre from him.

3. Confession of the truth, is another vertue here prescribed, Rom. 10.10. With the heart man beleeveth unto righteousnesse, and with the mouth man confesseth to salvation: So Saint Peter, Sanctifie the Lord God in your hearts, and be ready alwayes to give an answer to every man, that asketh you a reason of that hope which is in you, 1. Pet. 3.15.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The deniall of the truth through feare and infirmity, as Peter with cursing denied Christ. 2. A generall apostasie, and falling away from the truth: of such the Apostle speaketh, They went out from us, for they were not of us, 1. Ioh. 3.19. 3. Dissembling of the truth, as they which confessed not Christ, lest they should have beene cast out of the Synagogue, Iohn 11.42. 4. Offence and scandall in man∣ners or life, whereby God is dishonoured. Such were the Jewes, of whom the Apostle saith, The name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles, because of you, Rom. 2.24.

4. Invocation of the name of God: which is a devout petition and asking at the hands of God of such things as we need, grounded upon the confidence of the promises of God in Christ. So the Prophet Da∣vid saith, Praise the Lord, and call upon his name, Psalm. 105.1. Invocation, as it is a part of Gods worship, and so belongeth unto him, is a branch of the first Commandement: wherein I rather follow Simlerus judgement, who maketh invocation of Saints a breach of the first Commandement, than Vrsinus, who referreth it to the third. But in respect of the manner, required in prayer, that it should be done, with a true heart, and unfained devotion, it appertaineth to the third precept.

Contrary unto true and faithfull invocation, are, first the neglect of prayer, Psalm. 14.4. They call not upon the Lord. Secondly, the abusing of prayer and invocation of the name of God to unlawfull ends, as

to sorcery and enchantment. Borrh. Thirdly, the asking of such things, as are not agreeable to the will of God, as the Apostle saith, Ye aske and receive not, because ye aske amisse, Iam. 4.22. Fourthly, lip labour in prayer: when many words are used, but without any true devotion. As the Prophet saith, This people ho∣noureth mee with their lips, but their heart is farre from me, Isai. 29.13 as it is cited, Mark. 7.6.

5. Here is commanded a due, and reverent taking of the name of God into our mouthes, by a lawfull oath, whereby we call God to be a witnesse unto our soules, that we speake the truth: this is a kinde of in∣vocation of the name of God, and a part of his worship, Deut. 6.13. Yee shall serve him, and sweare by his name.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The refusall of a just and lawfull oath: when any refuse to testifie the truth upon their oath, which may make for the glory of God, and the good of our neighbour: as the Apostle saith, An oath for confirmation, is among men an end of strife, Hebr. 6.16. 2. To take a false oath, either in not performing that which is promised by oath, or in testifying upon an oath, otherwise, than the truth is. 3. An idolatrous and superstitious oath, which is made by any other name, than of God only. 4. An oath to performe any unlawfull thing, such as Herods oath was. 5. A rash oath, lightly and vainely made, with∣out any necessity, as in common and usuall talke: which abuse is reproved by our blessed Saviour, Matth. 5.23. Vrsin.

2. Doct. What an oath is.

COncerning an oath then, briefely this it is: 1. In a generall sense, to take an oath, or to sweare, is used for the whole worship of God, as Isay 45.23. Every knee shall bow unto me, and every tongue shall sweare by me: and the reason is, because we professe him to be our God, by whom we sweare. 2. But more parti∣cularly and properly, an oath is defined thus: It is an invocation of the name of God, as the onely searcher of the heart, whereby, he that sweareth, taketh God to record, that he speaketh the truth, and wisheth God to punish him, if he doe otherwise. Vrsin. So that two speciall things are intended in an oath: 1. To call God as a witnesse, that he speaketh the truth: as the Apostle saith, Galath. 1.20. Now the things that I write unto you, behold I witnesse before God that I lye not. So Thomas: Iurare per Deum nihil aliud est, qu••m invocare ejus testimonium: To sweare by God is nothing else, but to call him to witnesse. 2. Hee that taketh an oath, desireth that God may punish him, if hee sweare falsly: as the Apostle, I call God for a record against my soule: or unto, or upon my soule, 2. Cor. 1.13. Nihil aliud est dicere per Deum ita est, nisi quòd Deus puniat me, si non ita est: It is nothing else to say, by God it is so, but, that God punish me, if it be not so. Thom. in opuscul.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Cont. It is not lawfull to sweare by Saints, or other creatures.

1. THey take the name of God in vaine, which doe sweare by any other, than by the name of God: and therefore the Romanists are in errour, which maintaine the swearing by the name of Saints. Rhemist. annot. Math. 23. v. 21.

1. God commandeth that we should sweare only by his name: Deut. 6.13. Thou shalt feare the Lord thy God, and serve him, and sweare by his name: which text our Saviour alleaging, Matth. 4. interpreteth it by the word only: him only shalt thou serve. So also Deut. 10.20. and Exod. 23.13. it is directly forbidden, that they should take the name of any other Gods into their mouthes.

2. God reproveth those which sweare by any other, than by him: as Zephan. 1.5. I will cut off &c. them that worship and sweare by the Lord, and sweare by Malcham.

3. Invocation belongeth only unto God; but the taking of an oath is a kinde of invocation: therefore it is a service due only unto God.

4. In taking of an oath, we call God to be a witnesse unto our soule: but God only knoweth the secrets of the heart: neither Angell, nor Saint. Ergo.

5. He that sweareth giveth unto him power to punish him, if he sweare falsly: but God onely is able to punish the soule. Matth. 10.28. Vrsin.

But it will be objected thus: 1. Our Saviour alloweth swearing by creatures, Matth. 23.21.* 1.16 Whosoever sweareth by the Temple, sweareth by it, and by him that dwelleth therein. Rhemist, annot. in hunc locum.

Answ. 1. Our Saviour here doth not justifie swearing by creatures: but confuteth that nice distinction of the Pharisies: that it was nothing to sweare by the Temple, but by the gold of the Temple, vers. 16. and sheweth, that they could not avoid swearing by God, when they did sweare by the Temple, because it was the place of his habitation: and so they did in such an oath take the name of God in vaine. 2. For otherwise if our Saviour should here allow swearing by creatures, as by heaven, saying, He that sweareth by heaven, sweareth by the throne of God, he should be contrary to himselfe: for elsewhere he saith, Sweare not at all, neither by heaven, for it is the throne of God, Matth. 5.34.

2. Object. Ioseph did sweare by the life of Pharaoh, Gen. 42.15.

Answ. 1. Some say that this was no oath, but a vehement kinde of asseveration: as Hannah saith to Eli: As thy soule liveth, 1. Sam. 1. and Abner to Saul, 1. Sam. 17.56. and so they would have the meaning to bee this, as truly as Pharaoh liveth, or, as I wish his life and health, so it is true I say: Vrsin. Iun. But it is not all one kinde of phrase, to say unto one present, as thy soule liveth; and of one absent, to say, by his life, or soule. 2. It sheweth therefore some infirmity rather in Ioseph, though hee worshipped the true God, yet he had learned to speake as other Courtiers did, to sweare by Pharaohs life: yet rather of cu∣stome

of speech, or the more cunningly to conceale himselfe from his brethren, than of any purposed imi∣tation of their superstitious oathes: therefore Iosephs example here can bee no warrant. See more of this, Hexapl. in Genes. c. 42. v. 15.

3. Object. It is usuall for men in taking of an oath to lay their hand upon the Gospell: therefore it is lawfull to sweare by a creature.

Answ. 1. Men using this externall signe doe not sweare by it: no more than Abrahams servant did sweare by his masters thigh, when he put his hand under it, Gen. 24. 2. he sware by the name of God· So the Lord saith, I lift up mine hand to heaven, and say, I live for ever, Deut. 32.40. And the Angell lift up his hand to heaven: but sware by him, that liveth for ever, Revel. 10.6. So they lay their hand upon the booke as a visible signe, or seale of the oath: but they sweare not by the booke, but by God, the Author of the booke: to this effect, as the words are repeated unto them: as helpe thee God, and the contents of that booke. So Thom. Cum jur as per Evangelium, jur as per Deum, qui dedit Evangelium: When thou swearest by the Gospell, thou swearest by God, which gave the Gospell.

4. Object. It is not lawfull to profane or speake irreverently of the name of the Virgin Mary, or of the Saints: for this also is a taking of the name of God in vaine, quia habent quandam connexionem ad Deum: for they have a certaine connexion unto God: and a certaine kinde of adoration belongeth un∣to them. Tostat. qu. 7.

Answ. 1. The argument followeth not, the name of Saints is not to be irreverently used, therefore wee must sweare by them: for neither is the name of the Prince to be abused, yet it is not lawfull to sweare by it: there is a meane betweene swearing by a name, and profaning or abusing of it. 2. The reverent using of the names of Saints dependeth not upon any adoration due unto them, or upon any connexion unto God, by any kind of worship: but upon that bond and connexion of love, which we owe unto them as the Ministers and servants of God: as our Saviour Christ saith of his Apostles, Hee that despiseth you, despiseth me, Luk. 10.16. So that this despising or contempt offered to the Ministers of Christ, is rather a breach of the fift Commandement in the second table, than of this, which only prescribeth our reverence and duty toward God.

2. Controv. Against the Romanists, that say, faith is not to be kept with Hereticks.

2. THe Romanists have another position, that faith is not to be kept with Heretikes: for so contrary to the safe-conduct given by the Emperour to Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage in the Councell of Constance, they condemned them to death: and for the justifying of this fact they further alleage, that it belonged unto the Magistrate to punish Heretikes, having them in his power. Ex Simler••.

Contra. 1. They having the chiefe Magistrates licence to goe and returne safely, were free and privile∣ged persons, and so exempt from the Magistrates power and jurisdiction. 2. Neither shall they ever bee able to prove them to have beene Heretikes. 3. Under this pretext and colour, oathes shall be of no force or validity among men, which would be a great hindrance and prejudice to humane society. 4. And by this meanes Gods name is blasphemed and evill spoken of; when they which professe themselves Chri∣stians, doe more lightly esteeme the name of their God, than the Heathen did their Idols. 5. Abraham made a covenant by oath with Abimelech, Iacob with Laban, Ioshua with the Gibeonites, all which were stran∣gers from the true worship of God, and yet they kept their covenants and oathes.

3. Controv. Against the Anabaptistes concerning the lawfulnesse of an oath.

3. FUrther against the Anabaptists, it followeth to shew the lawfulnesse of an oath among Christians: which is thus proved:

1. If it had beene unlawfull to sweare, and if the thing were evill in it selfe, then the holy servants of God would not have sworne at all: as Abraham did to Abimilech, Gen. 22. Iacob to Laban, Gen. 31.53. Ionathan and David each to other, 1. Sam. 20.42.

2. God commandeth us to sweare by his name, Deut. 6.13. Deut. 10.20. but God commandeth no evill to be done.

3. The end of an oath is to make an end of controversies and strife, Heb. 16.16. therefore it is to Gods glory, and profitable to humane society, that by oathes such businesse should be ended.

1. Object. But the Anabaptists object, that although it were permitted in the old Testament to the Fa∣thers to sweare, yet it is forbidden in the new.

Answ. 1. Christ saith he came not to dissolve the law, meaning the Morall, but to fulfill it: to take an oath belonged to the Morall law: which being perpetuall, the other still remaineth in use. Vrsin. 2. The Prophets speaking of the times of the Gospell, and of the state of the Church under Christ, doe foretell that they should sweare by the name of God: as Isay 65.16. He that sweareth in the earth, shall sweare by the true God. 3. Wee have the example of S. Paul, who often called God to witnesse, as Rom. 1.9. 2. Cor. 1.23. Rom. 9.1. Philip. 1.8. Galath. 1.23.

2. Object. Our Saviour giveth a generall prohibition against swearing, Mat. 5.34. Sweare not at all, nei∣ther by heaven, for it is the throne of God: nor by the earth, for it is his footstoole: And S. Iames saith, Before all things, my brethren, sweare not, &c. but let your yea be yea, and your nay, nay, lest you fall into condemnation, Iames 5.12.

Answ. 1. Out Saviour doth not generally condemne all kinde of oathes, but onely rash and unadvised oathes, which were used in their common and ordinary talke: for he intendeth here to correct an abuse among the Jewes: they were allowed to sweare by the heaven and earth, and by such like, as though

such kinde of oathes nothing concerned God: our Saviour telleth them, that even in such oathes the name of God is prophaned▪ and abused, because there can be no part of the world named, where the Lord hath not set some prints and markes of his glory. Simler. 2. And againe, our Saviour saith in this Chapter, that he came not to dissolve the law, which allowed the publike use of an oath.

3. Object. Our Saviour saith further, Let your communication be nay nay, yea yea, for whatsoever is more, commeth of evill: an oath therefore is not to be used, as proceeding of evill.

Answ. 1. Our blessed Saviour speaketh against such frivolous formes of oaths, which were used among the Jewes in their ordinary talke, which came indeed of an evill minde: for otherwise hee himselfe used more than bare, nay nay, yea yea, in his speech: often saying, Amen, Amen. Vrsin. 2. S. Paul also, often cal∣ling God to witnesse, should have gone against his Masters rule, if it had not beene lawfull at all to take an oath Vrsin. 3. Oathes indeed proceed of evill, not in him which taketh a just oath, but in the other, that will not beleeve him without an oath: And therefore because of the incredulity and deceitfulnesse of men, the necessity of oathes was brought in: in this sense the argument doth not follow: for good Lawes are caused by mens evill manners, but it cannot thereupon be inferred, that they are evill. Simler.

4. Object. It is not in a mans power to performe that which hee sweareth to doe, for the things to come are not in our power: therefore it were better to forbeare an oath, than fall into apparent danger of perjury.

Answ. 1. Though this were granted, this taketh not away the use of all oathes, but onely those which are made for performance of covenants ad promises: there is another kinde of oath, which is called asser∣torium, which affirmeth the truth of something already done: this oath by this objection, if it were ad∣mitted, is not taken away. 2. Yet this doubt is easily removed: for it sufficeth, that hee that sweareth to performe some act afterward, have a full intent and purpose to doe it, though it fall out otherwise after∣ward. Simler.

5. Object. The oathes which are allowed in Scripture, were publike, such as were required by the Ma∣gistrate: this giveth no liberty unto private men.

Answ. 1. Iakob sware to Laban, Ioseph to Iakob, Ionathan to David, and David to him: all these, when they tooke these oathes, did sweare privately, and as private men. Simler. 2. And seeing an oath serveth for the evidence of the truth, and for the ending of strife, and controversies, in this behalfe there may bee as lawfull, and as necessary an use of an oath privately, as publikely, not upon every occasion, but when the matter is urgent, and the case so requireth. Vrsin.

4. Morall observations upon the third Commandement.

1. Observ. Against common and rash swearing.

THou shalt not take, &c. Here that common, and notorious abuse of rash swearing, in common and ordinary talke, is reproved: when the name of God is taken up, prophanely and scoffingly, without any kinde of reverence at all. Chrysostome in his time finding fault with this abuse, thus writeth, Among the Iewes the name of God was so reverenced, that being written in plates, it was lawfull for none to carry it, but for the high Priest: but now, Velut quiddam vulgare sic ipsius nomen circumfecimus: We beare about every where the name of God, as a common thing. Chrysost. ad popul. Antioch. homil. 26. Theodoret useth this fit re∣semblance, Si vestem paulò pretiosiorem in dies festos multi adservare consuerunt, &c. If many use to keepe their better garment for holy dayes, how much more should the name of God bee consecrated unto prayer, and other holy exercises? Ex Lippom. It was an use among the Heathen, to keepe secret such names, as they would have had in reverence: there was a certaine hid and secret name of the City of Rome, which is not now knowne, which they say, by the decree of the Gods was kept secret: and one Marenus Sora∣nus, for naming the same but once in publike, was adjudged to death. Solinus in polyhistor. cap. 1. de Roma. The name also Demogorgon, which the Gentiles held to bee the first God, was not to bee uttered: they thought, when he was named, the earth would tremble: and Lucanus lib. 6. de bell. civil. writeth, how Erit•• the Sorceresse, would thus adjure the Furies, that if they did not consent, shee would name Demogorgon. Tostat. qu. 3. If the Gentiles were thus curious in not prophaning the names of their Idols: it teacheth Christians, that it is a shame for them, so irreverently to use the name of the great God of heaven and earth: whom they doe not only name, but sweare by, without any feare or reverence.

2. Observ. Of the fearefull judgement of God threatning against blasphemers.

THe Lord will not hold him guiltlesse. Though blasphemers, and common swearers may escape the con∣sure of men, yet the Lord will not surely suffer them to goe unpunished: If railers upon men, are ex∣cluded the kingdome of God, 1. Cor. 6.10. much more they, which blaspheme the name of the living God. If Gods hand should not be upon them here, yet in the next world they are to expect nothing but everla∣sting horror, unlesse they doe repent. These that make a jest of religion, and doe scoffe at the name of God, are those abominable persons, spoken of, Revel. 21.8. which shall have their part▪ in the lake, that burneth with fire and brimstone. Cajetane here noteth well: Quoniam futurum hoc judicium divinum raro impletum videmus in hac vita, &c. Because wee see this divine judgement seldome to be fulfilled in this life, it followeth, that it is to be referred to the judgement following after this life. Therefore let men stand in awe of this fearefull judgement, that is threatned against all prophane swearers and blas∣phemers.

3. Observ. Against breakers of their oath, and perjured persons.

FUrther, as rash swearing is condemned, so it is a most horrible and fearefull sinne, for one to take a false oath, and not to doe and performe as he hath sworne: a righteous man, and such an one as shall dwell in Gods Tabernacle, is described, that hee sweareth to his owne hinderance, and changeth not, Psal. 15.4. All such therefore are condemned, which make shipwracke of a good conscience herein: Such are our knights of the post, that will be hired to take false oathes: like unto the Turkish S••i••i, and Chagi, who for a Ducket, will take a thousand false oathes. Oleaster useth this comparison: If a man had given in pawne his sonne, or any other precious thing, for the performing of his oath, he would labour by all meanes to re∣deeme it: how much more, when men have as it were pawned the name of their God?

Upon the fourth Commandement.

1. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Of the order of the fourth Commandement, why it is put after the other.

8. REmember the Sabbath day, &c. 1. Remotis impedimentis vèra religionis, &c. The impediments of religion being removed in the former Commandements, as idolatry and prophanenesse, or irreverence of the name of God: this precept followeth, Per quod homines in vera religione fundar••••tur: By which men should be grounded in true religion. Thom. 2.2. quaest. 122. art. 4. in Cor. Prius enim sunt remo∣venda impedimenta alicujus rei instituendae, &c. For first the impediments of a thing to be instituted, must be removed, before the thing can be instituted. Lyran. 2. And this is the cause, as Cyril noteth, why the other Commandements before going, are propounded negatively, but this affirmatively: Quia ad act••m statim eos impell••••: Because he presently draweth them here, unto the act and execution. Cyril. lib. 4. in Ioah. cap. 51. In the other Commandements, first they are commanded to take away the impediments, before the pre∣cept could be acted.

QUEST. II. Why it is said only in this Commandement, Remember, &c.

3. IN the other Commandements, they were taught, Deum primò venerari corde, deinde ore: First to worship God in heart, then in mouth: now it followeth here, that we should worship him, opere. indeed. Thom. Remember. 1. Whereas Deut. 5. Moses rehearseth this Commandement thus: Keepe the Sabbath day, that thou sanctifie it: but here he saith, Remember the Sabbath day, R. Salomon hath this conceit, that both of these sentences were pronounced at once, by a double sound of the trumpe, which sounded forth the Commandements: which is a fansie without any ground: there Moses as the lawgi∣ver, doth not tie himselfe to the very same words, keeping the sense. Ex Tostat. 2. This memento, remem∣ber, some thinke is not referred to the Sabbath day, but to the reason of the institution of the Sabbath, taken from the creation: this law therefore sendeth us backe, to call to minde the creation of the world, and how the Lord rested upon the seventh day, after that in six dayes he had finished all the workes of the creation. Tostat. So also Thomas, Ponitur ut rememorationum beneficii praeteriti: It is put as a remembrance of a benefit past. But the connexion of the words sheweth, that Remember, is to be referred to the Sabbath day it selfe. 3. Some will have this, Remember, to bee applied to the things to come, shadowed forth in the Sabbath: Memento dicit de Sabbato, quia quae umbra depingebantur, ut futura speculari debebant: He saith of the Sabbath, remember, because they ought to behold the things to come, which were described under the shadow. Cyril. ibid. But this remembrance is to this end, as the words of the law shew, to sanctifie the Sabbath. 4. R. Salomon thus understandeth it, that if they had any precious garments, or any other thing of price; they should remember to keepe them till the Sabbath. Lyran. But the Sabbath is not sanctified by the putting on of costly garments. 5. Cajetanus giveth this interpretation, Vt intelligamus rationem praecept•• esse recordationem, &c. that we should understand, that in remembrance consisteth the reason of the precept: that the rest from the outward workes, is not pleasing to God, Nisi ratione memoriae, nisi ra∣tione interni cultus: But in regard of the memory and inward worship: But although the sanctifying of the Sabbath specially consist in the internall worship, yet it is not so well gathered out of this word. 6. Therefore, this rather is the meaning, Remember, that is, Inprimis memoria tenendum esse, the keeping of the Sabbath, as a speciall thing, is to bee remembred. Galas. And to this end is it so said, because a man being hindered by the six dayes workes, will hardly dispatch all to keepe the Sabbath, unlesse he remember it, and cast aforehand for it. Oleaster. As also they are bid to remember it, because of old this day had beene sanctified before by the Lord, and accordingly observed by the people of Go••.

QUEST. III. Why the Lord thought good to appoint a day of rest, and that upon the seventh day.

THe Sabbath day. 1. Some Jewes are of opinion, that the Sabbath being the seventh day, was appoin∣ted to be kept holy, because it is Saturnes day, which is evill and unluckie to begin any worke in: but this is a Heathenish superstition, to seeme to worship those things for feare, that are thought to hurt: a•• Tullius Hostilius, the third King of the Romanes made the Quartane, and Tim••r, Pallor, Feare, and Pale∣nesse Goddesses. The Lord taught his people otherwise, that they should not be afraid of the starres of

heaven, nor to worship those things, which God had given for the service of men, Deut. 4.19. Tostat. 2. The speciall reason therefore, why the seventh day was kept holy, was grounded upon the Lords ex∣ample, that rested upon the seventh day, after the works of the creation were finished. 3. But that a day of rest was necessary to be appointed for the people of God, divers reasons may be yeelded: 1. This day was appointed and given, ad destructionem erroris, for the destruction of error: because the Lord did fore∣see, that divers in the world would make question, of the beginning and creation thereof: as they, 2 Pet. 3. which say, Where is the promise of his comming: for convincing their error, the Lord commanded this day to be kept, as a monument of the creation. 2. Datum fuit ad instructionem fidei redemptionis: it was gi∣ven to instruct in the faith of our redemption: to signifie that Christs flesh should rest in the grave: accor∣ding to that saying in the 16. Psalme, My flesh shall rest in hope. 3. Datum fuit ad figurandum veritatem promissionis: it was given to prefigure the truth of the promise: both in our spirituall rest from sinne, Cor∣pus à peccatorum jug•• requiescere facientis: Causing our body to rest from the yoake, and servitud•• of sinne: Damascen. lib. 4. de orthodox. fid. cap. 24. as also in our everlasting rest in the Kingdome of God: Futuram sanctorum requ••em hinc significans: Signifying hereby the rest of the Saints to come. Cyril. in Ioan. lib. 4. c. 51. And we looke for rest from three things, A laboribus hujus vita, à tentationum concussione, à diaboli servi∣tute: From the labours of this life, from the trouble of tentation, from the service of the Devill. Thomas. 4. It was ordained, ad inflammationem amoris, to inflame our love, that being free from worldly labours, we might better attend upon God. 5. Datum fuit ad opera pietatis, it was given for the works of pietie: for otherwise some would be so covetous, that they would never leave working for gaine. Thom. in opuscul. 6. Vt quiet•• repararentur corpora, That the bodies should be refreshed by this rest: For some through their insatiable greedinesse, could scarse have afforded any rest unto themselves, especially unto them, which were at the command of others, as children and servants. Simler.

QUEST. IV. Whether the precept of keeping the Sabbath were altogether ceremoniall.

1. SOme were of opinion, that the Sabbath was onely temporary, that did bind the Jewes for a time thinking that the ancient Patriarks, as Adam, Evah, Noe, kept no Sabbath. Tertullian. Which is not true of the observation of the Sabbath in generall: seeing it was sanctified by the Lord himselfe, im∣mediately after the creation, which the Patriarks were not ignorant of: but onely of that strict, exact, and rigorous observing the Sabbath, which indeed was onely enjoyned the Jewes. Simler. 2. Other seeme to be of opinion, that the Sabbath was altogether ceremoniall, and that Christians therefore are not now bound unto the observation of dayes, as the Apostle for this rebuketh the Galathians: Yee observe dayes and m••neths, times and yeares, Galath 4.10. Thus the Anabaptists object. But if this precept were altogether ceremoniall, it could be no part of the Morall law: and seeing the Israelites were charged to keepe other festivals also, as well as the Sabbath, as the feast of the Passeover, of Pentecost, and of Tabernacles, with others, whereof no mention is made in the Morall law, but onely of the Sabbath: it is evident that the Lord himselfe did make a manifest difference betweene that, and all other festivals: neither is the keeping of the Lords day now, an observing of dayes: seeing Christians doe celebrate this day, without any opi∣nion of holinesse or necessitie tied unto the day, as the Jewes kept their Sabbath. But this error of the Ana∣baptists shall be confuted more at large afterward, among the places of controversie. 3. Wherefore this precept is partly morall, partly ceremoniall: as to have some set time to attend the service of God, it is mo∣rall and naturall: Secundùm dictamen rationis naturalis aliquod tempus deputat homo: Man according to the device of naturall reason, will appoint some time for Gods service. Thomas. For all nations in the world: unlesse they bee these inhumane and savage people, which inhabite in the extreme and remote parts of the world: as the Garamants, and Anthropophagi, Men-eaters, which dwell toward the South pole; and they which inhabite the Islands Orcades, and other remote regions toward the North: all other na∣tions of any humanitie and civilitie, did spend much time in the worship of their gods. Tostat. But it is le∣gall or ceremoniall, in that some speciall day, is prescribed and set apart for the service of God: In quantum speciale tempus determinatur, in signum creationis: in that a speciall time is determined, in signe of the crea∣tion, it is ceremoniall. Thom. And in this manner, the Jewes onely kept the Sabbath upon the seventh day, and no other nations beside: and therefore Seneca derided the Jewes, as though they did Septimam partem ••tatis inutiliter amittere: Lose the seventh part of their age, without any profit:* 1.17 because they rested every se∣venth day unto the Lord: and Ovid calleth the Jew, virum septimum, the seventh man, because hee kept the seventh day. Tostat.

QUEST. V. To observe one day of seven unto the Lord, is Morall.

BUt this must be added further, that the prescribing of some certaine day for the service of God, is not ceremoniall, as Thomas before seemeth to affirme: but the speciall limitation of the seventh day: the prescription and taxation of which day precisely, is now abrogated; yet so as that still, one day of seven must be kept still. This then may be safely affirmed: that to keepe one day of seven holy unto the Lord, is morall, and not ceremoniall: and although the precise rest of the seventh day, which was enjoyned the Jewes, be now abrogated by the libertie of the Gospell, (because it was a type of our rest in Christ, and the bodie being come, the shadow ceaseth:) yet Christians are bound to observe one day of seven: for the rea∣son annexed to this Commandement, taken from the example of God, which rested on the seventh day, serveth not onely for the ceremonie of the seventh day, but is also morall, to put us in minde of the crea∣tion of the world, made in six dayes: and beside, in regard of the benefit of the creatures, which after six dayes labour, are to rest the seventh: the rule of the Creator, in this morall equitie is to be followed, not

to exceed that time, in affording rest unto the creature that laboureth: Novit Dominus mensuram virium creaturae, for God best knoweth the measure of the strength of the creature. Lippom. and hath appointed the time of rest for the same accordingly. Yet somewhat more fully to explaine this matter: there are some things, which are simply morall, and simply ceremoniall: some things are of a mixt kinde, as being partly morall, partly ceremoniall: simply morall, are those things, which are grounded upon the judgement of naturall reason: as to appoint some time for the service of God, is simply morall, as is shewed before: all nations through the world agree herein, that a time must be set apart for the Lord: but precisely to ap∣point the seventh day, more than any other of the weeke, is simply ceremoniall: Quia non habet funda∣mentum à ratione, sed à sola voluntate condentis legem, &c. Because it is not founded upon reason, but upon the will of the law maker. Tostat. But to appoint one day of seven, and that day wholly for the space of 24. houres to consecrate unto Gods service, and therein to abstaine from all kinde of works: these things are not purely or simply ceremoniall, but partly morall, as grounded upon the judgement of reason, though not totally, and wholly: for the first, if above one day in seven should be kept perpetually holy, gravamen esset laborantibus toties vacare, it would bee burdensome to those that labour to rest so often; and if but one day in a fortnight or moneth should be appointed, Oblivisceremur Dei per desuetudinem cultus ipsius, By discontinuing of the worship of God, we should grow to be forgetfull of him: it standeth therefore with rea∣son, that one day of seven should be celebrated to the Lord. Likewise that the whole day should be con∣secrated to that end, though there be somewhat ceremoniall in it, yet it is grounded also upon reason, be∣cause the service of God requireth great attention: Et non est rationabile opus Dei facere negligenter, And it is not reasonable to doe the worke of God negligently: for if but two or three houres in the day were ap∣pointed, all could not so well prepare themselves for Gods service, as now, the whole day being set apart. And for the third, the cessation or resting from all kind of worke, it hath this reason: because the minde being occupied in other affaires, could not be so free for God; and therefore abstinence from all servile works is enjoyned, Vt sic liberum esset nos tota die vacare Deo, si vellemus: That so it might bee free for us to acted upon God the whole day, if wee would. Now then those things, which in the Sabbath were meere∣ly ceremoniall are abolished, but the other remaine, which are not purely and simply ceremoniall. Tostat. quaest. 12.

QUEST. VI. What things in the Sabbath were ceremoniall, what morall.

NOw then it may appeare, what things in the Sabbath were ceremoniall, what morall, what mysticall.

1. These things in the Jewish observation of the Sabbath were ceremoniall: 1. The prescript of the day, seventh day. 2. The manner of keeping it, with sacrifices, oblations, and other rites. 3. The strict prohibition of all kinde of works, even concerning their meat, as in gathering, and preparing of Manna, Exod. 16. yea it was not lawfull upon that day to kindle a fire, Exod. 35.3. and that under paine of death: as he that gathered sticks was stoned, Numb. 15. 4. The Sabbath was a shadow of our spirituall rest in Christ, and of Christs rest in the grave. In all these respects was the Sabbath ceremoniall, and bindeth us not now.

2. These things also in the Sabbath are morall, and perpetuall: 1. The rest, and relaxation of the crea∣tures from their ordinary labour: which was not the chiefe and principall, but accidentalis finis, the acci∣dentall end of keeping the Sabbath, that they might better attend upon the service of God: Calvin. 2. The Sabbath was instituted specially for the service of God: for the remembrance of his benefits, the setting forth of his praise; the meditating upon his works: as the creation of the world, the redemption, the resurrection of Christ. Simler. 3. Conservatio Ecclesiastici ministerii: The conservation of the Eccle∣siasticall ministry, was not the least or last end of the Sabbath: that there should be in the Church ordained and so preserved, Pastors and Doctors, who should divide the word of God aright, instruct the people, and exhort them to repentance. Bastingius, Vrsinus.

3. The Sabbath also as it was unto the Israelites typicall and ceremoniall, in shadowing forth, first Christs rest in the grave, and our spirituall rest in him: Marbach. so now it is mysticall, in shewing our spirituall rest and cessation from the works of sinne, as the Prophet applieth it, Isai. 58.14. teaching us how to keepe the Sabbath, in not doing our owne wayes, nor seeking our owne will: it is also Symbolicall, in being a pledge unto us of our everlasting rest in the Kingdome of God: as the Apostle sheweth, Heb. 4.9. There remaineth then a rest to the people of God. Simler.

4. Thomas maketh the Sabbath ceremoniall in these foure respects: First, in the determination of the day. Secondly, in the allegoricall signification, as it was signum quiet is Christi in sepulchro, a signe of Christs rest in the grave. Thirdly, in the morall sense, prou•• significat cessationem ob omni actu peccati, as it signifieth cessation from every act of sinne. Fourthly, in the anagogicall signification, ut praefigurabat quietem, &c. as it prefigured our rest in the Kingdome of heaven. So Thomas 2. 2. qu. 122. artic. 4. But I rather with Vrsinus take this spirituall Sabbath, which is begun in this life, in ceasing from the works of sinne, and per∣fited in the next, to belong unto the morall and internall part of the Sabbath, than to the externall and ceremoniall: the two first indeed are ceremoniall in the Sabbath: the other are not properly ceremoniall, seeing they are perpetuall, but morall rather, spirituall and mysticall.

* 1.185. So then by this which hath beene said, it is easie to make a difference betweene our Lords day, and the Jewish Sabbath: 1. In that we are not tied to the necessary prescript of the day. 2. And have more liber∣ty and freedome in the rest. 3. And their Sabbath was a type and figure of those things, which are now fulfilled and accomplished in Christ. Bastingius.

QUEST. VII. What it is to sanctifie the Sabbath day.

TO sanctifie it. 1. God is said to sanctifie the seventh day one way, and man another: God by institu∣ting that day and consecrating it unto his service: man by referring it unto the use and end appointed of God. Vrsin. 2. Neither is God said so to sanctifie it, as though this day had any speciall kinde of holi∣nesse in it selfe affixed to it, but in regard of the use, because it was consecrated and set apart for holy du∣ties. Simler. 3. And this sanctifying signifieth two things, both a separating of this day from other pro∣phane and common dayes, and the speciall addicting and appropriating of the same to the service of God. 4. And it is not referred onely to the day, sed ad ipsos homines, &c. but to the men themselves, that they should be sanctified, and prepared for the service of God, Gallas. 5. They then are deceived, which thinke they doe sanctifie this day onely in the corporall rest, and that they have done the dutie here required by abstinence from labour: for the day must be sanctified, that is, consecrate to the service of God: Deus non curat principaliter de quiete corporum; God principally doth not take care for the rest of the bodie: sed curat de cultu suo: but he taketh care for his service: the bodily rest is commanded to no other end, than as it is an helpe to the setting forth of Gods worship. Tostat. qu. 13.

QUEST. VIII. Of the labouring six dayes, whether it be a Commandement.

Vers. 9. SIx dayes shalt thou labour. 1. In the Hebrew it is, Six dayes shalt thou serve, and it seemeth to have speciall reference unto the servant, that hee should dispatch all his masters worke in six dayes, and deferre none unto the seventh: the other clause, and doe all thy worke, concerneth the master himselfe, and those which were free: for the servant did not his owne worke, but his masters: but the master and the free man did his owne worke, Oleast. 2. God here enjoyneth not to labour six dayes, as though it were not lawfull upon any occasion to rest upon the weeke dayes: sed ipsa facilitate ad parendum invitat: but he doth perswade to obedience, by the easinesse of the precept, Calvin. 3. And hereby the Lord sheweth how liberally he dealeth with us, that whereas wee ought to spend every day in his service, yet he leaveth unto us six dayes for our affaires, and reserveth the seventh onely to himselfe, Basting. 4. And yet further God so giveth unto us six dayes to worke in, as that the private worship of God be not negle∣cted, in prayer, and hearing of his word, as occasion serveth: but the seventh day is set apart for his publike service in such sort, as that then all other affaires must give place unto it, Vrsin. 5. Three reasons then are specially used to move unto the obedience of this Commandement: one is from the end, because it is to be kept holy to the glory of God: another from Gods example: which two reasons are mentioned afterward: and here is propounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the easinesse of the precept: that seeing wee have libertie to worke six dayes, we may the better rest upon the seventh, Pelargus.

QUEST. IX. What works were permitted to be done upon the Sabbath.

Vers. 10. THou shalt not doe any worke. 1. We must observe that there was a great difference among the Jewes in the observation of their festivall dayes. For the Sabbath was more strictly kept than the rest: therein they were forbidden to prepare or dresse that which they should eat, Exod. 16.23. or to kindle a fire, Exod. 35.3. In the other solemne dayes, as in the first day of the Pasch, those works are excepted, which were about their meat, chap. 12.16. onely they are restrained from all servile worke, Le∣vit. 23.7. And the reason hereof was, because the Sabbath was a speciall figure and type of our spirituall rest in Christ: and figures are most exactly to bee kept, for the more lively shadowing forth of that which was prefigured. And therefore we have now more libertie in keeping of the Lords day: wherein it is law∣full to provide for our food, and to doe other necessary things; because the figure and shadow is past, and the bodie come, Tostat. qu. 13.

2. Notwithstanding the strict injunction of bodily rest, certaine works it was lawfull for the Jewes to doe even under the law; much more for us now: as first, works of necessitie, qua non p••terant bene differri, neque anticipari, which could neither conveniently bee deferred, nor yet prevented: Lyran. Of this kinde is necessary defence against the invasion of the enemies: as Mattathias resolved to fight against the ene∣mie upon the Sabbath day, lest they should have beene put to the sword, as their brethren had beene be∣fore, 1 Maccab. 2.40. So Ioshua with his companie compassed the walles of Jericho seven dayes together, of the which number the Sabbath was one: it was also lawfull for them on the Sabbath to lead their oxe or asse to water, Luk. 13.15. and if their beasts were fallen into the pit, to helpe them out, Luk. 14.5. And as it was lawfull to save their cattell, so also their other substance: as if an house were set on fire, to quench it: if their corne were like to be lost in the field, to preserve it. They might also in case of necessitie seeke for their food upon the Sabbath: as the Apostles rubbed the eares of corne, Matth. 12. Secondly, it was lawfull to exercise works of mercie and charitie upon this day, as to visit the sicke, to cure and heale the diseased: as our Saviour healed the woman, that had beene bowed together, upon the Sabbath, Luk. 13.11. And at another time hee recovered a lame man upon the Sabbath day, and bid him take up his bed and walke, Ioh. 5.8. Thirdly, works tending to pietie were not inhibited upon that day: as the Priests did offer sacrifice, and doe other bodily works that belonged thereunto: and therefore they are said to breake the Sabbath, and yet were blamelesse, Matth. 12.5. not that indeed the Sabbath day was broken by them, but this is spoken in respect of the vulgar opinion, that thought the Sabbath violated, if any necessarie worke were done therein, Tostat. qu. 14.

QUEST. X. Why the children, servants, and cattell are commanded to rest.

Vers. 10. THou, nor thy sonne, nor thy daughter, &c. 1. The father of every house must not onely pro∣vide that himselfe keepe a Sabbath unto the Lord, but hee must have a care of those which are under his charge, as of his sonnes and daughters, then of his servants, whom he is bound to instruct in the wayes of the Lord. 2. But the case is divers, where the servant is of the same profession, and where he is not: for if he be of the same religion, the master is to instruct him, and to see he keepe the Lords Sab∣baths: if he be of another profession, as a Jew or Saracen, now the servant is to be considered as a thing appertaining to the master, and so he is to keepe the Sabbath, though non propter se, not of conscience in respect of himselfe, yet propter Dominum, because of his master, who cannot observe the Sabbath quietly, seeing his servant to breake it in his sight: and so for the same cause the precept is given in the next place concerning the rest of the cattell. 3. The beast also is to rest for these causes: first, that mercie and com∣passion should be extended even unto the dumbe creature, that it may sometime be spared, and have some respite from labour. Secondly, because the beast cannot be employed, but man also thereby is constrained to worke also, and so to violate the Sabbath, in taking care for his beast. Thirdly, that by the fight of the cattell resting from their labour, man also might be put in minde of his dutie, to keepe the Lords rest: like as for the same cause, in publike fasts the beasts were enjoyned abstinence, that men seeing them in their kinde to mourne, might be stirred up unto griefe and sorrow, Simler. 4. But whereas mention is made onely of the sonne and daughter, man servant, and maid servant, and not of such women as were married; the wife therefore must be comprehended under this word, thou: because the Matrone of the house is in some sort joyned with the father of the house in the administration of the familie, Tostat. qu. 14. 5. Ca∣jetane also here giveth this note: Quod nulla fuit mentio pastorum: That no mention is made of shepherds, which tended their flocks, but onely of the domesticall servants, which were as a part of the house, be∣cause it was impossible to leave the great flocks of sheepe without a superintendent or keeper every se∣venth day.

QUEST. XI. What strangers were enjoyned to keepe the Sabbaths rest.

Vers. 10. NOr thy stranger that is in within thy gates. 1. Tostatus understandeth such strangers, as dwelt in their walled cities: for the word here used, signifieth both gates and cities: so also Va∣tablus: and Oleaster here alludeth unto that use and custome of strangers, which inhabited rather in the suburbs, and about the gates, than in the heart of the citie: but it is more largely taken, than for the gates of the cities, because many strangers might dwell among them in townes and villages, where were no gates. By gates then by a certaine metaphor are understood the bounds and limits of every ones juris∣diction: Iun. whether it were in citie, towne, or familie. 2. Tostatus thinketh that here the stranger is meant, which was converted to the Israelites faith, and such as were circumcised: for then they were bound to keepe the whole law, otherwise not, quaest. 14. But I preferre rather Cajetanes opinion, that they were to compell even the Ethnikes among them to keepe the corporall rest, though they did not communicate with them in other parts of the divine service: Quoniam dedecet publicum festum turpe reddi à peregrinis: Because it was not fit that the publike festivall should be defiled by strangers. To the same purpose Lippoman: Nulli cohabitanti permittitur Sabbati dissolutio: None that cohabited was to be permit∣ted to dissolve the Sabbath. And this was commanded for these two reasons: Ne suo exemplo scandalum praeberent Ecclesiae: Lest they might give offence unto the Church by their example: and lest the Jewes also by this occasion might have taken libertie to violate the Sabbath, Vrsin.

QUEST. XII. Why a reason is added to this Commandement.

Vers. 11. FOr in six dayes, &c. 1. This is a reason, not of the morall, but of the ceremoniall part of this Commandement, for the observation of the seventh day: for otherwise we should be bound to the keeping of the same day still, Lippoman. 2. And the Lord herein doth propound his owne exam∣ple, to draw us to obedience: that as children wee should imitate the example of our heavenly father, Basting. 3. Now the cause why a reason is annexed to this Commandement concerning the Sabbath; but, de caede nihil tale adjecit, &c. no such thing is added touching murther; Chrysostome yeeldeth to bee this,* 1.19 because the conscience of man by nature telleth him, that murther is evill, but the Commande∣ment of keeping the Sabbath, being but particular and for a time, non est de principalibus & per conscien∣tiam exquisitis, &c. is not one of the principall things, such as the conscience enquireth of. But Thomas doth more fully explaine this reason: Illa, quae sunt pure moralia habent manifestam rationem: those pre∣cepts, which are meere morall, are evident enough, and need not have any other reason annexed: but in those precepts, which beside the morall part, have a ceremoniall consideration, as in the second of grave•• images, and in the fourth of the determination of the day: oportuit rationem assignari, it behoved a reason to be assigned:* 1.20 because being not wholly grounded upon naturall reason, magis natum erat è mente exci∣dere, it was more apt to fall out of the minde. 4. Cajetane also giveth another reason: Inseruit Deus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proprio aliquid juris positivi juri morali, naturali, &c. God with his owne mouth did insert somewhat of the positive law, into the naturall and morall law, to authorise such positive lawes, as should afterward be gi∣ven by Moses; lest if the Lord had not given with his owne mouth some positive law, Moses might have beene thought to have framed them himselfe.

QUEST. XIII. How the Lord is said to have rested.

REsted the seventh day. 1. Quievit à condendo alio mundo, non quievit ab administrando: God rested from creating another world, but not from the administration and government thereof: Lippoman. as our blessed Saviour saith in the Gospell, My father worketh, and I wo••ke. 2. But God rested not, as though he were wearie: for virtus infinita non est fatigabilis, an infinite power cannot be wearied: as Gods power is infinite; though Aristotle ignorantly denie it, giving this for a reason, why the earth moveth not, be∣cause there is no power sufficient to stirre it out of the place, lib. 2. de Caelo. And beside, potentia incorporea, a power which is incorporeall, is not subject to be wearie, though it be not infinite: as the Angels, and the intellectuall part of man: though this seeme sometime to bee dulled not in it selfe, but in respect of the organes and instruments: but if spirits of a finite nature are not fatigable, or apt to be wearied, much lesse God who is an infinite spirit. Tostat. qu. 15. 3. Therefore God is said to rest, both that this rest might bee m••numentum perfectae & absolutae creationis, a monument of the creation perfited: and that God by his ex∣ample might induce us in like manner to rest from our labours upon his Sabbaths.

QUEST. XIV. Of the changing of the Sabbath from the seventh day, to the first day of the weeke.

THe seventh day. 1. The Apostolicall Church changed the holy day of rest from the seventh day to the first, which is the Lords day, in remembrance of our Redemption by Christ: which in the time of the new law, is maximum beneficiorum, & recentissimum, the greatest benefit, and the newest and most fresh in memorie: as the greatest benefit in the old law was the creation of the world. 2. And although our re∣demption was purchased by the death of Christ, yet because this benefit should not have a full perfection, unlesse we should rise againe unto life eternall, this day was to be assigned rather in memoriall of Christs resurrection, than of his passion: and though the rest of the Sabbath did signifie the rest of Christ in the grave, having consummate and finished the painfull works of his passion: yet because, pretiosior nobis fuit resurrectio, &c. the resurrection of Christ was more precious unto us, than his rest in the grave: therefore not upon the Sabbath, but upon the day of the resurrection, doe we keepe an holy memoriall unto God. Tostat. quaest. 11. 3. The Apostolicall Church according to their Christian libertie, in stead of the seventh day made choyce of the first, in remembrance of the resurrection of Christ, ut se à Iudaica synogoga discer∣neret: that they might be discerned from the Jewish Synagogue. Vrsin.

QUEST. XV. How the Lord is said to have blessed and sanctified the day.

Vers. 11. THerefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, &c. 1. Not that other dayes were accursed: sed quod prae aliis hanc celebrem fecit; but because he preferred this before the rest: for if those dayes are counted blessed, and had in remembrance, wherein some good is wrought for the Church, or Common-wealth▪ much more this day, wherein all things were finished. Simler. 2. Of the other six dayes, it is not said, the Lord blessed them, for it was sufficient, quod in singulis illis creatura productae sunt, that in every one of them some creature was brought forth: but of this day it is said, God blessed and sanctified it: what is this, He sanctified it? ab aliis illum segregavit: he did separate and set it apart from other dayes. Chrysost. homil. 10. in Genes. 3. Benedictio semper importat multiplicationem, &c. Blessing doth alwayes im∣ply multiplying. So God bestowed many blessings and good things upon this day, beyond other dayes. Tostat. qu. 16. 4. Isidore doth specially referre this Commandement to the holy Ghost, for these reasons, quia spiritus sanctus septiformis dicitur, &c. because the holy Ghost in respect of the manyfold graces there∣of is said to be seven-fold, the sanctifying of the seventh day peculiarly belongeth unto the Spirit: & quia non est nominata sanctificatio nisi in Sabbato: and because no mention is made of sanctification, but in the Sabbath day: and further, for that dono spiritus sancti nobis requies aeterna pr••mittitur: by the gift of the Spirit eternall rest is promised unto us: whereof mention is made in this precept. 5. But how is the Lord said to blesse the Sabbath here, seeing the Lord saith by his Prophet, I cannot suffer your new Moones, and your Sabbaths? Isai. 1.13. The answer is, that the Jewes sinned, carnaliter observantes sabbatum,* 1.21 in obser∣ving the Sabbath carnally: and so the Sabbath is not acceptable unto God: but when it is so kept, as that it putteth us in minde of our everlasting rest in the Kingdome of heaven. Isidor.

2. Places of Doctrine observed out of the fourth Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the generall and particular contents of this Commandement.

IN this Commandement generally, all such holy works and duties are prescribed to be done, whereby the service of God is advanced: and likewise therein is forbidden, either the omission, and neglect of such holy works, or the prophanation thereof, by all such works as do hinder the holy exercises, and are contra∣ry thereunto.

1. In particular, here is commanded, the faithfull and diligent preaching and setting forth of the Word of God, as the Apostle saith, Wo is unto me, if I preach not the Gospell, 1 Cor. 9.16. and he chargeth Timothie to preach the Word, to be instant, in season, and out of season. 2 Tim. 4.2.

Contrary to this dutie, are: 1. The neglect and omitting of teaching and preaching: as the Prophet Esay reproveth the idle and carelesse watchmen: They are all dumbe dogges, they cannot barke, they lie and sleepe, and delight in sleeping, Isai. 56.10. 2. The abusing and counterfeiting of this holy function, when the word of God is not sincerely and purely handled, but according to mens fansies, and humours: but the Apostle saith, We are not as those, that make merchandize of the Word of God, 2 Cor. 2.17.

2. The often administration of the Sacraments, as occasion serveth, is another exercise, whereby the Lords day is sanctified: as Act. 2.42. They continued in the Apostles doctrine, & fellowship, & breaking of bread.

Contrary hereunto on the Ministers behalfe, are: 1. The negligent administration of the Sacraments, and omitting to call upon the people often to resort unto them: 2. The corrupting or perverting of the Sacraments, as the Romanists have turned the Sacrament into a sacrifice: being ordained for the living, they applie it to the dead: Christ biddeth us to eat and drinke it, they hold it up to be gazed upon: and in many such things have they degenerated from the institution of our blessed Saviour.

3. The carefull hearing of the Word of God is commanded, and diligent resorting to the exercises of religion, as the Bereans are commended for searching the Scriptures, whether those things were so, which the Apostle preached, Act. 17.11.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The negligent resorting to the holy assemblies of the Lords people, in car∣nall men, or the wilfull refusall in obstinate recusants; who are like unto those in the Gospell, who being invited to the marriage feast, excused themselves, and refused to come, Matth. 22.5. 2. The carelesse and fruitlesse hearing of the Word, as Eutychus fell asleepe while Paul was preaching, Act. 20.

4. The reverent and often receiving of the Sacraments is prescribed: as Act. 20.6. On the first day of the weeke the Disciples came together to breake bread.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. the neglect of the Sacraments: 2. The prophanation of them, when they obtrude themselves, that are not prepared, and so receive unworthily, 1 Cor. 11.17.

5. Publike invocation upon God, and faithfull prayer is another exercise for the Lords day: as Act. 16.13. On the Sabbath day we went out of the Citie beside a river, where they were went to pray.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The neglect of publike and private prayer. 2. To pray with the lippes, and and not with the heart. 3. Unfruitfull prayer in an unknowne tongue: against the which S. Paul speaketh, 1 Cor. 14.17. Thou givest thanks well, but the other is not edified.

6. Charitie is upon this day to be exercised, and extended to the poore, as our blessed Saviour healed upon this day, Mark. 3.3.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. The omitting of the works of charitie, and despising of the poore, as the rich glutton did despise poore Lazarus, Luk. 16. 2. Or the giving of almes for praise and ostentation, as the Pharisies did, Matth. 6. Ex Vrsin.

7. Meditating upon the works of God, is peculiar for the Lords day, as Psal. 92. which was appointed for the Sabbath day, vers. 4. the Prophet saith, I will rejoyce in the works of thy hands.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. To be occupied in carnall and worldly thoughts, and bodily labour, as in buying, selling, travelling, working: 2. To follow prophane games and sports, to spend this day in quaf∣fing, drinking, dancing and such like: as the Israelites kept an holy day to the golden Calfe: They sate downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play, Exod. 32.6.

2. Doct. How the Sabbath is to be sanctified.

Vers. 8. REmember the Sabbath day, to keepe it holy, or to sanctifie it. In this precept, two things are to be considered: quid cavendum, quid faciendum, what is to be taken heed of, and what is to be done.

The things to be avoided upon the Sabbath day are these: 1. All corporall worke and labour. So Ieremie saith, chap. 17.24. Sanctifie the Sabbath, so that you doe no worke therein. But yet bodily works may bee done upon the Sabbath, upon these foure occasions: First, propter necessitatem, for necessity, as our Sa∣viour excused his Disciples for pulling the eares of corne, being hungry, Matth. 12. Secondly, propter Ec∣clesiae utilitatem,* 1.22 for the profit of the Church: as the Priests did all necessary things that were to bee done in the Temple upon the Sabbath, and were blamelesse. Thirdly, propter proximi utilitatem, for the good of our neighbour: as our Saviour healed upon the Sabbath one which had a withered hand, Matth. 12.12. Fourthly, propter Superioris authoritatem, because of the authoritie of the Superiour: as the Jewes cir∣cumcised upon the Sabbath, because the Lord so commanded, that they should circumcise their males upon the eight day.

2. Debemus cavere culpam, we must take heed of sinne: as the Lord saith by his Prophet, I cannot suf∣fer your new Moones, nor your Sabbaths, Isai. 1.13. and then he giveth this reason, vers. 15. your hands are full of bloud.

3. Debemus cavere negligentiam: We must take heed of negligence and idlenesse upon the Lords day: as it is said of the Israelites, they sate downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play, Exod. 34.

The things wherein wee must be exercised upon the Lords day are these: 1. In faciendis sacrificiis, in offering of our sacrifices: that as the Jewes offered up their externall sacrifices, so Christians now must pre∣sent unto God, their spirituall sacrifices of prayer and thanksgiving: as the Prophet David saith, Let my prayer be directed in thy sight as incense.

2. We must corpus nostrum affligere, humble and afflict the body, not pamper it upon this day, and make as it were our belly our God: so the Apostle exhorteth, that we would give our bodies a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, Rom. 12.1.

3. Dando eleemosynas, in giving of almes: as the Apostle saith, to doe good, and distribute forget not: for with such sacrifices God is pleased, Heb. 13.16. So Nehemiah adviseth the people: Send part unto them, for whom none is prepared, for this day is holy unto the Lord, chap. 8. vers. 10.

4. In divinorum exercitiis: Wee must bee occupied in divine exercises: as our blessed Saviour saith, Ioh. 8. He that is of God heareth Gods words: for herein consisteth the delight and rest of the soule: this is that Sabbatisme or rest which the Apostle speaketh of,* 1.23 Heb. 4. There remaineth then a rest to the people of God. This pleasant rest of the soule is begun in this life, and perfited in the next. But before we can attaine

to that perfect rest in the Kingdome of God, three kinds of rests must goe before: 1. Ab inquietudine pec∣cati: From the restlesse condition of sinne: for as the Prophet saith, The wicked are like the raging sea, that cannot rest, Isa. 57.20. A passionibus car••is, from the passions of the flesh, for the flesh lusteth against the Spirit: Galath. 5. Ab occupationibus mundi, from the troubles and businesses of the world, as our blessed Saviour said to Martha, thou carest, and art troubled about many things, Luk. 10.41. Et tunc post hac ani∣ma liberè quiescit in Domino: and then after all this, the soule shall freely enjoy rest in the Lord: Sic ferè Thomas in opuscul.

3. Places of confutation.

1. Cont. Against the Iewes, and the Sabbatarians that contend for the Iewish Sabbath.

FIrst the Jewes doe thus object against the Christians, for the perpetuitie and continuance of their Sabbath upon the seventh day.

1. Object. The morall law is perpetuall, but this Commandement for the sanctifying of the seventh day, is part of the morall law: Ergo.

Answ. This Commandement as it is morall, continueth still namely, that a certaine day should be set apart for the publike service of God: yea and further, as Chrysostom saith, In circulo hebdomadis diem unum integrum segregandum, &c. That in the compasse of a weeke, one whole day should be severed from the rest, Hom. 10. in Genes. But the ceremoniall part of this precept, in the prescript of the seventh day, bin∣deth us not now: as the Apostle saith, Let no man condemne you, &c. in respect of an holy day of the new Moone, or of the Sabbath, &c. Coloss. 2.16. Vrsin.

2. Object. The lawes which were instituted before Moses, are immutable and perpetuall, but such was the institution of the Sabbath.

Answ. The proposition is not true, for the fathers before Moses used to offer sacrifices: Circum∣cision was given to Abraham: even from the beginning there was a difference betweene cleane and uncleane beasts: and yet all these being types and figures of things to come, are abrogated by Christ. Simler.

3. Object. The lawes given before mans fall in the state of his innocencie, could bee no types of the Messiah, being not yet promised, and therefore they doe bind all Adams posteritie: such was the sancti∣fying of the Sabbath.

Answ. 1. Such lawes, the ground whereof was printed in the soule of man in the creation, as are all morall precepts, are perpetuall, but not all in generall given unto Adam, as was the prohibition to eat of the tree of life. Vrsin. 2. But it may be further answered, that the Sabbath was not instituted before mans fall: for he is held to have fallen upon the sixth day, the same day wherein he was created, as it is at large handled in that question upon the 3. of Genesis. 3. This law of sanctifying the Sabbath in substance re∣maineth still, though the ceremonie of the day be changed.

4. Object. The keeping of the Sabbath is called an everlasting covenant, Exod. 31.16. it is therefore to remaine for ever.

Answ. 1. So Circumcision is called an everlasting covenant: because they were to continue till the comming of the Messiah, and so long as the Common-wealth of Israel continued, to them it was perpe∣tuall: but now their state being dissolved, the covenants made with them are expired also. Simler. 2. It is called everlasting, in respect of the signification and substance thereof, our rest in Christ, and so it remaineth still, and shall for ever: as the Kingdome of David in the Messiah shall never have end. Vrsin.

5. Object. The reason and cause of the law is immutable, namely, the memoriall of the creation, there∣fore the law it selfe also: and seeing the knowledge of the creation is necessarie, so also is the symbole and monument thereof, the celebration of the seventh day.

Answ. 1. The cause or reason of a law being immutable, the law it selfe also is immutable, if it bee so tied unto the law, as that it cannot stand, if the law be changed: but so is it not here, for the creation may as well be remembred upon another day, as upon the seventh. Vrsin. 2. All the sacrifices and ceremonies of the law, were symboles and signes of necessary things, as Circumcision, the paschall Lambe, of the Cir∣cumcision of the heart, and of the Messiah, which things remaine still, but the symboles are abolished. Simler.

Now then, that Christians are not bound unto the Jewish Sabbath, it is evident by these reasons: 1. By the doctrine of the Apostles, Galath. 4.10. You observe dayes and moneths, times and yeares, I am in feare of you, lest I have bestowed upon you labour in vaine: and by name S. Paul speaking of the Sabbaths, saith, They were shadowes of things to come, but the bodie is in Christ, Coloss. 2.16. 2. The Apostles by their ex∣ample shewed, that the Jewish Sabbath was determined, for they began to keepe the first day of the weeke, Act. 20.7. and 1 Cor. 16.2. 3. All types and shadowes were but to continue untill the bodie came, which was Christ, but the Sabbath was one of those shadowes. 4. The Sabbath was a note of cognizance, and a worke of distinction, and difference betweene the Israelites and other people: which difference and par∣tition, is now taken away in Christ, for now there is neither Jew, nor Grecian, but all are one in Christ, Galath. 4.28. Ex Vrsin.

In Gregories time there were, Qui die Sabbati aliquid operari prohiberent, which did prohibite to doe any worke upon the Sabbath or Saturday; whom he refelleth thus:* 1.24 Quos quid aliud nisi Antichristi prae∣dicatores dixerim, &c. whom what else should I call, than the preachers of Antichrist, who when he com∣meth, shall cause both the Sabbath, and the Lords day to be kept without doing any worke: for, because

he shall faine himselfe to die and rise againe, hee shall cause the Lords day to be had in reverence: and be∣cause he shall compell them unto Judaisme, he shall likewise command the Sabbath to be kept: And thus he concludeth, Nos, quod de Sabbato scriptum est, spiritualiter accipimus, &c. We spiritually observe that which is written of the Sabbath: for the Sabbath signifieth rest: Verum autem Sabbatum, Redemptorem nostrum habemus, and we have our Redeemer and Saviour our true Sabbath.

2. Cont. Against the Iewes carnall observing of the Sabbath.

BEside this, that the Jewes would enforce upon us their Sabbath, they have another errour, in the man∣ner of keeping their Sabbath, which they solemnize in taking their ease, in eating and drinking, and giving themselves over to all pleasure, and licentiousnesse: for, as Burgensis reporteth of them, The Jewes thinke they are bound upon every Sabbath, to eat thrice, that is, one dinner, and two suppers: and in so doing they shall escape the punishment of hell. Burgens. addition. 4.

Contra. 1. Thus their forefathers kept an holy day to the golden Calfe, in eating and drinking, and ri∣sing up to play: God will not be so served. 2. The way to Paradise is a strait and narrow way: by many afflictions we must enter into the Kingdome of heaven, not eating, and drinking, and taking our pleasure. 3. Augustine saith, Quanto melius foeminae eorum lanam facerent, quàm in neomeniis saltarent? How much better might their women spinne, than dance in their new moones? Tract. 4. in Ioan. 4. Chrysostome al∣so thus proveth, that the Sabbath is not, ••tii, but spiritualis actionis materia, not an occasion of idlenesse, but of spirituall exercise: because the Priests were by the law upon that day to offer double sacrifice: but if it were a day of ease, Oportebat Sacerdotem omnium maximè otium agere, it was meet that the Priest most of all should take his ease then. Concion. de Lazaro.

3. Cont. Of the Iewes superstition in the precise and strict keeping of the Sabbath rest.

AGaine, the Jewes were superstitiously addicted to the corporall rest; which they would not breake upon any occasion: as our Chronicles doe make mention of a Jew, that being fallen into a jakes, re∣fused to be taken out thence upon their Sabbath day: and the next day being the Lords day, the Governour would not suffer him to be pulled out upon that day, because it was the Christians Sabbath, and so the wil∣full Jew there perished.

Of the like strictnesse were some among the Christians in keeping of the externall rest upon the Lords day, therein imitating the Jewes: as Gregorie in the fore-cited place writeth, how some did forbid any to wash themselves upon the Lords day: whom he thus confuteth: 1. Si pro luxu animi ac voluptatis quis la∣vari appetit, &c. If any man desire to be washed of wantonnesse and pleasure, it is not so lawfull upon any day: si autem pro necessita•••• corporis, &c. But if it be for the necessitie of the bodie, we doe not forbid it upon the Lords day: for no man hateth his owne flesh. 2. If it be a sinne to wash upon the Lords day, neither is it lawfull so much as to wash the face: Si hoc in corporis parte conceditur, cur hoc exigente necessi∣tate toti corpori negatur? If this be permitted in one part of the bodie: why, necessitie so requiring, should it be denied to the whole bodie?

So then neither were the Jewes so strictly bound from all corporall labour, as they superstitiously ob∣serve: as may appeare by Ioshuahs and the whole hosts compassing of Jericho seven dayes together, Iosh. 7. and by the Macchabees fighting upon the Sabbath, 1 Macchab. 2.41. And Christians have more libertie herein, than the Jewes had: for it is lawfull for them to prepare their food upon the Lords day, which it was not lawfull for the Jewes to doe upon their Sabbath: for, as Thom. Aquinas well resolveth: Opus cor∣porale pertinens ad conservandum salutem proprii corporis, non violat Sabbatum: A corporall worke be∣longing to the conservation of the health of ones bodie, doth not violate the Sabbath: and this is groun∣ded upon that saying of our blessed Saviour: The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath, Mark. 2.27. God would not have the Sabbath, which was made for mans benefit, to be used to his hin∣drance. Lyranus yeeldeth this reason, betweene the strictnesse imposed upon the Jewes, and the libertie of Christians: quia illa vacatio figuralis erat: because their resting was figurative, and therefore was most strictly to be kept: & à figura quantumcun{que} modico subtracto mutatur tota significatio: and take never so little from a figure, the whole signification is changed: as if you take l. from lapis, or, s. from stone, that which remaineth, signifieth nothing: but though somewhat be taken from the substance of a stone, it is a stone still.

4. Conf. Against the Anabaptists, that would have no day kept holy unto the Lord.

IN the next place are the Anabaptists to be met withall, and who else doe condemne the observation of the Lords day among Christians: because the Apostle reproveth the Galathians, for observing of dayes and moneths, Galath. 4. and in other places.

Contra. 1. The observing of dayes is not simply prohibited by the Apostle, sed cum opinione cultus vel necessitatis: but with an opinion of religion placed in the day and necessity: the Jewes kept their Sabbath, as making the observation of the day a part of Gods worship: and they held it necessary to keepe that day unchangeable. It was also unto them a type and figure of the spirituall rest. But the Christians now keepe not the Lords day, in any of these respects, either as a day more holy in it selfe than others, or as of neces∣sitie to be kept, but onely for order and decencie sake: because it is meet, that some certaine day should be set apart for the worship of God. Vrsin.

2. As in the practice of Physicke, and in politike affaires, and in the trade of husbandrie, there is both a lawfull observation of dayes, and an unlawfull: for to observe seasons of the yeate for the earth, and for

ministring unto the bodie of man, as also to make choice of the most convenient times for civill businesse, is not unlawfull: yet the superstitious respect of dayes, as making some fortunate, some unfortunate, and to depend wholly upon the aspects of starres, is a vaine and idle thing. So likewise in the businesse of re∣ligion, as dayes may bee superstitiously kept, so they may also for order sake, and to other good uses bee distinguished. 3. Like as then, though Christians yeeld a comely reverence unto the publike places of prayer, yet not in like sort, as the Jewes accounted of their Tabernacle: so according to the same rule, there is a preeminence given unto the Lords day, but not with the like difference of dayes, as the Jewes esteemed their Sabbath, Simler.

5. Conf. Against the Zuincfeldians, that hold the preaching of the Word superfluous, whereby the Lords day is sanctified.

THe Zuincfeldians doe also faile in the manner of celebrating the Lords day, counting the ministery of the Gospell, and preaching of the word of God, whereby the Lords day is sanctified, a superfluous thing: cleaving wholly unto their vaine speculations, and phantasticall visions and revelations: whereas it is evident out of the Scriptures, that both the old Sabbath of the Jewes was solemnized and kept in hea∣ring Moses read, and preached, Acts 15.21. and the Lords day in like sort was sanctified by the Apostles with preaching, Acts 20.7. ex Bastingio.

Now proceed we on to deale against the Romanists, who diversly erre as touching the Lords day.

6. Conf. That the Lords day is warranted by Scripture, and not by tradition onely.

FIrst, they hold, that the keeping of the Lords day in stead of the Jewish Sabbath, is not warranted by Scripture, but onely by tradition from the Apostles. To this purpose the Rhemists, Matth. 15. sect. 3. And there are other beside in these dayes, that make the observation of the Lords day onely an Ecclesiasti∣call constitution.

Contra. 1. There are three most evident texts of Scripture usually alleaged, which doe make it evi∣dent, that this change of the Sabbath began in the time of the Apostles, and so by their Apostolike autho∣ritie, being thereto guided by the Spirit, is warranted, and so declared and testified in Scripture. These are the places: Act. 20.7. 1 Cor. 16.2. Revelat. 1.10. In the first we have the exercises of religion, preach∣ing, and ministring the Sacraments, which were peculiar to the Sabbath, transferred to the first day of the weeke. In the second, publike charitable collections for the poore, which was also used upon the Sabbath. In the third, the very name of the Lords day is set downe.

2. And further, that this day was consecrated by divine authoritie, the great works doe shew, where∣with this day from the beginning hath beene honoured: as Augustine hath sorted them together: Vene∣rabilis est hic dies in quo transgressi sunt fili•• Israel mare rubrum, &c. This day is to be reverenced, wherein the Israelites passed over the red sea, wherein Manna first rained upon the Israelites in the desert, our Lord was baptized in Jordan, water was turned into wine in Cana of Galile; wherein the Lord blessed the five loaves, wherewith he fed five thousand men; wherein he rose againe from the dead, entred into the house the doores being shut; wherein the holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles, &c. Serm. 154.

3. This reason also may perswade it, because the Lords day is now sanctified to holy uses, as the Sab∣bath was to the Jewes: but it belongeth onely unto God to sanctifie by his word: as the Apostle saith, Every creature is sanctified by the word of God and prayer, 1 Tim. 4.5. Therefore the Lords day must be war∣ranted by the word, before it can be sanctified, and set apart to holy uses. 5. And seeing the Jewes Sabbath is warranted by the word, it must also be changed by the word: there must bee the same authority in the alteration of it, which was in the first institution. The Lords day then was not appointed by the ordinary authority of the Church: for then the Church by the same authority might constitute another day, if there were cause: which cannot be admitted: but as Vrsinus saith, Apostolica Ecclesiae, pro libertate sibi à Christo donata, &c. The Apostolike Church, according to the liberty given them of Christ, did make choice of the first day for the seventh. The Church then by the extraordinary power of the Apostles, directed specially thereunto by the Spirit of God, did alter the day: and Tostatus saith well; Tota Ecclesia Spiritu sancto ducta, hunc deem instituit: The whole Church being led by the holy Ghost, did institute this day, quaest. 11.

7. Conf. Of the preeminence of the Lords day beyond other festivals.

ANother errour of the Romanists is, that they require sanctification▪ and necessary keeping of all holy dayes: as making a necessity of keeping all alike. Rhemist. annot. Galath. 4. sect. 5.

Contra. 1. The same difference that was betweene the legall Sabbath and other their festivals, re∣maineth still betweene the Lords day observed among Christians, and other holy dayes: but the Sabbath day was more strictly observed, than the greatest festivals besides: for on their Sabbath it was not lawfull to kindle a fire, Exod. 35.3. nor to dresse their meat, Exod. 16.23. but on other festivals they were not forbidden to doe such works, as were to bee done about their meat, Exod. 12.16. they were onely re∣strained from doing servile works, Levit. 23.7. but the works about their meat and drinke were not ser∣vile. 2. The observation of the Lords day doth simply binde every Christian in conscience, though there were no positive Law of the Church for it; that wheresoever a Christian liveth in any part of the world, it is his dutie in remembrance of the resurrection of our blessed Saviour, to sanctifie the Lords day: but other festivals of Saints a man is not bound in conscience simply to keepe, but as hee is bound in generall to yeeld obedience to the superiour authoritie in lawfull things: for onely Gods immediate Commandements doe simply bind in conscience in respect of the thing commanded: as the Apostle saith,

There is one lawgiver, that is able to save, and destroy, Iam. 4.12. and no more but he alone: therefore by this reason the Lords day hath a preeminence before other festivals. 3. Hereunto I will adde Tostatus rea∣son: Sabbatum, vel una quaecun{que} esset dies in hebdomada observanda, videbatur dependere à ratione naturali: The Sabbath, or what other day is to be kept in the weeke, seemeth to depend upon naturall reason, as is shewed before, quest. 5. Caetera observationes sunt magis ex voluntate legislatoris: Other observations de∣pend rather of the will of the lawmaker: Tostat. qu. 13. So our Lords day succeeding the Jewish Sabbath, is grounded in part even upon the law of nature: but other festivities depend ab arbitrio Ecclesiae, of the determination of the Church. So then to conclude this point, as Augustine saith: Quomodo Maria virgo mater Domini inter omnes mulieres principatum tenet, sic inter caeteros dies, haec omnium dierum mater est: As the Virgin Marie the mother of our Lord is the principall among women; so among other dayes, this day is as the mother of the rest, Sermon. de temper. 36.

8. Controv. To commit any sinne upon the Lords day, is a double transgression.

THe Romanists here have another erroneous assertion: that the internall act of religion pertaineth not to the keeping of the Sabbath, but the externall, and so consequently they denie, that any sinne com∣mitted upon the Sabbath is thereby the greater, Bellar. de cult. sanctor. lib. 3. cap. 10. prop. 4.

Contra. 1. But the contrarie is evident out of Scripture, that it belongeth to the rest of the Sabbath to abstaine from the works of sinne: ut vacantes à pravis actionibus, &c. that being vacant, or ceasing from evill actions, they might suffer God to worke in them by his Spirit: therefore the Lord saith, speaking of his Sabbath, It is a signe betweene me and you, in your generations, that I the Lord doe sanctifie you, Exod. 31.13. And to the same purpose Ezechiel chap. 20.12. I have given them also my Sabbath to be a signe be∣tweene me and them, that they might know that I am the Lord that doe sanctifie them. These places are urged to this purpose by Pelargus, Bastingius.

2. So the Fathers expound that precept, of doing no servile worke upon the Sabbath: Ne nos voluptas corporis & libido succendant: That the pleasure and lust of the bodie should not inflame us upon this day: qui enim facit peccatum, est servus peccati: for he that committeth sinne, is the servant of sinne. So Hierome in Esaiam, cap. 59. Likewise Augustine thus writeth: Spiritualiter observat sabbatum Christianus, absti∣nens se ab opere servili, &c. A Christian man doth spiritually observe the Sabbath, in abstaining from ser∣vile worke: what is this, from servile worke? from sinne, Tractat. 4. in Ioann. So also Thomas: Est triplex servitus; una, qua homo servit peccato, &c. There is a threefold service; one, when a man serveth sinne: al∣tera qua homo servit homini, &c. another, when man serveth man: and this service is according to the bo∣die, not in the minde: tertia est servetus Dei, the third is the service of God. If we understand servile worke this last way, it is not forbidden upon the Sabbath day: sed alia opera servilia primo, vel secundo modo, &c. but other servile works the first or second way, are contrary to the keeping of the Sabbath. Sic Thomas 2.2. quaest. 122. art. 4. addit. 3.

3. Hereunto I will adde Tostatus reason: Hence it followeth, that hee which committeth adulterie, killeth, or is drunken upon the Lords day, magis peccat, quàm si aliis diebus idem ageret: sinneth more, than if he should doe the same thing upon other dayes, quia sic est transgressor duplicis praecepti: because he so transgresseth two Commandements: that precept; Thou shalt not commit adulterie, thou shalt not kill, or any other, and this of sanctifying the Sabbath, Tostat. qu. 12. See more of this question elsewhere, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 70.

4. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Against hypocrisie and vaine glorie.

Vers. 8. REmember the Sabbath day to sanctifie it, &c. Rupertus applieth this text against the doing of any thing for vaine glorie, or to bee seene of men: but wee should referre all to the praise of God: In omnibus operibus tuis Deiretributionem attende, &c. In all thy works wait for the Lords re∣compence, that he will prepare eternall rest for thy reward: and this it is to sanctifie the Sabbath. So Au∣gustine: Spiritualiter observa Sabbatum in spe futurae quietis: Observe the Sabbath spiritually in hope of the everlasting reward: Libr. de 10. Chord. All hypocrites therefore that keepe the Sabbath rest, rather for feare of humane lawes than of conscience, which also come before the Lord with a dissembling heart, are transgressors of this Commandement: for he that will truly consecrate the Sabbath unto the Lord, must call it a delight, Isa. 58.13. he must with all his soule delight therein.

2. Observ. Against those, which spend the Lords day in carnall delight.

TO sanctifie it. The rest then of the Sabbath is commanded, not as though it were in it selfe a thing ac∣ceptable unto God, but that wee might the better attend upon Gods service. They therefore which give themselves upon the Lords day to ease and idlenesse, pampering and feeding themselves, following their owne will and pleasure, doe not sanctifie the Sabbath unto the Lord: for, hee that will consecrate a Sabbath as glorious unto the Lord, must not doe his owne wayes, nor seeke his owne will, as the Prophet sheweth, Isai. 58.13. Against such, which carnally spent the Sabbath in pleasure and delight, the same Pro∣phet speaketh, Wo unto them, &c. The Harpe and Violl, Timbrell and Pipe are in their feasts, Isai. 5.12. And of such Chrysostome saith well, Accepisti Sabbatum, ut animam tuam liberares à vitiis, & tu verò magis illa committis:* 1.25 Thou hast received the Sabbath, to free thy soule from vice, and by this meanes thou doest commit it the more.

3. Observ. No worke must be put off untill the Lords day.

THou shalt not doe any worke. Here then such covetous and worldly minded men are taxed, which can∣not afford one day of seven for the Lord, but toile themselves therein with bodily labour: as if they have a job of worke of their weeks taske to doe, they will dispatch it upon the Lords day: if they have any journey to take, they will put it off till then, for feare of hindring their other worke: therefore the Lord meeting with mens covetous humours, forbiddeth all kinde of worke to be done therein. Gregorie giveth two reasons, why upon the Lords day we should cease from all terrene labour: because, Omni modo ora∣tionibus insistendum. We should altogether attend upon prayer, and spirituall exercises: such works then must be shunned, because they are an hinderance unto the service of God. And againe, Si quid negligéntiae per sex diesagitur, &c. if any thing have beene negligently done in the six dayes, that upon the day of the resur∣rection of our Lord, precibus expietur, it may be expiate and purged by prayer. Gregor in Registro, lib. 11. epist. 3. We should not then commit more sinnes of negligence, when we should pray for forgivenesse of our errours, and negligence. Cajetane giveth a good note upon this word (Remember) Ad hoc servit re∣cordatio, ut non reserves aliquid operandum in diem septimum, &c. therefore serveth this remembrance, that no jot or worke be reserved till the seventh day.

4. Observ. It is not enough for the master of the familie to keepe the Lords day, unlesse his whole familie also doe sanctifie it.

THou, nor thy sonne, nor thy daughter, &c. This is added to reprove their nice curiositie, who, though themselves will seeme to make conscience of the Lords day, are content yet that their children and servants doe breake it, and put them to labour, or suffer them to mispend the day in vaine pleasure, think∣ing it sufficient if the master of the house keepe the rest of the Lords day. But every good Christian must resolve with Ioshua: I and my house will serve the Lord, chap. 24.15. He thought it not enough for himselfe to be addicted to Gods service, unlesse his whole familie also served the Lord. So then, none are exempted here from keeping the Sabbath: Nullus sexus, nulla aetas, nulla conditio, &c. no sex, no age, no condition is excluded from the observing the Sabbath. Gloss. interlin. Neither young nor old, male or female, master or servant.

Vpon the fifth Commandement.

1. Divers Questions and difficulties discussed and explained.

QUEST. I. Whether this precept belong to the first Table.

12. HOnour thy father, &c. Iosephus with some other Hebrewes, doe make this fifth Commandement the last of the first Table: both to make the number even in both Tables, and because mention is made here of Jehovah, as in none of the other Commandements of the second Table: and because it was fit, that as the first table began with our dutie toward God our heavenly Father, so it should end with our dutie toward our earthly parents.

Contra. These are no sufficient reasons for this division of the Commandements. 1. For though the foure first Commandements in number answer not the other, yet they are in the writing upon the Tables, more, and conteine a greater space than the other six: and better it is to divide the Commandements by the matter, referring onely those to the first Table, which containe the worship of God, than by the number. 2. The name Jehovah is expressed in other judiciall and ceremoniall lawes, which follow, which belong not either to the first or second Table. 3. The third reason better sheweth, why this Commandement should begin the second Table, then end the first. 4. And whereas some object that place, Rom. 13.9. where the Apostle rehearseth the five Commandements following, omitting this, as though it belonged not to the second Table: the reason of that omission is, because the Apostle directly in that place had treated before of the dutie toward the higher Powers, and Superiours, who are comprehended under the name of parents. But our Saviour putteth all out of doubt, Matth. 19.19. where he placeth this Commandement last, in rehearsing the precepts of the second Table, and joyneth it with that generall precept: Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe. Calvin.

QUEST. II. Why the precepts of the second Table, are said to be like unto the first.

NOw our Saviour reduceth all the precepts of the second Table to one generall Commandement, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe, and saith, it is like unto the first; in these respects: 1. Be∣cause the second Table of the morall law, as well as the first, hath a preeminence and excellencie above the ceremonials, and therefore in regard of this dignitie and prioritie, it is like unto the first. 2. Because the same kinde of punishment, even everlasting death is threatned against every transgression, as well of the second, as of the first Table. 3. In regard of the coherence and dependance, which the one hath of the other, as the cause and the effect; for a man cannot love his brother, unlesse he first have the feare of God, whose image he reverenceth in his brother. Vrsin.

QUEST. III. Why the precept of honouring parents is set first in the second Table.

THis fifth Commandement is set before the other for these reasons: 1. Lyranus, Primò ponitur praecep∣tum circa operationem boni: First this precept is put, which concerneth the operation of that which is good, as in giving honour to parents: the other precepts are touching the shunning and avoiding of evill. 2. Thomas giveth this reason, because first those duties, are prescribed, Quibus homo ex aliqua speciali ra∣tione obligatur, &c. whereby a man is specially bound to some particular persons, as to parents: then those follow, Qua indifferenter omnibus debitum reddunt: which indifferently yeeld the due unto all men. 3. Tostatus thus divideth the precepts of the second Table, according to the threefold facultie of the minde, which are rationalis, irascibilis, concupiscibilis: the rationall part, the irascibile or irefull power, and the coveting and desiring facultie: the rationall is the most worthie, in giving honour unto Superiours; for by the rationall part wee desire such things, which are of an higher degree, than those things, which brute beasts do covet: the irefull part is seene in revenge, either against a mans person directly, which is met with∣all in the next precept, Thou shalt not kill: or against some principall thing belonging to his person, as his good name, which is provided for in the ninth precept. The coveting facultie, is seene either in the act it selfe, which is twofold, either in carnall desire toward a mans wife, forbidden in the 7. precept, or in a co∣vetous eye toward his substance, in the 8. or in the desire onely of these things, as in the 10. Tostat. qu. 17. 4. Procopius yeeldeth this reason, why this precept is set first: Quia parentes secunda post Deum causa 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quòd simus: Because parents are the next cause after God of our being. And so as Thomas saith, Est quadem affinitas hujus praecepti ad praecepta prima Tabulae: There is a certaine affinity betweene this precept, and the precepts of the first Table: Likewise Tostatus, because next unto God we must reverence our parents, as most bound unto them, as the Heathen Philosopher could say, Quòd patribus & diis non possumus rare∣buere aequalia, That to God and our parents, wee can never render equally, that is, as wee have received. Aristot. 8. Ethicor. 5. But the best reason is, because this precept is, Nervus & fundamentum obedien∣tiae, &c. is the very foundation and band of obedience to the other Commandements, which would soone be violated, if men did not stand in awe of the Magistrate, the father of the Common-wealth. And beside, this precept is set first, because of the promise annexed; that wee should be the more easily allured unto obedience. Vrsin.

QUEST. IV. Why speciall mention is made of the mother.

THy father and mother, &c. Speciall mention is made of the mother, for these causes: 1. Because in these three things are children bound unto their mothers: because they are the meanes of their gene∣ration: as the father is the active and formall cause, so the mother is the materiall and passive cause of their conception: and beside the conception, it is peculiar to the mother to beare the childe 9. moneths in her wombe with much sorrow, and griefe: and at the last with great paine and danger to bring forth. The se∣cond thing is the education of the childe, which being yet young and tender, is brought up with the mo∣ther, and is apt then to receive any impressions, either to good or evill: and therefore it is no small helpe to make a childe good, to bee brought up under a vertuous mother. The third thing is nutrition: for the mother doth give the infant her pappes: and though the man and wife should be separated, it is the wives dutie to nurse the childe: and that according to the Canons, till it be three yeare old: Extra de convers: infidel. cap. ex literis. Tostat. quaest. 17. 2. Because women are the weaker vessels, and the chiefe govern∣ment of the house is committed to the father, the Lord foreseeing, that mothers might easily grow into contempt, hath provided by this law, to meet with disobedient children. Basting.

QUEST. V. Whether the childe is more bound to the father or mother.

BUt if here it shall be demanded, to which of the parents the childe is most bound; the answer briefely is this: that whereas the childe oweth three things unto the parents, sustentation and maintenance, ho∣nour and reverence, dutie and obedience: the first of these is equally to be performed unto them both, to relieve the parents: because they both are as one, and feed at one table, and therefore in this behalfe no difference can be made. Likewise for the second, as they are our parents, they are equally to be reverenced and honoured: but where there may bee more eminent parts of wisdome, and vertue, and such like, as usually are in the father, there more honour is to bee yeelded unto him; but otherwise to the mother, if shee be more vertuous. Concerning obedience, because the man is the head of the woman, and the master of the familie, obedience ordinarily is rather to be given to the commandement of the father, than of the mother. Tostat.

QUEST. VI. Why the Lord commandeth obedience to parents, being a thing acknowledged of all.

BUt it seemeth superfluous, that God should by law command obedience unto parents, seeing there is no nation so barbarous, which doth not yeeld reverence unto them. Answ. 1. So also there are by nature printed in the minde of man, the seeds of the other precepts: but this law of nature being by mans corruption obscured and defaced, God thought it needfull to revive this naturall instinct by the prescript of his law: and the rather because men might be more allured unto this dutie, by the promise propounded. Simler. 2. And the Lord intending herein to prescribe obedience to all superiours, thought good to give instance in parents, because these precepts, Sunt quasi quadam conclusiones immediate sequentes ex principiis juris naturalis, &c. are as certaine immediate conclusions, following out of the principles of the naturall

law, which are easily received and acknowledged of all: but those things which are understood, are, Tan∣quam conclusiones quaedam remotae, &c. as certaine conclusions fetched further off. Lyran.

QUEST. VII. Who are comprehended under the name of fathers and mothers.

BY father and mother are understood: 1. Parents of all sorts, whether our naturall fathers or mothers, or those so called by law, as the father, and mother in law: and such as doe adopt children: Tutors likewise and Governours. 2. Publike officers, as Magistrates, which are the fathers of the Commonwealth. 3. Pastors and Ministers, as Elisha calleth Elias father. 2. King. 2. 4.Masters, as Na••mans servants called him father, 2. King. 2. and generally the elder sort, and aged persons, whom usually we call fathers. Vrsin.

The reasons why all these are comprehended under the name of fathers, are these: 1. Because Lex Dei est perfectissima, in qua nihil desiderari posset: the law of God is most perfect, wherein nothing is wanting. but if these severall callings should not be here understood, the morall law should be defective, omitting many principall duties. Basting. 2. Because all these doe performe such duties, as belong to parents: the father is to instruct his child; therefore Pastors and Teachers are our fathers, pr••p••er doctrir••am, because of their doctrine: the father is to provide for his child; therefore Patrons and Benefactors are our fathers; quia proprium est patris benefacere filio, it is proper to the father, to doe well unto his childe: Princes also and Magistrates are saluted by the name of fathers, Quia debent intendere bonum populi, because they must intend the good of the people, as it belongeth to fathers to procure the good of their children. Thomas.

QUEST. VIII. Why the Lord here useth the name of father and mother to signifie the rest.

BUt although the signification of fathers and mothers here be generall, it pleased the Lord under these termes to comprehend the rest, for these reasons: 1. Because the government of fathers is the first, and the most ancient of all other. 2. For that all other governments are to take their rule and direction from this. 3. The name of father is most amiable, and allureth unto obedience Vrsinus. 4. Et quia sacrum est patris nomen, &c. And because the name of a father is sacred, redundat patrum contemptus in Dei ipsius contumeliam, the contempt of the father redoundeth even unto the contumely and reproch of God. Calv. Therefore for more reverence to be yeelded unto superiours, the Lord hath comprehended them under the name of fathers.

QUEST. IX. What is meant by this word, Honour.

HOnour thy father. 1. This word honour, in the originall is cabad, and it signifieth properly onerare, to load, or lay on burthens: which sheweth that those, whom we honour, are of great weight and au∣thority with us: Simler. Or that we should honour our parents not in word onely but in deed, loading them with gifts, and recompencing their kindnesse, as when Balaak had sent to Balaam, that hee would promote him to great honour, Num. 22.17. Balaam understood what honour hee meant, and therefore answered: If Balak would give me his house full of silver and gold, &c. Oleaster. 2. As our parents doe per∣forme three things for us, so we must render three things to them againe: The parents doe give unto the children, first, stabilimentum quoad esse, nutrimentum quoad vitae necessaria, documentum, &c. generation, sustentation, erudition: and children must render these three things: Quia esse habemus ab eis, debemus eos revereri: Because we have our being from them, we must reverence them. Which was Chams fault, that derided his fathers nakednesse. Quia dant nobis nutrimentum in pueritia, &c. Because they gave us nourishment in our childhood, we must nourish them againe in their old age: as Ioseph fed his father Ia∣cob. Quia docuerunt nos, debemus eis obedire: Because they instructed us, wee must obey them. Thomas. And of this duty of obedience, Christ is a most perfect example unto us, that was obedient to his parents. 3. And these foresaid duties of reverence, recompence, obedience, wee must yeeld also unto other our pa∣rents, namely all Superiours, both Civill and Ecclesiasticall, and the rest: but unto old men, who also are a kinde of fathers, only one of them is due, namely reverence, as we are commanded, Levit. 19. to rise up to the hoare head: as for sustentation and obedience, they are no more due unto them, than unto any other: nor the first neither, unlesse they be vertuous old men: for old age is a crowne of glory, if it be found in the way of righteousnesse, Prov. 16. and not otherwise. Tostat. qu. 18.

QUEST. X. Certaine doubts removed, how, and in what cases parents are to be obeyed.

BUt here certaine doubts will be propounded: 1. If the father be wicked and ungodly, whether in this case the sonne be tied. 2. If the sonne be a Magistrate, whether hee be to yeeld obedience to his fa∣ther. 3. What if the sonne be base borne, or one forsaken and left of his father.

Answ. 1. Though the father be wicked: yet, quatenus pater, jus suum retinet in filios, &c. as hee is a fa∣ther, hee holdeth his right toward his sonnes: so hee command nothing contrary to the will of God. 2. Though the sonne be a Governour, and the father is in that respect to obey, yet things may so be tem∣pered, that neither the sonne be deprived of the honour due unto his place, and yet the sonne, modeste re∣vereatur patrem, may modestly reverence and respect his father. Calvin. 3. Such children are by the Civill lawes exempted from all duty and obedience to such parents: and it were but just, if such fathers, as doe violate the law of matrimony, received no benefit by the fruit thereof: tamen laudanda videtur pietas, si sponte praestant hac: yet their piety is more commendable, if they performe these duties of their owne ac∣cord. Simler.

QUEST. XI. In what sense Christ biddeth us hate our parents.

AGainst this Commandement, which commandeth fathers and mothers to be honoured, will be oppo∣sed that saying of our blessed Saviour in the Gospell, Matth. 23.9. Call no man your father upon earth: for there is but one, your father which is in heaven: and Lukae 14.26. If any man come to me, and hate not his father and mother, &c. he cannot be my disciple. These places may seeme to bee contrary to this precept, Honour thy father, &c.

* 1.26Answ. 1. The former of these places must not be so understood simply, as though it were not lawfull to give the name and appellation of father to any: for then our Saviour should bee contrary to himselfe, who reproveth the Scribes and Pharisies, because they perverted the children, and suffered them not to doe any thing for their fathers and mothers, Mark. 7.11. And Saint Paul also should have beene contra∣ry to his master, who maketh himselfe a spirituall father to the Corinthians, 1. Cor. 4.15. Therefore the meaning is, that they should not call any their father in earth, as we call God our father, that is, to put our trust in him, and to make him the author and preserver of our life. Simler. 2. The other place is also to be understood comparatively that we must hate them, that is, not regard them in respect of Christ, as it is ex∣pounded, Matth. 10.37. He that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me. So Chrysostome: Sicut post Deum diligere parentes, pietas est, sic plusquam Deum diligere impietas est: As to love our pa∣rents next after God is piety, so to love them more than God is impiety: Homil. 26. in Matth. And the same Father well noteth upon that place in Luke, that we are not bid onely to hate our fathers and mo∣thers, &c. but even our owne life and soule also: Nihil est homini anima sua conjunctius, & tamen nisi etiam hanc oderis, &c. Nothing is neerer to a man, than his owne soule; yet if thou doest not hate this also for Christ, thou shalt not be rewarded, as one that loveth him. Homil. 36. in Mat.

QUEST. XII. How farre children are bound to obey their parents.

NOw then it is evident how farre our duty is extended to our parents: 1. Though they bee froward and perverse and endued neither with vertue, nor wisdome, or any other good qualities, yet they must be reverenced, and relieved as our parents: and the reason thereof is that conjunction, whereby they are joyned unto us by nature: Hanc conjunctionem alia attributa non tollant: This conjunction cannot be taken away by any other attributes: but seeing by Gods providence they are our earthly parents, and so instruments of our outward life, wee must honour them, as herein obeying the will and pleasure of God, and submitting our selves to his providence. Simler.

2. But wee must so farre obey them as that wee disobey not God our heavenly father: and so the A∣postle doth limite our duty and obedience to our parents: Children obey your parents in the Lord, Ephes. 6.1. So Chrysostome: Si habes patrem infidelem obsequere ei, &c. If thou hast an unbeleeving father, obey him: but if he would draw thee into the same pit of infidelity, wherein hee is: plus dilige Deum, qu••m patrem, quia pater non est animae: then love God more than thy father, for he is not the father of thy soule, but of the flesh: therefore render unto every one that which belongeth unto him: Carnalibus patribus praebete carnis obsequtum, &c. Unto carnall fathers yeeld carnall and outward obedience, but unto the father of spirits reserve animae sanctitatem, the holinesse and freedome of the soule. Homil. 26. in Matth. Our duty then unto God being alwayes excepted, in all other things wee must obey our earthly parents, though they be evill and wicked: for officium à personis discernendum, &c. the office and calling must be discerned from the persons: wee may hate their vices, and yet because of Gods ordinance honour their calling. Vrsinus.

QUEST. XIII. At what age it is most convenient for men to marry to get children.

TOstatus here hath a politicke and wise consideration, that because children are to honour their pa∣rents, not only in giving them outward reverence, but in helping and relieving them in their old age, when as the aged parents cannot provide for themselves; that parents should neither marry too soone, nor yet stay too long, but beget children in the middle and strength of their age: as Aristotle would have men to take them wives about 37. yeeres of age: lib. 7. politic. c. 15. For if they should marry at 14. or 15. yeeres, they themselves being yet but young, and wanting experience, are scarce able to provide for themselves, much lesse for their children: and for the same reason, if they should deferre their marriage till their old age, as to 65. yeeres or thereabout, neither they growing impotent by their age, can discharge the part of fathers in the education of their children: and their children cannot bee of any growth in time, to succour and relieve their aged parents. But if they take the middle age of their strength, both these inconveniences will be prevented: for both they shall be sufficient for strength of body and mind, to take care for their children, and they also will bee attained to perfect growth and strength, to helpe their parents in their age. Tostat. qu. 17.

QUEST. XIV. Whether the reciprocall duty also of parents toward their children be not here commanded.

AS children are here commanded to honour their parents, so the reciprocall duty of parents is requi∣red toward their children: for although expresse mention be made onely of honour to be given to parents, and superiours, yet the other also is included: for seeing God tribuit eis nomen, etiam tribuit eis rem, doth give them the name of parents, he doth also give them the thing: and if he would have them reverenced with due honour, his meaning is also, they should doe things worthy of honour. Vrsin. Neque

enim veri sunt parentes, qui labores negligunt: For they are not true parents indeed, which doe neglect their children, Basting. And seeing the Scripture doth in many places urge and prescribe the duty and care of parents in bringing up their children, this morall duty should altogether be omitted, and so the Law of God should not be perfect, if it were not comprehended in this precept, Calv.

QUEST. XV. Wherein the duty of parents consisteth toward their children.

THe care then of fathers toward their children consisteth in these three things, in their education, in providing all things necessary for their maintenance and life, in their instruction and institution, and in due and moderate correction and castigation: S. Paul toucheth all these three together, thus wri∣ting, Ephes. 6.4. Yee fathers provoke not your children to wrath: then he saith; but bring them up; and fur∣ther, in instruction, and information of the Lord. For provision and sustentation the Apostle saith: If any provide not for his owne, and namely for them of his houshold, he denieth the faith, and is worse than an Infi∣del, 1. Tim. 5.8. that is, herein he commeth short of the example of many Infidels, who were kinde and na∣turall to their children. For instruction, and institution, Moses saith, thou shalt rehearse them continually to thy children, Deut. 6.7. And the Wise-man saith: Teach a childe in the trade of his way, and when hee is old, he will not depart from it, Prov. 22.9. Concerning due correction and chastisement, the Wise-man also saith, Withhold not correction from the childe, if thou smite him with the rod, he shall not dye: thou shalt smite him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soule from hell, Prov. 23.13, 14. And this was the overthrow of Eli his house, because hee did not reprove his children with a fatherly severity, according to the quality and merit of their sinne, Basting.

QUEST. XVI. Whether all the duties of mercy and charity are com∣manded in this precept.

LYranus, and Tostatus consenting with him, as he seldome useth to doe, will have by the name of fa∣thers here understood all men that are in need and necessity, whom we are bound to succour: as Au∣gustine saith: Pasce fame morientem, quod si non poteris occidisti: Feed him that is ready to be famished, if thou doest not feed him, thou hast killed him. And Tostatus, by honour here understandeth all the workes of mercy and charity, and generally all good workes, which a man is bound to doe: nam mala opera, qua vitare tenemur, &c. for the evill workes, which we are bound to shun, belong unto the other Commande∣ments following, Tostat. qu. 19.

Contra. 1. Paulus Burgensis doth herein finde fault with Lyranus: for it is evident by that sentence borrowed from Augustine, that he which suffereth his brother to perish, when it is in his power to helpe him, in effect killeth him, and so is a transgressor against the sixth Commandement, Thou shalt not kill. 2. And as for the workes of mercy they are commanded in those severall precepts, where the contrary is forbidden: as the same Law which forbiddeth to take away a mans life, commandeth us, if it be in our power, to preserve it: and where we are inhibited to take away our neighbours goods, wee are likewise willed to relieve him with ours, where there is cause: and in the same Commandement, where it is made unlawfull to take away our neighbours good name, it is enjoyned that wee should by all meanes seeke to preserve it.

QUEST. XVII. Of the true reading and meaning of these words, that they may prolong it.

THat thy dayes may be prolonged. But in the originall it is put in the active, that they may prolong: as read Iun. Momanus. 1. Some referre it unto the parents, that they by their prayers and blessings may cause the life of their children to be prolonged, Oleaster. As in the same sense they are said to receive them into everlasting tabernacles, Luk. 16.4. and men are said to save, 1. Timoth. 4.16. and Iam. 5.20. sic Iun. 2. Ab. Ezra understandeth it of the precepts and commandements, which shall procure long life to those which obey them. 3. But the verbe is rather here taken impersonally, and in the significa∣tion of a verbe neuter, That thy dayes may prolong, that is, may bee lengthened: so the Childe. And it is an usuall phrase with the Hebrewes, to put the active in a passive signification: as Iob 4.19. They shall de∣stroy them before the moth, that is, they shall bee destroyed: and Iob 7.3. They have appointed painefull nights unto mee; that is, were appointed unto me, Iun. And this seemeth rather to bee the sense, be∣cause Saint Paul so taketh it, Ephes. 6.3. That it may be will with thee, and that thou maist live long in the earth, Simler.

QUEST. XVIII. In what sense the Apostle calleth this the first Commande∣ment with promise.

BUt whereas Saint Paul saith, that this is the first Commandement with promise, Ephes. 6.2. hereupon this doubt ariseth, in what sense the Apostle so calleth it, seeing there is annexed unto the second Commandement a large promise of shewing mercy unto thousands to them that love God. Hereunto di∣vers solutions are made: 1. Hierom bringeth in two expositions, yet resolving of neither: As first, how some doe take the whole Decalogue, because it was first given unto the Israelites, after their comming out of Egypt, for one Commandement, and so would have this promise not peculiar unto this precept, but unto all the rest. But this is against the Apostles meaning; for he doth annex this promise as peculiar to this duty of honouring our parents, and calleth this the first Commandement with promise. 2. Others doe thinke that in the second Commandement, Non tam promissionem prolatam, quàm sententiam in landes Dei esse finitam: That it is not so much a pronouncing of a promise, as an ending of the sentence in the

praises of God: but herein the fifth Commandement, the promise is divided from the precept, and the sen∣tence is broken off, and not continued as there. But Hieroms reason overthroweth this answer: Observa, quòd verba sunt sponsiones, &c. Observe, that these are words of covenant, shewing mercy unto thousands: and they are added as a reason joyned to the Commandements. Hieron. in 6. ad Ephes. 3. Ambrose under∣standeth the Apostle thus: Hac causa dixit, quod est mandatum primum in promissione, ut discerneret inter mandata, quae ad Deum, & mandata, quae ad homines pertinent: Therefore he said, Which is the first Com∣mandement with promise, that he should discerne betweene the Commandements which appertaine unto God, and those which belong unto men: Ambros. in 6. ad Ephes. His meaning is, that it is the first precept of the second Table with promise. 4. But I rather resolve with Simlerus, and Vrsinus, that this is the first precept, that hath any speciall and particular promise: the other promise added to the second Commande∣ment is generall to all those that love God, and so not restrained only to that precept, but is extended ge∣nerally to the obedience of the whole law.

QUEST. XIX. Why the promise of long life is made to obedient children.

THat thy dayes may belong. &c. 1. Cajetane giveth this reason, why this promise of long life is made to obedient children: Tanquam gratis accept•• à parentibus beneficio vitae: As being thankfull for the benefit of life received of their parents: for it is fit, that they which are thankfull to their benefactors, should enjoy the benefit long. Calvine also to the same purpose: God doth shew his favour in prolon∣ging of this life; Vbi erga eos grati sumus, quibus ••am acceptam ferre cenvenit: When we are thankfull to those, of whom we have received it. So also Thomas: Qui non honorat parentes, tanquam ingratus meretur vita privari: He that honoureth not his parents, deserveth as an ungratefull man to bee deprived of life, which he received of his parents.* 1.27 2. Thomas Aquin. also yeeldeth another reason: In those precepts it was necessary to adde a promise, ex quibus videbatur nulla utilitas sequi, vel aliquae utilitas impediri: where no profit was either not expected, or seemed to be hindred: therefore in the second Commandement, which forbiddeth idolatry, a generall promise is propounded, because by the worship of Idols, Idolaters looked for great benefits, which seemed by this meanes to be cut off: and because parents being aged are wearing away, ab eis non expectatur utilitas, no profit is expected from them, and therefore a promise is put to this precept of honouring parents. Sic Thom. 1.2. qu. 100. art. 7. ad. 3. But this reason seemeth somewhat curi∣ous. 3. Oleaster rendreth this reason: Because parents doe prolong the childrens dayes, & precibu•• by their blessings and prayers. 4. Thomas addeth further, this reason is put to, ne credatur non deberi praemium, &c. lest a reward might be thought not to be due for the honouring of parents, because it is naturall.

QUEST. XX. What other blessings are promised under long life.

BY long life here, not only the lengthening of dayes is understood, but other benefits also. 1. Tostatus giveth this reason, because without other temporall blessings, vita laboriose & miserabiliter ducitur, mans life seemeth to be but full of labour and misery, and so no blessing: quaest. 20. 2. Pelargus thus di∣stinguisheth these blessings: Vt triplex honor, ita triplex pramium: As a threefold honour is to be yeelded to parents, so a threefold reward is promised, pro honore obedi••ntiae vita gloriosa, for the honour of obedi∣ence a glorious life: pro honore reverentiae vita jucunda, for the honour of reverence a pleasant life: pro honore fidei vita opulenta, for the honour of faithfulnesse in recompencing our parents, a plentifull life. 3. Thomas Aquin understandeth here three kinde of lives: Vitam naturalem, vitam gratiae, vitam glorie: The naturall life, the life of grace, the life of glory. He that honoureth his parents, shall have both the grace and favour of God in this life, and glory in the next: as it is in Ecclesiast. 3.9. Honour thy father and thy mother in deed, and in word, that thou maist have Gods blessing. Another benefit is, habere sibi silios gratos, to have good and thankfull children. Hee that honoureth his father, shall have joy of his owne children, Ecclesiastic. 3.6. A fourth benefit is, habere famam lau dabilem, to have a good and commendable fame by honouring of parents: Ecclesiastic. 3.12. A mans glory commeth by his fathers honour. The fift is, habere divitia••, to have riches: Ecclesiast. 3.5. He that honoureth his mother, is as one that gathereth treasure. Thom. in opuscul. 4. Ecclesiasticus goeth further, and sheweth how this duty of honouring parents is rewarded with spiri∣tuall blessings, as namely these two: first, forgivenesse of sinne: He that honoureth his father, his sinnes shall be forgiven him, chap. 3.4. And the hearing of his prayers, vers. 6. Who so honoureth his father, &c. when hee maketh his prayer, he shall be heard. And all this may well bee comprehended under this blessing: as the Apostle expoundeth it, Ephes. 6.3. That it may be well with thee, and that thou maist live long in the earth, &c. Whatsoever then belongeth to a mans welfare, and well being in this life, is here promised.

QUEST. XXI. This promise of long life, did not only concerne the Iewes.

THis promise of long life, and of other blessings thereby understood, seemeth first to concerne the Jewes, because mention is made specially of that land, which the Lord promised them, namely the land of Canaan: and because they were an obstinate people, disobedient, and churlish to their parents, as it may appeare by that evill use, which continued untill our Saviour Christs time, which hee reproveth, Mark. 7.12. therefore the Lord intended specially to allure them to this duty, by this promise of long life. Yet this blessing is extended generally unto all that shall performe this duty to their parents: which is shewed by these reasons: 1. Quia tota terra à Deo benedicta est: All the earth is blessed of God: as it is in the Psalme, The earth is the Lords, and all that therein is, Psal. 24. and therefore wheresoever the Lord giveth long life, it is his blessing. Simler. 2. Quia ••sta mandata erant moralia, & obligabant omnes homines, &c. Because these Commandements are morall, and so binde all men, therefore the reward for the obe∣dience

to these morall precepts belongeth unto all, Tostat. qu. 20. 3. God giveth these promises, ut sint in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 futurae terra viventiam, that they may be for a type of the land of the living to come, Lippoman. So then though the land of the terrestriall Canaan were peculiar to the Jewes, yet the celestiall Canaan belongeth to all the faithfull: then consequently the promise of long life here, a type of everlasting life there, appertaineth likewise to them all. 4. Saint Paul applieth this promise generally to all, Ephes. 6.2. Basting.

QUEST. XXII. Whether long life simply be a blessing, and to be desired.

BUt it will bee objected, that this promise of long life here is no such blessing, seeing this life is full of misery, and of many incumbrances: and therefore Saint Paul desired to be dissolved and to be with Christ. 1. Hereunto some make this answer, that this promise of long life, in respect of them that lived un∣der the Law, was a blessing, because they imagined, that before the comming of Christ, they went not im∣mediatly to heaven, but to Limbus Patrum, which they imagined to be in the brim of hell. Contra. 1. But though it were admitted, that the Saints under the Law went not immediatly to heaven, which is not∣withstanding contrary to the Scriptures, Luk. 16. for Abrahams bosome, whither the faithfull went be∣fore Christ, was no part or member of hell, even in Augustines judgement, because it was quietis habitatio & foelicitatis sinus, an habitation of rest, and place of happinesse, Epist. 99. yet their state in that place, which they imagine to be free and exempt from the labours and sorrowes of this life, should have beene better, than their condition in this life. 2. But what say they then to this promise renewed in the new Testament by S. Paul? where it is evident that the Apostle speaketh of a terrene and temporall blessing which is performed in this life? 3. Saint Paul in wishing to be dissolved, sheweth that everlasting life is chiefly and most of all to be desired: yet so, as this life also, which is a degree unto that, may bee desired also to the good pleasure of God: for otherwise the Apostle in the same place, would not have beene in a straight, not certaine what to desire, whether to be dissolved, or to remaine still in life for the good of Christs Church: Simler. 2. Therefore thus rather this objection is to be answered: 1. That notwithstan∣ding the many troubles and miseries of this life, it is to be esteemed in it selfe as a gift and blessing from God: quòd autem vita misera est, nostro vitto accidit: and in that our life is miserable, it is by our fault. Gallas. fit per accidens, &c. so that is by an accident, that this life is full of misery, not of it selfe, Vrsin. 2. The miseries of this life cannot extinguish this chiefe benefit, quod creati sunt homines & foventur in spem immortalitatis, that men were created, and are nourished to the hope of immortality, Calvin. 3. God hath promised unto his children to mitigate and allay the calamities of this life: and further, Celebratio Dei in hac vita tantum bonum est, &c. The setting forth of Gods praise in this life is such •• benefit, as that it may countervaile all the miseries of this life, Vrsin.

QUEST. XXIII. Why wicked and disobedient children are suffered to live long.

IT will be againe objected, that many times the wicked and disobedient live long, and therefore this pro∣mise of long life is not peculiar unto the faithfull and obedient children.

Answ. 1. Exempla pauca non evertunt regulam, &c. a few examples doe not overthrow a generall rule: for the most part it falleth out so, that the wicked and disobedient to their parents are punished, as Prov. 20.20. He that curseth his father or mother, his light shall be put out in obscure darknesse; and Prov. 30.17. The eye that mocketh his father, &c. the Ravens of the vally shall picke it out, Vrsin. 2. If God doe give long life unto the wicked, it is either of mercy to bring them to repentance, or in judgement to make them more inexcusable, Tostat. quaest. 20. 3. And oftentimes, vita eorum est misera, furiis eos persequentibus: their life is miserable, their owne conscience troubling and accusing them here, and the judgement of God meeteth with them afterward, Simler. 4. Their life also is prolonged to their punishment herein: Dum ipsis merces inhumanitatis à filiis & nepotibus rependitur: while their ingratitude to their parents is ren∣dred and repayed by their owne children and posterity, Calvin.

QUEST. XXIV. How this promise of long life is performed, seeing the righteous seed are many times soone cut off.

FUrther it is also objected, that many times vertuous and obedient children are cut off, and their dayes are shortned, so that this promise of long life is not alwayes performed to such.

Answ. 1. Quod ordinarium & frequentissimum est ostenditur: that which is ordinary and usuall is here shewed: extraordinary things must be left to the secret judgement of God: we see by experience, that for the most part this blessing of long life is bestowed upon dutifull and obedient children, Galas. 2. Boni filii citò rapiuntur, ne à malitia perturbentur: good children are taken away, lest they might bee disturbed and corrupted by sinne, as it is said, Wisdom. 4.11. He was taken away, lest wickednesse should alter his under∣standing, Tostat. 3. They are removed from the earth, that they should not see and taste of the miseries and calamities which the Lord intendeth to send upon the world, Basting. Which was Abiahs case the sonne of Ieroboam, 1. King. 14.13. 4. He that honoureth his father, though he dye soone, may bee said to have lived long: for Vita longa non mensuratur tempore, sed actione, long life is not measured by time, but by action, Thomas. As if a man in thirty yeeres have attained to greater perfection of godlinesse, than the sinner, which hath lived an hundred, he may be said to have lived longer than he: as it is said, Wisdom. 2.13. Though he was soone dead, yet fulfilled he much time, Tostat. 5. These temporall blessings are gran∣ted, and promised upon condition, so long as the Lord seeth it to be good for his children: and Quantum ordinantur ad futuram remunerationem: as they are ordained to be helpes unto the reward to come, Thom.

If the Lord see that they are rather hinderances, than helpes, in his secret judgement hee doth otherwise dispose of them, as is most for his glory, and the good of his children. 6. Though they have a short life here, In coelis reposita est major compensatio: a greater recompence is laid up for them in heaven, Calvin. As if a man were promised two akers of ground in the barren mountaines of Liguria, and afterward have them given in the fruitfull soile of Campania; the promise should be more than kept, Simler.

Questions concerning the duty of subjects unto the Civill Magistrate.

QUEST. XXIII. Of the duty of subjects toward their Prince.

BEcause, under the name of parents also are comprehended the fathers of the Commonwealth, Princes and other Magistrates: in the next place now commeth to be declared, what duties the subjects are to yeeld unto them.

1. They must submit themselves unto those Governours, which are set over them in the Lord, and ho∣nour them by performing all dutifull loyalty and obedience: as the Apostle teacheth, That every soule should be subject to the higher powers, Rom. 13.1.

2. Honour also must be yeelded unto them, both in heart, in word, and in gesture: So also the Apostle, Rom. 13.7. Give to all men, &c. feare, to whom feare, honour, to whom honour belongeth. So Nathan com∣ming in to King Salomon, made obeysance upon his face downe to the ground, 1. King. 1.23. The Ro∣mane histories doe make honourable mention of Q. Fabius Maximus, for reverencing and honouring his sonne, being Consul. But Christians are much better instructed by the Word of God, and ought to shew the same in practice, what reverence, feare and honour is due unto Magistrates.

3. Fidelity and love must the subjects shew toward their Prince, in defending and maintaining his life and state, dignity, and honour, in discovering of treasons, conspiracies, practices, and dangers inten∣ded against his life and person. So the people did fight for David against rebellious Abshalom, and would not suffer David to hazard his person among them: for thou art now (say they) worth ten thousand of us, 2. Sam. 18.3. So Mardoche bewrayed the treason of two of the Kings Eunuches against Ahashver••sh, Ester 6.

4. Subjects also must shew their piety toward their Magistrates, to pray unto God for them: as the Apostle exhorteth, that prayer should be made, especially for Kings, 1. Tim. 2.2. So the Christians in the Primitive Church used to pray, even for the Pagane Emperours in this forme, wishing unto them, Vitam prolixam, imperium firmum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, Senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quie∣tum: A long life, a sure Empire, a safe house, strong armies, a faithfull Counsell, a good people, and the world quiet, Tertull. Apolog. cap. 30.

5. Humility also and modesty becommeth subjects, not to usurpe upon the office of the Prince, but to bring all their complaints unto him, not seeking to redresse things themselves: as Abshalom did fawne upon the people, and insinuate himselfe into their favour, wishing that he were their Judge to end their matters, 2. Sam. 15.4.

6. Another duty is thankfulnesse to be shewed, testified and acknowledged by all meanes, for the bene∣fits received by their godly government: as Araunah being but a stranger in Israel, expressed his thank∣full minde, in giving liberally as a King unto King David, 2. Sam. 24.23.

7. Subjects also are bound to helpe and support the necessities of the Crowne and Kingdome, by giving Subsidies, taxes, and such other reliefe; as the Apostle willeth, To give custome to whom custome, and tri∣bute to whom tribute belongeth, Rom. 13.7. Christ himselfe also paid tribute, Matth. 19. and Ioseph and Mary went to Bethlem to be taxed, Luk. 2.

8. All these duties must bee performed unto the Civill Magistrate, both because it is Gods ordinance, from whom they receive their authority, Rom. 13.1. and in respect of our selves, that under them wee may lead a godly and a peaceable life, 1. Tim. 2.2. Bucanus.

QUEST. XXIV. How far subjects are bound to obey their Governours.

BUt the authority of Magistrates over their subjects is not absolute, it must be limited according to the rules of the Word of God: and subjects are bound no further to obey, than they are obliged in con∣science according to the Word of God. And here these considerations are necessary: 1. Who comman∣deth: 2. What: 3. And where.

1. If it be the inferiour Magistrate that commandeth or requireth any unjust thing, the subject that is grieved, is to make his complaint, and to sue for redresse unto the Superiour, and highest Magistrate: as Paul appealed from the Romane Governours in Judea, unto Caesar.

2. If it be the Prince himselfe, and chiefe Magistrate, which enjoyneth any thing unjust and unlawfull, it must be considered, of what nature and kinde it is, that is commanded: 1. If it be against piety and our duty toward God, we must rather submit our selves to the punishment, than yeeld unto the Commande∣ment, and so obey rather God, than man: as the three children did rather chuse to endure the flaming fire, than to worship the Idoll, which was set up: and Daniel resolved rather to be cast into the Lions den, than to be barred from making his prayer unto his God. 2. If the things commanded concerne our tem∣porall state, as in grievous impositions, taxes, payments, no resistance at all is to be used: but such burdens must be endured with patience, untill by good meanes, as first prayer unto God, and then making their

moane unto their Governours, they may bee eased. So the people of God did submit themselves to such payments, as their land was taxed at by their hard Lords: as the people of Judea paid unto the King of Ashur 300. talents of silver, and 30. talents of gold, which he required of them, 2. King. 18.14. But Na∣boths case herein was singular, who did well in not yeelding his inheritance unto the Kings desire:* 1.28 be∣cause that belonged to the speciall policy of that nation, not to alienate their inheritance, from one tribe to another, that a distinction of their families and tribes might be kept, that it might be knowne of what tribe and family the Messiah should come Bucanus. 3. If the subjects life be by indirect meanes assaulted, or the chastity of his wife, or the life of his children, which a man is bound to defend by the law of na∣ture, as we see the unreasonable creatures are ready to defend their young ones; the subject in these ex∣tremities, is not to rise against the Princes authority, yet the law of nature will binde him by all lawfull meanes, to defend him and his, Bucanus. As the Prophet Elisha, when the King sent a messenger unjustly to take off his head, bid the Elders that sate with him in the house to shut the doore, and to handle the messenger roughly.

3. The third consideration is, Where, that is, in what kinde of State such unjust edicts and commande∣ments are enjoyned: for if the State bee usurped by some Tyrant, not lawfully possessed of the govern∣ment, it is lawfull for the State to remove him, and to take armes against him: as the Macchabees resisted King Antiochus wicked decrees, 1. Macch. 2. who was an usurper upon that State. Againe, where the peo∣ple are free, and the Prince received upon condition, to maintaine the ancient franchises, liberties, and immunities of the country, the State may lawfully maintaine their liberties, against the vexation and vio∣lence of Tyrants: which was the case of Helvetia, when they shaked off the government of the house of Austria. And this case is much like unto that, when Trajanus the Emperour delivered a sword to a cer∣taine Governour, with these words: Vse this sword for me, as long as I doe justly; and against me, if I doe unjustly. But in an absolute Monarchy the case is otherwise.

QUEST. XXV. Whether it had beene lawfull for David to have killed Saul: against Bucanus.

BUt here I cannot let passe untouched that assertion of Bucanus: David potuisse juste interficere Sau∣lem, &c. That David might justly have killed Saul, because he had violently taken from him his wife, had slaine the Priests, and persecuted him with open force: But that David did forbeare, lest hee might have given offence to the Heathen, that would have taken exception to the Kings of Israel, if they had entred by bloud: and others might have beene encouraged by this example to have attempted the like against lawfull Kings: and beside David should have obscured his owne calling being of God, and have beene thought ambitiously by seeking his owne revenge to have aspired to the kingdome, Bucan. de ma∣gistrat. loc. 77.

Contra. It was neither expedient, nor lawfull for David to have killed Saul, as may be shewed by these reasons: 1. He himselfe saith, Wickednesse proceed from the wicked, but mine hand be not upon thee, 1. Sam. 24. 14. That which to doe was wickednesse, was no wayes lawfull: but to have killed Saul was wickednesse, as David himselfe confesseth: Ergo. 2. Againe, David taketh another reason from the calling of Saul: Who can lay his hand upon the Lords anointed and be guiltlesse? 1. Sam. 26.9. It was not only not expedient, but not lawfull to slay the Lords anointed. 3. David maketh this distribution, Either the Lord shall smite him, or his day shall come to dye, or he shall descend into battell and perish: the Lord keepe me from laying mine hand, &c. ibid. v. 10. Saul only lawfully could end his dayes in respect of David three wayes; by a naturall death, or violent in battell, or by the extraordinary stroke of Gods hand: for he that God had set up, must be removed also by God: but if David had killed him, he had not ended his dayes by any of these meanes.

2. Places of doctrine observed upon the fifth Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the generall and particular contents of this Commandement.

THe duties prescribed in this Commandement are of three sorts: 1. Either of superiours toward their inferiours: 2. Or of the inferiours toward their superiours: 3. Or such as are common to them both.

1. Superiours are first parents, to whom it appertaineth; 1. To nourish and provide for their children, 1. Timoth. 5.8. If any provide not for his owne, and namely for them of his houshold, he hath denied the faith, &c. 2. To defend them against wrong, Ephes 6.4. Fathers provoke not your children to wrath. 3. To in∣struct them: They must bring them up in the information of the Lord, Ephes. 6.4. 4. To give them due discipline and correction, Prov. 19.18. Chasten thy sonne, while there is hope; and let not thy soule spare for his murmuring.

Contrary hereunto are: 1. Either to be carelesse to provide for the children, as Hagar cast away her sonne in despaire, Gen. 21. or to pamper them too much, and bring them up wantonly. 2. Not to protect or defend them from wrongs: or to be too much moved for small injuries offered unto them. 3. Not to have care to give them good education and instruction: as they whose children called the Prophet bald∣head, 2. King. 2. 4. Not to give them due correction, but to suffer them to commit sinne without cheeke, which was Eli his fault, 1. Sam. 2.

2. Magistrates also are the fathers of the Common-wealth: to whom it belongeth first to prescribe good Lawes agreeable to both the tables of the Morall law, and therefore the King is bid to read in the Law of God all the dayes of his life, Deut. 17.19. 2. To see those Lawes executed, and the morall Commandements observed and kept of all, Rom. 13. vers. 4. He is the minister of God to take vengeance, &c.

on him that doth evill. 3. To provide by other holesome positive lawes agreeable to the times and places, to governe the people in all equity: as it is said in the Proverbs, By 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings reigne, and decree justice, Prov. 8. vers. 15.

Contrary hereunto are, first, negligence in government, either in not prescribing good lawes to the people; as the Kings of Judah offended herein, that removed not the hill Altars: or in not defending the innocent, as Ahab suffered Iezabel to put innocent Naboth to death: or in not punishing the trans∣gressors of Gods law at all, or not according to the quality of their sinne: as Eli failed herein, in being re∣misse toward his sonnes, being then the Judge of Israel. 2. Tyranny, either in commanding unjust things, as Saul did to his servants to kill David in his owne house, 1. Sam. 19.11. or in sparing to punish the of∣fenders, as Saul in saving Agag alive, 1. Sam. 15. or in punishing beyond the quality of the offence, as Saul did for a small or no offence put the Priests to death, 1. Sam. 22.

3. Pastors and Teachers are also spirituall fathers, whose office is, 1. Faithfully and diligently to teach the people found doctrine: as S. Paul saith, I kept backe nothing that was profitable, but have shewed you, and taught you openly and throughout every house, Act. 20.20. 2. To exercise with a fatherly clemency the discipline of the Church; as S. Paul did in excommunicating the incestuous young man, 1. Cor. 5.

Contrary hereunto are; 1. Negligence in teaching. 2. Then insufficiency to teach; for such cannot discharge the duty of spirituall fathers: both these are touched by the Prophet Isay 56.10. The watch∣m••n are all blinde, they have no knowledge: they are all dumme dogs, they cannot barke: they lye and sleepe, and delight in sleeping. 3. Teaching of unsound and corrupt doctrine: of such the Apostle saith, If any man preach unto you otherwise than that which you have received, let him be accursed, Galath. 1.9. 4. The ne∣gligent administration of the Ecclesiasticall government: as our Saviour reproveth the Scribes and Pha∣risies, for wresting the Commandements of God to observe their owne traditions, Mark. 7.9.

4. Masters are also fathers of their family and servants: their duty is, 1. To require of their servants such things as are equall and just, and not beyond their power or strength, Luk. 17.8. 2. To provide for them food and raiment, and other necessaries, Prov. 31.21. Shee feareth not the snow for her family: for all her family is cloathed with double. 3. To governe the family, and order them with discretion, and to watch over them by domesticall discipline, Prov. 31.27. She overseeth the wayes of her houshold, and eateth not the bread of idlenesse.

Contrary hereunto are; 1. To command hard and cruell service: as Sampson being a servant to the Philistims, was forced to grinde in the prison house, Iudg. 16.21. 2. To defraud them of provision or maintenance in sicknesse or in health: as the Amalekite did, which left the poore Egyptian being sicke in the field, 1. Sam. 30.13. 3. To be cruell, and immoderate in correction unto them. Balaam was repro∣ved for his cruelty toward his beast: a much greater fault it is for masters to bee too sharpe toward their servants.

5. The elder sort and ancient must goe before the younger. 1. In example of good life, Prov. 16.31. Old age is a crowne of glory, if it be found in the way of righteousnesse. 2. In good counsell, Iob 32.7. I said dayes shall speake, and the multitude of yeeres shall teach wisdome.

Contrary hereunto are; 1. Evill and light counsell in the elder sort: wherein Iobs friends offended, all but Elibu, Iob 32. 2. Evill example in life and manners, as Cham gave an evill example to Canaan his sonne, in deriding his fathers nakednesse. 3. Neglecting of the younger sort, and letting them run their owne course, without any admonition or direction: as Gen. 19.4 both young and old in Sodome came together, and beset Lots house, Vrsin.

Duties peculiar to inferiours.

1. HEre is required reverence both internall in acknowledging and approving the divine ordinance in appointing of superiours, and testifying the same by externall obeisance: as David reveren∣ced and respected Saul, because he was the Lords anointed: his heart smote him, for the cutting off the lap of Sauls garment: he indured not to offer unto him the least indignity.

2. Love must be joyned with reverence: for one cannot truly and heartily reverence those whom they love not. As S. Paul testifieth of the Galathians, that if it had beene possible, they would have plucked out their owne eyes and given them unto him, Galath. 4.15.

3. Obedience must be yeelded in all lawfull things, and that willingly: as S. Paul would have servants obedient to their masters in singlenesse of heart, as unto Christ, Ephes. 6.5.

4. Thankfulnesse for benefits received from the superiours: as the Egyptians said unto Ioseph, Tho•• hast saved our lives, Gen. 27.25.

5. We must also beare with the infirmities of superiours, such as may be tolerated without Gods disho∣nour, and directly impugne not the law of God: as Ecclesiasticus well admonisheth, chap. 3.13. My sonne helpe thy father in his age, &c. and if his understanding faile, have patience with him: and despise him not, when thou art in thy full strength.

Contrary hereunto are; 1. Not to yeeld due reverence unto superiours, in word, or in deed: as therefore S. Paul excused himselfe by his ignorance, because he had called the high Priest painted wall, Act. 23.

2. To hate them, especially in respect of their office: as the Witch at Endor hated Saul, for expelling of Witches and Southsayers, 1. Sam. 28.9. Or to love them more than God, and to extoll them above their desert: as the people that said Herods voice was the voice of God, and not of man, Act. 12.

3. To refuse to obey them in lawfull things: as the Reubenites refused to goe with Deborah and Ba∣ruch

to battell, Iudg. 5.15. Or to obey only in shew, as the sonne that said he would goe worke in his fa∣thers vineyard, and did not, Matth. 21.30. Or in rebelling against them, as Abshalom did against his fa∣ther: or in obeying them in things unlawfull, as Doeg at Sauls commandement killed the Priests: or in re∣fusing to helpe and aid them, as the men of Succoth refused to give bread unto Gedeons army, Iudg. 8.

4. To be unthankfull unto them, is another transgression; as Pharaohs Butler was unto Ioseph, that was his keeper and comforter in prison, Genes. 40.

5. And to lay open their infirmities, not hiding and covering them, as Cham did his fathers nakednesse, Genes. 9. or to flatter them, as Tertullus the Orator commended Felix government beyond his desert, Act. 24.3.

Duties common both to Superiours and Inferiours.

1. Here is commanded generally in all justice and prudence, to give and yeeld unto every man that which belongeth to his place: as when S. Paul had described the duty of servants toward their masters, he saith likewise unto Masters, Doe ye the same things unto them, Ephes. 6.9. So both superiours and infe∣riours must discerne what is due to each one in their place, and accordingly by the rule of justice measure out unto them.

Contrary hereunto is partiality, and inequality, when any doe exact at others hands, what is due unto them, but are negligent in doing their duty, as the Prophet Ezechiel crieth out against those Shepheards, which did feed themselves fat, but would not feed the flockes againe, Ezech. 34.2.

2. There is required diligence and sedulity in every one to doe his duty faithfully and studiously, whe∣ther superiour, or inferiour: as Rom. 12.7. He that hath an office, must wait on his office, &c. he that distri∣buteth, with simplicity; he that ruleth, with diligence, &c.

Contrary hereunto are: 1. Negligence and carelesnesse in men, either not to know their duty, or know∣ing it, not practising accordingly: as the Prophet Zachary crieth out against the foolish shepheard which did not looke for that which was lost, &c. Zachar. 11.15, 16. 2. Hypocrisie, in doing of the office rather for praise or commendation, than of conscience: which S. Paul calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, eye-service, Ephes. 6.6. 3. Curiosity, when one busieth himselfe with anothers office, and medleth with things not appertaining unto him: against such busie bodies the Apostle speaketh, 1. Tim. 6.13.

3. Love is commanded both in superiours toward their inferiours, and in them againe toward the other, Matth. 6.24. This reason is given why one cannot serve two masters, because he cannot love them both.

Contrary hereunto is: 1. Want of naturall love, which was one of the sinnes of the Heathen, Rom. 1. 30. 2. Too much indulgence or foolish affection, which winketh at their faults, or gratifieth them in things not lawfull: and so they one beare with another: as the Prophet saith, they wrap it up, Micah 7.3.

4. Mutuall gratitude, in acknowledging the benefits mutually received: as appeareth in Davids kind∣nesse toward Mephibosheth, for his fathers sake, and his thankfulnes againe for the same, 2. Sam. 19.29, 30.

Contrary hereunto is: 1. Ingratitude and unthankfulnesse; as Saul was unkinde to David, who deser∣ved well of him. 2. Mutuall gratification in things unlawfull; as Ioab served Davids turne in hastening Vrias death.

5. Sobernesse and gravity, in a moderate respect of our credit and estimation in the world in doing of our duty: as the Apostle saith, Let every man prove his owne worke, and then shall he have rejoycing in him∣selfe, and not in other, Galath. 6.3.

Contrary hereunto are: 1. Levity, in being carelesse to preserve a good name in the world: such the Prophet saith have a whores forehead, Ierem. 3.3. which are impudent, and shamelesse, and blush not at any thing. 2. Ambition, and vaine glory, when one doth their duty for the praise of men: as Herod, Act. 12. when he apparelled himselfe gorgeously, and made an oration to the people.

6. Modesty also is requisite, that every one consider their owne infirmity, neither ascribing too much unto themselves in their doings, nor detracting from others: as the Apostle saith, Galath. 6.3. If any seeme to himselfe that he is somewhat, when he is nothing, he deceiveth himselfe, &c.

Contrary hereunto are: 1. Arrogancy, and vaine ostentation: as Pilate said to our blessed Saviour, vaun∣ting of his authority: Knowest thou not that I have power to crucifie thee, and power to loose thee? Ioh. 19.10. 2. Dissimulation, when one pretendeth modesty, in refusing of honours, that he may be had in more ad∣miration: as Saul that hid himselfe among the stuffe, when he was chosen King, 1. Sam. 10.22.

7. Equity, and moderation, which is a mutuall toleration of ordinary defects and infirmities both in su∣periours and inferiours, and a mitigating of the rigour in the full exacting of duties: as S. Peter giveth this counsell to servants; Be subject to your masters with all feare, not only to the good and courteous, but also to the froward, 1. Pet. 2.18.

Contrary hereunto, are: 1. Too much rigour in finding fault, and censuring of others, which our bles∣sed Saviour reproveth, Matth. 7.3. Why seest thou the meat in thy brothers eye, and perceivest not the beame in thine owne eye? 2. Too much lenity in winking at others faults, and not reproving them, as time and place requireth: as it is in the Psalme 50.18. When thou seest a theefe, thou ruinest with him, &c. as they doe, which see and suffer others to sinne, and reprove them not. 3. Flattery, and soothing men up in their sinnes, which the Prophet calleth sowing of pillowes under their arme holes, Ezech. 13.18. Sic fere Vrsinus.

2. Doct. Of honouring of the spirituall parents, by giving them due maintenance, as by tithes, &c.

HOnour thy father, and thy mother, &c. One speciall part of this honouring, is to give reliefe and maintenance, as to our naturall parents, so also to our spirituall fathers, whom Saint Paul would to be had in double honour, 1. Tim. 5.17. that is, to bee sufficiently maintained: and the reason hereof is, Servus communitatis debet sustentari à communitate, the servant of the comminalty must bee maintained by the comminalty: as Saint Paul reasoneth, that they which serve at the Altar, must live of the Altar: Laborant bono publico, &c. they labour for the publike good, and therefore they should bee maintained by the publike good, which is performed two wayes: either by the common treasure, where any such is, or by the goods in common of particular persons, Tostat. qu. 19. But S. Paul giveth a better reason, 1. Cor. 9.11. If we have sowen unto you spirituall things, is it a great thing if we reape your carnall: They therefore which give grudgingly, sparingly, and fraudulently, toward the maintenance of their Pastour, and Teacher, and doe withdraw their rights and tithes due unto them, doe offend against this Com∣mandement, in not honouring their spirituall parents.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Against the Maniches.

FIrst, the Maniches who rejected the old Testament, objected, that this precept of honouring the pa∣rents, is contrarie to that in the new Testament, where our Saviour said to one, that asked leave to goe and bury his father, Let the dead bury the dead, Luk. 9.

Augustine thus answereth: 1. If herein the old Testament, and the new are contrary, then the new herein should be contrary to it selfe: for S. Paul also urgeth this Commandement, Ephes. 6.2. 2. Where∣by it is manifest, saith he, Honorem parentum, in gradu suo esse servandum, &c. That honour in a certaine de∣gree, is to be reserved unto parents: Eos tamen in divini amoris comparatione, &c. yet that in comparison of the love of God, there is no doubt, but they ought to be contemned, Cont. Adimant. cap. 6.

2. Confut. Against the Anabaptists, which deny government.

SEcondly, the Anabaptists are here condemned, which deny that it is lawfull for a Christian to be a Ma∣gistrate, because Christ hath made us free.

Contra: 1. The internall freedome and liberty of the Spirit, doth not take away externall subjection unto Princes, as the Apostle saith, Art thou called being a servant, care not for it, 1. Cor. 7.21. As one may be a servant, and yet retaine his Christian liberty, so he may also be a subject, Bucan. 2. The Prophet Esay saith, Kings shall bee thy nursing fathers, Isay 49.23. shewing that even under Christs kingdome, there should be beleeving and faithfull Kings. Serigius Paulus the Proconsull, was converted by S. Paul, and yet he was not charged to leave his calling, Basting. Act. 13.

3. Confut. Against the Papists, that would have the Clergy exempt from the authority of the Magistrate.

THirdly, the Romanists are here confuted, which doe exempt their Clergy, both their persons, lands and possessions from the jurisdiction of the Civill Magistrate. Concerning the first, it is evident by Saint Pauls doctrine, in saying, Let every soule be subject to the higher powers, Rom. 13.1. that none are to be excepted; as Chrysostome saith, Etiamsi Apostolus fueris, etiamsi Evangelista, etiamsi Propheta, &c. Though thou beest an Apostle, an Evangelist, or Prophet, Hom. 23. ad Roman. But the Pope and his Cler∣gy are so farre from yeelding due obedience and subjection unto the Civill power, that they have usur∣ped authority over Emperours and Kings, and commanded them, by whom they should have beene commanded, Basting.

Concerning the immunity of the lands and possessions of the Clergy: 1. There is no reason, but that they which possesse temporall things, should also beare the burden imposed upon temporalties, and not lay the burden wholly upon others. 2. The Apostles rule is generall, Tribute, to whom tribute; custome, to whom custome, Rom. 13.7. And our Saviour refused not to pay poll money for himselfe and Peter. 3. Whereas it is objected, that the lands of the Egyptian Priests were free from the payment and tax of the fifth part: the reason is, because their lands were not sold to Pharaoh, as the peoples were: as the text it selfe sheweth, Except the land of the Priests only, which was not Pharaohs, Genes. 47.25. And the Priests and Levites in Israel were exempted, because they possessed no inheritance among their brethren, but lived onely of the Offerings. 4. Yet it is not denied, but that Ecclesiasticall persons may enjoy such immunities and privileges, as are bestowed upon them, by the liberality of Christian Princes: but they are not to challenge them by any Divine right, Bu••an.

4. Morall observations upon the fifth Commandement.

1. Observ. Of the duty of children to their parents.

HOnour thy father, &c. This strait charge of honouring parents, reproveth their ingratitude, which are sparing in relieving their parents in their age. Calvin saith, it is detestabilis barbaries, a detestable and more than barbarous rudenesse, for a childe to neglect his parents: a great impiety it is, and too usuall in these dayes. Oleaster reporteth out of R. Simeon, that God doth preferre the honouring of pa∣rents before his owne service: I will have mercy, and not sacrifice, and rewardeth it more: for those that honour God, he honoureth againe: but those which honour their parents, he rewardeth with long life, which is more than honour. But this is somewhat too curious: indeed, honouring of parents is prefer∣red before the ceremoniall part of Gods service, which consisted in sacrifices, but not before the morall part, as it is set forth in the first Table: And the honour which God promiseth, is more than long life, comprehending the glory of this life and the next: But yet the Lord commandeth honouring of parents as a speciall duty; for the neglect whereof, our Saviour reproveth the Pharisies, Mark. 7.

2. Observ. Of the care of parents toward their children.

AGaine, on the other side, parents are to be carefull to provide for their children, and to see to their good education; not to provide only for their bodily life, for so brute beasts doe for their young ones; but especially to see that they be brought up in the knowledge of their heavenly Father: which duty S. Paul requireth at parents hands, Ephes. 6.4. And Solon made a law, that the children should not be bound to relieve their Father, that had not brought them up in some good trade.

The sixth Commandement: Thou shalt not kill.

1. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Why this precept is set before the other that follow.

1. AS the former Commandement exacteth and requireth to doe good, and to performe our duty unto man: so these following concerne our innocency, in doing of no hurt unto our neigh∣bours and brethren. Pelarg. Lyran. 2. And they are propounded negatively: Quia negativa sunt majoris obligationis, & gravioris transgressionis: because negatives doe bind more strongly, and the transgression is more grievous: for it is a greater sinne, to doe evill, than not to doe good. Tostat. quaest. 21. 3. There are two rules and Canons in Scripture, upon the which these precepts of the second Table depend: the one is, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris, That which thou wouldest not be done unto thee, doe not to another: Hic canon omnes tollit injurias: This rule taketh away all injuries and wrongs: the other is, What∣soever you would that men should doe unto you, even so doe you to them, Matth. 7.12. Hic canon ad omnem similiter nos cohortatur beneficentiam: This rule likewise doth exhort us to all beneficence and doing of good. Procopius. 4. Now whereas injury is done three wayes unto our neighbour: Perversitate operis, falsitate sermonis, improbitate voluntatis: by the perversenesse of the deed, falsenesse of speech, and badnesse of the minde: and the perversenesse of the deed, is either offred to ones person, or substance: and his person is two wayes considered, as it is simplex, his single person, or conjuncta, his coupled person, in his wife: there∣fore these three Commandements, which forbid murder, adultery, theft, are set first. Pelarg. 5. And because the greatest hurt, which can bee done unto a man, is touching his life: Quia mors tollit esse simpliciter, be∣cause death taketh away a mans being simply, as other wrongs doe not: therefore this precept is set be∣fore the other, as forbidding the greatest wrong. Tostat.

QUEST. II. Whether it be here forbidden to slay any beasts.

THou shalt not kill. Some have imagined, that all kinde of killing is here forbidden, yea even of brute beasts. But this foolish opinion may be diversly confuted. 1. Augustine thus reasoneth: If it be not lawfull to slay beasts, Cur non etiam & herbas, why also is it not unlawfull to pull up herbes and plants? which, although they have no sense, yet they are said to live, and so also may dye: as the Apostle saith, That which thou sowest, is not quickned, except it dye, 1. Cor. 15.36. And this indeed was the mad opinion of the Maniches, that thought it unlawfull to pull up a plant. If then this, Thou shalt not kill, be not meant of plants, because they have no sense; then neither is it understood of brute beasts, Quia nulla nobis ratio∣n•• sociantur, because they are not partakers of reason with us: thus August. lib. 1. de civitat. Dei, cap. 20. 2. Thomas useth this reason, Non est peccatum uti illis, quae sunt subdita hominis potestati, &c. It is no sinne to use those things, which are subject to mans power, and made for mans use: for there is a certaine na∣turall order, that plants are for the nourishment of beasts, and beasts feed one upon another, Omnia in nu∣trimentum hominum, &c. and all are appointed for the nourishment of man: and the Lord hath given unto man this liberty, As the greene herbe, have I given you all things, Gen. 9.3. The Apostle also sheweth the Lawfulnesse hereof: Whatsoever is sold in the shambles, eat yee, and aske no question for conscience sake, 1. Cor. 10.25. Thom. in opuscul. 3. Cajetane addeth further, that it is lawfull to kill beasts, Vt vescamur eis,

vel ne molesta sint nobis: To feed upon them, or that they be not noisome unto us. 4. And the word ratzach here used, in the opinion of the Hebrewes, signifieth properly to kill a man: and therefore there need to be no doubt made of the lawfulnesse of killing other creatures for mans use. Simler. Cajetan.

QUEST. III. Of the divers kindes of killing.

THou shalt not kill. There are divers kindes of killing: some doe kill the soule onely, some the body only, some both the body and soule. 1. They kill the soule, which seduce and pervert it: as therefore the Devill is said to be a murderer from the beginning, Ioh. 8. In quantum traxit ad peccatum because hee dr••w our first parents into sinne. 2. The body and soule is killed two wayes, occidendo pragnantes, in kil∣ling of women with childe: for so the infant conceived, is deprived both of body and soule: Secundo in∣terficiendo seipsum, secondly when one killeth himselfe: for beside the death of the body, they bring their soule into danger. Thom. in opuscul.

3. The body is killed also divers wayes: for Homicidium est internum, externum, murder is either in∣ward or outward: the inward is of two sorts, either conceptum conceived, as in anger, hatred, desire of re∣venge, which our Saviour forbiddeth, Matth. 5.22. or, permissum, when it is permitted or suffred, when one consenteth unto another mans death, Rom. 1.31. They doe not only the same things, but favour them that doe them. Pelarg. Thom. The externall is committed three wayes, manu, by the hand, as in beating, wounding, and lastly killing: or, ore, with the mouth, in railing, reviling, giving evill counsell: and, adjuto∣rio, by ministring helpe, and so being accessary in killing. Thom. This externall murder, is either, Verbis ex••ptatum, gestu attentatum, opere designatum: wished in word, attempted in gesture, or designed in deed. Pelarg.

QUEST. IV. How the soule is killed by evill perswasion.

FIrst then, the seducing and perverting of the soule, is a principall breach of this Commandement: as Piscator well observeth, that seductio animae, the seducing of the soule, is one of the transgressions of this precept.

1. Augustines reason is taken from the practice of the Devill: Homicida Diabolus, non gladio armatus, &c. verbum malum seminavit & occidit: The Devill is a murderer, he came not unto man with armour or weapons, he sowed evill seed by tempting them, and so slew them. In Ioan. tract. 42.

2. Thomas useth this reason, Occidunt animam auferendo vitam gratiae: They slay the soule by taking away the life of grace: So Augustine concludeth, Si fratri tuo mala persuades, occidis: If thou perswade evill unto thy brother, thou killest him, ibid.

QUEST. V. That it is not lawfull for a man to kill himselfe.

SOme thinke, that by this precept man is forbidden to kill another, but not himselfe: But that it is a speciall offence against this law, for any man to lay violent hands upon himselfe, it may be thus shewed. 1. Augustines reason is: Ne{que} enim qui se occidit, aliud, quàm hominem occidit: Neither hee which killeth himselfe, doth any other than kill a man. 2. Pelargus useth this reason, Praeceptum eum ipsum comprehend••, cui praecipitur, A precept being simply propounded without any other addition, comprehendeth him also to whom the precept is given: in that it is said therefore, Thou shalt not kill, it is insinuated, that thou shalt not kill thy selfe. 3. Because our life is the gift of God, it cannot be taken away from whomsoever, without great impiety, and Facit injuriam humano generi, he that killeth himselfe, doth wrong unto hu∣mane society, in depriving the Commonwealth of a member thereof. Basting. 4. The same reasons, why a man should not kill his neighbour, because he is the image of God, hee is our flesh and one of Christs members, for whom he died; are strong to perswade one not to kill himselfe, for no man ever hated his owne flesh. Vrsinus. 5. Whereas it is objected that Sampson killed himselfe, the answer is, he did it, Instin∣ctu Spiritus Dei: By the instinct of Gods Spirit: so that hee did it Authoritate Dei: By Gods authority. Thomas.

QUEST. VI. The inward murder of the heart forbidden.

NOt only the externall act of murther is here forbidden, but the internall also, by hasty rage, malice hatred, envy and such like. 1. Lex Dei spiritualis est: The law of God is spirituall, and therefore i••, bindeth not only the hands and tongue, but the heart also and affections: as our blessed Saviour, the best interpreter of the law, teacheth: If one be angry with his brother unadvisedly, he shall be culpable of judge∣ment, Matth. 5.22. Gallas. 2. Another reason is: because, he, qui irascitur sine causa quamum ad volu••••••∣tem, homicidium fecit, which is angry without a cause, in respect of his owne will and purpose, hath com∣mitted manslaughter: Chrysost. hom. 11. in Matth. Therefore the Apostle saith, He that hateth his brother is a manslayer, 1. Ioh. 3.15. 3. Bonus medicus non solum tolli•• malum, quod apparet, sed etiam radicem remo∣vet infirmitatis: A good Physitian doth not only take away the evill, that is apparent, but also removeth the very root of the disease: Thomas. Therefore our Saviour biddeth not only to take heed of murther, but of anger also: ex ira enim homicidium generatur: for homicide or murther is ingendred by anger and rage: Chrysostome. 4. And where the effect is forbidden, there also the cause and occasion thereof is restrained: as God would not have us to hurt our brother, so he would have all occasions thereof to bee cut off. Vrsinus.

QUEST. VII. What things are to be taken heed of in anger.

COncerning anger and rage, which is the inward killing, five things are here to be taken heed of▪ 1. Ne citò provocatur, that it be not soone provoked: as S. Iames saith, Loe every man be swift to heare, slow to speake, and slow to wrath, chap. 1.19. And there be two reasons why anger should not be soone pro∣voked, because rage is a sinne before God, and so deserveth punishment; and for that every man desireth libertie: but he that is given to anger, is not Dominus sui ipsius, Master of himselfe. 2. He must take heed, ut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in ira permaneat, that he continue not long in anger: Psal. 4. Be angrie, and sinne not: Ephes. 4. Let not the Sunne goe downe upon your wrath. 3. Men must bee carefull, ne procedat primò in corde, that anger proceed not first in the heart, for then it turneth to hatred: and he that hateth his brother, is a manslayer: for, Se interficit, spoliando se charitate & alium: He killeth himselfe, by spoyling himselfe of charitie, and another also. 4. Ne procedat in verbo: It must not proceed in word: for he which calleth his brother foole, is in danger of hell fire, Matth. 5. 5. Ne procedat in opere: It must not proceed unto the deed: for in every worke wee must consider two things: Facere justitiam & misericordiam: To doe justice, and shew mercie: but he which is angrie can doe neither. For the first the Apostle saith, that the wrath of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God, Iam. 1.20. It is reported of Plato, that hee should say to his servant, that had offended him: Punirem te, nisi essem iratus: I would punish thee, if I were not angrie. And he that is angrie, can shew no mercie: as it is said of Simeon and Levi, in their rage they killed a man, Gen. 49. Thom. in opuscul.

QUEST. VIII. Of rayling and reviling.

NExt unto the inward rage and heat of the affections followeth the outward indignation expressed by words, gesture, and other signes: and the third degree is when men fall to plaine railing, back∣biting, slandering, threatning: as these three are thus expressed by our blessed Saviour: Whosoever is angrie with his brother unadvisedly shall be culpable of judgement: and whosoever saith unto his brother, racha, shall be worthie to be punished by a counsell: and whosoever shall say, thou foole, shall be worthie to be punished with hell fire, Matth. 5.22. 1. Here our Saviour maketh three degrees of anger, or rage: the one in the sudden heat and boyling of the affection inwardly without cause: the second, in the shewing of this in∣dignation outwardly by any disdainfull words: as in calling one, racha, that is, idle head, light braine: for so rik in the Hebrew, to the which this Syrian word agreeth both in sound and sense, signifieth, light,* 1.29 value, Iun. Matth. 5.22. As also this indignation may bee expressed by other signes, as by grinning, frow∣ning, spitting, and such like, Simler. Then the third degree followeth, in open railing, as calling one foole, with other termes of reviling. 2. As our Saviour maketh difference of the sins: so also he sheweth divers degrees of punishment: alluding unto the politike forme of judgement: for first there was the ses∣sion or judgement of three, who judged of small causes; then of 23. who determined more waightie mat∣ters; then of 71. before whom the high Priest, or a false Prophet, and sometime a whole tribe was con∣vented and judged: Beza. So he that is angrie shall be censured in the secret judgement of God; he that sheweth his indignation by opprobrious words, shall be held guiltie before all the assemblie of the hea∣venly Angels and Saints: he that raileth and revileth, shall bee judged worthie of hell fire, that is, of the greatest punishment, Marlorat. For they used foure kinds of punishments among the Jewes, whereby they put malefactors to death: strangling, the sword, stoning, and fire: of the which the last was the worst, Beza. 3. For he that raileth and revileth, tres, quasi uno ictu occidit, killeth three as it were with one blow: himselfe, him that giveth credit, and the third, whom he slandereth and revileth, Basting.

QUEST. IX. Whether beating and wounding, though there be no killing, be not forbidden here.

THe externall act followeth, not only of killing, but in offering any other violence with the hand, in beating, wounding, striking, and such like. 1. Here commeth to be examined the opinion of R. Salo∣mon; that in this precept only murther is forbidden: but other violent wrongs, in maimes, wounds, shed∣ding of bloud, beatings and such like, hee thinketh onely afterward to bee restrained in the Judicials. 2. Against this opinion these reasons are enforced: 1. The Judicials only concerned the Israelites, and did not bind the Gentiles: but even among them these kind of violent assaults were unlawfull, therefore they are forbidden not by the Judicials only, but by the Morall law, Tostat. qu. 21. He also urgeth this reason: The things which were forbidden by the Judicials of Moses only, it was no sinne for the Israelites to doe, before those Lawes were given them, that is, before they came to Mount Sinai: but it was unlawful before for them one to smite another, as for the same cause Moses reproved an Hebrew, that did his brother wrong, and smote him, Exod. 2.13. therefore these wrongs were not only prohibited by the Judiciall law. 3. Burgensis giveth this reason: Quia facit contra charitatem: Because he that smiteth or woundeth, though he kill not, doth against charity, as he also doth which killeth, though in an higher degree. So also Lippo∣man. 4. Tostatus further giveth this rule: Omnia quae pertinent ad idem genus reducuntur ad idem pr••ceptuum All that belongeth to the same kinde, is to be referred to the same Commandement: as all wounding, bea∣ting, smiting, tendeth to the hurt of our brother in his body, as killing likewise doth.

QUEST. X. Why actuall murder is such an hainous sinne before God.

NOw followeth the greatest transgression among the rest, which is the taking away of a mans life: 1. For if hatred, envy, railing, wounding, and the like, are counted murder before God, in respect of

the will and purpose, much more murder it selfe, which is the scope and end, whereat all the former wrongs and injuries drive; for if those things are displeasing unto God, because they often bring forth murder, the effect it selfe must needs bee more hainous, Basting. 2. Another reason, which amplifieth the sinne of murder, is, because the Lord by this meanes seeth Imaginem suam violari, that his image is violated, which is given as a reason of this precept, Gen. 9.6. Calvin. 3. And againe, it is an unnaturall sinne, because man is as our owne flesh: as the Prophet saith, Isai. 58.7. Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh: but no man ever hated his owne flesh, as the Apostle saith▪ Calvin. Yea, the murderer herein is crudelier Lup••, more cruell than the Wolfe: for as Aristotle writeth, 4. Animalium: Give unto a Wolfe the flesh of another Wolfe, and he will not eat it: yet one man preyeth upon another, and devoureth another, Thomas. 4. Ho∣minum societas violatur, by this meanes the societie of man is violated: which, that it may be preserved, the Lord forbiddeth all shedding of bloud, Galas. 5. Polluitur & foedatur terra, yea the land it selfe is pol∣luted and defiled with bloud, Numb. 35.36. Galas. 6. Mans bodie is the temple of the holy Ghost, 1 Cor. 6.16. If any then destroy the temple of God, him will God destroy, 1 Cor. 3.17. 7. The murtherer also sinneth against Christ, whose member his neighbour is, whose life hee hath sought. So reasoneth the Apostle, but in a divers case: that he which causeth the weake brother to perish, for whom Christ died, sinneth against Christ himselfe: 1 Cor. 8.11.

QUEST. XI. How diversly murder is committed.

THis kinde of externall and actuall murther is committed two wayes; either by a man himselfe, or by another: 1. The first is done two wayes, either by the cruell shedding of mans bloud, which is the most grievous sinne of all: or by neglecting the meanes, and not preserving our neighbours life either by helpe or counsell, when it is in our power: as the rich man suffered Lazarus for want of reliefe to perish at his gate, Luk. 16. So the Priest and Levite passed by the man that had beene wounded of the theeves, and was left for halfe dead, and had no compassion of him, Luk. 10. So the Wise-man saith in the Pro∣verbs, chap. 24.11. Deliver them that are drawne to death, and wilt thou not preserve them that are led to bee slaine? Isidore saith: Qui incurrit in nudum & esurientem, &c. He that meeteth with a man readie to perish for hunger and cold, if he doe not give him meat and raiment, homicida tenebitur, shall be counted a mur∣therer. So Gloss. interlinear. A man committeth murther, manu, vel mente, vel subtrahendo auxilium, aut consilium, &c. with his hand, with his heart, and when he withdraweth his helpe and counsell.

2. A man killeth by another two wayes; consensu, by giving consent: as Saul did, when Stephen was put to death, keeping their garments that stoned him, Act. 7.58. And the people crucified Christ, calling unto Pilate, Crucifie him: Mandato & voluntate, By willing and commanding ones death: as David did contrive Vrias death, and Iezabel Naboths, Bastingius.

QUEST. XII. Of the divers kinds of murder.

THere are divers kinds of killing: 1. There is a lawfull killing or taking away of the life by the Ma∣gistrate; as either in putting malefactors to death, or in just warre where much bloud is shed. 2. There is another kinde altogether unlawfull, and inexcusable, which is called wilfull murther: when any of hatred smiteth a man, that he die, or of purpose lie in wait for him: Numb. 35.20. So Ioab wilfully kil∣led Abner and Amasa. 3. There is a third kinde of involuntarie murther, when a man lieth not in wait, but God offereth him unto him, Exod. 21.13. For though such things seeme to us to fall out by chance, yet all things are ordered and disposed by Gods providence, and with him nothing happeneth by chance: of this kinde there are three sorts: 1. When two doe of a sudden, having no purpose before, fight to∣gether, and the one killeth the other: as striving upon the way, or falling out upon any other sudden and unthought of occasion: this is called manslaughter; as Abner killed Asahel, that met him, and pursued him in battell: this kinde is not so hainous as wilfull murther, yet it far exceedeth these other kinds that follow. 2. Sometime one is killed by chance, which is of two sorts, either a chance which falleth out by meere oversight and negligence: as if a Physitian, through carelesnesse mistake the medicine, and so kill his patient, which might by his care have beene prevented: or it falleth out by meere chance, which could not be helped; as when one heweth wood, and the axe-head flieth off, and killeth one that standeth by. 3. But that kinde which deserveth most favour, and may best be excused, is, when one is forced to kill ano∣ther, se defendendo, by defending of himselfe: which was the womans case, that with a milstone pashed out cruell Abimelechs braines, when he attempted to set fire upon the tower, and to burne the woman, and all the rest of the people there, Iudg. 9.

QUEST. XIII. Magistrates are not guiltie of murder in putting malefactors to death.

ALl kinde of killing is not then unlawfull: whereof there are three sorts: there is divina vindicta, he∣roica, ordinata: divine revenge, heroicall, ordinarie. 1. The divine is, which is directly and imme∣diatly commanded by God: as Abraham at the Lords bidding would have sacrificed his sonne: Abraham non solum non est culpatus crud••litatis crimine, sed laudatus est pietatis nomine: Abraham was not onely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 blamed for his crueltie, but commended for his pietie therein. So Ioshua had commandement from the Lord to destroy the Canaanites.

2. The heroicall kinde of killing is, when any being inflamed with the zeale of Gods glorie, and extra∣ordinarily stirred by his spirit, doe take revenge of the Lords enemies: as Sampson upon the Philistims in his death, Phineas in zeale killed the adulterer and adulteresse▪ and Samuel hewed Agag the King of Amalek in peeces, Marbach.

3. The ordinarie killing is by the Magistrate, who by direction of the word of God, and according to wholesome lawes grounded upon the same, doth give sentence of death against malefactors, or wageth just battell: upon these occasions the Magistrate sinneth not in shedding of bloud. The reasons are these:

1. Hierome saith: Homicidas punire, non est sanguinis effusio, sed legis ministerium: To punish mur∣therers, and other malefactors, it is no effusion of bloud, but the execution of the law: in Ieremiam, c. 22. So Gloss. interlinear. Index non occidit reum, sed lex quae jubet: The Judge killeth not the guiltie partie, but the law which commandeth.

2. Thomas saith, Id quod licitum est Deo, licitum est & ministro ipsius per mandatum ejus: That which is lawfull unto God the author of the law, is lawfull unto Gods Minister by his Commandement. But the Magistrate is Gods Minister, Rom. 13.4.

2. Places of Doctrine upon the sixth Commandement.

1. Doct. Of the generall contents of this Commandement.

THou shalt not kill. This Commandement consisteth, 1. Partly in prohibiting all kinde of hurt or wrong to our neighbour, either in leaving or forsaking him, or in doing him hurt, either outwardly, by murder, rayling, reviling, or by any injurie whatsoever; or inwardly, by anger, hatred, desire of revenge.

2. Partly in commanding the preservation of our neighbours life, either in not hurting, whether pro∣voked, or not provoked: or in helping, either by the depulsion of wrongs and injuries offred, or by the collation of benefits.

2. Doct. The particular vertues here commanded.

THe vertues then prescribed in this Commandement, are of two sorts, either such as doe not hurt, or such as are beside helping also.

Of the first kinde are: 1. A particular justice and equitie, in all our acts and doings, not to hurt or molest any, in word or deed, by violence, fraud, or negligence, or by any other meanes: such an one was Nathaniel, a true Israelite, in whom there was no guile, Ioh. 1.47. hee was a just, harmelesse and inno∣cent man.

Contrarie hereunto are all kinde of hurting or harming others by violence, oppression, of purpose or negligence: of such speaketh the Wise-man, They cannot sleepe, unlesse they doe evill, Prov. 4.

2. Another vertue is gentlenesse, mildnesse, not to bee apt to quarrell upon every occasion, but to bee patient in bearing of wrongs, and readie even to forgive our enemies; as David spared the life of Saul, and endured with patience the reviling of Shemei.

Contrarie hereunto are: 1. Stupiditie▪ not to be angrie, or moved at all, no not for manifest and no∣torious wrongs and injuries: as Saul saved Agag alive, whom Samuel through a just indignation for the great wrongs which that nation had done to the people of God, hewed in peeces. 2. Anger, rage, desire of revenge, wherein David offended in purposing to put Nabal and his house to the sword, in his furie and rage, 1 Sam. 25.

3. A third vertue is, Peaceablenesse, to bee carefull to avoid all offences and occasions of contention: and to end and compound strifes and contentions, being once risen: as Moses did betweene the two He∣brewes, Exod. 2. and as Abraham moved to have a separation betweene him and Lot, their servants, and their cattell, for avoiding of further contention, Genes. 13.

Contrarie hereunto it is, to be turbulent and unquiet, to move sedition, discord, enmitie: such were the seditious in Israel, Core, Dathan and Abiram, Numb. 16.

Vertues furthering and helping our neighbour, are: 1. Just severitie in punishing of offenders, which is the office of Magistrates, who are the Ministers of God in that behalfe: as David worthily put to death those two Captaines that had murthered Ishbosheth, 2 Sam. 4.

Contrarie hereunto are: 1. Injustice, rigour and crueltie, as Herod beheaded Iames, and laid hand on Peter also, Act. 12. 2. Connivence and remisnesse: as God was angrie with Ahab, because hee had let Benhadad escape, 1 King. 20.41.

2. Zeale and indignation for the wrongs and injuries offered to men: as Abraham armed his houshold to goe and rescue Lot, Gen. 14.

Contrarie hereunto is, carelesnesse of others miserable and afflicted estate, as in Pharaohs Butler, that remembred not Iosephs afflictions.

3. Mercie and commiseration, to bee grieved for the miseries of others: as David and his companie wept when the Amalekites had smitten Ziklag, 1 Sam. 30.4.

Contrarie hereunto is hardnesse of heart: to have no feeling compassion, as the rich Glutton had not of Lazarus, Luk. 16. Ex Vrsin.

3. Places of confutation.

1. Confut. Against the Stoikes, that denied any passion at all to be in a wise man.

WHereas it is shewed before, that even rash and unadvised anger is forbidden in this precept, accor∣ding to the doctrine of our blessed Saviour, Matth. 5.22. The Stoikes are confuted, whose opinion was, that the passions of anger, and of other such like affections, were not incident unto wise men: but the opinion of the Peripatetikes was that Ira cadit in sapientem, sed moderata, that anger is incident to a wise

man, but moderate and temperate: which opinion commeth neerer the truth. Et primò patet authoritate; And this first is evident by the authoritie of the Gospell, which sheweth anger to have beene in our blessed Saviour. Secundò, ratione: Againe, it is manifest by reason: for if all the passions of the minde were con∣trarie to vertue, there should be some powers of the soule in vaine: Imo essent homini in nocumentum, they should be to a mans hurt, as the facultie of anger, and desire: but God made nothing in vaine. Further, anger is taken three wayes; Primó prout est in solo judicio rationis abs{que} commotione animi: first, as it is in the judgement onely, without any commotion of the minde: and so the Lord in Scripture is said to bee angrie. Secondly, it is taken for the passion of the minde, which sometime is ordered and ruled by reason, as when one is angrie, Quando debet, quantum debet, & pro quo debet: When he ought, as much as he ought, and for what he ought to be angrie: and then it is a note of zeale. Thirdly, there is a kinde of anger, Qua refugit judicium rationis, which refuseth and rejecteth the judgement and direction of reason, and this is alwayes sinne, Thomas in opuscul.

2. Confut. Against those that thinke no anger to be forbidden.

THere are some further, that doe hold, that anger is not at all forbidden in this precept: 1. Because it is naturall. 2. We read that God himselfe in Scripture is said to be angrie. 3. Christ himselfe was, and the holy Saints and Prophets, as Moses, and Paul. 4. The Apostle forbiddeth not to be angrie, but onely to persevere and continue in it, Ephes. 4.26.

Answ. 1. Naturall and moderate affections are the worke of God in the nature of man, and so they are not forbidden: but those affections which were perfect and good in the nature of man, before sinne entred, are now through the sinne of man perverted and corrupted, and refuse to be subject to reason, and so had need to bee reformed by grace: these violent and intemperate affections are forbidden, and so anger, not simplie: for to be angrie with that▪ which is evill, is commendable. So our Saviour condemneth not all anger, but when a man is angrie with his brother unadvisedly, Matth. 19.22.

2. God is not said to be angrie as man is: it is no passion or perturbation in God, but the Scripture so speaketh of God, according to our capacitie: for, Ira est appetitus ultionis, anger is a desire of revenge: and therefore because man cannot punish without anger, God is said to be angrie, quando punit scelera, when he punisheth sinne: ultio ejus ira dicitur, his revenge is called anger.

3. These naturall affections and passions of the minde, were otherwise in Christ than in us: in him they were temperate and moderate without sinne, as they were first created in man: and such kinde of anger we grant is not forbidden.

4. The last reason sheweth, that all anger is not forbidden, but that onely which exceedeth measure, as to be too much inflamed with anger, and to continue long therein: which we also grant, ex Simler.

3. Conf. Against the Anabaptists, that it is lawfull for Christians to beare armour, and to make warre.

WHereas out of this prohibition, Thou shalt not kill, is excepted the lawfull Magistrate, which either putteth to death, or maketh just warre; we are here to deale against the Anabaptists, who hold it unlawfull for Christians to beare armour or weapons, or to wage battell. Their reasons and arguments are these:

1. Our Saviour in the Gospell biddeth, that we should not resist evill, but whosoever will smite thee on the left cheeke, turne to him the right also, Matth. 5.39.

Answ. 1. It is evident, that our blessed Saviour doth not here bring in a new law, but onely freeth the law from the corrupt gloses of the Scribes and Pharisies: he therefore giveth the true sense of the law gi∣ven them by Moses, which allowed lawfull warre to be made: Therefore Christs meaning cannot be, that evill and injuries can no way be resisted. 2. It must be considered, that Christ here speaketh unto private men, not unto Magistrates, that they were not to seeke revenge, which belonged unto the rulers and go∣vernours. 3. Our blessed Saviours meaning is to restraine mens corrupt affections, and grudges, in seeking revenge, and to exhort them to patience: for according to the very letter, our Saviour himselfe did not per∣forme this precept: for being smitten with a rod, he did not turne the other cheeke, but answered for him∣selfe, Ioh. 18.23. So also did S. Paul, when the high Priest commanded him to be smitten on the face, Act. 23.

2. S. Paul would not have Christians to goe to law one with another, 2 Cor. 6. much lesse it is lawfull to make warre.

Answ. S. Paul simply findeth not fault with their going to law, but because they one convented ano∣ther before Heathen Judges, and for that they were impatient of wrongs, and would put up nothing one at anothers hand.

3. Our Saviour biddeth Peter to put up his sword, adding further, that they which take the sword shall perish with the sword, Matth. 26.52.

Answ. It is plaine, that our Saviour speaketh of the private use of the sword, not of the publike in law∣full battell, when as the souldier doth not take the sword into his hand by his private authoritie, but it is committed unto him by the commandement of the Magistrate.

4 The parable of the tares is objected, which our Saviour would have grow untill the time of harvest.

Answ. The end and scope of this parable must be considered: which is to shew the state and condition of Christs Church in this world, that therein the wicked and hypocrites are mixed among the faithfull: and so it shall bee till Christ shall come in the end of the world to purge his floore, and take away all the chaffe: for otherwise, if it were not lawfull to take away the evill, there should be no place, neither for Civill nor Ecclesiasticall discipline: and so Saint Paul should have beene contrarie to his master, who

willed the incestuous young man to bee excommunicate, 1 Cor. 5. and so the tares to bee weeded out of the corne.

5 The Apostle saith, The weapons of our warfare are not carnall, &c. 2. Cor. 10.4. we must not then use carnall and outward weapons.

Answ. 1. The Apostle speaketh there onely of such weapons which wee are to use against spirituall evils, which indeed are onely spirituall: not of those which are used against men. 2. After the like manner S. Paul saith: Christ sent me not to baptize, but to preach the Gospell, 1 Cor. 2.17. yet he baptized some: his meaning is, he was not sent chiefly to baptize, but to preach: so the chiefest armour of Christians are spiri∣tuall: but they may use carnall and externall also, Simler.

But now on the contrarie side, that it is lawfull for Christian Magistrates to wage battell,* 1.30 it may be thus shewed by the authoritie of the word of God: 1. Deut. 20. there are divers lawes prescribed, whom they shall make choice of to go to warre, how they should be exhorted by the Priests, and other orders are there expressed: which had beene superfluous, if it were a thing simply unlawfull to enterprise warre.

2. In the new Testament, when the souldiers came to Iohn, to know of him what they should doe, he biddeth them not to lay aside their weapons, or to forsake their calling, but not to doe wrong, and to be content with their wages, Luk. 3.14. Wee read in the Gospell of a Centurion that beleeved in Christ, Matth. 8. and in the Acts of a Centurion converted by Saint Peter, Act. 10. who retained that office and calling still.

3. Further, seeing it is the office of the Magistrate, that beareth not the sword for nought, to take vengeance on him that doth evill, Rom. 13.4. And it may fall out, that not one or two, or a few, but a mul∣titude may doe evill and commit some outrage, who cannot be resisted but by force of armes: the Ma∣gistrate then is herein to doe his dutie, to suppresse the evill, and to take vengeance on them.

4. But whereas it will be objected, that there are no precepts in the new Testament, concerning this matter, but onely in the old: wee answer, 1. That it is sufficient that we finde it there: for whatsoever is prescribed in the old Testament, not repugnant to, nor reversed in the new, Christians are to receive and obey: it was the wicked opinion of the Marcionites, and Manichees, which rejected the old Testa∣ment. 2. And the reason why no mention is made in the new Testament of waging of battell, and making of warre, is, for that there was then no Christian Magistrate, by whose authoritie warre must be taken in hand. And because there was then no such civill power in the Church, the Lord gave unto his Apostles an extraordinarie power in punishing the wicked, as S. Peter did strike Ananias and Sapphira with sudden death, Act. 5. So they needed no schooles then, because they were furnished with extraordinarie gifts of the Spirit: but now they are needfull, those extraordinarie gifts being ceased: and so it is necessarie now that the Magistrate should use the materiall sword; that spirituall sword of vengeance, which the Apostles had, being now no more exercised.

5. Briefly somewhat shall be added here, what conditions are required, and ought to concurre to make just warre; which are these three: 1. By whose authoritie. 2. Upon what occasion.* 1.31 3. In what manner warre must be taken in hand.

1. Warre must not be attempted without the authoritie of the Magistrate: for he beareth the sword, Rom. 13.4. If the examples of Sampson and Abraham be objected: for the first we answer, that hee was moved by the Spirit: for the second, that he was no private man, or subject to any other, but free, and at his owne command: beside, he was not without the direction of Gods Spirit. And further, if a true man shall defend himselfe against a theefe by the sword, or a Citie being suddenly besieged, or invaded of the enemie, the Magistrate being absent: in these cases it is lawfull to use the sword, because though in par∣ticular they have not the expresse consent of the Magistrate, yet in generall the lawes permit, that it shall be lawfull for every one in such desperat cases to defend themselves.

2. The causes of just warre are these three: 1. When as any battell is enterprised by the speciall Com∣mandement of God: as Saul was sent against Amalek. 2. To rescue and recover such things as are unlaw∣fully taken away: as David pursued the Amalekites that had burned Ziklag, and carried away their goods, and their wives, and redeemed them againe, 1 Sam. 30. 3. To deliver the oppressed, and to bridle the in∣solencie and crueltie of the wicked: as Abraham followed after the foure Kings that had taken Lot priso∣ner, and delivered him out of their hands, Gen. 14.

3. The manner also must bee considered, that although the cause of warre be just, yet that it be not rashly set upon, but all other meanes must first be tried: as Ezekiah, before he would by force resist the King of Assyria, sought to have pacified him by paying a certaine tribute, 2 King. 18.14. So the children of Israel, before they assaulted their brethren the children of Benjamin by open warre, because of the wickednesse of the Gibeonites committed against the Levites wife, first required of them that those wic∣ked men might be delivered into their hands: which when they wilfully refused, then they resolved to set upon them, Iudg. 20.13. Ex Simlero.

4. Confut. Against the Romanists, that make difference betweene counsels and precepts.

IN the next place the Romanists are to bee dealt withall: and here commeth first to be examined that assertion: that whereas we affirme, that even in this Commandement, Thou shalt not kill, that dutie of charitie is prescribed, even in loving our enemies: they affirme, that this is no precept, which we are bound to keepe, but a counsell of perfection, and a worke of supererogation: Thom. Aquin. 2.2. qu. 25. art. 9.

Contra. 1. This derogateth from the authoritie of Christ, to say that he gave counsell to his Disciples, and did not by his authoritie command them. 2. Seeing all the duties of charitie are required by the law

(for love is the fulfilling of the law) it followeth that even this dutie also in loving our enemies is enacted by the law, and not left free. 3. Our Saviour adding further as a reason hereof, that ye may bee children of your Father which is in heaven, sheweth that wee cannot otherwise bee the true children of our heavenly Father, unlesse we be like him herein, even in loving of our enemies: then it will follow, that it is not a counsell of conveniencie, but a precept of necessitie: Ex Bastingio. See more of this popish distinction of counsels and precepts, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 84.

5. Confut. Against the Popish distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes.

ANother assertion of the Romanists here to be taxed is, that anger, si sit talis motus, ut deducatur ratio, est peccatum mortale, &c. If it be such a motion, as that the reason is drawne to consent, it is a mor∣tall sinne: Si usque ad consensum non pervertitur ratio, est peccatum venidle, &c. But if reason be not per∣verted to consent, then it is a veniall sinne: but if it bee not a mortall or deadly sinne in the nature and kinde thereof, as is murther, and adulterie, then although there be a consent, it is no mortall sinne. Sic Thom. in opuscul.

This distinction of sinnes veniall, and not veniall, in their owne nature, in respect of the greatnesse or smalnesse of the sinne, is not to bee admitted for these reasons: 1. In the respect of the nature of sinne, which of it selfe deserveth death: Rom. 6.23. The wages of sinne is death: and sinne is the transgression of the law, 1 Ioh. 3.4. and every transgression of the law is under the curse, Galath. 3.10. 2. In respect of the infinite Majestie of God, which to violate, can bee no veniall sinne of it selfe: considering also the perfect and absolute righteousnesse of God, which cannot abide the least blemish or imperfection: therefore in regard of the perfect righteousnesse and infinite Majestie of God, no sinne committed against God can in it selfe bee veniall. 3. And concerning this motion and passion of anger, even when it is sud∣den, and unadvised, though there bee no further purpose or intendment to hurt, it is guiltie of judge∣ment, Matth. 5.22. Where, by the way, it shall not bee amisse to note the difference here betweene Thomas Aquin, and Bellarmine: for Thomas holdeth this anger here spoken of to bee a deadly sinne, in that he saith, He that is angrie with his brother, shall be guiltie of judgement, it must be understood d•• matu tendente in nocumentum, &c. of a motion tending to hurt, where there is consent, and so that motion is deadly sinne. Sic Thomas in opuscul. Ex Lippoman. But Bellarmine affirmeth that this is a veniall sinne, and so de∣serveth not everlasting damnation, because hell fire is onely due unto the last, to call one foole, Bellarm. lib. 1. de purgator. cap. 4.

Contra. 1. Every mortall sinne deserveth damnation: but in Thomas Aquins judgement, as is shewed before, this anger here spoken of is a mortall sinne. Ergo. 2. The naming of hell fire onely in the last place, sheweth not a divers kinde of punishment from the rest, but a divers degree of punishment: for otherwise, judgement in Scripture, ••s taken for damnation: as Psal. 143.2. Enter not into judgement with thy servant, for no flesh is righteous in thy sight. So Rom. 2.1. In that thou judgest another, thou condemnest thy selfe. Here to judge and condemne are taken for all one: to be culpable then of judgement, is to bee guiltie of damnation.

4. Yet we admit this distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes, if it be understood, not in respect of the nature of sinne, but of the qualitie of the persons: for unto those that beleeve, all sinnes are veniall, and pardonable through the mercie of God: Rom. 8.1. There is no condemnation to those that are in Christ Iesus: but to the wicked and unbeleevers, all their sinnes are mortall: Rom. 6.23. to them the stipend and wages of sinne is death. See more also hereof, Synops. Papis. Centur. 4. err. 6.

4. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Not to be hastie to anger.

THou shalt not kill. Our blessed Saviour expounding this Commandement, Matth. 5.22. sheweth, that even hee which is angrie unadvisedly transgresseth this precept: which may bee a caveat unto furious, cholerike, and hastie men, that they should bridle their intemperate affections, and not give place to rage: for as Chrysostome saith, Si concedatur licentia irascendi, datur & causa homicidii faciendi: If li∣bertie be granted unto anger, even cause many times will bee given of murther. But if any man shall say, when hee is angrie with a man for railing and reviling, that hee is angrie with his sinne; let him con∣sider, that when he heareth the name of God blasphemed, he is not so much moved, which sheweth that he is angrie in respect of his owne name and person, which is called in question, and not simply for the sinne, Simler.

2. Observ. The challenging of one another into the field forbidden.

ANd if it be simply unlawfull to kill, then let such looke unto it, that take it to be their honour and estimation to challenge one another into the field, whereupon often ensueth murther: for we have otherwise learned in the Scriptures, Omnem cupiditatem seipsum ulciscendi vetitam esse: That all desire for a man to revenge himselfe is unlawfull: Simler. For such doe usurpe the Lords office. The Wise-man saith, Say not thou, I will recompence evill, but wait upon the Lord, and he shall save thee, Prov. 20.12.

3. Observ. Surfetting by e••cesse forbidden.

FUrther, by this precept they are condemned, qui luxu se occidunt, &c. which kill themselves with sur∣fetting and drunkennesse, riot and excesse: Basting. whereupon often ensueth also quarrelling, and wounds, as the Wise-man sheweth: To whom is woe, to whom is strife, &c. to whom are wounds without cause, to whom is rednesse of the eyes? to them that tarrie long at wine, Prov. 23.29, 30.

The seventh Commandement.

1. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Of the order and negative propounding of this Commandement.

THou shalt not commit adulterie. 1. This Commandement very fitly followeth after the other, Thou shalt not kill, Quia post injuriam, quae infertur personae, nulla est major, quàm illa quae infertur conjunctae: Because next after the injurie done to the person, there is none greater, than that which is offred unto the joynt person; for they two shall be one flesh, Thom. in opuscul. So also Lyranus. 2. This Commandement is propounded negatively, rather than affirmatively: because the negative is more generall than the affir∣mative, Tum quoad temp••ra, quàm personas, both in respect of the time and persons: for at all times, and in all places it is unlawfull to kill, to commit adulterie, &c. but at all times, and in all places wee must not honour our parents: and for the persons, wee must not offer violence or wrong unto any; but for the affirmative, it is impossible to doe good to all, Thom. in Epist. ad Roman. cap. 13. See before quest. 1. upon the sixth Commandement.

QUEST. II. Whether the uncleane desire of the heart be forbidden in this precept.

IN this Commandement, not onely the impuritie of the bodie, but of the soule also is forbidden, and chastitie commanded in both: Gregories opinion is, that God Per hoc praeceptum, non peccata cogitatio∣nis, sed operis resecuit, &c. Doth not by this precept cut off the sinfull thoughts, but the sinfull act: and that Christ afterward in the law, Cogitationes hominum religavit, Did bind also the thoughts of men, In Ezech. homil. 13. Augustine also is of opinion, that in this precept, Ipsum opus notatum est, The worke of uncleannesse it selfe is noted: but in the other, Thou shalt not covet, Ipsa concupiscentia, the very concupiscence: because, saith he, sometimes it may fall out, that a man may commit adulterie, cùm non concupiscat illam, when he doth not covet her, but upon some other cause doth companie with her: Aliquando eam concupiscat, nec ei misceatur, poenam timens: Sometime he may covet her, and not company with her fearing the punish∣ment, in quaest. 71. in Exod.

Contra. 1. Our Saviour Christ doth not adde any thing to the law of Moses, or bringeth in any new interpretation, but doth free and cleare the law from the grosse and corrupt gloses of the Scribes and Pharisies, delivering the true sense and meaning thereof, as it was first given unto the people: And there∣fore Chrysostome well saith: Vt per concordiam mandatorum ipse inveniatúr author legis fuisse & gratia: That by the agreement of the Commandements, in the old and new Testament, the same may be found to bee the author of the law, and of grace, in Matth. hom. 11. And that even the inward concupiscence and desire was forbidden in the old Testament, it is evident by Iobs practice, in whose heart the morall law was written, I have made a covenant with mine eyes, why then should I thinke on a maid? chap. 31.1.

2. Concerning Augustines opinion: the concupiscence, which is joyned with a full purpose, onely wanting opportunitie, and being restrained by feare from the externall act, is a breach of this Commande∣ment, and not of the last, as our blessed Saviour expoundeth, Matth. 5.28. What kinde of concupiscence is prohibited in the last precept, and how it differeth herein ftom this, shall bee shewed afterward, when wee come to that place. 2. And that commixtion which hath no concupiscence, nor consent of will, being violent and forced, as in them which are ravished, it is no adulterie at all, which alwayes proceedeth out of the heart.

3. But that the inward sanctimonie and puritie of the minde is here commanded, and the contrarie forbidden, it is thus proved: 1. By the definition of puritie, and chastitie, which is to be holy both in bodie and spirit, as S. Paul describeth a true Virgin, 1 Cor. 7.34. So the same Apostle, 1 Thess. 5.23. That your whole spirit, soule and bodie, may be kept blamelesse unto the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ. 2. Both the soules and bodies of the faithfull are the Temples of the Spirit, and therefore ought to be kept holy, 1 Cor. 3.16. Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you? if any destroy the Temple of God, him shall God destroy, Basting. 3. Chrysostome urgeth these foure reasons: first, from the interpretation of our blessed Saviour, who sheweth that this Commandement is broken in the very inward lust and concupiscence, Matth. 5.28. 4. Secondly, from the analogie and correspondencie, which it hath with other Commandements: that Irasci proximis sine causa, to be angrie with our neigh∣bours without cause, is a breach of the precedent Commandement, Thou shalt not kill: So Concupiscere mulierem alienam, &c. to desire a strange woman, though the act of concupiscence follow not, is against this precept. 5. Thirdly, in respect of God, Qui non tantum opus hominis aspicit, quantum cor; Who doth not so much looke unto the worke of man, as to his heart. 6. Fourthly, because concupiscence is the cause of adulterie: Omne adulterium ex concupiscentia, All adulterie proceedeth from concupiscence, as our blessed

Saviour sheweth, Mark. 7.21. Even from the heart of man proceed evill thoughts, adulteries, fornications, &c. Quomodo ergo tolletur adulterium, nisi pracisa fuerit concupiscentia, &c. How then shall adulterie be taken away, unlesse concupiscence be first cut off? Homil. 12. in Matth. Seeing then that the effect, that is, adultery, and outward uncleannesse is forbidden in this precept, it followeth also, that the very cause thereof, which is concupiscence, should be restrained.

QUEST. III. Other acts of uncleannesse beside adulterie here forbidden.

COncerning the externall act of uncleannesse, which is in the very letter of this precept prohibited, the Hebrewes are of opinion, that onely concubitus adulterinus, the adulterous act is here forbidden. But this opinion is easily convinced: 1. Tostatus urgeth this reason; Qui prohibet minus malum, à fortiori pro∣hibet majus, &c. He that forbiddeth the lesse evill, doth much more prohibit the greater evill: for there are more unlawfull acts of uncleannesse, than adulterie, as those unnaturall sinnes, committed either with another kinde, as with brute beasts, which is monstrous, or with the same kinde, and with the same sex, as Sodomitrie, and abusing of the male, or with the same sex, but in degrees forbidden, such is incest, with those that are neerely joyned in affinitie and consanguinitie: and though none of these fall out, yet if by violence any be forced to uncleannesse, as in the ravishing and deflowring of wives or Virgins: all these are more odious than adulterie, and therefore they are likewise forbidden. 2. Vrsinus thus reasoneth; The end and scope of this precept is to be considered, which is to preserve chastitie, and to maintaine matri∣monie: whatsoever then is contrarie hereunto, is forbidden; and therefore all acts of uncleannesse, as well adulterie as others, which are against chastitie, and matrimoniall sanctitie, are here restrained. 3. Cal∣vin addeth further, Lex est juste vivendi perfecta regala, The law is a perfect rule of righteous living: there∣fore not one kinde of uncleannesse, but all whatsoever are in this precept restrained, which are against righteous and upright living: as all unnaturall uncleannesse, incest, fornication, all pollutions, wherewith the bodie is defiled.

QUEST. IV. Of the sinnes of unnaturall lust.

THe unnaturall sinnes of uncleannesse are of three sorts: 1. Those which are committed with ano∣ther kinde, as with brute beasts, Levit. 18.23. Thou shalt not lie with any beast to be defiled therewith: which enormous and monstrous sinne doth violate the law of nature, and bringeth a great infamie upon mankinde, in that any should bee found among them, of such beastly and vile inclination, Tostat. qu. 23. And herein is discovered the wickednesse and corruption of mans nature, which without Gods grace is prone even unto the most vile, monstrous and ugly sinnes.

2. Another kinde of unnaturall lust, is that which is committed with that sex, which is not for that naturall use; which was the sinne of the Heathen, When man with man wrought filthinesse, Rom. 1.27. Such were the Sodomites, which with one consent came from all quarters of the Citie, and beset Lots house, and would have offred villanie unto the two young men (which were indeed two Angels) whom Lot had received into his house, Genes. 19. These, whom the Apostle calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, liers with men, with others there named, are without their great repentance, excluded the Kingdome of heaven, and inheritance of God, 1 Cor. 6.9.

3. The Apostle in the same place nameth also the third unnaturall sinne of lust, of those whom the Apostle calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, effeminate, wanton, and lascivious persons: molles, as the Latine Interpreter trans∣lateth, who doe commit uncleannesse with the same kinde, with the same sex, and with the same person, that is, with themselves, in the voluntarie emission of their nature, such as was in part the sinne of Er and Onan, the sonnes of Iudah, whom the Lord destroyed for their wickednesse, Gen. 38. these are so called molles, tender, delicate, effeminate, Quia nullam tristitiam tolerare possunt, because they can endure no griefe in resisting of carnall concupiscence, Tostat. quast. 22.

QUEST. V. Why some kinde of uncleannesse is not forbidden by humane lawes.

BUt here the question will bee demanded, what the reason is, seeing this kinde of filthinesse is odious before God and man, and by the Word of God condemned, yet the lawes of men make no provision against it.

Hereof two reasons may be rendred: 1. Because this kinde is committed secretly, so that it cannot bee proved by witnesse, and so by due proofe be censured: such sinnes the lawes of men specially provide for, as may be by witnesse or other evidence manifested: now this uncleannesse can hardly be brought to light, but by the parties themselves, who are not so impudent, as to act any such thing in open view: as the Priest of Priapus standing aloft upon the staires, used to shew his privie parts unto the people, to provoke their beastly lust: So also other secret sinnes, as the adulterie and murther of the heart, mens lawes cannot meet with, unlesse they be such as are against the state of the Prince and Commonwealth; for then, even such thoughts and purposes, though they take no effect, yet if they can be discovered, as by the confession of the parties, or by their fellow conspirators, are worthily punished, Tostat. quaest. 22.

2. Another reason is, because Solos actus justitiae mandat humana lex, humane lawes onely command the acts of justice: and forbid all such acts whereby one hurteth another, and so humane societie is hin∣dred: hereof it is, that intemperance, prodigalitie, pride, cowardlinesse, and such like, are not censured by humane lawes, because they are no acts of injustice tending to the hurt of others. So other acts of un∣cleannesse, as of adulterie, incest, rape, are by law restrained, because the hurt and disgrace of others is thereby procured: but this mollicies, licet sit actus intemperantia, non est tamen actus injustitia, &c. This

effeminate pollution of the body by it selfe, though it be an act of intemperancy, yet it is no act of injustice, because none other is hurt thereby, which thing humane lawes especially provide for, Tost••. qu••st. 22.

QUEST. VI. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie.

THou shalt not commit adulterie. Here by the very letter of the law, that grievous and hainous sinne of adulterie is forbidden: the greatnesse of which sinne is thus amplified, and set forth. 1. Ambrose thus describeth the sinne of adulterie: God made two in the beginning, and commanded that they two should be as one flesh, Quod unum separas corpus, &c. naturae adulterium est: In that thou doest separate one bo∣die, &c. thou doest adulterate nature, &c. First therefore by adulterie, the holy institution of God is vio∣lated, which maketh man and wife but one flesh: Ambros. Hexemer. lib. 5. cap. 7. 2. Chrysostome multi∣plieth many reasons together, Qui capta uxore post hoc carnis remedium alie•••• injuriatur, nullam veniam consequitur: hoc jam lascivia est, &c. He that having taken a wife, wrongeth another woman, shall hardly finde pardon: for this is a sinne of wantonnesse. 3. Si suam repudiare & alii vacare non licet, &c. If it be unlawfull for a man to put away his wife, and use another, (which is a kinde of adulterie) how much more is he to be blamed, qui suae aliam addit, which joyneth another to his wife? 4. Againe, the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie appeareth, by comparing it with other great sinnes: it is so hainous before God, Vt si ••xor ab Idolatra viro, ipso nol••nte, discedat, pu••••atur; sin ab adultero, minimè; That if the wife depart from an husband that is an Idolater, against his will, shee is punished; if from an adulter••••, she is not: the first the Apostle sheweth, that it is unlawfull for a woman to depart from an unbeleeving husband, being wil∣ling to dwell with her, 1 Cor. 7.13. but for adulterie, the wife may be dismissed, Matt. 5.32. 5. Further, by comparing of the effects together, this sinne appeareth what it is: Qua cum infideli habitat, non est im∣munda, &c. she which dwelleth with an infidell, is not polluted or uncleane: For the unbeleeving husband is sanctified by the wife, 1 Cor. 7.14. But the fornicator, and much more the adulterer, maketh the members of Christ, the members of an harlot, 1 Cor. 6.14. 6. In hac vita secum innumera mala trahit; This sinne of adultery and fornication, bringeth an innumerable company of evils with it in this life, beside the punish∣ment of the next: Cogitur vitam miseram & infoelicem vivere, he liveth a miserable and unhappy life: Alie∣nam domum trepidus ingreditur, omnis timet, liberos & servos: he entreth trembling into anothers house, hee is afraid of every thing, of the servants, and the children, &c. Sic fere Chrysost. super Ioan. hom. 62.7. Thom. Aquin. A woman committeth three great sinnes in the sinne of adultery: she is first Sacrilega, she committeth sacrilege in going against Gods ordinance, in parting that asunder, which God hath coupled: secondly, she is Proditrix, she sinneth by betraying her husband, under whose government she is, and gi∣ving her selfe over to another, for the woman hath no power over her owne bodie, but the man, and so likewise of the man, 1 Cor. 7.4. Thirdly, she is furatrix, she committeth theft: Ex alieno viro sibi consti∣tuit filios, she getteth her children by another man, Thom. in opuscul.

8. This sinne of adulterie is one of those which excludeth out of the Kingdome of heaven, 1 Cor. 6.9. and whoremongers among the rest shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone, Revel. 22.8. And in this world, though adulterers and adulteresses should escape the censure of men, as of∣ten they doe, yet God will not suffer such to goe unpunished: hee will judge them himselfe, Heb. 13.4. Therefore the Wise-man setting forth the adulterous woman, saith, that shee forsaketh the guide of her youth, and forgetteth the covenant of her God, Prov. 2.17. God therefore will take revenge of such, as trans∣gressors of his covenant. This made Ioseph that hee would not consent to the unlawfull desire of his Mistresse, saying, How can I doe this great wickednesse, and so sinne against God? Gen. 39.4.

QUEST. VII. Adultery as well forbidden in the husband as in the wife.

FUrther, it will here be enquired, whether this precept, Thou shalt not commit adulterie, doth not in∣differently binde both the man and the woman, that as well the husband as the wife, if hee goe unto any strange flesh, committeth adulterie. In Augustines time men tooke unto themselves great libertie herein, and it was growne to be such a generall custome, ut jam & mulieribus fere persuasum sit licere hoc viru, sed non licere mulieribus; That women are almost now perswaded, that it is lawfull for men, but not for women: for it is often heard, that the wives have beene brought to the market place to be pu∣nished, quae facto cum servis invent a sunt, which have beene found with their servants: but it was never heard of, that a man was set in the market place, qui inventus est cum ancilla, which was found with his maid. Augustine by divers reasons overthroweth this wicked custome, shewing, that it was par peccatum, a like sinne both in the husband and wife: and in the like sinne, that the man seemeth more innocent, facit non divina veritas, sed humana perversitas: not the divine veritie is the cause, but humane perversitie. Then he useth these perswasions:

1. From the faith that is made mutually by both the husband and the wife unto Christ: Quod à me exigis, redde mihi: fidem tibi debeo, fidem mihi debes: fidem Christo ambo debemus, &c. That which thou exactest of me, render unto me: I have plight thee my faith, and thou hast plight me thy troth: we both have plight our faith unto Christ, &c.

2. He reasoneth from the like: Noliteire vos, quò eas sequi non vultis: Yee men, got not that way, wherein you would not have your wives to follow: say not, I goe not to another mans wife, I goe unto my maid: Vis ut dicat tibi, uxor tua, &c. Wouldest thou thy wife should say unto thee; I goe not to another womans husband, I goe unto my man or servant?

3. From the preeminence and superiority of man: Say not, we cannot: Quod potest foemina, vir non potest? Can a woman forbeare, and cannot a man? For what, illa carnem non portat, &c. is not shee also flesh and bloud? was not the woman first beguiled of the Serpent? But you will say, that the woman may

easily avoid adulterie, because shee is held in by the watchfulnesse of her husband, and by the terror of humane lawes: Multa custodia faciunt foeminam castam, virum castum faciat ipsa virilitas: Many keepers make a woman chaste: and let manhood it selfe make the man chaste: nam ideo mulieri major custodia, quia major infirmitas: for therefore a woman had need of more strait keeping, because shee is the weaker: her husband and the terror of lawes watch over her, and God watcheth over thee. To this purpose Augustine.

4. Further, the very letter of the precept, which in the Hebrew is put in the Masculine, to tineaph: Thou, that is, the man, shall not commit adulterie. Augustine well inferreth: that although it be onely expresly forbidden to the man, Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife: Ista lex non solum viris, sed & foeminis data est: Yet this law is not onely given unto men, but unto women also: and so this precept as well bindeth women, as men, as all the rest of the Commandements doe: Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steale, &c. August. qu. 71. in Exod.

5. Lastly, the Apostle sheweth, that as the woman hath no power of her owne bodie, but the husband, so neither hath the husband power over his owne bodie, but the wife, 1 Cor. 7.4. and therefore as well the one as the other are restrained of all carnall libertie to goe unto strange flesh.

QUEST. VIII. Whether adulterie be a more grievous sinne in the man or the woman.

BUt this being agreed upon, that adulterie is a sinne as well in the husband as in the wife, it will further be demanded, in which of them it is a greater sinne, or whether it be not equall in both.

1. Augustine thinketh, as is shewed before, that it is par peccatum, a like sinne whether in the husband, or in the wife. And Thomas addeth further, that in the time of the law there was not an equalitie: for the man among the Jewes might have many wives, but not the wife many husbands: Ideo matrimonium nunquam statum perfectum habuit, nisi in lege Christi: Therefore matrimonie had never any perfect state, but under the law of Christ. But to this it may be answered, that the institution of matrimonie being first made in Paradise, was the same both under the law of Moses, and the law of Christ: but that much was permitted and tolerated unto the Jewes onely for the hardnesse of their heart, as our blessed Saviour sheweth, Matth. 19.

2. Some doe urge the lawes of men, and the greater punishments, which have beene laid upon women for adulterie, rather than upon men: and that therefore the sinne of the woman should bee the greater: But this sheweth not the greatnesse of the sinne before God, but the greater inconvenience that is brought upon the civill and politike state (which the lawes of men seeke chiefly to preserve) by the adulterie of the woman, rather than of the man.

3. Some thinke that it is a greater sinne in the man, because of his authoritie, quia vir caput mulieris, because the man is head of the woman: and the Apostle biddeth, that women, if they would learne any thing, should aske their husbands at home, 1 Cor. 14.35. Est ergo vir doctor mulieris: The man then is the womans teacher: then as the Priest sinneth more than a lay man, because he is his teacher; so the man doth more grievously offend than the woman: Thomas in opuscul. But this proveth not that the sinne of the man simply is greater than the sinne of the woman, but in a certaine respect.

4. Wherefore the best answer is, that the sinne of adulterie in some respects is equall in both sexes, and in some other greater, both in the one and the other.

1. In regard of the law of Matrimonie, whereby they have given their faith each to the other, the sinne seemeth to be equall: for the man hath no more power over himselfe in this behalfe, than the woman, as S. Paul teacheth, 1 Cor. 7.4. and therefore by Moses law, as well the adulterer, as the adulteresse, was to be put to death.

2. But in respect of the qualitie and condition of the person, because the woman is the weaker ves∣sell, and the man is the head of the woman, and of the more strength, this sinne is greater in the man, be∣cause hee therein give than evill example to the weaker partie, and teacheth her an evill lesson, Eccle∣siasticus 9.1.

3. But the inconveniences considered that follow hereupon, as the ignominie and shame of houses, the confusion of inheritances, and the obtruding of false heires by the adulterie and false play of women; their sinne is thought to exce••d: Simler. Which might be the reason also why among the Jewes, the men were permitted to have divers wives, but not the women to have divers husbands.

QUEST. IX. Whether adulterie be now necessarily to be punished by death.

SOmewhat here would bee inserted concerning the punishment of adulterie by the sentence of death: wherein there are these three opinions: 1. Some thinke that adulterie ought to be punished capitally, according to the judiciall law of Moses, and not otherwise. Piscaetor giveth divers reasons hereof: but two especially I will single out: 1. Delicta temporibus naturam suam non mutant: Sinnes doe not change their nature in time. 2. Deus naturam suam non mutat: Neither doth God change his nature, so that he hateth sinne no lesse now than in times past, neither will he have it lesse punished: Praefat. in Exod.

Contra. 1. The nature of sinne is the same, though the punishment bee altered; adulterie is as grie∣vous before God now as it was under the law: but the circumstances as of place and person, so also of time, may give occasion of aggravating or alleviating the punishment. Hee that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath was stoned to death, Numb. 30. because it was necessarie that the law at the beginning, being then newly given, should bee established by severitie. But yet our Saviour excuseth his Apostles for ga∣thering and rubbing eares of corne upon the Sabbath, Matth. 12. Saint Peter pronounced the sentence of death upon A••amas and Sapphira, for deteining part of that which they had given to the Church, for

the terror and example of others: yet now, such dissimulation is not held to be worthie of death. 2. Nei∣ther is God changed, by the changing or mitigating the rigour of the law: but he removing the same, ap∣plieth his law according to the different respect of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and persons: for as well hee might bee said to be changed, in the changing of other 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as of the ceremoniall, and judicials thereto annexed.

4. If all judicials annexed to the Morall law are now to be necessarily retained, then the violating of the rest of the Lords day, as then of the Sabbath, which was in that respect morall, should be punished with death; and blaspheming, and prophaning of the name of God by swearing, as Levit. 24.16. which would seeme to be too rigorous.

5. And seeing the times of the Gospell are the times of mercie, and those under the Law were the times of rigour and severitie, to abate somewhat of the rigorous punishments of the Law, not leaving sinne un∣punished, may seeme not unlawfull.

2. Another opinion is, that adulterie is not at all now to be punished by death: for our Saviour would not condemne the woman taken in adulterie, Ioh. 8.

Contra. 1. Upon that example of Christ, it cannot be gathered, that it is unlawfull to censure adultery by death: for it would follow as well, that adultery is not to be punished at all, because Christ inflicteth no punishment at all upon her: onely this may be inferred, that by Christs silence and forbearance it appea∣reth, that the punishment of adultery by death, is not necessary: for if his will had beene, that the rigour of that law should stand in force, our Saviour needed not to have feared their trap, lest they should have condemned him of rigour and severitie, if he had judged her worthie of death: and if he had repealed that law, they would have accused him, as contrarie to Moses. 3. This then may bee collected by Christs silence and connivence, that it is not necessarie that adulterie should alwayes and in all places be sentenced unto death; but rather, that it is left indifferent: that neither those Churches are to be condemned of too great severitie, which follow the president of Moses judicials herein, nor yet they are to be accused of too much lenitie, which judge adulterie otherwise than by death, as they see it best to fit their estate, so that the severitie of the punishment be answerable to the quality of the sinne. By Moses law, they which com∣mitted adulterie were to die the death, that is, if it were duplex adulterium, that both the adulterer and adulteresse were married, or if the woman were anothers wife, Levit. 20.10. otherwise it was not death for a married man beside his wife, to have a Concubine, or to one wife to take another, so shee were not anothers wife. What will they thinke now of such single adulterie, that would have it revenged by death? they have no president in Moses law, for the punishing of this kinde of adulterie by death: then it is evi∣dent, that all adulterie by the law of Moses was not adjudged to death.

The Romane lawes followed Moses president, in punishing of adulterers: so did some other nations beside. The King of Babel burnt Zedekiah and Ahab, two false Prophets, with fire, for committing adul∣tery, Ierem. 29.23. Among the Egyptians, the man taken in adulterie was beaten with a thousand stripes, the woman had her nose cut off: Diodor. Sicul. lib. 2. cap. 3. The Germanes used to set the adulteresse naked before her kindred, and cut off her haire, and then her husband d••ave her before him through the street beating her with cudgels: Cornel. Tacit. de morib. German. The Cumeans placed the adulteresse in the Market place upon a stone in open view, that shee might be derided and scorned of all, and then set her upon an asse: and ever after shee was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an asse rider: and the stone they abhorred as an un∣cleane thing: Plutar. tom. 1. in quastionib. Graci••. These or some other grievous punishment may be im∣posed upon the odious crime of adulterie, where it is not recompensed with losse of life: but to dallie with so great iniquitie, and either to winke at it, or to let it passe with a light and superficiall checke, is displeasing to God, and offensive to all good men. See more of this question, how farre Moses Judicials doe now binde, 1 qu. generall in Exod.

QUEST. X. Whether it be lawfull for the husband to kill his wife taken in adulterie.

BUt whereas the ancient Romane lawes permitted the husband to kill his wife taken in adulterie, as appeareth in the declamations of Seneca, how a man having lost both his hands in warre, comming home, and taking his wife with another in adulterie, commanded his sonne to kill them both, and for re∣fusing, hee did abdicate and renounce him for his sonne: Some would justifie this also as lawfull, preten∣ding the example of Phinehes, that stroke the adulterer and adulteresse thorow at once.

Contra. 1. Though the ancient lawes did not punish the husband that killed his wife taken in adul∣terie: yet that act was not thereby made lawfull, but the law did therein beare with the just griefe of the husband. 2. And though the lawes of men should tolerate it, yet before God he committeth murther; be∣cause he doth it in his rage, and in his owne revenge. 3. But the last••r Romane lawes gave no such liber∣tie for the man to kill his wife, but onely the adulterer with whom shee is taken in her husbands house: for by this meanes, if men hated their wives, they might seeke occasion to be rid of them: and if he were a Noble personage, with whom the woman was found, it was not lawfull for the husband to kill him, but only to keepe him foure and twentie houres prisoner at home, untill he brought the witnesses. 4. Phinehes example is altogether unlike, for beside that he was stirred by the extraordinarie motion of the Spirit: if this president should be followed, it might be lawfull for any man to kill the adulterer, and the adulteresse, and not for the husband onely: for both of these, whom Phinehes killed, were strangers unto him: the man was of another tribe, and the woman a Midia••i••esse, ex Simler••.

QUEST. XI. Simple fornication, whether a breach of this Commandement.

THou shalt not commit adulterie, &c. 1. Some are of opinion, that simplex fornicatio, single fornication, which is soluti cum soluta, of a single man with a single woman, is not here forbidden, Oleaster. Hee granteth that fornication with a woman, quae esset alteri, vel omnibus exposita, which was either defiled by another, or common to many, was forbidden to the Israelites, as Deut. 22.21. Shee that played the where in her fathers house should be put to death: but otherwise it was not: in this Commandement therefore he thinketh adultery only to be forbidden, according to the native signification of the word na••ph, which signifieth only to commit adultery.

Contra. 1. But I rather preferre the opinion of Aben Ezrah, a learned Rabbin, who thinketh O••••em concubitum, qui non est viri cum uxore sua hîc esse prohibitum: That all companying with a woman, beside of the man with the wife, is here forbidden: for seeing single fornication is against the Law of nature, as Iudah, before the Law was written, adjudged Thamar for her whoredome to the fire, Gen. 38. as Oleast him∣selfe confesseth, it must also of necessity be held to be a breach of the Morall law, which is grounded upon the Law of nature. 2. And as for the use of the word, Augustine well sheweth, by the interpretation of our blessed Saviour, Matth· 5.9. that even adultery is a kinde of fornication: Hee that dismisseth his wife, except for fornication, causeth her to commit adulterie: the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fornication, which is taken for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, adulterie, Beza in hunc locum.

2. But that single fornication, even betweene parties both unmarried and unbetrothed, is forbidden in this Commandement, it shall bee manifested by these reasons. 1. Augustine thus argueth: 1. If that kinde of fornication be not forbidden here, Vbi sit illa prohibita in decalogo, utrum inveniri possit, ignore; Whether it can be found prohibited elsewhere in the decalogue, I am ignorant, &c. But it is certaine, that it is either forbidden here, or no where in the morall law. 2. Againe, Si furti nomine bene intelligitur omnis illicita usurpatio rei alienae, &c. if under the name of theft is well understood all unlawfull usurping of other mens goods, Profectò & nomine moechiae omnis illicitus concubitus, &c. by the same reason also, by the name of adulterie,* 1.32 all unlawfull companie with a woman is forbidden, August. quaest. 71. in Exod. 3. Further, Augustine in another place thus reasoneth: Say not, Vxorem non habeo, &c. I have no wife, and therefore I sinne not against her: neither doe I covet another mans wife: ad meretricem eo, I goe unto an harlot; In Deum pecccas, cujus imaginem per diffluentias libidinis in te violasti, &c. Thou sinnest against God, whose image thou hast violated in thy selfe, by thy overflowing lust. 4. Againe, Dominus, quiscit quid tibi utile sit, uxorem concessit, hoc pracepit, hoc jussit; The Lord, who knoweth what is best for thee, hath granted thee a wife, that thou shouldest not wander in lust: this he commandeth thee to doe, if thou canst not containe thy selfe, &c. Therefore the fornicator, in giving himselfe to lust, and refusing the remedie which God hath appointed, therein offendeth against God.

2. Thom. Aquin. addeth these arguments: 1. A rigno Dei non excluditur aliquis nisi per peccatum mor∣tale, &c. one is not excluded the Kingdome of heaven, but by a mortall sinne: but fornication excludeth out of the Kingdome of God, 1 Cor. 6.9. therefore it is a deadly sinne. 2. Licet non detur corpus uxoris, datur tamen corpus Christi, &c. although he have not a wife given, against whose bodie he sinneth, yet the bodie of Christ was given him in Baptisme, and hee made a member thereof: if it be not lawfull to sinne against the bodie of his wife, much lesse against the bodie of Christ; whose members hee taketh, and by fornication maketh them members of an harlot, as S. Paul sheweth, 1 Cor. 6.15. So he concludeth, Est ergo haeresis, dicere fornicationem, &c. it is heresie therefore to say, that single fornication is not deadly sinne, &c. and therefore in this precept, Thou shalt not commit adultery, not onely adultery, but all carnall copulation out of matrimonie is forbidden, Thomas in opuscul.

3. Tostatus urgeth these reasons: 1. Whatsoever is evill, belonging unto carnall lust, must be here for∣bidden, either expressè, or tacitè, either by expresse words, or closely: for it cannot bee forbidden else∣where: now simple fornication, even by the naturall light of reason, is judged to be evill: But it is not necessarie to finde out a thing evill by nature, that all men should bee of the same judgement, but onely those whose reason and understanding is aright: for like as some are deceived in the judgement of the outward sense, as hee whose tongue is infected with bitter choler, thinketh hony to bee bitter: and hee whose eye is vitiate and corrupt, with a kinde of melancholy, will take the Aethiope and the Crow to be whitish: So in some the judgement of naturall reason is corrupted, as in intemperate and incontinent men: it is therefore sufficient, that temperate and sober men by the light of reason, judge fornication to be evill. 2. Every naturall act, not used and employed to the right end, is evill: so then, as to eat and drinke, Non propter conservationem individui, &c. not to preserve the bodie, but of riot and excesse, is evill: so to use carnall copulation of lust, and not Propter conservationem speciei per generationem, &c. for the preserving of the kinde by generation, for the which it is appointed, must needs be evill, as it is in fornication, Tostat. quaest. 22.

4. M. Calvin thus proveth that fornication is a sinne before God, and a breach of this Commande∣ment: Ex quo legimus Deum benedixisse conjugio, &c. where we read that God blessed marriage, it is easie to gather on the contrary, that all other companying of man and woman, not in marriage, is accursed, and so the Apostle setteth the one as opposite to the other, Hebr. 13.4. Marriage is honourable among all men, &c. but whoremongers and adulterers God will judge: Seeing therefore the sanctitie and chastitie of marriage is commanded in this precept, the contrarie is forbideen, all other acts of uncleannesse whatsoe∣ver, which are a violation of marriage. 2. Nec aliunde, quàm ex lege Oseas illam reprehensionem sumpsit. &c. Neither did Hosea take that reprehension, but from the law, c. 4.11. Whoredome & wine take away the hears,

3. S. Paul also sheweth, that the Israelites were punished for their fornication, and fell in one day 23 thousand, 1. Cor. 10.8. 4. The Apostles also exhorting the brethren to abstaine from fornication, giue this as a reason thereof, because Moses was read in their Synagogues every Sabbath day, Act. 15.19. if fornication then had not been contrary to the law of Moses, and so generally taken, it had not been such a great offence. Sic Caluin in hunc locum.

QUEST. XII. Spirituall fornication is not a breach of this precept.

SOme doe make spirituall fornication a breach of this Commandement, Thou shalt not commit adul∣terie: Necesse est spiritualiter observari: it must bee spiritually observed: and this abstinence from spirituall fornication, they make of th••••e sorts, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idolorum, & omni superstitio•••• Gentili••••••▪ from the ceremonies of Idols, and all superstition of the Gentiles: there is another kind of fornication, Qua in Iudaismi superstitionibus cont••••etur, which consisteth in the superstitions of Iudaisme; and the third is adulteri••m haereticorum, the adulterie of heretickes, Lippom. ex collationibus putrum.

But spirituall fornication, because it concerneth the worship of God, cannot bee referred to this pre∣cept, being of the second Table, which onely concerneth our dutie toward our neighbour: and beside, if this precept should bee so spiritually understood, then the rest of the second table in like manner, which were inconvenient: and spirituall fornication, which is committed by idolatrie and false worship, is a peculiar breach of the second Commandement, and therefore need not to bee referred hither.

QUEST. XIII. Of the lawfulnes and dignitie of mariage.

NOw because in this precept, Thou shalt not commit adulterie, as all inconveniencie and uncleannes is forbidden: so chastitie both in mariage and without, is commanded: Here it shall not bee amisse to insert certaine questions concerning mariage: and first of the lawfulnes and dignitie thereof, which the Apostle calleth honourable, Heb. 13.4. This honour of the maried estate is set forth, 1. By the author and institutor thereof, God himselfe when hee brought Eve unto Adam; and to signifie the neere conjuncti∣on that ought to bee betweene man and wife, hee made woman of one of the mans ribs, Gen. 2. 2. The time and place, when and where Matrimonie was instituted, doe set forth the commendation of it, which was in Paradise, in the time of mans innocencie, before sinne yet was entred into the world. 3. The holy and wholesome ends, for the which Matrimonie was ordained▪ doe shew not only the lawful∣nes, but the excellencie of it: which shall afterward, quest. 27. more fully bee declared: whereof the most especiall is, the procreation of children, ipsi Deu, Ecclesiae & reipublica: unto God himselfe, his Church and Common-wealth, Bucan. 4. In holy Matrimonie it hath pleased God to represent unto us the my∣sticall conjunction betweene Christ and his Church, Ephe. 5. so that it cannot bee but holy, wherein is shadowed forth such an holy mysterie.

QUEST. XIV. Of the espousals and contract of mariage, with the difference, and divers kinds thereof.

NOw Matrimonie is of two sorts, either inchoatum, which is only initiate and begun by the espou∣sals and contract onely; or it is perfect and consummate, when all the rites of mariage are accompli∣shed and performed. Concerning the contract and espousals, which is the affiancing and betrothing of the man and woman each to other, by their owne voluntarie and full consent, with the liking and ap∣probation of their friends, there are two kinds of them: 1. Some contracts are conditionall, and de futura, of the time to come, as they are called: as if the man make this promise, that hee will marrie a woman if her friends will consent, or if hee may have a competent dowrie with her: or if both the par∣ties are under age, and not fit for mariage: for all these espousals are onely promises of mariage for the time to come: and they doe not binde the parties: they may shew their levitie in not performing the promise made, unlesse they can give probable and reasonable cause of the change of their minde; but they are not to bee forced by any such promise of mariage, to accomplish the same. 2. The other kinde of espousals, is de praesenti, pronounced of the time present: as if one say, Ego te mihi despondeo ux∣orem: I take thee to my wife: this contract is actuall and effectuall; and cannot bee dissolved, being law∣fully made: for that which God hath coupled together, man cannot put asunder, Matth. 19.7. and they which are thus contracted, are man and wife before God: as Iacob calleth Rachel, being onely espoused, his wife: Give me my wife, Genes. 29.21 and the Angell calleth Mary espoused to Ioseph, his wife, Matth. 1.20. Hereof it was, that by Moses law, hee which defloured a maid espoused unto another, was to bee stoned to death, Deut. 22.23. 3. After these espousals, there came betweene them and the celebration of the mariage some convenient space of time: 1. For publike honestie sake, that they should not presently come together, as bruit beasts in the heat of their fleshly desire. 2. That by this meanes their mindes might bee first knit together, before their bodies: their desire of each to other by this meanes being kindled and increased. 2. That this pause being made, if in the meane time there should fall out any just cause of let, it might appeare, Bucanus.

QUEST. XV. Of mariage consummate, and the rites and orders therein to be observed.

MAriage is consummate by two solemne and publike actions; one is religious and Ecclesiasticall, the other is Civill: 1. The parties espoused are first brought into the face of the congregation, both to testifie their unfained consent each to other, and that they may publikely bee instructed by the Minister of the duties of mariage, and be commended unto God by the prayers of the congregation: which godly use of the publike celebration of mariage before the congregation, howsoever some schismatickes foo∣lishly

and wilfully spurne against it; yet is grounded partly upon the example of God himselfe, who brought man and woman together, and gave them a solemne blessing, saying, Increase and multiplie: partly upon that rule of the Apostle, 1. Corinth. 14.40. that all things in the Church should be done honestly, and by order: for by this meanes, secret and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mariages are prevented: and the parties freed from all suspition, who without this publike solemnitie might bee thought so live incontinently toge∣ther: and seeing all things are consecrate by the word of God and prayer, 1. Tim, 4.5. it is requisite that such a weightie businesse as this should bee sanctified with prayer, and invocation of the name of God.

2. The other publike action is Civill, in the nuptiall feast, or festivitie: for it hath beene a commen∣dable custome in all ages, and in all nations almost, to solemnize mariage with the cheerefull meeting of friend•••• as Laban made a feast in the mariage of his daughters, Genes. 29.22. our blessed Saviour was pre∣sent at a mariage feast at Cana in Galile, Ioh. 2. But the mariage feast ought to bee kept with this cavent, that there bee no excesse, riot, or disorder, with other abuses, that often fall out in such meetings. As in that great feast which the great King of Persia made unto his Nobles, such good order was kept, that none was compelled to drinke more than hee would himselfe, Esther 1.8. This moderate and sober kinde of feasting may safely bee retained among Christians, according to S. Pauls rule, Philip. 4.8, 9. Whatso∣ever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, &c. those things doe, and the God of peace shall bee with you, Ex Bucano.

QUEST. XVI. What conditions are required in lawfull mariage.

BUt in lawfull mariage divers conditions are required, and namely these: 1. That Matrimony bee contracted between such parties as are apt for mariage. The contracts then and espousals made be∣tweene children are void. 2. That there bee a voluntarie consent of both parties, not forced or urged thereunto. 3. The consent also of the parents, or of those which are in the place and stead of parents, must not bee wanting. 4. There must bee no error in the persons: as when they are espoused as virgins, which prove afterward to bee otherwise: or such like errors and mistakings. 5. That honest condition•• bee propounded in such contracts, with decencie and comelines. 6. That Matrimonie bee contracted onely betweene two parties: for though the Fathers were permitted to have many wives; yet we must live not ac∣cording to examples, but by a certaine law and rule. 7. Mariage must bee contracted in the Lord, that is, onely betweene the faithfull and beleevers, and such as consent together in the true faith and religion. 8. That such persons contract not together, as are within the degrees prohibited either of affinitie and con∣sanguinitie, which are expressed Levit. 18. which prohibition of degrees is grounded upon the law of nature, and therefore is morall and perpetuall: for God did cast out the Canaanites, because they were defiled herein, Levit. 18.24. Who were not bound to the ceremoniall, but to the mo∣rall lawes: and the end of this prohibition of certaine degrees was for reverence of the neerenesse of kin∣dred and blood, as this reason is rendred: None shall come neere to any of the kindred of his flesh to uncover their shame, Levit. 18.6. and therefore this law is universall and perpetuall: Vrsin. Concerning the par∣ticular limitation of these degrees and right computation of them; see elsewhere this matter handled at large, Synops contr. 15. of Matrimonie, qu. 3.

QUEST. XVII. Of the ends of the institution of matrimonie.

NOw the ends wherefore Matrimonie was ordained are these: 1. In respect of the parties themselves there are three ends: 1. That they should be a mutuall helpe one unto another, both in divine and humane duties: as the Lord, when hee made woman, said, I will make an helpe meet for him, Gen. 2.18. which helpe is partly in humane affaires, as in domesticall duties, in governing and ordering the familie, in the bringing up and education of children: and in personall duties, one in helping and releeving another, in sicknesse and in health: as also in divine, one in comforting another, in praying one for another, and such like. 2. Mariage is ordained to bee a remedie against incontinencie and vagrant lust, 1. Cor. 7.2. 3. For procreation of children, which should continue their parents name, and succeed in his inheritance: as the Lord said unto them, Gen. 1.28. Increase and multiplie.

2. In respect of the Church and Common-wealth, Matrimonie was appointed as a meane to increase them both with profitable members and instruments, and therefore parents are charged to bring up their children in the instruction and information of the Lord, Ephes. 6.4. that they may bee fit to bee em∣ployed in the Church and Common-wealth.

3. In respect of God, Matrimonie was instituted principally for the setting forth of his glorie; that the married parties should together better learne to serve and worship God, and to bring up their chil∣dren in his feare: and in their matrimonie, which is a sweet and amiable fellowship, is set forth that mysticall conjunction which is betweene Christ and his Church, Ephes. 5.32. Ex Bucan. Vrsin:

QUEST. XVIII. Of the mutuall matrimoniall duties betweene man and wife.

THe duties to bee performed in mariage are first, such as are common betweene man and wife: as 1. Mutuall love, that they should one love another, to love as they are beloved. 2. Matrimoniall faith, in keeping themselves one to another, not seeking after strange flesh. 3. A communion of their goods, one supplying anothers wants: and a communion of affection, one having a lively fellow-feeling of an∣others griefes. 4. The education of their children, wherein both the parents are bound to shew their Christian care. 5. And mutuall hearing and forbearing one another, tolerating their infirmities, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a great desire to have them amended and healed, Vrsin.

2. The duties required on the husbands part are: 1. To instruct and teach his wife, and bring her to the knowledge of God, 1 Cor. 14.35. 2. To be her head, to protect and defend her from injuries▪ to guide▪ direct, and governe her in discretion, Ephes. 5.23. The husband is the woman's head, as Christ is the head of her Church. 3. To be amiable unto his wife, not bitter or cruell unto her, Colos. 3.19. not to use her as his maid or servant; but as his yokefellow, and collaterall companion and coadjutrix in the government of the house. 4. To provide for her all things needfull in sicknes and in health: for hee is worse than an Infidell that doth nor provide for those of his owne house, 1 Timoth. 5.8. 5. To honour the wife as the weaker vessell, 1 Pet. 3.7. and in his Christian discretion to winne her with lenitie.

3. The speciall duties on the behalfe of the wife are: 1. To shew her care and diligence in preserving of her husbands domesticall estate, and wisely disposing the houshold affaires: as that h••swively Mac••on is described, Prov. 31. 2. To give due reverence and honour to her husband, as unto her head, as Sara is commended, 1 Pet. 3.7. 3. And to bee subject and obedient unto him in all things in the Lord, Ephes. 5.22.

QUEST. XIX. Whether marriage be left indifferent to all.

MAtrimonie is neither denied unto any by the divine institution; nor yet commanded unto all: 1. It is lawfull and granted unto all to marrie, if they will: for the Apostle saith, that mariage is honou∣rable among all men, Hebr. 13.4. because that blessing given unto mariage, Increase and multiplie, was gene∣rall to Adam and all his posteritie. 2. As mariage is not necessarily imposed upon all, so is it indifferent unto those which have the gift of continencie: for although they need not the remedie of ma∣trimonie against fornication, having received that speciall gift; yet they may desire mariage for mutuall comfort, and to have issue: and for other ends, whereunto marriage was appointed. 3. But unto those which cannot containe, it is necessarie to use this remedie, and to them mariage is not indifferent. So the Apostle saith, It were good for a man not to touch a woman: neverthelesse to avoid fornication, let every man have his wife, &c. 1 Cor. 7.2. and vers. 9. If they cannot abstaine, let them marrie: for it is better to marrie than to burne. 4. But though this libertie be given to use the remedie, yet there must bee a temperate sobrie∣tie and moderation, both in the use of mariage, that they doe not give themselves over to fleshly delight, but sometime sequester themselves to fasting and prayer, 1 Cor. 7.5. And a comely decencie must bee ob∣served both in first and second mariages, not hastily and greedily to fall into them: as among the Ro∣mans Numa made a law, that a woman should not marrie within ten moneths after her husbands death, Vrsin.

2. Places of doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the generall and particular contents of this precept.

IN this Commandement under one speciall kinde of adulterie, all other acts of uncleannesse whatsoever are restrained: and whatsoever belongeth unto chastitie, is prescribed and commanded: as these three vertues principally: 1. Chastitie. 2. Shamefastnes. 3. Temperance. The contrarie unto which vertues like∣wise are forbidden.

1. Chastitie is commanded, which is a vertue keeping both the soule and bodie chaste, avoiding and shunning all uncleannesse and unlawfull lust, both in mariage, and in the single estate: as also all causes, occasions, opportunities, egging and provoking thereunto, as likewise the effects and inconveniences that ensue thereon. So the Apostle teacheth: This is the will of God even your sanctification, that yee should abstaine from fornication, that every one of you should know how to possesse his vessell in holinesse and honour, not in the lust of concupiscence, &c. 1 Thess. 4.3, 4.

Contrarie unto this vertue of chastitie are, 1. Such kinds of inordinate lust as are against even this nature of ours, as it is corrupt: as first, the confusion of divers kindes, as when men are given over to vile affe∣ctions to defile themselves with b••uit beasts. Secondly, the abuse of the sex, as when men with men worke filthinesse, which was one of the sinnes of the heathen, Rom. 1.28. Likewise may the feminine sex bee a∣bused, Rom. 1.27. Thirdly, when as the lawfull sex is used, but in too neere a degree, as in incest: all these are unnaturall lusts, and deserve of the Magistrate to bee extraordinarily punished.

2. Other kindes of lusts there are, which proceed from this our corrupt nature: 1. Fornication be∣tweene parties not married, when as one with one committeth follie, or which is more odious, one with many, which is the vile practice of strumpets and whores. 2. Adulterie, either the one partie being mar∣ried, and it is called adulterium simplex, simple adulterie: or both, which is adulterium duplex, dou∣ble adulterie.

3. There are beside these, evill inclinations of the heart, and inward inflammations, which the god∣ly doe resist by prayer, and cut off the occasions of them: and the remedie against this kind of lust is ma∣riage, according to S. Pauls rule: It is better to marrie then to burne, 1 Cor. 7.9.

4. Shamefastnesse is here required▪ which abhorreth all kind of turpitude and uncleannesse, being al∣waies accompained with a certaine griefe and feare, lest any thing uncomely should bee committed: such was the shamefastnes of Ioseph, that being entised often by his shamelesse Mistresse, would not afterward come into her companie,

Contrarie hereunto are, 1. Immodestie and unshamefastnesse, such as was in Herod••as daughter, that came in impudently and danced before Herod and the rest that were at the table. 2. Obscenitie and uncomelinesse in word or in deed, as in Iosephs Mistresse, that was not ashamed to move him with her owne mouth to lie with her.

3. Temperance is also commanded, which is a moderate and sober use of such things as belong

unto the bodie, as meat and drinke, agreeable for the time, place, and persons, as S. Paul saith, Be not filled with wine, wherein is excesse, Ephes. 5.18.

Contrarie hereunto are, 1. Intemperance in meats and drinks, as in drunkennesse and gluttonie: 2. Fa∣cesse and superfluitie of meats and drinkes, which breedeth intemperance: as also excesse and pride of ap∣parell, reproved by the Prophet in the daughters of Sion, Isai. 3. and other unseemely usages of the bodie, as in painting or colouring the face or haire, as wicked whorish Ie••abel used to doe, 2 King. 9.30. 3. Con∣trarie unto this moderate temperance, is in another extreme superstitious and immoderate abstinence, such as was that of the Heremites and Anachorites, that with too rigorous abstinence and fasting did op∣presse nature, Vrsin. 4. As in temperance in diet is forbidden, as the nourishing cause of lust, so also in all other kind of behaviour: as the wantonnes of the eye, which opened as it were a window unto that great sinne of adulterie, which David committed with Bathsheba, 2 Sam. 12. Likewise obscenitie and vncome∣linesse in speech: for evill words corrupt good manners, 1 Cor. 15.33. Simler. But these two last rehearsed are rather opposite unto the second vertue of shamefastnesse before rehearsed.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Against the Anabaptists and Nicolaitans, which make their wives common.

THou shalt not commit adulterie, &c. First, seeing this precept commandeth chastitie in the married estate to be preserved, the Nicolaitans, and heretikes called Gnostici, are condemned, which as of other things, brought in a filthie communitie and mutual commixtion of their wives, Bucanus. Contrarie to the Apostles doctrine, To avoid fornication, let every one have his wife, 1 Cor. 7.2. that is, the wife ought to bee proper and peculiar to the husband, and the husband likewise to the wife: for the honour of mariage is stained when the mariage bed is defiled, and therefore the Apostle putteth them both together, Heb. 13.4.

2. Confut. Against the Maniches and Marcionites that condemne mariage.

FUrther, this Commandement forbidding the violating of mariage by adulterie, and all other uncleane and unlawfull lust, consequently alloweth the wholesome remedie of mariage, against the old heretikes, the Maniches, Encratites, Marcionists, Chrysost. hom. 12. in 1 Timoth. Ambrose addeth to these the Patri∣tians, in 1 Tim. 4. that condemned mariage, as being instituted of Satan: whose wicked opinion is blas∣phemous against God, upon whose blessing, (Increase and multiplie) dependeth the procreation of chil∣dren, which is the speciall fruit of mariage: And they contradict the holy Apostle, who saith, That mar∣riage is honorable, &c. Hebr. 13.4.

3. Confut. Against the Romanists that forbid Mariage.

THirdly, the Romanists are here confuted, that enjoyne single life unto their Priests, as more agree∣able unto their orders, which they thinke are defiled and polluted by mariage: and they count that to bee the more holy state among them, and such to bee most religious, which are entred into a vow of single life: so that although they doe not in open blasphemie condemne marriage, as the other wicked heretikes, which made the devill the author thereof, yet they speake falshood through hypocrisie, and under pretence of greater holinesse, condemne the holy institution of marriage, so that they cannot escape the censure of the Apostle, which calleth it a doctrine of devils to forbid to marrie, 1 Tim. 4.1.3. Neither can they shift it off by saying, that they doe not forbid mariage generally: no more did the Maniches, who allowed their hearers, such as were lay men, to marrie, but denied that libertie to their Clergie, whom they called their elect and chosen men, August. hares 46. And the Heretickes called Apostolici would not permit such to marrie, as had made a vow of single life, being not able to performe it, August. hares. 61. So the Romanists hold it unlawfull for their votaries to marrie, though they bee never so weake and unable to performe their vow. It is evident then, that whereas S. Paul giveth libertie to everie man for avoiding of fornication, to have his wife, 1 Cor. 7.2. and againe he saith, that mariage is honorable among all men, Hebr. 13.4. the practice of the Romanists not allowing their Clergie and Monkes to marrie, doth contra∣dict the Apostolical doctrine. And beside, by this restraint of marriage, they give occasion of adulterie, for∣nication, and other uncleane lusts, seeing they restraine the remedie against these enormities, which is lawfull and honest marriage: and so they are apparent transgressors of this precept: Herein they are not unlike to those old Heretickes, called Origeniani turpes, the filthie Origenists, who, as Epiphanius writeth of them, rejected marriage, and yet gave themselves to lust, and some of them went in the habit of Monks, professing solitarie life, and yet were defiled with uncleannesse, Epiphan. hares. 63. Such were the Monks in Poperie, given over to al filthinesse, as their hypocrisie was notably discovered in the suppression of their uncleane cages and cells here in England. See more hereof, Synops. pag. 260, 261, &c.

4. Confut. Against Aquinas, that saith in the matrimoniall copulation there may be mortall sinne.

HEre by the way some exception is to be taken unto certaine positions of Thomas Aquinas, who con∣futing those who affirmed, Commixtionem viri & uxoris non esse sint peccato, that the companying of the husband with the wife could not bee without sinne, setteth downe these conclusions: 1. That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conjunctio aliquando non solum est sine peccato, sed etiam ad meritum vita ••ternae: that such conjunction is sometime not only without sinne, but meritorious also of eternall life. 2. Quando est cum intentione procr••∣anda prolis, vel reddendi debiti, &c. when in the matrimoniall act there is an intention of procreation, or of rendring the mutuall debt of marriage, it is an act of justice, and so without sin at all. 3. Aliquando est cum peccato veniali, &c. somtime it hath a veniall or small sin, as when neither of the two former intendments do concurre. 4. Quando autem excedit, ut si posset se extenderet in alium, tunc est mortale, &c. but when this ma∣trimoniall

copulation exceedeth the bounds, that if it might bee, it would extend it selfe to another, then it is mortall, Thomas in opuscul.

Contra. 1. No act of righteousnesse in man can be meritorious of eternall life; seeing our best workes are imperfect, and betweene the merit and worke there must be a proportion and kinde of equalitie: but so there cannot bee betweene our imperfect workes, and such a perfect and infinite reward: The Apostle saith, That the afflictions of this present life are not worthie of the glorie which shall be shewed unto us, Rom. 8.18. If the suffrings of the Saints are not meritorious, much lesse their actions.

2. When matrimoniall conjunction is applied to the right end, it is without sinne, as S. Paul saith in the like case, Let him doe what hee will, he sinneth not, 1 Cor. 7.36. that is, materially he sinneth not: the thing which hee doth is no sin, neither is it a sinfull act: but yet there may bee some blemish and imper∣fection in the manner: seeing our best actions are stained, as the Prophet saith, All our righteousnesse is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 filthie clouts, Isai. 64.4.

3. If veniall sin be taken for a small offence, wee denie not, but that such blemishes are found in ma∣trimoniall duties, which are tolerated and covered in mariage, according to that excellent saying of Augustine; Libidinis voluptas, non propter nuptias cadit in culpam, sed propter nuptias accipit veniam: The pleasure of lusts doth not take blame because of mariage, but for mariage sake doth receive pardon: Lib. 1. de concupis. cap. 15.

4. But mortall or deadly sin in mariage there is none, that is, in his sense, haynous and grievous: for if his meaning be, that the fleshly desire would extend it selfe to another, that is, coveteth strange flesh, this is not incident unto any act of mariage, but is a violating of mariage, by adulterous and unchaste thoughts: And if there could be any s••ch mortall and deadly sin in the duties of mariage, what is become of that saying of the Apostle, concerning the giving in mariage, Hee sinneth not? 1 Cor. 7.36. which also may bee understood of the duties of mariage. Augustine hath this worthie saying, Sicut bono uti malè malum est, ita male••ti bene bonum est: benè utitur bono continentiam dedicans Deo, bono utitur malè continentiam dedi∣cons idolo; malo utitur male concupiscentiam relaxans adulteri••, bene utitur malo concupiscentiam restrin∣g••••s connubio: As it is evill to use a good thing evill, so it is good to use an evill thing well; as hee useth a good thing well that dedicateth his continencie unto God, hee useth a good thing evill that dedica∣teth his continencie to an Idoll: hee useth an evill thing evill, that doth loose the reines of his concupis∣cence to adulterie, he useth an evill thing evill, who restraineth his concupiscence to matrimonie, August. cont. Pelag. 1.19. If he doe an evill thing well, that limiteth and keepeth his concupiscence within the bounds of mariage, hee then cannot sinne mortally.

V. Confut. Against Tostatus that would not have simple fornication punished by humane lawes.

AGainst Tostatus, here also worthily exception is taken, who justifieth this defect and imperfection in humane lawes, he meaneth such as are practised among the Romanists, which doe not punish simple fornication: these are his words, Injustissima civilis lex esset, qua ••eretrices tolleret; That should be a most unjust Civill law, which should take away strumpets, and punish simple fornication, &c. Wee will see and examine his reasons.

1. Civill lawes are only to restraine such sins, whereby justice is violated, and injurie done unto another, but in fornication there is no act of injustice, Non est ibi aliqua persona cui inferatur injuria; There is no person there to whom any injurie can bee done.

Contra. There is a manifold wrong committed in single fornication: 1. They offer wrong and disho∣nour unto Christ, in making the members of Christ, the members of an harlot, 1 Cor. 6.15. 2. They injurie themselves, in sinning against their owne bodies, in defiling and polluting them, ibid. vers. 18. 3. They doe wrong unto their posteritie, bringing upon them the shame of bastardie, making them illegitimate, and disenabling them to inherit.

2. If humane lawes should punish fornication, it would give occasion unto adulterie, incest, Sodomi∣trie, seeing the most in a common-wealth are weake and imperfect, and if they were restrained from this smaller vice, they would fall into greater enormitie••.

Contra. 1. As though God hath not appointed a remedie against fornication, and all other uncleannesse, by lawfull matrimonie: shall men make themselves wiser than God, and seeke to cure one evill by another?

2. And thus the divine order is perverted among the Romanists: for they restraine mariage, and give way unto fornication, and therefore it is no marvell, if among them such unnaturall lusts doe reigne. Ber∣nard well sheweth the reason thereof, Tolle de Ecclesia honorabile conjug••um, &c. Take away from the Church honorable matrimonie, (he saith not, take away harlots, and brothel houses, as Tostatus doth) shal ye not replenish it with incestuous persons, with concubinaries, Sodomiticall vices? &c. supe•• Cant. serm. 66.

3. Humane lawes are not to forbid all sinnes, because Homo legem ponens non potest dare gratiam praeser∣vativam, &c. because man making a law, cannot give preseruing grace to keepe it: and this was the cause, why Lex Mosis non prohib••bat omnia vitia, Moses law did not forbid all vices, because therein was no grace given, or helpe ministred to avoid them: therefore some things were permitted among them, as to take usurie of the Gentiles, to give a bill of divorcement, and such like. So Tostatus quaest. 23.

Contra. 1. By this reason humane lawes should forbid no sins, because Gods word, not mans law, giveth grace to abstaine from any sin. 2. Neither is there any sin forbidden in the new Testament against the mo∣rall law, which is not prohibited in the old: as it may appeare by our blessed Saviours interpretation of the law, Mat. 5. wherein he giveth no new law, but only expoundeth the old. 3. Though Moses law gave no grace to keepe it, yet because it was a Schoolemaster to bring us unto Christ, Gal. 3.19. it was fit it should be a perfect law, and containe a strict rule of all righteousnesse▪ that men the rather should bee driven unto Christ, seeing themselves to come so farre short. 4. The toleration of some things among the Israelites, for

their hardnesse of heart sheweth not a defect in the law, but an imperfection in them, that could not bee▪ subject to the perfect rule of the law. 5. And concerning the punishment of fornication, it was not omitted in Moses law: for although fornication with one were recompenced with marriage, and paying of the dowrie, Deut. 22.24. yet if a daughter in Israel did play the whore, she was stoned to death, ibid. vers. 21. And seeing the law saith, There shall not bee a whore of the daughters of Israel, Deut. 23.17. how dare any defend the tolerating and suffering of whores in a Christian Common-wealth?

4. Morall observations.

1. Obser. Against shamelesse adulterers, that thrust themselves into the Congregation of the Lords people.

THou shalt not commit adulterie. This sin being so haynous in the sight of God, whereby both the or∣dinance of God is perverted, and matrimoniall faith mutually given violated, and the Temples of the holy Ghost defiled: hereby their impudencie, unshamefastnesse, and profanenesse is evident, that being guiltie of this sin, dare presume to come into the Lords house, to offer themselves to heare the Word, to receive the Sacraments, or communicate in any other exercise of religion, against whom the Prophet thus enveigheth: Will you steale, murther, commit adulterie, &c. and come and stand before me in this house, where∣upon my name is called, and say wee are delivered, though wee have done all these abominations? Ierem. 7.9. Chrysostome well sayth to this purpose: Non est locu•• hic lupanar, sed Ecclesia; si membra meretricis habes, abesto ab Ecclesia, ne praesentiâ tuâ sordescat: This place is no brothelhouse, but the Church; if thou hast the members of an harlot, absent thy selfe from the Church, lest it be defiled by thy presence, &c. homil. 62. super loan.

2. Obser. Against fornication.

ANd let not onely adulterers take heed unto themselves: even fornication, between those that are not married, is a grievous offence before God, who will not onely judge adulterers, but whoremongers also, Hebr. 13.4. And that saying of the Apostle may bee applied against fornication, as well as adulteries Know yee not, that yee are the Temple of God? &c. if any man destroy the Temple of God, him shall God destroy, 1 Cor. 3.16. Whereupon Augustine thus writeth: Non vis corrumpi domum tuam, quare corrumpi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dei? Thou wouldest not have thine house corrupted, or defiled, why then doest thou corrupt the house of God? lib. d•• in chord. cap. 9. And these mischiefes fornication bringeth with it: 1. Perdit anima••, The fornicator destroyeth his owne soule, Prov. 9.18. Hee knoweth not, that the dead are there, and that her guests are in the depth of hell. 2. Consumit substantiam, He consumeth and wasteth his substance, Prov. 6.16. Because of the whorish woman, a man is brought to a morsell of bread. 3. Vilificat prolem, It maketh their po∣steritie vile and base, as the Apostle sheweth, Otherwise were your children uncleane, 1 Cor. 7.14. that is, without mariage. 4. Privat honore, &c. It depriveth of honour, and purchaseth an everlasting blot, Prov. 6.32. Hee shall find a wound, and dishonour, and his reproach shall never bee put away, Thomas in opuscul.

3. Obser. Against disguising of the bodie and uncomely apparell.

AVgustine sheweth, how this Commandement is otherwise transgressed, by light behaviour, disorde∣red apparell, disguising of the bodie: Habitus impudicus corporis est nuntius adulterini cordis; The unshamefast behaviour of the bodie is the messenger of an adulterate heart: Superflua & inordinata capila∣tura, vestimentorum muliebrium affectata similitudo, as, Superfluous and inordinate haire, and affectation of womens garments, &c. And in women, Fucatafacies, capillorum nativi coloris adulteratio: A painted face, colouring of the haire, imitating the fashion of mens garments, &c. August. serm. 347. The one S. Paul reproveth in men, 1 Cor. 11.14. Doth not nature it selfe teach you, that if a man have long haire it is a shame unto him? The other S. Peter reprehendeth in women, As their broydred haire, and gold put about, and the putting on of apparell, 1 Pet. 3.3.

The eighth Commandement.

1 Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Whether the stealing of men only bee forbidden in this precept.

Vers. 15. THou shalt not steale.] R. Salomon is of opinion, that only the stealing of men is prohibited here: because that kinde of stealth onely was punished by death, other kinds of theft by restitution either of double, or quadruple.

Contra. 1. It doth evidently appeare, that all kinde of theft, and not that of men onely is here forbidden, by these two reasons: first, because the Morall law only, as grounded upon the law of nature, did binde both Iewes and Gentiles, the Judicials only concerned the Israelites: therefore if other thefts had beene restrained only by the Judicials, and not by the Morall law, the Gentiles would not have condemned the stealing of goods, as well as of men, as they did. Secondly, the Judicials did only binde the peo∣ple after they were delivered unto them, not before: but it was a sinne to steale in Israel, even before they had received the Judicials. 2. The ground of his opinion is not found: that the breach of every mo∣rall law was punished by death: for the coveting of a mans ox or asse, though this coveting had procee∣ded to act, was not judged worthie of death, Tostat. qu. 24.

QUEST. II. Of the order and phrase used in this precept.

THou shalt not steale. 1. Next unto those wrongs which either are done unto a mans single person, as in offering violence to his life; or in persona conjuncta, in his coupled and conjoyned person, namely his wife, in committing adulterie: next after follow those injuries which concerne his substance, and such things as appertaine unto him, Thomas in opuscul. 2. And first of all, prohibentur nocumen••a, quae in∣fertimiur facto, those hinderances are forbidden, which are done in fact: then those, quae inseruntur verbo, which are done in word: as in 9. precept, Thou shalt not beare false witnesse, Lyran. 3. But here this word theft is more generally taken, quàm apud jurisc••nsu tos, than among the Lawyers, Borrah. for it signifieth quam∣libet alienae rei usurpationem, any kinde of usurping of that which is another mans, Gloss. interlinear. 4. And the reason why all violence, fraud, circumvention is prohibited under the name of theft, is, Furandi ver∣bum posuit, quod ut probros••m omnibus naturaliter exhorrent: He useth the word stealing, which all men by nature doe abhorre is ignominious, that we might the better be perswaded to abstaine from all kinde of theft, Calvin. For men cunningly doe glose and colour their vicious and corrupt dealing with honest names: as fraud and deceit is called wit; and cunning getting of other mens goods, providence. The Lord therefore to meet with all such daubing, doth call things as they are, and sheweth how that be∣fore him all such wrong-doers are held guiltie of theft.

QUEST. III. Of the generall heads of the things here prohibited.

THree things in generall are forbidden in this Commandement: 1. The unjust getting of other mens goods, which is, 1. Either by rapine or violence, either of sacred things, or of prophane and com∣mon. 2. Or else by theft and pilfring. 3. Or by deceit, circumvention, and fraud.

2. All dammages, discommoditie, or hinderance, which either is brought upon another, by hatred, evill will, enmitie: or else which is not turned aside, and declined from our brother, it being in our power.

3. The abuse of mens goods and substance is likewise here condemned, either in the evill bestowing, and expending of them in vaine and unprofitable things: or in the unjust holding and possessing, and not imploying of them when necessitie requireth, Simler.

QUEST. IV. Of Sacrilege.

THe first generall transgression then is in sacrilege, which is the stealing either of any sacred thing, appointed for holy and sacred uses, out of any place, sacred or prophane; or of any prophane and common thing out of a sacred place. And this sacrilege is of two kinds: it is either of things spirituall, or of things externall and temporall: of this latter sort are these: 1. The wilfull stealing and withdraw∣ing of such things as are ordained to holy and divine uses: which kinde of sacrilege is strictly punished by humane lawes. Such was the sinne of Achan, in stealing the wedge of gold, and the Babylonish gar∣ment, which God had consecrate to his treasurie, Iosh. 6.19. and for the same offence hee was stoned to death. 2. When the Church goods are imployed to another end, than for the which they were first given to the Church: which was to maintaine the ministerie of the word of God and Sacraments, to re∣lieve the poore, to maintaine the edifices of the Church. Let such therefore looke unto it, as live of the tithes and revenues of the Church, being lay men, not called to the office of teaching, instructing and spirituall feeding. 3. They abuse the Church goods, which either give themselues to idlenesse, living of the tithes and offerings, but feed not the people: such are idle, carelesse, and negligent pastors: or those which mispend them in riot and excesse, as in keeping haukes, hounds, in dice, cards, and such like, as doe the Romane Cardinals and Prelates: all these are guiltie of Church robbing and sacrilege, Simler.

QUEST. V. Whether it be lawfull to convert things consecrated to Idolatrie, to other uses sacred or prophane.

HEre it will bee questioned, what is to be thought of the converting and turning of such things to re∣ligious uses, which were bequeathed to superstition, whether therein any sacrilege may be com∣mitted or not. The answer is this: 1. That it is lawful from superstitious and no true religious uses, to con∣vert such bequests to the true service of God, and therein no violence is offered at all to the will of the dead: for their generall intendment is observed, the applying of them to sacred uses, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the parti∣cular use bee not kept, which they, led with the error of the time, intended, Simler▪ So the Lord comman∣ded, that the silver and gold and brasse in Iericho should be consecrate to the Lords ••urie, Iosh. 6.19. which had beene before abused to idolatrie. 2. Where excessive and superfluous legacies have beene given to such uses, it is lawfull for the Civill Magistrate, reserving a sufficient maintenance for the service of God, to dispose of the overplus of such gifts for other publike uses, as to support the necessitie of the Crowne and State, to maintaine maimed souldiers, and such like, and to applie them to other lawfull and profitable Civill uses: as Iehu converted the house of Baal from a superstitious and idolatrous, to a civill and pub∣like use, 2 King. 10.27. Iosias also defiled and polluted the high places, 2 King. 23.8. that is, cleansed them of those superstitions there practised, and turned them to prophane and common uses. Hereunto is a∣greeable that Imperiall law, Cod. lib. 1. tit. 14. leg. 5. Omnia loca quae sacris veterum error deputavit, nostrae rei jubemus sacrari, &c. Honor. Theodos. All those places which have beene in the error of former time ap∣pointed to sacred uses, wee bid to bee joyned to our treasurie, &c. Yet so, as it was provided by another law, that sufficient should bee reserved for the use and exercise of Religion: as Cod. lib. 1. tit. ••. leg. 9. A∣nastasius the Emperour decreed that the possessions of Heretikes should be confiscate to the Prince, yet so, as that the Oratories and places of prayer should still bee maintained. 3. But it will bee objected, that great miracles have beene shewed in such places, and they extraordinarily punished from heaven, that in∣vaded them, and offered violence unto them. Hereunto wee answer: 1. That such things also fell o••t

even among the Heathen, they which violated their Idoll Temples, were strangely punished, as Brenn•••• when hee invaded the Temple at Delphos: the reason hereof was, because they did it not of any hatred to superstition and Idolatrie, and zeale to the true worship of God, but of a prophane and irreligious minde, and so the Lord punished their prophanenesse: and they which attempted such things, might bee tyrants and otherwise wicked persons, and therefore the Lord did take occasion thereby to punish their crueltie and tyrannie. 2. The Apostle sheweth that Antichrist shall come with lying signes and wonders by the working of Satan, 2 Thess. 2. and therefore, such strange things might bee wrought in such places by Satan, for the further advancing of superstition, Simler.

QUEST. VI. Of the sacriledge of spirituall things.

BUt mention was made before of spirituall sacriledge: which is, when Ecclesia verbi Dei pr••dicati••, & sacramentorum administratio aufertur, the preaching of the Word, and administration of the Sacra∣ments is taken away from the Church, Simler. 1. In these two things consisteth this spirituall theft and sacriledge: Contraria veritati dogmata praedicant: They doe preach doctrines contrarie to the truth, and, quotidie de Ecclesiae gregibus rapere festinant, they doe daily snatch and take with greedinesse from the flockes of the Church, Hierom. in Abdiam, cap. 1. 2. Hierome also to this purpose alleageth these two places of S••••ipture, Ierem. 23.30. I will come against the Prophets, saith the Lord, that steale my word every one from his neighbour: and Ioh. 10.8. All that ever came before mee are theeves and robbers: they were the false Prophets, that beguiled and deceived the people, Hierom. in epist. ad Ephes. cap. 4.

QUEST. VII. Of Simonie.

VNto Sacriledge, Simonie is cosen germane, which also is committed about holy things, when they are abused by buying and selling unto priva•••• gaine. And this Simonie is of two sorts: 1. Either direct and immediate Simonie, when things meerely spirituall are bought or sold, Gehezs sold spiritu∣all things for money, exacting a reward of Naaman for the gift of healing: and for that his sinne he was punished with Leprosie, both hee and his posteritie, 2 King. 5. Simon Magus would have bought spirituall things, Act. 8. Basting. Of this kinde are they which sell their prayers, or the Sacraments of the Church for money: as the Pharisies, that under colour of long prayer, devoured widowes houses. Such are the Popes chapmen, the Pardoners that went up and downe with Popes pardons, to sell remission of sinnes for money, and soule Priests, that would bee hired for money to sing Masses: they also which shewed the re∣liques of Saints, and kept pilgrimage Idols, gathering thereby unto themselves no small advantage, as A∣lexander the Coppersmith did at Ephesus, by making silver shrines for Diana.

2. Their is another kinde of Simonie, which is not of meere spirituall things, but of the Ecclesiasti∣call places, functions, and revenewes, which are ordained for Ecclesiasticall and religious uses: such is the buying and selling of Churches and Benefices by Patrones, and their Clerkes, whom they present: for these by a consequent doe also buy and sell the mysteries and Sacraments of the Church, when as the pla∣ces and functions are set to sale, wherein, and whereby those holy rites are dispensed. Thomas Aquinas doth very fitly apply that saying of Christ against all those which thus enter corruptly into the Church, Iohn. 10. Hee that entereth not in by the doore, but climeth up another way, is a theefe and a robber. Thom. in opuscul. So much of the theft of sacred things.

QUEST. VIII. Of common theft, with the divers kinds thereof.

THe other kinde of theft is of things that are prophane and civill, which are of two sorts, either pub∣like or private. 1. The publike theft is either direct: when as the publike treasurie is robbed, which is much greater than the theft of private things, because it redoundeth to the hurt and losse of many. Hereunto may be adjoyned the defrauding of such gifts as are bequeathed to publike uses: as Iudas was a theefe in robbing the almes of the poore. 2. Indirect publike theft is when they which are put in trust with the common goods, doe waste and mispend them: as Demosthenes said, when a poore theefe was led to pri∣son by the officers: Parvum furem à majoribus duci: That a smal theefe was carried by the greater theeves.

Private theft is either by taking the things belonging to others, consenting, or deteyning and with∣holding them: the first is distinguished in respect of the matter, the things that are stollen and taken away, or the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The things are of foure sorts: 1. Of men, which kinde of theft was punished by death by the law of 〈…〉〈…〉. 21.16. 2. Of cattell, as the stealing of Oxe or Sheepe, which theft was puni∣shed by restitution, Exod. 22.1. 3. Of goods, which are called moveables, whereof see the law, Exod. 22. 7. 4. In remooving of land markes, which kinde of theft concerned their lands and possessions, Deut. 19. 14. Now theft also differeth in the manner: for it is either committed by privie and secret stealth, which wee call pilfring and filching, of which kinde the Prophet Ieremie speaketh, chap. 2.26. As a theefe is a∣shamed, when he is taken: or by breaking into houses, Exo. 22.2. which is commonly called Burglarie: or by open force and violence: such is robbing by the high way: whereof mention is made in the parable of the Samaritane, of the man that fell among theeves, and was wounded, and left for halfe dead, Luk. 10.

This kinde of private theft is also committed by consenting, and being accessarie thereunto, Psal. 50. 18. When thou seest a theefe, thou runnest with him: such are those also which give entertainment to theeves, and are their receivers, to keepe such things as are stollen: which kinde of confederacie with theeves is punished by humane lawes, Simler.

Further, they are guiltie also of theft, that detaine and withhold the goods of others, as they which finde things that are lost, and doe not restore them. Likewise they which borrow things of their neigh∣bour, and doe not make them good. See the law, Exod. 22.14. They which are indebted to others, and have no care to pay their debts, but runne away with others goods: such are fugitives, and voluntarie bank∣routs.

All these are held guiltie of this sin of theft before God, and obey not the Apostles rule, Give to all men their duty, Rom. 13.7. And verse 8. Owe nothing to any man, but love one another. Where the Apostle maketh two kinde of debts: whereof the one may be so paid, as nothing remaine of the debt: the other is alwaies in paying, and never paid, which is the debt of charitie, Marbachius.

QUEST. IX. Of the divers kinds of transactions and contracts.

THere remaineth the third branch of the first generall kinde of theft, and that is by fraud and cir∣cumvention: which is of two sorts, either in such actions and contracts as are lawfull of themselves, or by such acts and devices as are altogether unlawfull. Now just and lawfull transactions and contracts are of divers sorts, and namely these ten, in buying and selling, giving, exchanging, pawning, trusting, farming, copartnership, tenure for service, hiring, lending and borrowing: all which may bee brought to these two heads: all these alienations are either both of the use and right and ownership of a thing, or of the use only, and each of them either for ever, and in perpetuall, or for a time only. 1. Buying and selling is a bargaining for an equivalent price, for any thing both in right and in use. 2. Giving is a franke donation of a thing without any satisfaction or recompence. 3. Exchanging, when one thing is given for another of like value. These transactions are perpetuall, both of the right of a thing, and the use. For the use only and not the right, are these that follow: 4. Morgaging, or laying to pawne, when house or land, or any other thing is con∣veyed over to another for a certaine time, til some condition required be performed. Contracts, which con∣cerne the use only, are these also: either for a time: 5. As committing a thing to ones trust to keepe. 6. Let∣ting out any thing to farme for a certaine rent. 7. Copartnership; when one putteth in the stocke, another employeth his paines, and are agreed to divide the profit. 8. And when one taketh any ground by tenure, and holdeth it for doing of some kinde of service. 9. Hiring, when one for his money hath the use of a thing. 10. When the use of a thing is granted without paying any thing for a time. Vrsinus.

QUEST. X. Of the divers kinds of fraud and deceit used in contracts.

NOw in these lawfull kinds of contracts, the frauds which are usually committed are these: 1. In the matter and substance, and qualitie of the thing transacted, and bargained for: as when sophisticate and deceitful ware is uttered for that which is good and sound: as wine mixed with water in stead of good wine and spices ungarbled, and refuse, for good and merchandable spice: the like deceit may be in cloth, in come, and all other kind of Merchandize: as Amos 8.6. the rich covetous say, That wee may buy the poore for silver, &c. and sell the refuse of Wheat. 2. There may be deceit in the quantitie, when as the seller useth false weights and measures: therefore the law saith, Levit. 19.35. You shall not doe unjustly in judgement, in line, in weight, or in measure. 3. When too great a price is exacted, and the buyer is not ashamed to aske double the price of his ware, and sometime take it also: as the Prophet crieth out against the covetous men, that did sell corne, and Made the Ephah small and the shekel great, Amos. 8.5. They made the measure lesse, and the price greater, Genevens. 4. Deceit also may be used in the coyne, as in clipping it countersetting, and corrupting it, Simler. And therefore it is said, that Abraham weighed unto Ephron silver, 400. shekels of currant money among Merchants, Gen. 23.16. it was both weight, and currant money, not sophisticated 5. As in bargaining by selling, so in other contracts the like deceit may bee practised: as in hiring; when either the hireling doth not his service faithfully or truly, but doth his businesse with eye-service, which the Apostle reproveth, Ephes. 6.6. or when the master that hireth, detaineth the hirelings wages, or keepeth it backe by fraud, Iames 5.4. as in paying lesse than hee should, or with bad money, or obtruding and thrusting upon them other base commodities in stead of their wages, Simler.

QUEST. XI. Of unlawfull and cosening trades.

THe other kind of fraud is, when meanes and devices are used altogether unlawful: as by usurie, (where∣of wee shall have occasion to intreat more fully upon the 22. chapter) by dicing, carding, or using any other unlawfull games: by monopolies, forestalling of commodities, and ingrossing of them to enhaunce the price: and whatsoever is gotten by any unlawfull calling, practice or exercise whatsoever, Simler. To make a lawfull vocation and calling three things are requisite: 1 Persona legitimè ordinata the, person must be lawfully ordained, and called, no usurper, nor intrudet. 2. Officium legitimum, &c. The office it selfe must be lawfull: and opus executionis legitimum, the execution of the office must bee lawfull, as proceeding from faith, referring all to Gods glorie, and from charitie, intending no hurt to our neighbour: in some dealings not all, but certaine of these are wanting: as the first, when any not called to the office of teaching, yet usurpe the tithes of the Church, appointed for the maintenance of Teachers: they faile in the next, who exercise no lawfull office or calling, as Alexander the Copper-Smith, that grew rich by making silver shrines for Diana, Act. 19. They offend in the third, which having an office, yet abuse it: as Zacheus, that before hee was called, used forged cavillation in pilling and polling his brethren, Luke 19.8. But in these unlawfull trades before spoken of, as in usurie, carding, tabling, and such like, all these are missing for the trade it selfe being unlawfull, none can be lawfully called unto it: neither can that which is unlawfull bee exercised either with faith or charitie.

QUEST. XII. How this precept is broken by procuring our neighbours 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

NOw wee are come to the second generall breach of this Commandement, as in observed before, quest. 3. which is in the hinderance that by our meanes commeth to our brother: which is commit∣ted two wales, either in procuring the same to bee done, or in suffering it to bee done.

1. They which of evill will and envie seeke their neighbours hinderance in his goods or cat••••ll▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 offend against this precept: as the setting on fire of corne or houses. See the law against such, Exod. 22.6. in trespassing upon a mans ground, by feeding it with his cattell: ibid. vers. 5. in hurting, mayming or spoyling that which is our neighbours, ibid. vers. 14.

2. They offend here also, which doe not helpe their neighbour, when it is in their power, and rescue him, and that which belongeth unto him: therefore the law of Moses prescribeth, that if a man meet his enemies Asse or Oxe going astray, hee should bring him home: and helpe up his Asse lying under his burthen, Exod. 23.5. If this service of love must bee performed to an enemie, much more to our neigh∣bours and friends.

QUEST. XIII. Of the abuse of mens goods and substance, another generall transgression of this precept.

THe third generall transgression followeth, which is in the abuse of mens substance and goods, which is of two sorts: 1. When as goods are evill employed, and unprofitably spent: as 1. In bestowing cost, and giving rewards to procure mischiefe to others: as wicked Haman promised to bring ten thou∣sand talents of silver into the Kings treasurie, to have the Iewes destroyed, Ester 3.9. 2. In spending it vainely, as in play, and gaming, in riotous living, in whoring, and such like: as the prodigall child wasted his fathers patrimonie. 3. In consuming the substance in prodigall and superfluous expences, as in keeping of haukes and hounds, for men of meane estate, by which meanes they are made unable to give unto the poore.

2. The other abuse is the miserable keeping and hoording up of wealth, and not using of it toward the releeving of others necessitie: as in comforting strangers, succouring of the poore, redeeming of captives, and such like. It was the rich mans condemnation, that suffered Lazarus to starve at his gate for want of releefe. These before God are guilty of theft, in denying that to the needie brother, which his necessitie requireth; and therefore the Wiseman saith, With hold not the good from the owners thereof, though there bee power in thine hand, Prov. 3.27. and what owners hee meaneth, not only the possessors, but even those whose povertie requireth it, the next verse sheweth: Say not to thy neighbour, goe and come againe, and to morrow I will give thee, if now thou have it. Nay some are so miserable, that they defraud their owne soule, Eccles. 4.8. and are theeves to their owne bellie, Simler.

2. Places of doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the generall and particular contents of this precept.

THou shalt not steale, &c. The scope and end of this precept, is to preserve the particular right and interest which God hath given to every one in the goods and possessions of the earth •• and it forbid∣deth all theft, fraud, violence, whereby our neighbours outward and temporall state is empayred and hindered; and it contrariwise commandeth to defend, as much as in us lieth, our neighbours state, and to give unto him what is his due, Vrsinus.

These then are the particular vertues here prescribed, with the contrarie vices: 1. Iustice and equitie, in contracts and bargaines is commanded; not to use fraud or deceit, or to practise unlawfully to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other mens goods: but to give unto every man that which is due unto him, and to deale justly, plainly, and sincerely with all, as wee our selves would bee dealt with: which is grounded upon that principle of the law and nature, Whatsoever you would that men should doe unto you, doe unto them, Matth. 7.12.

Contrarie hereunto is all in justice, and wrongfull usurping of other mens goods, or attempting the same by violence, fraud, or theft: the divers kinds whereof are before in the severall questions hand∣led at large. So the Wiseman saith: Intend no hurt against thy neighbour, seeing hee doth dwell without feare by thee, Prov. 3.29.

2. Here is also commanded contentment of mind, that wee be contented with that portion which God hath given unto us, not greedily desiring any thing of another mans. So the Apostle saith, God∣linesse is gre••t riches, if a man bee content with that hee hath, 1 Tim. 6.6. And againe, vers. 8. Therefore, when wee have food and rayment, let us therewith bee content.

Contrarie hereunto is, 1. Covetousnesse and discontent in one extreme, namely, the defect, as the Preacher describeth the covetous man, There is no end of his travaile, neither can his eye be satisfied with riches, Eccl. 4.8. 2. And in the other extreme of excesse, is nicenesse and morositie, not to take or re∣ceive those things which one may safely accept and use: as the begging Friers, which thought themselves defiled with taking of money, yet loved it well enough.

2. Faithfulnesse is another vertue, both in using diligence in our vocation, that wee may have to sup∣port our necessities, as the Apostle adviseth: let him that stole, steale no more, but let him labour and worke with his hands, &c. Ephes. 4.28. as also in shewing an honest care in preserving and saving the goods of an∣other, as Iacob carefully kept Labans sheepe, enduring both the frost of the night, and the heat of the day, Genes. 31.40.

Contrarie hereunto are, 1. unfaithfulnesse in having no care to save the goods of another: such a one is the unfaithfull Steward in the Parable, that was accused for wasting his masters goods, Luk. 16.1. 2. Idlenesse and negligence: the idle and slothfull, S. Paul calleth inordinate walkers: and giveth this rule concerning such that hee which would not worke, should not ••at, 2 Thess. 3.10.

Now it will bee here objected, that this vertue of Fidelitie belongeth unto the fifth Commandement, as it is before rehearsed among the duties there prescribed, and therefore appertaineth not to this place. The answer is, that the same vertue, in respect of divers ends and offices, by the which vertues are distinguished, may bee referred to sundrie Commandements: and so the grace and gift of faithfulnesse, as it concurreth with obedience, and dutie to Superiours, belongeth to the fifth precept; but as it respect∣eth the preserving of anothers goods and substance, it hath the proper place here.

3. Liberalitie is commanded, which is a franke and voluntarie collation or bestowing of ones sub∣stance upon those which want, discerning discreetly, to whom, where, when, and how much to give: such an one was Iob, Who did not e••t his morsels alone, &c. hee did not see any perish for want of cloath∣ing, &c. Iob 31.17▪ 19.

Contrarie hereunto are, 1. Sparing niggardlinesse, such as was in Nabal, that would afford nothing to David in his necessitie: 2. And vaine prodigalitie, such as was in the prodigall child, Luk. 16.

4. Hospitalitie is a kinde of liberalitie, which is especially extended to and exercised towards stran∣ger, and chiefly such as are exiled and banished out of their owne countrie for the Gospell and the truth sake: for this vertue is Lot commended, Heb. 13.2.

Contrarie hereunto is inhumanitie toward strangers: such was the crueltie of the Egyptians toward the Israelites, that sojourned among them.

5. Frugalitie joyned with parsimonie, is a vertue also hitherto belonging, which is a thriftie saving of such things as God sendeth, and a provident employing of them to some profit: whereby one is made more able to give, and to shew his liberalitie: for frugalitie and parsimonie are the two upholders and maintainers of true liberalitie: for without frugalitie, liberalitie will degenerate into niggardlinesse: and without parsimonie into prodigalitie. Of this frugalitie and parsimonie our blessed Saviour gave exam∣ple, when hee commanded, after hee had fed the multitudes in the wildernesse, that the broken meat should bee reserved and kept, Mark. 8.

Contrarie hereunto are, 1. Undiscreet wasting of the goods, and unnecessarie liberalitie, or rather superfluous prodigalitie: as in Herod, that promised, if it were to the one halfe of his kingdome, for a plea∣sing and wanton dance, Mark. 6. and the diseased woman had spent all shee had upon Physitians, and was never the better, Mark. 5.26. 2. And niggardly sparing, when there is necessarie cause of spending: as hee that pincheth his owne bellie, and defraudeth his owne soule, Ecclesiast. 4.8. And such an one was that miserable man that Ambrose speaketh of: Cui si quando ••vum appositum esset, conqueri solebat, quod pullus occisus esset: Who, if an egge were set before him, would complaine, that a chicken was killed, lib. de Naboth cap. 2. hee could not affoord himselfe an egge to eat.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Controv. and Confut. Against the Anabaptisticall communitie.

THou shalt not steale. This precept overthroweth that error which first among the Heathen was maintained by Plato, that all things among men ought to bee common: the same also was held by the Heretickes called Apostolici, and in these daies by the Anabaptists: for if there were a communitie of goods, then no man should have a propertie in any thing, and so there could not bee any theft: this law then maintaineth every mans peculiar and severall right and interest in that which hee hath. First their objections shall bee answered, that labour to have a communitie.

1. Object. The Apostles had all things common in Ierusalem, Act. 2.44.

Answ. 1. That custome was then both easie, because they were few: and necessarie▪ for if they had not sold their possessions, and so made the use common, they by violence should have been stripped of them: now there is neither the like facilitie nor necessitie. 2. That communion was voluntarie, not im∣posed upon any; for it was in their choise, whether they would sell their possessions or not: as Peter saith to An••••ias, Act. 5.4. After it was sold, was it not in thine owne power? Vrsin. 3. Neither were all things common among them: they had some things private and peculiar to themselves: as Mary had her proper house and dwelling in the citie, Act. 12.12. Simler. 4. Beside, this was not the generall custome of the whole Church: for in Achaia and Macedonia, there was gathering made for the Saints at Ierusalem: it was then particular for that place, and peculiar to that time; therefore a generall rule for all times and places cannot bee taken from thence, Simler. 5. Neither were then things so indifferently common▪ as that every man might take what hee would: but the things in common were distributed according as every one had need, Act. 5.35.

2. Object. Christ saith to the young man, Mark. 10.21. Goe and sell all that thou hast, and give to the poore: Ergo, wee must doe the like.

Answ. 1. That was a personall precept and belonging to those times: So the Apostles did leave their parent•• and their houses, but wee are not commanded now to doe the like, Simler. 2. Beside, our Savi∣our so said to shew how farre hee came short of the perfection of the law, and to humble him that thought so well of himselfe. 3. Further, our blessed Saviour saith not, make thy goods common, but, give unto the poore: which are two divert things, Vrsin.

3. Object. The Apostle saith, All things 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yours, 1 Cor. 3.21. Ergo, all things ought to bee common.

Answer. 1. The Apostles meaning is, that all things were ordained for their good, whether life or

death, things present, or things to come. 2. Hee speaketh not of a common possession of all things in right: but that they are common in use, they had jus ad rem, non jus ••nre, right to the thing, not in the thing, Vrsin.

Now on the contrary, that it is lawfull for Christians to retaine a severall right and propertie in those things which they possesse, it may thus appeare: 1. The Scripture alloweth contracts, as buying and sel∣ling: as Abraham bought a buriall place of Ephron, Gen. 23. David, the threshing floore of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 2. Sam. 24. but there can be no such contracts ubi non sunt distincta rerum dominia, where there are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 di∣stinct properties in things. And if they shall object, that these examples of the old Testament belong not unto us: wherein they shew their blasphemous error seeing the Apostle saith▪ that whatsoever is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is written for our learning, Rom. 15.4. wee have the like warrant in the new Testament▪ how the Disciples of our blessed Saviour bought such things as were necessarie, Ioh. 4.8. and 6.5. chap. 13.••••.

2. The giving of almes is every where commanded in Scripture: but men are not to give almes, but of their owne. If there were no particular propertie in things, but one had as good right as another, neither should men have wherewith to give almes, neither should there need any almes at all.

3. Riches are the gift of God, Prov. 10.22. The blessing of the Lord maketh rich: and chap. ••2.2. The rich and poore meet together, the Lord is the maker of them all: therfore the Lord alloweth distinct 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in things, without the which none should bee richer than another.

4. The Lord himselfe appointed, that the tribes with their severall lots and possessions should bee distinguished: and therefore the fact of Naboth is defended and justified, because he would not part with the inheritance of his fathers.

5. Many examples may bee produced, not onely out of the old, but the new Testament also, of divers of the Saints, that had their proper possessions and goods, as Tabitha, Act. 8. that made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the poore: of Lydia, Act. 16. who was a seller of purple.

6. It is lawfull for a Christian to have proper servants, much more his proper goods: for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 possession of servants seemeth more to bee against the freedome and libertie of nature, than of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and lands: but the distinction betweene masters and servants is not taken away, but continued and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the new Testament, Ephes. 6. and in other places: much more distinct possession of things, 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪

4. Morall Observations.

1. Observ. To take heed even of the smallest theft.

THou shalt not steale. In that this precept is propounded in generall, no quantitie prescribed or limi∣ted of that which is stollen; it sheweth, that all kinde of theft is condemned, even in the least and smallest things. And so the Apostle saith in generall words, Let him that stole, steale no more, Ephes. 4.28. And the reason is: Non id quod furto ablatum est, sed m••ns furantis attenditur: Not what a man stea∣leth, but the minde of him that stealeth is considered: Hierome. For in fornication and adulterie▪ whosoever it is, rich or poore, faire or deformed, with whom the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is committed 〈…〉〈…〉 fornicatio & adulterium, it is one kinde of fornication and adulterie: so is it in theft▪ Qu••••∣tumcunqu•• servus abstulerit, furti crimen incurrit: How little soever the servant stealeth from his master, he incurreth the crime of theft, Hieron. in Epist. ad Tit. cap. 2. Hereby therefore al are to bee admonished that they take heed even of pilfring small things: for it is Satans subtiltie, from stealing of a pi•••• or point, to draw such on to pence, and pounds, and greater thefts: it is good therefore to take heed in the beginning.

2. Observ. All deceivers and extortioners are accounted before God as theeves.

FVrther, seeing in this precept all kinde of purloyning that which is anothers is forbidden, by deceit▪ guile, fraud, violence, oppression; it is evident, that all such fraudulent practices are accounted in the sight of God no better than theft: which Zacheus considering, maketh the like restitution of fourefold, for that which hee had gotten by forged cavillation, Luk. 19.8. as if hee had directly stollen it. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then the name of a theefe is odious and ignominious, let al such circumventers of their brethren, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, deceivers, extortioners, leave such wicked trades, unlesse they will bee ranged in the ranke of the theeve••.

3. Observ. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of theft.

THis sinne of theft, of what kinde soever, though many make light account of it, is for many reasons to bee shunned and abhorred of all: 1. Prima sumitur ex gravitate: The first is taken from the greatnes thereof: for theft in some cases is compared to murther, Ecclesiastic. 34.22. The bread of the 〈…〉〈…〉 the life of the poore, hee that defraudeth him thereof, is a murtherer. Secunda ex periculi qualit••t••: The second reason is from the qualitie and condition of the danger: for in other sinnes satisfaction is 〈…〉〈…〉 than in theft: where before effectuall repentance can bee wrought restitution must bee made of the thing taken away, and of the losse that came thereby▪ Tertia ex talium 〈…〉〈…〉: The third is by 〈…〉〈…〉 of such things as are wrongfully gotten: for they neither profit spiritually▪ Pro••. 10.••. The 〈…〉〈…〉 of wickednes profit nothing: Almes given of evill gotten wealth availeth not: neither doe they profit tem∣porally: for such unrighteous substance doth not prosper: as the Prophet saith into cruell oppression, Thou hast consulted shame unto thine owne house, by destroying many people. Thomas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soul.

The ninth Commandement.

1. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. What it is to answer a false testimony.

THou shalt not beare false witnesse, &c. The word here used is ghanah, or as Oleaster readeth, without any asperation at all, anah: which signifieth properly to answer: and accordingly it receiveth divers interpretations: 1. It seemeth specially to be understood of false testimony publikely, when one is asked of the Judge, and so answereth falsly. 2. It may be also thus expounded, that although hee be his enemy that is knowne to hate him, yet he should not be answerable therein, in shewing hatred againe, in being a false witnesse. But the other sense is more fit and agreeable here. 3. Sometime this word signifieth to heare: as Psal. 143.1. Heare my prayer, O Lord, &c. and answer mee: and in this sense this precept as well forbiddeth to heare and receive a false testimony, as to speake it, Oleaster. 4. Because the other word he•••• used, ghed, signifieth a witnesse, as well as the thing witnessed, that is, the testimony it selfe; some of the Hebrewes read thus in the vocative case: Thou shalt not speake, or testifie, ô false witnesse! but then the sense should bee imperfect: the better reading therefore is, the testimony of falsehood, or false testimony, than false witnesse, as Montanus, unlesse a word be supplied thus: Thou shalt not testifie (as) a false wit∣nesse, Calvin.

QUEST. II. Whether false testimony in judgement be here only forbidden.

R. Salomon thinketh that in this precept only such false testimony is forbidden as is committed publike∣ly in judgement. But that cannot be, for these reasons: 1. Because backbiting and slandering also is a breach of the Morall law, and if it should not be restrained here, it cannot be referred unto any other precept, and so the Morall law should be defective: and that other kinde of false witnesse bearing, than publikely in judgement, is against the Morall law, and not onely against Moses Judicials, it is evident by this, because these offences were even odious among the Heathen, that were not bound to Moses Judi∣ciall lawes, Tostat. 2. Seeing God in the former precept shewed, sibi curae esse omnium fortunas, famam, qua longe pretiosior, neglexisse, that he had care of all mens goods, it is not like hee would neglect their same, which is more precious, Calvin. But the fame and good name of our neighbour is not onely hurt and hindred by false testimony in publike, but by private false reports also. 3. Coram Deo consentur false testes: They are held as false witnesses before God, who by what meanes soever doe defame their bre∣thren, Calvin.

QUEST. III. How divers wayes a false testimony is borne.

THis false testimony or witnesse bearing, 1. is not only by word of mouth, but also by writing, libel∣ling, and such like: for hee that by any such meanes doth bring anothers name in question, speaketh also by his penne and writing: yet the lively testimony by voice more hindreth a mans good name, and maketh him more infamous, than the discrediting by any libell: for he that slandereth by his owne mouth, is sooner beleeved than a libeller, who is not knowne, and in concealing his name, hee maketh the slander or misreport to be more suspicious, Tostat. qu. 25. 2. Yea this false testimony may be in the suspition of the minde: when men are too ready to thinke evill of their neighbours, and apt to beleeve false reports against them: for herein charity is violated; which is not suspitious, it thinketh no evill, it beleeveth all things, it hopeth all things, 1. Cor. 13.7. Calvin.

QUEST. IV. Who is to be counted our neighbour.

ANd our neighbour, 1. is every man, whosoever: Secundùm naturam omnes propinqui sumus: By na∣ture we are all neighbours, Tostat. and even strangers are our neighbours, as our Saviour expoun∣deth in the parable of the Samaritane; who was found to bee more neighbour unto the man that fell among theeves, than either the Priest or Levite, that were of his owne nation. 2. But there are degrees in neighbourhood: Magis tenemur bene agere vicinis, qui sunt proximi, &c. Wee are more bound to doe well to those neighbours, who dwell neere us; and among them, consanguineis, to those which are our kinsmen, than unto others, Tostat. So the neerer in kinred, or acquaintance our neighbour is, so much is the sinne the greater, and more unnaturall, in speaking evill of them: as Psal. 50.20. Thou sittest and spea∣kest against thy brother, and slanderest thy mothers sonne. 3. Yea if a man bee a false witnesse against him∣selfe, he hath transgressed against this precept: quando regulam diligendi à seipso accipit, &c. seeing a man taketh a rule from himselfe of loving his neighb••ur: Thou shalt love thy neighbeur as thy selfe, August. lib. 1. de civitat. Dei, cap. 20.

QUEST. V. What conditions must concurre to convince one of falshood.

A False witnesse. As generally in this precept, we are commanded to speake the truth, as Psal. 15.2. He that speaketh the truth in his heart, is one of those that shall dwell in the Lords Tabernacle: so all falshood and untruth is condemned, Proverb. 12.22. Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord: and in making of a lye, or telling an untruth, there are three things to be considered: 1. In respect of the matter,

that it bee false, which is testified or told, and so the signes agree not with the things, nor the words with the minde: 2. The minde must be considered: there must be Voluntas fallendi, a desire to deceive, there∣fore S. Paul promising to goe into Spaine, though he went not, because he was letted, being kept in prison at Rome, deceived not, because he had a purpose to goe, if he had not beene hindred. 3. There must bee also cupiditas fallendi, a desire to deceive, Simler. Therefore he which uttereth an untruth unwittingly, thinking it was a truth, is not guilty of wilfull falshood.

QUEST. VI. Of the divers kindes of lies.

NOw there are usually made three kindes of lies: 1. Pernici••sum, a pernicious lye, which tendeth to the hurt of another, in his life, name, or goods; this is the worst kinde of lye: such was that lye and dissimulation of Simeon and Levi, who falsly promised marriage with their sister unto Sichem, if they would be circumcised. 2. There is mendacium jocosum, a pleasant lye made in meriment and sport, which i•• not so grievous as the other, because here is not cupiditas fallendi, a desire to doe hurt, or deceive: as such a lye the old Prophet made, to bring backe the man of God againe, 1. King. 13. which tended to his great hurt, though the other intended it not: but this kinde of offence is so much the greater, Cum quis ex assuetudine delectatur mentiendo, if one make a common practice and custome thus to lye, Tostat. as jesters and parasites doe. 3. Mendacium officiosum, an officious lye, when one telleth a lye to doe an∣other good, as to deliver him from danger, as some thinke Rahab did, to rid the spies from that present perill: this kinde of lye of all the rest is most excusable; yet it cannot simply be justified, for every lye in it selfe is evill, and contrary to the truth, and so displeasing unto God, Simler. Tostat. But this kinde of lye hath no excuse or defence at all, if a man lye for his owne profit and advantage, as Ananias and Sapphire did, Act. 5.

QUEST. VII. Some cases wherein the truth is not uttered, and yet no lye committed.

BUt there are some cases, wherein the truth is not according to the literall meaning of the words utte∣red, and yet no lye or falshood committed: 1. As when some part of the truth is concealed: as hee which hath a thousand crownes, lieth not, if he say he hath 600. So Ieremy lied not, when he was willed by the King to tell the Princes, that he intreated him, not to be sent unto Iehonathans prison house, Ierem. 38.26. that was part of his speech with the King, but not all. Therefore the Philosopher is deceived, who maketh two extremes of the truth, the defect, and the excesse: for there may be a defect, not in telling all the truth, as I have shewed, and yet no lye. 2. Neither alwayes in the excesse is a lye committed: as in the Hyperbolicall speeches in Scripture, which must be understood not after an Arithmeticall, but a Geometri∣call proportion, serving only to set forth the excellency of the thing so described: and so in other like fi∣gures and tropes, which are for elegancy of speech, Simler.

QUEST. VIII. How the truth may be uttered, and yet this Commandement broken.

SOmetime the truth may be uttered and testified against our neighbour, and yet this Commandement may be transgressed even in speaking the truth: and that is, 1. When any one discovereth the sinnes of his neighbour of rancour and malice: for then, Sinistra excusabimus, non nisi vera crimina nos protulisset We use a vaine excuse, that we speake but the truth in ripping up his faults, Calvin. For wee have broken charity in so doing: for the Wise-man saith, Hatred stirreth up contentions, but love covereth all tres∣passes, Proverb. 6.12. 2. When the rule of the Gospell is not observed, to tell our neighbour his faults pri∣vately first, before we make them publike: therein we also offend, and that two wayes: first, Quia trans∣greditur ordinem, quem Christus posuit in corrigendo: because he transgresseth the order set by Christ, in correcting of offenders, Matth. 18.11. And againe, Quia ex mala intentione agit, because he doth it of a bad intention to hurt his brother, Tostat. quaest. 25. 3. But two cases are excepted, wherein this private admonition is to be omitted: first, Si judicialiter inquiratur: if the offence be judicially inquired of; then one is not to conceale the faults which he knoweth by another: for in this case he need not tell it to the Church, that is, to the Judges and Governours, because it is knowne to them already. Another case is, where the offence, though not yet acted, but intended only, concerneth the whole State, wherein there is danger in concealing: in such offences complaint may bee first made to authority: for of such tres∣passes our blessed Saviour speaketh not, but only of those which are private and particular: If thy brother trespasse against thee.

QUEST. IX. Of the divers kindes of false testimonies.

BUt now let us proceed to examine the particular kindes of false testimonies, which are of two sorts: 1. In doctrine, which either concerneth God and religion, or the knowledge of humane Arts. 2. In the affaires of the life: and that either publike in judgement and making of covenants; or private, which is either in testifying falsly against others, or giving a false testimony of our selves, Marbach. Simler. Of these now in their order.

QUEST. X. Of a false testimony in matters of religion.

FIrst, a false testimony is in doctrine: 1. In matters of religion: as, Cum in religione à vera fide disc••••••••tur, when as in religion any depart from the analogy of faith, Marbach. As they which maintaine he∣resie and false doctrine; or which for feare in time of persecution, deny the truth; or such as handle the word of God impurely, and mingle with it their owne traditions, and fables: all these are false w••••∣nesses

against God and his truth. And therefore Augustine inferreth well, Si mendacium quod adversus vitam cujusquam temporalem dicitur, detestabile est, &c. If a lye which is made against any ones temporall life, he detestable, much more, if it be against life eternall, as every lye is that is made in doctrine of re••••∣gion, &c. And to this purpose Augustine produceth that saying of S. Paul, 1. Cor. 15.15. We are found fa••se witnesses against God (namely, if the dead rise not againe) for we have testified of God, that he hath raised up Christ: August. de m••••d••c. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 12. But because this kinde of lying in causes of religion is a transgression of our duty toward God, it more properly belongeth to the first Table, being a breach of the first Commandement, Simler.

QUEST. XI. Of falshood and errour in 〈◊〉〈◊〉

ANother kinde of falshood in doctrine, is, 〈…〉〈…〉 artibus vel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 à vero 〈◊〉〈◊〉, when 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 in arts and disciplines, Mar••••ch. As when 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and false opinions are maintained in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Physicke, or any other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and profession, as Anaxag•••••• 〈…〉〈…〉 that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was blacke. Now these errours are dangerous in three respects: 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Because of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Error 〈…〉〈…〉 turpis, errour of it selfe is a beastly and filthy, thing. 2. The cause thereof is arrogancy and pride: Sophi∣sters, to shew their wit, will take upon them to defend errours, and strange opinions. 3. But the greatest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 regard of the inconvenience that often ensueth, for by such errour in opinion, many 〈…〉〈…〉 seduced also to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in action, and which is worst of all, such Sophistry from 〈…〉〈…〉 oftentimes into Theology and Divinity, Simler.

QUEST. XII. How falshood is committed in judgement.

FAlshood in judiciall acts, is diversly committed: 1. By the false and unjust accus•••• therefore the Law saith▪ Levit. 19.16. Thou shalt not stand against the bloud of thy neighbour: that is, accuse him wrong∣fully, and being his life in danger. 2. The Judge offendeth, in giving false judgement, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19.15. Thou 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not the ••••justly in judgement. 3. The actuaries also, and ministers of unjust Judges, and guilty of the same offence, Isay 10.1. W•• unto them that decree wicked decrees, and write grievous things. 4. The Advo∣cates and patrons of causes, that defend▪ false titles, and set a faire shew on bad causes: as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abused his eloquence in disgracing of Paul, Act. 24.1. 5. False witnesses especially transgresse this Commande∣ment, because upon their testimony resteth the whole proceeding in judgement.

QUEST. XIII. Of the danger of bearing false witnesse in judgement.

COncerning false witnesses: 1. He is not only a false witnesse, that testifieth that which is false against his brother, as such were the false witnesses against Naboth, but hee also which concealeth the truth, of feare, hatred, or malice, whereby the truth is overthrowne. 2. Yet there are divers degrees in bearing of false witnesse: for a false testimony is more hainous in causes criminall, and in those which are capi∣tall, and concerne ones life, than in civill, and such as bring not the life in danger: and those which are brought to effect are more odious, than where they fa••••e of the effect, as when the Judge suspecteth such witnesses, and giveth no credit unto them, Simler. 3. But generally to be a false witnesse, is a grievous sinne, for he sinneth against God, whose name he taketh in vaine, he abuseth the Judge, oppresseth the in∣nocent, condemneth his owne soule, Simler. And three wayes doth a false witnesse commit great impie∣ty: ex viol••tione justitiae, because by his meanes justice is violated: ex persurio, by being perjured: ex men∣dacio, by his lying: so in every false testimony there is a treble sinne, Thom. Aquin. 2.2. qu. 70. art. 4.4. The punishment of a false witnesse by the Law of God is retaliation, Deut. 19.19. You shall doe unto him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he thought to have done unto his brother: So Haman was hanged upon the same gibbet which he had made for Mardoche: and Daniels accusers were cast into the Lions den, whither he was condemned before. By the Roman Lawes, which were contained in the 12. Tables, a false witnesse was condemned to be throwne downe headlong from the mount Tarpeye.

QUEST. XIV. Of the detorting and wresting of words to another sense•• another kinde of false testimony.

NEither are they onely false witnesses, which doe bring in a false record against any of such things as were neither said nor done: but he also is a false witnesse, Qui non eodem sensu dicta intelligit, quo dicuntur, which understandeth ones sayings in another sense than they are spoken, as they are said in the Gospell, to be false witnesses against our blessed Saviour, that detorted and depraved his words, as though he had spoken of the destruction of the materiall Temple, whereas he spake only of the dissolution of the Temple of his body, which he would raise up in three dayes, Matth. 26.61. The like false witnesse was suborned against Stephen, Act. 6.14. Wee have heard him say, that this Iesus of Nazaret shall destroy this place, &c. Basting. But Hierome observeth further, that they did not only pervert th•• sense and meaning of our blessed Saviours words, but invert and change the words themselves: for Christ said, Solvite tem∣plum hoc, destroy ye this temple, Ioh. 2.19. but they alter the words thus, I can destroy this temple: But he said, Destroy it you, not I: Non licitum est ut nobis ipsi inferamus manus, it is not lawfull for us to lay hands upon our selves: they adde further, and build it againe in three dayes: But our Saviour, ut ostenderet ani∣mal•• & spir••••s templum, &c. to shew that he meant a living and breathing temple, said, I will raise it up in three dayes, Hierom. super Matth. 26.

QUEST. XV. Of the violating of faith in leagues and covenants.

THere remaineth another kinde of publike false testimony, which is in the violating of league••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and covenants: 1. This S. Paul reckoneth among the sinnes of the Gentiles, Rom. 1.3••. that they were truce-breakers: and for this speciall fault were the Carthagineans noted, with whom it was usuall to falsifie their faith, so that it grew into a proverb, Pu••ica fide••, the Carthagineans faith. Of the same kinde was that sacrilegious and impious breach of faith, in that great massacre in France, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 slaughter practised by the Papists upon the Protestants, against their faith given, and covenants of peace made betweene them. 2. This violating of faith, as it is a breach of an oath, and so manifest perjury, is referred to the third precept: but in regard that promises are falsified to men, it appertaineth hither to this Commandement, Siml. 3. Of this kind was that dissembled covenant, and agreement 〈…〉〈…〉 and Levi▪ and the Sichemites, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 slaughter of the ••ibeonites, contrary to th•• 〈…〉〈…〉 that Ioshua formerly had made with them, for the which the Lord was angry, and 〈…〉〈…〉 land with famine in David 〈…〉〈…〉. Sam. 21.1.

QUEST. XVI. Whether are more grievous, publike or private false witnesse-bearing▪

NOw follow such false testimonies as are committed privately: in the which in generall▪ 〈…〉〈…〉 be observed: 〈…〉〈…〉 false testimonies, which are publike in judgement 〈…〉〈…〉 than those which are out of judgement, both because publike witnesses speake upon their oath, and so are more credited; and greater infamy followeth upon such a publike testimony, than by a private slan∣der: but this must be understood only materialiter, materially, in respect of the matter and action it selfe; and 〈…〉〈…〉 other things being alike: for otherwise, intentionaliter, the private slander 〈…〉〈…〉 a more malicious intent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 than he which falsly deposeth in judgement: and beside, the 〈…〉〈…〉, if his false 〈◊〉〈◊〉 touch his neighbours life, is more injurious, than hee which 〈…〉〈…〉 falsly, where the crime bringeth not the life in question. 2. There is difference and in publike false testi∣monies, in respect of the divers action: for there are three kindes of actions or causes: there 〈…〉〈…〉 civill cause, as in an action of debt, or such like; there is causa criminalis civiliter 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a criminall cause, but civilly intended, that is, when the crime only deserveth a civill punishment, as a pecuniary mulct; and causa criminalis criminaliter intent••••a, a criminall cause, criminally intended, ••s to the punishing of the body, or losse of limme or life. The false accusation in the second is more grievous than in the first, where no infamy lieth: and in the third more than in the second, where there is infamy only; but in the third, there is both infamy and punishment, Sic fere Tostat. qu••st. 25.

QUEST. XVII. Of the divers kindes of private false testimonies.

* 1.33OF slandering. Now the particular kindes of false testimonies privately given, are these: 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, privy slandering and obtrectation of them that are absent▪ This speciall vertue is required of those that shall dwell in the Lords Tabernacle, He that slandreth not with his tongue, Psal. 11.3. such an 〈…〉〈…〉 Sib••, that accused Mephihoseth. 2. Sam. 16.1. and wicked Doeg, that by his malicious accusation procured the slaughter of 85. of the Lords Priests, 1. Sam. 22.9. and Haman which incensed the King against the whole nation of the Jewes, Esther 3.9.10. Pelarg. 2. Neither they only, which devise the slander are here faulty, but they which willingly receive it, and beleeve it: and therefore it followeth in the Psalm•• 15.3. He that receiveth not a false report against his neighbour. Simonides the Musician, by the light of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could reprove one that told him, that many spake evill of him: Et quando tu desines mihi 〈…〉〈…〉, &c. and when wilt thou leave to backbite me with thine eares? 3. They also which suffer one to be slandered in their hearing, and hold their peace, not defending the good name of their brother, are partakers in this sinne: such were the servants of Saul, that held their peace when Saul charged Io••••∣than and David to have conspired against him, 1. Sam. 22.8. But Ionathan dealt faithfully with David, de∣fending him in his absence, before Saul his father, 1. Sam. 19.4.

* 1.342. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, evill speaking, and railing, which S. Paul biddeth to be put away, Ephes. 4.31. which is of divers sorts: 1. In manifest and open railing to the face, as Shemei cursed David, 2. Sam. 16. 2. In derision and scorning as Michel laughed David to scorne, 2. Sam. 6. Simler. 3. Or in hasty and rash judgement 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Potiphar upon the complaint of his wife, without any further examination, condemned innocent Ioseph to prison, Basting.

* 1.353. Then there is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whispering: they which use it are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whisperers, tatlers, Qui recitant quicquid audiant, who will tell whatsoever they heare, Thomas. Therefore the Law saith, Th•••• shalt not walke about with tales among the people, Levit. 19.16. These are first busie bodies, that doe curi∣ously inquire and aske questions of things that belong not unto them, They goe about from house to house, 1 Tim. 5.13. then they are pra••lers, that clacke in every corner whatsoever they know, and so they are the sowers of dissention, and makers of strife, which is one of the six things which the Wise-man ab∣horreth, Prov. 6.19.

* 1.364. Hitherto belongeth also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 flattery, who seeke altogether to please, and doe uphold them, upon whom they fawne, in their sinnes. 1. The scope and end of such flatterers is their owne profit and advantage and therefore they attend upon rich men, and specially in Princes Courts: as such there were in Sauls Court, of whom David complaineth, They flatter with their tongues, and speake with a double 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Psal. 12.2. 2. Of these there are two sorts: for there are some flatterers in the callings of religion as

false Prophets, and flattering Preachers, that sooth up men in their sinnes: such were they whom Eze∣chiel describeth, chap. 13. that did sow pillowes under all arme-holes. There are other flatterers in civill affaires: such was Iehonada••, that applied himselfe to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 filthy humour, 2. Sam. 13. thinking there∣by to insinuate himselfe unto him, being the Kings eldest sonne, Pelarg. 3. A double mischiefe commeth by these flatterers; for they both corrupt them whom they flatter, and nourish them in their evill, and feed their humorous disposition, as the people puffed up Herod in pride, by their flattering acclamations, that it was the voice of God, not of man, Act. 12. So Alexander and Nero were corrupted by flattery, and of good Princes became most cruell Tyrants, Simler. Therefore Di••g••••s said well, that it was better to fall upon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Crowes, than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, flatterers: for they did but devoure the body, these did devoure the soule. And beside this mischiefe, flatterers procure great hurt unto those whom in their flattery they ac∣cuse and traduce: as Do••g was the cause that 85. Priests were put to the sword, Simler.

5. Another kinde of false testimony is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all kinde of lying, and false speaking:* 1.37 for lying lips are an abomination to the Lord, Prov. 12.22. The beginning of lying was from the Devill, Ioh. 8.44. When he speaketh a lye, th••n speaketh he of his owne: he is a lyer, and the father thereof; and the end of liers is to be cast into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone, Basting. Pelarg. Of the divers kindes of lies see before quest. 6.

QUEST. XVIII. Of a false testimony, which a man giveth of himselfe.

NOw remaineth the last kinde of false testimonies, when one is a false witnesse of himselfe: and here∣of there are two sorts: 1. Arrogancy and vaine ostentation, when any maketh his boast of vertue, and piety, which is not at all in him: such the Prophet Esay meaneth, chap. 65.5. which say, Stand apart, came not neare me, I am holier than thou. Such was the Pharisie, that vaunted himselfe before the Lord of his fa∣sting and almes. 2. The other is coloured and cloaked hypocrisie: such was that of the Pharisies, that un∣der pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses, Matth. 23.14. these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gaine and profit the end of their religion. Another sort of hypocrites make the praise of men the scope of their dissimulation: such were also the Pharisies, that caused a trumpet to be blowne before them, when they gave their almes, and used to pray in the corners of the streets, that they might be seene of men, Matth. 6. Like unto these Pharisaicall hypocrites were the Monkes in Popery, that through a pretence of religion, gathered infinite wealth and riches, possessions and lands, unto their Monasteries and Cels. All these are enemies to the truth, and maintainers of falshood, making a lye of themselves, Simler.

3. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. The particular vertues commanded, with their contrary vices forbidden.

IN this Commandement generally is commanded the love, confession, and defence of the truth: and contrariwise is forbidden all lying, falshood, dissimulation: 1. The first vertue then here required, is the love of the truth, and the franke confession thereof with the mouth, and practice in the life: therefore the Devill though he sometime speake the truth, yet because he loveth it not, hee is not of the truth, neither can be said to be true. The confession of the truth, as it concerneth the glory of God, belongeth to the third Commandement; but as it respecteth the good of our neighbour, it is referred to the ninth. Con∣cerning this inward love, and outward profession of the truth, the Prophet David saith,* 1.38 describing a righteous man, Psal. 15.2. And speaketh the truth in his heart.

Contrary hereunto are, 1. In the defect, all kinde of lying whatsoever, dissimulation, fraud, circumven∣ting, flattering: such the Prophet noteth, Psal. 12.2. They speake deceitfully every one with his neighbour, flattering with their lips, and speake with a double heart: the Lord cut off all flattering lips. 2. In the excesse, there is 1. an intempestive and unseasonable confession of the truth: concerning the which, our blessed Saviour giveth this caveat: Not to give holy things unto dogs, nor to cast pearles before swine, Matth. 7.6. not in all places, and before every one to utter every truth. 2. Curiosity, which is to enquire things unnecessary, or unsearchable: as the Apostles were inquisitive after the time of restoring the Kingdome to Israel: to whom our Saviour maketh this answer, That it was not for them to know the times and seasons, which the fa∣ther hath put in his owne power, Act. 1.7.

2. Here is required that vertue called Candor, which is a favourable interpreting of mens doings and sayings, taking all things in the better part, and hoping the best,* 1.39 where there is no evident cause to the contrary: which is an especiall fruit of charity, as the Apostle sheweth, 1 Cor. 13.7. It beleeveth all things; it hopeth all things.

Contrary hereunto are, 1. In the defect, first perversenesse, taking all things in the worst part, and wre∣sting mens sayings and doings to another sense than they meant: as the false witnesses did those words of our blessed Saviour, Of the destroying the temple, and raising it in three dayes: which he meant of the temple of his body, they turned it to the materiall temple. Secondly, suspition: when men are ready to take every occasion to suspect their neighbour of evill, which is contrary to charity, which thinketh not evill, 1 Cor. 13.5. it is not suspitious. Yet all suspition is not condemned in Scripture: for our blessed Sa∣viour saith, Matth. 10.16, 17. Beware of men, &c. And, Bee wise as Serpents, &c. There is then a good suspition, and an evill suspition, which are thus distinguished:* 1.40 1. The evill suspition is raised without any cause at all, or the same not sufficient: the good ariseth of a probable and sufficient cause. 2. The evill, when upon a bare suspition any thing is certainly concluded: the good leaveth the thing suspected in

suspense and doubt. 3. The evill is, when upon suspition followeth hatred, and an intention to worke mischiefe: the good, when one useth his suspition to charitable and friendly admonition. 2. In the ex∣cesse here offendeth the credulous person, that is without all suspition, where there is just cause: such an one was Godaliah, that would suspect nothing of bloudy Ismael that was sent to kill him, Ier. 40.16. Se∣condly, the flatterer erreth here, who upholdeth men in their sinnes, and will not tell them their 〈◊〉〈◊〉: therefore Moses saith, Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart, but thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neigh∣bour, and not suffer him to sinne.

3. Simplicity and plainenesse is commanded, which is a vertue, whereby one plainly and sincerely pro∣fesseth that which is right and agreeable to the truth, without any colouring or cloaking: so in Nathanie•••• commended for an Israelite indeed, in whom there was no guile, Ioh. 1.47.

Contrary hereunto is doubling and dissembling, either in words, or workes, sayings, or doings: so Ieh••∣nadab, that gave that lewd counsell to Amm••n, is noted for a crafty and subtile man, 2. Sam. 13.3.

4. Constancie here required, is a vertue, which persevereth in the truth, being once knowne and appre∣hended, and not changing, without necessary or probable cause: as Psalm. 15.4. That sweereth to his owne hindrance and changeth not.

Contrary hereunto are, 1. In the defect, levity and inconstancy, without any just occasion to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and change the opinion: as Saul in his phranticke fits hated David, and sought his life, having confessed his foolishnesse and error before, 1 Sam. 26.21. 2. In the excesse, is pertinacie and obstinacie by no reason or perswasion to change an opinion or purpose once conceived: such was Herods perversenesse, in keeping his rash oath in beheading of Iohn Baptist.

5. Docilitie, or willingnesse, or aptnesse to heare and conceive the truth, is joyned with constancie: hereof the Wise-man saith, Prov. 21.28. A false witnesse shall perish, but he that heareth speaketh continually. He may soone be seduced to testifie falsly, that will receive no other information: but he that is willing to heare, and to be further instructed in the truth, cannot lightly erre, or be deceived.

Contrary hereunto are, 1. In the defect, easinesse to be lead and carried away with every tale, to bee light of beleefe, as Patiph••r was against Ioseph, without any further examination. 2. In the excesse, not to heare at all what others informe: such an one was Nabal, who was so wicked that a man might not speake to him, 1 Sam. 25.17.

6. Taciturnitie, or discreet silence, is here requisite also: which is to conceale things secret, and not fit to be revealed in time and place. Herein Rachel and Loah, contrary to the weaknesse of that sex, shewed a good example in keeping secret Iacobs purpose of departing from Laban, and consenting thereunto, Gen. 31.14.

Contrary hereunto are, 1. In the defect: first, garrulitie, pratling and talking, to be full of words, with∣out reason, and out of season. Such light women the Apostle noteth, 1 Tim. 5.13. They are pratlers and busie bodies. Secondly, futilitie, in keeping nothing secret, but telling whatsoever they know: as the young man that discovered Ionathan and Ahimaaz, and told Absolom, 2 Sam. 17.18. Thirdly, trea••herie: as the Ziphius betrayed David unto Saul, 1 Sam. 23.19. 2. In the excesse, are contrary, morosity, stub∣borne and wilfull silence, not to speake at all, or confesse any thing: Such was Cain, that being asked where his brother Habel was, stubbornly made answer, Am I my brothers keeper, Genes. 4.9. And con∣cealing of the truth, when it ought to bee revealed: against such unwise uncharitable silence the Wise-man giveth this rule: Answer a foole according to his foolishnesse, lest hee be wise in his owne 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Proverb. 26.5.

3. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Against the Origenists, that in some cases made it lawfull to lye.

FIrst here that erroneous assertion, which Hierome imputeth to Origen, commeth to be examined: which is this, Homo cui incumbit necessitas mentiondi, &c. sic matur inter dum mendario quomodo condi∣mento, at{que} medicamento, ut servet mensuram ejus, &c. He upon whom there lieth a necessity to lye, let him sometime so use a lye, as a sauce or medicine, that he keepe a measure, and exceed not the bounds, &c. Hie∣rome reproveth this opinion, and counteth it as one of Origens errours, though Ruffinus therein finde fault with Hierome. See Hierom. apolog. cont. Ruffin.

Contra. 1. But there is no necessity of lying at all: Moriendum est potius quàm peccandum; We ought to dye rather than finne, and so consequently to tell a lye: S. Pauls rule must stand, We must not doe evill, that good may come of it, Rom. 3.8. 2. If a lye were tolerable in any case, then chiefly, when by telling a lye one may save his life: but even in such necessity, a lye is not justifiable. Augustine saith well, Me••tiri vis ne moriaris, & meutiris & m••r••ris, &c. Thou wilt make a lye, lest thou shouldest dye, thou both liest, and diest too: for while thou wouldest shun one kinde of death, which thou mayest deferre, but canst not take away, thou fallest into two; first dying in thy soule, and then afterward in thy body, August. in Psal. 30. Hierome to this purpose writeth to Innocentius, of a woman suspected of adultery, that was tormented and racked to confesse the fault whereof she was not guilty: who in the middest of her tor∣ments uttered these words, Tu testis es Domine Iesu, non ideo me negare velle ne peream, sed ideo mem•••••• nalle, ne peccem: Thou art my witnesse Lord Jesus, that I doe not deny it lest I should perish, but that therefore I will not lye, lest I should sinne: Sic Hierom. 3. Whereas Origen urgeth the example of Iudith, that deceived Holoser••••••, and of Iacob, Qui patris benedictionem artifici impetravit mendacie: who obtai∣ned

his fathers blessing by an artificiall lye: it may be answered, that Iudahs example is one of an Apo∣cryphall booke, and therefore is of no force: and Iacobs example is either extraordinary, and so not to be imitated, or that therein he sheweth some humane infirmity, which is not to be commended: though it pleased God to use it, and dispose of it, for the effecting of his purpose.

2. Confut. Against the Priscilli••nists.

SEcondly, the Heretickes called Priscillianists held that it was lawfull for their, M••••dacio occuliare hae∣resius, & se Catholices singere: To hide their heresie by telling a lye, and to faine themselves Catho∣likes: such a trick also that unreasonable sect of the Family of Love have taken up, who use so to wind away with obscure and intricate termes, when they are examined, that their heresie by their confession can hardly be found out. The Priscillianists reasons were these: 1. That it was enough to have truth in the heart, though not in the mouth. 2. And a Christian is bound only to speake the truth to his neigh∣bour, but they which are of another religion, are not our neighbours. 3 Iohn fained himselfe a worshipper of Baal. Answ. 1. But S. Paul requireth both to beleeve with the heart, and to confesse with the mouth, Rom. 10.10. Peter denied Christ only with his mouth, not in his heart: Et tamen laerymis hoc poccatum a••••uit: yet he was faine to wash away this sinne with teares. 2. Licet aliqua 〈…〉〈…〉 sint ••era, &c. al∣though some truths may be hid from him that is not yet initiate in the mysteries of religion; Non tamen dic••nda falsa sunt, yet false things are not to be uttered. 3. Augustine answereth, that Iehu had not a right heare before God, and therefore his example in every respect is not to be justified. So August. lib. com∣mendatium. But to this last answer, thus much may be added: that Iehu his example here is much unlike, for he did not seeke his owne gaine, or propounded his owne safety, but did this in a zeale to the glory of God: but the Priscillianists intended their owne safety only, and dishonoured God, in spreading their heresie by this meanes: neither for the matter, did Iehu speake untruly: for indeed he had a great sacri∣fice for Baal, when he sacrificed his Priests: and in the rest he lied not, but used a kinde of outward dissi∣mulation, which in politike affaires, where the rule of charity is not broken, and Gods glory sought, is not unlawfull.

3. Confut. Against Tostatus that maketh lies in meriment tolerable.

IN the third place Tostatus is here to be dealt withall: whose opinion concerning some kinde of lies, as namely those which are called mondacla j••c••sa, lies in meriment, is this: that they are tolerable, tumea necessitate, both for necessity sake, because they are made for delight and recreation, which is necessary: and nulli nocent, they hurt no body, qu. 26.

Contra. 1. Though recreation and delight be necessary, which we grant: for as quies rest is necessary for the body, so recreation is for the minde: yet there are other delights and recreations, which may bee used: there is no such necessity, to jest and make sport with telling of lies. 2. And though none other be hurt, yet the lier hurteth his owne soule, because he speaketh not the truth: therefore this kinde of lye is not tolerable. 3. But here we refuse not Tostatus distinction of the diversity of recreations that are used among men, and of the divers kindes of men that affect such delights and recreations: whereof he maketh foure sorts: 1. Our blessed Saviour needed no such delight or recreation at all, who as he is read often to have wept, so is he never found to have laughed. For whereas recreations and delights are to succour the infirmity of our nature; Christ being God Poterat se á conditione mortalinu•• defectuosae eleva∣re, quantum voluit: could reare himselfe up from all such mortall defect, as he would himselfe, without any such helpe or supportation. 2. There is another sort of perfect men, who are given to heavenly medita∣tion: and their delight and recreation is not in jocosis mendaciis, in such jests and meriments, but in san∣ctis exhortationibus, & ••astis colloqutis▪ in holy exhortations, and chaste communications. 3. There is ano∣ther sort in another extreme, who are altogether earthly minded, who, when they wil recreate themselves, ad lud••s iniquitatis convertuntur, turne them to the sports of iniquity, as unto eating, drinking, wanton∣nesse, lasciviousnesse. 4. There are others, mediocrem vitam tenentes, &c. which are in the middest betweene these two: quiaed medias delectationes convertuntur, which turne them to delights of a middle nature, which are neither spirituall, nor altogether carnall, but honest and seemely recreations. Thus farre To∣status goeth on well: but in that he placeth merry jests and lies among moderate and tolerable recrea∣tions, therein is his errour. For that no kinde of lies at all are tolerable, thus briefly I will shew out of Augustine, whose reasons (some of them) are these:

1. One reason is taken from the nature of a lye: Lex Dei veritaes, & quod à vero discrepat, transgredi∣••ur legem, &c. The Law of God is truth, and whatsoever differeth from truth, doth transgresse the Law: therefore a lye being a swarving and declining from the truth, transgresseth the Law, and so conse∣quently is sinne. Lib. contr. mendacium, cap. 18.

2. By way of comparison with other sinnes. Cur magis mendacium faciendum, quàm aedulterium commit∣tendum, &c. Why should it be lawfull rather to lye, than to commit adultery? Lib. de mendac. cap. 8. If it be not lawfull to doe the one upon any occasion whatsoever, then neither the other also: for by adulte∣ry, the body chiefly is corrupted, but by making a lye principally the soule.

3. Divers speciall cases are propounded, wherein, if lying were upon any occasion tolerable, it should seeme to have the most just excuse: but being not allowed in these, it is lawfull in none.

1. It is not lawfull to tell a lye, and commit a lesse evill, Vt deterius mal•••• ividetur, to avoid a greater evill: as if one had rather make a lye, and offer sacrifice to idols, than to ha••e his body defiled;* 1.41 which was Origens case. For here the case is this, they which force a man to do any unjust thing, threatning that they

will doe a worse, doe in a manner say thus, Fac tu malè, ne nos faciamus; Doe thou evill, to prevent us from doing evill: but here this rule ought to be held, Dehemus propria peccata magis evitare, quam aliena; Wee must rather shun our owne sinnes than anothers, August. ibid. cap. 9. Againe, it is not in sinnes, as in mat∣ters of profit in the world, we call not that a losse which is lost upon hope of greater gaine: but it is not so here, Vt non sit peccatum, quod admittitur, ne gravius admittatur: that it should be no sinne, which is admitted, lest a greater be committed, cap. 19.

2. Neither is it lawfull to tell a lye to save another mans life, for he that lieth slayeth his soule: Num ergo quis tenetur occidere animam, ut alius vitam corporis servet? A man is not bound to slay his soule, to save anothers temporall life, nay a man is not bound to lose his temporall life, to save anothers temporall life: Vt consequatur eternam nostra temporalis relinquend••▪ We must leave our temporall life for anothers eternall life; but to hazard our eternall for anothers temporall, there is no reason.

3. Nay we are not to lye, though it be to preserve the chastity of the body. For, Magis servende casti∣tat animi, quàm corporis: The chastity of the soule must rather be preserved, than of the body: And againe, Magis cavenda in peccatis commissio facti tui••quam permissio facti alieni: In sinnes, we must more take heed of the commission of any fact of our owne, than the permission of anothers fact, ibid. cap. 20.

4. Non mentiendum, aeternae hominis salutis causa: We are not to lye, no not for anothers everlasting salvation. As if one is in captivity, and not yet initiate by Baptisme, nor perfectly won unto the faith; who is not like to be brought to the faith, unlesse the keepers be deceived by some lye, and he deli••ered out of their hands: for a lye is no more in this case to be devised, than adultery to be committed: Si••g•• non violand•• castitat, nec violanda est veritas: If chastity be not to be violated, much lesse is verity. If then in these speciall cases a lye is not to be admitted, as to avoid a greater evill, to save another mans life, to preserve the chastity of the body, nay not to save anothers soule; then much lesse is it lawfull to make a lye in jest, to shew others sport, and to delight them.

5. Concerning the examples which are objected out of the old Testament, as of Iacobs dissimulation with his father, when he got the blessing: of the Midwives excuse, Exod. 1. and Rahabs made for the spies received into her house; Augustines answer is this.

1. Aut siguratè prolata sunt, at{que} ita non mendacia, &c. Either they are figuratively spoken, and so no lies: for we must consider, Non quid in facto dicitur, sed quid in sensu significatur: Not what is expressed in fact, but what is signified in sense: for as it is no lye in speech, when one word is put for another, as in metaphors and other tropes: so neither is it in matter, when one thing is signified by another.

2. Another answer is: they are not lies which are mentioned in Scripture, Si figurate sunt dicta, If they be spoken figuratively; Si mendacia, non sunt imitanda: Or if they were lies, they are not to be imitated, August. lib. de mendac. cap. 21.

3. Commendantur comparatione, &c. They are commended by way of comparison, not absolutely. 4. Con∣cerning the excuse of the Midwives, and of Rahab, he saith, Non est remunerata fallacia, sed benevolentis, beniguitas mentis, non iniquitas mentientis; Their fallacie was not rewarded in them, but their mercy, the benignity of their mind, not the iniquity of their lying; Thus August. lib. cont. mendac. cap. 17.

4. Confut. Against the Iesuits new trick of equivocating.

FOurthly, that late taken up trick of the Judasites, in equivocating, with their mentall reservations, is evidently contrary to this Commandement: they thinke it lawfull to dissemble with the Magistrate, and to delude him with their ambiguous and equivocating answers. As, if they be asked whether they were in such a place, as beyond the seas, in France or Spaine at such a time, when and where it is certaine they were, they will answer they were not, understanding to themselves secretly to such an end or pur∣pose. The folly and falshood of which their deceitfull equivocations, doth diversly appeare: 1. This was the very evasion of the old Priscillianists before confuted, that if they held the truth inwardly in their heart, it was no matter if the truth were not alway in their mouth: but a right Christian is knowne by this, He speaketh the truth in his heart, Psal. 15.3. he hath the truth both in his heart and mouth. 2. By this device of theirs, they invert the order and nature of things, they make falshood truth, and truth falshood, they turne affirmatives into negatives, and contrariwise; as it is all one, to say, I was not in such a place, with a mentall reservation, as to say, I was: and so as Augustine saith, Veritatem faciunt patronam mendacu, They make the truth the patron of a lye. 3. If every one should take this licentious liberty, there should be no truth among men, no certainty of any thing: all testimonies given in evidence, all promises and con∣tracts might justly be suspected, lest some secret condition or reservation might be understood: for who can trust him at any time, that thinketh it is lawfull to lye and dissemble sometime? for as Augustine saith, Volens, cum mentitur, esse aptior, fit, cum verum dicit, intertus: For while he applieth himselfe, when he lieth, aptly to the time, he is held uncertaine, when he speaketh the truth. 4. And whereof commeth this doubling and dissembling, but of feare, and a bad conscience? what needed the Martyrs by their plaine confession of the truth, to have adventured and lost their lives, if they had held such dissimulation and equivocating lawfull? So Augustine saith, Si simulare liceret, quare id non faciunt Martyres? If it were law∣full to dissemble, why did not the Martyrs so? lib. cont. mendac. cap. 5. 5. But if they shall reply againe, that they doe thus equivocate▪ for the maintenance of their Pope Catholike faith, and for the discovering of heresie, as they call the profession of the Gospell: wee say againe with Augustine in a case not much un∣like, Melius occultaretur haeresis, quàm praetipitaretur veritas: It were better that heresie lay hid still, than that the verity should be endangered, de mendac. cap. 7.

6. But the example of our blessed Saviour is pretended, who used such kinde of dissimulation, and

equivocation: as Mark. 5.30. Christ made himselfe as ignorant who had touched his cloathes, whereas he knew it well enough, as well who touched them, as that they were touched. So Luk. 24.28. Christ made as though he would have gone further, and yet did not. Likewise, Ioh. 7.8. he saith to his brethren, Goe ye up unto this 〈◊〉〈◊〉: I will not yet goe up, &c. but immediatly after he went up, vers. 10. Here Christ did equivocate with his brethren: he said he would not goe up, whereas he did indeed goe up, meaning, not with them.

Answ. 1. To the two first instances Augustine answereth; that they are figures of other things ••as in that Christ maketh himselfe ignorant who touched him, therein the Gentiles were prefigured, who were a people whom the Lord saith he knew not. In the next, he saith, Christus non mente••us est, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in c••••∣los profectus est: Christ said no untruth: for indeed he went further, namely to heaven, August. ibid. c. 19. But wee are not driven here to such a strait with Augustine to finde out a mystery: Our Saviour in nei∣ther of these places dissembleth: for dissimulation is an hiding and cloaking o•• the truth: but in both these places Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by this meanes to bring the truth to light: in the first to trie on•• the faith of the woman that touched him in the other to make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the humanity and charity of his Disciples; as he did the like to Philip. Ioh. 6.6. to prove him.

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4. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Against the evill custome of lying.

THou shalt not beare false witnesse. By this strait charge and commandement of God, all men are war∣ned to take heed of lying, and speaking untruth, under what pretence soever: and that for these foure causes: 1. Propter diaboli assimilationem: Because lying maketh men like unto the Devill. For as God is truth, and all that love the truth are the children of God; so they that use lying are the children of the Devill: for he is a lyer, and the father thereof, Ioh. 8.44. He told the first lye that was ever made in the world, when he said to Eve: Yee shall not dye, Gen. 3. 2. Propter societatis dissolutionem: Humane society and entercourse is by this meanes dissolved: for how can one man trust another, if lying and dissembling should be used? This reason the Apostle urgeth, Ephes. 4.25. Cast off lying, and speake every one truth unto his neighbour: for we are members one of another. 3. Propter fama amissionem: The lier loseth his credit, that he cannot be beleeved, no not when he telleth the truth: as Ecclesiastic. 34.4. Who can be cleansed by the uncleane: or what truth can bee spoken of a lier? 4. Propter anima perditionem: Wee must take heed of lying, for it destroyeth the soule, Wisdom. 1.11. The mouth that lieth, slayeth the soule, Sic. Thom. in opuscul.

2. Observ. Not to conceale the truth, whether publikely or privately.

AGaine, it is a kinde of false witnesse, as is shewed before, when the truth is concealed, either publike∣ly or privately: as when one suffereth his neighbour to be overcome in judgement, when hee by his testimony might deliver him. As to this purpose may be applied that saying of the Wise-man, Prov. 24.11. Deliver those that are drawne to death, and wilt thou not preserve them that are led to be slaine? And of this kinde is that usuall negligence and oversight of men, that privately doe not one tell another of their sinnes: which duty is reproved by the law, Levit. 19. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thine heart, but thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour, and suffer him not to sinne. He then which seeth his brother sinne, in drunkennesse, prophanenesse, swearing, or howsoever else, and holdeth his peace, therein offen∣deth against the rule of charity, and is found before God to be an hater of his brother. Augustine useth this fit similitude: Si hominem videres ambulare incautum in tenebris, ubi tu put cum esse scires, & taceres, qualis esses, &c. If thou shouldest see a man walking in the darke, without taking heed, where thou knowest there is a pit, and holdest thy peace; what manner of one wouldest thou shew thy selfe? Pracipitat se quis in vitia sua, &c. One casteth himselfe headlong into vice, and vaunteth himselfe in thy hearing of his evill doing, and yet thou doest praise him, and smilest to thy selfe, &c. August. in Psal. 49.

Upon the tenth and last Commandement.

1. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. The last precept, Thou shalt not covet, whether two or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

THou shalt not covet, &c. 1. Some thinke that this Commandement is to be divided into two: and the first to restraine the concupiscence and desire of anothers wife: the other the coveting of such

things which doe belong unto him, which are either moveable or immoveable things: the moveable are of two sorts, either the things with life, and them either reasonable, as his man servant, his maid servant; or unreasonable, as his oxe or asse; or without life, as his goods: his immoveable are, his house, lands, possessions. Of this opinion is August. lib. de 10. chord. cap. 9. to whom consenteth Thomas Aquinas, and Tostatus, and it is the received opinion among the Romanists, and some other, as Pelargus, Osiander, Pel∣lican. Their reasons shall first be examined. 1. Thomas useth this reason: Because there are but three Com∣mandements in the first table, there must be seven in the second, to make up the number of ten. And that there are but three in the first table, he would prove by the subject or matter of the Commandements, which concerne our duty to God; which is three-fold, Diligenti Deum tria necesse est facere: He that loveth God, must performe three things: 1. Quòd non habeat alium Deum: He must have no other God. 2. He must honour him: therefore it is said, Thou shalt not take in vaine, &c. 3. Libenter quiescat 〈…〉〈…〉: He must rest and settle himselfe in God: therefore it is said, Remember thou keepe holy, &c.

Answ. 1. Thomas here omitteth one principall duty, which is the internall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of God: for it is not enough to know who is to be worshipped, which is prescribed in the first precept, Thou shalt have no other Gods: but after what manner he will be worshipped, that is, by a spirituall and internall worship: as our blessed Saviour saith, Ioh. 4.21. God is a spirit, and they that worship him must worship him, in spirit and truth. This manner of Gods worship is prescribed in the second Commandement, Thou shalt make to thy selfe no graven image, &c. 2. Wherefore thus rather may the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 toward God be distinguished; his worship is either internall, or externall: the internall sheweth who is to be worshipped, in the first pre∣cept, and how, that is, spiritually in the second precept. The externall is either private in the confession of Gods name, in the third precept; or publike, in keeping of his Sabbaths, Vrsin.

2. Lyranus thus reasoneth: Those things which are so divers, that one may be covered, and not the other, belong not to one precept: Aliquis habens pronitatem ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non habe•••• ad alterum: One may have a pronenesse and aptnesse to one, and not to another: as he may covet his neighbours wife, and not covet any of his beside: therefore these two kindes of covetings belong not to one precept.

Answ. 1. This reason may be retorted: for so one may be guilty of idolatry and false worship, who yet holdeth but one Cod: and therefore by this reason the two first precepts, which they confound and make but one, which divide the last, must be distinguished. 2. Though in particular he that coveteth a mans wife, doth not alwayes covet his oxe or asse, yet in generall he coveteth that which is another mans: for his wife is properly his, as any thing that belongeth unto him: therefore the proposition will be de∣nied, that the coveting of that, which is not joyned with the coveting of another thing, belongeth not to the same precept: for one may covet a mans house, and ground, that coveteth not his oxe or asse, as Ahab did, that desired Naboths vineyard: and so by this rule, as many particular things there are which may be severally coveted, so many particular precepts there should be of coveting.

3. Tostatus thus argueth: Sicut se habet actus ad actum, &c. As one act is to another, the like respect hath one concupiscence to another: but the act of adultery and theft are divers, and belong to two di∣vers precepts, therefore so should the divers concupiscence, tending to those divers acts, be divided into two precepts.

Answ. The argument followeth not, because the acts of adultery and theft are forbidden in two di∣vers precepts, therefore the concupiscences tending thereunto should: for there is difference betweene the conception of sinne, and the birth and perfection thereof: when sinne is brought forth, and perfi∣ted, then it appeareth of what kinde it is: but being yet in the body or in the seed, it cannot be so distin∣guished; as darnell and corne being but yet in the grasse, cannot bee so well discerned. Beside, another difference is, because the externall acts of theft and adultery differ in the quality of the sinne, and o••e is more hainous than another, and deserveth a greater punishment, and therefore the precepts are fitly di∣stinguished: but the like difference of quality and punishment cannot be made in the originall and first concupiscence, where the will hath not yet assented.

4. Pelargus addeth this reason: Duo sunt principia concupiscentiae, &c. There are two beginnings or oc∣casions of concupiscence, one internall, the other externall: the Apostle calleth them, the concupiscence of the flesh, and the concupiscence of the eye, 1. Ioh. 2.16. therefore they are distinctly to be prohibited. Lyranus also saith, that there is Aliaratio boni utilis, alia delectabilis: One reason of coveting a profita∣ble good, another of a delectable good: the coveting of the wife belongeth to one, and the coveting of the substance to the other.

Answ. 1. All this onely proveth a difference and distinction in the severall kindes of concupiscence, not a distinction of the severall precepts. 2. And thus much may bee inferred, that because they are distinct concupiscences, therefore they are distinctly to be expressed, and so they are: but it followeth not, that they are to bee distinguished in two precepts. 3. And yet these concupiscences are not so di∣stinguished, but that they may concurre at one and the same time in the inward desire and motion: as one may have a carnall desire to his neighbours wife, and have a covetous eye also unto her substance. Wherefore this last precept, which forbiddeth all manner of coveting, is not to bee divided into two precepts: but is one whole and entire Commandement, consisting of divers particulars. The reasons are these:

* 1.421. Origen thus reasoneth: Quod si ita putetur, non complebitur decem numerus praeceptorum, &c. If the two first precepts should be made all one, there would not bee ten Commandements: ubi jam erit decalogi veritas? where then is the truth of the decalogue? Homil. 8. in Exod. The reason is this: that seeing there must bee ten precepts, and there are foure in the first table, there can bee but six in the

second: but if the last be divided into two, there will bee more than six in the second, and so more than ten in all: but if wee make but three in the first, there will be but nine in all: for Origen taketh this as granted, that it is all one precept that maketh mention of coveting.

2. Another reason is, because that which is here put in the first place, Thou shalt not covet thy neigh∣bours house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife, is put in the second place, Deut. 5.21. Thou shalt not co∣vet thy neighbours wife, neither shalt thou desire thy neighbours house: which inversion of the order shew∣eth, that they are all one precept: for otherwise Moses should have confounded the ninth and tenth pre∣cept together, Vrsin. So also Cajetane: Varia ••••••ctura uxoris & domus, ex industria facta à Mose, &c. This mixture of the wife and house, Moses maketh of purpose in these two places, because they belong to one precept. This reason also is urged by Iunius upon this place.

3. This precept, Moses periodis non distinxit, sed uno versiculo comprehendit, did not distinguish by pe∣riods, as the other precepts, but comprehendeth it in one verse, which sheweth it to be one precept, not two, Vrsin.

4. Another argument is taken from the reason of this Commandement: which is added, Nor any thing which is his: we are forbidden therefore to covet the neighbours wife, house, or oxe, or asse, Quia alterius sunt, because they belong to another, Cajetan. Oleaster. There being then one common reason ser∣ving the whole, it sheweth that it is one Commandement, not divers.

5. Omnes hae species sub uno genere comprehenduntur: All these severall kindes of coveting are com∣prehended under one generall head, Thou shalt not covet, therefore they are under one precept, Galas.

6. Pari ratione in sex vel septem praecepta deduci posse videatur, &c. With as good reason may it be di∣vided into six or seven precepts, as into two, because so many particular branches of coveting are rehear∣sed, Simler.

7. But one of the best reasons, that the precept of not coveting is one, and not two, is taken from that place of Saint Paul, Cum de concupiscentia tanquam de uno pracepto dicit, When he speaketh of con∣cupiscence, as of one precept, Rom. 7.7. I had not knowne lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not lust, Vrsin. Basting.

QUEST. II. What manner of concupiscence is here forbidden, and how this precept differeth from the former.

COncerning the difference betweene this precept and the other, Thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not steale: there are divers opinions: 1. Augustine seemeth sometime to bee of opinion, that in those Commandements, Ipsum opus notatum videtur, in extremo autem ipsa concupiscentia; The worke only seemeth to be noted, but in the last the concupiscence only, quaest. 71. in Exod. But this is against our blessed Saviours exposition, Matth. 5.28. that a man may commit adultery in his heart, if hee hath but looked upon a woman to lust after her: therefore in the other Commandements, not the externall act only is forbidden, but the inward purpose also and desire.

2. Thomas Aquin thus distinguisheth concupiscence, that it may be taken one way, as it is actus volun∣taetis, an act of the will, another, ut est actus sensualitatis, a sensuall or carnall act: but here it is onely for∣bidden in the first sense, as it is Consensus voluntatis, in opus vel delectationem; As it is a consent of the will, either to the worke it selfe, or in taking delight: But when the will hath once assented, sinne is brought forth, and so it is a breach of the other Commandements: as our blessed Saviour sheweth, that if a man have but lusted after a woman, with a will and desire unto her in his heart, he hath committed adultery.

3. Some of the Hebrewes thinke, that no concupiscence resting inwardly, though it have the consent of the will, is here forbidden: but such as commeth into some externall act, beside the perfect act of any sinne: as when one soliciteth another mans wife by gifts, speeches, gesture, kissing and dallying, though adultery be not committed. But the very consent and purpose of the heart, though there follow no out∣ward act, is sinne, as shall afterward be more fully declared, as Levit. 19.17. the very hatred of the heart is prohibited, though no mischiefe outwardly be committed.

4. Some thinke that there is no more forbidden in this Commandement, than before: but that the Lord thought good to rehearse and declare in plaine words his will, for restraining of the inward concu∣piscence, for he knew, Aerius stimulandos & urgendos homines ne sub umbra obscurioris doctrina latebra•• quaererent, Lest men should seeke some evasion in the obscurity of doctrine, that they were specially to be pricked forward and urged, Calvin. But it is not like, that in so compendious an abridgement of the Law, that the same things should be twice repeated: and Calvin himselfe onely propoundeth this reason, hee doth not much insist upon it.

5. Therefore that we may apprehend the true difference betweene this precept and the other, wee must distinguish betweene these three, Prava•• cogitationes, assensum simplicem, & certam deliberationem: Evill thoughts, a simple assent, and a setled and certaine deliberation. The first, evill thoughts, if as soone as they rise, a man reject them, he seemeth not to be guilty, though herein he must acknowledge his corrupt nature: but if he either give a simple assent, or be as it were tickled with a full desire▪ or doe deliberately purpose of any evill thing, then he sinneth. So then all those sinnes, wherein there is either a full assent, or action, are forbidden in the former precepts: the very first desire and appetite is forbidden here. These three degrees then are to be made of sinne, appetitus, assensio, actio, the appetite or first desire, the perfect assent, and the action: the first, the evill appetite is restrained here, Galas.* 1.43 Quamvis non plane acquiesca∣mus desiderio, si tamen nos titillat, sufficit ad re••sper agendos; Although we doe not yeeld unto the desire, if it doe but tickle us with delight, it is sufficient to make us guilty, Calvin. Here then such concupiscence

is forbidden,* 1.44 as hath some inclination of the will, though no full consent: Concupiscenti•• enim nunquam est sine affectu, licet non▪ plane succumbat voluntas: This concupiscence is not without some affection or desire, though the will doe not plainely yeeld. So is Chrysostome to bee understood: Aliud est concu∣piscere, aliud velle; concupiscere passionis est, velle arbitrii; frequenter enim conc••piscimu•• quod nolumus: It is one thing to desire, another thing to will; to desire or covet is of passion, to will is of the disposition; for we often covet that which we would not, &c. In Matth. homil. 52. He speaketh of a full assent and purpose: for otherwise, with concupiscence here prohibited, there doth alwayes concurre some affection and desire. So then it is evident, that even those first motions of concupiscence, wherein any taketh de∣light, though there be no full purpose, are sinne before God, and forbidden by this precept: for, even the Heathen did condemne impiam voluntatem, the wicked will and purpose of any, as to kill, commit adulte∣ry, and such like: but the Law of God is more perfect and spirituall, than any humane Law. Againe, it is not like that S. Paul was so ignorant, as to thinke at any time, that it was no sinne, velle occidere homi∣nem. to have a purpose to kill a man, or to commit adultery: therefore by concupiscence, he understan∣deth some more inward and secret disease, which he tooke not to be sinne, before it was revealed unto him by the Law, Calvin.

QUEST. III. Whether involuntary concupiscence having no consent of the will, is here forbidden.

BUt here it will further be enquired, whether even those first evill thoughts which arise in the minde, without any inclination of the will at all, are counted as sinne before God, and so forbidden in this precept. Here first, wee are to distinguish of concupiscence and desire, which is either a good concu∣piscence, or bad; the good is of two sorts, either perfectly good, such as was given unto man in his crea∣tion, when he should have coveted nothing, but that which was good; or imperfectly good, such as now is in men, mixed with many infirmities and inperfections, which is either naturall in man, as the coveting of meat and drinke,* 1.45 and other things necessary for the life of man, Basting. Or supernaturall, wrought in man by grace, as is the love and desire of vertue: or it is mixt, partly naturall, partly supernaturall, as matrimoniall concupiscence for procreation, which both hath a naturall cause or beginning, and is like∣wise guided by grace unto the right end: none of these kindes of good and commendable concupiscence are forbidden by this precept.

The evill concupiscence, as Bernard doth well distinguish it, is of three sorts: 1. Sunt cogitationes ••tiosa, & ad rem non pertinentes, &c. There are idle, roving and impertinent thoughts, which the minde may ea∣sily reject: 2. Sunt aliae cogitationes violentae magis, & fortius adharentes; There are other violent cogita∣tions, which sticke more nearely, as the immoderate cogitation of meat and drinke, and such things as be∣long to the necessity of nature. 3. Sunt cogitationes f••••tidae & immundae, quae ad luxuriam, invidiam perti∣nent, &c. There are filthy and uncleane cogitations, which concerne lasciviousnesse, envy, vaine glory, and such like: the first kinde is lutum simplex, as simple or thin clay, that cleaveth not: the second is limum vis∣cosum, as a tough clay, that sticketh fast: the third is tanquam immundissimum coenum, as most uncleane, fil∣thy, and stinking mire and mud, Bernard. serm. de tri. ge. cog. na. Seneca maketh this distinction of the motions of the minde, not much unlike to the former: 1. Primus motus non voluntarius, &c. The first motion is not voluntary, as a certaine preparation of the affections: 2. Alter cum volunta••e non contumaci, another kinde is with the will, but the same not obstinate: as when it commeth into ones minde to re∣venge himselfe, when he is hurt: 3. Tertius motus est impotens, &c. The third kinde is so impotent, and outragious, that it will not be ruled by reason, as when a man is carried to revenge himselfe out of mea∣sure: the first of these can be no more ruled by reason, than such things as happen to the body: as when one yawneth, when he seeth another yawne, or suddenly winketh, when one putteth the fingers toward the eyes. Thus Seneca lib. 2. de ira, cap. 4. Now the question is, whether these motions, which Bernard calleth idle and wandring, Seneca involuntary, are forbidden in this precept. Hereof there are three opinions.

1. Some thinke that even these first infused motions, Etiam citra rationem ullius objecti, even without respect had to any certaine object, are forbidden here, Iun. But it seemeth by the words of the Law, Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house, that the concupiscence here prohibited, aimeth at a certaine object, and is not without some inclination of the affection. 2. Others are of the contrary opinion: that if a man doe at the very first reject these evill cogitations, nullius culpa reus erit, he shall be guilty of no fault, Galas. But seeing that Infants which have no such evill thoughts, yet are not cleane before God, being conceived and borne in sinne; it cannot be, but that these evill wandring and idle thoughts should carry some guiltinesse in them. 3. Therefore the best solution is, that these cogitations which doe vanish, ••••∣tequam animos afficiant, before the minde bee affected, be not comprehended in this precept, as actuall sinnes: for untill the will of man in some degree give assent, sinne is in the conception onely, not in the birth: as S. Iames saith, chap. 1. When lust hath conceived, it bringeth forth sinne: but as the first fruits of originall sinne, together with that native corruption, they are contrary to this precept: wherein I finde also some difference of opinion. Iunius seemeth to thinke, that not originall sinne it selfe is here under∣stood by concupiscence, which is as the habit, but only those involuntary motions, which are the first act of this evill habit, Iun. in Analys. But I rather subscribe to Vrsinus, that thinketh originall sinne to be a breach of this precept, as originall justice is therein prescribed, and commanded: because the Morall law is grounded upon the Law of nature, which was perfect in man by creation before his fall, from which perfection originall sinne is a declining defect. This then is the conclusion, that these involuntary

motions, though they doe not venire in rationem coram Deo, come into reckoning before God, if they presently vanish, before the will and affection incline unto them; yet they doe shew the corruption of our nature, that although they breake not out into a flame, yet they are sparkles that flie upward, Iob 5.7. our corrupt nature is as the coale, and those idle and wandering thoughts as the sparks that flie up: but if these sparks doe not kindle into a flame, they shall never burne us, nor be laid unto our judgement: and so Chrysostom sath well Si concupiscentia non consentit voluntas, sola concupiscentia non damnat; If the will consent not to concupiscence, concupiscence alone shall not condemne us, Homil. 52. in Matth. which is through Gods mercie, for otherwise even originall corruption is sufficient to condemne us.

QUEST. IV. Why there is no precept to direct tha inward passion of anger, as of coveting.

NOw why there is not the like precept given, to direct the inward act of the irefull power of the mind▪ as to forbid the first motion of anger and rage, as there is virtutis concupiscibilis, of the coveting and desiring facultie, these reasons are alleaged: 1. The like is to be understood in other Commandements, that the very internall act, and first inclination of the heart unto evill is forbidden, but expresly the con∣cupiscence is named, because it is more hard to resist the concupiscence, whose object is some apparent good, either delectable, or profitable: whereas the inward passion of anger, movet ad aliquid triste, mo∣veth alwayes to some heavie thing, not delightsome, or profitable. So Tostatus. The same reason is yeel∣ded by Thomas Aquin, Homicidium secundùm se non est concupiscibile, sed magis horribile, &c. Murther is not of it selfe a thing to be desired, but to be abhorred: but adulterie, Habet rationem alicujus boni, scili∣cet delectabilis, furtum, boni scilicet utilis, Hath respect unto some thing that seemeth good, namely, de∣lectable good, and theft to profitable good: therefore the concupiscence of these required a speciall pre∣cept rather than the other, &c. But this is no sufficient reason, for both it is as hard to resist anger, as any other passion, because of all other it is most violent and sudden: and beside, the angrie man in purposing to doe mischiefe, taketh delight therein, and thinketh it good for him so to doe: so that this passion also, hath an object of some thing seeming good, for otherwise the will of man naturally is not carried unto that which is taken to be evill.

2. In this precept even that concupiscence is forbidden, which is involuntarie, and hath not the assent of the will: for as Chrysostom saith, Concupiscimus frequenter etiam quod nolumus: We covet often that which wee will not. All other voluntarie inclinations of the minde, to adulterie, or theft, are prohibited in those other precepts: but there is no anger, without a purpose of revenge, and so hath a consent of the will, and so there need no speciall precept for that, it properly belonging to that precept, Thou shalt not kill: as our blessed Saviour sheweth, Matth. 5.22. To this purpose Tostatus saith well: Ira audit rationem syllogizantem, &c. Anger heareth reason disputing, whether it be meet to take revenge; and before rea∣son hath thus concluded, anger riseth not: but anger hearing this first conclusion, that it is fit to take re∣venge, staieth not to heare the second, whom, and how wee are to revenge: but as a quicke messenger, that goeth away before hee hath halfe his arrand, and as angrie dogges, that when they see one, doe straightwayes imagine, that it is their part to barke, not considering who it is that they barke at, whether their master or no: so anger being an hot and hastie passion, resolving by reason of the thing, yet weigheth not every circumstance. Now concupiscence, when any object is offered, heareth no reason at all, but pre∣sently falleth to coveting of it. Ex Tostat. qu. 27.

QUEST. V. Whether sinne properly consist in the internall or externall act.

IT is here the opinion of the Hebrewes, that if a man onely desire another mans wife in his heart and goe no further, he sinneth not: and Iosephus lib. 12. Antiquit. reproveth Polybius the Historiographer, for saying that Antiochus died miserably, because he would have spoyled the Temple: adding further, Si solùm cogitavit, non egit peccatum: That if he onely thought to doe so, he sinned not: therefore he was not punished for that, but for other evils which he had done in Jerusalem. Ex Lyran.

Contra. But it may bee made manifest by divers reasons, that sinne consisteth rather in actu interiori, quàm exteriori; In the internall rather than externall act. 1. That maketh a good or evill act, which is in a mans power, but the externall act is not often in mans power, but the internall is, as the act of the un∣derstanding and will: as the Apostle saith, Rom. 7.18. To will is present with me, but I finde no meanes to per∣forme that which is good, &c.

2. Onely it is proper unto man, beyond beasts, to doe a good or evill act: but the externall act bruit beasts can doe as well as man: therefore it is the internall facultie, of the understanding and will, that maketh the act good or bad.

3. If in the externall act good and evill onely were found, then Angels should doe neither good nor bad, which have no externall act, because they have no externall faculties, powers, or instruments: the will therefore and understanding, which onely are in Spirits, are the causes of good and bad actions.

4. The same externall acts may bee done as well by those that sleepe, by fooles and mad men, as by the waking, by wise and sober men: but the externall act in those is not sinne, because it proceedeth not from the will and understanding.

5. Both divine and humane lawes make a difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie acts: as in wilfull and casuall murther; but the externall act in both is all one.

6. Therefore, Actus exterior secundùm se nec bonus nec malus est: The externall act of it selfe is nei∣ther good nor evill: but yet in men because of the connexion which the externall act hath with the in∣ternall, there is some goodnesse or evilnesse found, though not so properly as in the internall: for there are

two acts of the will and understanding: the immediate act, as to understand, to will, which is called act•••• elicitus, the act which issueth out: and there is a mediate act, as to kill, to commit adultery, which is act•••• imperatus, the act commanded: therefore the externall worke being by this coherence and connexion, an act of the internall powers, hath some good or evill in it, though not so properly as the internall, Sic fere Tostat. quast. 29.

QUEST. VI. The law of Moses did not onely restraine the hand, but the minde.

BEside this opinion of the Hebrewes, some other doe hold that the law of Moses did onely restraine the hand, and not the minde: and to this purpose they urge that place, Matth. 5.27. where our Saviour saith; It was said unto you of old, Thou shalt not commit adulterie, &c. But I say, &c. So that of old it seemeth the law onely restrained the outward act: but Christ doth forbid more, even the inward desire, &c.

Contra. 1. Our blessed Saviour, secundùm corum opinionem loquebatur, speaketh according to their opinion, because they thought they were onely obliged and tied to the outward act, and therefore he doth deliver the law from their corrupt interpretations: he giveth not a new exposition: and this appeareth vers. 43. Yee have heard, that it hath beene said, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemie: but in all the old Testament there is no such precept given by God, or libertie for any to hate their enemie: our Saviour then meaneth not such sayings as were found in the law, but such expositions as they made among themselves. Now that even the law of Moses did binde not onely the hand and externall act, but the inward will and desire, it thus is proved:

1. None are said to repent but of that which is evill: but they under the law were to repent and to shew themselves contrite, even for the internall acts of their minde: as Psal. 4.4. Tremble and sinne not, examine your heart upon your bed, &c. Ergo, &c.

2. It is directly forbidden, Levit. 19.17. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart: which was an in∣ternall act: and many other such like sinnes of the heart are reproved by the Prophets.

3. The law doth not justifie that which is naturally unjust, but forbiddeth it: now to covet another mans wife is naturally unjust. Ergo.

For the proposition, or first part of the argument, if the theft of the Israelites, the killing of Isaack in∣tended by Abraham, the fornication of Ose, chap. 1. be objected: these were singulares casus, which the the lawgiver commanding, thereby declared, quod non includerentur sub lege communi, that they were not included under the generall law: but if this whole law, Thou shalt not covet, had given a generall libertie for the Jewes to covet anothers wife, Non jam declaretur lex, sed destrucretur: The law should not by this meanes be declared, but destroyed.

For the assumption, that it is against the law of nature to covet another mans wife, it is evident: 1. Because he faileth in the end, coveting her onely of lust, not for procreation. 2. Matrimonie est de jure naturali, is grounded even upon the law of nature: if then to breake and violate matrimonie bee against the law of nature; then to will, and purpose so to doe, is against nature also: yea the will and purpose is rather sinne than the act it selfe: for it may fall out that the externall act is sometime without sinne, as when a man ignorantly lieth with another woman, taking her to bee his wife, as Iakob tooke Leah for Rachel: but the will and desire is never without sinne, Tostat.

Burgens. addit. 7. in cap. 20. would thus excuse this assertion, that Moses law, prohibebat manum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an••••••um, did inhibit the hand, not the minde: not that their meaning is, that in no part of Moses law, there is any prohibition to be found of the minde: for hatred is directly forbidden, Levit. 19.17. but that when any externall act is forbidden, Non intelligitur ex vi illius praecepti prohiberi actus interior: The in∣ternall act is not understood to bee forbidden by vertue of that precept: as in this precept, Thou shalt not kill, he is not judged to be guiltie, which purposeth to kill, and yet killeth not.

Contra. 1. But our Saviour saith, that even this precept is transgressed by the anger and hatred of the heart, Matth. 5.22. therefore the law intendeth even by the externall act to forbid the internall also.

QUEST. VII. Whether any morall and naturall duties were to be restrained by positive law.

BUt it will further be objected, that the old law was not to give precepts of morall duties: 1. The mo∣rall precepts are grounded upon the law of nature, and such precepts are knowne unto all: but the divine law prescribeth such things, as otherwise are not, neither can bee knowne. 2. The keeping of the morall law giveth life, Galath. 3.12. but the old law was the ministration of death, 2 Cor. 3.7. there∣fore the old law was not to containe morall precepts.

Contra. 1. The law of God was not onely to give rules of such things as men know by the law of na∣ture, but to keepe and preserve them also from errour, in those things which they know. And therefore because men doe erre and swarve in such things as they know, their will and affection not giving way to reason, it was fit that a law should be given as well to rectifie their affection, as to direct their understan∣ding. 2. Beside, although these morall duties are grounded upon the law of nature, yet seeing the natu∣rall instinct is obscured by mans corruption, that dimme light of nature had need of a clearer light by the law to helpe it. If man had continued in the perfection of his creation, hee should not have needed any other law: but seeing mans naturall knowledge is much decaied, it was to be revived, and renewed by the divine law. 3. The rules of direction of mens actions, are of foure sorts: 1. Some are so well knowne by nature, as none can doubt thereof: as these, (that evill is to be shunned, and good to be desired, that no unjust thing is to bee done) of such knowne principles it is not necessarie that any law should bee given. 2. Some things may so be searched out by the law of nature, as yet that many may erre therein: such 〈◊〉〈◊〉

the particular precepts, of not committing fornication, not coveting another•• wife▪ therefore because many may erre in these duties, it was requisite they should bee determined by the law of God. 3. Some things are so derived from the law of nature, as yet they are onely searched out by those which are wise: such are the positive and judiciall lawes of men, that wisely can applie the principles of the law of nature to particular circumstances: of this kinde are Moses Judicials. 4. Some things cannot at all be concluded by naturall reason, but altogether depend upon the will of the institutor and law-maker: of this kinde were Moses Ceremonials. So then for a full answer to the first objection, wee say, that if morall duties were so generally and perfitly knowne, as that none could doubt of them, as are the first rules of directi∣on, there needed not be any law given of them: but they are of the second sort, so knowne by the law of nature, as that many doe doubt of them, and doe erre about them.

2 The old law was the ministration of death, not of it selfe, but occasionalite••, by occasion: because it commanded such things as were not in mans power to keepe: and so the morall precep••s also did morti∣fie and kill: Quia importabant difficultatem ad conservandum ea: Because they did bring in a difficultie, or rather impossibilitie to keepe them: therefore in this respect there was no difference betweene the old law and the Morall law, Tostat. quast. 32.

QUEST. VIII. Of the perfection and sufficiencie of the morall law.

BEside, it will be thus objected against the sufficiencie of the morall law.

1. Because the law prescribeth onely duties concerning God, and our neighbour, it speaketh no∣thing of the sinnes of man toward himselfe.

2. It forbiddeth perjurie, whereas blasphemie and heresie were as needfull to be forbidden.

3. The precept of the Sabbath is expressed, whereas there were many other festivities, as of the Passe∣over, Pentecost and others, which the Israelites were bound to keepe.

4. The dutie toward parents is commanded, but not the love of parents againe to their children.

5. The inward act of murther is not forbidden, as the inward act of adulterie, namely concupiscence: therefore there is not a sufficient enumeration in the morall law, of all morall duties.

Contra. 1. That the Morall law is perfect and every way sufficient, it appeareth first by the generall contents thereof, in prescribing all kinde of duties both toward God and man. For first, as three things are to bee performed to terrene governours, namely fidelitie, reverence, and obedience; so likewise the like duties, but in an higher nature and degree, are required toward God: 1. Fidelitie, in acknowledging him our onely God, which is commanded in the first and second precept. 2. Reverence in the third, not to prophane his glorious name. 3. Obedience and service, which is performed in consecrating the seventh day wholly unto Gods worship. Toward our neighbour our duties are either speciall toward those to whom we are bound by any speciall kinde of benefit, as we are to our parents, and superiours, which is required in the fift precept: or generally toward all, in forbearing to doe them any hurt: first, either in deed, as in their single person concerning their life, or their coupled person, touching their wife, or in their goods, we must not steale: either in word, where false witnesse bearing is forbidden: either in heart, as in the tenth Commandement. There can be no dutie rehearsed appertaining to God or man, which is not comprehended under some of these: therefore the Decalogue containeth a perfect law.

2. Now for answer to the objections in particular: 1. It was not necessarie that any particular precept should bee given as touching the duties of man toward himselfe: both because nature is not so corrupted in such duties (but that a man still retaineth love to himselfe) as it is in our love toward God and our neighbour: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also for that the rule of our love toward another, is taken from a mans love toward himselfe: he shall love his neighbour as himselfe: therefore this is presupposed as granted of all, and as a ground of the rest, that a man loveth himselfe.

2. The law giveth instance of the more generall and notorious transgressions, such as at the first would be acknowledged of all: and therefore because perjurie is more generall, and more easily discerned, than blasphemie or heresie, under that the rest are understood.

3. The other festivals were memorials of particular benefits which concerned the Israelites onely, as the passeover and feast of Tabernacles, of their deliverance out of Egypt: but the Sabbath is a memoriall of the generall benefit of the creation, which concerneth all nations: therefore this precept concerning the Sabbath onely, of all other festivals was onely to be inserted in the morall law.

4. The love of parents toward their children, though it be naturall, yet the dutie of children toward their parents is more agreeable to the law of nature, and the contrary, namely, their disobedience more unnaturall, and therefore instance was to bee given in this rather than in the other: and beside, the names of father and sonne being Relatives, the duties of each toward other are reciprocall; and one may bee in∣ferred upon the other.

5. The concupiscence is expressely forbidden, rather than the first motion of anger and revenge: 1. Because it is harder to resist the motion of concupiscence than of rage and revenge, and wee are more apt to sinne by that than this. 2. Because the inward wrath and purpose of revenge, N••scitur ex concu∣piscibili, beginneth with a desire, for there are two things in revenge, ipsa persequnti••. id quod persequimur, that which we pursue, and pursuit it selfe: that which we pursue, we judge to be evill, and so hate it; but the action of pursuit, we thinke to be good, namely, to seeke revenge, and so we thinke it good, and desire it. Seeing then all kinde of coveting and desire is forbidden, even that also is included, from the which rage and revenge taketh beginning: but in the other kinde of coveting, when wee propound unto our selves an object of some delectable or profitable good; both the thing which is pursued with desire, is

judged good, and the action it selfe of pursuing it with desire. Sic fere Tostat. quast. 24. But the better an∣swer is, why the first motion of anger is not expressely forbidden, as of concupiscence, because anger ne∣ver riseth, but with the consent of the will, and therefore being a voluntarie motion, it belongeth to the other precept, Thou shalt not kill; but concupiscence, which is involuntarie, and hath not the full consent of the will, is forbidden in the tenth precept. See more of this difference before qu••st. 1.

QUEST. IX. Of the abrogation of the law.

NExt unto this question of the perfection of the law, it followeth to consider of the perpetuitie and continuance of it: for in some places the Scripture testifieth, that Christ came to fulfill the law, not to destroy it, Matth. 1.17. and some where againe it so speaketh, as though the law were abrogated, a•• Rom. 6.14. Yee are not under the law, but under grace: Heb. 7.12. If the priesthood be changed, there must of necessitie be a change of the law. For the solution hereof, thus much is to be added here, though this question partly be touched before.

* 1.461. First then, concerning the ceremoniall law, which was prescribed unto the Jewes, to be observed in the worship of God, it is wholly abrogated: 1. Because the bodie being come, the shadow must give place: but all those ceremonies, in their sacrifices, purifications, festivals, and the rest were shadowes, the bodie is Christ, Coloss. 2.17. Ergo. 2. Those ceremoniall observations were tied unto a certaine place; first, to the Tabernacle, then to the Temple of Salomon; but now the worship of God is not tied to any certaine place, as at Jerusalem, where the Temple was, Ioh. 4.21. 3. Other Sacraments are instituted in place of the old, as Baptisme and the Eucharist; therefore the old are abrogated. 4. The ceremonies did bind the observers to the keeping of the whole law, and the rites thereof: he which was circumcised was bound to keepe the whole law, Galath. 5.3. but we are not bound now to the whole law, from which bon∣dage Christ hath freed us. Ergo. 5. The ceremonies were a wall of partition and distinction betweene the Jewes and Gentiles; but now that distinction is taken away, all being one in Christ: therefore that wall whereby they were parted and distinguished, is removed also, Simler.

* 1.472. As touching the politike and judiciall lawes of Moses, neither doe they absolutely ••ind now: 1. Many of these lawes were peculiar to the policie of that Common-wealth, as the lawes concerning their inheritances and possessions, which were not to passe from tribe to tribe: and they shewed the fashions and manners of that countrie, as in building their houses with flat roofes, as Deut. 22.8. Of these positive constitutions, there is now no use among other nations. 2. The condition of all people is not alike: some are more stubborne and obstinate, some more civill and tractable, and therefore some have need of more strict and severe lawes than others: one kinde of politicke law then cannot serve for all na∣tions. 3. The Gospell which is perpetuall, prescribeth not a certaine forme of government to all nations, neither overthroweth their severall policies; but in generall commandeth obedience to all higher powers, Rom. 13.1. Ergo, much lesse the law, which was to be changed, Simler. But the judiciall law is not abro∣gated, Quoad substantiam. finem, & universalem ••quitatem, In respect of the substance, end, and universall equitie, which is in punishing of vice, and maintaining of peace, Bucanus. See more hereof, quest. 4. general. cap. 1.

* 1.483. The Morall law is not now in force, quoad justificationem, in respect of justification, Rom. 3.28. A man is justified by faith, without the works of the law; but it bindeth quoad obedientiam, In respect of obedience; we are bound to keepe all the precepts of the law: but yet quoad terrorem & modum obedien∣tiae, in respect of the terror of the law, and manner of obedience, which was to be obedient and subject unto it, for feare of punishment, wee are freed now from it: and therefore the Apostle saith, The law is not given to a righteous man, 1 Tim. 1.9. because they of love rather than feare, do yeeld their obedience, and so are a law unto themselves, Simler. But this is a privilege onely of the regenerate: As for carnall and unregenerate men, they are still under the curse and terror of the law, according to that saying, Cur∣sed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the booke of the law, to doe them, Bu••••••.

2. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the particular contents of this precept.

THou shalt not covet. First, the things commanded here are these: 1. Originall justice, which is an inclination and desire of the minde, to performe all duties unto our neighbour, Vrsin. 2. Diligent care and circumspection, even to take heed of the smallest sinnes, and to watch over the very thoughts: Prov. 3.23. Keepe thy heart with all diligence, for thereout commeth life, Basting.

Secondly, contrarie unto this precept: 1. Is originall corruption, which is the generall corruption and depravation of our nature, and that evill habit wherein wee are conceived and borne, as David saith, Behold I was borne in iniquitie, and in sinne hath my mother conceived me, Psal. 51.5. 2. All evill inclinati∣ons of the heart, whereby it is sollicited to doe any thing against the law of God: this evill concupiscent is of two sorts: it either hath principium internum, the beginning within, as is fleshly and carnall desire, or externum, without, by some externall object, which are the concupiscence of the eye, and pride of life, as the Apostle calleth them, 1 Ioh. 16. 3. And not onely these kinds of concupiscence, but all other phan∣tasies, and cogitations of the minde, which are contrarie to the law of God, are here restrained, Basting.

2. Doct. Of the severall properties of possessions and goods, and the distinction of callings.

FUrther, in that the Lord forbiddeth to covet our neighbours house, servant, &c. wee see the Lord establisheth and confirmeth hereby, both the severall rights in possessions, lands, and other substance: which right and propertie the Lord will not have violated, so much as in the concupiscence and inward desire: As also here it is evident, that the difference of callings, and distinction of degrees, as betweene master and servant, standeth with the will of God, as our blessed Saviour and his Apostles also every where teach, Simler.

3. Doct. The difference betweene divine and humane lawes.

HErein also is set forth an apparent difference betweene the law of God and the lawes of men: Lex humana judicat facta & dicta, divina judicat etiam cogitata; Mans law onely judgeth doings and sayings, but Gods law judgeth the very thoughts: and the reason hereof is, because man judgeth onely ac∣cording to the outward appearance and evidence, but the Lord seeth the heart, Thomas. And the per∣fection of Divinitie is hereby declared beyond Philosophie, which condemneth not the inward lusts and desires of the minde, neither holdeth a man for the same, whether they bee good or evill, to be worthie praise or dispraise: But the law of God striketh at the very root of evill actions, which is the inward con∣cupiscence and corruption of the heart.

4. Doct. Of the concupiscence of the soule, and of the flesh.

IT shall not bee amisse, here to insert Chrysostomes distinction of concupiscence. As wee have two na∣tures, one of the soule, the other of the flesh: so wee have two wils, one of the soule, the other of the flesh: habemus duas itas, & duas concupiscentias, &c. we have also two kinds of anger, and two kinds of concupiscence, one of the soule, the other of the flesh; the nature of the flesh cannot bee separated from all these: Necesse habet irasci, concupiscere, &c. It cannot chuse, but to be angrie, to covet, because it is sold under sinne: but the soule being created according to the justice of God, potest non irasci, &c. cannot bee angrie, nor covet; therefore when wee are angrie and covet, if wee displease ourselves, and represse these passions, it is manifest, that our flesh onely is angrie, and coveteth, and not the soule. Such kinde of passions then here are forbidden, wherein the soule consenteth with the flesh. To this purpose Chrysost. hom. 12. in Matth.

3. Places of controversie.

1. Conf. Against the Pelagians that denie concupiscence to be sinne.

FIrst we are here to deale against the Pelagians, who did hold concupiscentiam non esse peccatum▪ that concupiscence is not sinne: whose objections were these:

1. Object. Such things as are naturall, are not evill: but concupiscence is naturall, therefore it is not evill, nor consequently sinne.

Answ. This argument must be answered by a distinction: for by naturall here may be understood that which was made naturall in man by creation before his fall: and so the proposition is true, but the assump∣tion is false; for inordinate concupiscence and appetite was not in man before his fall: or it is taken for that which is now incident to mans corrupt nature since his fall, and so the assumption is true, but the proposition false.

2. Object. Even in our nature, as it now standeth corrupt, the appetite or desire to such things as tend to the conservation of nature, and to decline and shun the contrarie, are not evill: but such is the con∣cupiscence to meat and drinke, and such like, Ergo.

Answ. 1. Such motions and appetites of themselves are not evill, as they are naturall motions: but if they be inordinate motions, and exceed a just measure, they are evill: as to have an immoderate desire to meat or drinke. For as it was naturall in Eve to desire to eat of the fruit of the tree, yet to desire it against the Commandement of God, was evill: so is it with these naturall motions, if they bee immoderate and inordinate, they are evill. 2. There are other concupiscences beside these; which are neither naturall, nor tending to the conservation of nature: as coveting another mans house, or wife, &c. which can have no such excuse or preten••••.

3. Object. That which is not in mans power to avoid, is no sinne: but not to covet is not in mans power: Ergo, it is no sinne.

Answ. 1. The proposition is false: for sinne is not measured by the necessitie or libertie of nature, but by the disagreement which it hath with the will of God. 2. When God first printed the law in mans na∣ture before his fall, then were the precepts of God given unto man, in his power to keepe: though man by his voluntarie corruption hath lost his power and libertie, yet God forgoeth not his power and right of commanding. 4. But that concupiscence is sinne, it is both evident by this law, that would not forbid it unlesse it were sinne: and by the Apostle, who useth the same argument: I had not knowne sinne but by the law: for I had not knowne lust, except the law had said, Thou shalt not lust, Rom. 7.7. Vrsin.

2. Confut. Against the Papists, that denie concupiscence to be sinne in the regenerate.

SEcondly, the Papists are herein Semipelagians; who generally affirme and hold, that concupiscence remaining after baptisme, is not properly sinne, nor forbidden by commandement: Rhemist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rom. 6. sect. 6. So was it decreed in the Tridentine Synode, that concupiscence, non est vere & proprie peccatum in renatis, is not verily and properly a sinne in the regenerate, but that it is so called, quia ex pec∣cato est, & in peccatum inclinat, because it commeth of sinne, and inclineth to sinne: Session. 1. cap. 1. They object thus.

1. Object. Sinne maketh men guiltie before God of eternall death: but the regenerate are not guiltie of eternall death, therefore concupiscence in them is no sinne.

Answ. 1. By this reason there shall bee no sinne at all in the regenerate: for there is no condemnation at all to them that are in Christ Jesus. 2. Neither concupiscence, nor any sinne else shall condemne the regenerate: but that is not because concupiscence is no sinne, but that both it and all other sinnes are pardoned in Christ, and so not imputed.

2. Object. Originall sinne is taken away in Baptisme: therefore concupiscence in the regenerate is no sinne.

Answ. Originall sinne is not simply taken away in Baptisme, but onely quoad reatum, in respect of the guilt: and as the Schoolmen say, it is taken away formally in Baptisme, but not materially. There are two things to be considered in originall sinne: the disagreement or repugnancie which it hath with the law of God, and the guilt of the punishment. This latter way originall sinne is remitted and released in Bap∣tisme, it shall never be laid unto the charge of the faithfull: as S. Paul saith, Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods chosen, Rom. 8.33. But the other remaineth still in Gods children: as S. Paul confesseth of himselfe, Rom. 7.23. I see another law in my members rebelling against the law of my minde; but yet, though it remaine and have a being in the faithfull, it doth not reigne in them: as the same Apostle exhorteth, Rom. 6.12. Let not sinne reigne in your mortall bodie.

3. But that concupiscence is sinne in the very regenerate, it is evident by this precept, Thou shalt not covet: which commandement is given generally to all both the regenerate and unregenerate. S. Paul also calleth the rebellion of his flesh, which he felt in himselfe being now regenerate, the law of sinne, Rom. 7.23.25. And the Apostle speaketh to men regenerate, when he saith, Be renewed in the spirit of your minds, Ephes. 4.23. which renovation needed not, if concupiscence in them were no sinne.

4. But that place of Augustine will bee objected: Quamvis insint, dum sumus in corpore mortis hujus, peccati desideria, &c. Although while we are in the bodie of this death, there be in us the desire of sinne: yet if we should give assent to none of them, non esset unde diceremus, &c. dimitte debita nostra, we should have no cause to say to our heavenly Father, Forgive us our debts, &c. August. epist. 200.

Answ. 1. Augustine must be understood to speake of actuall sinnes: that if so men had grace never to consent to their concupiscence, they should not need to pray for remission of such sinnes. 2. And who is there that liveth, who sometime is not carried away with concupiscence, to give assent unto it? So that, if Augustine should speake generally of all sinne, yet his speech being conditionall, if we should give ass•••• to none of them, and that condition being kept of none, this proveth not concupiscence not to bee sinne. See more of this controversie, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 16.

3. Confut. That no concupiscence is a veniall sinne in it selfe.

THirdly, Thomas Aquin his assertion commeth here to be examined: Not a quòd cupiditas tun•• est pec∣catum mortale, quando sine ratione, &c. Note that concupiscence is then mortall sinne, when as the things of our neighbours are coveted without reason: but when they are reasonably desired, it is veniall, Thomas in opuscul.

Contra. 1. This distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes, being understood in their sense, that some sinnes in the condition and qualitie thereof are mortall, some veniall, is contrarie to the Scripture, which maketh death the wages of sinne, Rom. 6.23. that is, of all: but to the faithfull, through Gods grace, all sinnes are veniall, and shall never be laid unto their charge: and so no concupiscence is mortall. 2. There can be no reasonable coveting of another mans things: for reason is grounded upon the law of nature: against the which such concupiscence is: therefore the coveting of our neighbours goods, being a trans∣gression of this morall precept, is in it owne nature mortall: but through Gods mercie in Christ, both it and all other sinnes to the faithfull are veniall and pardonable, and not otherwise.

4. Confut. That Marie was not void of originall sinne and concupiscence.

FUrther, Thomas Aquin hath another position: Post peccatum propter corruptionem nullus evadit con∣cupiscentiam praeter Christus & virgo gloriosa, &c. After sinne entred, because of corruption none can escape concupiscence, beside Christ and the glorious Virgin: Thom. in opuscul. So the Rhemists All men are borne in sinne, Christ onely excepted, and his mother for his honour, Annotat. Rom. 5. sect. 9.

Contra. 1. The Apostle saith, Rom. 3.19. Whatsoever the law saith, it saith to them which are under the law, that every mouth may be stopped, and all the world be culpable before God. But Mary was under the law, and culpable before God as others were: Ergo, the law also saith to her, Thou shalt not covet.

2. Againe, the same Apostle saith: The law was our schoolmaster to bring us to Christ, that we might be made righteous by faith, Galath. 3.24▪ But Mary was made righteous by faith, for shee calleth Christ her Saviour in her song, Luk. 1.47. Therefore the law also was a schoolmaster to her to bring her to Christ.

3. S. Paul further saith, Ephes. 2.3. We were by nature the children of wrath as well as others: He speaketh generally of all the faithfull: therefore even Mary was by nature the childe of wrath; and consequently borne in originall sinne.

4. Divers infirmities are discovered in Scripture in the Virgin Mary; as Luk. 2.48. her finding fault with Christ: Matth. 12.46. her interrupting of Christ in his sermon: Ioh. 2.2. her prescribing of the time to Christ to shew a miracle in turning the water into wine: when Christ rebuked her, saying: Woman, what have I to doe with thee? All these infirmities doe shew that Mary was not void of originall sinne. And therefore upon these reasons and testimonies of Scripture we inferre, that Mary was conceived and borne in sinne as others are, and Christ onely is excepted: of whom onely the Apostle saith, He was in all things tempted in like sort, yet without sinne, Heb. 4.15. As Origen also well saith, Solus Christus sine macula: Onely Christ was without spot: Homil. 1. in Levit. See more also of this question, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 79.

5. Confut. Against the Romanists, that it is impossible in this life to keepe the law of God.

NOw whereas the law restraineth the very inward concupiscence and corrupt desire: herein appeareth the perfection of the law, and how impossible it is for any in this life to keepe the law of God per∣fectly: as the Apostle saith, Rom. 7.14. We know that the law is spirituall, but I am carnall sold under sinne. There are two reasons, why it is not possible to keepe the law: both because it is spirituall, not restraining onely the externall act, but the internall spirituall motions, and so is a most perfect rule of righteousnesse; and for that we are on the other side imperfect, full of weaknesse and corruption, and carnall. Here then is discovered another error of the Romanists, That the precepts and commandements of God unto a man justi∣fied, and in the state of grace, are not impossible to be kept: Concil. Trident. sess. 6. can. 18. First then the truth concerning this point, shall briefly be opened: and then their objections answered.

First, here we are to consider a fourefold state and condition of man: 1. As he was created in a perfit state before his fall, when it was possible for man to have kept the law, and to have conformed himselfe in perfit obedience to the will of his Creator. 2. But man considered in his corrupt nature, before he be re∣generate and restored, can by no meanes keepe the law: as the Prophet saith, Can the blacke moore change his skinne, or the Leopard his spots? then may yee also doe good, that are accustomed to doe evill; Iere. 13.23. So the Apostle, Whatsoever is not of faith, is sinne, Rom. 14.23. And, We are not able of our selves to thinke any thing, 2 Cor. 3.5.

3. In the restored estate of man by regeneration and new birth, the law is partly possible to bee kept,* 1.49 partly impossible. It is possible two wayes: first by the imputation of the righteousnesse of Christ, who hath fulfilled the law for us: for he needed not fulfill it for himselfe, as hee suffered not for himselfe: for he was perfitly holy and just, even from his conception, communicatione justitiae divinae, by the communi∣cation of the divine justice: Marbach. So the Apostle saith, Rom. 10.4. Christ is the end of the law (that is, the fulfilling of the law) for righteousnesse to every one that beleeveth.

Secondly, the law is possible to be kept of the regenerate, Quo ad inchoationem obedientia internae & ex∣terna, in respect of the inchoation or beginning of obedience internall and externall: as the Apostle saith, This is the love of God, that we keepe his commandements, 1 Ioh. 5.3. For he which without this begin∣ning of righteousnesse, that is, without regeneration, saith he knoweth and serveth God, is a liar, Vrsin. This regeneration and inchoate obedience, being wrought in the faithfull by the Spirit of God, though it doe not wolly extirpate and root out sinne, yet it keepeth it so under, that it reigne not in them: and it so renueth them, that they labour to resist sinne, and to live according to the law of God: which obedience though it bee in it selfe imperfect, yet is it accepted of God by faith in Christ, in whose perfect righteous∣nesse, whatsoever is imperfect in our obedience, is perfected, and our imperfections pardoned, Marbach.

Yet even in the regenerate the law is impossible to be kept, in respect of that perfection which God re∣quireth:* 1.50 and therefore the Prophet David saith, Psal. 143.3. Enter not into judgement with thy servant, for in thy sight shall none that liveth be justified. 1. The faithfull doe both imperfectly keepe the law, com∣mitting many things against it: 2. Even in those things wherein they keepe the law, they have some im∣perfections, as the Prophet Isay saith, 64.6. All our righteousnesse is as a stained clout, Vrsin.

But there is great difference betweene the regenerate and unregenerate, even when they sinne.* 1.51 1. Gods purpose standeth to save the Elect, though they sometime slip; so is it not with the other. 2. Their repen∣tance in the end is certaine; so is it not in the unregenerate. 3. Even in the sinnes of the regenerate there remaineth yet some seed of faith, which is not utterly extinguished, nor they wholly given over: but the wicked and unregenerate are wholly sold over unto sinne, and their very conscience is pol∣luted, Vrsin.

4. In the glorious state of the Saints in the next life, the obedience of the Saints shall bee perfect, and they shall wholly be conformable to the will of God: and then we shall be just, not onely by the imputa∣tive justice of Christ, sed propria essentiali justitia, but by a proper essentiall justice, and then we shall fully be made like to the image of Christ, as the Apostle saith, Rom. 8.29. Those which he knew before, he also predestinate, to be made like the image of his Sonne, Marbach. Now the contrarie objections are these:

1. Object. The works of the Spirit are perfect: but good works in the regenerate are the works of the Spirit: therefore they are perfect.

Answ. This argument proceedeth from that which is simpliciter, simplie and absolutely said to bee of the Spirit, to that, which secundum quid, after a sort is of the Spirit: the works of the faithfull are not absolutely the works of the Spirit: but they are so the works of the Spirit, as they be also our works: so they are pure, as they proceed of the Spirit, but impure and imperfect, as they are wrought by man.

2. Object. They which are conformable to the image of Christ, have perfect works; The faithfull are conformable in this life to the image of Christ: Ergo.

Answ. The proposition is true onely of those which are perfectly conformable: but so are not the faithfull in this life, but onely in part, as the Apostle saith, 1 Cor. 13.12. Now I know in part: and as our knowledge is, so is our obedience, both imperfect.

3. Object. There is no condemnation to the faithfull, Rom. 8.1. therefore their works are perfect.

Answ. The argument followeth not, for the privilege of the faithfull, and their exemption from con∣demnation, dependeth not upon the perfection of their works, but upon the perfection of Christs righ∣teousnesse imputed to them by faith.

4. Object. Christ at his comming shall render unto every one according to his works: but it standeth not with Gods justice, to give a perfect reward unto imperfect works, therefore the works of the regene∣rate, because they shall be perfectly rewarded, are perfect.

Answ. 1. The obedience of the faithfull shall bee perfectly rewarded, not according to the law of works, but according to the law of faith, whereby the righteousnesse of Christ is imputed, and is rewarded in them, being theirs by faith, as fully as if it were their owne. 2. Yet Christ shall judge also according to their works, not as causes of the reward, but as testimonies, and lively arguments of their faith, Vrsin.

5. Object. The Scripture ascribeth perfection to the works of the Saints, as it is said of Noah, Gen. 6.9. that he was a just and perfect man in his time: so Hezekiah saith, 2 King. 20.3. I have walked before thee with a perfect heart.

Answ. 1. These and the like sayings must be understood, de perfectione partium, non graduum, of the perfection of the parts of obedience, not of the degree of perfection: that is, the faithfull doe exercise their obedience in every part of the law, but not in a perfect degree or measure. 2. They are said to bee perfect, in comparison onely of such as were weake and imperfect. 3. And further, their sinceritie and perfection is understood, as being opposite unto dissimulation and hypocrisie, that their heart was perfect toward the Lord, that is, unfained, without any dissimulation: in which sense the Prophet David saith, Iudge me according to mine innocencie, Psal. 7.8.

6. Object. The Apostle saith, Whosoever is borne of God sinneth not, 1 Iohn 3.9. the faithfull then, being borne of God, sinne not.

Answ. The Apostle understandeth here, not the dwelling of sinne, but the reigning of sinne, for other∣wise he should be contrarie to himselfe, who had said before, chap. 1.8. If we say we have no sinne, we de∣ceive our selves, and the truth is not in us: They which are borne of God sinne not, that is, sinne, though it remaine in them, it reigneth not in them, as S. Paul saith, Though we walke in the flesh, we doe not warre after the flesh, Vrsin.

* 1.527. It is evident then, that the law was not given to justifie men thereby, as the Apostle saith, Rom. 3.20. Therefore by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified in his sight, for by the law commeth the knowledge of sinne. This then is the end and use of the law: 1. It sheweth what God is, one that loveth justice, and hateth iniquitie: 2. It is as a glasse, wherein we may see that image, after the which man was at the first created, which now is defaced in him by sinne: 3. It is a rule and line, after the which wee should square out our life and actions: 4. It sheweth the corruption of our nature, and so is as a schoolemaster to bring us to Christ, Marbach. So Augustine saith, Hac est utilitas legis, ut hominem de sua infirmitate convincat, & gratiae medicinam, quae in Christo est, implorare compellat. This is the profit of the law, to convince man of his infirmitie, and to drive him to seeke the medicine of grace in Christ, Epist. 200.

6. Confut. That the Morall law nor any precept thereof may be by humane authoritie dispensed with.

THere remaineth yet one point to be discussed, whether any of the precepts of the Morall law may be by humane authoritie dispensed withall: wherein the Popes Canonists have heretofore given unto their terrene god an infinite and unreasonable power: for these were their conclusions, that a 1.53 Papa potest dispensare contra jus divinum; The Pope may dispense against the law of God: a 1.54 contra jus natura, against the law of nature: a 1.55 contra novum Testamentum, against the new Testament: a 1.56 contra Apostolum, against the Apostle. Papa potest dispensare de omnibus praeceptis veteris & novi Testamenti; The Pope may dis∣pense with all the precepts of the old and new Testament, &c. But herein I preferre the judgement of Tostatus, a moderate writer of that side, who denieth unto the Pope any such authoritie, and answereth the contrarie objections.

1. Object. As among men, the Law-maker may dispense with his law, so God that gave the Morall law, is therefore above the law, and may dispense with it: and if God may dispense, then the Prelates of the Church consequently may dispense, because they are in Gods stead.

Answ. First to the proposition this may bee answered: 1. That in humane lawes which tend unto the common good, the preservation of the publike state, the maintenance of peace, and of justice, the Law-giver himselfe cannot so dispense, as to overthrow the end of those lawes: as that it shall be lawfull to disturbe the publike state, or such like; for this were to evert the very scope and end of the law: but yet in particular cases he may dispense; as where an order is, that every one shall watch, which is in∣tended for the good of the Citie: yet some may be dispensed withall, and exempted from watching, who may more necessarily bee employed for the common good: for here, although the letter of the law bee not precisely kept, yet the intention of the Law-maker is observed, which is to seeke and procure the com∣mon good.

So likewise: 1. Universally the Lord himselfe neither will nor can dispense against his law:* 1.57 as to make it lawfull to have other gods, to take Gods name in vaine, and such like: for this were for God to denie himselfe to be just, which were to deny himselfe: but the Apostle saith, God is faithfull, and cannot denie himselfe, 2 Tim 2.13. but to make it lawfull in generall, to violate the precepts of the first and second Table, were to denie his owne justice, and so consequently to denie himselfe: for God is most just, yea justice it selfe, and the law is a perfect rule of justice.

2. Yet in the particular determinations of the law, the Lord doth dispense, as with Abrahams sacri∣ficing of his sonne, the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians, the fornication of Ose the Prophet: for the will of God which is most just, and the right which he hath in the lives, bodies, and goods of men, maketh these things lawfull, being done by the Commandement of God, which otherwise should bee unlawfull: for as a man may use his Oxe, or his Asse at his pleasure, because they are ordained to his use: so the Lord may doe with men, take away their lives at his pleasure, and that by a double right; both because man by his sinne hath deserved to die, and God as Creator may use the creature as it may best serve to his glorie. And as a man may use his owne goods, and that which is lent unto a man, precari••, freely and frankly, during the pleasure of the lender, he may when he will require againe: so the earth being the Lords and the fulnesse thereof, which he as it were lendeth unto man so long as it pleaseth him: the Lord may justly at his pleasure transferre things from one to another. So likewise in the third case of fornication: like as matrimony maketh carnall copulation lawfull, so the Lord may, tale vinculum inducere, by his commandement bring in and supplie the like bond, as matrimonie is, as when he commanded the Prophet to take him a wife of fornications, Hose 1.3. the commandement of God made that lawfull, which other∣wise was unlawfull.

3. But as God can make that which seemeth unjust, to be lawfull and just: so yet can he not make a just and good act to be evill and wicked; as that he which worshippeth God aright, doth evill, or such like; and the reason is, because God by this meanes should bee contrarie to himselfe, in commanding one so to worship him, and yet to count him, so worshipping him, to doe evill. Againe, Impossibile est Deum facere quae non potest velle, It is impossible for God to doe that hee cannot will: now the Lord willeth none evill to be done, therefore hee cannot make that which is good to be evill, because he cannot denie himselfe, who is onely good.

4. Further a difference is to be made betweene the precepts of the first and secood Table: God doth dispense with the precepts of the second, which are referred to the good of our neighbour, when he seeth it more to make for his owne glorie, which is the chiefe end and scope of the duties of the first and second Table; as when God commandeth to dishonour parents, rather than to dishonour him, and biddeth any kill, and so in the rest: but with the precepts of the first Table God dispenseth not, because they are im∣mediately referred to Gods glory, for that were to consent to the dishonouring of himselfe. And thus much for the answer to the first part of the argument.

Secondly, it followeth not, if God can dispense, that therefore the Prelates of the Church may:* 1.58 1. Because the dispensation against a law must bee by as great authoritie as the law was first made by: but the morall law grounded upon the law of nature, was founded by the Author and Creator of nature, and therefore by him onely, and not by any else may it be dispensed with. 2. As in naturall effects, ordina∣rily there must goe before a naturall cause; as a thing cannot be made hot, unlesse fire or some other effi∣cient cause of heat be put unto it: so that the Pope himselfe cannot command a thing to bee hot, but by such efficient cause of heat: yet the Lord without any such mediate or ordinarie cause can make a thing hot, by his infinite power supplying that cause himselfe: so likewise in spirituall actions, the Lord may sup∣plie that which maketh the thing lawfull, which man cannot doe, unlesse some externall cause or circum∣stance doe concurre, which maketh the act lawfull: As to kill is an unlawfull act in it selfe, neither can the Pope or any other make it lawfull to kill, unlesse there be some cause, that maketh it lawfull to kill, as when the partie commanded to be slaine hath deserved to die. But God, to whom all men are debters, and who is the Lord of every mans life, may command to kill without any injustice: although there be no such apparent cause or circumstance, which should make that act lawfull.

2. Object. Further it is objected thus, to restore that which is committed to a mans trust, is a naturall dutie: yet this is dispensed with, when as a man refuseth to restore to a mad man his sword or weapon, which he gave one to keepe: so the Magistrate ordinarily dispenseth with that precept, Thou shalt not kill, when he commandeth malefactors to be slaine: so the Macchabees dispensed with the Sabbath, when they resolved to fight with their enemies upon the Sabbath, 1 Macchab. chap. 2. as these precepts are dispensed withall by men, so also may the rest.

Answ. 1. For the first instance, there is in that particular case no dispensation against the law of na∣ture, for then by such dispensation it should bee made lawfull not to restore that which is committed to trust, which cannot bee made lawfull by any dispensation, for this were to crosse and overthrow the law of nature: but not to restore a sword to a furious man, is but a particular interpretation of that generall law of nature, wherein the intent of that law is kept: for it is agreeable to the law of nature, to render whatsoever belongeth to another, and the reason thereof is, because it is just: so it is lawfull by the same law nothwithstanding, not to give unto a mad man his owne sword, because it is just also; the meaning and reason of the law is kept, because the furious man would doe some hurt with his weapon, and there∣fore to minister occasion and instruments unto his rage were unjust.

2. In the other two particulars there is no dispensation, but an interpretation rather, or declaration of the law: in the first, that it is no murther, when one is justly slaine; and in the other, that it is no breach of

the Sabbath, when necessitie compelleth to breake the rest thereof. 1. This were a dispensation, to make it lawfull to kill, where one cannot justly be put to death; and to worke upon the Sabbath, where there is no necessitie. 2. And a dispensation maketh that lawfull afterward, which was not before such dispen∣sation: but it was alwayes lawfull both for the Magistrate to put to death, and upon like necessitie to in∣termit, or suspend the rest of the Sabbath. 3. Beside, these interpretations and declarations of these lawes are not devised by man, but warranted in Scripture by the Lord himselfe, the maker and author of the law, and therefore they are not interposed by any humane authoritie, Tostat. quast. 35.

4. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Why covetousnesse is to be taken heed of.

THou shalt not covet, &c. Men must not onely withdraw their hands from taking their neighbours goods, but restraine their inward coveting and desire, and that for these reasons: 1. Propter concu∣piscentiae infinitatem, because concupiscence is infinite, the desire of the covetous is never satisfied, as Isay 5.8. They joyne house to house, &c. till there be no more place. 2. Aufert quietem, it taketh away quiet∣nesse, Eccles. 5.11. The sati••••ie of the rich will not suffer him to sleepe. 3. Facit divitias inutiles, it maketh riches unprofitable: Hee that loveth riches, shall be without the fruit thereof, Eccles. 5.9. 4. Tollit justiti•• ••quitatem, it hindreth justice: For rewards doe blind the wise, and pervert the words of the just, Exod. 23. 5. Necat charitatem, it killeth charitie both of God and our neighbour: therefore the Prophet saith, Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh, Isay 58.7. The covetous despiseth his brother, who is as his owne flesh, 6. Producit omnem iniquitatem, it bringeth forth all iniquitie, as S. Paul saith, 1 Tim. 6.10. The desire of money is the root of all evill, Thom. in opuscul.

2. Observ. Of the remedies against concupiscence.

THe remedies against concupiscence are these: Basil assigneth these two: 1. Si cogitaveris, quòd dissol∣vendus es in terram, cessabit insana concupiscentia, &c. If thou bethinke thy selfe, that thou shalt bee dissolved into earth, unsound concupiscence will cease. 2. Meliorum desiderium minora cogit contem••ere; The desire of better things will make thee contemne the lesse: as the love to the Word of God, which is more to be desired than gold, will withdraw our love from earthly things, Basil. in regula. Thomas Aqui•• addeth foure remedies beside. 3. Occasiones exteriores fugiendo, By shunning all externall occasions, as Iob made a covenant with his eyes, chap. 31.1. 4. Cogitationibus aditum non praebendo, In giving no way to the thoughts, as by humbling and afflicting the bodie, as S. Paul did, 1 Corinth. 9.27. 5. Orationibus insistendo, By applying prayer, as our blessed Saviour saith, that even devils may bee cast out by fasting and prayer, Matth. 17.21. 6. Licitis occupationibus insistendo, &c. By being alwayes well occupied, for idlenesse brought the Sodomites to lust, it was one of their sinnes, Ezech. 16.49. Thom. in opuscul.

3. Observ. How the Lord hath punished the transgressors of his law.

THou shalt not covet.] In the last place I will shew, how the Lord hath punished and judged the trans∣gressors of this precept, and likewise of the rest. The punishment then which is due for the transgres∣sion of the law is either divine or humane. The humane is that which is inflicted by the lawes of men, which are divers, according to divers usages of countries and conditions of people, among whom one vice may reigne more than another, and so more severitie is required. But this defect generally is found in humane censures; that the transgressions of the second table are more severely punished than those of the first: and those in the second, which doe concerne mans outward state, as theft, are more straightly pu∣nished than adulterie, which Augustine found fault with in his time: and he giveth this reason of this partialitie: Quia id pejus credimus, quod huic vitae nocet: Because we thinke that the worse or greater evill, which hurteth this life: Lib. de Mendac. cap. 9.

The divine punishment is of two sorts, it is either temporall in this life, or eternall in the next. And for the first, where humane lawes are silent or connivent, in censuring the sinnes of men, yet the divine justice sheweth it selfe: As now shall appeare in this particular enumeration of divers presidents and ex∣amples of Gods severitie, exercised and shewed upon the transgressors of his law.

1. Pharaoh is set forth as an example of an Atheist and prophane person, who would not acknowledge the God of Israel, but said, I know not the Lord, neither will I let Israel goe, Exod. 5.2. who manifestly trans∣gressed the first precept: his end was to be drowned in the red Sea.

2. Senacherib, a most grosse Idolater, as he was worshipping his Idoll Nisroch in the temple, was slaine of his two sonnes, 2 King. 19.37.

3. He which blasphemed the name of the Lord in the host of Israel, was by the Lords commandement stoned to death, Levit. 24.11.

4. The man also which gathered sticks upon the Sabbath, because he did it with an high hand, and is contempt, was stoned by Gods appointment, Numb. 15.31.

5. Abshalom, both a disobedient childe to his father, and a rebell against his Prince, was hanged by the haire of the head, and stricken through with darts: and so is made a spectacle unto all stubborne children, and rebellious subjects, that such should expect the like judgement at Gods hand.

6. Cain, for killing his innocent brother, was cast out of Gods presence, and made a runnagate upon the face of the earth. Cruell Abimelech as he slew 70. of his brethren upon one stone, so his braines were dasht out with a stone, Iudg. 9.

7. Ammon an incestuous person, was slaine by the procurement of his owne brother Abshalom, for the deflouring of his sister Thamar, 2 Sam. 13. That whore and strumpet Iezabel was eaten and devoured of dogges, 1 King. 21.23. 2 King. 9.22.35. And as adulterie is an abomination to the Lord, the punishment whereof God reserveth to himselfe, where the Magistrates hand is not extended: as the Apostle saith, Heb. 13.4. Whoremongers and adulterers God will judge: So the sinne of drunkennesse and glut••onie shall not escape the stroke of Gods hand, as being the nurserie and seminarie of filthinesse and uncleane lust.

Drunken Nabal for that sinne, and others joyned withall, was smitten of the Lord, and died, 1 Sam. 25.38. And that rich Glutton, who pampred himselfe, but was mercilesse toward poore Lazarus, was tormented in hell, Luk. 16.

And here I cannot omit to make mention of a strange judgement of God shewed of late upon three persons for this sinne of excessive drinking; which happened upon the 27. day of December last,* 1.59 being the Lords day, next after the Nativitie, in the towne of little Ashen, or Eason in Essex, in the house of a worshipfull Knight there dwelling. The manner of it was this: One Thomas Rugesby, a servant of the house, with another that was a Retainer, and a youth about the age of thirteene yeeres, did in the after∣noone withdraw themselves into a private chamber, taking with them strong Beere, Aqua vita, Rosa solis, Tobacco; and shut the doore close, that they might be privat, and take their fill of drinke without con∣trolement: who so excessively and immoderatly distempered themselves with drinke, that they in most beastly manner vomited it up againe: two of them, the servant of the house and the youth, were in vomi∣ting strangled, and were found dead in the morning; the first sitting in his chaire, the other lying upon the bed: that which they cast up, being by the cold of the night frozen to their mouths: the third, the Retainer, was taken up in the morning, wallowing up and downe in his vomit, and in a manner halfe dead, whom they had much adoe to recover. This example would not bee forgotten, but carefully bee laid up in remembrance, that other excessive takers of drinke, and wanton abusers of plentie (which sinnes doe now every where overflow) might receive warning thereby, and judge themselves by repentance, and leaving their sinne in time, lest they be suddenly overtaken by Gods judgements in like manner.

8. For stealing, Achan may bee an example, who for his theft and sacrilege, was with throwing of stones put to death, and that by the Lords extraordinarie direction, in causing him to bee found by lot, Iosh••. 7.

2. For lying, the fearefull examples of Ananias and Sapphira, would be thought upon, who were for that sinne striken with sudden death, Act. 5.

10. For coveting of Sara Abrahams wife, both Pharaoh King of Egypt, and Abimelech King of Gerar were punished of God, Gen. 12. and 20. though they were prevented of God, and kept from com∣mitting adulterie.

Thus it pleaseth God to exemplifie some, that others might take heed. But here concerning the tem∣porall judgements in this life, these three observations are necessarie: 1. That they which are temporally punished, are not alwayes to be deemed the worst of all others, though it please the Lord to make them examples to others: as our blessed Saviour saith of the Galileans, whose bloud Pilate mingled with their sacrifice, and of those eighteene persons, upon whom the tower of Siloam fell in Jerusalem, that they were not greater sinners than the rest, but except yee repent (saith he) yee shall all likewise perish. 2. God neither punisheth all such offenders in this life, for then men would expect no judgement to come: neither doth he suffer all to go unpunished, lest worldly men might be altogether secure; and denie in their hearts the divine providence: as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 10.13. Wherefore doth the wicked contemne God? he saith in his heart, thou wilt not regard. 3. That they which goe on still in their sinne without punishment, should not flatter themselves: for there remaineth a greater judgement behind: and there is more hope of them which are chastised in this world. So the Apostle saith: Thou after thine hardnesse, and heart that cannot repent, heapest unto thy selfe wrath against the day of wrath, and the declaration of the just judgement of God, Rom. 2.5.

The other kinde of judgement is in the next world: as the Apostle sheweth, 1 Cor. 6.9. Be not deceived, neither fornicators, nor Idolaters, nor adulterers, nor wantons, nor buggerers, nor theeves, nor drunkards, nor railers, nor extortioners shall inherit the kingdome of God: and such were some of you, but yee are washed, but ye are sanctified, &c. Adde hereunto the like sentence and declaration of Gods judgement upon the wicked: Revelat. 21.8. But the fearefull and unbeleeving, the abominable, and murtherers, whoremongers, and sorce∣rers, and idolaters, and all liars shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone, which is the second death. This so heavie a sentence there is no way to escape, but in being washed from these sinnes by repentance, sanctified by newnesse of life, and justified by faith in Christ. And thus much of this treatise of the law, which by Gods grace I have thus happily finished.

3. Questions and doubts discussed out of the rest of this 20. Chapter.

QUEST. I. In what sense the people are said to have seene the voyces, which are properly heard and not seene.

Vers. 18. ANd all the people saw the thunders, &c. 1. Some thinke that by sight here is understood the hearing, because it is usuall with the Hebrewes to take one sense for another, Vatabl. But the sight is no more taken for hearing, than to heare for the seeing. 2. Ambrose referreth it to the under∣standing: Interioris mentis videtur obt••tu: It was seene by the inward sight of the minde: like as our

Saviour saith, Hee that hath seene me, hath seene my Father, Iob. 14.9. Ambros. pro••••m. in Luc. So also Hierome will have it like unto that saying of S. Iohn, 1. epist. chap. 1.1. That which we have heard, which we have seene with our eyes, &c. of the word of life: Hierom. in Abdiam. But seeing Moses speaketh of outward objects of the externall sense, as of thunder, lightning, he meaneth also the sense, unto the which such things are objected. 3. Ferus thinketh, that herein ostenditur oscitantia populi, the carelesnesse of the people is shewed, who more regarded that which they saw, than the voyce which they heard: and there∣fore they are said rather to see than heare. But it seemeth that the people well regarded the voyce of God, because presently after they desire that Moses might speake unto them, and not the Lord any more. 4. Procopius thinketh, that it is said they saw, because of the evidence thereof, as if they had seene it with their eyes: as it is said, Amos 1.1. The words of Amos, &c. which hee saw, &c. Deus Prophetarum oculis res subjicit tanta evidentia, ac si oculis cernerent, &c. God doth so evidently set things before the eyes of the Prophets (that is, their inward sight) as though they saw them with their eyes. But this was not done in vision, as the Lord spake to his Prophets, here was a sensible demonstration. 5. Augustine therefore thinketh, Videre hic poni pro generali sensu, tam animi, quam corporis: That to see is here put for the ge∣nerall sense both of the minde and bodie: because Moses would speake compendiously: so we use to say, vide quid sonet, see what soundeth: so also is it taken for other senses: as Christ saith to Thomas, Be∣cause thou hast seene me thou beleevest, whereas Thomas touched him, Tract. 121. super Ioann. The rea∣son hereof is, Quia visus primatum obtinet, in sensibus intermiscetur omnibus: Because the sight is the chiefe among the senses, it is as intermingled among them all: Interlinear. And, Sensus visus plures rerum diffe∣rentias nobis ostendit, &c. Because the sense of the sight doth more distinguish things, than any other sense: for other senses doe shew but the differences of their owne objects; as the hearing the distinction of sounds: but the sight sheweth how one thing is discerned from another, whether by colour, quantitie, number, fashion, and divers other wayes, Tostat. Therefore the sense of seeing is taken in generall for the rest, but not in particular for any one sense, but as sensus conjuncti sunt in communi sensu, as the senses are joyned toge••her in the common sense: Borrhaius. And so here to see is taken for percipere to perceive: Iun. The people saw these voyces, that is, perceived them. So also Cajetane: Videre pro certa n••titia ad sensum quocunque sensu saepe ponitur: To see is often put for that knowledge which commeth by any of the senses. So also Simlerus. 6. The Interlinearie Glosse hereupon giveth this note: Nos doctorum ••••••es audientes oculum mentis dirigere debemus: We also when we heare the voyce of the learned, must also di∣rect the eye of the minde: as here the people are said to have seene these voyces.

QUEST. II. What is meant here by voices, whether the thunder or other voices.

THe thunder and the lightning. The word is koloth, voices: 1. which some doe take for those voices and words which were uttered and framed by the Angels: and hereupon Tostatus taketh occasion to shew at large how the Angels are said to speake and expresse the voice as of man: which sometime they doe by assuming humane shape, sometime by framing other organes and instruments in the aire apt to make sounds: but neither of these wayes doe the Angels expresse conceptiones su as modo naturali, sed per modum artis, their conceits by any naturall meane, but as it were after the manner of art: as men doe use organes and instruments of musicke: Tostat. quaest. 36. All this discourse of Tostatus here is superfluous: for by voyces here are understood the thunders, as the word koloth is taken, chap. 19.16. and because of the other word which is adjoyned lamps or lightnings: and so read here and understand: Vata••. Iun. Montan. Cajetan. Lippoman. Simler.

2. Basil understandeth this of the voice of God: Quae non per aures verberato extrinsecus acre appre∣henditur, &c. sed arcano modo insonante voluntate divina: Which is not apprehended by the outward beating of the aire on the eares, but by the secret sounding and intimating of the will of God: in Psal. 28. But it is evident by the storie, that this was a sensible sound, which all the people heard, and were astonied at it: as the Apostle sheweth, Hebr. 12.19. which they that heard excused themselves.

3. Moses here setteth not downe all which the people saw: for there were foure terrible things be∣side: fire, which burned up to the middest of heaven, darknesse, clouds, and mist, Deut. 4.11. The thicke clouds were above the mountaine, from whence might proceed the thunder and lightning: and upon the mountaine it selfe was seene the fire mixed with smoake and darknesse, thorow the which the fire shined, Cajetan.

QUEST. III. Whether there were a sound of the trumpet beside the voices.

ANd the sound of a trumpet. 1. Tostatus thinketh that the voices before spoken of, and the sound of the trumpet, were not two distinct things, but one and the same: for otherwise the trumpet would have hindred the people from hearing the voices, if they had come together: they are therefore called voices, and a sound of a trumpet, because the Angels by the sound of a trumpet did expresse words and voices: Tostat. qu. 37. 2. But that there were words uttered beside the sound of a trumpet, it is evident c. 19.16. where the sound of a trumpet was heard, before the Lord began to deliver the law: and vers 19. When the sound of the trumpet blew long, &c. Moses spake, and God answered him by voice. Likewise the Apostle maketh mention of them as of two distinct things, Heb. 12.19. Ye are not come, &c. unto the sound of the trump•••• and the voice of words. And yet the voice was uttered in a loud sound, as of a trumpet: as Iohn saith, hee heard a great voice, as if it had beene of a trumpet, Revel. 1.10. There might bee then a double kinde of sounding the trumpet: one without any expressing of voice, which sounded before the Lord

spake, and ceased all the while the Law was uttered, and after began againe: the other sound of the trum∣pet was that whereby the Lords voice was sounded out, when he delivered the Law. It is like also that some of these ceased while the Lord was in speaking, as the thunder; and the loud sound of the trumpet: for otherwise it might have beene a lot to the peoples hearing: and after the Lord had finished and made an end, then the thunder begun to be heard againe, with the sound of the trumpet: like as it is the manner of Princes to have a trumpet blowne before their edict•• are proclaimed, and afterward•• to cause it to be sounded againe, Simler.

QUEST. IV. Of the feare of the people, and their going backe.

Vers. 18. ANd they fled, or moved themselves, and stood afarre off. 1. The Latine readeth 〈…〉〈…〉 & timore percussi: they were terrified, and smitten with feare: the Septuagint read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they feared: Chal. they trembled: Vatab. vacillabant, they waved: whereupon Tostatus maketh thes•• degrees of feare: that first the minde doth timere, is said to feare▪ when any evill is expected: then terr••r••, it beginneth to be terrified, cum conturbatur, when it is troubled with the expectation of any evill: but then we are said ••••m••re, to tremble, when totus corporis status vacilla••, when the body it selfe and all the joynts doe shake for feare. But this distinction of feare is here our of his place: for though this giving backe of the people proceeded from feare: yet the word ••••••gh here signifieth to move; they moved then and fled from their place; and the next words doe confirme this sense, They stood afarre off. 2. Here wee see two operations of the Law, the one terrorem incut••t, it striketh feare because of sinne: then ho∣minem retrocedere cogit propter ••am Iudicis, it maketh man to give backe because of the wrath of the Judge, Ferus. 3. Some Hebrewes thinke, that the Israelites were backe certaine miles, Ex Simler. But the people goe backe, Non per modum f••••ga, sed per modum retrocessionis, Not by way of flight, but by way of recoiling: neither herein did they breake the commandement of God; for they were set certaine bounds forward which they were not to passe, but backward they might goe, Tostat. quaest. 37. 4. Neither is it to be thought that the people went backe while the Lord was speaking unto them; but after the promulgation of the Law, there being some pause made, then the people gave way, Cajetan. 5. All the people thus spake not to Moses, but their Elders and the chiefe of them came in the name of the rest, Deut. 5.23. Iun.

QUEST. V. Why the people desire that Moses would speake unto them.

Vers. 19. ANd said to Moses, talke thou with us. 1. Some doe here lay fault and blame upon the Israe∣lites, in refusing to heare the voice of God, and chusing rather that Moses should speake unto them. But the Lord commendeth them for so doing, Deut. 5.28. They have well said, all that they have spoken. Therefore they thus spake not, as preferring Moses voice before the Lords, but because they were not able to heare the Lords voice, being so terrible, Tostat. quaest. 37. 3. And the Lord terrified his people with his thundering voice, for these two causes: 1. That the people hereby should learne and be taught to feare the Lord. 2. And that they might be driven of themselves by this meanes to desire the ministery of Moses in speaking unto them: for it was fit and requisite, that as the Lord the Authour and founder of nature had by his owne mouth given such Lawes as were grounded upon nature, such as were so evident even by the light of nature, as that every one might at the first understand and acknowledge them: so that the rest of the Lawes, which were not so evident, but needed explanation, should be de∣clared and rehearsed by Moses, Sic Tostat. 4. Beside, herein Moses was a type and figure of Christ, who is the Mediator betweene God and us, and by whom the will of God is revealed unto us, Marbach. Pelarg. 5. Moses herein formam boni a••ditoris describit, &c. describeth the forme of a good auditour, who pro∣miseth to heare and fulfill the precepts of their master, Gloss. interlinear.

QUEST. VI. Why the people are afraid they shall dye.

Vers. 19. LEt not God talke with us, lest we dye. Wee shall finde in Scripture, that it was an usuall thing for men to feare, that if they had seene God they should dye, as Iacob counteth it a great be∣nefit that he had seene God and yet lived, Genes. 32. So Gedeon and Manoah, when they had seene God, were afraid. 1. Tostatus maketh this the cause of this feare, that if they heard Gods voice any more they should dye: because of the infirmity of the body, which could not endure the Lords terrible voice: for as the harmony of the body is dissolved by any excessive quality, as with exceeding great heat or cold: Ita excellens tolerabile vel terribile corrumpit potentiam tolerantem: So an exceeding terrible or tolerable thing corrupteth and confoundeth the tolerating faculty, Tostat. quast. 38. But the cause of this feare is not so much in the body: for Adam before his fall could endure the voice of God well enough. 2. Some understand this of everlasting death, Gloss. interlinear. But it is evident, that they meane the outward and corporall death, which is contrary to this temporall life: for thus the people say, Deut. 5.24. Wee have seene this day, that God doth talke with man, and he liveth. 3. Cajetanus doth gather these two reasons of this their feare: both that terrible fire which they were afraid to come neere, and the thundring voice of God which they could endure no longer to heare: and these two reasons are expressed, Deut. 5.25. Now therefore why should we dye? for this great fire will consume us: if wee heare the voice of the Lord our God any more, we shall dye. 4. But the greatest cause of this their feare was their sinne: Conscius homo pecca∣ti, &c. metuit iram Dei, &c. Man being guilty to himselfe of sinne, feareth the wrath of God, Simler. as Peter said to our blessed Saviour, Luk. 5.8. Lord goe from me, for I am a sinfull 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

QUEST. VII. How the Lord is said to come unto them and why.

Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you. 1. God is said to come unto them, not that he goeth from place to place▪ but he came unto them by certaine effects, his sinnes and wonders: and two other wayes beside the Lord commeth, by his word, and by afflictions and crosses, Simler. 2. There are three ends of the Lords comming unto them: 1. To trie them. 2. That his feare may alway be among them. 3. That they sinne not. All these three arise one from the other: probation and triall worketh feare, and feare causeth to flee from sinne. 3. So although Moses free them from one kinde of servile feare, which was the feare of death and destruction▪ y•••• he retaineth them still in that profitable kinde of feare, whereby they might be kept in awe and obedience still, Simler.

QUEST. VIII. How the Lord is said to tempt and prove his people.

Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you. 1. Deus metaphorice non proprie tentat, &c. God is not said pro∣perly but metaphorically ••o tempt, as he is said to be angry: Qui•• facit effectum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. because he worketh the like effect, as he which tempteth, that is, to cause the feare and obedience of the people to appeare, Cajetan. 2. God tempteth, the Devill tempteth, and man is said to tempt. God is not said to prove or try for his owne knowledge and experience, Cum omnia Deus videat priusquam 〈◊〉〈◊〉; seeing God knoweth all things before they are done: Chrysost. hom. 41. in Ioanu. But God trieth and proveth, Vt nos manifestemur aliis: that we should be manifest to others, as Abrahams obedience was made knowne to all, in that he refused not to sacrifice his sonne▪ vel nobis ipsis, or to our selves: as the Israelites were tempted in the wildernesse, that it might be knowne what was in their heart, Deut. 8.2. Tostat. Satan tempteth, quia evertere ••ititur, because he goeth about to supplant and overthrow us, as hee tempted Iob. Home aliquando tentat ut probat, aliquando ut rapiat: Man sometime tempteth to prove, sometime to catch: as the Scribes and Pharisies tempted Christ to entangle him, Ambros. in 2 Cor. 13.

QUEST. IX. Why the people stood afarre off, and where.

Vers. 21. SO the people stood afarre off. 1. Cajetanus thinketh that the people returned not to their tents, but stood a little from the mountaine: and continued in the place whither they fled before, vers. 18. Tostat. 2. But it is evident, Deut. 5.30. that they were bidden to goe unto their tents, Iun. For as Moses went up neerer unto the presence of God, so the people went still further backward unto their tents being so commanded of the Lord. 3. The mysticall signification hereof is, that our sinnes doe make us stand aloofe off from God, untill wee be reconciled by a Mediatour, whereof Moses was a type and fi∣gure here, Simler.

QUEST. X. How Moses is said to draw neere to the darknesse.

BVt Moses drew neere unto the darknesse, &c. 1. Moses was in the darknesse before, for all the hill was covered with smoake; but he was not in that darknesse wherein the Lord was: Vbi expressiora signa fi••••ant quibus nos••ebatur Deus: Where more evident signes were expressed, by the which God was knowne: for otherwise how should the darknesse containe or receive him, whom the heavens cannot containe? Gloss. interlin. Hee went then up, ad ca••ume•• montis, to the top of the hill, where the thicke cloud was, wherein the Lord did manifest his presence. 2. Some by the darknesse understand the spirituall and mysticall sense of Scripture, which the people cannot comprehend, and therefore they stood afarre off; Quia verò spirituales allegoriarum nubem penetrant, &c. But because they which are spirituall, doe pierce into the cloud of allegories, therefore Moses went into the darknesse, Gregor. As Christ preached unto his Disciples in the mount, and unto the people in the plaine; so the mysteries and secret of Scripture are ope∣ned only unto those that are spirituall, for pearles must not be cast before swine, Lippom. So also Hierom; Dominus aut in lumine est, aut caligi••e; incipientibus simpliciter loquitur, iis qui perfecti sunt, mysticè loquitur: God is either in the light, or in darknesse; unto the beginners hee speaketh simply, unto those which are perfect, in mystery, Super Psal. 96. 3. But hereby rather is understood, that God who himselfe dwelleth in light that none can attaine unto, yet in caligine versatur respectu nostri, dwelleth in darknesse in respect of us, because we cannot search out the nature of God, nor comprehend what he is, Simler. So Gregor. Nyssen. interpreteth, that Moses went into the darknesse, that is, Tunc demum cognovisse illam esse divinam natu∣ram, quae cognitionem omnem excedit: He then perceived the divine nature to be such, which exceeded all knowledge. Likewise Procopius, Vera Dei notitia est agnoscere suam ignorantiam, &c. It is the true know∣ledge of God, for one to acknowledge his owne ignorance, that bringeth darknesse with it, Thom. Nullus intellectus creatus potest ad cum accadere: No created, understanding can come neere unto God, In 1. ad Timoth. 6. lect. 3. 4. Herein also Moses was a lively type of Christ: that as he having spoken unto the peo∣ple, and declared the will of God, afterward went up into the darknesse: So our blessed Saviour having declared the heavenly doctrine of his Father to the world, and finished the worke of our redemption, Ascendit in caligine•••• nubium coeli, Ascended into the darknesse of the clouds of heaven, and was taken out of our sight, and received up into heaven, Simler.

QUEST. XI. Why the Lord saith he spake unto them from heaven.

Vers. 22. YE have seene that I have talked with you from heaven. This is premised as a reason of the pre∣cept following▪ vers. 23. Ye shall make ye therefore, &c. no Gods of silver, &c. 1. Oleaster resol∣veth the reason thus: Considerate me vobis lōco superiore, &c. Consider that I am higher than you in place,

and therefore am able to punish you, if you rebell. 2. Some thinke that hereby the Lord signified unto them, that these were not Mosis ar••es & figmenta, &c. the devices and fetches of Moses, but that God himselfe spake from heaven, and therefore the Decalogue or ten precepts came from God himselfe, and were pronounced by him, Cajetan. And so the Lord by this meanes would get authority unto his law, Borrh. 3. God thus saith, Vt ostendat calsitudinem suam rebus omnibus superiorem; To show his highnesse farre above all other things, and so incomprehensible, and that therefore they could make no image of him, Galas. 4. Or because the Lord spake out of heaven; not as one absent, but every where present, therefore no image should be made of him; for images are representations of them, in their absence. 5. But this is the best interpretation of this reason, because they only heard the Lord speake out of heaven, they saw no image or similitude, but only heard a voice, therefore they should make no image of God: so is it explai∣ned, Deut. 4.15. Take good heed to your selves, for you saw no image in the day that the Lord spake unto you, Simler. And so in effect he saith thus much, I spake unto you from heaven, that is, I the true God, not any corporall substance, as of gold, silver, &c. By heaven here he understandeth the higher part of the aire, as Psal. 8. they are called The fowles of heaven, Tost. qu. 38.

QUEST. XII. Why this precept is repeated of not making any graven image.

Vers. 23. YE shall not make, &c. 1. Some thinke that this is an addition to the first Commandement: Thom Aquin. who thus distinguisheth the Lawes of Moses: The Judicials and Ceremonials, ex sola institutione vim habent, only take their force from their institution: otherwise it were indifferent, whether they were done one way rather than another. The Morals, ex ipso d••ctamine ratio••is naturali•• efficaciam habent, have their efficacy from the enditing of naturall reason: and these morall precepts are of three sorts: some are so manifest, quòd editione non indigent, that they need not to be set forth and publi∣shed, as concerning the love of God and our neighbour. Some things are not so generall, but more parti∣cularly determined: which although they are acknowledged of all, yet because many erre therein, they had need to be published, such are the ten Commandements: Quaedam sunt, quorum ratio non est caili∣bet manifesta, sed solùm sapientibus; Some things are such, the reason whereof is not manifest to every one, but only to the wise, and these be the precepts, superaddita Decalogo, which are added to the Decalogue: of which kind this precept is here: Sic fere Thom. 1.2. qu. cap. art. 11. in Cor. 2. But they are rather an ex∣planation of the first and second precept, than any addition, Iun. And this precept either differeth not at all from the other, Thou shalt make thee no graven image: or only herein is the difference, that the other precept declarat veritatem universaliter, doth declare the truth universally: Hoc autem determinantur mo∣di quidam particulares; And here certaine particular cases are determined, and two things are here forbid∣den, one directly, not to acknowledge or make any other God: the other, indirectly, not to make any images, repraesentativas veri Dei, to represent the true God, Tostat. qu. 38. 3. Now this precept is iterated and repeated, because some things are majoris necessitatis & periculi, of greater necessity and danger, as ido∣latry was, which the Hebrewes had seene practised in Egypt, Tostatus. And this repetition is made, ut ma∣gis imprimeretur haec prohibitio cordibus corum, &c. that this prohibition might be more deeply imprinted in their hearts, because he knew them to be prone to idolatry, Lyran. So also Cajetan.

QUEST. XIII. Of the meaning of these words, Ye shall not make with me.

Vers. 23. YE shall not make with me. 1. The Latine Interpreter omitteth this clause, with me, altogether which both Cajetane and Lippoman confesse to be a defect in that translation. 2. The Chalde reads, coram me, before me: but the word is it••i, with me: the other phrase used before is ghal p••nai, be∣fore my face, vers. 3. 3. Retaining then the usuall reading, with me; some referre it to the spirituall idola∣try of the minde, which is covetousnesse, that in the service of God their mindes should not be inclined to the love of silver and gold, Ferus. Some doe take this to be the sense, that although the Lord by his au∣thority appointed certaine images to be made in the Tabernacle, as of the Cherubims: yet they should not presume, nor arrogate unto themselves the like power. But the more proper meaning is, that they should not make any such images, to joyne them with God, to worship God and them together: as this was the superstition of the Jewes, to worship God and Baal together, Simler. And withall, these words, with me, doe put them in minde of the covenant which they had made with God, and not with images, Cajetan.

QUEST. XIV. Why mention is made only of images of silver and gold.

GOds of silver, nor Gods of gold, &c. 1. Mention is made only of silver and golden images for this rea∣son, as Augustine saith: Because a man being ashamed of that which is most deare and precious unto him, faciliùs avertitur à veneratione viliorum, &c. is more easily turned from those things which are more vile, in Psal. 113. So also Tostatus: Quia ista magis movont, &c. Because these metals of gold and silver doe more easily move to idolatry, than wood or stone, quaest. 39. 2. And because Idola••ers, iis Dei majestatem ornari putant, doe thinke that Gods Majesty is adorned by these metals of silver and gold: & Deum sibi magis obstrictum putant, and they thinke that God is more bound unto them, for offering unto him the more precious things, Gallas. Therefore instance is specially given in th••se. 3. Another reason is, that mention is made of these metals, in quae vos j••s habetis, &c. because man hath right and power over all such things being made for their use, Borrh. and therefore their errou•••• the greater in worship∣ping that which is made for their use and service.

QUEST. XV. Why the Lord commanded an altar of earth to be made.

Vers. 24. AN altar of earth, &c. 1. Here is an opposition made betweene the altars which the Gentiles made to their Idols, and the altar which God would have consecrated to himselfe: Gentiles idolis construebant altaria ornata & subl••mia; The Gentiles did build sumptuous and high altars to their▪ Idols, as placing religion in them, Thom. 1.2. qu. 102. art. 4. addit. 7. So also Lyranus: Hoc praecepit in dete∣stationem idolatria; Hee commanded this in the detestation of idolatry. 2. Some thinke that the Lord intended hereby to commend unto his people the internall worship: as if he should have said; Ego ex∣terna illa ornamenta parvi pe••do, &c. I esteeme not of those outward ornaments, which might withdraw thy minde from my true worship, Lippom. 3. But the reason indeed of this precept was, ue diutius d••ra∣re••••, that the altars made of earth might not continue long, Simler. This then was only a temporary pre∣cept, that the Israelites, while they were in the way, should use such simple altars, which might soone bee destroyed againe, lest they might be occasions of superstition afterward, untill such time as the Tabernacle should be erected: and the reason hereof was, that God would only have the altar, which should be set up in the Tabernacle afterward to continue, lest the having of many altars in divers places should be an occa∣sion of superstition. This was the cause why the Israelites were so jealous of the Reubenites and Ga∣dites for building an altar, which they made, Non cultus, sed monumenti causa; Not for religion sake, but to be a monument, Iosh. 22. Gallas. 4. Some make this altar of earth a type of our Saviour Christ: Qui as∣sumpsit carnem, quae terrona est, si materiam inspicias; Who tooke our flesh, which is earthly, if you respect the matter: Precopius, Rupert. Osiander. 5. Some make this morall use of it, that we should humilitatem sectari, follow humility, Ferus, Lyranus.

QUEST. XVI. What Altar of earth he meaneth.

BUt here a further doubt ariseth, seeing afterward the Altar of burnt offering was commanded to bee made of Sittim wood, how that agreeth with this precept, to make an altar of earth. 1. Ferus to re∣concile these places, would not have this precept taken literally, but that this should bee the meaning: Quòd Deus magis piè, quàm splendidè vult coli, &c. That God would rather be worshipped devoutly, than sumptuously. But there is no necessity here to forsake the literall sense: as shall now appeare. 2. Lyranus therefore understandeth this of the altar of burnt offering, not of the altar of incense, which was made of Sittim wood, chap. 30. So also was the other made of the same wood, chap. 27. therefore this is no suffi∣cient answer. 3. Hugo de S. Victor. referreth it to the altar of burnt offering: Quod terra implebatur, &c. which they used to fill with earth, being made hollow within, when they sacrificed. So also Osiander. 4. But it is evident by the precept following, of making an altar of rough and unhewen stones, that hee meaneth such altars as were set up of a sudden in the fields, as was that commanded to bee made in the borders of Canaan, Deut. 27. and that which Elias reared up in Mount Carmel: such as were set up repentino & tumultuari•• opere, of a sudden and in haste by the way, upon some speciall occasion, Gallas. Tostat. Iun.

QUEST. XVII. Why the Altar was not to be made of hewen stone.

FOr the same reason they are forbidden, if they will make an altar of stone, to lift up a toole upon it: 1. Some apply it thus, that hereby is signified, that the articles of faith, tanquam lapides integri sunt re∣nendi fine scissione haeretica: as whole stones are firmely to bee kept, without any hereticall dividing or mangling of them, Lyran. 2. Some gather hence, that God will not be worshipped, humano arbitrio, accor∣ding to the device and fancie of men. But this is as well forbidden in other precepts, it is not peculiar to this. 3. But the reason of this precept was quia lapides politi exprimebant cert••m figuram, qua adorari pos∣set, &c. Because carved and wrought stones did expresse a certaine similitude and figure, which might be used for adoration, Tostat. 4. Another reason is, quia ad durationem pertinet: because that which was builded of hewen stones, was like to continue long: and therefore the Lord permitteth such altars to be made for the time, ut post temporarium ejus usum, aut laberetur per se, aut destrueretur, &c. that after the temporary use thereof it might either fall downe of it selfe, or easily bee destroyed, lest by the elegancie and curious building it might give offence, and occasion of superstition to posterity, Iun. Marbach.

QUEST. XVIII. Why the lifting up of the toole is said to pollute the Altar.

Vers. 25. IF thou lift up thy toole upon it, thou hast polluted it. 1. Rupertus doth thus moralize it: Ferrus seu cultrum arrogantia est, qua mens a Creature praeciditur, &c. This toole or iron is arrogancie, whereby the minde is cut off and separated from the Creator: if thou lift up thy toole, that is, si virtu••er tibi ipsi arrogav••ris, if thou doe arrogate any thing to thine owne vertues, thou hast polluted it. 2. Some make it a type of Christ, who was that stone cut out without hands, that is, without any sinne, imperfe∣ction, or pollution, Pr••cop. 3. Some make this collection: Quàd Deus manibus hominum c••li 〈◊〉〈◊〉: That God would not be worshipped by any worke of mans hands. But that is not so, for afterward hee commanded the Temple to bee built, which was the worke of mens hands, and yet no hindrance to his worship, Gallas. 4. The meaning then is this, not that the iron toole of it selfe defileth: sed quia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contra mandatum Dei: but because they should so goe against the commandement of God, and so all such workes should be as de••••••ed and polluted.

QUEST. XIX. How Ieremy is made to agree with Moses, who saith the Lord commanded not any thing concerning sacrifices.

Vers. 24. THereon shalt thou offer. How can this stand with that saying of the Prophet Ieremie, chap. 7.22. I spake not to your fathers, neither commanded them, when I brought them out of the land of Egypt, concerning burnt offerings and sacrifices? 1. Some doe reconcile these places thus:* 1.60 that the Prophet speaketh de praecepto & sermone Domini proprio ore, of the commandement of God with his owne mouth: and so he spake only and commanded the ten Commandements: the rest he delivered by Moses mouth, Cajetan. 2. Rupertus giveth this sense, because Moses me non jubente sed permittente talia praecepit: Moses commanded such things, not by my bidding, but by my permission, &c. But it is evident, vers. 22. that Moses spake all these things at the Lords commandement. 3. The best solution then is this, that God commanded not sacrifices, primò & principaliter, cum propter aliud fuerint instituta, &c. chiefly and princi∣pally, seeing they were instituted for another end, Lippom. So also Iun. Genevens. And so the Prophet expoundeth himselfe, vers. 21. But this thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice. God specially re∣paired of them obedience: for what else did those sacrifices signifie, quàm extinctionem carnalis nostrae vitae, than the extinguishing of our carnall life? Lippom. In the like phrase it is said, Gen. 32.28. that Iakobs name should be no more called Iakob, (that is, only or principally) but Israel, Iunius.

QUEST. XX. Of the difference betweene burnt offerings and peace offerings.

THy burnt offerings, and thy peace offerings. 1. The burnt offerings were those which were wholly burnt upon the altar to the honour of God, the rite whereof is expressed, Levit. 7. The peace offerings were those which were offered to God in signe of thankfulnesse for any benefit obtained, or to the end to aske or obtaine any thing at the hand of God: and so they are called peace offerings, because God is thereby appeased, and our peace made, Tostat. So the Septuagint translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, your health sacri∣fices, which are offered for their health and prosperity, Lippoman. The word shalom also signifieth perfe∣ction, integrity. Their peace offerings then were such as were offered for the welfare, perfection, and in∣tegrity of their state, Oleaster. 2. There was a third kinde of sacrifices for sinne, when they offered a Calfe, or Goat, or some other beast, to make attonement for some sinne which they had committed, as is expressed Levit. 7. The other two kinds of sacrifice are here onely mentioned, quia sunt voluntaria, be∣cause they were free and voluntary: but those for sinne, were ex necessitate, of necessity, Tostat. 3. There were other things also necessary to be knowne, which belonged to the rite of sacrificing: as who were to offer sacrifice, namely the Priests: what kinde of beasts they were to sacrifice, and in what place, and in what order and manner: all which things afterward are fully declared and explained by Moses in Levi∣ticus, Tostat. qu. 41.

QUEST. XXI. Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice in no other place, than before the Arke or Tabernacle.

Vers. 24. IN all places, where I shall put the remembrance of my name. 1. The Hebrewes make this a per∣fect sentence of it selfe, that the Lord will come and blesse them in every place which hee shall chuse: but seeing it was not lawfull for them every where to offer sacrifice, but where the Taber∣nacle and Arke was, as is expresly declared, Levit. 17. it hath relation also to the former precept, that they were not to make any such altar of earth or stone where they would themselves: sed Deus ipse de∣signare vult locum, &c. but God himselfe will assigne the place, where they shall make an altar, Gallas. 2. And though the ordinarie place of sacrificing were the Tabernacle, where the name of God was so∣lemnly called upon, yet they might sacrifice in other places, ex causa speciali & divina revelatione, upon speciall occasion, and by divine revelation: as David did in mount Moriah, by the direction of the Pro∣phet Gad, 2 Sam. 24. and Elias in mount Carmel, 1 King. 18. Lyran. So Samuel offered sacrifice in Ra∣math, 1 Sam. 7. and in another place when Saul came unto him, 1 Sam. chap. 9. and in Bethlehem, when he went to anoint David King, 1. Sam. 16. And it seemeth that he by propheticall direction might offer where he would: as the Lord bid him make this answer, when he went to Bethlehem, I am come to offer sacrifice to the Lord, 1 Sam. 16. for all Israel knew that Samuel was the Lords faithfull Prophet. So also it is like that David being a Prophet, offered sacrifice in Hebron, while he there reigned, having neither the presence of the Arke or Tabernacle: and that the people following Davids example, continued that custome still: as it appeareth by Absoloms excuse to his father, who asked leave to goe and sacrifice in Hebron, 2 Sam. 15. Tostat. 3. Neither did these offend in sacrificing in other places beside where the Ta∣bernacle and Arke was: for in those speciall places the Lord for that time would have a memoriall of his name, as in mount Moriah, where David, and Carmel, where Elias sacrificed, Tostat. quaest. 40. 4. But this may be added further, that beside that speciall direction which the Prophets had to offer sacrifice in some peculiar places, there was more liberty used in their peace offerings, than in other sacrifices: and in the time of Samuel, Saul, and David, the Arke and Tabernacle were apart; so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate, that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice, was not so strictly observed.

QUEST. XXII. Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke, and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder.

NOw the place, where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name, was in the Tabernacle and Arke, while they were placed together: and when they were in two divers places, it was lawfull to sacri∣fice before either of them. 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was, is evident by the pra∣ctise of the men of Bethshemesh, that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Phi∣listims, 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke, when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom, 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is, because the name of God was invocated or called upon, where the Arke was, 2 Sam. 6.2. And from the mercie seat, which was upon the Arke of the Testimony, did the Lord use to speake, and give answers, Numb. 7.89. 2. Likewise, that it was lawfull to sacrifice, where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away, is apparent: 1. Because there was the brasen Altar, whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle, Levit. 17.6. which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle, and not the Arke: as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem, but the Tabernacle with the fur∣niture thereof, he fetched from Gibeon, 2 Chron. 1.3, 4, 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar, the Priests and Levits were, there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice; for they gave their attendance to that end, but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle, as Ahimelech, with 85. more were at Nob, where Saul put them to death, while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab, who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it, 1 Sam. 7.1. who alone sufficed not, for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel: it seemeth therefore, that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle, though the Arke at that time were in another place. 3. Beside, after the captivity of Babylon, when the Arke was no more to be seene, as some thinke hid by Ieremy, 2 Macchab. 2, but as is most like, lost in the captivity, or burnt with the Temple: they used to offer sacrifices; for after the captivity, they restored and renewed such necessa∣ry parts and implements, as before were in Salomons Temple, and were burnt together with the Temple: they made like unto them afterward, as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord, which was upon the golden Altar: likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent, (which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary) when Christ gave up the ghost: and seeing they offered sacrifices, for which cause, some sold doves in the Temple, whom Christ cast out, Matth. 12. they had also the bra∣sen Altar; only the Arke they had not, for seeing the Tables of stone, the pot of Manna, and Aarons rod were all missing, for the keeping whereof, the Arke was principally made, they had no cause to make a new Arke, there being no farther use or service for it, Tostat. quaest. 43.

QUEST. XXIII. How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle.

NOw, because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle, it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle, which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres, as may bee gathered thus: after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims, it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres, 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government, and Sauls reigne, who made 40. yeeres betweene them, Act. 13.21. whereof those 20. yeeres were part: then it was removed by David, about the 8. yeere of his reigne, to the house of Obed Edom, where it continued three moneths, and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem, where it stayed 32. yeeres, and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne: for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne, 1 King. 6.38. he brought the Arke from Davids tent, which hee had pitched for it, into the Temple, 2 Chron. 1.4. So all these yeeres being put together, 40. yeeres of Sa∣muel and Sauls government, 40. yeeres under David, and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon, will make 91. yeeres: whereunto adde those seven moneths, during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims, 1 Sam. 6.1. In which compasse and continuance of yeeres, the Arke had these sundry removes: first, it being carried from Shiloh, was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims, from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh, where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke, 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim, 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom, and so to the house of David, 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built: these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke, after it was severed from the Tabernacle, till they were joyned together againe: saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while, as when they went out to battell, as 1 Sam. 14.18. and so was brought to the place againe, Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the removing of the Tabernacle.

AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe, so also was Moses Tabernacle: for first it was carried from place to place, as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse: and after they were come into the land of Canaan, the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal: for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal, Iosh. 10. after that, it was set up in Shiloh, Iosh. 18.1. where it conti∣nued all the time of the Judges, untill Samuel, who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie, that the Lord had rejected Shiloh, removed the Tabernacle to Nob, where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword: from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon, where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished, from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple, 2. Chron. 1.3. Tostatus qu. 42.

QUEST. XXV. Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice.

NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice, this distinction is to bee observed: 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle, when the Arke and it were together, and both at the Tabernacle, and before the Arke, when they were divided, as is before shewed. 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere, as did Samuel, David, Elias, as is before declared, quest. 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God. 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sa∣crifice: and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places, and those repro∣ved, being otherwise good Kings, that suffred them to remaine. 4. Yet here it is further to be considered, that there were two sorts of high places, for some were consecrated to idolatry, as those which Salomon had built about Jerusalem for Ashteroth, Chemosh, and Milchom, which places Iosias defiled,* 1.61 1 King. 23.14. There were other high places, where the Priests of the Lord offered sacrifice to the Lord, whom Iosias also put downe, not suffring them to come up to the Altar of the Lord, but onely to eat of the unleavened bread among their brethren, 1 King. 23.9, who if they had beene idolatrous Priests, could not have beene permitted to eat of the unleavened bread, Tostat. quast. 44.

QUEST. XXVI. How God is said to come and goe, and how he is said to be in the world.

Vers. 24. I Will come unto thee, &c. 1. God neither commeth nor goeth by moving from place to place: for that which is infinite, and in every place, cannot move or change the place, for where any moving is, there one place is left to goe unto another: but God being of an infinite essence, is in all places alike. 2. Yet though God be in every place, yer he occupieth no place: Nihil magis indivisibile, & minùs occupans, quàm Deus: Nothing is more indivisible, and lesse occupying a place than God is: An Angell cannot enter into a mans soule: Deus tamen illabitur ei & totus intus manet, &c. Yet God doth enter into a mans soule, and wholly remaine within it. 3. There is some similitude herein betweene God, who is an infinite Spirit, and the other finite spirits, as namely the soule of man, which is said to be tota in toto corpo∣re & tota in qualibet parte: whole and all in the whole body, and whole and all in every part, which is to be understood not after one and the same manner. There is a threefold union betweene the soule and the body, unitur ei ut finis, it is united unto it, as the end, for the body is ordained to this end,* 1.62 to be perfe∣cted by the soule: secondly, it is united unto the body as the forme thereof, for by the joyning of the soule to the body, as the forme, a man is distinguished in his kinde from all other creatures: and in this sense, the soule as the forme is whole in the whole body. Thirdly, the soule is united to the body, tanquam motor, as an agent and mover: so it giveth power to the eye to see, to the eare to heare, and to every other part a severall faculty and power; and thus also the soule is said to be whole, and all in every part. Now then, as the soule is in the whole body, and yet in no one part more than in another: so is God in the world comprehending all, and himselfe not being comprehended. 4. Further, thus it may be shewed, that God is not in any place, neither moveth from place to place: for other finite spirits, because they are com∣positi ex actu & potentia, they consist of an act, and a power, or possibility; they being in one place, have a power or possibility to be in another: therefore God, because he is purus act us, a pure act, must of necessi∣ty be every where, for otherwise he should not be altogether in act, if being in one place, hee had not a power or possibility to be in another, for then he should not be actually there, but in power and possibility only. 5. As a finite spirit is said to be in that place, in quo applicat virtutem suum, where it doth exercise and apply the power; as the soule is in the body, because it only exerciseth the vertue and power in the body: so God, because hee exerciseth his power in and over all the world, must needs bee in every place of the world. 6. God therefore is said two wayes to be in the world, secundùm potentiam & virtutem, according to his power and vertue, and secundùm essentiam, according to his essence: And yet God is so in the world, as yet he is not included and limited in the world, and he is so without the world, as yet not excluded out of the world: as Augustine saith, Deus est in mundo non inclusus, extra mundum non exclusus, supra mundum, non elatus, infra mundum, non depressus: God is in the world, but not included; without the world, but not excluded; above the world, yet not elevated or lifted up; and under the world, yet not de∣pressed or put under; &c. which must be understood according to Gods essentiall presence: for accor∣ding to his power and working he is only in the world, because he worketh in the world. 7. And although the power of God be infinite, so that if there were other worlds beside this, thither Gods infinite power would extend it selfe, yet the action or exercising of that power in the world is finite: quia actio non po∣test esse major, quàm id quod sit, the action cannot be greater, than that which is wrought or made: there∣fore, because the world is finite, the action or exercising of the divine power in the world is finite and determinate likewise, yet the divine power in it selfe remaineth infinite. 8. Now then God is said to goe from place to place, not in respect of his essence, but of his power and vertue: and of this power of God, there is a double action; one generall, whereby God governeth the world, and worketh in every place, and so God cannot be said to goe from place to place, because this generall power worketh in all places, and at all times: there is a speciall action or operation of the divine power: as when he worketh mira∣cles and wonders, and sheweth manifest signes of his power and presence, more in one place than in an∣other. And according to this speciall operation, the Lord is understood to goe and come thorowout the Scripture, Tostat. qu. 46.47. And so in this place he saith, I will come and blesse thee: Veniam occulta inspi∣ratione, benedicam corporali & spirituali benedictione; I will come by secret inspiration, I will blesse thee, both with corporall and spirituall blessings, Gloss. interlinear.

QUEST. XXVII. Whether it were not lawfull to goe up by steps to the Altar.

Vers. 26. THou shalt not goe up by steps unto mine Altar. 1. All kinde of ascending unto the Altar is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forbidden: for the Altar being three cubits high, chap. 27. the Priests could not minister, without some ascent and rising up to the Altar: there was therefore Quidam ascensus sin•• gradibu•• pun∣latim ascendendo, A certaine ascent, or going up without steps, rising by little and little, as ••. Salomon thinketh, Lyran. Ascensus erat continuns de terra: the going up was continued by the rising of the earth, Tostat. 2. Therefore all steppings up being forbidden, for the reason after alleaged, lest their nakednesse should be seene, magis vetantur gradus scalae ligneae, the steps or scales of woodden ladders are more forbid∣den, for by such climing up, their nakednesse might appeare, both before and beneath, Tostat. quast. 47. 3. Some doe thus moralize this precept, that simply it is not forbidden to goe up by steps, for afterward there were 15. steps made to goe up to the Altar, which Salomon made: therefore they would have it to be a figurative speech, and the meaning to be this, minorem Patre non dicis incarnatum Filium, Thou shalt not say, that the Sonne being incarnate, is lesse than the Father: this it is, not to goe up by steps unto the Altar, Rupert. Thom. So also Gloss. interlinear. Qui gradus in Trinitate faciunt, &c. They which make de∣grees in the Trinity, doe ascend by steps unto the Altar. But this is somewhat farre fetched, neither is there any necessity to leave the literall sense: for the reason why afterward steps were made unto the Al∣tar, was, for that then the use of linnen breeches was common, which now was rare, and among other Priestly garments, the Levites afterward were appointed to put on such linnen breeches, when they mini∣stred, chap. 28. Vsus femoralium nondum fuit introductus; The use of breeches was not yet brought in, &c. but was afterward enjoyned to the Priests, Lyran. And although, as some write, this fashion of garments to cover the secret parts was first invented by Semiramis the wife of Ninus King of Babylon, before Abrahams time, yet that custome was not common among the Israelites, Tostat. qu. 49.

QUEST. XXVIII. Why they were forbidden to use steps up to the Altar.

Vers. 26. THat thy filthinesse be not discovered. 1. This then was the reason why they should not goe up by steps; lest that in the going up, by the flying abroad of their garments, their secret parts might be discovered: for sanct••tati & pietati decorum & honestum conjungi debet: unto sanctity and piety must be joyned comelinesse and honesty, Gallas. for the Ministers of God, committing any thing uncomely in Gods service, doe therein offend two wayes: both shewing their owne evill inclination, and beside, contumeliam inferunt ordini clericali, they bring a contumely and reproach upon the whole order, Tostat. quaest. 49. Yea among the Gentiles there was a comelinesse and decencie observed in their pub∣like assemblies: whereupon that Law was made; Inscenam sine subligaculo prodeat nemo, Let none come into the stage without his close garments: how much more ought all things to bee done with comeli∣nesse and honesty in the sacred assemblies? Gallas. 2. Another reason was: Arrogantia & ambitio p••m∣posa graduum, qualis apud idololatras tum in usu erat, Deo non placuit, &c. An arrogant and ambitious pompe in stayers, such as was in use among the Idolaters, was not pleasing unto God, Lippoman. 3. Like∣wise this was commanded for the further detestation of idolatry, that they should not any wayes resemble or imitate the uncleane and filthy fashions used in the idolatrous service of Priapus: when the Priest ascending up aloft by certaine staires, used in most beastly manner, turning himselfe toward the people, to discover and shew unto them his secret parts, to stirre them the more unto uncleane and beastly lust, Lyran. Tostat.

QUEST. XXIX. Of the abominable Idoll of the Gentiles, called Priapus, and the filthy usages thereto belonging.

NOw this filthy and abominable Idoll Priapus, which was worshipped among the Gentiles, was taken up upon this occasion: 1. This Priapus was a young man of Hellespontus, who insolita magnitudi••e membri genitalis excedebat omnes, exceeded all other in the greatnesse of his secret parts: and being ex∣pelled thence as a corrupter of his country, went into Grecia, and there by wanton and unchaste women was made much of, and afterward they made him one of their gods. 2. As was their god, such was his sa∣crifice: for they used to offer unto him an Asse: and they that came to that abominable sacrifice, both men and women used to entermingle themselves in caves and woods, and each with other wrought filthi∣nesse: and upon this occasion they used to plant woods and groves by their Idols, that they might have fitter opportunity to use their beastly lust. 3. This Idoll Priapus some thinke was the same which was called Belphegh••r: and to the abominable sacrifices of this Idoll did the Madianitish women entice the Israelites, Numb. 25. who afterward fell unto the like Idolatry: for Asa his mother Maacha (whom hee put downe) consecrated a grove to this Idoll Priapus, as Hierome translateth the word Mipletzeth, which signifieth an horrible or abominable Idoll, 1 King. 15.12. and he put downe the Sodomites, and e••femi∣nate persons, who as it seemeth were the worshippers of that Idoll: for they which were most beastly in their lust, thought they were best accepted of their god. So they which adored Venus, the more they were given to venery, the better they thought they served Venus: so that the more common the harlots and strumpets were, the more they thought they pleased their Goddesse Venus. The Lord therefore for∣biddeth his people all resemblance or appearance of uncleannesse, because he would have them detest and abhorre the abominable fashions of the Heathen, Tostat. qu. 50.

QUEST. XXX. Why the secret parts are counted uncomely.

THy filthinesse, or nakednesse, &c. 1. The secret parts of man are not in their naturall use more uncleane or unseemly than other organicall parts of the body: for they have their necessary use, both for the avoiding of the superfluous excrements of the body, and to serve for generation, and procreation: and our first parents, before they transgressed, were naked, and yet not ashamed of their nakednesse. 2. But af∣ter sinne entred, then these parts grew to be uncomely, because of that inordinate motion and stirring which is in those parts more than in any other: for by experience it is found, that the eyes, hands, feet and other parts are more obedient unto reason, than those unruly parts: and it is harder for one to bridle lust, than anger, or any other passion. 3. And herein appeareth the wisdome of the Creator, that hath set these uncomely parts in the middest of the body, that they might more easily be covered: whereas if they were the extreme parts, as where the head, hands, or feet are, they could not be so well hid: and beside, the mercie of God herein is manifest, that our other parts, our eyes, hands, feet should not be so unruly or dis∣ordered: for then they also should have seemed as uncomely: and so penot•••• inutiles redderemur, wee should have beene altogether unprofitable, and unapt to doe any service in the world, if our necessary and organicall parts should have had the like opinion of uncomelinesse cleaving unto them. 4. Now seeing these parts being comely by nature, yet are made uncomely by sinne: their beastly errour is to be abhor∣red, which thinke it no more dishonest to use the secret parts of nature openly, as well as any other mem∣bers: such were the Cynicall Philosophers, which in the market place, and in the streets thought it no shame to exercise the act of generation: whereupon they were called Cynik••s, because therein they were like unto dogs: and Diog••nes, the first founder and beginner of this beastly errour, was thereupon also called Cynicus, Tostat. qu. 49.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the difference of the Law and the Gospell.

Vers. 18. WHen the people saw it, they fled, and stood afarre off. Here is set forth the difference of the Law and the Gospell: for the Law worketh these two effects: Terrorem incutit, &c. It striketh terrour by the manifestation of our sinne: as the prodigall childe confessed, I am not worthy to be called thy sonne. And, retrocedere facit, it causeth to goe afarre off. Hereupon the Publicane stood afarre off, beating upon his breast, as not worthy to come neere into the presence of God. But the Gospell hath two other contrary effects: Consolatur & allicit; It comforteth and allureth: as our blessed Saviour saith, Come unto me all ye that are weary and laden, and I will ease you, Mat. 11.28. They that finde not the Law and the Gospell to worke these severall contrary effects, doe shew, that they understand neither, but are like unto those in the Gospell, of whom it is said, We have piped unto you, and yet have not danced; wee have mourned unto you, and ye have not wept: such can neither be wonne by the comfortable promises of the Gospell, not terrified by the heavy threatnings of the Law, Ferus. B. Babington.

2. Doct. One truth, one religion.

Vers. 24. AN altar of earth shalt thou make.] Quòd unum at que ••undeus cultum inter omnes esse vellet, &c. Because he would have one and the same worship among all, he commanded but one altar, Gallas. He would have but one altar, to note one truth, and one religion: B. Babington; as the Apo∣stle saith, Ephes. 4.5. There is one Lord, one faith, one baptisme.

5. Places of Confutation.

1. Confut. Against Tostatus, that it is no more lawfull to make images in the new Testament than it was under the old.

Vers. 23. GOds of silver, or Gods of gold, yee shall make yee none, &c. Tostatus alleaging these two rea∣sons why images were not allowed in the old Testament, because Idolatry was then com∣monly practised among the Gentiles, and therefore the Lord would take away all occasion thereof among his people: and for that no image could be made to represent God being visible; yet he saith that it is lawfull to have images in the new Testament, 〈…〉〈…〉 aliqua predi••tarum causarum, neither doth any of the former reasons hinder it: because now there is no danger of Idolatry in making an image to represent God: Quia non est nunc generalis 〈…〉〈…〉; There is not now a generall cu∣stome of the Gentiles leading that way: and though in the old Testament there was nothing which could be expressed by an image, God being invisible; yet in the new Testament Christ truly tooke our flesh: Ita ut statua et couveniat, quia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostrûm 〈◊〉〈◊〉; So that an image may well agree unto him, because he is like unto any of us. Sunt etiam ••liqu•• sancti viri, &c. There are also holy men, whom though we worship not as Gods, yet we have them as intercessors with God, and doe make pictures of them, to be put in remembrance of them, Tostat. qu. 39.

Contra. 1. If the forbidding to make any graven image to represent God by, be a morall precept, as it cannot be denied, then it bindeth Christians as well in the new Testament, as it did the Israelites in the old. 2. And there is more danger of idolatry 〈◊〉〈◊〉, than there was the••: for the grosse idolatry of the

Gentiles was not so dangerous to imitate, nor so like to be followed, as the coloured superstition, and re∣fined idolatry of those which professe themselves Catholikes and Christians: the grosse Pagane idolatry is now turned into counterfeit Christian imagery. And if the nations, which have not yet received the Christian Faith, as the Turkes, Mahometanes, Jewes, have renounced idolatry, it is a shame for Christians in profession to retaine it still. 3. Concerning the other reason, first the Godhead and divine nature is no more circumscriptible and to be pictured now, than it was in the old Testament. And as Christ in the new did take upon him the shape and forme of man, so also in the old he appeared in humane shape to the Fa∣thers: why might they not then have pictured him, according to that appearance, as well as now? there∣fore in this respect there is no difference. But can they also by any image resemble Christs divine nature? If they cannot, it is a lying image: for either they make a picture of Christ as God and Man, and so they with Eutyches will confound the natures of Christ, making the Godhead circumscriptible: or else with Nestorius they must divide his person, making two Christs, one as he is Man, whom they cannot picture; another, as he is God, who cannot by any image bee resembled. And whereas Tostatus himselfe misliketh that any image should be made of the Trinity, upon this reason: Quia cum nihil tale, ut est, exprimere in personis divinis valeat, solius erroris Arriani occasio est, ut tres Deos essentialiter distenctos, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Because no picture can expresse any thing in the divine persons, as it is, and so it would only give occasion of the Arrian errour, that wee should imagine three Gods essentially distinguished, &c. this reason may be returned againe upon him: that seeing nothing of Christs divine nature can be expressed by a picture, such delineation and portraiting of Christ would give occasion of the Nestorian heresie, to make two Christs; one, which may be pictured, as he is man, and the other, which cannot be pictured, as he is God.

Secondly, concerning the images of Saints: Were there not glorious and renowned Saints in the old Testament, as the Patriarkes, Abraham, Isaack, Iacob, with the Prophets, Moses and Elias, with the rest, as the Apostles and Evangelists, and holy Martyrs under the New? Why then was it not as lawfull to make images and visible representations of the Saints then, as now? Therefore herein there is no difference be∣tweene those times, and these: and so, notwithstanding all these shifts and evasions, it is found to bee no more lawfull to have Images and pictures for religious uses now, than it was then.

2. Confut. Against the grossenesse of idolatrie.

BUt this place which forbiddeth any Gods of silver or gold to bee made, maketh strongly against all adoration of such Images, which by so doing they make their Gods. And whereas the Lord saith, Ye shall not make with me: Hac voce ostendit alios sibi deos adjungi, cum eriguntur simulachra: By this word he sheweth, that other Gods are joyned with him, when as Images are erected, &c. For when they doe bow before them, and make their prayers, and offer unto them, and give that unto dumbe Idols, which belongeth unto God, they doe in effect make Images of silver and gold, their Gods. Those reasons which Damascene urgeth against the Idols of the Pagans, may be also enforced against the superstitious Images of the Romanists. 1. Stulte, pretiosius est tuo idolo animal quod offertur ei: nam idolum homo fecit, ani∣mal Deus creavit, &c. Thou foole, that beast is more precious than thine Idoll which thou offerest unto it: for thou madest the Idoll, but God created the beast. ••. Deum quis emit, Deum quis vendit, &c. Who hath bought God, or who hath sold God? but thine Idols are sold, some for a greater price, some for a lesse. 3. Quomodo Deus vocatur, qui non movetur? How is that called God, which is not moved? Doest thou not see, how if an Image sit, it never standeth, and standing it never sitteth? 4. Antiqui••r es tu deo à te facto, &c. Thou art more ancient than the god which thou makest: but God was before all. 5. Confi∣dis teipsum, cum sis homo, Deum posse facere, &c. Thou perswadest thy selfe, that thou being a man, canst make God: but man was created and made by God, he then cannot be a maker of his God. 6. Nisi custo∣des assiderent, deum tu perderes, &c. Unlesse thou shouldest set watchmen by, thou mightest lose thy God: but God is our keeper, God hath no need of our keeping. And so he concludeth, Amentiae non pietatis sunt vestra opera, &c. Your workes then are workes of madnesse, rather than piety: Damascen in histor. Bar∣laam & Iosaphat.

3. Confut. Against those which say the Godhead may be comprehended.

Vers. 21. MOses drew neere unto the darknesse where God was, &c. This sheweth that in respect of us, God is in darknesse, because his divine nature and essence is of us incomprehensible, but in himselfe he dwelleth in light inaccessible, which none can attaine unto, 1 Tim 6.16. as also the Evangelist saith, No man hath seene God at any time, Ioh. 1.18. This then evidently convinceth the errour of the Ano∣mians,* 1.63 that affirmed, They comprehended the very essence of God: which errour he strongly savoureth of, that is bold to say, That there is not any thing of God, which his Saints shall not see; that we shall communicate with Christ in all his glory; that Paul being rapt into the third heaven, saw the very essence of God; that we shall see the Godhead of Christ in plaine manner, and in perfect measure. Against these bold assertions, I will oppose the Theologicall conclusions of Thomas Aquin concerning this matter: Nullus intellectus creatus potest ad eum accedere, &c. No created understanding can come neere unto God: Now the understanding ••ay two wayes come to the knowledge of the nature of another: Scilicet, ut attingat, & comprehendat, that is, to attaine unto it, and to comprehend it: it is impossible that the intellectuall part should come to com∣prehend God; seeing he is infinitè cognoscibilis, infinitely to be knowne; Virtus autem intellect•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est sinita; But the power of the understanding, or intelligence created is finite, &c. how then can that which is finite, comprehend that which is infinite? Ideo etiam intellectus Christi, non comprehendit 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. Yea even the understanding of Christ, that is, as hee is man, doth not comprehend God. There is

another way to know God, scilicet u••••ingendo Deum, by attaining or comming neere unto him. And this way no created intelligence can attaine, per propria naturalla, by the naturall power, to know that which is God: and the reason is, Quia null•••• potent in potest in aliquid altius suo objecto, &c. Because no power can doe any thing in that which is higher than the object▪ now God is higher than the object of our under∣standing. Thomas proceedeth thus: A thing is said to be invisible two wayes, Vno modo propter defectum sui, ut opaca; alio modo propter excedentiam, ut sol; One way because of the defect in it selfe, as darke and shadowed places; another, because of the excellencie thereof, as the Sunne is to our eye; and so God is invisible. But how is God inaccessible? If we understand the comprehension of God so it is true even of the Angels (that is, that they comprehend him not) for so God only comprehendeth himselfe: si de visio∣ne quae attingitur, &c. if we understand the Apostle to speake of the vision attaining, not comprehending, so it is understood three wayes: 1. Nemo vidit oculo corporali, No man hath seene God with the bodily eye: 2. Secundum essentiam oculo m••ne••is vivens in curne nisi Christus, &c. And according to his essence, no man living in the flesh, hath seene him with the eye of the minde, but Christ, as the Lord saith, Exod. 33.20. There shall no man see mee and live. 3. Nemo vidit, quid est Deus, per scipsum, No man hath seene what God is by himselfe, that is, by his owne power, as our blessed Saviour saith to Peter, Flesh and bloud hath not revealed this unto thee, &c. Matth. 16. Sic Thomas in 1. Timoth. cap. 6. lect. 3.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Not to contemne or despise the ordinary ministery.

Vers. 19. TAlke thou with us, and we will heare. This both meeteth with their curiosity and ignorant folly, that say, O if I might heare God speake himselfe, I should be much moved: little doe they conceive, that thus speake, their owne weaknesse, or the Majesty of God: for this people was not able to endure to heare the mighty voice of God, B. Babington. Beside, this sheweth the unthankfulnesse of men, in not acknowledging the Lords mercy, in appointing the ministery of man like unto our selves, for our instruction and comfort; and their prophanenesse which contemne so necessary a meane, without the which they must either be left altogether without a guide, or be overwhelmed with the Majesty of God, Galas.

2. Observ. How fearefull the day of judgement shall be.

LEt not God talke with us, lest wee dye. If the Law was so terrible when it was given, how fearefull is that day like to be, when God shall come to judge the breaches and transgressions of his Law? if the giving of the precept did strike such feare, the rendring of judgement cannot bee without great hor∣rour, B. Babington. Therefore the Apostle saith, Knowing the terrour of the Lord, wee perswade men, &c. 2 Cor. 6.11.

3. Observ. Against curiositie.

Vers. 21. MOses drew neere to the darknesse, &c. This sheweth that God is incomprehensible, therefore we must be sober, and modest, and humble, in speaking or writing of God. This Simonides found, who being asked of Hiero what God was, first asked three dayes, then six, then double againe, to consider of it, and in the end gave over, as being not able to search it out, B. Babing. So the Apostle exhor∣teth, That no man presume to understand above that which is meet to understand, but that he understand ac∣cording to sobrietie, Rom. 12.3.

CHAP. XXI.

1. The Method and Argument.

IN the former Chapter was propounded the Morall law chiefly, mixed with ceremoniall constitutions in the end of the Chapter: now follow the Judiciall lawes, unto the 10. verse of the 23. Chapter: from thence unto the 20. verse are propounded certaine ce∣remoniall orders in generall, as touching sacrifices and their feasts: the more speciall and particular prescriptions concerning ceremonies, are at large set forth in the booke of Leviticus.

This Chapter consisteth of three parts: The first is of the manumission and setting at liberty Hebrew servants, both men and women, unto vers. 12. Concerning the man servant, these Lawes are given: 1. How long he shall serve, vers. 2. 2. When his wife is to goe out with him, when not, vers. 3.4. 3. What is to be done to the servant that will not be made free, vers. 5. to vers. 7. Concerning the maid servant: 1. Upon what condition she may be sold to her maste••, not to be sold againe to a stranger, vers. 7, 8. 2 What is to be done unto her, if she be betrothed to his sonne, vers. 9. 3. What must be performed to her, if he marry another wife, vers. 10. 4. What must be done if he doe not performe these things, vers. 11.

Secondly, there follow certaine mulcts and punishments for divers offences committed by man, as of murther, vers. 12, 13, 14. smiting of parents, vers. 15. stealing of men, vers. 16. cursing of parents, vers. 17.

hurting of a man, vers. 19.18. beating of servants to death, vers. 18, 19. hurting of women with childe, vers. 22. blemishing of servants in their eye, tooth, &c. vers. 24. to 28.

Thirdly, of mischiefe and dammages, that are occasioned by other mens default: as by their oxe that useth to push and goare man or woman, vers. 28. to 33. or hurteth anothers oxe, vers. 35, 36. and of dammages which are caused by the digging of pits and wells, vers. 33, 34.

2. The divers readings.

* 1.64Vers. 3. If he came with his body. A.P. alone, with his body. I. If he came in single. V. or, alone. B.G.C.S. The sense is kept, not the word, better than, with what garment he entred, &c. L. but the word guph, signi∣fieth a body, as gupha in the feminine is taken, Exod. 21.3.

* 1.65Vers. 7. She shall not goe out as men servants. B.G.V.I. cum caeter. not, as maids. S.L.

Vers. 8. Who hath not betrothed her. I.V.A.P. better than, betrothed her. B.G.C.L. S. for here the nega∣tive, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lo, is omitted.

Vers. 8. In dealing deceitfully, or perfidiously with her. I. or, trespassing against her. A. better than, in despi∣sing her. B.G.C.L.S. for bagadh, signifieth properly to deceive, and breake covenant, as Malach. 2.10.14. the meaning is, he hath broken appointment of marriage with her.

Vers. 10. Her rayment, and dwelling, or, habitation. I.A. conversation. S. better than, price of her chastity. I. or,* 1.66 recompence of her virginity. G. or, duty of marriage. B. V. lying with her. C. her time. P. ghorah of gh••r, signifieth an habitation or dwelling.

* 1.67Vers. 16. And it be found in his hand. I.A.P.C.V.G. that is, the person which he hath stollen, better than, if it be proved upon him. B. or, if he be found in it. S. if he be convicted of the fault. L.

Vers. 22. If no destruction follow. B.V.I. or, death. G. A. P.C. better than, if the child come forth without fashion.* 1.68 S. or, but she liveth. L. for it is as well understood of the infant, as of the mother, if neither of them dye, &c.

2. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Of the necessity of the Iudiciall lawes.

Vers. 1. THese are the judgements, &c. 1. After the Morall law followeth the Judicials: for the Civill law issueth out of the Morall law, which is the fountaine and foundation of all other Lawes. And as the Morall law is principally grounded upon the Law of Nature: so in the next place, the Civill law also floweth from the same fountaine, as it may appeare by the generall use thereof: seeing no com∣mon-wealth can stand without Civill and Judiciall constitutions, Borrh. 2. And Moses having propoun∣ded the Lawes which binde in conscience, so now he setteth forth the Penall lawes, whereby the obstinacy of men might be restrained: for if a man were left to himselfe: Nemo est qui non suo arbitrio m••lit vivo∣re, there is none that had not rather live as he list himselfe, Galas. 3. Therefore because it might fall out, that all would not be obedient to the Morall precepts, necessarium suit praescribere, &c. it was necessary to prescribe what punishment every transgressor of the Law should be subject unto, Rupertus.

QUEST. II. The difference of the Morall, Iudiciall, and Ceremoniall lawes.

THe judgements. 1. The Judiciall lawes, Ceremoniall and Morall, are thus distinguished: some pre∣cepts have vim obligandi ex ipso dictamine rationis, power to binde by the very inducement of naturall reason, though there were no other Law to enforce them, such are the morall precepts: some Lawes doe not absolutely binde by the instinct and perswasion of naturall reason: sed ex institutione divina vel hu∣mana, but by a divine and humane institution: which, if they concerne such things as appertaine unto God, are ceremonials: if they respect the ordering of men, and directing of humane affaires, they are Judi∣ciall lawes: two things then are required in Judiciall lawes, that they concerne ordinationem humanam, the ordering and directing of men, and that they doe binde, non ex sola ratione, sed ex institutione, not by reason onely, but by the institution, Thom. 1.2. qu. 104. art. 1. in Cor. 2. Now there are foure sorts of Ju∣diciall lawes, one of the Prince toward the subjects, another of the Citizens among themselves, the third of the Citizens toward strangers, and the fourth concerning domesticall duties, as of the fathers, masters, husbands, toward their children, servants, wives, Thomas.

QUEST. III. How the Ceremonials are abolished.

FUrther, concerning the validity of the Ceremoniall law: 1. The Ceremonies were of two sorts, either such as were meerely figurative, signifying such things as were to be performed in Christ, as Circumci∣sion, and the paschall Lambe, which are in no respect to be observed: for this were in a manner to deny Christ to be come: if the figures should still remaine in use, then the body is yet to be expected. 2. There was another sort of ceremonies, which doe not directly concerne the signification of Christ to come; but only shewed, munditiam populi illius & sanitatem, the cleanlinesse and health of that people, as to ab∣staine from swines flesh: which if one should now observe, as it was commanded in the Law, he sinneth; but if for some other end, as for his health, or such like, he offendeth not, Tostatus quaest. 1. 3. Some cere∣monies were partly figurative of things to come, and significative of some spirituall thing: partly they had some other politick end and use, which not in respect of the figure and type, but in some other regard,

may upon a new institution be observed under the Gospell: as the shew-bread or face-bread, as it was a figure of Christ, is now no more used: but yet bread by Christs institution is still retained in the Eucha∣rist, as representative of the body of Christ. So they under the Law used washing with water, to signifie the inward cleansing: and now also in the new Testament, upon a new ordinance, it is used as the out∣ward element in Baptisme. So the observation of the Sabbath, the paying of tithes, Churches garments, Church-musicke, and the like were partly ceremoniall, partly morall, belonging to the service of God, to the maintenance of Ministers, to externall decencie and comelinesse: in which respect, though the cere∣moniall use be ceased, they may be retained still, all things being done without offence, and to edification, according to the Apostles rule. 4. But here I cannot let passe untouched an unsound assertion of Lyranus, to whom consenteth Lippoman: that thurificatio, quae de ceremonialibus erat, in nova lege remanet: that censing and offering of incense, being one of the ceremonials of the old Law, yet remaineth in the new,* 1.69 because it signified nothing to come, but only shewed the devotion of the people in the worship of God, which is greater in the new Testament than in the old. Contra. 1. The offering of incense was a necessarie appertinance to the externall sacrifices of the Law, it did continually wait and attend upon them: and as the sacrifices did prefigure the holy sacrifice of attonement, and passion of our blessed Saviour upon the crosse: so the incense did betoken the sweet savour of that sacrifice, and the acceptance thereof with Gold: as Saint Paul sheweth, that Christ hath given himselfe for us an offering and a sacrifice, of a sweet smelling savour unto God, Ephes. 5.2. Beside, the oblation of incense did shadow forth the mediation of Christ, in offering up the prayers of the Saints, as Revel. 8.3. Much odors were given to the Angel that had the golden censer, to offer with the prayers of the Saints: and hereunto alludeth the Prophet David, when he saith, Let my prayer be directed in thy sight, as incense, Psal. 141.2. It is evident then, that the incense of the old Law was figurative, and significative of things to come. 2. And true it is, that the inward and spi∣rituall devotion is more and greater in the new Testament, than it was in the old, but not the externall: for they had more outward ceremonies and rites prescribed, as signes of their devotion, than are now re∣quired under the Gospell: for now they that worship God, must worship him in spirit and truth, Ioh. 4.24.

QUEST. IV. How farre the Iudicials are now to be retained.

FUrther, concerning the Judicials of Moses: 1. They doe much differ in respect of their observation from the Ceremonials: for these are so abrogated, as that now to observe the figures and types of the old Testament, were great impiety: for all such things were observed then, vel expresè, vel tacitè sub protestatione Messiae futuri, &c. either expresly or closely under protestation of the Messiah to come: now therefore to observe them, were to protest, Christum nondum venisse, that Christ were not yet come. But it is not so with the Judicials, for they being conclusions and rules of justice grounded upon the Law of nature, and first given for the conservation of the peace, and politike state of that Common-wealth, and not prescribed for any signification, or prefiguring of things to come; they may now be so farre forth ob∣served, as they are found fitting and agreeable unto the state and condition of the people: Sic fere Tostat. Lippom. 2. Two wayes is a precept said to be figurale, figurative•• one way, when it is principally institu∣ted to figure somewhat, such were the ceremoniall precepts: another, ex consequenti, by a certaine con∣sequent; and so are the Judicials after a sort figurative, because they belonged unto that people, cujus status erat figuralis, whose state was figurative: Sic Thom. Lippom. To bee figurative in this sense, letteth not, but that the Judicials may be retained now, seeing they were not appointed or ordained to prefigure any thing, as the Ceremonials were. 3. But here two strange positions come to be examined: the one is of Lippoman: That to observe the Judicials, tanquam ex lege veteri obligatoria, esset mortiferum, as binding by force of the old Law, were a deadly sinne. Tostatus also saith: We receive the judiciall precepts given of God, tanquam dicta sapientis viri, &c. as the sayings of some wise man, not as of a lawgiver binding us to the observation thereof: like as the Romans borrowed their Lawes of the wise Grecians, Tostat. qu. 1. Contra. 1. The old Law in the constituting of the Judicials was grounded upon the Law of equity:* 1.70 which rule of equity it is no sinne to follow now: therefore it is no sinne to follow the rules of the old law, as they are grounded upon equity and justice: nay therein to depart from them, were rather trans∣gression. 2. S. Iames saith, chap. 4.12. There is one Lawgiver, which is able to save and destroy: therefore to whom doth it rather belong to give direction, for what offences mans life is to be saved, and other pu∣nishment to be afflicted, and for what his life is to bee taken away, than unto that perfit and soveraigne Lawgiver, who is the author and giver of life, and at whose will and pleasure only mans life is taken away? To say therefore that the Judicials appointed by God, are to be observed now only as the sayings of a wise man, not as of a Lawgiver, is both to derogate from Gods authority, who is the only sufficient Lawgiver, and from the sufficiencie of his law (which is more perfect than any humane constitutions whatsoever) in making these Judicials but equall unto the sayings of other wise men. But this question hath beene al∣ready handled at large before, in the generall questions in chap. 1. Exod.

QUEST. V. Why these Lawes are called judgements.

THese are the judgements. 1. He saith not, Dei judicia, sed absolut•• judicia, the judgements of God, but absolutely judgements: for he which observed these, was not yet just before God, though hee were before men, Lippoman. 2. This word judgement in the singular signifieth not, as judgements in the plurall: for judgement in the singular for the most part signifieth condemnation: but in the plurall it signifieth, tam re•• vindictam, quàm innocentis defensionem; as well the revenge and punishment of the guil∣ty, as the defence of the innocent, Rupertus. 3. This word judgement is taken three wayes: first it signi∣fieth

the act of the judgement and understanding, which determineth what is meet and convenient to be done: and so it is as the fountaine and beginning whence good Lawes proceed: Lex enim per judicium facta est; for the Law is made out of judgement. Secondly, it is taken pro ipsa exhibitione justitiae, for the very exhibiting and administration of justice, which is the execution of the Lawes. Thirdly, it is taken pro lege, secundùm quam judicandum est, for the Law it selfe, according to the which judgement is given: and in this signification is the word used here, Tostat. qu. 3.

QUEST. VI. How Moses propounded these Lawes, by speaking or by writing.

Vers. 1. WHich thou shalt set before them, or propound unto them. 1. Augustine saith: Notanda est hic locutio, &c. The manner of speech is here to be observed: this is said to Moses, Thou shalt propound, &c. but the rest that followeth, If thou shalt buy, &c. vers. 2. is spoken to the people, as unto Moses: Locut. 91. in Exod. 2. These Lawes Ab. Ezra saith might be propounded two wayes unto the people, either by pronouncing them, or by writing of them. But it is evident, chap. 24.3. that first Moses told all these Lawes by word of mouth, before he writ them: and he had first the peoples consent unto them: for they were no Lawes, till the people had received them, and submitted themselves unto them. And therefore as soone as Moses had propounded them, the people answered with one voice, All the things which the Lord hath said, will we doe, chap. 24.3. Tostat. qu. 3.

QUEST. VII. Why the Israelites were called Hebrewes.

Vers. 2. IF thou buy an Hebrew servant, &c. This was a peculiar name to the Israelites to be called He∣brewes: 1. which name is not derived of Abraham, as some thinke: for the name Hebrew, be∣ginneth with the letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ain: the name of Abraham with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aleph: and beside, there were other na∣tions that came of Abraham, as the Edomites, Ismaelites, Amalekites, Midianites, which should also by that reason have beene called Hebrewes. 2. Neither is this name derived of the signification thereof, which signifieth to passe over: that therefore they should be so called, because sometime they dwelt be∣yond the river in Mesopotamia, and came over the river: for Lot came over as well as Abraham, and yet his posterity, the Moabites, and Ammonites, were not called Hebrewes. 3. Therefore they are so called of Heber, not only because they were of him descended: for other nations which came of Ioktan the se∣cond sonne of Heber, descended of him, yet were not called Hebrewes: neither was this name given them, in respect of the holinesse and true worship of God, which Heber professed: for in that sense they might rather have beene called by Abrahams name, who is famous in Scripture for his faith and obedi∣ence: but the reason of this name is, because the Hebrew language, which was peculiar and proper to the Israelites, was preserved in the family of Heber, when the tongues were divided at the destruction of Babel: and so although many other nations did spring out of Hebers family, yet it was so disposed by Gods providence, that the true worship of God, together with the Hebrew tongue, should be preserved only among the righteous seed. It is no other like, but that in Abrahams house Ismael as well as Isaack•• and in Isaacks house, Esau as well as Iacob spake Hebrew while they lived together: but afterward, when Ismael and Esau were departed from their fathers house, they spake the tongue and language of those nations, to whom they joyned themselves, Tostat. qu. 4.

QUEST. VIII. How the Hebrewes became servants.

AN Hebrew servant. 1. The Israelites had two kindes of servants: some were of other nations; as most of the servants which the Romans had were such: and these servants they might keepe a longer time than for six yeeres: their servitude was perpetuall, and hereditary both of themselves and their children: the other kinde of servants was of their owne nation, for whose benefit this Law is made, Tostat. Oleaster. 2. Some thinke that this Law is made concerning such servants being Hebrewes, which were bought of the Gentiles: but R. Salomon thinketh better, that it is a generall Law concerning all servants that were Hebrewes, howsoever they came to be servants, Ex Lyrano. 3. The Hebrewes became servants by these wayes: 1. If any man did steale, and had not wherewithall to make satisfaction, hee was to be sold by the Judges, and so the theft to be made good, Exod. 22.3. 2. If any did sell himselfe through poverty, Deut. 15.12. or a man sell his sonne or daughter, chap. 21.7. or when any were taken to be ser∣vants and bondmen for debt: as 2 King. 4.2. Simler. 3. Or when any having a servant, and being decayed, had no longer any use or service for him, he might sell him over unto another, Lyran. 4. There might bee also a fourth occasion of servitude; namely, when in the civill warres, which were among the Israelites, as when the kingdome was divided after Salomons dayes, they did take any Hebrewes captives, or priso∣ners, they afterwards became their servants, Simler.

QUEST. IX. The difference betweene Hebrew servants and strangers.

NOw the condition of an Hebrew servant was more tolerable than of other servants, which were of strange nations, in these two respects: 1. Their service was not so hard, nor so cruell, Levit. 25.43. Thou shalt not rule over him cruelly. And before, vers. 39. Thou shalt not compell him to serve as a bond ser∣vant, but as an hired servant, and as a sojourner he shall be with thee: that is, his service should bee easie and gentle, and their entertainment good, as when one is hired: yet herein the condition of such servants differed from an hireling: the servant was bound generally, during his service, to doe any worke which his master enjoyned him: but the hireling was onely to doe that worke, for the which he was hired: the hireling was free, and at his owne disposition, he could not be set over to another; but so might the ser∣vant

be sold over during the time of his service, being not his owne man, but to be disposed of at the will of his master, Tostat. quaest. 5. 2. The Hebrew servants differed from others in the time of their service, which was not to exceed six yeeres: whereas the bondage and servitude of strangers was perpetuall, Simler. Such as they were commanded by the Law to have, Levit. 25.44. Thy bond servant, and thy bond∣maid, which thou shalt have, shall be of the Heathen which are around about you: as were the 〈…〉〈…〉, upon whom was laid the curse of perpetuall bondage or servitude, Gen. 9.25. Cursed be Canaan, 〈…〉〈…〉 of servants shall he be to his brethren.

QUEST. X. Of three kindes of liberty, and how servitude is agreeable to the Law of Nature.

BUt here it will further be demanded, whether servitude be agreeable to the Law of nature, and how it commeth to passe, that the Lord suffred the Israelites being a free people, to be servants one unto another. For the deciding of this doubt, there is a threefold kinde of liberty to be considered, a naturall liberty, civill, and spirituall. 1. The naturall liberty I call that, wherein Adam was created, being subdued to no bondage, neither spirituall of sinne, nor corporall in any outward subjection to any creature: but as he had a freedome of will, and was made Lord of his affections within, that he needed not to have sin∣ned, unlesse he would himselfe: so he had the dominion of the creatures given unto him. This originall liberty of nature considered, servitude and bondage was brought in as a punishment of sinne, and so is not simply, and of it selfe agreeable to the Law of nature. 2. But now since Adams fall, there is another kinde of civill liberty, and civill servitude opposite unto it. Civill liberty is defined to be a naturall fa∣culty, for every man to doe as himselfe liketh: nisi si quis aut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aut jure prohibetur, unlesse one be hin∣••••••d by force or in right; for that is no true liberty for a man against right, to doe what him li••teth: ser••itude contrariwise de••••eth unto a man power, vivend•• 〈…〉〈…〉; to live as he would, according unto nature. Now this servitude simply accordeth not with nature, as the Apostle saith, If yet thou mayest be free, use it rather, 1 Cor. 7.21. shewing that every one by nature desireth liberty and free∣dome. But after a sort this servitude is agreeable to nature, not simply, or of it selfe, but as other punish∣ments are said to be naturall, as tending to the maintenance of society among men which is properly na∣turall. And if it be objected, why since all men are fallen in Adam, and so brought into subjection, why all likewise become not servants: the answer is, that two things must be considered in this our corrupt state: the one is the Law of corruption, brought in by sinne, the other the goodnesse of God: that al∣though all men are subject by sinne to the same bondage and corruption, yet the goodnesse of God qua∣lifieth that slavish condition of nature, as that some doe enjoy an outward liberty and freedome: like as in the inward faculties of the soule, the Lord giveth unto some more light of understanding, dexterity of wit, profoundnesse of judgement, and other naturall gifts, than unto others. 3. The spirituall liberty is wrought in us by grace in Christ, which is from the subjection of sinne, and malediction of the Law; that our conscience is no more terrified with slavish feare, but we are at peace with God: and beside, by this spirituall liberty, the faithfull have restored unto them the dominion over all creatures: that though not in externall possession, yet in a spirituall right, all things are theirs, whether the world, life, death, things present or things to come, 1 Cor. 3.22. and all things worke to the best, to those that love God, Rom. ••. So these may very well stand together, externall servitude, and spirituall freedome: it is possible for one to bee a freeman to God, and yet a servant in the world, and another to be a bondman to sinne, and yet free in the world: for there are divers objects of these two kindes of liberty and bondage; the out∣ward freedome respecteth this life and state, the free use of riches, and pleasures of this life: the spirituall and internall freedome hath set before it the salvation of the soule, the favour of God, and life eternall. Christian religion then overthroweth not the diversity of degrees among men: But as Christ, though he were by his spirituall right, free from all taxes and impositions, yet lest he should offend, payed poll mo∣ney, Matth. 17. so Christians, though they are made free by faith in the Sonne, yet for the maintenance of peace and love, and avoiding of offence, in disturbing the temporall State, they are bound as well as others, to be subject unto the powers of this world: Et potestatibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nos subjici in eo homine qui ele∣mentis, ex quibus constat, subditus est: In respect of that man of ours which is subject to the elements whereof it consisteth, Borrh.

QUEST. XI. How these six yeeres are to be accounted.

Vers. 2. HE shall serve thee six yeeres, in the seventh he shall, &c. Some doe expound this De publico & generali anno septimo, of the publike and generall seventh yeere, some of the private, as every mans service began, Lippoman. But that it is to be understood of the publike yeere of intermission, it may be made plaine by these reasons: 1. Because, whereas every seventh yeere was appointed a yeere of inter∣mission, to forbeare tilling of the ground, or exacting of debts, Levit. 25. Deut. 15. if every man should make a yeere of remission of servants in his owne house, and not observe the generall and solemne yeere of intermission, this would have brought in and bred a great confusion▪ Tostat. 2. This also appeareth by the analogy of the great yeere of remission, which was in the fiftieth yeere: for there the buying of pos∣sessions or servants was no•• to be counted from the time of such buying, but from the yeere of Jubile, for as many yeeres or few remained of the Jubile, so was the price to be valued, Levi••. 25. Tostatus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Lyran. 3. And beside seeing in the seventh yeere, there was a 〈…〉〈…〉: for if a man might exact ser••ice of his servant, and not 〈…〉〈…〉 more base than their substance, which is not to be 〈…〉〈…〉 then the mea∣ning is, not that every 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Hebrewes 〈…〉〈…〉; for it might so full 〈◊〉〈◊〉

that he should serve but one, if he were bought immediatly before the yeere of Jubile, but that he should not at any time serve above six yeeres, Tostat.

QUEST. XII. The reasons why they ought to set their servants free.

HE shall goe out free for nothing. 1. That is, he shall pay nothing for his liberty, because he is made free by the Law: nor yet for any thing else. As if the servant had lien sicke any time of the yeeres of his service, and his master had beene at cost in healing of him; his master in this case was to expect no re∣compence, because his servant was as his possession, even as the oxe or asse, purchased for his profit, and therefore his master was to stand to the losse of it, Tostat. qu. 6. 2. And the reasons why this favour was to be shewed unto the Hebrewes being servants, were these: 1. The Lord saith, For they are my servants, which I brought out of the land of Egypt, Levit. 25.42. that is, he doth not only put them in minde of that generall benefit, of their deliverance out of the bondage and servitude of Egypt, the remembrance where∣of ought to make them kinde and mercifull to their servants the Hebrewes, which were partaken of the same common deliverance: But the Lord likewise pleadeth his right and interest in them, saying, They are my servants: so that although the Lord did somewhat depart from his owne right, in suffring of them to serve six yeeres, in regard of their necessity, yet if they should hold them in perpetuall servitude, they should usurpe upon the Lords right, seeing they were his servants.

2. Another reason is taken from the manner and condition of their service, Deut. 15.18. Hee hath ser∣ved six yeeres, which is the double worth of an hired servant: which is so said, either because the service of six yeeres is double to the time of hired servants, who used to covenant from three yeeres to three yeeres, Vatab. Or rather because their workes were more laborious than were the hired servants, Iun. For hee was to doe his worke, for the which he was hired, and no more: but the other, when he had done in his businesse in the field, came home, and ministred to his master first, before hee did ea•• himselfe, Luk. 17.10. And they only served not their master by day, but by night they kept their flockes in the field, as is evident in the example of Iacob, Gen. 31.40. Simler. 3. A third reason is taken from a promise of blessing: The Lord thy God shall blesse thee in all that thou doest, Deut. 15.18. Simler.

3. Though this Law concerning the freedome of servants, did specially concerne the policy of the Jewes, and so belongeth not unto us, for now servants are not bought and sold among Christian•• in the Romane Empire, but only hired, Osiander. Yet the equity of this Law doth binde us, that all they which have others in subjection under them, should use their authority moderately and in mercy, Galas. 4. The word here used, ch••pshi, interpreted free, signifieth also solitarie, because servants were not solitary, or alone by themselves in the house, but attended on their masters: they which were free, were solitary and by themselves, giving no attendance upon any, Oleaster.

QUEST. XIII. Why the space of six yeeres is limited for their service.

BUt concerning the limiting of the space of six yeeres for service, and the appointing of the seventh for liberty, what might be the reason thereof, thus it is diversly scanned. 1. Some doe thus moralize it: by six yeeres, they understand the perfection of the active life, because in six dayes the Lord made the world; hee that will come unto contemplation, must first approve himselfe in action, Lyr••n. 2. Isid••re maketh this application, in sex atatibus hujus s••culi servientes, &c. when wee have served the six ages of this world, in the seventh, which is the eternall Sabbath, we shall be free. 3. But I preferre rather Rupertus conjecture, that this privilege of going out free in the seventh yeere, and serving six, was proper to the He∣brewes: Quia videlicet pater ••orum Iacob sex annis pro gregibus Laban servivit, &c. Because Iacob their father served six yeeres for Labans flockes, and went out free in the seventh, chusing rather to sojourne with his fathers, Abraham and Isaack, than to serve among his kindred for more profit: therefore, Haec ingenuit as patris illam posteris apud Dominum thesaurizavit: This ingenuous minde of their father did treasure up this privilege before the Lord, for his posterity, that none should be compelled to serve above six yeeres: Rupert. lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 35. 4. But the best reason of all is, because as the Lord had from the beginning given them a Sabbath of dayes, which was the seventh day of rest: so also he gave them a Sab∣bath of yeeres, that every seventh yeere the land should rest, and servants should rest from their labours, and debters from their creditors: and they had also a Sabbath of seven times seven yeeres prescribed, that when they had counted seven times seven yeeres, then the fiftieth yeere should be the great yeere of remission, the yeere of Jubile, which was a lively figure of that acceptable time of generall remission, at the comming of the Messiah.

QUEST. XIV. How the servant is said to come in with his body, and to goe out with his body.

Vers. 3. IF he came himselfe alone. 1. Some read, If he came with his garment, he shall goe out with his gar∣ment, Hierom. Lyran. But the word is guph, which signifieth a body, not gaph, a wing of a gar∣ment: the true reading therefore is, If he came with his body, that is, alone without either the body of his wife or children, Oleaster. And so read both the Chalde and Septuagint, If he entred alone, he shall go out alone. 2. But this case is excepted, that if he in the time of service should marry a free woman, and not a maid servant given him by his master, in this case the free woman should not lose her freedome, but should goe out with her husband, Tostat. qu. 7. 3. And beside, as if he brought a wife with him, he went out with his wife, so by the like reason, if he had children before, they should be free likewise, Iun. Nay if he should g••t children during his service, by a wife married before his service, those children also should ••oe out with him, and not remaine with his master: partus sequitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the childe followeth

the condition of the mother, Tostat. quaest. 6. 4. And of the former reading, If he come in with his body, ra∣ther than, with his garment, these two reasons are given: 1. Because it is not like that the same garment with the which he entred could continue six yeeres, Pallican. 2. And the servant was not to bee sent out with his garment alone, but with a liberall reward of sh••epe, corne and wine, Deut. 15.14. Simler. 3. Be∣side, the next clause confirmeth this reading: but If he were married, &c. so to come in alone, is to come without a wife or children, Iun.

QUEST. XV. What manner of wife the master was to give to his servant.

Vers. 4. IF his master have given him a wife. 1. Some indifferently understand any maid servant, whether a stranger, or an Hebrewesse, and that such wife and her children shall be her masters, till the time of servitude come out, Genevens. But the master had no power to give an Hebrewesse maid to his servant to wife, but he must either take her himselfe, or give her to his sonne, vers. 7, 8. Piscat. Tostat. It is under∣stood therefore of such maid servants as were of other nations, Osiana. 2. But it seemeth, that the master could not give a Cananitish woman to his servant to wife, for they are forbidden to contract marriages with them, Deut. 7.4. Tostat. quaest. 7. Neither had the master power to give any free woman to his servant: for the master was to give onely his owne, but a free woman was none of his possession, Tostat. 5. This must be understood, if the servant will take a wife, for otherwise, he was not to be compelled: for if there were not a free consent, it is held to be no marriage, and the Master could no more compell the servant to lye with a maid against his will, to get children for his masters profit, than to force his maid to play the whore for her masters advantage. It must be therefore presupposed, if the servant be willing to take a wife, as in some cases he might, either to mend his poore estate, or because he cannot live chastely all the time of his service, Tostat. quaest. 7.

QUEST. XVI. Whether such separation betweene the servant and his wife were lawfull.

Vers. 4. THe wife and children shall be her masters, &c. 1. Some thinke that this was another cause of di∣vorce and separation, sine libello repud••i, without a bill of divorcement: Cajeta••••: and doe in∣ferre hereupon, that matrimonium in veteri lege non erat ratum, sicut nunc; that matrimony was not so sure then as it is now, when it is impossible, if it be lawfully made, to be dissolved, Tostat. Contra. 1. This cannot be said to bee any kinde of divorce, because the marriage is not held to bee lawfull with aliens. 2. And marriage was then as firme by the first institution, Gen. 2. as now, saving that much was permitted them by Moses Law for the hardnesse of their heart, Matth. 19. 3. And marriage now may be dissolved for fornication, as our blessed Saviour sheweth, Matth. 19. therefore it is untrue, that it is impossible now for lawfull matrimony to be dissolved. 2. Some excuse this kinde of separation: because the word is not absolutely given unto the servant, but only permitted for a time, while he is in service: and that shee was given but upon condition, that the children which should be borne should be his masters: Pellican. Lip∣poman. But it seemeth rather, by the words of the text, that the master in this case giveth his maid abso∣lutely, without condition, to be wife unto his servant. 3. Some make this to be the reason of this separa∣tion: Ne injuria Domino inferretur: Lest wrong might be done unto the master, if for shewing this fa∣vour to his servant, he should lose his maid, Gallas. But this doth not fully satisfie, that matrimony, if it were lawfull, should be dissolved for the masters advantage. 4. Wherefore the best answer is, that such marriages with strange women was not pleasing unto God, neither was it lawfull marriage: and there∣fore such separation was not unlawfull: and by this meanes God would have the Hebrewes terrified from matching with heathen women, Iunius: as in Ezra his time the Israelites did put away their strange wives, having had, some of them, children by them, Ezra. 10.44.

QUEST. XVII. Why the servant was brought before the Iudges, and what doore he was set to.

Vers. 6. THen his master shall bring him to the Iudges, and set him to the doore, &c. 1. The servant refu∣sing his liberty, either for the love of his wife and children, or else loving his owne case, be∣cause he is well with his master, was to be brought before the Judges (called Gods, because they are in Gods place) both, caevendae frandis causa, to prevent all fraud and deceit, that masters at their owne will should not prolong the time of their service: Simler. and that this being done publikely, others might be afraid of the like ignominy: Gallas. and to the end that the servant should make publike profession, that he continued in his service willingly, Piscator. 2. By the doore is not here understood the doore of the Tabernacle, as Gregor. for the Tabernacle was not yet made, and the Judges did not use to sit there: nor the gate of the City, as Borrh. Genevens. for, not d••lath, but shaghar, signifieth the doore of the City: Piscator. But he was brought to the doore of his masters house, Deut. 15.17. where his eare was bored thorow by the appointment of the Judges, Iun. Cajetan.

Vers. 6. His master shall bore his eare thorow. 1. Some thinke this was done to set his eare to the post of the doore to bore it thorow, in remembrance of the striking of the doore posts with bloud at the first institution of the Passeover in Egypt: ex Tostat. qu. 8. But there is no sense for this. 2. Some doe mora∣lize it; that by boring the eare is signified, that one should not doe good workes for to heare the praise and commendation of men. But this is as farre fetcht as the other. 3. Tostatus thinketh the reason was: Debebat puniri in aure male audiente, &c. He was to be punished in his ill hearing eare, that the mulct may be proportionable to the fault, because he listned no better to his liberty, quaest. 8. 4. But generally the boring of the eare was a note of ignominy, and conspicuous: ut si non horrerent servit••tem, horrerent sal∣tem ignominiam publicam: that if they were not afraid of servitude, at the least they should be afraid of

such reproach and ignominy, Cajetan. And therefore he is brought to the doore, ut multos habeas inspecto∣res & testes, that he may have many witnesses and beholders: Rupertus. And in particular his eare is bo∣red, not his face or forhead marked, as the Romanes used to brand their fugitive servants: because they were a free people, God would not have such ignominious markes set upon them: Marbach. 2. And, Per ••••ris terebrationem perpetuam sub domin•• obedie••tiam, &c. By the boring of the eare he signifieth his per∣petuall obedience under his master: and by applying him to the doore, is meant, that the servant should not goe out at the doore without his masters leave: Theodoret. 3. Fiebat perforatio tanquam detenti•• ser∣vi ad do••••um illam: This boring and fastning of the eare to the doore, signified the detention of the ser∣vant in that house, Cajetan. 4. And hereby is insinuated, perforata auris aeorum, quise Deo serv•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 the boring or opening of their eare, who doe addict themselves to Gods service, Borrh. as David saith, Psal. 40.6. Mine eares hast thou opened, or prepared.

QUEST. XVIII. Of the divers kindes of punishments used among the Israelites.

Vers. 6. HE shall serve him. There were six kindes of punishments used among the Israelites: 1. The first and greatest was the taking away of the life, which was in great offences, as of murder, adultery, idolatry. 2. Then there was poena talionis, the punishment of equality or retalion, as when eye went for eye, tooth for tooth, vers. 24. and of this kinde was the whipping of the body, Deut. 25.2. 3. There was poena damni, the punishment of losse and dammage, as in theft they were to make restitution out of their owne goods, Exod. 23.1. 4. There was poena ignominiae, the punishment of ignominy and shame: as his shooe was drawen off, and his face spit upon, that would not take his brothers wife, to raise up seed to his brother, Deut. 25. Tostat. qu. 8. Thom. and in this case the servants eare was bored thorow. 5. Poena servitutis, the punishment of servitude: which was inflicted in two cases, when as either a man not being able to make restitution, was sold for his theft, chap. 22.3. or, when the servant refused his free∣dome. 6. Unto this may be added, exile and the restraint of liberty; which the Law did not inflict in ge∣nerall, that any should be banished altogether out of the land, lest it might cause them to fall to idolatry: as David complaineth, 1 Sam. 26.19. They have cast me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, saying, Goe serve other gods. Yet there was aliquod particulare exilium, a particular kinde of exile, as when he that had killed a man, and not wilfully or of hatred, was confined unto one of the Cities of refuge, Thom. 2.2. qu. 105. art. 2. ad. 10.

QUEST. XIX. What is meant here by Ever.

FOr ever. 1. Hierome observeth that this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gholam with vau, signifieth eternity, but with∣out vau, as it is here, it is taken for the fiftieth yeere which was the Jubile: Hierom in Galata••, chap. 1. But this observation doth not alwayes hold. Augustine saith, that is called here aeternum, for ever, cujus temporis sinis non est, of which time there is no end: Locut. 91. Oleaster saith it signifieth tempus occultum, an hid time: for in that sense also the word is taken. Theodoret, that it signifieth tempus definitum, deter∣minatum, a definite and determinate time: as the time of a mans life. But it is here rather taken for the yeere of Jubile, whether it were neerer or further off: for then all servants whatsoever were redeemed: Sic Lippom. Lyran. Tostat. as Levit. 25.39. Iun.

QUEST. XX. When the servant was to goe out free in the seventh yeere, when in the fiftieth yeere.

BUt there may seeme to be some repugnancie betweene this Law, Exod. 21.2. of the servants going out free in the 7. yeere, and that Levit. 25.29. He shall serve thee unto the yeere of Iubile. 1. The places are thus reconciled, that here he speaketh of the freedome of such servants in the seventh yeere which ac∣cept of their freedome: but there of such, which refuse to be made free, who shall serve for ever, that is, to the yeere of Jubile. 2. Other cases likewise are put, when servants goe not out free in the seventh yeere: as if either they be not Hebrewes, for then they have no benefit by this Law, which is made for the privilege of Hebrewes being servants. 3. Likewise if an Hebrew were sold not to an Hebrew, but to a stranger, he was not to be set free in the seventh yeere, but might be redeemed by any of his kinred, an estimation being made of the price, according to the neerenesse or farnesse of the yeere of Jubile, 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 25. Simler.

QUEST. XXI. Certaine cases put when the yeere of Iubile came before the yeere of remission.

ALso other cases may be put: 1. What if a man sell himselfe to serve five yeeres before the yeere of Ju∣bile, and in the meane time his master give him a wife, and he hath children by her, whether that he shall go out with his wife and children in the yeere of Jubile? The answer is, that he shall: for then in the yeere of remission he should goe out alone without wife and children: yet the Jubile being a generall re∣mission of all kinde of bonds and contracts, then he, his wife, children, and all, shall be set free. 2. Likewise, if the yeere of Jubile come before the yeere of remission, hee that refusing to goe out free, for love unto his wife and children, was to have his eare bored, shall not now have his eare bored: for that was but a signe of his perpetuall service till the yeere of Jubile: which yeere being now come, he is released of the bond of servitude, and so freed also from his boring▪ which was a signe thereof, Tostat. quaest. 9.

QUEST. XXII. Whether it were lawfull among the Israelites for the parents to sell their children.

Vers. 7. IF a man sell his daughter, &c. 1. It is not like, that simply it was lawfull for the father to sell ei∣ther sonne or daughter, as Gallasius thinketh, seeing that even the Heathen Emperours Diocle∣sian and Maximinian, provided by Law, that parents should not sell their children: therefore this was not properly a selling of them: Non datur pretium, ut serviat, sed principaliter ut ducatur: The price was not given that she should serve, but principally that shee might be married, Tostat. qu. 9. 2. And this must be understood of maids not yet come to yeeres, as R. Salomon thinketh, under twelve yeere old: both be∣cause afterward they were not in their fathers power, Borrh. as also, for that there was no danger to their chaste virginity, being sold before they were marriageable: but after there was, Tostat. quaest. 9. 3. There was difference betweene the selling of a maid by her father, for then shee was to be handled otherwise than common servants: and when she sold her selfe: for in this case she was not to be free till the seventh yeere, as it was with other servants, Deut. 15.12. 4. Tostatus seemeth to be of opinion, that no women, whether virgins or widowes (for wives were under their husbands power) could sell themselves, because they put their chastity in hazard when they were so sold into service, Tostat qu. 9. But this seemeth to be contrary to the letter of the Law, Deut. 15.12. any Hebrewesse might sell her selfe, as well as an Hebrew.

QUEST. XXIII. In what sense it is said, Shee shall not goe out as other servants.

Vers. 7. SHe shall not goe out at other men servants, &c. 1. Historia scholastica maketh this the sense: that she shall be dismissed by a bill of divorcement, and not goe out as other maids, but as other free women were dismissed if her master had espoused her to himselfe, or his sonne: if not, shee should goe forth as other maids, that is, sine mercede, without any reward. Contra. 1. But in case that her master had taken her to wife, now she was free, and no longer as a servant: this Law then should have beene imper∣tinent, in speaking of her going out of service, but not as other servants. 2. And the latter part of this ex∣position doth contradict the text, inferring that she shall goe out as other servants, whereas the Law saith otherwise, She shall not, &c.

2. Tostatus giveth this interpretation: By other maid servants he understandeth such maids as were of other nations, which were two wayes set free, either being redeemed by money, or else if the master perished the eye or tooth of his maid, she should be set free for her eye or tooth, Exod. 21.26. But the case of Hebrew maids was divers, they should bee set free without money: and if their eye or tooth were hurt, their master should pay eye for eye, tooth for tooth, vers. 24. as if the hurt had beene done to other free men, or free women. Contra. 1. But it is evident, that this Law meaneth not by other servants those only of other nations, but such as were spoken of before, namely Hebrew servants, Iun. 2. And beside, it is not fit to run for the exposition of this difference to other places: this Law it selfe sheweth afterward, wherein this privilege beyond other servants consisteth.

3. Augustine thus understandeth it: she shall not goe out as other maids, for remunerabit eam, he shall reward her: so also Vatablus, because other servants did goe out, nudi & siue mercede, naked and without any reward. But Augustine here following the vulgar Latine, readeth ancillae, maids, whereas it is in the originall, as other men servants. So also Rupertus: this is prescribed according to the president of their father Iacob, Qui non passus est illam, sicut ancillam, si••e dote exire: Which would not suffer his wife as a maid servant to goe forth without a dowry. But this is not all.

3. Procopius referreth it to that which followeth, vers. 8. He shall not have power to sell her to •• strange people. But it was not lawfull to sell any other Hebrew servant to a strange people: therefore this had beene no such privilege.

4. The most thus understand it: Vult potestatem habere redimendi se ante sexennium; Hee would have them to have power to redeeme themselves before the six yeeres expired: which it was not lawfull for other servants to doe. So Lyran. Marbach. Osiand. Borrhaius with others: this was part of the privilege, but not all.

5. But this privilege is more generall, and containeth divers branches, as afterward followeth: for hee was either to espouse her to himselfe, or to his sonne▪ or suffer her to be redeemed of her friends: if none of these, he was to provide her of three things, food, rayment, and dwelling, or else to let her goe out free i in all these respects it is said, She shall not goe out as other servants did, I••n. in Analys.

QUEST. XXIV. Whether it must be read betrothed or bethrothed not.

Vers. 8. IF she ple••se not her master, so that he betrotheth her not. There are divers interpretations made of this verse: 1. The Latine readeth, If she please not her master, cui tradita fuit, to whom shee was delivered, that is, upon hope of marriage: so also Tostat. Borrh. Lyran. But in the originall there is the negative particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lo: and therefore it cannot be read affirmatively. 2. Some thinke that the nega∣tive 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lo, not, is here taken for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lo, to him: and that in fifteene places beside in the old Testament, the adverbe is taken for the pronoune, whereof this is one; and so they read thus: If she displease her ma∣ster, who hath betrothed her to himselfe: So read the Chalde and Septuag▪ so also Lippom. But beside that it is a forcing of the words, to take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the adverbe for the pronoune: it is not like, that after a man had espoused unto him a wife, another should have liberty to redeeme her. 3. Therefore the true reading is: So that he doe not betroth her to himselfe: Vatabl. Iun. or, suffer her to be redeemed, that is, of her friends: yet he shall have no power to sell her to a strange people.

QUEST. XXV. How she was to be redeemed.

Vers. 8. OR cause her to be redeemed. 1. Tostatus giveth this sense, De•• alteri qui cam emat: He shall give unto another money to redeeme her, and so take her to his wife, qu. 9. But this is not like, that having paid for her before to have her service, he should give money againe to be rid of her. 2. Vatablu•• thus expoundeth, remittet illi pecuniam servitutis, &c. he shall release unto her the money, or price of her service, as though shee had beene redeemed with money. So also Oleaster. But this were an improper speech, He shall cause her to be redeemed, that is, let her goe out free: the one seemeth to be contrary to the other: for they which went out free, needed not to bee redeemed. 3. Wherefore the meaning is, he shall suffer her to be redeemed either by her selfe, Oleaster; by her father, Osiand. or some of the next of kindred, Iun. or by him that intendeth to have her to his wife, Marbach. And she must be redeemed at a reasonable price, the yeeres of her service which she hath served being considered: as if shee were sold to serve six yeeres for six pound, three of those yeeres being past, shee was to be re∣deemed at any time, before she had served the whole six yeeres, for three pound, halfe the money, Lyran. Galas.

QUEST. XXVI. Why it was not lawfull to sell their maids to strangers.

Vers. 8. HE shall have no power to sell her to a strange people, &c. 1. Cajetane understandeth here, homini Hebra•• alterius populi, she should not be sold over to an Hebrew of another people or place: because the Hebrew maids were not to be carried from City to City. But Oleaster giveth a good reason against this sense: Populus alterius urbis non videtur alius populus ab Israeli; The people of another City seemed not to be another people from Israel. 2. Therefore the meaning is, that she should not be sold over to any other strange people of the Gentiles, for these reasons: 1. Because injury was done unto God, when as those whom he had chosen for his peculiar people, and were properly his servants, should become slaves to Idolaters, and so the name of God among the Heathen should bee blasphemed. 2. There was wrong also offred unto the maid, which should be so sold: bo••h because her bondage should be perpetuall, and not for a time, as it was among the Hebrewes: beside, her chastity was like to be endangered among the Gentiles; and her selfe in great hazard to be corrupted in religion, and seduced to Idolatry, Tostat. quaest. 10. 3. And as it was not lawfull to sell her unto any strange nation, so neither to any of the strange people which sojourned among the Israelites: because both such kinde of service was more hard, and be∣side it continued longer: for like as the strangers which were servants to the Hebrewes, were in harder case than the Hebrewes servants, Levit. 25.46. for they were the Israelites possession and inheritance for ever, and were not set free, neither in the seventh yeere of remission, nor in the yeere of Jubile: So the He∣brew servants, which served strangers, were in worse condition than those which served Hebrewes: for an Hebrew serving an Hebrew, was set free in the seventh yeere; but if he served a stranger, he could not have his libertie till the yeere of Jubile, unlesse he were redeemed with money, Levit. 25.55. Tostatus. 4. The meaning then of the Law is this, that if the master did neither marry his maid himselfe, not his sonne, he should suffer her to be redeemed; but in no wise was he to sell her to any strange people, Mar∣bach. Which is therefore especially forbidden, because the Gentiles buying servants for a perpetuity, would give more for them than the Hebrewes would, whom they were to serve but six yeeres: therefore it was needfull that the covetousnesse of the Israelites should herein be restrained, Tostat. qu. 9.

QUEST. XXVII. What the meaning is of these words, He hath despised her.

SEeing he hath deceived her, or dealt perfidiously with her. 1. The Latine following the Septuagint rea∣deth, Because he hath despised her, that is, defloured her: so also Augustine expoundeth: humiliavit eam concumbendo cum ca, he hath humbled her in lying with her: quaest. 78. in Exod. and the Chalde in the same sense reads, cum dominatus fuerit ejus, having ruled over her: so also Lippoman. Gal••s. But this sense cannot be admitted: for to what purpose should the maid be redeemed by her friends, if her master had defloured her? it had beene wrong enough to rob her of her virginity: and in this case the master should rather have paid money, to recompence the losse of her virginity, than to take money to redeeme her: therefore Cajetane here well understandeth, that puella est incognita à Domino, the maid spoken of here is supposed not to have beene knowne of her master. 2. Oleaster findeth out a new signification of the word; bagad, he would have to signifie, to deale covertly, or to cover: whereof a garment is called beged, of covering the body, and so he expoundeth thus, quia oper••it eam, id est, maritum egit, because he hath covered her, that is, played the part of an husband toward her: for the use was for men to spread their garment over them, whom they intended to marry, as Booz did to Ruth, chap. 3. But beside this is an unwonted and insolent signification of the word bagad, which betokeneth properly, to deceive, be∣guile, deale fraudulently: this sense cannot be received, for the reason before alleaged. 3. Osiander refer∣reth this fraudulent dealing, to the not providing of things necessary for her, which afterward is prescri∣bed, and so shifteth her off. Iunius understandeth it of his selling of her to strangers, wherein he trans∣gresseth against the Law. But it is better expounded of the masters deceiving of the maids hope, accipie∣bat eam sub spe ut faceret eam uxorem, he tooke her with hope to make her his wife, which he not perfor∣ming, therein deceiveth her, Tostat. quast. 10. and B••rrhaius, Piscator.

QUEST. XXVIII. What kinde of betrothing is here understood.

Vers. 9. IF he have betro••hed her to his sonne, he shall deale with her, &c. 1. The first case was put, if a man bought a maid servant, with intent to make her his owne wife: now, here it is shewed what is to be done, in case he take her for his sonne, Tostat. 2. Some understand this betrothing, of a promise only of marriage, not of any actuall contract: as if the father should say, I will this maid to be my sonnes wife: and so notwithstanding such espousals, he might cast her off, and afterward take another, though he had defloured her, Tostat. So also Oleaster pressing another sense of the word jaghad, which signifieth to ap∣point a time, will have it here to signifie, the appointing of a time of espousals. But it seemeth, that such espousals are here spoken of, whereby the maid became his wife, because he was to endow her, as other virgins being free, had their dowry given them, chap. 22.16. 2. Cajetanus picketh out another sense, that he shall give her her dowry, if she displease, and he purpose to send her away, because he hath taken away from her her virginity. But this is contrary to the text: for she is now espoused to his sonne, therefore she displeaseth not; neither is there here mention made of casting her out, but of endowing her, and ma∣king her the sonnes wife. 3. The meaning then is, ut ingenia puella nuptui detur, shee shall be given in mar∣riage, as if shee were a free woman: her dowry being appointed her, and all other necessary things, Iun. And in this case he shall use her no otherwise, than if hee had bestowed in marriage his owne daughter, Osiander.

QUEST. XXIX. Whether it were lawfull to take another wife to the former:

Vers. 10. IF he take him another. 1. Some understand if he take him another wife beside this, quamvi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 uxor ei superinducatur, although another wife be brought in over and above, Gallas. Tostat. But if this first were now become the sonnes wife, she should be free by her marriage, and therefore that clause following should be superfluous, vers. 11. she shall goe out free. And it is not like that the Law would al∣low the wife without any further solemnity to be dismissed: therefore all this is yet to be understood of her that was a servant, and not a wife. 2. Cajetane saith, Si acceperit aliam concubinam: If hee take him another concubine, and keepe this still. But the Law alloweth not any man to take a maid to be his con∣cubine, as Lyranus noteth, though therein Tostatus finde fault with him: for Deut. 23.17. it is said, There shall not be a whore of the daughters of Israel. Tostatus answereth, that this is to be understood of com∣mon harlots, not of concubines. But, if it had beene lawfull for one to keepe a concubine, and then to turne her off, and so she become anothers concubine, shee was by this meanes little better than common. 3. Therefore the meaning is, if the father or the sonne (not the sonne only, as Vatab.) take another wife, and not this, he shall provide sufficiently for her, Iun. If he refuse to espouse this unto his sonne▪ but take another, then he shall doe as followeth: Osiander. 4. Some thinke further, that this is understood de an∣cill•• ••bjecta, of a maid rejected and cast out, Lyran. Some, that he shall thus provide for her a certaine time after she is married to another: Osiand. But it is evident, that this maid, to whom these things are to be performed, is to cohabit still in the house: ne ut cum abjecta exterave ancilla agito: he shall not dealt with her as with an abject or forraine maid, Iun.

QUEST. XXX. Of the true reading and meaning of the 10. verse.

Vers. 10. HE shall not diminish her food, her raymint and dwelling. Two of these words are diversly read: 1. The first word sheerah, some read expens••••, expenses, that is, necessaria ad vitam, necessary things for her life, that is, meat and drinke: Tostat. Lyran. Some read nuptias, shall provide a marriage for her, Latin. and so reads Augustine. But the word sheerah signifieth neither of these. Oleaster will have it here to signifie, the remainder or residue▪ because the second wife or concubine had the reliques or re∣mainder of the principall wife. So shear is taken, 1 Sam. 16.11. There remaineth yet a little one: but there the word is (shear) here it is sheerah: therefore it is better translated, meat, food, or flesh▪ Iun. Vatab. Lip∣poman. Cajetan, following the Chalde: so also read Montanus, Paguine, Osiander. 2. The other word, gonah, is more doubtfull. Some read, pretium pud••e••tiae, hee shall not diminish the price of her chastity: Latin. Scilicet ablata, that is, taken away from her: Gloss. interlinear. Lyran. But the word gho••ah, signi∣fieth no such thing. Some read horam, her time or houre: which some interpret, tempus nubendi, time of marriage: some the time of her service, He shall not diminish her wages for her service: Ex Lippoman••. Some, debitum conjugale, understand and it of the marriage debt: jus conjugale, the right of marriage, Cajetan: Vatab. Concubit••m, this lying with her, Chalde: so also Augustine: Actum matrimonialem: The matri∣moniall act he shall not defraud her of: for they which had many wives, did not give unto every one of them their time: as may appeare in the story of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and L••ah, who purchased of her sister to I••dge with her husband, for her sonnes Mandrakes, Genes. 30. But beside, that this were apparently to allow the use of concubines, which no where the Law of Moses doth, the word ghonah is not found in any such sense. But it rather signifieth cohabitation, or dwelling: for the word maghon, which commeth of the same root ghoa, is taken for an habitation or dwelling: so read Iun. Oleast. Montan••••. The meaning then is, that he shall allow her her food, rayment, and cohabitation or dwelling, because he hath dec••i••ed her of the hope and expectation of marriage. So the Septuagint read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the which word Augustine un∣derstandeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ubi n••m▪ lying with her: but it rather signifieth conversation: that is, he shall suffer her still to cohabite and converse in the house, not as his wife, or concubine, but now as a free maid, and no longer a servant.

QUEST. XXXI. What those three things are mentioned in the text.

Vers. 11. IF he doe not these three, &c. 1. Some expound these three things to be these, if the master that bought the maid, will not take her for his wife, nor give her to wife to his sonne, nor yet re∣teine her as his concubine: Ex Lyran••. But this cannot be, for these reasons: 1. Because it would follow, that it was by the Law allowed to take a maid to be ones concubine, which was apparently a sinne, and a transgression of the seventh Commandement, Thou shalt not commit adultery. 2. The sense and sen∣tence should remaine imperfect, it being not determined what should be done, if hee refused to give her food, rayment, and dwelling: if this clause should be referred not to the three things spoken of imme∣diatly before, but to those other there given in instance, Tostat. quaest. 12. 2. Augustine supposeth these to be the three, if he neither marry her himselfe, nor his sonne, neither have defloured her, then she shall goe out free, quast. 78. in Exod. But there is no mention made at all before of deflouring her, but of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her; therefore this cannot be any of the three. 3. The most doe make these the three things: if he neither take her to wife for himselfe, nor for his sonne, nor yet suffer her to be redeemed. So Mac••ach, Borrh. Lyran. Genevens. But this exposition cannot stand: 1. Because these three things mentioned, must be all performed, otherwise he must let her goe out free: but these three were divers cases, and are pro∣pounded disjunctively; either the father to marry her, or the sonne, or to suffer her to goe out free. 2. In this sense the text should imply a contradiction: for if these severall cases before propounded, be these three things, whereof one is this, that if the father doe not marry her himselfe, he shall suffer her to be re∣deemed, that is, for money: but here it is said, she shall goe out free, paying nothing: so shee should goe out for money, and goe out without money.

4. Wherefore the fittest sense is, and most agreeable, to referre this clause to the three things going next before: he shall not diminish her food, apparell and dwelling: Sic Tostat. Iun. Cajetan.

QUEST. XXXII. Whether maid servants were set free in the seventh yeere, and not sometime before, sometime after.

Vers. 11. SHe shall goe out free paying no money. 1. She should be set at liberty, not onely in the seventh yeere of remission, but before, si appareant in ea signa pubertatis, if the signes of her woman∣hood appeared, Lyran. And the reason is, that if shee stayed still in servitude, being apt for marriage, and neither her master, nor his sonne take her to wife, she might be in danger to be defloured, or else lose the time of her marriage, passing over her virginity in service, Tostat. So that such maids might be made free before the yeere of freedome came. 2. But if the seventh yeere of redemption returned before the maid came to yeeres of marriage, which the Hebrewes doe appoint at twelve, then could not the master yet shew his liking or disliking of her: and therefore such young maidens were not made free, no not in the seventh yeere: for all this Law is grounded upon this supposition, If shee please not her master, that is, if he purpose not to espouse her to himselfe, or to his sonne: but this pleasing or displeasing could not ap∣peare untill the maid were ripe and fit for marriage: therefore in this case they expected rather the ac∣complishment of her ripe age, than the approching of the seventh yeere, Tostat. qu. 13.

QUEST. XXXIII. The summary sense of this Law, concerning maid servants.

NOw concerning the meaning of this Law in generall: 1. Cajetane thus resolveth the whole Law: this maid servant, that is sold by her father unto her master, is either incognita à Domini, unknowne of her master, or knowne: if the first, then may he sell her, but not to any strange people: if she be knowne, and afterward displease, either her master casteth her off, and then he must give her a dowry, as if she were his daughter: or he purposeth to reteine her still, as his concubine, then hee shall provide for her, meat, cloth, and dwelling.

Contra. 1. There is no liberty given to the master to sell his maid servant to whom he will: but he must suffer her to be redeemed, which was to be done by the next of the kin. 2. When he had espoused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his sonne, it is not like that he would then cast her out of the house, and send her away with a dowry, but reteine her still. 3. And if it should be lawfull for him to keepe her still as his concubine, then the Law should allow the use of concubines, which is no where to be found.

2. Tostatus and Lippoman agree with Cajetane in the first case of suffering the maid to be redeemed, admitting, that her master had not knowne her: and in the two other, of giving her to his sonne, and of taking another unto her: but herein they differ, that Cajetane in the second case of espousing her to his sonne, presupposeth an ejection and casting out of the maid espoused, and so endowing her, the other thinke she is reteined still. Their errour then is, in supposing that this maid is knowne of her master, be∣cause she must so liberally be provided for. But the reason thereof is, because shee was sold upon hope of marriage: which hope because shee is frustrate of, this provision must be made by way of recompense. But this maid is not like to have beene abused: for then it had not beene enough to let her goe out free, but he should endow her also according to the Law, chap, 23.16.

3. Oleaster thus resolveth this text: This maid either her master had company with, or had not: if the first, either she displeased afterward, and then he was to redeeme her, that is, to set her free: or shee plea∣sed, then the father either tooke her to wife, and so he was to use her as his wife; on his sonne, then hee should use her as his daughter: or if he tooke another wife, he was to provide all necessary things for her. Now if her master had not knowne her, she was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile, unlesse shee be∣fore redeemed her selfe.

Contra. Oleaster faileth here in these points: 1. Hee taketh redeeming for setting her free without money: whereas redemption of a servant was not without money. 2. If he had defiled her, he was not only to set her free, but to endow her, as before is shewed. 3. If ••he maid was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile, the maid servants should have lesse privilege than the Hebrew men servants, that were to serve but six yeeres, whereas this Law intendeth them greater favour.

4. This then is the summe of the Law: A man buyeth a maid servant an Hebrewesse, he was either to suffer her friends to redeeme her, or to marry her himselfe, or give her to his sonne: if none of these, he was either to keepe her still, providing all things necessary for her: or to let her goe out free for no∣thing, Iun.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the end, scope and intent of this Law.

NOw concerning the end of this Law, it is to be considered: 1. That the father, which should either of any unnaturall affection, or compelled by necessity sell his daughter, might by this meanes be pu∣nished, by losing all his right and interest in his daughter, who did now, being sold out of her fathers power, in familiam Domini transire, passe and was as incorporate into her masters family, Iun. And so the father should be as it were bridled hereby from selling of his daughter. 2. Beside, this Law imposing such hard conditions upon the master, in such liberall sort to provide for his servant so bought, thereby also provideth, ut aut non emerentur ancillae, that either maids should not be bought at all, though their fathers were so hard hearted to sell them, aut meliore conditione servirent, or they should serve with better con∣dition, otherwise than as common servants, Osiand. Marbach. And so this Law taketh order, ut nunquam capite vacent, that maids should never be without an head, Iun. And so taketh care for them, as the weaker sex. 3. Further, in that the master was permitted to take his maid to his wife, though he had another be∣fore, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, temporis licitum erat, that was lawfull by the sufferance and toleration of those times, Pe∣larg. 4. Againe, though it were simply unlawfull for the parents to sell their children: sed ne progredia∣tur impietat ad intolerabilem iniquitatem, &c. but lest such impiety should proceed to intolerable iniqui∣ty and injury, this Law provideth for such as were oppressed, pro tanto, sed non in totum, though not whol∣ly and totally, yet to keepe them within some measure, Lippom. 5. But this Law was much more equall than that Law of the ancient Romans in the 12. Tables, which permitted fathers to sell their sonnes, not once, but againe, and the third time, only he was excepted, which had married a wife with his fathers consent; which was afterward forbidden, C. de lib. & posth. or then that Law of Constantine, that one might sell his sonne for extreme need and poverty, though the sonne might afterward redeeme himselfe: for the condition of children so sold was more tolerable among the Hebrewes, their service being but for a time, Simler. This Law also is more reasonable than that constitution of Iustinian, tit. 6. de manumission. that unlesse the maid servant were married within six moneths, ab hero non dimittebatur, shee was not at all to be dismissed from her master, Pelarg.

QUEST. XXXV. What kinde of smiting is here meant.

Vers. 12. HE that smiteth a man that hee dye. 1. Here percussio accipitur pro occisione, smiting is taken for killing, Lyran. For if a man were smitten, and died not of it, there was another punish∣ment than by death, vers. 19. Tostat. 2. Quamvis aliquo pòst tempore meriatur, &c. Although he dye not presently, but some while after, that is so smitten, he shall suffer death for it, Galas. 3. The words are gene∣rall: He that smiteth a man, whether he were an Hebrew or no Hebrew, his enemy or friend, ex re per∣cussa intquitas percutientis manifestatur, the iniquity of the smiter appeareth by the thing that is smitten, Cajetan. 4. The Latine reads, he that smiteth a man, volens occidere, having a purpose to kill him, shall dye. But two exceptions are taken to this reading: for if a man did smite one, non animo occidendi, sed animo percutiendi, not with a minde to kill him, but to smite him only, he should dye for it, Cajetane. And againe, if a man intended to kill, and did not, he was not to dye for it: for although before God he be a murtherer, that intendeth it in his heart: yet the Law of Moses doth not punish the intent only of mur∣ther, but the effect, Simler.

QUEST. XXXVI. Why the murtherer was to dye the death.

SHall dye the death, &c. 1. That is, shall surely dye, for this doubling of the word, importat majorem cer∣titudinem, importeth greater certainty, Tostat. The Interlinearie glosse expoundeth, Morte spirituali, vel corporali, Death spirituall, or bodily: but I preferre the other sense. 2. This Law is set downe in ge∣nerall, that whosoever smiteth, so that death follow, five intendat occidero sive non, whether he purposed to kill or not, should dye for it: but afterward follow certaine exceptions from this Law Oleaster. This then is a generall Law, that he which killeth should be killed againe, Lippom. 3. And this Law is groun∣ded even upon the Law of nature: for like as it is agreeable to nature, Vt putridum membrum abscinda∣tur, ut reliqua conserventur, that a rotten member should be cut off, that the rest be preserved, so a murthe∣rer is to be killed, ne plures occidentur, lest more should be killed, Lippom. This Law is given unto Noah, Genes. 9. when the world was restored and here it is but repeated and renued, Pelarg. 4. The Lawes of other nations herein consent with Moses: the Athenians did severely punish murther, expelling the mur∣therer from the Temples of the gods, and from all society, and colloquy of men, till he had his judgement, Galas. And by the Law Cornelia among the Romans, he which had killed another with sword, or poison, or by false testimony lost his head, if he were of the better sort; if of meaner condition, he was hanged on the crosse, or cast unto wild beasts, Simler. 5. And the reason of this severity was, because murtherers

deface the image of God in man, and they lay violent hands to take away his temporall life, for whom Christ died, to give him eternall, Marbach. 6. But it must be understood, that the murtherer was to dye by the hand of the Magistrate, it was not lawfull for every one to kill him, Iun. For the murther was first to be tried out by witnesses, which could not be done, but before the Judge, Simler.

QUEST. XXXVII. In what sense the Lord is said to offer a man into ones hand.

Vers. 13. IF a man hath not laid wait, but God hath offred, &c. Neither can a man take away the life of an∣other, though he doe willingly attempt it, unlesse God deliver him into his hands: yet this is the difference; that where a man intendeth not to kill, and yet killeth, illic tantùm Deus fecit, there God only did it: Hîc autem Deus, & homo propter voluntatem facientis, sed non fecit Deus, ut homo; Here man and God doe it, because of the will of him that did it, though God otherwise doth it than man. So Au∣gustine quaest. 79. in Exod. 2. So God is said to offer or (as the Hebrew phrase is) to cause him to run upon his hand, when it is done, nolente & imprudente homine: man not willing nor minding it, Iun. And so this act seemeth to be casuall, or accidentall unto man; which are so called, non quia nullam causau•• ha∣bent, not because they have no cause, for that is impossible, that any thing should be done without a cause: but because, causarum confluentium ord•• nobis est incognitus: the order of causes concurring, is unknowne unto us, Tostat. 3. Although the cause appeare not to us, why the Lord suffred him, that is so offred to ones hand, to be slaine, yet we are not to doubt, but that it is most just: Ex causa occulta permisit inter∣fici, &c. God suffred him to be slaine upon some hid cause, Lyran. occulta aequitate, by an hid equity: justo judicio paravit illum occidendum, he ordained him to be slaine in his just judgement, Cajetan. Vel pro sceleribus, vel ad emendationem & purgationem malorum quae egerat; Either for his wickednesse, or for the amendment, or purging of the evils which he had done, Tostat. quaest. 15. 4. Rupertus here giveth instance, how after this manner Saul was twice delivered into Davids hand, in the cave, and when he tooke the speare and water pot from him: and further saith, that permissu legis poterat illum occidere, by the suf∣france of the Law he might have killed him, and gone afterward to some of the Cities of refuge. But there is great difference betweene this offring of a man into ones hand, here spoken of, and that oblation of Davids enemy unto his hand: for Moses speaketh here of such an unlooked for event, whereby one is slaine: that opportunity offred to David was to trie his patience, not to give him any warrant to kill: and if David had taken that opportunity to slay Saul, and had therein followed the carnall counsell of his servants, he had sinned in laying his hands upon the Lords anointed: for if Davids heart smote him for taking away a peece of Sauls garment, how would it have tormented him, if he had taken away his life? Neither were the Cities of refuge appointed for wilfull murthers, such as this should have beene, seeing that there was enmity before betweene Saul and David.

QUEST. XXXVIII. What places of refuge were appointed.

I Will appoint him a place to flie unto, &c. 1. This place during the sojourning of the Israelites in the de∣sert, was the Tabernacle, as appeareth in the next verse, where mention is made of the Altar: but after they came into the land of Canaan, there were six Cities of refuge appointed, three beyond Jordan, and three of this side, Iun. 2. But yet it seemeth, that the Tabernacle afterward, and the Temple was still a place of refuge, as appeareth by Ioab, who fled into the Temple, and tooke hold of the hornes of the Al∣tar, which notwithstanding could not privilege him.

QUEST. XXXIX. Why the Lord appointed places for such to flie unto.

NOw the reasons why the Lord appointed Cities of refuge, were these: 1. Lest that the innocent party might be slaine by the friends of him whom he had killed, before his cause was heard; there∣fore he was appointed to flie to one of the Cities, that the manner of the slaughter might be there con∣sidered of by the Judges, Simler. 2. And to this end it was so appointed, that he might stay there to the death of the high Priest, Iun. who was a type of our blessed Saviour, by whose precious death we are all set free. 3. And this was done, ut mentem corum hac ratione medeatur, &c. to heale and allay the minde and fury of those which otherwise would delight in murther, Theodoret. For by his absence, and in con∣tinuance of time, the rage of those that sought his life would be qualified: and therefore God provideth, that they should not be still provoked by the continuall fight of him. 4. And further, by this, that hee which killeth one unwittingly, is appointed to flie, it is shewed, quòd reus poenae efficitur, that yet he is guil∣ty of some punishment, Theodoret. So that involuntary killing was punished with a kinde of banishment among the Israelites, Simler. So likewise among the Athenians such kinde of manslaughter was censured, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with one yeeres exile, Galas. And so among the Israelites, he that escaped unto one of the Cities of refuge, was not to goe out of the limits and bounds of the City: if he did, it was lawfull for the kinsmen of the man that was slaine, to kill him, Simler.

QUEST. XL. What is to be counted wilfull murther.

Vers. 14. BVt if a man come praesumptuously, &c. 1. The word 〈◊〉〈◊〉, signifieth to deale arrogantly, insolently, to be lift up with swelling pride: as Psal. 124.5. it is applied unto the swelling waves of the sea, Oleaster: and two things must concurre in wilfull murther; it must be done witting∣ly and willingly: Hic non solum in••••ntio occidendi, sed mentis utra{que} pars; intellectus & voluntas describi∣tur; Here not only the intention of killing, but either part of the minde is understood, the understan∣ding in doing it with guile, and the will in presuming, Cajetane. 2. Cajetane thinketh further that this is a

divers law from the first generall prohibition of killing, vers. 12. for here the law speaketh of killing a neighbour, or companion, there of any man; there no word is expressed of the intention, as here. Contra. 1. By neighbour, any man whosoever is understood. 2. And expresse mention is made here of the will and intention, because it is an explanation of the former law, Simler. 3. Iunius thinketh, that not he onely which killeth, sed qui conatus est occidere, but went about to kill, is comprehended in this law, as Deut. 19.19. Ye shall doe unto him, as he had thought to doe unto his brother. Contra. 1. It seemeth by the gene∣rall law, vers. 12. that this constitution is onely for murther committed, and not intended onely: for such smiting the law speaketh of, whereupon death followeth. 2. That law given in instance, Deut. 19. is touching false witnesses, whose false testimonie breaketh out into action, into false witnesse bearing: so that there is not an intention onely: for the false witnesse by his false testimonie acteth as much as in him lieth, to take away the life of his brother: that place therefore is impertinent to this purpose. I approve here rather the judgement of Cajetane: Nec describuntur haec intus in animo, sed prodeuntia extra in actio∣nes: Neither are these things described onely in the minde, but proceeding without into action.

QUEST. XLI. Of the difference betweene voluntarie, and involuntarie murther, and the divers kinds of each.

HEre then there is a manifest distinction of involuntarie and voluntarie murther or killing grounded upon the law of Moses· 1. Involuntarie killing is of two sorts: there are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, chances, unlooked for and sudden events: as when one shooteth an arrow, and killeth one unawares: as Peleus killed his sonne being in hunting with him. There are beside these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, errors and oversights: as the father beateth his childe, purposing onely to chastise him, and hee dieth of that beating: a Physition ministreth physick to his patient, intending to cure him, and doe him good, and he dieth of it, Borrh. 2. There are likewise two kinds of voluntarie, or wilfull murther: ex proposito, of purpose, & ex impetu animi, in heat or rage. These kinde of murthers are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, iniquities: one may be slaine ex proposito, purposely, either per insidias, by lying in wait, when one watcheth for the life of a man, and taketh him at advantage, as Ioab killed Abner, and afterward Amasa, they suspecting no such thing: so Ismael killed Gedoliah, Ierem. 41. Or els per industriam, when one of set purpose picketh quarrels, and seeketh occasions to pro∣voke a man, that he may kill him: both these kinds are touched here, Tostat. quaest. 16. Then one may bee killed in heat and rage, when there was no purpose before, as Alexander the Great killed Clitus, Pelarg. This kinde, though not so grievous as the other, yet is a kinde of voluntarie killing. So there is extant a constitution of Hadrian the Emperour against him, qui per lasciviam causam mortis praebuisset, which was the cause of anothers death through wantonnesse and riot, though there were no enmitie before, that such an one should be banished five yeeres, Simler

QUEST. XLII. Why the wilfull murtherer was to be taken from the Altar.

Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar. 1. This may bee understood either of the Altar of in∣cense, which was in the holy place, or of the Altar of burnt offring rather, which was with∣out the Tabernacle in the Court, for thither every one might easily flee, that had committed any such offence: but to the Arke no escape could be made, because there was no entrance thither. 2. R. Salomon saith, that this is meant even of the Priest that sacrificed at the Altar who after he had finished his service at the Altar, might be taken thence and judged by the law, as other malefactors and murtherers. Which collection of his may be received, saving that it is not like they would suffer a murtherous Priest to mini∣ster at the Altar. 3. But that other conceit of R. Salomon, whom Lyranus followeth, hath no good ground: that he that had killed an Hebrew wilfully, might be taken from the Altar, as Ioab was: but if he had onely killed a Gentile, as a Moabite or Ammonite, though of set purpose, he was not to be taken thence, but was privileged by the Altar. But the contrarie appeareth, that this law forbiddeth all voluntarie and wilfull murther, whether of Hebrew or Gentile: for it was more to kill a Gentile being free, then a Gentile that was a servant or bondman: but the master was to die for it, if he beat his servant to death, so that he died under his hand, vers. 20. which law must be understood of strangers and aliens that were servants, not of Hebrewes, for they were not to deale so cruelly with them, Levit. 25.38. Iun. much more therefore were they to die, if they of purpose killed any free stranger, Tostat. 4. If therefore the wilfull murther as well of strangers as Hebrewes be here forbidden, then both for the one murther, and for the other, might they be taken even from the Altar. 5. And the reason thereof was this, because they which did flee to Gods Al∣tar, eum tanquam patronum & judicem innocentiae suae implorabani: did sue unto God, as the patron and Judge of their innocency: & therefore they therein abusing Gods name, were to be expelled thence, Gallas.

QUEST. XLIII. What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden.

Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father and mother, &c. 1. The very smiting of the father or mother de∣serveth death, although they die not of such smiting: Cajetan. Iun. as may appeare vers. 12. where is directly expressed concerning the smiting of another, if hee die, then the smiter shall bee put to death, Piscator. 2. R. Salomon understandeth, that this is not meant of every smiting: but when upon the smiting ••he effusion of bloud followeth, or some scarre or wound is caused. But the very smiting of ei∣ther of the parents sheweth the malice and disobedience of the childe, for the which he is worthie to die: as Deut. 21.18. the sonne for his stubbornnesse and disobedience was to be stoned to death. Indeed for every blow or smiting the childe was not to die, if it were done unwittingly, or unawares: but if it were done of purpose, he deserved death. 3. And the reason is, because of the authoritie of the parents, which is

the next unto God, Simler. Deo & parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia, &c. Wee can never make amends unto God and our parents, Cajetan. As also they seeme not to be worthie of life, which are in∣jurious to those, by whom they received their life, Gallas.

QUEST. XLIV. Of the grievous sinne of paricide.

THough there be no expresse mention here of those that kill their parents, yet it followeth necessarily, that if it be a sinne worthie of death to smite them, much more to kill them. 1. This even among the Heathen was counted so hainous a sinne, that they thought none so wicked, that would commit paricide, and therefore Solon that wise law-maker among the Athenians, maketh no mention of paricide, nor yet the Romans had any law against such: untill the 642. yeare from the building of the Citie, which was the 100. yeare before the nativitie of Christ, one Publicius Malcolus, with the helpe of his servants, killed his mother: against whom the Citie decreed this punishment, that he should be put into a sacke, together with a Cocke, an Ape, a Viper, and a Dogge, and so cast into the water: Tostat. quaest. 17. The Egyptians caused such first to be beaten with thornes, and then to be burnt with thornes. The Macedonians did stone them to death: Pelarg. Plato lib. 9. de legibus, would have such grievously punished unto death, and then to be left unburied. 2. It is a like sinne to kill the father, as to doe it to the mother: yet the father is set before, as the more honourable person: and fewer examples are extant of those that have killed their fa∣thers, than of the other. Oedipus is said unwittingly to have killed his father Laius King of Thebes, ta∣king him for his enemie: But Orestes killed his mother Clite••nestra Agamemnons wife wittingly: so did Alcmeon his mother, being charged so to doe by his father Amphiaraus, being slaine in the Thebane warre, to the which his wife perswaded him to goe: and therefore being deadly wounded, he commanded his sonne to kill her. Ninia likewise the sonne of Ninus killed his mother Semiramis, after he had carnal∣ly knowne her. Such beastly examples of paricide Heathen histories afford, who not knowing God, were without naturall affection, and disobedient to parents, which were the sinnes of the Heathen, Rom. 1.30. Some write, that Iudas killed his father, and married his mother: Tostat. qu. 17. But it is not like, that if Iudas had so apparently shewed his wickednesse before, that our blessed Saviour would have chosen him to be one of his Apostles.

QUEST. XLV. The law of man-stealing expounded.

Vers. 16. HE that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or it be found with him, &c. 1. Some understand, if it be found with the buyer, that is, the man that is stollen be found sold over and delivered to the buyer, Oleaster. But then there should be a repetition of the same thing: for as much was said before, and selleth him: there cannot be a seller without a buyer. 2. Some doe thus expound, if it be found, that is, proved by him that he hath stolen a man: So Lyran. Tostat. Vatab Simler. and the Latine text expresseth the same sense, convictus noxae, if he be convicted of the offence. But this clause had beene superfluous: for this must be understood in all lawes, that the offence must be sufficiently proved before it be censured. Againe in this sense the law should be imperfect, not determining what should become of him that had stolen a man onely and not sold him: some say, restitution should be made by the like, he should give two men for one, or give the price of two men. But this is no where to be found: restitution indeed was to be made in the theft of other things, Exod. 22.1. but there was not the like reason for men. 3. Therefore the meaning is this, that if one steale a man, whether he have sold him and delivered him over, or if he be found with him, as yet unsold, in both cases he should suffer death, for his malice appeared evidently in the stealing onely, that he intended to sell him over: Iun. Gallas. Osiand. So also Lippom. he was to be put to death, if the theft were yet found with him, propter crudelissimum institutum, for his cruell enterprise: how much more, si desperata fuerit venditi redemptio, if being sold he were past redemption? 4. By the ancient Romane lawes, such men-stealers were condemned to the metal mines: by a latter law of Constan∣tine, they were to be cast unto the wilde beasts, Simler.

QUEST. XLVI. The reason why man-stealing was punished by death.

THe reasons why this kinde of theft in stealing of men was so severely punished with death, were these: 1. Because man was created according to Gods image, therefore in respect of the excellencie and pre∣eminence of the thing that was stolen, the punishment ought to be the greater. 2. Because by this meanes he that was sold lost his libertie, which is as precious as life it selfe: and to bring a man into servitude, quid aliud, quàm sexcentis eum mortibus objicere? what was it else, than to expose him to an hundred deaths? Gallas. 3. And beside, they could not steale men, and sell them to the Israelites, but it would bee knowne, and therefore it is like, that after they had stolen them, they sold them over to the Gentiles: and so they were in danger, that were so sold over, to be corrupted in religion, and seduced to idolatrie, and so drawne away from the service of God, and by this meanes be brought into bondage both in soule and bodie: Simler. The Interlinearie Glosse therefore thus expoundeth, diabolo obnoxium f••cerit, hath sold him, that is, brought him into the devils service. 4. Of this sinne were Iosephs brethren guiltie, in selling him over to the idolatrous Egyptians, who therein had a vaine perswasion, that they were not guiltie of his bloud, because they spared his life: but in selling him over to bee a slave, and that to an idola∣trous people, as much as in them lay, eum è medio sustulerunt, they tooke him away as out of the world, Gallasius.

QUEST. XLVII. What kinde of cursing of parents is here understood.

Vers. 17. HE that curseth his father or mother, &c. 1. There are two kinds of cursing; one, assumpto Dei nomine, when Gods name is taken in vaine withall: another, is without, Borrhaius. Lippoman thinketh, that this is understood of the first kinde. But seeing the blaspheming of the name of God deserved death of it selfe, Levit. 24. and this law doth properly punish the cursing and blaspheming of the parents; it seemeth generally to be intended against all kinde of cursing, and wi••hing evill unto the parents. 2. And it seemeth to be understood of an use and custome of cursing, not of every railing word, which sometime should bee uttered by the childe in rage and heat: for every such word to inflict death upon the childe, would be thought too hard: sed ille, qui assuefactus est maledicere patri & maetri, &c. but he that is accustomed to curse his father and mother, and that for small matters, deserveth death: Tostat. as that law against disobedient children, Deut. 21.18. is made against those that are incorrigible, and are confirmed in their disobedience and stubbornnesse. So also Cajetane. As he that smiteth them, is worthie of death, so he that curseth: nisi imperfectio actus excuset, puta si non deliberato, aut leve verbum, &c. un∣lesse the imperfection of the act excuse, or he speake a light word of railing, &c. 3. And as cursing to the face of the parents is judged worthie of death: so also publike backbiting and detracting: Publice enim detrahens perinde est, ac si palam detraheret: For he that openly backbiteth his parents, is as if he did it to their face: but it is otherwise in private backbiting and speaking evill of them: for detractor reveretur eum, cui detrahit, &c. the privie detractor doth feare and reverence him▪ whom he speaketh evill of: but he that curseth to the face, is impudent and shamelesse, &c.

QUEST. XLVIII. What manner of strife the law meaneth.

Vers. 18. WHen men strive together. 1. As contention is in words, so rixa, strife, properly is in deeds: cum ex rixa invicem se percutiunt, when striving they fall to blowes, Thom. 2. The case is put of men: but if either a woman should strike a man, and wound him, or one woman should hurt another, they are subject to the same law: Tostat. qu. 19. 3. And this law must be understood of those which strive and fight one with another, each offending the other, not when one defendeth him∣selfe: one cannot offend another without mortall and grievous sinne, but one may defend himselfe with∣out sinne: and yet notwithstanding he may sinne, sometime more, sometime lesse in defending himselfe: if he onely seeke in his owne defence, to repell the wrong that is offered, it is no sinne: si cum animo vin∣dictae & odii, &c. If with a minde of revenge and hatred he defend himselfe, he sinneth, either lesse, when he findeth his anger kindled, and his patience violated; or more, when he bindeth himselfe wholly to bee revenged: Sic Thom. 2.2. qu. 41. art. 1. 4. By smiting with stone or fist, is understood all kinde of assaul∣ting one either afarre off, with stone, arrow, dart, or such like; or neere hand, as with sword, staffe in the hand: Simler. or all kinde of hurting, either with weapon, or instrument, or without, Tostat. 5. And the law meaneth such hurting, where no member was perished: for in that case, they were to give eye for eye, hand for hand, foot for foot, vers. 24. Simler.

QUEST. XLIX. What punishment the smiter had, if he which were smitten died.

Vers. 19. IF he rise againe, &c. then shall he that smote him goe quit. 1. That is, he shall be freed from the sentence of death, though he be not innocent before God, nor yet altogether free from all ci∣vill punishment: for in this case he is to allow his charges for his resting, and to pay for his healing. 2. But here the doubt is, what punishment he should have, that in striving so smote his brother, that he died of it. Cajetane thinketh, that in this case he should flie unto one of the Cities of refuge: Quia non ex intentione, sed ex repentina rixa percussio facta est; Because the blow or stroke was given not of purpose, but occa∣sioned by a sudden brawle, &c. But if it had beene so, as if death had followed upon such smiting, the smi∣ter should goe free, so neither, death not following, but some other hurt, that he is constrained to keepe his bed, should he have beene taxed so much as with the charges: if the taking away of the life in this case had not beene punishable, much lesse any lesse hurt being not mortall. 3. Therefore I preferre here the judgement of Tostatus, that if he which was thus smitten in a fray or brawle, died, he that smote him was to die, whether hee were Hebrew, that was so killed, or stranger, whether bond or free: for it was not lawfull for them to kill a Gentile or stranger sojourning among them: and if a free man killed a free man, or a servant a free man, he was to die without all question: and if a free man killed anothers servant, hee was to die also: for if a master killed his owne servant outright, he was punished by death, vers. 20. much more if he killed anothers servant, Tostat. quast. 19. And that in this case, they which in strife killed one another, deserved to die, it is evident both by the generall law before vers. 12. He that smiteth a man that he die, shall die the death: and by a necessarie consequence here, If he rise againe, that is smitten, and walke, he that smote him, shall goe quit, that is, from the punishment of death: it followeth then, if he doe not rise againe, but die, that he shall not goe quit.

QUEST. L. What should become of the smiter, if the other died after he walked upon his staffe.

Vers. 19. ANd walke without upon his staffe. But what if he die after he hath risen and walked upon his staffe? 1. R. Salomon thinketh that the smiter was to bee apprehended, and kept till he that was smitten were perfectly recovered: and if he did not, the other was to die: and by walking upon the staffe, he saith is meant, the perfect recovery of his health, as Ezech. 4. the staffe of bread is taken for the

vertue and fulnesse of bread, by a metaphor. But though such metaphoricall speeches are usuall in the Prophets, yet in the setting downe of lawes, words must be taken in their literall sense, Tostat. 2. There∣fore because the law saith, If he walke without or abroad upon his staffe, the other shall goe quit: the mea∣ning is, though he lie downe upon his bed againe and afterward die, yet the other shall goe qui••: and the reason is, because after hee sitteth up and walketh, and seemeth to be past the danger, and falleth downe againe, Magis probabile est, quod mortuus est ••x negligentia, &c. It is more probable, that he died by his owne negligence and carelesnesse in keeping of himselfe, or by some other occasion, than of the smiting, Lyran. 3. But if he did not rise at all from his bed, and being risen, walked but a little about the house upon his staffe, and come not abroad, and afterward died, then the other should not goe quit, Tostat. qu. 20.

QUEST. LI. Of the equetie of this law, in bearing of the charges.

Vers. 19 HE shall beare his charges for his resting, and pay for his healing, &c. 1. That is, he shall pay all manner of charges, which he was put unto about his healing, as to the Physitians, and for the physicke and medicines which he used, and for his diet, which upon this occasion was extraordinary, and so more chargeable, Tostat. qu. 22. Likewise he was to beare the charges of the ministers and keepers, that attended upon him during the time of his lying, Simler. 2. The intendment of this law is, that full recompence and satisfaction should be made for any dammage or losse which happened unto another: and yet so, as that such recompence being made, the Lord would have one to forgive another, that charitie should not be violated, nor any grudge or purpose of revenge remaine, Oleaster. 3. This law was more equall & indifferent, than that law of the Romans contained in the 12. tables, that if any man did beat and batter another, he should pay 25. asses, that is, so many three farthings: which mulct being too easie, one Lucius Neratius, in a bravery used of purpose ••o beat and buffet those with his fists whom he met, and caused his man presently to pay him the penaltie of the law: whereupon the Pretors of Rome devised to impose a greater mulct and punishment for such assaults and batteries, G••ll. lib. 20. ex Calvin. Marbach.

QUEST. LII. Who should beare the charges▪ if a servant had done the hurt.

HE shall beare his charges. But what if one servant had beaten another, or a servant had smitten a free man, that hee kept his ••ed upon it? 1. In this case either the master of the servant was to beare the charges, or else he was to deliver his servant, and he was to serve or to be sold to make it good, if hee had not of his owne to make satisfaction; as the like order was taken for theft, Exod. 21.3. 2. But here is a further doubt; what if the servant that did the hurt were an Hebrew, who could not be sold over for more than six yeares, and it might so fall out, that there remained but one yeare untill the seventh, being the yeare of remission, came, and so his service for so short a time could not make sufficient recompence? The answer is, that in this case the servant might be sold to serve six yeares more after the yeare of remission; as in the case of theft, if hee had not wherewithall of his owne to make satisfaction: but for longer than six yeares he could not be sold, nor more than once. But if the servant were a Gentile, he might be abso∣lutely sold over, to serve a longer time. 3. Now if the charge would not come to the value or worth of six yeares service, in this case the servant was to serve no longer, than till his service would make sufficient amends: as if a mans service for six yeares were esteemed at six pounds, and the charges of healing arise to three, then the servant was to bee sold over onely to serve three yeares, which would countervaile the charge, Tostat. quaest. 23.

QUEST. LIII. What servants this law meaneth, and what kinde of chastisement is forbidden.

Vers. 20. IF a man smite his servant with a rod, &c. 1. This law is concerning such servants as were no Hebrewes, for them they were not to use so hardly and cruelly, Levit. 25.38. neither could the Hebrew servant be said to be their money: for hee was not absolutely sold, but onely for a time, Tostat. 2. This case is propounded, if the master smite with a rod, or any other thing which is not likely to kill: but if he smite him with a sword, or casting of a stone, or such like, if the servant die, whether under the masters hand, or afterward, the master shall be surely punished, that is, shall die for it, because in smiting his servant with a deadly weapon, it appeareth that he intended to kill him, Simler. Tostat. quaest. 23. 3. And in case it be evident, that the servant die of that beating within a day or two, the master was likewise to be punished for it: but if, as the Hebrew phrase is, hee stand a day or two after, that is, be whole and sound, that he may goe about his businesse: Simler. Nam stare tant••ndem valet, ac vigere omnibus integris mem∣bris; For to stand is all one, as to be perfect and sound in all the parts and members; Calvin. then the ma∣ster was free. So also expoundeth Procopius, Vbi ex vulnere vel verbere convaluerit servus, &c. Where the servant recovereth of the stripe or wound, though he afterward die, the master is held to be innocent: Likewise Thomas Aquin. Si ••asio certa esset, lex poenam adhibuit, &c. If the hurt be certaine and evident, the law appointeth a punishment for a maime, the losse of his service, vers. 26. for the death of the servant, the punishment of manslaughter: but where the hurt is uncertaine, the law inflicteth no mulct: incertum enim erat, ••trum ex percussione mortuus, &c. For it is uncertaine, whether he died of the beating. 4. This law for servants was more equall than that cruell custome of the Romanes, that give unto masters power over their servants life: as in Augustins time, Vedius Polli•• used to cast his servants that offended into the fish ponds; but afterward this cruell custome was mitigated: for Antoninus made a law, that hee which killed his servant without cause, should die for it, as if he had slaine anothers servant, Galas. And Adria∣nus the Emperour banished one Vmbra a matron for five yeares, for handling her maids cruelly. Ex Simler. 5. But whereas this law giveth libertie to the master to beat his servants, though it were

extremely, so that death followed not, wee must consider, that this law requireth not an absolute per∣fection: Sed Deus se accommodavi•• ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 populi, &c. But God applieth himselfe to the rudenesse of the people, tolerating many things among them for the hardnesse of their hearts, Galas.

QUEST. LIV. The meaning of this clause, For he is his money.

FOr he is his money. 1. That is, bought with his money: hee seemeth to have punished himselfe suffi∣ciently in the losse of his servant, Iun. 2. But if this reason were 〈…〉〈…〉 way the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be punished, though his servant died under his hand, for hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i•• his money▪ 3. For answer to this objection, a servant is to be considered two wayes, as he is a man, and as he is made apt and fit ••o labour▪ the servant oweth not to his master his life, but his labour: therefore if the master take away the life of the servant directly, as if he die with beating under his hand, the master is to be punished for it, for as hee loseth a servant, so the politike state is deprived of a man, and herein hee doth wrong to the Common∣wealth. But if the master indirectly procure his servants death▪ as in overcharging him with labour, in de∣nying him competent food, in immode••••te correcting him, now the master is not guiltie of his servants death: for now pu••i••••at eum tanquam possessionem suam, ut e••••en••••ret: he did punish him, as his possession and servant, to amend and correct him, not as a man: therefore the reason holdeth in this indirect kinde of killing, He is his money, &c. and not in the other, Tostat. quaest. 23.

QUEST. LV. Whether this law meane the voluntarie or involuntarie hurt done to a woman with childe.

Vers. 22. ALso if men strive, and hurt a woman with childe. 1. Some Hebrewes thinke that this case here put, is of involuntarie hurts and killing: as a man striving against his will hurteth a woman with childe, and shee dieth; for this the man was not to die, in their opinion, but to redeeme his life with a peece of money. Contra. But where any slaughter is committed altogether against ones will; as if a man shoot an arrow, and kill a woman with child, or shee be behind him, and he knew it not, and hee hurteth her with his heele that she die, in this case the man deserved no punishment at all, no not so much as a pecuniary mulct to be inflicted, which yet is appointed by this law, where death followeth not: there∣fore this law meaneth not any such act, which is altogether involuntarie, Tostat. quaest. 24. 2. Neither is this law to be understood of murther altogether voluntarie: as if a man of purpose should smite a woman with child, and shee die: for this was provided for before, what punishment should be laid upon him that committed wilfull murther. 3. This law therefore is made concerning such violent acts as were of a mixt kinde, partly voluntarie, partly involuntarie: as if a man striving with one, and seeing a woman with child within the danger, cared not whether shee was hurt or no, Tostat. Or if striving with a man, he thrust him upon a woman with child, Galas. Or a woman comming to rescue her husband, receiveth hurt by the other that striveth, Lyran. In this case, if death followed in the woman with child, the 〈…〉〈…〉 to die fo•• it. 4. And the reasons are these: 1. Because adfuit laedendi animu••, he that so striveth had a minde and in∣tent to hurt, Simler. Consilii ratio habenda est, his counsell and intention must be considered, which was to assault the life of another, and by this occasion he killeth one whom he intended not to hurt▪ Iunius. Piscator. 2. Againe, Vxor una car•• est cum vi••o, quem intende•••• p••r••utere; The wife is one flesh with her husband, whom he intended to smite, Lyran. 3. And beside, instance is given of a woman with child, who neither could shift for her selfe, and a double danger is brought both upon her & her child which she went with: therefore in this case the law provideth, that such oversights should be severely punished, Tostat. q. 25.

QUEST. LVI. Whether the death of the infant be punished, as well as of the mother.

Vers. 22. ANd death follow not, &c. 1. Some thinke that this is to be understood onely of the death of the woman, and not of the child, Osiander. That if the child died, and not the woman, he was onely to pay a peece of money, not to lose his life for it: and their reason is, because he deserved not so great a punishment, that killed an infant in the wombe, as he that did stay a perfect man, Oleaster; who findeth fault with Cajetane, for understanding the law indifferently of the woman and her child. 2. But Cajetan•• opinion is to be preferred: for like as it is a more heinous thing to kill a man in his owne house, than in the way, so is it a prodigious thing to suffocate an infant in the mothers wombe, qui nondum est in lucem editus, which is not yet brought forth into the light of this world, Calvin. And againe; Foetus quam∣vis in utero inclusus, homo est; The infant, though yet inclosed in the wombe, is a man, Simler. And the child in the wombe is yet a part of the person of the woman▪ so that if there be corruptio••••tius per••o••a▪ aut partis, a destruction of the whole person, or of a part, Iun. he that so hurteth a woman with child, in her owne person, or her childs, is subject to this law.

QUEST. LVII. Whether this law extendeth it selfe to infants which miscarie, being not yet perfectly formed.

NOw it being agreed that this law as well comprehendeth the infant that perisheth, as the woman that beareth it: yet there remaineth a question, whether if the childe in the wombe bee yet imperfect, and so not endued with sense and life, that in this case, though the woman die not, but onely lose her birth, he that did the hurt is to suffer death. 1. Some hold the affirmative, that if any child whatsoever by this meanes miscarrie, the offender is subject to this law: 〈…〉〈…〉 prop••••qua est effectui▪ The i••fant being now formed is so neere unto the effect, th•••• is, the life, that who causeth the same to miscar∣rie, may be said to have killed a man, Gallas. And therefore by the Civill law, he that of purpose procured

the birth to miscarrie, if he were a meane person, was condemned to the metall mines; if a noble person, to banishment. Cicero also in his oration pro Cluenti••, reporteth of one Milesia a woman, who being hired of the heires in reversion, to destroy the infant that shee went with, had a capitall puishment there∣fore inflicted upon her: Ex Simlero. But these lawes were made against such as did of purpose seeke to destroy infants in the wombe, and cause abortion of them: here the cause is divers where the fruit of the wombe miscarrieth by some chance. 2. Therefore this penaltie was onely by the law inflicted, when as the infant perished, that was endued with life. So Augustine thinketh, using this reason: Nondum potest dici anima viva in eo corpore, quod sensu caret, &c. The living soule cannot be said to be yet in that bodie which wanteth sense: qu. 80. in Exod. And thus the Septuagint interpret: If the infant came forth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not yet formed, &c. which forming of the infant beginneth fortie dayes after the con∣ception, as Procopius. Cajetane giveth this reason, why in such a case, when the birth commeth forth im∣perfect, the sentence of death is not inflicted: quia homo in potentia non est homo: because a man onely in possibilitie is not a man: & quia tunc non occiditur homo, non est homicidium: and because then a man is not killed, it is no manslaughter, Tostat. And the word jeladim, sons, signifieth as much, that the law meaneth formed and perfect infants: Simler. And it is put in the plurall, because a woman may have more infants than one in her wombe at once: for otherwise why should one give life for life, or soule for soule, seeing such imperfect births are not yet endued with life & soule? As Augustine saith: In Adam exemplum datum est, &c. An evident example is given in Adam, quia jam formatum corpus accipit animam: that the bodie when it is now fashioned receiveth the soule, and not before: For after Adams bodie was made, the Lord breathed into him the breath of life. So August. lib. quaest. vet. & nov. Testam. qu. 23. as he is al∣leaged, Caus. 32. qu. 2. cap. 9.

QUEST. LVIII. Why the action is given unto the husband.

Vers. 22. ACcording as the womans husband shall appoint him, &c. 1. Because the injurie is done unto the man, in that his issue is cut off, and because hee is the head of the woman, the law refer∣reth the prosecution of this wrong unto the husband, Tostat. 2. But the taxation of the mulct is so re∣ferred to the man, as yet if he should exceed a just proportion, the Judges in their discretion are to mo∣derate it, Gallas. 3. Tostatus thinketh that these were not the ordinarie Judges of the Hebrewes, sed ar∣bitri constituti ex voluntate partis utrius{que}, but arbitrators chosen by the will and consent of both parties, quest. 24. But that part of the law which followeth, Thou shalt render life for life, which is spoken to the Judge, to whom the sword was committed, sheweth, that this authoritie also of setting the pecuniarie punishment is referred to the civill Magistrate.

QUEST. LIX. Whether the law of retalion be literally to be understood.

Vers. 24. EYe for eye, tooth for tooth, &c. 1. Some doe thinke that this law of retalion is not to be under∣stood according to the letter, but an estimation was to be made by money: so R. Salomon, to whom consenteth Tostatus upon these reasons: 1. Because in some of these kinds, as if a foot should bee taken from him that perished his neighbours foot, it might so fall out, that together with the foot hee should lose his life, and so there should be more than a retalion. 2. And againe in the former law, vers. 18. where one upon anothers smiting lieth downe on his bed, but riseth againe, the other was onely to beare his charges, there the law of repercussion and retalion tooke no place: and so is it to be understood here. 3. Favorinu•• thus reasoned against this law of retalion, as Aulus Gellius bringeth him in, lib. 20. cap. 1. that it was impossible to be kept: for if the like should be inflicted for the like, as one wound for ano∣ther, they must take heed that the like wound in every respect should be made, neither longer nor deeper: if it were, then a new retalion should bee offered unto the other that prosecuted the action, and so there should be no end.

Contra. 1. The like may bee objected concerning the cutting off of other members, as of the eares and hands, which are inflicted by the lawes of divers countries: for divers times death followeth in the amputation of such parts, and yet the law intendeth not death. He then may thanke himselfe, that deserved such mangling of his members: neither is the severitie of the law to give way because of some inconve∣nience which is feared. And yet further thus much may bee added, that where in such tetalion, death was like to follow, where death was not intended, that in this case much was left to the discretion of the Judge, that compensation might bee made in another kinde, as by pecuniarie satisfaction. 2. The other instance is not to the purpose: for the law speaketh of such hurting, when as there is no losse of any member: for in that case they are referred to this law: but when the body was otherwise hurt and bruised, without any corruption of the parts and members, then the smiter in that case was to beare his charges that rested and lay upon his bed by his meanes. 3. The other objection is frivolous: for it was not in the private mans hand that was wounded, to make what wound he thought good againe, but it was in the Judges power to order it.

2. Therefore the more probable opinion is, that this law is literally to be understood: that he which had spoiled his neighbours eye, hand, foot, should suffer the like himselfe, as may appeare by these reasons: 1. Because the first clause here set downe, vers. 23. Thou shalt pay life for life, is literally intended: not that he should pay mony for his life, but he should lose his life indeed. 2. Our blessed Saviour so expoundeth this law, Matth. 5.38. Yee have heard it hath beene said, an eye for an eye, &c. which libertie being given unto the Magistrate onely, every private man did arrogate to himselfe, to seeke revenge as he thought good: and therefore our blessed Saviour correcteth that error: But I say unto you, resist not evill, &c.

Now, if this retalion and recompence had beene made in money, and not in inflicting the like hurt, they had not resisted evill or sought revenge. 3. Other forren lawes also borrowed this law of retalion from Moses: as among the Romanes, in their twelve tables, this law is extant: Si membrum ruperit, nisi cum eo pacit, talio esto, &c. If he have broken a member, unlesse he agree with him, let there be a retalion.

3. Yet this law is so literally to be understood, as that it was lawfull notwithstanding to turne the like punishment into a pecuniarie mulct. Iosephus thinketh it was in his choice that was hurt, whether hee would be satisfied in money, or have the like punishment inflicted. So also B••rrhaius. But it is not like, that it was left wholly to his choice, but that it rested in the Judges discretion: as before in another case the womans husband was to set the summe, but the Judges were to moderate it, vers. 22.

4. Therefore it is like that it was in the Judges power to award either the like penaltie, or a compen∣sation in money: as afterward vers. 29.30. If a mans oxe used to gore, chanced to kill any, the owner was to die, or pay a ransome of money. And the reasons of this commutation are these: The difficultie in the strict law of retalion, that it could hardly alwayes be observed according to the letter: as if hee were weake and sickly, that was to lose a member, he was like to lose his life also with it: and if a poore man had lost an arme, it was more profitable for him to have amends made him in money, than to have anothers hand cut off: and if the Judge should upon every ones humorous desire have taken away from one an arme or a legge, this would have nourished revenge. It is like then upon these reasons, that the Judges as they saw cause, did make a change and commutation of this penaltie with money, as the Pretors did among the Romanes.

5. Yet although it were in the Judges power to make a commutation of the like punishment with a pecuniarie mulct, the law of retalion notwithstanding is set downe: 1. Both for more certaintie, because one rule could not serve for all pecuniarie taxations, which might be aggravated, or diminished in the discretion of the Judge, according to the divers circumstances. 2. As also, if a mulct of money had beene set, then the mutilation of the members being not warranted, by the letter of the law could not have beene inflicted. 3. As also, this severitie in the amputation or cutting off the like part doth imprint a grea∣ter terror than if any summe of money, though never so great, had beene imposed, Simler.

QUEST. LX. Whether the law of retalion were just and equall.

BUt against the law of retalion it will be thus objected. 1. That sometime there may be great inequali∣tie in the persons, and then such equall and like requitall is not just: as if a subject should smite a Ma∣gistrate and wound him, it is not sufficient for the other to be wounded againe. And in the law of re∣talion there is no respect whether one did the hurt voluntarily or involuntarily, but onely ut tantum red∣datur pro tanto, that so much be rendred for so much: but it is not just, that if one did hurt another against his will, that the like hurt of purpose should be done to him againe, Tostat.

2. But these objections may easily bee removed. For first this law of retalion must be understood with two reservations, that it is given de nocumentis personalibus, concerning hurt done unto mens persons: but it is otherwise in nocumentis rerum, in the damage of ones things or substance: for in that case, not like is to be rendred for like, but at the least double for one, sometime more, chap. 22.4. The other ex∣ception is, that these personall wrongs are understood to be personarum non qualificatarum, of persons not qualified, but of common and ordinarie persons, as is evident by the former law, vers. 15. that he which did smite his father and mother, should not be smitten againe, but was to die for it: Cajetan. Secondly, this law of retalion must necessarily bee expounded of voluntarie and wilfull hurts: for if hee that killed a man against his will, was not to bee killed againe, vers. 13. so neither was hee which had done any hurt unwittingly to his neighbour in any of his parts or members, to receive the like againe.

3. This law then, whatsoever can be objected to the contrarie, was most equall, those times considered. 1. Lex talionis permissa est duro populo, &c. This law of retalion was permitted unto that hard people: Sed charitas fidelium mitigatrix est hujus legis; The charitie of the faithfull and beleevers doth mitigate the severitie of this law, which teacheth them not to seeke revenge, Lippoman. 2 And Augustine further sheweth the reason of this law, that it was made to moderate the unreasonable desire of men in seeking revenge: Nonne videmus homines leviter laesos moliri caedem, &c. for doe we not see men being but a little hurt, to goe about to kill, to thirst for bloud? &c. therefore this law, An eye for an eye, &c. non ••omes, sed limes furoris est, &c. is not the kindler, but the limiter of rage and revenge, Lib. 12. contr. Faust. cap. 25.

4. But whereas our blessed Saviour, Matth. 5.39. having repeated this law, addeth, But I say unto you, resist not evill, &c. he doth not abrogate this law, but onely freeth it from the corrupt interpretations of the Jewes, who hereby tooke unto themselves great libertie in following and fostering private revenge: Our blessed Saviour therefore sheweth, that privat men should not seeke to revenge their owne wrongs, no•• arrogate unto themselves that power which belongeth to the Magistrate: who if hee did not right their wrongs, they ought with patience rather to beare them, than to bee Judges and revengers in their owne case, Marbach.

QUEST. LXI. Of the servants freedome for the losse of an eye or tooth.

Vers. 26. IF a man smite his servant, &c. 1. This law is to bee understood of such servants as were not Hebrewes, as may appeare v••••s. 20. for they were not to use the Hebrew servants so cruelly, Levit. 25.38. Tostatus thinketh, that if an Hebrew servant received a maime, hee was not onely to bee set at libertie for his maime, but also some other recompence was to be made beside, because hee was to goe out free simply in the seventh yeere. But I rather herein subscribe to Lyranus, that in this case the former

law of retalion was to take place, if an Hebrew servant lost either an eye or tooth at his masters hand. So also Iunius.

2. If either one servant did maime another, or a free man anothers servant, Tostatus thinketh that in this case the smiter was to buy out his service that was maimed; and if he were not able, then hee was to serve in his place: and this generall rule hee giveth, that a quocunque servus percutiatur, debet effici liber, of whomsoever the servant was smitten, hee was to bee made free. His reason is, because another had not more privilege than the servants master: if then he was to bee set at libertie, if his master smote him, and maimed him, much more if another did it. Contra. This law onely containeth an exception concerning the master: in all other, the former law was to stand in force, an eye for an eye, &c. which was no privilege for the stranger, more than for the master, but a greater punishment: the master is privileged and exemp∣ted from the law of retalion: for if the master should have lost a limme or member for his servant, there would never have beene any agreement or accord betweene them afterward: Marbach. And therefore the law provideth that which was lesse grievous to the master, and more beneficiall for the servant, that he should have his freedome for his maime, Simler. Privandi enim sunt dominatu tanquam indigni: For they were to bee deprived of their mastership and government, as unworthy, that could use it no more moderatly, Gallas.

3. There are foure kinds of smiting: 1. When death followed, whereof the law is set downe before, vers. 20. 2. If any limme were perished. 3. If a wound were made, and bloud followed. 4. When no skin was broken, but onely the blewnesse of the stripe seene: for these two last there was no punishment appointed for the master, but onely for the two first, the one is provided for before, vers. 20. the second here, Tostat.

4. By these two parts of the eye and tooth here expressed, all other parts which might be in like man∣ner blemished are signified, Simler. Lyranus out of R. Salomon nameth these parts, for the which, if they were perished, the servant was to goe out free: the ten fingers, the ten toes, the eares, eyes, nose, and se∣cret parts. And why not also the hands and armes, feet and legges, as before in part is set downe in the law of retalion? vers. 24.

5. Procopius and Rabanus doe make this mysticall sense of this law: by the eye they understand the minde, by the tooth, discretionem per quam subtiliter sententias Scripturarum comminuit, the discerning, whereby one divideth the sentences of Scripture: if any doe corrupt the judgement of his servant in mat∣ters of religion, he must leave such a master, and go where he may be better taught. But where the literall meaning is plaine, such mysticall applications are superfluous.

QUEST. LXII. What manner of smiting and goaring of a beast is here understood.

Vers. 28. IF an oxe goare, &c. 1. One kinde is put for all: à parte totum intelligendum est: One kinde of beast is named for the rest: what beast soever is hurtfull unto man, must thus bee served: Au∣gustin. qu. 8. in Exod. So also Lyranus. And this is agreeable to that law, Gen. 9▪ 5. At the hand of every beast will I require your bloud, Gallas. But the oxe is specially mentioned, because the Hebrewes were most given to keeping of cattell: their horse were for the most part brought out of Egypt, Simler. 2. It is un∣derstood to be such a goring and wounding, as that death followed upon it: for otherwise though one were sore wounded with the push of an oxe, if he died not, the oxe was not in this case to be stoned, Tostat. 3. But that other conceit of Tostatus in this place is not so good: secus est, si calce petierit &c. It is other∣wise, if the oxe strike with his heele, not with his horne: in this case the oxe is not to die, because it was his fault that stood within the reach of the oxes heele, whereas he pursueth after men to gore them with his horne: for what saith he then to the horse heele, if any were stricken to death therewith? was not the horse to be killed by the equitie of this law? as Lippoman expoundeth it as well de equo calcitroso, of a striking horse, as of a pushing oxe. If this law provideth for the stroke of the horse heele, why not for the oxe heele also? And this is yet more evident, Gen. 9.5. that the Lord will require mans bloud at the hand of every beast: the heele is as well the oxe hand as his horne. By what meanes soever then a beast killeth a man, this law was to take place.

QUEST. LXIII. Why the oxe that goared was commanded to be stoned to death.

Vers. 28. THe oxe shall be stoned to death, &c. 1. Though a bruit beast cannot sinne, and therefore this punishment is not inflicted for any sinne committed by the beast, yet it is in joyned, ad horro∣rem facti, for the horror of the fact: Tostat. 2. Quia esset horribilis ad videndum, &c. Because the sight of such a bloodie beast would be horrible and grievous to men, Lyran. 3. And it might be feared lest such a dangerous beast, if he should live, should kill others also, Simler. 4. This was also provided for the ma∣sters advantage, who was bound to make good all losses which should fall out afterward by his beast, which used to push, Tostat. 5. And by this law men are given to understand that if bruit beasts are not spared, much lesse shall they goe unpunished, if they shed mans bloud, Gallas. 6. The equitie also of this law herein appeareth: that sicut creati sunt boves in hominum gratiam, &c. That as oxen were created for mans sake, so they should serve for the use of man, whether by their life or death, Calvin. 6. Agreeable to this law of Moses (as grounded upon the law of nature) were the like constitutions among the Hea∣then: as Solon made a law in Athens, that if a dogge had bitten a man, hee should be tied in an halter and delivered to him that was hurt. So among the Romanes in their 12. tables it was decreed, that if a beast had done any hurt, Dominus aut litis astimationem solvito, aut eam noxa dedito: The owner should either pay a•• was awarded, or deliver up his beast to punishment. Draco also was the author of this law in Athens,

that not onely men, but beasts, yea things without life, that had beene the meanes of any mans death, should be banished out of the countrie, and cast out: whereupon the image of Theogenes among the Thra∣sians falling upon one and killing him, was adjudged to be cast into the Sea, Simler.

QUEST. LXIV. Why the flesh of the oxe was not to be eaten.

ANd his flesh shall not bee eaten. 1. It was neither lawfull for them to eat the flesh themselves, nor yet to sell it to the Gentiles, as they might doe other things, that died alone, Deut. 1••.21. Iun. But the flesh should be cast away, as a cursed and abominable thing. 2. Not so much because being stoned to death, it was as a thing suffocated, and so they should have eaten it with the bloud, Simler. Osiander. But tan∣quam aliquid maledictum, &c. as a thing accursed, they were to abhorre the flesh of such a bloudie beast•• so that although the owner should slay this murtherous oxe before it were stoned, it was not law••ull to eat the flesh thereof, Tostat. quaest. 30. 3. And this was tum propter horrorem fact••▪ both for the horror of the fact: tum quia per hoc damnificabat•••• Dominus bovis, and by this meanes also the owner of the oxe was damnified, the flesh thereof being unprofitable for any thing, that he might be more ••autel•••••• after∣ward, and take better heed to his cattell, Lyranus. 4. The Hebrewes add•• further, that the very skin of the oxe was not to be used to any purpose, but the whole to be cast away as a thing abominable, Tostat. quaest. 28.

QUEST. LXV. In what case the owner is to die, when his oxe goared any to death.

Vers 29. IF the oxe were wont to push, &c. Another case is put, when the oxe chanceth to doe any hurt with the masters knowledge, where divers conditions are required: 1. That the oxe used to push before: the words are in the originall, yesterday, and ye•• yesterday: a definite time is put for an in∣definite: it is no•• enough if he had once goared before, but he must have one it twice at the least▪ as R. Salomon, Lyran. He must have beene knowne in former time to have beene used to push. 2. This also must have beene notified and signified also to the owner: for it may be, that the oxe had used formerly to push, and the owner knew it not, Simler. Or if he knew it, he might denie it, unlesse he had beene admonished by others to take care of his beast, Tostat. quaest. 28. 3. He or she must be free, and not a servant, whom the oxe used to push, goareth to death: for concerning the goaring of servants, there followeth another law afterward, vers. 32. If the oxe goared a man or woman, a sonne or daughter, that is, though they were never so little, it was all one, Lyran. Some thinke it is understood of the owners owne sonne and daugh∣ter, Calvin. Oleaster. But the next law as touching the goaring of servants, sheweth that it is rather meant of his neighbours sonne or daughter, Hugo de S. Victor. But it is rather understood in generall, de quo vi•• capite libero, of every free bodie, great or small, man or woman, Iun. 4. In this case the owner, being warned before of his oxe, is to die for it, because he did not keepe him in, knowing him to be a harme∣full beast: Quia videtur illud, quasi immittere aliorum cervicibus: because he seemed of purpose to let him loose to doe mischiefe, Simler.

QUEST. LXVI. When the owner might redeeme his left with money.

Vers. 30. IF there be set to him a summe of money. 1. R. Salomon thinketh, that in this case the next of kin to the partie slaine, were to take a peece of money of the owner of the oxe, and they could not refuse, but might be compelled to take it: and so he taketh here, si, if, for, quia, because. Contra But the very letter of the law is against this exposition: for it is expresly said, The oxe shall be stoned, and the owner shall die also. But if the owner might at his libertie redeeme his life with money, then he should never be put to death, and so that clause of the law should be superfluous, Tostat. quaest. 29. 2. Neither yet is Tosta∣tus opinion here to be received: Quando{que} posuit in electione cognatorum, &c. That the law doth put it in the choice of the kinsmen of the slaine, when they would demand the owner to die, and when they thought good to set him a summe of money: and so hee maketh this a different case from that, vers. 22. where the Judges were to set the summe of money, because it was no capitall offence: but here he is to pay whatsoever is required by the adversarie part, without any moderation, or limitation of the Judges, because the offence being capitall, cannot be valued or esteemed by any certaine summe of money, Tostat. quast. 28. Contra. But this is not like, that this was left to the choice of the adversaries: for either they might set such an unreasonable summe, which the owner was not able to pay: or else might use partialitie, that in the very like case some owner should die, when another should escape with his life: and so the law should not be equall and indifferent to all. 3. Some thinke that it was in the Judges discretion, to change the sentence of death into a pecuniary mulct: concedit l••x quòd possit Iudex decernere, &c. The law al∣loweth the Judge to determine, &c. Cajetan. Lippoman thinketh that the adversaries were to make the demand, praevia tamen non iniqui Iudici•• moderatione, &c. yet by the moderation of an indifferent Judge going before. But if it were altogether arbitrarie in the Judge, when a man should die in this case, when not, to what end saith the law, The owner shall die also? In that case then there propounded he was cer∣tainly to die, which sentence by the Judge could not be dispensed with. 4. Therefore I thinke rather with Iunius, that in this mitigation of the former sentence of death, a divers case is put from the former: that if the owner of the oxe, non satis scivit, did not sufficiently know it, vel non satis cavit, or did not take heed enough, thinking he had sufficiently provided for his beast: that in this case he might be excused: Si sim∣plick as vel incogitanti•• hominem excusa••••t, if the mans simplicitie or forgetfulnesse did excuse him, &c. so that he were not found to be wilfully negligent and carelesse, the Judge might set him at a summe of mo∣ney, Calvin.

QUEST. LXVII. What servants this law meaneth, Hebrewes or strangers.

Vers. 32. IF the oxe goare a servant or maid. 1. Some thinke this is generally meant of all servants among the Hebrewes, where lesse respect is had unto servants than unto free men, Vt cura libertatis major vigeret in populo Dei, &c. That there should be more care had of libertie among the people of God, that they come not through their owne default into servitude and bondage, Lippoman. 2. But it is rather understood of such servants as were Gentiles and strangers, and not Hebrewes, as may appeare by the former lawes, vers. 20.26. which are onely referred unto that kinde of servants, Iun. For in all kinde of percussions and wrongs offred to the bodie, or life, the Hebrew servants had the same privilege which free men had. Againe Tostatus addeth this reason, because if he were an Hebrew servant that was killed, the money should not be given to his master, but so much onely as his service remaining might be valued at, the rest was to goe rather to his children or kindred: as put the case that his service were esteemed at foure sicles yearly, and there remained but one yeare of his service, before the seventh yeare came, then his master was to have but foure sicles of the thirtie sicles: But because the Gentile servants were their masters perpetuall possession, the whole summe which the servant was valued at, that perished, belonged unto them, Tostat. quaest. 3.

QUEST. LXVIII. Why a certaine summe of money is set for all servants.

Vers. 32. HE shall give unto their masters thirtie sicles. The common sicle weighed the fourth part of an ounce of silver: so that thirtie sicles made seven ounces and an halfe, that is, so many dolle••••: seven crownes starling and an halfe: Iun. which is about 37. ^s. 6. ^d. of our money. Now although there was great difference in the price of servants: for the men servants were more worth than the maids; and the young and strong than the old and weake: yet a certaine rate is set for these reasons: 1. Some thinke this proportion and summe is named, because out of Cham there issued thirtie generations, Gen. 7. from whom servitude tooke beginning. But this is but a figurative reason, which rather belonged to the cere∣moniall than to the politike lawes, Tostat. quaest. 29. 2. These reasons rather may bee yeelded: 1. That whereas the summe for the death of a free man is arbitrarie, vers. 30. but the certaine quantitie is named for a servant slaine by a beast: this was to shew a difference betweene servants and free men, Cajetan. 2. Quia caedes erat involuntaria, &c. Because this slaughter was involuntarie, and the owners negligence onely is punished, therefore one servant is not set at an higher rate than another, Simler. 3. And beside, this moderate and indifferent price is taxed, that the owner of the oxe, and the master of the servant might as it were divide the losse betweene them: that seeing it was done of negligence, non multum gravaretur in solvendo Dominus bovis: The owner of the oxe should not be burthened with over great payment, Tostat. quaest. 29.

QUEST. LXIX. What kinde of wells this law meaneth, where, and by whom digged.

Vers. 33. WHen a man shall open a well, or digge a pit, &c. 1. Here are two cases put, when either one uncovereth a well digged alreadie, or diggeth a new well, and leaveth it uncovered, then he is subject to this law: Lyran. For if one made a well, and left it covered, and another commeth and uncovereth it, though he made it not, now he is in fault, and not the other that made it, quia causam im∣mediatam tribuit malo, because hee is the immediate cause of the evill or mischiefe that is done, Tostat. qu. 30. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh, that if the master commanded another to make a well, and leave it un∣covered, that in this case he is not to make good the losse, but he that made it. Contra. If he that made it were a servant, who could not gainsay his masters commandement, in this case the master was rather to be charged with the penaltie than the servant, because he was the cause: but if he were a mercenarie man, or an hireling, then he together with the master that set him aworke, are joyntly to beare the losse, because it was in his power to have refused, Tostat. So then not onely he that maketh such a pit and leaveth it un∣covered, but he that also caused it, are punishable by this law, Iun. 3. But in this other point R. Salomon his opinion is very probable: that this law must be understood of such pits as were made in such common and usuall places, where cattell used to goe: not of such as were digged in solitarie and unfrequented places, as in the mountaines: for then it was a meere chance, if any such casualtie happened: Tostat. Lyran. Neither can this law take place now, when men have their severall and divided grounds, wherein they make their pits and wels: which divisions were not so usuall among the Israelites then, Gallas. 4. Though mention be made onely of the oxe and asse, that shall fall into the pit, yet there is the same reason of other cattell, as of sheepe and goats: Lyran. But there is a greater doubt what should bee done, if a man and woman should perish by such meanes. Simlerus seemeth to be of opinion, that the owner or maker of the pit should be punished in this case, as if hee had not kept his oxe that used to goare. But the life of man is of greater value, than to be taken away, where there is no direct law, but by a kinde of consequent. If in∣deed any man should of purpose leave open a well to intrap his brother,* 1.71 here he is guiltie of wilfull mur∣ther, because he lay in wait for his brother, and therefore was to die for it, according to the law, vers. 14. But if the pit bee left open of negligence, in this case the digger of the pit shall not make satisfaction for the life of a man, as for a beast there decaying; because a man in his reason and discretion could better prevent the danger of falling into the pit, than a bruit beast.

5. Gregorie doth thus mystically applie this law: Quid est aperire cisternam, nisi sacra scriptura arca•• penetrare, &c. What is it to open a well, but to search into the Arke of the sacred Scripture? Subli••••s sensus coram non capientibus silenti•• contegat: Let him cover with silence the high and secret sense before

those which cannot conceive them: otherwise he shall be guiltie, si per verba ejus mens in scandalum, &c. if by his words the simple minde of the hearer shall be scandalized, Gregor. 17. moral. cap. 13.

6. Thomas doth thus moralize: Then one giveth occasion of falling to another, which is to fall into the pit, quando facit aliquid, vel dicit minùs ratum; when hee doth or saith any thing which is not right, whereby occasion is ministred to another of falling, Thom. quodlibet 4. art. 23. ad. 3.

QUEST. LXX. How the live and dead oxe are to be divided, where they were not of equall value.

Vers. 35. IF a mans oxe hurt his neighbours oxe, &c. they shall divide, &c. 1. This is not meant of the oxe onely, but of other cattell also, as if one mans ramme kill another: à parte totum intelligendum est, by one part the whole is to be understood, August. quaest. 82. in Exod. 2. And this law is most equall, because it cannot be knowne which of them first assaulted the other, the one being not knowne to push more than the other, that both the live & dead should be equally divided, Simler. The like law the Romans had in the 12. tables, that if ones beast hurt another, the owner should make it good, or deliver the beast, Gallas. 3. But this division must bee understood, where the beasts are of equall value: otherwise there should be wrong done to one of them: As if the dead oxe were worth six pound, and the live oxe but two pound, if both should be divided, then he that was owner of the live oxe should receive foure pound, twice so much as his oxe were worth, and the other should lose two pound in the price of his beast: the meaning then is, that an equall division should be made, where the oxen are equall in value, and the losse in the dead oxe to bee equally borne by them both: as if the live oxe bee worth six pound; and the dead oxe was worth as much being alive, but now is valued at foure pound, then either of them both, the oxen being sold, should have five pound a peece; and so each of them should beare 20. ^s. losse, Lyran. But where the value was unequall, first the price must bee made up in money, where the oddes was, and then the rest divided: as if the live oxe were worth 12. sicles, and the dead oxe worth but six alive, and foure now he is dead, these being now both sold, make 16. sicles in all: of this summe, first six sicles must be given un∣to the owner of the live oxe, to make up the equall value of the dead oxe, which was worth but six; then the residue being ten sicles, should bee divided, to each of them five sicles, and so the losse should bee in∣differently borne betweene them, Tostat. quaest. 32. 4. To know then how an equall division may bee made, when the beasts are of unequall value, these rules must be observed: 1. Si non perdit uter{que} aequaliter, ••f both doe not lose alike, the owner of the live beast, and the owner of the dead, the division is not equall, Tostat. quaest. 33. Medietas damni debet poni super unum, &c. The halfe of the losse must bee laid upon one, and the other halfe upon the other, Lyran. As if the live oxe be worth 12. sicles, and the dead oxe was worth but six, being alive, and now is sold for foure, here are two sicles lost, which must bee equally borne betweene them: so that the owner must have five sicles, and so he loseth but one. 2. Another rule is, that if either of the owners receive more for the live or dead oxe, than it was worth being alive, the di∣vision is not good: as in the former example, if the owner of the live oxe should have above 12. sicles, or the owner of the dead above six. 3. If the owner of the dead oxe have lesse allowed him than his dead oxe is worth, as if hee should receive but three sicles, when the dead carcase is sold for foure. 4. If the owner of the dead oxe receive as much for the dead, as he was worth alive, as namely, six sicles, whereas he is worth but foure, the division is unjust; for now the whole losse of two sicles should lie altogether upon the owner of the live oxe, Tostat. quaest. 33.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of keeping the seventh day of rest holy unto God.

Vers. 2 IN the seventh yeare he shall goe out free. Consider here, Quali affectu Deus diem septimum pro∣sequatur, &c. how the Lord is affected to the seventh day of rest, that in remembrance thereof; he also privileged the seventh yeare for the freedome of servants, and the fiftieth yeare of Jubile, Oleaster. Whereby we are taught religiously to consecrate unto Gods honour the seventh day.

2. Doct. Of Gods providence, even in such things as seeme to fall out by chance.

Vers. 13. BVt God hath offred him into his hand. Discamus non casu•• aut fortunae istos occursus attribuere, sed providentiae supremi Iudicis, &c. Let us learne (saith Cajetane hereupon) to attribute such occurrents, not unto chance or fortune, but unto the providence of the highest Judge. Even these acci∣dents which seeme to fall out by chance, are ruled and governed by the providence of God: as our blessed Saviour saith, that even our haires are numbred; and therefore nothing can happen unto us otherwise than as God disposeth.

3. Doct. The fact is to be measured by the minde of the doer.

Vers. 13. IF a man have not laid wait. Vides externa facta non esse judicanda juxta externam facti spe∣ciem, &c. You see that outward facts are not to bee judged according to the externall shew, sed juxta internum facientis animum, but according to the inward minde and purpose of the doer, Lippom. As God saith to Abimelech, when he had taken Sara Abrahams wife, I know that thou didst this even with an upright minde: Genes. 21.6.

4. Doct. In all wrongs there must be satisfaction and restitution made.

Vers. 19. HE shall beare his charges. The injurie must be freely forgiven, but yet there must be recom∣pence and satisfaction made for the losse and hindrance: so likewise vers. 34. The owner shall make it good, The law sheweth that restitution must be made, for the hurt and damage made unto another, Oleaster. Therefore a man cannot looke for remission of his trespasse from God, which he hath committed against his neighbour, where he refuseth to make him amends, it being in his power: so did just Zachtus restore fourefold, whatsoever he had wrongfully gotten, Luk. 19.8.

5. Places of confutation.

1. Confut. Of the Anabaptists, that denie the use of the sword unto the Civill Magistrate.

Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar, that he may die. This place doth authorise and warrant the lawfull power of the Civill Magistrate, in the use of the sword, against the error of the Anabaptists, which would altogether deprive the Magistrate of it, urging that place in the Gospell, Matth. 5.39. I say unto you, resist not evill. But here our blessed Saviour repealeth not the law of Moses, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: but onely reverseth the corrupt exposition of the Pharisies, which by this text would give warrant unto privat men, to seeke their owne revenge, whereas the law giveth this power onely unto the Civill Magistrate. So the Apostle also saith, that the Magistrate heareth not the sword for nought, for he is the minister of God, to take vengeance on him that doth evill, Rom. 13.4.

2. Confut. Against the Papists, that would exempt Ecclesiasticall persons from the Civill power.

Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar. Even the Priest ministring at the Altar, if he had com∣mitted wilfull murther, might be taken from thence, and put to death by the Magistrate, as R. Salomon noteth: wherein appeareth the soveraigne right and power, which then the Civill Magistrate had over the Priests of the law: which Tostatus granteth: but he saith, that herein there was great diffe∣rence betweene the Priests of those times, and of ours, and thereupon he putteth this note in the margen, Nota differentiam inter Sacerdotes veteris Testamenti & nova legis, note a difference betweene the Priests of the old Testament, and of the new law, Tostat. quaest. 16. Contra. 1. But herein is no difference at all, for the Ministers of the Gospell are no more exempted now from the Civill power, than the Priests were then: for the Apostle saith, Let every soule be subject to the higher power, Rom. 13.1. In this generall speech, none are excepted: yea our blessed Saviour, who might have pleaded a greater privilege in this behalfe then any, refused not to pay tribute for avoiding of offence, Matth. 17.27. See more of this question, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 98.

3. Confut. Against the great abuse of Popish Sanctuaries.

FRom mine Altar. This sheweth that the Temple and Altar, as also the Cities of refuge were privi∣leged places for some kinde of offenders, though not for wilfull murtherers. Here then somewhat would be inserted concerning the great abuse of Sanctuaries and privileged places in times past.

1. Concerning the beginning and first occasion of them, it is grounded upon, and derived from the ju∣diciall constitutions of Moses, who by Gods appointment, assigned certaine Cities of refuge, for some offenders to flee unto, but not for all malefactors: from Moses the Gentiles seemed to borrow the like custome, in giving immunitie and privilege to some places: As in Athens, Hercules nephewes builded the Temple of Mercie, and obtained for the same this privilege, that they which fled thither for succour, should not by violence be taken thence. In Rome, Remus and Romulus betweene the tower and the Ca∣pitol,* 1.72 appointed a place of refuge (called intermontius) betweene the hilles: after that the Temples and Altars, and then the images of the Emperours were privileged to give protection to those, which fled thi∣ther for succour: And from this example came the like immunities, which were given afterward to the Churches of Christians, which was afterward enlarged unto Church-yards, and Monasteries: As this rea∣son is alleaged in the Imperiall constitutions of Theodos. and Valentin. that because the Gentiles gave such honour to their Idoll temples, &c. Quantum oportet praesidii ad sacratissimas aras confugientibus prae∣stare? How much reliefe ought we to yeeld to those, which flie to the most holy Altars? The same rea∣son is yeelded, Concil. Matiscin. 2. can. 8. Simundani Principes suis legibus censuerunt, &c. If worldly Princes have decreed by their lawes, that whosoever did flee unto their images, should be without hurt, how much should he remaine undemnified, qui suae gremium matris Ecclesia petierit, &c. which goeth to the bosome of his mother the Church?

2. Now for the convenient and necessarie use of such Sanctuaries and privileged places, these reasons are brought: 1. That they which were innocent, as in the case of involuntarie killing, might rescue them∣selves from the rage of the pursuers. 2. They which were oppressed by unequall Judges, might finde shel∣ter here, till either the Judges wrath were appeased, or a more indifferent Judge found. 3. Such places served for the reliefe of servants, that were cruelly handled of their masters. 4. And for such as were en∣debted, and were pursued of their cruell creditours and exactours. 5. And in time of warre, such places were of speciall use, that they which fled thither, might be preserved from the sword: As Allaricus, when Rome was taken gave commandement, that all they, which fled to the Churches of S. Paul, and S. Peter, should have their lives, Simler.

3. But on the contrary, thus it is objected against such Sanctuary places: 1. That by this meanes the ••ourse of Justice is hindred, when malefactors are sheltred and rescued from the Magistrate by the immu∣nity and privilege of the place. 2. Servants are encouraged to be contemptuous, and disobedient to their masters, finding succour elsewhere. 3. And anthrifty and carelesse debtor••▪ by such devises will seeke to defraud their creditours. 4. And herein was a great abuse committed in former times of superstition, that their Sanctuary places were open to all kinde of malefactors: As thus it standeth deci••ed, A••re••aneus. 1. c. 3. Homicidas, adulteros, fures, sive quoscun{que} re••••, &c. Murtherers, adulterers, theeves, or any other tres∣passers, as the Ecclesiasticall Canons decret, and the Roman•• Law appointeth, it is not lawfull to draw out of the Church or the Bishops house, but upon oath first given, 〈…〉〈…〉 poenarum g••nere sint securi: that the parties so taken out, should be secure from all kinde of punishment.

4. Now then to moderate the excesse and abuse herein: neither is it fit that all such Sanctuaries should be stripped of their privileges, as Tibe••i•••• the Emperour did, as S••••••onius and Tacitus doe write: But such places of Gods service are meet still to be had in reverence, according to that Law of Arcadius, Irruens in Templum, vel Menistros capite punitur, &c. That hee which did assault the Church or the Ministers, should be capitally punished,* 1.73 Cod. lib. 1. tit. 6. leg. 10. Yet the privilege of such places would thus be mode∣rated and limited: 1. That they should not bee open to all offenders, but onely to such as trespassed of ignorance, and sinned unwittingly, and such as were empoverished by casualty rather th•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 owne default. 2. That the number of such privileged places should be restrained, as it is already in the refo••••ed Churches; seeing to all the 12. Tribes of Israel, there were allowed but six Cities of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. He which was rescued in the Cities of refuge, was but there a while till his cause was tried, 〈…〉〈…〉 guilty, he was delivered up: so it is fit, that such as sought the Sanctuary should notwithstanding ans••er the Law: As it was decreed by the Imperiall Lawes, as Cod. 1. l. 1. tit. 15. leg. 5. Iudaei confugieu••es ad E••••••••∣sias suscipi non debent, &c. Jewes fleeing to the Churches, ought not to be received, unlesse first they pay their debts, Ibid. leg. 5. maneri possunt, vel citari in Ecclesia, &c. they may be summoned and cited in the Church▪ and being so cited, they are bound to make answer, &c.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Of the love which parents ought to beare toward their children.

Vers. 5. I Love my wife and my children, &c. Hence appeareth the great love, which a man ought to beare toward his wife and children, that he should endure much wrong, yea and chuse rather to serve with them, than to have his liberty and freedome without them: Oleaster: which condemneth the care∣lesnesse of such parents, which preferre their owne case and pleasure before the safety of their children, worse herein than the bruit beasts, even then the savage and cruell Beare, which rageth being robbed of her whelpes, Prov. 17.12.

2. Obser. Of the duty of children toward their parents.

Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father, or his mother, vers. 17. and he that curseth his father, &c. shall dye the death. He that abused his parents in word or in deed, that gave them but a tip or a revi∣ling word, was to be put to death: which sheweth how much the Lord abhorreth stubbornnesse and dis∣obedience to parents: Little thought of by too many in our dayes, and the rather because that conti∣nually in the Church there is not a beating of these points of Catechisme into childrens heads and hearts by carefull Ministers. O that they would bee once drawne to doe this duty in their severall Churches▪ soone should they find the fruit of it, and the greatnesse of their sinne in so long neglecting it, B. Babing.

3. Observ. Masters not to be cruell toward their servants.

Vers. 20. IF a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he dye, &c. Upon this text Rabanus thus noteth: Sicut disciplina opus est in eruditione subjectorum, &c. As discipline is needfull in the erudition of those that are in subjection, Ita & discretione opus est, in exhibitione correp••••onum▪ &c. So also discretion is needfull in the exhibiting of correction, &c. neither parents should provoke their chil∣dren by too much rigour, nor yet masters shew themselves cruell toward their servants, as here the Law punisheth the immoderate severity of masters▪ yea the Apostle would have masters put away threatning from their servants, Ephes. 6.9.

4. Observ. A wrong in deed must be recompenced in deed.

Vers. 26. HE shall let him goe free for his eye. Chrysostome hereupon thus inferreth: If thou hast chasti∣sed any beyond measure: Injuriae peccatum beneficio est dissolvendum, &c. The sinne of wrong must be dissolved by a benefit: Alioquin, nisi quem factis laesisti▪ factis placaveris, siue causa eras 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dominum; Otherwise, whom thou hast wronged in deed, if thou doest not appease by thy deeds, in vaine doest thou pray unto God, &c. Hom. 11. in Matth. As then the wrong is done, so the amends or recom∣pence must be made: he that hath offended in word, must by his words and confession acknowledge his fault; but he which hath offred wrong in deed, must also make some satisfaction for i•• in deed: as here the master for putting out his servants eye, was to give him his liberty and freedome for it.

5. Observ. Superiours are charged with the sinnes of inferiours committed by their negligence.

Vers. 29. IF the oxe were w••nt to push in time past, &c. As by this Law the owner of the oxe was to make good the hurt which was done by his oxe through his negligence, because he kept him not▪ so God imputeth the sinnes of the children to their fathers, and of the subjects to the Magistrate, si 〈◊〉〈◊〉 negligentia cessatum fuerit, &c. if through their negligence, that is, of the parents or governours, the chil∣dren or subjects faile in their duty: as is set forth in the example of Hol••, 1 Sam. 2. who was punished for his remisnesse toward his children: by which meanes he was made accessary to their sinne, Lippo••••••.

CHAP. XXII.

1. The Method and Argument.

IN this Chapter other politicke and civill Lawes are delivered, which are of two sorts, either concerning every ones private duty, to vers. 28. or the publike, vers. 27. to the end of the Chapter.

The private duties are of two sorts, either touching prophane, or sacred actions. Of the first sort are these: 1. Concerning theft, either apparent, as either of simple theft consummate, when the thing stollen is killed, or sold, vers. 1. or of theft with violence, vers. 2.3. or of simple theft not consummate, when the thing stollen is yet found with the man, v. 4. or secret theft, in feeding on other mens grounds, vers. 5.

2. The Law of burning, vers. 6. 3. The Law of committing any thing to anothers trust, vers. 7, 8. 4. Of things taken away, vers. 9. 5. Of things that are hired, what is to be done, if they decay in his hand that hired them, vers. 10, 11. what if they be stollen. 6. The Law of borrowing and lending, vers. 14, 15. 7. Of simple fornication, what is to be done if the father consent, vers. 16. what if he refuse, vers. 17.

The sacred Lawes follow. 1. Which are either grounded upon the Law of Nature, which are two, not to suffer a witch to live, vers. 18. nor to lye with a beast, vers. 19. 2. Or upon the institution of God, as not to offer unto any strange gods, vers. 20. 3. Or which concerne the duties of humanity to be shewed: 1. Toward strangers, vers. 21. 2. The widowes and fatherlesse, vers. 22. whereunto the reason i•• added, containing a commination of punishment against those which oppresse and trouble them. 3. Toward the poore, neither in oppressing them with usury, vers. 25. nor keeping backe their pledge, vers. 26. with the reason, vers. 27.

The publike Lawes are: 1. Concerning duties both toward Magistrates in generall, not to speake evill of the Rulers, vers. 28. and in particular, toward Ecclesiasticall Ministers, in yeelding their tithes and first fruits, vers. 29, 30. 2. And touching the generall duty of sanctimony in themselves, vers. 31. testified by that outward ceremoniall signe, in not eating any uncleane thing.

2. The divers readings.

* 1.74Vers. 1. Foure small beasts of the flocke, for one small beast. I. better than, foure sheepe for a sheepe. B.G.S.L. for the first word is tzon, the other, sheh, and therefore cannot bee interpreted by the same word: or than, foure sheepe for a lambe. C. A. for that had beene unequall: or foure sheepe for a small beast. P. V. for it might be a goat as well as a sheepe which was stollen, and then foure goats were to be restored againe, not foure sheepe: tzon is a noune collective, and signifieth the flocke, as well of goats as sheepe.

* 1.75Vers. 2. He shall not be guilty of bloud. L.C. or, of slaughter. I.S. better than, there shall be no capitall action against him. V. or, bloud shall not be shed for him. B.G. or, he shall be subject to death. P. bloud shall not ••e to him. H. that is, the bloud of the slaine shall not be imputed to him: it is better referred to the bloud of the slaine, than of the killer.

* 1.76Vers. 5. If any man doe feed field, &c. I.C.S. or, cause to be fed. V.A.P. better than, hurt field. B. G. L. the word is baghar, to feed: and two kindes of feeding are touched, when one willingly causeth his cattell to feed on others ground, or by negligence.

Vers. 9. In all manner of trespasse. B. G. V. or, matter of trespasse. C.A.P. better than, in every businesse of things carried away. I. pashagh, signifieth to trespasse, to rebell, or to depart from the will of the master, Oleaster. It is meant of all kinde of trespasse, in withholding another mans goods.

* 1.77Vers. 10. Carried away by violence. I.V.A. or, taken captive. S.L.P. better than, taken of enemies. L.B.G. shabah, signifieth to take by force, or drive away.

* 1.78Vers. 13. He shall bring it for a witnesse. V.I.A.P. that is, that which is torne for a witnesse. C. or, witnesse of the tearing. B. better than, he shall bring record. G. here somewhat is wanting: or, bring unto him that which is slaine. I. here somewhat is added: or, bring it to the doore. S. here somewhat is changed.

Vers. 31. Tot•••• of beasts. C.A.P. cum cater. better than, tasted before of beasts. I.

3. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Of the 〈…〉〈…〉.

〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉

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QUEST. II. Why five oxen are restored for one, and for a stollen sheepe but foure.

HE shall restore five oxen for an oxe. 1. R. Salomon thinketh, that the cause of this difference, why an oxe stealer restoreth five, a sheepe stealer but foure, i••, because he that stealeth a sheepe taketh more paines in carrying it upon his shoulder, than he that driveth an oxe before him. Contra. This is a frivo∣lous reason: 1. It is untrue which he supposeth: for it is more labour to drive unruly oxen, than simple and quiet sheepe. 2. And what if a theefe steale many sheepe? he cannot th••n carry them all upon his shoulder. 3. Seeing to steale (whether with labour or without) is a grievous sinne before God, ••••thing ought to be remitted for any labour that is bestowed in a sinfull act. 4. If the more labour in st••aling doth mitigate the theft, then it should be a lesse theft to breake open an house, and steale treasure, than to take a thing out of the yard: but the Law following determineth otherwise, that a theefe breaking by night into an house might be killed. 2. The ordinary Gloss•• giveth this reason; because an oxe affoordeth five commodities, it serveth for sacrifice, for tillage, for food, for milke, and the skin also is serviceable for di∣vers uses: but the sheepe is profitable only for foure of these, for all but the second. Contra. 1. But see∣ing an oxe is not onely profitable for these five ends, but for twenty more, by this reason, twenty oxen should be paid for one. 2. Likewise other things, as gold and silver, are employed for divers uses, more than foure or five: so then in the theft of these things also, more than foure or five-fold should be resto∣red, Tostat. qu. 2. 3. The Interlinearie Glosse draweth it to a spirituall sense, by five, understanding the five senses, and by foure, the foure humours of the body, all which must be afflicted by penance. But it is not use in Civill and positive Lawes to leave the literall sense, and follow a mysticall. 4. Lyranus taketh this to be the cause, (whom Thomas followeth) Quia bov••s difficiliùs custodiunt••r, qua•• ••ves: For that oxen are more easily stollen than sheepe, because they are more hardly kept: and therefore the more easie theft is more severely punished. But this is not alwayes so: for sometime it is an easier matter to steale many sheepe, than one oxe, and more easily may they be conveyed away, and hid out of the way. 5. But Caje∣tane hath here a conceit by himselfe, urging the signification of the word sheh, which he saith properly signifieth a lambe: to pay foure sheepe for one lambe, he taketh to be a greater proportion and punish∣ment, than to pay five oxen for one: because they were more pro••e and ready to steale sheepe than oxen. Contra. 1. But the word sheh, as Oleaster sheweth, signifieth not only a lambe, but in generall all the smal∣ler cattell, as well sheepe and goats, as lamb•• and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. And beside the facility, easinesse and readinesse of theft, other things are to be respected: as the worth and price of the thing stollen, and the boldnesse and impudency of the theefe.

6. Wherefore these reasons rather may be yeelded: 1. Quia frequ••ntius furt•• subtra••ebantur 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ It might be that it was a more frequent and usuall thing to steale oxen among the Hebrewes than sheepes and therefore God would restraine the more usuall theft by the greater punishment, Tostat. 2. In h••c dominium majus, & ••adacia major; In this theft of oxen the losse was greater to the owner, (when his exe was stollen) and the boldnesse of the theefe greater. 〈…〉〈…〉 esse: Such a theefe as should steale oxen had need be bold and cunning▪ because such a theft cannot so ea∣sily be hid as of sheepe. 3. Ab. Ezra also giveth this reason: because when a sheepe is stollen, the owner loseth but his sheepe: but in the other theft, 〈…〉〈…〉▪ he loseth his oxe, and the la∣bour of his oxe: this reason also is approved by Oleaster, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Gallas••••••. But Tostatus taketh this exception: that i•• the losse of the oxeus labour ••e accounted here in the restitution of five-fold, why should it not be respected as well, when the thing stollen is found with the theefe, in which ••ase he was to pay but two-fold, qu. 2. The answer here is ready, because where the oxe is found, though th••••e ••e

an intermission of his labour, yet there is hope of restitution againe: so is there not here, the oxe being killed or sold.

7. Iosephus thinketh, that this Law extendeth it selfe also to other cattell in the fields, as to goats as well as sheepe, though they be not here 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But concerning the asse or horse, because they are not so easily stollen being kept in the house, Tostatus thinketh that the Law of two-fold restitution tooke place, as in the stealing of houshold stuffe, and other moveable goods. But it is more like, recording to the rule observed before in other Lawes, that by one kinde the rest are understood: and these two, the oxe and sheepe, are given ••n ••ssistance as the most usuall and common beasts: unto which all other great and small cattell should be reduced, as afterward vers. 4. direct mention is made of the asse.

QUEST. III. Of the divers punishment of theft, and whether it may be capitall.

NOw concerning the punishment of theft: 1. The licentious liberty of the Lacedemonians is much to be misliked, who punished not theft at all, because they thought it was a meanes to traine and ex∣ercise their people in the practice of warre, Gallas. for it being a Morall law, Thou shalt not steale, and so grounded upon the Law of nature, it ought not by any contrary custome to be discontinued. 2. Neither is that Law of Sol••••, which the Romans also inserted into their twelve Tables, to be altogether appro∣ved, a•• ••••ing opposite to Moses Law: for they punished manifest theft with foure-fold, when the theefe was taken in the manner, whereas Moses setteth it but at two-fold: and theft not manifest, when the theefe is not found with the thing that was stollen, they censured with restitution of two-fold: whereas Moses chargeth such offence with foure-fold; because such an one, as hath sold or killed the stollen good, hath added sinne to sinne, having no purpose of restitution, nor there being any possibility thereof. Here∣in therefore the Law of Moses is more equall than the other. 3. The Law also of Draco is too severe, which punished theft with death: the Scythians did so also, but they had some reason for it, because they had no houses or places of defence for their cattell, so that if theft among them had not beene most se∣verely punished, nothing could have beene safe. 4. Nor yet am I of their opinion, that thinke that lex Mo∣sis non pertinet ad politiam nostram, the Law of Moses doth not at all belong to the policie of Com∣mon-wealths now: Lippom. Non sumus alligati ad leges Iudaicas forenses: That we are not bound how to the Jewes Civill lawes (at all): Osiand. but that Magistrates may increase the externall punishment, whether by death or otherwise, as the circumstance of time, quality and condition of the people require. Contra. 1. As we are not strictly tied in every point to Moses Judicials; so yet the equity thereof remai∣neth still, which chiefly consisteth in this, in the due measuring and weighing of the nature of sinnes, which are thought to be worthy of death. 2. Punishments externall may be increased, which concerned either pecuniary mulcts, or other bodily chastisement, not touching the life: as Moses punished theft with foure-fold, but afterward the sinne increasing, it was set at seven-fold: Prov. 7.31. Pelarg. 3. But where∣as mans life is only at Gods disposition, this may be safely affirmed, that no humane Law can take away the life of man for any offence, without either generall or particular warrant and direction from Gods Law, as is more at large before declared, p. 4, 5. 5. And yet I cannot consent to those that thinke no theft at all ought to be punished by death: for even by Moses Law, a violent theft, as in breaking up of an house, was judged worthy of death, it was lawfull to kill such a theefe, vers. 2. Againe, sacrilegious theft was likewise punished in the same manner, as Iakob giveth sentence, that they should not live that had stollen Labans gods, Gen. 31.32. So Achan was put to death for stealing the excommunicate thing, Iosh. 7. Theft committed of wantonnesse, and without mercie, David adjudgeth unto death, 2 Sam. 12. vers. 6. Chryso∣stome thinketh, that David legem est praetergressus, exceeded the Law, in that he commandeth, beside the restitution of foure-fold, the man to be slaine: and he calleth it supereffluentem justitiam, overabounding justice. But the Law of God did beare out David in it: for he which did sinne presumptuously, and with an high hand, that is, of malice and obstinacie, was to dye for it, Numb. 15.30. Such was the sinne of the rich man, whose case there is propounded, which having many sheepe himselfe, tooke away the poore mans sheepe by violence, and had no pity. Further, he that did steale a man, was to dye for it by the Law of Moses, vers. 16. So that it is evident, even by Moses Judiciall lawes, that some kinde of theft deserved death. By the Romane Lawes also, as is extant in their 12. Tables, servants convicted of manifest theft were first beaten, and then cast downe headlong from the rocke. By the Imperiall lawes, a theefe for the first offence was whipped, then if he offended againe, he lost his eares, and the third time he was hanged: in Anithent. ut nulli Iudici, &c. for now such a theefe sinneth of obstinacie and malice, and contempt against the Lawes and Magistrate: and may by the Law of God be worthily put to death: Simler. So like∣wise such thefts, whereby the publike peace and safety is violated, as in the Campe among souldiers, and robbing by the high way, where ones life is put in danger: All these kindes being more than simple thefts, may receive the sentence of death by Moses Law: and Magistrates herein may with a good con∣science execute the rigour of the Law, upon such violent, outragious, impudent, wanton and incorrigible thefts. But they are wisely to consider every circumstance, and the occasion that draweth one to steale, whether he doe it of necessity to releeve his hungry soule, or of an evill custome and obstinate minde, to maintaine his lewd and unthrifty life. In the first case it seemeth to be too sharpe to take away ones life, unlesse he be such an one as will take no warning, but continueth hardened in his sinne. And so for sim∣ple and single theft only (except it be in stealing of men) unlesse it be aggravated by other circumstances concurring, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 violence, rapine, obstinacie, custome in sinne, and such like, neither the Law of Moses pre∣scribeth punishment of death, nor yet is it practised by our Lawes, which in such cases intend favour, by allowing the privilege of the booke. See before, p. 6.

QUEST. IV. Why the theefe breaking up might be killed.

Vers. 6. IF a theefe be found breaking up, &c. 1. R. Salomon thinketh, that this Law, which alloweth the theefe found breaking up an house to be slaine, is understood not only of theeves that breake in by night, but by day also: and that clause which followeth, When the Sunne riseth upon him, they inter∣pret metaphorically, that if it be evident and manifest as the light, that the theefe came not only to steale, but to kill, that whether by day or night he may be killed. So also the Chalde Interpreter seemeth to fol∣low the same sense: Si oculus testium vidit eum: If the eye of witnesses saw him: that is, if it were evi∣dent that he came not only as a theefe, but to assault.

Contra. Though this be true, that a man might defend himselfe even by day against him that assaulted his life; yet this is not the meaning here: the words of the Law are literally, not metaphorically to be understood. 2. The reason of this difference betweene a night theefe and a day theefe, is, because in the night breaking in, it is not knowne, whether he came to steale only, or to murther: but in the day it may easily appeare by his armour and weapons, Tostat. Simler. Beside, in the day he may call for helpe against the theefe, which cannot be so well done in the night, when he is left without all other remedy, but his owne defence, Galas. Marbach. And in the day he may have witnesses of his theft, and so convent him before the Magistrate, Lippom. 3. The Romane Lawes allow not onely to kill a night theefe, but a day theefe also, si se tel•• defenderit, if he defend himselfe by a weapon: Moses Law much disagreeth not: for though he that commeth only as a theefe in the day time, is not to be killed, but to make restitution only; yet if he come with weapons, as having a murtherers intent, now he may be repelled by force, even as a night theefe may, not now as a theefe, but as one which commeth to assault and murther, Iunius.

QUEST. V. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe.

Vers. 2. ANd be smitten that he dye, no bloud shall be imputed. 1. Cajetanus here observeth, that this Law simply alloweth not to kill the theefe: but if a man smite him in his owne defence, not intending to kill him, that in this case he shall be free: Percussio fuit intenta, mors autem per accidens sequnta, &c. He intended only to smite him, but death followed accidentally upon such smiting: so also Simler. Non probat, ut animo occidendi feriatur, This Law alloweth not, that he should be stricken with a minde to kill him: sed indulget affectui, &c. but it beareth with a mans sudden passion, if in defence of himselfe it so fall out, that he be killed. 2. But this Law seemeth not only to permit one to smite a night theefe, but directly to kill him also, so it be not with a desire to kill him, where he may otherwise escape: but to defend him and his from violence: which he cannot doe, unlesse the theefe be killed, Borrh. 3. For seeing both the Law of nature and other Civill lawes doe allow a man to defend himselfe; now, when the Lawes doe arme a man, they seeme publicam personam imponere, to impose upon him a publike per∣son, so that now he smiteth not as a private man, but by authority of the Law, and in this case he is tan∣quam minister & vindex Dei, as the minister and revenger of God: so that he doe it not of a lust and raging desire to be revenged, but intending to use a lawfull defence in the safegard of his owne life, Gallas. And the case is here all one, as if a man being set upon by the high way should kill him that maketh the assault upon him, Marbach.

QUEST. VI. After what manner the theefe was to be sold.

Vers. 3. HE should be sold for his theft, &c. 1. So was also the Law among the Romans, that the debter should be given up in bonds unto his creditor. Whereupon Cato was wont to say, Fures pri∣vates in nexu & compedibus vivere, publicos in aur•• & purpura, &c. That private theeves lived in chaines and fetters, but the publike in gold and purple, &c. But this custome, because it seemed very hard, was abrogated by the Law of Arcadius and Honorius: Gallas. 2. But here it must be considered, whether the theefe were an Hebrew or a stranger: if an Hebrew, how great soever the debt were for his theft, he could be but sold over for six yeeres, for all Hebrew servants were to goe out free the seventh. And as the theft was valued, so should he serve more yeeres or fewer. But if he were a stranger, he might be sold over to serve all his life, if the value of the theft were great: if it were but small, he was but to be sold to serve so many yeeres as might suffice to recompence the theft, Tostat.

QUEST. VII. Why the theefe is only punished double, with whom the thing stollen is found.

Vers. 4. HE shall restore double. 1. That is, one beside that he stole, because that is found in his hand which is stollen, and so restored, Iun. And so must the five oxen be taken which the theefe must make good, five with that which was stollen, Lippom. 2. Now the reasons why when the thing stollen is found, only double must be restored, and five or foure-fold when it was killed or sold, are these: 1. Be∣cause he seemeth to be the more cunning theefe, when the thing stollen cannot be found: 2. Adhuc diffi∣cilior ratio in investigando, and it is harder to finde out the theft, and therefore he is worthy to be more pu∣nished, Simler. 3. Potest haberi aliqua praesumptio, quòd vellet restituare; There is some presumption that he would have restored it, having neither killed nor sold it, Lyran. 4. Truculentior est, & majus damnum intulit, &c. He is more cruell, and bringeth greater losse to the owner that selleth or killeth it, than he that keepeth it.

3. Thomas further giveth these reasons,* 1.79 why a more grievous punishment is inflicted for some faults more than other: 1. Propter quantitatem peccati, For the greatnesse of the sinne. 2. Propter peccati con∣suetudinem,

&c. For the custome of sinning. 3. Propter multam delectationem, For the more delight in the sinne. 4. Propter facil••••atem comm••••eindi, &c. For the more easie committing of sinne. All which doe concurre in this case: for both he sinneth more that stealeth, and selleth or killeth: and it seemeth he is more expert and accustomed, and taketh greater delight, and useth more facility in his busines.

QUEST. VIII. How a man is to make recompence of the best of his ground.

Vers. 5. IF a man hurt field or vineyard, &c. he shall recompence of the best, &c. 1. All kinde of hurting an∣other mans ground is here forbidden, as either with trampling of his cattell as he passed by, or feeding, Lyran. And if this hurt be done unwittingly by the straying of the cattell without the owners privity, he is to make it good, how much more if he doe it of purpose, or in craft? Gallas. 2. Some thinke he is to make good the losse by giving ground and all, to make his neighbour amends. But that need not, seeing he trespassed only in hurting the fruits of his neighbours ground: it is sufficient to make satisfa∣ction in that wherein the wrong was done. 3. Neither, if the hurt were done in grasse onely, must the trespasser make recompence with the principall of his fruits, as corne, and such like, as Oleaster: but in the same kinde it is sufficient to make restitution wherein the trespasse was done. 4. Neither is the mea∣ning, that if a man did a little hurt in his neighbours ground, that all the best of his ground should pay for it, but so much for so much, Tostat. qu. 4. 5. There was a Law among the Romans, that the beast, qua pan∣periem fecerat, which had done any dammage to another, dederetur noxae, should be delivered over, to make good the hurt. But that must be understood, when the beast of it selfe without the masters fault did any hurt: but here it is either the masters wilfulnesse or negligence, that his cattell spoile his neighbours vineyard, Gallas. 6. And as the Law is here concerning vineyards and fields, so it holdeth in the rest, as or∣chards, gardens, pastures, and the like, Lyran.

QUEST. IX. Of the breaking out of fire, and the dammages thereby.

Vers. 6. IF fire breake out, &c. 1. This is meant of such kindling of fire, when praeter intentionem acce••∣dentis, &c. when any hurt commeth of it beside the intention of him that kindled it, Lyran. For they which did of purpose set stackes of corne, or houses on fire, were worthy of greater punish∣ment. By the Civill law, vel decapitatur, vel comburitur, vel bestiis subjicitur, he was beheaded, burned, or cast to the beasts, can. poenitent. 40. By the Canon law he was to be excommunicated, Caus. 23. qu. 8. cap. 32. or to want buriall, if restitution were not made, ibid. cap. 33. and he was enjoyned three yeeres penance, can. poenitent. 40. 2. Such breaking out of fire then is here understood, when any made a fire in the field, as husbandmen use to doe in August to burne up the stubble, to make their ground more fruit∣full, and some casualty happened, the fire being carried of the winde, or lighting upon some hedge, Tostat. Though no mention be made of the neighbours house and barnes, yet under one kinde the rest are understood, Marbach. 3. If it catch thornes. This Cajetane thinketh to be one of the dammages which must be made good, if it catch the hedge or corne; but it rather sheweth the meanes whereby the fire increaseth, and is dispersed by taking hold first of the hedge, and so finding combustible matter, goeth fur∣ther. Some understand this to be meant of such thornes, as husbandmen use to set about their corne, to keepe it from cattell, Oleaster. But it is better referred to the hedge where with the fields are sensed, Sim∣ler. 4. There are three things named which may receive hurt by the fire: either the corne reaped and gathered into shocks or stacks; or the standing corne not yet cut downe; or the corne that is mowed or reaped, but yet not gathered together, which is meant by the field: which three the Septuagint ex∣presse by these three words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the corne floore, (where the corne is stacked as in barnes) the eares of corne (standing) and the field: under corne also understand, hay, and trees, and such like, Lippoman. 5. Here then a man is punished for his negligence, because he kept the fire no better: as if he kindle a fire in a windy day, or in a place open to the winde, or neere unto a wood or hedge where there is matter fit for the fire. Otherwise, if he used all diligence and foresight, and there fell out any casualty by any other accident, and not by his default: as if any hairy beast comming by chance do catch the fire, as a cat or dog; it seemeth that in this case he is not bound to make good the losse; for the fire did not breake out now from him, Lyran. Of this kinde was that hurt which was done to the Philistims corne, when Sampson tied firebrands betweene the fox tailes, which running among their corne set it on fire, Tostat. 6. Now this difference may be observed betweene this Law, which enjoyneth full restitution to be made, and the former, where for the feeding of anothers grounds, or otherwise hurting of it by cattell, only satisfaction is to be made out of the best of the others grounds, because where the fire setteth in, the whole is spoiled, but where beasts breake in, that onely is spoiled which they feed or trample upon, and therefore here amends is made only for part, there for the whole, Tostat.

QUEST. X. Why the keeper of things in trust is not to make good that which is lost.

Vers. 7. IF a man deliver his neighbour money or stuffe to keepe, &c. 1. The Law is this: that he which hath received another mans good of meere trust to keepe, if it be lost, not through his fault, as if it be pilfred or stollen away, the keeper in trust is not to make it good: and the reason is, because he re∣ceiveth no profit by keeping, but did it of good will, and therefore there is no reason that he should be punished for his kindnesse, Simler. Hereunto agreeable is the Law of Alexander: Periculum depositi ca∣su accidens penes deponentem est:* 1.80 The danger of a thing committed to ones trust, happening by chance, (as by robbery and stealing) resteth in the owner, not in the keeper. 2. If the theefe that stole them be

found, he in this case shall pay but double, because the things stollen are not oxen or sheepe, for then the former Law was to take place of restoring five-fold or foure-fold: but money or stuffe, which only were to be restored double: and this was to be payed to the owner, not to the keeper, because he had no right in the thing, neither was to make it good being lost. 3. But here other considerations are supplied by humane Lawes: as whether that thing be onely stollen which was committed to the keeper, and all the keepers things beside were safe: for here some fraud or default of his may be imagined: or whether the keeper did not first offer himselfe to keepe the things delivered to him, or received not somewhat for the keeping, or kept them longer than the time appointed and agreed upon: for in all these cases the keeper is in fault, and was bound to make good the things committed unto him. But these circumstances needed not be inserted into the Law, because the Lord thought not good to encumber his people with such a multitude of Lawes: and the Lord endued the Judges in those dayes with such an understanding heart, that having but the generall principles and rules given them, they could apply and accommodate them to every particular action, Tostat.

QUEST. XI. How the fraud in the keeper of trust was to be found out and punished.

Vers. 8. IF the theefe be not found. Now the rest of this Law sheweth what course is to be taken, if the theft be not apparent: the keeper must be put to his oath: 1. In this case either the keeper himselfe might be the theefe, and deteine the things left with him, and then he was to be put to his oath, whether he had not used any fraud: if he refused to take his oath, he confessed himselfe guilty, and so was charged to restore the double, as followeth in the next verse. But if the owner could prove a fraud in the keeper first by witnesses, then he was not put to his oath: for this was to be done where other proofe failed, Tostatus. 2. Now divers frauds might be committed by the keeper: 1. For he might either deny he had the thing, and so refuse to restore it: and by the Imperiall lawes, he that did so was con∣demned as infamous. 2. Or he might alleage, that he had it,* 1.81 but the owner was indebted unto him in as much: but this would not serve his turne: for depositorius non debet objicere compensationem: the kee∣per could not object compensation of debt, and so be his owne carver, as Iustinian decreed. 3. The kee∣per might lend the thing committed unto him to another: ad solutionem nihilominus tenetur: yet by the Law he was bound to make it good. 4. He might also convert it to his owne use,* 1.82 and this was ad∣judged to be plaine theft: deposuum convertens in usus suos, furti tenetur: He that turneth the thing com∣mitted to him to his owne use, is guilty of theft. 3. Or the owner might be the theefe,* 1.83 in stealing away that which he had given another to keepe. As C. Marius besieging the City Tolosse in France, received of the Governour of the City an hundred thousand pound weight of gold, which he sent to Ma••lilia to keepe; then he with some other disguising their habit went and tooke it away. If the owner should either be accessary to the theft himselfe, or should accuse his neighbour falsly, he was to pay double unto him by the sentence of the Judge. Or if he produced false witnesses against the keeper in trust, they were to be condemned in the like, because the keeper should have beene forced by their false testimony to pay double: and the Law was, that it should be done to the false witnesses, as they intended to have done to their neighbour, Deut. 19.19. 4. This Law of Moses of committing things to ones trust, was more equall than that among the Pisidians, which Stobaeus maketh mention of, serm. 42. by the which he which defrauded the trust reposed in him, was put to death: and then the contrary custome among the In∣dians, where no action at all lay against the depositorie, that is, him to whose keeping things were com∣mitted in trust, Pelarg.

QUEST. XII. What is to be done with things that are found.

Vers. 9. IN all manner of trespasse, &c. 1. This is a generall Law here inserted, not only of things put to ones keeping, but of other things also howsoever lost, or come to anothers hand, Simler. Lip∣pom. and it differeth from the former Law in these two things; because there mention is made only of dead goods, as of money or stuffe committed to ones charge: this Law also speaketh of living creatures, as oxen, asses, sheepe: that Law concerneth onely things given to keepe: this is beside as touching any thing that is lost, which another challengeth to be his. 2. But where he saith, whom the Iudges condemne, this is understood, whether depositorius convictus, the depository or keeper be convicted, or accusator te∣merarius, or the accuser be found rash and false: whether the one or the other, he was to pay double unto the party grieved, Iun. 3. And this must be interpreted according to the former Law, that in dead things they were to make recompence onely of two-fold: but in other living creatures of five-fold, or foure-fold, if the thing stollen were killed or sold, otherwise but of two-fold, Tostat. 4. By this Law it is evident, that not only things given in trust to keepe, but also such as are lost and found by another, are to be restored: for this is a kinde of theft before God, not to restore unto the owner that which one fin∣deth: as Augustine well saith; Si quid invenisti & non reddisti, rapuisti: quantum potuesti, fecisti: quia plus non invenisti, ideo non plus rapuisti: If thou hast found any thing, and not restored it, thou hast rob∣bed: as much as thou couldest, thou diddest: because thou foundest no more, thou tookest no more: Deus cor interrogat, non manum, &c. God examineth thy heart, not thine hand, Hom. 50.

QUEST. XIII. How this Law of committing things to trust differeth from the former.

Vers. 10. IF a man deliver unto his neighbour to keepe, &c. This Law is divers from the former: for there the keeper is not chargeable, if the thing given to keeping be stollen, but here he is to make it

good, vers. 12. 1. Some make the reason of this difference to be this: Hoc de deposito vivo intelligendum est: This must be understood of a living thing, as an oxe or sheepe committed to one to keepe: the other Law speaketh of dead things, as money or stuffe: for the chiefe substance of the Israelites consi∣sted of cattell: which therefore the Law intendeth should not be diminished or empaired, but made good to the owner. But concerning other goods, no such restitution was to be made, Gallas. Lippom. Contra. They are herein deceived, for the former generall Law maketh mention of oxen, asses, sheepe, and gene∣rally of whatsoever is lost, wherein any fraud may be committed. 2. Cajetane and Simlerus give this rea∣son: because the other Law speaketh expresly of things stollen out of the keepers or depositories house, which the owner made choice of for the sure keeping of his goods: and therefore if they be stollen, it is upon his owne perill, because he made no better choice of the place. Now living creatures are not com∣mitted to the safe keeping of the place, but to the keepers diligence and care, so that if they be stollen, it is through his default and negligence. To the same purpose also Calvine. But this reason giveth not satis∣faction, because in the other Law, vers. 9. mention is made also of oxen, asses, sheepe, and other living crea∣tures. 3. This then is the difference, that the former Law speaketh of things committed freely to ones trust, without any consideration or reward, but here of such things which a man is waged or hired to keepe: and therefore in this case he is to make good that which was stollen, and not in the other: Cujus ratio est, quia pro custodia habet mercedem: The reason is, because he had a reward for his keeping, Lyran. Tostat. And this appeareth yet more evidently by Iakobs practice, Genes. 31.39. Laban required it of his hand, whether it were stollen by night or by day; because he waged with Iakob to keepe his sheepe, Iun. Gal∣lasius objecteth against this example; that Iakob there had boasted in vaine, quod solus ista damna pertulis∣set, that he alone had borne these losses, if it had beene an ordinary thing so to doe. Contra. Iakob in that place to purge himselfe of all suspition of fraud or negligence, alleageth two things; one, that whatsoever was torne, he brought it not to Laban, as the manner was, but made it good himselfe: and herein Iakob did more than he was bound to doe: the other is concerning Labans strictnesse, that required of him that which was stollen, wherein Laban did according to the common use; but yet his hard dealing appeared in exacting of his sonne in Law, as of a stranger.

QUEST. XIV. How the case of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust.

Vers. 10. IF it dye, or be hurt, or taken away by enemies, &c. 1. In these cases the keeper was not to make restitution, as if it were stollen: the reason is, because these casualties could not by humane di∣ligence or foresight be prevented, as the other might, Simler. So Thomas: Depositivum poterat perdi du∣pliciter,* 1.84 ex causa inevitabili, &c. The thing committed to ones trust might be lost two wayes, either by a cause inevitable, which could not be shunned or prevented: and the same either naturall, as by disease and death; or externall, as if it were taken of the enemy, or devoured of wild beasts: or the cause might be evitabilis, such as might be prevented, as in stealing. 2. But such casualty and death is here un∣derstood, as is not procured by the deceit and craft of the keeper: as if he defrauded the beast of his meat, or overwrought it, or if it became lame and broken by his smiting and abusing of it: for in these cases the keeper is to make good the losse: yea though he had nothing at all for the keeping, he was to make recompence, if any kinde of way he had put his hand to his neighbours good, vers. 8. much more now, seeing he was waged for the keeping: and so here he is to take his oath, that he hath not put his hand to his neighbours good, that is, that none of these casualties did befall by his default. 3. And by these particular accidents, which cannot be prevented, other like unexpected and inevitable chances are understood.* 1.85 Casus fortuitus non imputatur depositorio: A case falling out by chance bindeth not the depo∣sitorie, or keeper in trust, though he have somewhat for the keeping: as if the house be burned, where he laid up anothers goods, or the ship suffer wracke wherein such goods were embarked: unlesse one of these three, culpa, pactum, mora interciderit; the keepers fault, some compact, or delay come betweene: for if the casualty fall out by the keepers default or negligence, or he have covenanted to make good what losse soever, or keepe the goods longer in his hand than the owner agreed with him to keepe them; in all these cases the keeper is bound to make satisfaction what chance soever happeneth, To∣stat. quaest. 7.

QUEST. XV. Whether it were reasonable, that the matter should be put upon the parties oath.

Vers. 11. AN oath of the Lord, &c. 1. This kinde of probation, to put a man to purge himselfe upon his oath, was used when no other witnesses could be produced, as it is added in the former verse, and no man saw it, that is, alius à custode, none beside the keeper, Oleaster: so that where other proofe might be had, a man at the first should not be put upon his owne purgation, Tostat. 2. Neither need it seeme strange, that the controversie should be decided by the keepers oath: for no man will commit a thing to another in trust, unlesse he were first well perswaded of his honesty: Suo ergo praejudicio testatus est, eum esse virum bonum: He therefore testified by his fore-judgement of him in trusting him, that he is a good man, Calvin: and therefore it is no wrong unto him, to have the matter tried by his oath, whom he trusted. 3. Here wee see the lawfull use of an oath, to be an end of all controversie and strife, as the Apostle sheweth, Heb. 6. when no other proofe can be had, Tostat. 4. And it is called the oath of Ieho∣vah, because they only are to sweare by the name of God, Genevens.

QUEST. XVI. What was to be done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wild beast.

Vers. 13. IF it be torne in peeces, he shall bring it in record. 1. One way to testifie, that it was torne of wild beasts, was to bring a part of the prey, recovered out of the ravenous beasts mouth, as shep∣heards sometime used to doe, Amos 3.11. Iun. This sense is expressed by the Chalde, He shall bring that which is torne for a testimony; and the Septuagint, He shall bring it to his gate, that is, shew it to the owner: And therefore Iacob herein approved his faithfull service to Laban, that used not this liberty, to bring that unto him which was torne, but made it good himselfe, Gen. 31.29. Tostat. 2. Another way to prove it to have beene torne with beasts, was to bring proofe by witnesses, that saw the ravenous beast to carry away the prey: for this sentence hath relation to the former clause, vers. 10. If no man saw it: If then he can bring any that saw it done, though he could shew no part, it sufficed, Lyran. Tostat. 3. And a third way to prove it, where the other two faile, was by his owne oath, as may be gathered, vers. 11. If no man did see it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oath of the Lord shall be betweene them, &c. Lyran.

QUEST. XVII. Of the Law of borrowing and lending: when the thing lent is to be made good, when not.

Vers. 14. IF a man borrow ought of his neighbour. 1. Here the third case is put of lending and borrowing•• the two former cases were of committing any thing to one to keepe, either without a reward, vers. 7, 8. or for some consideration, vers. 10, 11. Lyran. 2. In the Law of lending and borrowing, more is required than in the other: for then the borrower receiveth a benefit, and therefore tenetur de levissima culpa, he is tied to make it good upon the least fault, Tostat. But when any thing is committed to ones trust, the owner receiveth a benefit, and not the keeper. 3. This Law seemeth chiefly to be meant of such things as have life, which are lent, because it followeth, if it be hurt, or dye: and of such other dead things, as may be used without the corruption or consumption of them, as garments, houshold-stuffe, and such like: but all things which belong to meat and drinke, are corrupted and changed in the use, as wine, bread, flesh, and cannot be restored againe in the same substance: the lending of these things is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the possession whereof is transferred to the borrower: the lending of the other is called co••••••da∣t••••, when not the possession, but the use only of the thing is granted to another, of which kinde this Law must be understood, Tostat. qu. 8. 4. Now this case is put, that if the lender be present when his oxe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 asse, or other beast decayeth, the borrower shall not make it good: for both he is an eye witnesse, that his beast was not abused by the user, and therefore decayed not by his default, Tostat. As also, praesent rei sua providere potuit, being present, he might have prevented the danger himselfe, if it were to be helped, Gallas. But if the owner be not by, the borrower shall make restitution; because carelesse men commonly use but hardly such things as they borrow in the absence of the owner, and therefore this Law meeteth with their unhonest dealing herein. 5. Beside, other cases are supplied by humane Lawes, when the borrower is not bound to make good the thing borrowed, as the Civill law is, Commodatorius non tenetur decas•• fertuito, nisi se adstrinxerit, The borrower is not bound where a chance happeneth,* 1.86 unlesse he have bound himselfe. Unto which may be added, or unlesse it be by his owne default, or he keepe the thing borrowed longer than the time appointed, Tostat. quaest. 8. For the Law is, that if a man borrow a certaine thing for a time, to use for some purpose, though the worke be not finished, for the which he borrowed it, at that time which is set, it must notwithstanding be restored: commodatum ad tempus, &c. a thing lent for a time, as to make a woollen web for a yeere: Finito anno, licèt non completo lanificio, restituitur:* 1.87 The yeere being ended, though the worke be not finished, it must be restored. And as the borrower is tied to his time, so is the lender: if he lend any thing, for a certaine time, which the borrower useth for some busi∣nesse, the lender cannot require it before that time expired, because the borrower might thereby greatly be hindered in his businesse, Tostat.

QUEST. XVIII. Why such a strait Law is made for the borrower.

NOw though it might seeme hard, that the borrower was bound to make good the thing borrowed, though not lost by his default, yet it pleased the Lord thus to ordaine, that they might be as care∣full to keepe their neighbours things as their owne, that they might be the readier one to lend unto another for their necessity: this facility and readinesse to lend is by divers Lawes enjoyned. 1. That they should be willing to lend, though the seventh yeere of remission approched, Deut. 15.9. 2. That they should take no pawne of their brother, for that which he borrowed, of such things as he lived by: as the upper and nether milstone, Deut. 24.6. And if they did, to restore it presently: As it followeth here, vers. 26. if they tooke a mans rayment to pledge, they should restore it before the sunne set. 3. They were commanded, not to be too greedy in exacting that which was borrowed: as they were not to goe into the house to fetch it, but to stand, and aske it at the doore, Deut. 24.11, 12. 4. If the yeere of remission came before the borrower were able to repay that which he had borrowed, they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••∣mit all, Deut. 15.2. Probabile enim erat•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illi qui commedè reddere posseut, aute septimum annum redde∣rent, &c. For it was probable, that they which could conveniently restore the thing borrowed, would doe it before the seventh yeere, and not of purpose defraud the creditor and lender. See Thomas. For this cause therefore that they might be more willing to lend one unto another,* 1.88 this Law requireth an ex∣act care in the borrower, to preserve that which is lent, and to restore it: And so the Ci••ill law also is:

Nemo commodatum retineat sub praetextu debiti,* 1.89 &c. That no man should keepe backe the thing lent, pretending debt.

QUEST. XIX. Why the hirer is not to make good the thing hired, as when it is borrowed.

Vers. 15. IF it be an hired thing, &c. 1. Some make this all one Law with the former, and take it to be a reason given, why the borrower is not to make good that which is lost in the presence of the owner, because it came, that is, was hired for his money: So Simler. Vatab. Lippom. Oleaster. 2. But I ra∣ther consent herein to Lyranus, Tostatus, Gallasius, Iunius, that make this a divers Law from the former: that speaketh of lending freely, this of hiring and letting out for money: and therefore he that hireth a thing for his money, minus tenetur de custodia animalis, is lesse bound than the borrower, to the safe kee∣ping of the thing so hired, Lyran. And the reason is, because, locatio sit ad utilitatem locatoris, the letting out for money is for the profit of him that letteth, Tostat. So Cajetane expoundeth well, Abs{que} distinctio∣ne prasentiae vel absentiae Domini non tenebitur conductor ad solvendum animal casu confractum, &c. Here without any distinction of the presence or absence of the master, the hirer is not bound to make good the beast which is by chance hurt or dead, because it came for his hire. 3. Yet in this case also, tenebit••r de dolo, vel lata culpa, the hirer shall be bound, if he used deceit or were in a manifest fault; otherwise not, as, si fecisset animal illud nimis laborare, if he caused the beast which was borrowed to be over laboured, Lyran. But in the case of borrowing he is bound not only to make restitution where any thing is lost by his fraud and wilfull default, sed tenetur de levissima culpa, but for every small fault, oversight or negli∣gence, is he bound to make satisfaction, Tostat. qu. 8.

QUEST. XX. Whether the fornicator by this Law be sufficiently punished.

Vers. 16. IF a man entise a maid not betr••thed, &c. 1. This Law enjoyning only unto the fornicator mar∣riage with the virgin corrupted, if her father consent, may seeme to be too easie and gentle. But here it must be considered, that in these civill Lawes the punishment is not alwayes answerable to the sin: for even the sinne of fornication is one of those which without Gods mercy excludeth out of the king∣dome of heaven: but the intendment of this Law is, to bridle such inordinate lusts, and to restraine them, that they still increase not, Simler. 2. And beside, it must be considered, multa pro ruditate populit••lerare, that many things in that Common-wealth were tolerated, because of the rudenesse of the people, Gallas. 3. Although the offender by this meanes doe satisfie the politicke Law, in marrying the virgin by him cor∣rupted, yet, coram Deo, &c. in the presence of God he is not cleared from this offence, in making amends by marriage, and giving her a dowry, Osiander. But repentance beside is necessary for the expiation of this sinne. 4. The speciall scope of this Law is to provide for the virgin thus abused, that shee being made by this meanes unapt for any marriage with another, should be taken to be his wife that had done her this wrong. 5. The like Law there was among the Athenians, that he which defiled a maid should take her to be his wife. But among the Romans, there was a more severe Law: that he which had committed for∣nication, if he were of good sort, should be punished in the losse of halfe his goods: if of base condition, he should be banished, Simler. 6. This Law is onely concerning virgins not betrothed: for to lye with them which were espoused to another, was death by Moses Law, Deut. 22.23.

QUEST. XXI. Why the women committing fornication be not as well punished by the Law.

AGaine, this Law may seeme to be defective, as in laying so easie a punishment upon the man, so impo∣sing none at all upon the woman. 1. But the reasons thereof may be these: the woman might be en∣tised and deceived upon hope of marriage: and it was sufficient punishment unto her, the losse of her virginity: and beside, being under her fathers power, and so having nothing of her owne, shee could not be charged to pay any summe of money, as the man is, Simler. 2. Yet the high Priests daughter, if shee played the whore in her fathers house, was to be burned, because shee had dishonoured her fathers house: Levit. 21.9. therefore she is to be excepted out of this Law, Tostat. quaest. 9. 3. The word patah, here used, signifieth to decline, or turne: so that whether he entise the maid, blanditiis, vel mendaciis, by faire pro∣mises, or by lying words: whether he promised her marriage or not, he is bound by this Law to take her to wife, Oleaster. 4. And as this Law is meant for the one party of virgins not betrothed, so is it intended on the other part, that he must be a single man that is by this Law enjoyned to marry her, Iun. If he were married, it seemeth he was rather to endow her, than marry her; because the father would not willingly consent to give his daughter to one that was married already. 5. The word shacab, signifieth to lye, or sleepe: non est peccatum dormire cum puella, it is no sinne (saith Tostatus) only to sleepe with a maid, if no other thing be committed: though he follow the Latine text, reading, and sleepe with her: it is better therefore to read, lie with her, Iun. Vatab.

QUEST. XXII. What kinde of dowry this Law speaketh of.

HE shall endow her. There is difference betweene Dos, the dowry, and donati•• propter nuptias, the marriage gift or joynture: this is not meant of the joynture which the man should make his wife, but of the dowry which the father used to give in marriage with his daughter, as may appeare by these reasons: 1. The endowing of the wife is inflicted h••re as a punishment: the man for his fault is enjoy∣ned to doe that which otherwise he was not bound to doe: but the husband alwayes bestowed upon his wife a marriage gift: therefore this Law meaneth, he shall beare also her dowry, which his wife should

bring with her, or her friends give with her. 2. If it were understood of the joynture or marriage gift, it had beene superfluous to say, he shall endow her, and take her to wife: for in taking her to wife, the hus∣band was of ordinary course to bestow on her a marriage gift or joynture. 3. If he have her not to wife, her father not consenting, yet he was to pay her dowry, vers. 17. that is, not a joynture, or marriage gift, but that portion which her friends used to give with her, Tostat. qu. 9.

QUEST. XXIII. How this Law differeth from that, Deut. 22.29.

SOme make this Law all one with that, Deut. 22.29. where the man which defiled a maid, is enjoyned to pay 50. sicles to her father, which R. Salomon thinketh to be the certaine dowry of a virgin: and so they say, that there is duplex dos, una qua datur uxori, alia quae datur patri; a double dowry, one which is given unto the wife, the other unto her father, Lyran. Simler. Gallas. Lippom. But these two appeare to be divers Lawes: 1. This case is put when a man entiseth a maid, and she consenteth and is willing there∣with: but there the Law speaketh of the violent taking of a maid, Iun. Tostat. 2. There the summe of 50. sicles is paid to the father for the wrong done unto his daughter, it is not given in the name of a dowry: for there could not be any certaine rate or summe of money appointed for every maids dowry: some might give 1000. sicles with their daughter, others not thirty: therefore that summe of 50. sicles is not prescribed here; but it is said in generall, He shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins, that is, according to their state and condition, as dowries used to be given with virgins and maids of like pa∣rentage, calling and birth, for a poore maid had not so great a dowry as one of noble stocke and high de∣gree. 3. The maid by violence first defiled, and then taken to wife, by that Law could never be put away, Deut. 22.30. but no such thing is mentioned here: he that taketh a maid to wife, whom with her owne consent he before defiled, might according to the generall liberty then permitted, Deut. 24.1. if there see∣med unto him cause, after put her away: and the reason of this difference may be this: he that taketh a wife willingly, will not put her away without cause; but he that taketh her against his minde, never lo∣ved her, and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away, whether there were cause or not, if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty, Tostat. qu. 10.

QUEST. XXIV. What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie.

HE shall endow her, &c. But what if the man, which had committed this wrong to a maid, were not able to endow her, the question is, what course was then to be taken: 1. If he were a free man, and an Hebrew, he was to be sold as in the case of theft, vers. 3. and to serve so many yeeres, as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid: but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold, for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh. 2. If he were a free Gentile, he might be sold for his life, or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry. 3. If he were an Hebrew servant, if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry, then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so ma∣ny yeeres as might recompence the dowry, before the yeere of remission came: and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient, he might be sold over againe. 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant, then he might be set over to serve his whole life, Tostat. quaest. 12.

QUEST. XXV. What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife.

BUt yet further it will be enquired, what if the maids father would consent, and yet the party will neither take her, nor endow her? 1. By the Civill lawes, if he be a noble person, he should be bani∣shed that had defloured a virgin; if of base condition, he should be whipped:* 1.90 and if they ravished a maid against her will, in that case they were to suffer death. By the Canon lawes, if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled, he was to be throughly whipped, and excommunicate, and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied. 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law, yet so much may be inferred and col∣lected by the letter of the Law, that as he was necessarily to endow her (for the future of the Indicative moode, semper inducit dispositionem necessariam, doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition) so he was of necessity to marry her: like as in another case of forcing a maid, he was to be compelled to take her to wife, and never to put her away, Deut. 22.30. Tostat. quaest. 11.

QUEST. XXVI. Whether this Law were generall without any exception.

NOw although this Law be propounded generally, if a man entice a maid, he was to endow her and marry her; yet there were some exceptions to be made: 1. For whereas the Israelites were char∣ged to take them wives out of their owne tribe, Numb. 36. it is evident, that if the maid were of another tribe, then the man could not take her to wife: but because this case was very rare and unusuall, seeing the tribes, after they were setled in Canaan, when these Lawes were to take place, dwelt every one apart by themselves, and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion, betweene a man and maid of divers tribes: the Law therefore is silent in this point: for ad ea, qua raro accidunt, jura non adaptantur, lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome. 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion, which committed this sinne with a maid, neither could she in this case bee given him to wife; because they were forbidden to make marriages with such, Deut. 7.3. And the Is∣raelitish women were to match in their owne tribe, and therefore not with strangers. 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein, neither could he have the maid to wife, whom he had abused: for he was first to endow her, which a servant could not doe: for either he had fold himselfe into servitude, be∣cause

he was poore, or was sold by the Magistrate, to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed, and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her, and so could not take her to wife. 4. Beside, if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly, she could not be∣come his wife, for she was in this case to be burned, Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law, being guilty of the same offence. 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid, he could not take her to wife, because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted, or an harlot, Levit. 21. vers. 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin, being within the degrees of marriage forbid∣den, they were both to suffer death for it, Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together. This Law therefore being generally propounded, must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes: for they must all be made to agree together, Tostat. qu. 12.

QUEST. XXVII. How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now.

ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament, so neither is it now necessary, that who∣soever hath committed fornication, should be compelled to marry the maid so abused: 1. For though it were admitted, that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still: yet some exceptions must needs be admitted: as if they are to neere of kin: for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees. As Saint Paul willed the young man, that had committed fornication with his fathers wife, to be excommunicate for that fact, 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her. Againe, if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell, with a Turke, Jew, or Heretike, in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage: for Christians must marry only in the Lord, 1 Cor. 7.39. therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God, and enemies to true religion: and the Apostle saith, Be not unequally yoked with Infidels, 2 Cor. 6.14. 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions, as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne, and so devoted to Monasticall and single life; or the man entred in∣to orders, unto the which the vow of single life is annexed: in neither of these cases can (saith he) mar∣riage be admitted after fornication committed, Tostat. quaest. 12. Contra. But against both these excepti∣ons I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle: and touching the first, I urge that Apostolicall say∣ing: It is better to marrie, than to burne, 1 Cor. 7.9. If then Nunnes are subject to this burning, as it ap∣peareth they are by their secret fornications, the fruits of their burning lust, then according to the Apo∣stles rule, it were better for them to marry. Concerning the second, I say with the Apostle, Marriage is honourable among all men, &c. Heb. 13.4. therefore it is no dishonour nor disparagement to holy Or∣ders. 3. But the best answer is, that this politike Law of Moses doth not binde us now, otherwise than in respect of the generall equity thereof, that fornication being a breach of the Morall law, should be se∣verely punished: in every part and circumstance of the Law, it is not necessary now to be kept. For as by Moses Law, it was left in the power of the maids father, whether he thought it fit to give his daughter in marriage to the fornicatour: so the Magistrate being the common father of the Common-wealth, may in his discretion determine when it is fit for such marriages to proceed, when otherwise, Simler.

QUEST. XXVIII. Why the Law requireth the consent of the father to such marriages.

Vers. 17. IF her father refuse, &c. 1. There is great reason that this power should be given unto the fa∣ther, to chuse an husband for his daughter: for many times it may so fall out, that the forni∣catour is such a lewd and ill disposed person, that his daughter were but cast away, to be bestowed upon such an one. And if the fornicatour were necessarily to marry the maid so abused, many would make practice of it of purpose, by this meanes to get them rich wives, Gallas. 2. But because sometime, if it were wholly left unto the maids father, to give his daughter in marriage, or to take a portion of money for her dowry, some might aske unreasonable summes, therefore the Law defineth, that upon the refusall of the father the fornicator shall pay money according to the dowry of virgines, such as parents of that state and condition used to give with their daughters, Tostat. 3. And beside it must be understood, that the fathers refusall must be reasonable: Si officium piorum parentum praestant, &c. If they performe the office of good and godly parents. For what if he refuse to give his daughter, because he would match her into a bad stocke, only respecting wealth, not religion and piety; in this case God is rather to be obeyed than man: and the duty to the first table to be preferred before the second, Borrhaius. 4. Confirmatur hac lege patria potestas in liberos, &c. The authority of the father is confirmed by this Law toward their children, in respect of their marriages, that they should not be contracted without their consent, Marbach.

QUEST. XXIX. Why next to the Law of fornication followeth the Law against witchcraft.

Vers. 18. THou shalt not suffer a witch to live, &c. 1. Some thinke that this precept is joyned to the former, Quia sortilegia plerun{que}, fi••••t in his, quae pertinent ad actum carnis, &c. Because sor∣cery is often used in those things which belong to the carnall act, Lyran. So also Cajetane: Et fortè ad∣jecta est lex ista stupro virginis, &c. It may be this Law is joyned to the former of whoredome commit∣ted with a maid, to insinuate that sorcery is much used to set forward venery and uncleane lust. 2. Tosta∣tus maketh this the reason of this connexion, that as most of the Lawes in the former chapter concerned the ordring and directing, partis irascibilis, of the angry part of the minde: the Lawes hitherto in this chapter, partis concupiscibilis, of the coveting part of the minde: now these following belong to the di∣rection partis rationalis, of the reasonable part of the minde, the judgement and understanding, that it

should not be corrupted with evill arts, Tostat. qu. 12. 3. But the reason rather is, that as fornication of the bodie, immediatly before touched, is odious before God and man, so much more is the spirituall for∣nication of the soule abominable, when any seduced by the devill into witchcraft, or any such devil∣lish trade, doe forsake God, and commit most grosse idolatrie, Simler. And so hereunto agreeable is that law which followeth in the next verse but one, vers. 20. that hee should be slaine, that offereth unto any gods, but to the Lord.

QUEST. XXX. What kinde of witchcraft is here understood.

A Witch. 1. The word is niecashephah, which signifieth, as Oleaster out of R. Abraham, one that changeth any thing before the sight: wee call them Juglers which deceive the sight, and cast a mist before the eyes. The right Latine word is praestigiatrix, Iun. Montanus, one which by legerdemaine delu∣deth the eyes. 2. But under this kinde, by a Synecdoche, all other sorts of witchcraft, sorcerie, inchauntment are forbidden: as Hydromantae, which use divination by water; Aeromanta, by the aire; Pyromantae, by the fire; Capniomantae, by smoake; Alectriomantae, by the crowing of Cockes; Psycomanta, that consult with the soules of the dead; Alphitomanta, which divine by the inspection of flower; Icthuomantae, by fish; Libanomantae, by incense; Cheiromantae, by the hand; Necromantae, diviners by the dead; Gastromantae, which divine and give answers from within, out of their bellies: and all other of the same devillish profession. See hereof* 1.91 before. 3. Instance is given here of women, and the word is put also in the feminine, Quia illud genus maleficii crebriùs reperitur in foemina, Because that kinde of sorcerie is oftner found in women: Lip∣pom. Quia procliviores sunt in hoc scelus ex infirmitate mulieres, Because women by the infirmitie of their sex are more prone unto this mischiefe: and women are named, that no compassion should bee shewed, no not unto the weaker sex, if they be thus seduced, Iun. Nec minus hoc damnantur mares, quam foemina, Yet men witches are no lesse condemned here, than women, Gallasius.

QUEST. XXXI. Whether love may bee procured by sorcerie.

BUt because it is the opinion of some, as is before shewed, qu. 29. that this law of witchcraft is an∣nexed to the former law against fornication, because sorcerie may be used to procure unlawfull lust, it shall not bee amisse somewhat to touch that point. 1. Virgil, a great practitioner in such feats, shew∣eth in his 8. Eclog, how Daphnis was compelled to come by certaine inchanted love verses, where hee often repeateth this verse, Ducite ab urbe domum mea carmina, ducite Daphnin, My verses goe, from citie see: goe bring yee Daphnis home to mee. And Hierome in the life of Hilarion, as Tostatus citeth him, re∣porteth how a young man enamoured with a virgin, by certaine words and enchaunted figures put un∣der the threshold where the maid was, drave her into such fits of raging love, that shee tore her haire, and whetted her teeth, and often used to call the young man by his name: this maid thus tormented, her parents brought to Hilarion, who by his prayers healed her. 2. Now then this instigation unto love by sorcerie, and diabolicall subtiltie, may be procured three waies: One is the ordinarie meanes, where∣by Satan by externall objects useth to tempt men, thereby stirring and provoking their natural lust: as Da∣vid was inflamed at the sight of faire Bathsheba: but here needeth no other sorcerie or inchantment than the corrupt inclination of a mans owne affection: the devill doth but offer the occasion, and shew the object, hee draweth not the affection: but the corruption of the heart of it selfe is ready to ap∣prehend and lay hold of the object set before it. Another way there is, whereby the affection is stirred, as when the evill spirit entereth, and possesseth any with madnesse and phrensie for the time; not changing the understanding, or will, but troubling the vitall spirits, and inflaming the blood, and so incensing un∣to lust. The third way is, when Satan entreth not to disquiet the bodie, and trouble the spirits, but ex∣ternally offereth violence, transporting and carrying (by Gods permission) bodies from place to place: which is no hard thing for Satan to doe; and so hee may bring one to the place where their lover is, Tostat. qu. 13.3. But here two things are to be considered: 1. That Satan directly cannot worke upon the heart of any in the immediate change or alteration of their affections, but hee doth it by meanes, either externall, in moving by objects, or by internall provocation and stirring of carnall lust. 2. That he hath not the like power over the servants of God, which he exerciseth over carnal men which are his owne vas∣sals: he ruleth in the children of disobedience, as he listeth: as the Apostle saith, They are taken of him at his will, 2 Tim. 2.26. But the faithfull doe resist him by faith, 1 Pet. 5.9. So that his tentations cannot fasten upon them, to intangle them further than God shall see it good for the triall of their faith. This is made evident by that storie of Iustina the Virgin whom Cyprian (then a dissolute young man, and given to Art Magicke, but afterward a most holy and constant Martyr) loved exceedingly: and when he was not able to prevaile with her by any allurements, hee called for the Devils helpe to bring her unto him, who by faith chased the evill spirit away, Ex Tostat. qu. 13.

QUEST. XXXII. Whether witches can indeed effect anything, and whether they are worthie to bee pu∣nished by death.

NOw further by this sentence of the law, which adjudgeth witches worthie of death, they are found to be in error, which thinke that witchcraft is nothing but nudum phantasma, a verie phantasie: that sillie women imagine they doe things, which indeed they doe not, but in their owne conceit and imagination. First, I will examine the objections which are made in the defence, or at the least the excuse of these wicked women, and in favour of them, for the mitigation of their punishment.

1. They say that this law is made de veneficis, of such as kill and destroy by secret poisons, and noy∣some herbes, it concerneth not witches.

Answ. 1. Indeed the Septuagint reade, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latine translateth, maleficos, workers of mischiefe: but they are both in error, for the Hebrew word, mecashephah, is put in the feminine, where∣as they both interpret it by the masculine: And the word, mecashphim, is applied to those which worke by evill spirits, and have confederacie with them, as Exod. 7.10. it is given to the Egyptian Sorcerers and Magicians. 2. The practice of poisoning belongeth to the sixth Commandement, Thou shalt not kill, whereas witchcraft here forbidden is a breach of the first Table, Simler.

2. These sillie women can effect nothing: they imagine they doe many things, but it is only in their owne conceit.

Answ. 1. True it is, that they cannot effect what they would; for the Lord restraineth the power of the devill, by whom they worke: as he did, when the Sorcerers attempted to bring forth lice, and could not, Exo. 8. 2. Yet it cannot bee denied, but that they effect many strange things by the operation of the devill: as the Magicians of Egypt could turne their rods into the similitude of Serpents, and water into the likenesse of blood: and the witch at Endor could cause the likenesse of Samuel to appeare, which was not in deed Samuel,* 1.92 but the devill taking upon him his shape. So it is no strange thing by the operation of Satan, when they take a mans garments, and beat them to cause the bodie of the man to feele the smart, Simler. 3. And if they did no hurt, and could effect nothing; why was this law ordained against them? God gave no superfluous or unnecessarie lawes to his people, nor without great reason. 4. Though they should effect nothing, yet their wicked desire and endevour thereunto is worthie to bee punished.

3. Witches many times doe good, and heale men of their infirmities and diseases: therefore they de∣serve no such punishment.

Answ. 1. Indeed in the Civill law such a decree is extant, made by Constantine, Qui per incantationes in∣temperiem aeris & grandinis evertit,* 1.93 puniendus non est, &c. Hee which by inchantment turneth away the intemperate season of the aire and weather, is not to bee punished. But it is no marvell that such things were tolerated then, when they came newly from Gentilisme, wherein such things were not only suffered, but honored and rewarded. 2. We have a more perfect rule out of the Scriptures, that no such un∣lawfull meanes are to bee used, no not to a good end, as to procure health, or such like: for this cause the Prophet reproved the King of Israel,* 1.94 having received hurt by a fall, because he sent to the god of Ekron for helpe. And to this purpose Augustine saith well, as he is cited in the Decrees, Si aliquando sanare vi∣dentur languidos,* 1.95 id Deipermissu sit, ut homines probentur▪ &c. If they seeme sometime to heale the diseased, it is done by Gods permission, that men might bee thereby proved, &c. And againe hee saith, Laque•• sunt adversarii, mederi non possunt; They are the deviles snares, they cannot heale.

4. Object. But the meanes which they use are wholesome, and medicinable, as herbs and oyntments, and therefore herein they are not to bee found fault with.

Answ. 1. For the most part they use such meanes, whereof no naturall or apparent reason can be given, as to burne the thatch of the house, to cut off some part of the beast bewitched, and burne it, and such like. Concerning such things, Augustine giveth a good rule, Remedia & ligaturae qu•• medicorum disci∣plina condemnat,* 1.96 non adhibenda, &c. Such remedies and ligatures which the skill of Physicke condemneth, are not to be used. 2. He saith further, Ex traditione malorum angelorum sunt; Such remedies had their beginning from the tradition of evill angels:* 1.97 therefore hee concludeth, that Phylacteria sunt animarum vincula; Such Phylacteries, things applied to, or hung about the necke or other parts, are but the snares of the soule. 3. If they doe use herbs, and oyntments, and such other outward meanes, it is but to colour their devillish practice and inchantments, whereby they worke, and not by the vertue or ope∣ration of such herbs: therefore it was well decreed in the Matiscane Councell, as it is cited in the De∣crees,* 1.98 Nec in collectionibus herbarum, quae medicinales sunt, observationes aliqua•• licet attendere, &c. In the collection of herbs, which are of themselves medicinall, it is not lawfull to use any other (superstitious) observations.

Now on the contrarie it shall appeare, that witches and other of that sort are worthie of punishment by death, and that they are not by any meanes to bee tolerated in a Commonwealth.

1. They are manifest transgressors against the first Table, and every precept thereof: for they doe com∣bine themselves with Satan,* 1.99 and forsake their faith, and so make them other gods, beside the Lord: they also invent superstitious rites and ceremonies, images, figures and pictures, which the devill hath taught them to worship him by: and beside, they prophane and abuse the holy name and titles of God in their superstitious invocations and inchantments. And they appoint certaine holy daies, solemnities, and assemblies among themselves, as the Lord hath appointed the Sabbath for his owne worship. And thus they apparently violate every precept of the first Table.

2. They are also enemies to the Commonwealth, full of mischiefe, practising their malice upon men and beasts: and therefore the Civill law, Propter magnitudinem scelerum maleficos appellat; Because of the greatnesse of their mischievous practices, calleth them, Evill or Wicked doers. They are manifest mur∣therers, assaulting the life of Christian people, where God permitteth, by all devillish meanes: and thus the second Table likewise is by them violated and perverted, Gallas.

3. They also are perverters of their children, and seducers of others, and so cause this mischiefe to spread further and to be transmitted over unto posteritie.

4. Further, if divine and humane lawes condemne all filthie societie and companie with beasts; much more horrible and abominable is al confederacie and league made with devils and uncleane spirits, Simler.

* 1.1005. Thomas touching this error, that some should say, Quod maleficium nihil erat in mundo, &c. That witchcraft was nothing in the world, but in the opinion of men, addeth, Procedit haec opinio ex radice

infidelitatis; That this opinion proceedeth from the root of infidelitie, because they doe not beleeve that there are any devils, but only in the estimation of the people, &c. But we are taught by the Scriptures, that the Angels fell from heaven, and became devils, by whom witches and Sorcerers worke.

6. And this is sufficient to convince these men of error, because the law of Moses judgeth the sinne of witchcraft worthy of death: which they must 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••cuse of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, if witchcraft were so small an offence, and consisted but in opinion only. And the Imperiall lawes herein doe concurre also with the Divine law, which calleth, Ars 〈…〉〈…〉; The Mathematicall (it meaneth Magi∣call) science damnable: and it decreeth thus, 〈…〉〈…〉 sunt,* 1.101 Soothsayers and Diviners are to be burned: Nec ••rs ista dis••i, nec d••ce••t debet; This art must neither be learned nor taught▪ yea by the Civill law, he which consulted with Soothsayers, 〈…〉〈…〉, shall be punished by the sword.

QUEST. XXXIII. Of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stone of 〈…〉〈…〉.

Vers. 19. WHosoever lieth with a beast 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pr••opins and the 〈…〉〈…〉, doe under∣stand▪ this of a beastly▪ and bru••••sh man, with whom it is dangerous to converse, and by death, they understand here eternall death. But this were to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 these grosse and unnaturall sinnes which here are condemned, and these civill politicke lawes are literally to be understood. 2. There∣fore this law meeteth with that most unnaturall and monstrous sin of more than beastly lust▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this one kind also comprehending all other outragious lusts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against nature, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 18.22. and 20.15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. And there are two sinnes specially against nature; either when, non servitus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speci••••, the due kind, is not kept, as when the filthy company of beasts is desired; Nature only having ordained the generation of mankinde to be with man: the other is when, non servatur debit••s sermo, the due sex is not kept, as when man with man worketh ••ilahinesse, which was the sin of Sodome, Thomas.* 1.102 4. And these are the reasons why such wicked persons should be put to death without all mercy: 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 latur talibus fl••giri•••• societ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illa, qua cum Deo no••••s esse debet, &c. By such hainou•• sins that societie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 violated, which ought to be betweene us and God; seeing Nature it selfe, whereof God is the Author,* 1.103 is polluted with such perverse lusts, &c. 2. Such wicked and vile persons shew themselves worse than bru•••• beasts, qua coitu naturali contenta sunt; which are content with naturall copulation, Calvin: and goe not out of their kind. 3. Serit semen ubi aut nihil n••scitur, 〈…〉〈…〉 contrar••••m, &c. Such soweth seed, where either nothing at all is ingendred, or a monster contrarie to nature, Pelarg. 5. Not only the man or woman committing this filthinesse, but the beast also wherewith it is perpetra∣ted, was to be put to death, Levit. 20.15. both for the detestation of the fact, and l••st any other by th•••• evill example should attempt to doe the like with that beast, Lyran.

QUEST. XXXIV. The reasons why m••n are given over to unnaturall lust.

1. THis bestiall sin may be committed two waies; either indirectly when one, not at the first intending any such filthy act, but being inflamed with lust, ad coitum simplic••ter, simply unto that carnall act, because it cannot be satisfied as he would, seeketh to have it satisfied howsoever: or else directly at the first there is a wicked inclination unto this bestialitie. 2. Tostatus giveth three reasons of it▪ why some men are caried into these unnaturall lusts: 1. Their vile corrupt nature, which is procu∣red by the evill disposition of the country: as in Aethiopia and Lybia, and toward the poles in the remote countries, monstrous shapes and formes are found, which are the fruits of such unnaturall lusts. 2. Some grow bestiall by frensie and madnes▪ and other distemperatures of the braine. 3. Some by an evill use and custome, as it seemeth the Sodomites even from their childhood were exercised in those acts of filthines. As these reasons may be yeelded, of the unnaturall appetite of men which feed of raw flesh, yea of the flesh of men as bruit beasts: so also of unnaturall lust, Tostat. qu. 14.15.3. But a better reason may be given than all these: for these unnaturall and beastly lusts are the traits of Idolatry and false worship▪ as here immediately it followeth, that they should not offer unto any other gods. And Saint Paul sheweth, that the Gentiles after they had corrupted the true worship of God, were given over unto their owne hearts desire▪ Rom. 1. as the Canaanites ha••ing not the true worship of God, defiled themselves with these abominations, for the which the Lord cast them out, Levit. 18.24. Simler.

QUEST. XXXV. What is meant by sacrificing to other gods.

〈…〉〈…〉

hearing that the two tribes and an halfe beyond Jordan, had erected them an Altar, they assembled themselves together against them, as jealous, lest they purposed to bring in a new worship of God, Tostat. 5. And not onely they which committed Idolatrie themselves, but they which perswaded others, were to be put to death, Deut. 13.6, 7.

QUEST. XXXVI. Whether Idolatrie now is to be punished by death.

Vers. 20. SHall be slaine. 1. The word is charam, that simply signifieth, not to cut off, but to destroy, as an anathema, thing accursed, and bequeathed to destruction, Iun. Pelarg. 2. The Inter∣linearie Glosse, expoundeth it of excommunication, and of eternall death: but both the practise of those times, and the like punishment here ••nflicted upon other capitall crimes, sheweth that it must be under∣stood of the losse of the temporall life: though beside, without their great repentance, Idolaters deserve also everlasting death, Rev. 22.8. 3. Some object, that now Idolatrie is not to be punished by death, but that such rather that are seduced, should be instructed in the true worship of God: and in the times of the Gospell, it is fit more clemencie and mercie should be shewed, than under the rigour of the law. Answ. 1. Though Idolaters are to be instructed to reforme their error, for the salvation of their soules: yet this letteth not, but that for so great impietie, and for the example of others, they should worthily suffer the paines of death. 2. And now under the Gospel, seeing robberie against the common peace, and ••reason against the life and safetie of the Prince and State, are judged worthy of death: Qui majestatem Dei 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dissime violavit, tam leve facinus admisisse putabitur? shall he which violateth the Majestie of God most impiously, be thought to commit so small an offence? Gallas. 4. But although, as Osiander saith, the Magistrate, non gladio in idololatriam vindicare teneatur, be not now bound to take revenge of Idolatrie by the sword: for some difference there is betweene Pagane idolatrie, and Popish superstitious Imagerie; the one being an absolute deniall of all Christianitie, the other a mixing therewith of superstitious vani∣tie; yet by the equitie of this Judiciall law, which serveth for the strengthening of a morall precept, the like sin of idolatrie may justly receive the like punishment. As Cyprian, repeating that law, Deut. 13.12. Si audieris in una ex civitatibus;* 1.104 &c. If thou hearest of any of the cities, &c. that are drawne away to serve other gods; that such a city should be destroyed; thus further inferreth; cujus praecepti memor Mattathias, which precept Mattathias remembring, killed him that approached to the idolatrous Altar to sacrifice, &c. Then he further addeth: Quod si ante adventum Christi, circa Deum colendum, et idola spernend•• haec pracepta servata sunt, &c. Now if these precepts concerning the worship of God, and de∣spising of Idols were kept before the comming of Christ; quanto magis post adventum Christi servanda sunt? How much more ought they to be kept after the comming of Christ? seeing he hath not onely ex∣horted us in words but in deeds. Augustine likewise shewing a difference betweene the schisme of the Donatists, and Pagane idolatrie, thus concludeth; Quis vestrum non laudat leges, &c. Which of you doth not commend the lawes given by the Emperours,* 1.105 against the sacrifices of the Pagans? illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est, &c. for the punishment of that impietie is capitall. 5. R. Salomon thinketh, that if a Jew did sweep an Idol Temple, velornaret, vel alia similia faceret, quae sunt praambula &c. or adorne it onely, and doe other things which are but preambles to Idolatrie, he was not to be puni∣shed by death, but some other wayes, Ex Lyrano. But if enticing in words to idolatrie, were judged worthy of death, Deut. 17.5. much more to entice and draw by fact and example, as in adorning and beautifying the Temples of Idols.

QUEST. XXXVII. Why idolatrie is judged worthy of death.

NOw the reasons why idolatry was held by Moses law to be worthy of death, were these: 1. Quia is cultus diabolo exhibetur qui idolorum author est; Because that idolatrous worship is giuen unto the devill, who is the author of Idols, Gallas. 2. Aequum est vita privari eos, &c. It is just that they should be deprived of life, which forsake God, the author and fountaine of life, Simler. To leave the worship of God who is the author of life, and to worship the devill, the author of death and destruction, mille mortibus &c▪ doth shew himselfe to be worthy of a thousand deaths, Gallas. 3. Though euery trans∣gression of the law be in some sort a breach of Gods covenant, yet idolatry more specially is said to be a transgression of the covenant of God, Deut. 17.2. Because men apparently and professedly thereby forsake the profession solemnely made of their service and obedience vnto the Lord, Simler. 4. And this severe punishment the Lord appointeth for idolatrie: quia inter Aegyptios idololatria assi••everant: because the Is∣raelites had accustomed themselves unto idolatry among the Egyptians, in so much that they, Moses yet living▪ set up a golden calfe to worship, Simler. 5. Because of the ready inclination and propension of mans nature unto idolatry, it was fit that it should by some severe punishment be restrained, Calvin. 6. And two things there are which doe exaggerate the nature of a sinne, and aggravate the punishment thereof: Res in quib••s committitur, & is in quos committitur, &c. The things wherein they are commi∣ted, and they against whom they are committed, Borrh. Both which concurre here in the sinne of apo∣stasie and idolatrie: For what matt•••• can be of greater moment, than the service and worship of God, and what sin more grievous, than that which is committed against God?

QUEST. XXXVIII. Of kindnesse, how to be shewed toward strangers, and why.

Vers. 21. THou shalt not doe injury to a stranger. 1. There are two reasone, why men are apt to doe wrong unto strangers a both because they are not allied by affinity or consanguinity, and therefore no naturall affection is commonly shewed toward them: & because they are destitute of friends

and patrons, and therefore lye more open to wrong, Tostatus. 2. The stranger must neither bee injured in word, nor wronged in deed, Simler. Neither secretly by fraud, nor openly by violence: neither must they be hindred by any private man, nor publikely prejudiced by lawes made against them, Tostat. And it is not enough not to doe them wrong; but we must help them, and doe them what good we can, Gallas. 3. And this reason is added, because they were strangers in Egypt, they did feele by experience what it was to use strangers hardly, that by their own experience, they might learne to have compassion on others, Simler. For the law of nature teacheth not to doe that unto another, which we would not have offered to our selves, Cajetan. They in Egypt would not have had the Egyptians to deale so hardly with them, and God punished the Egyptians for their sakes: let them take heed then by those judgements, which ••ell upon the Egyptians, lest they bee punished in like manner for afflicting strangers, Simler. 4. Other reasons beside may bee added: as that strangers, as well as they, were created according to Gods image, and they have the same common father: and let them remember the uncertaintie of mans condition, Qua variis casibus est exposita, &c. which is exposed to divers chances: they doe not know how soone they may bee driven to sojourne in a strange countrey, Marbach. 5. The evill en∣treating of strangers, was odious even by the light of nature among the heathen: Plato affirmeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that God is a revenger of wrongs and injuries done unto strangers: in so much,* 1.106 as those ci∣ties were famous, which were kinde to strangers, as the Athenians, the Lucari Egineta: which were cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lovers of strangers. And they were noted of infamy, that used strangers hardly, as the Lace∣demonians with others, Galass.

QUEST. XXXIX. Why widowes and orphans are not to be oppressed.

Vers. 22. YEe shall not trouble any widow. 1. As the former law enjoyned pity and commiseration to be shewed toward strangers, that were in misery: so this provideth for such as are in misery, being not strangers, as Widowes and orphans, Tostat. 2. And although none at all are to be wronged and afflicted, yet these especially must not bee hurt, Quia defensorem non habent; Because they have none to defend them, Chrysost. Car••••do patre, se•• marito, &c. The one wanteth a father, the other an husband▪ Cajetan. 3. The Lord here threatneth that he will be revenged of such as oppresse the widow and father∣lesse: and three punishments are threatned, they shall be smitten with the sword▪ and the other two are se∣quels hereof, their wives shall become widows, and their children fatherlesse, Tostat. 4. Which punishments are procured by these degrees: the widowes and fatherlesse being oppressed, doe cry unto God: for prayer made in time of affliction is most fervent: then though men regard not their teares, and prayers, yet God will, Pellican. And his anger will wax hot against them, because they oppresse those whom God favoureth and loveth: as wee use to bee angry with those, which hurt either our selves, or our friends whom we love, Borrh.

QUEST. XL. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall.

Vers. 23. SO hee call, and cry unto mee, &c. Divers causes and occasions there are set forth in Scripture, which doe procure the exaudition and hearing of our prayers: 1. When two consent toge∣ther, and offer up their prayers with one accord, their voyce is heard, Matth. 18.19. 2. Prayer made in faith is effectuall, as the Apostle saith, The Prayer of Faith shall save the sicke. 3. Continuance and perse∣verance in prayer is availeable, Luk. 11.8. Because of his importunity, he would arise, and give him as many as he needed. 4. Prayer joyned with almes and deeds of charity is so much the more respected with God, Act. 10.4. Thy prayers and thy almes, are come up in remembrance before God. 5. Fasting joyned with prayer maketh it more fervent, Matth. 17.21. This kind cannot goe out, but by prayer and fasting. 6. And the greatnesse of affliction, Psal. 118.5. I called upon the Lord in trouble, and he heard mee. As in this place, the Lord heareth the cry of the widowes and fatherlesse, that call unto him, Lippom. ex collationibus Pa∣trum. And here they cry, Non tantum sono vocis, quantum intentione cordis, &c. Not so much by sound of voice, as in the intention and elevation of their hearts, Thomas.

QUEST. XLI. Why usury is called biting.

Vers. 25. THou shalt not oppresse him with usury. The word nashach, whence is derived neshech, usury, signifieth to bite: usury then is called a biting: 1. Because as the biting of a Serpent, parum percipitur in principio, &c. is but little felt in the beginning, but afterward the whole body is inflamed upon that biting: So usury is not felt in the beginning, but at the last, devorat totam hominis substantiam, &c. It devoureth all a mans substance. So R. Salom. ex Lyran. 2. Or because the usurer, tanquam hirud•• ••••nem succum & sanguinem exugit, &c. as an horse-leach sucketh out all the juyce and bloud, Galass. 3. Morsus serpentis non sinit dorm••re; The biting of a serpent will not suffer one to sleepe neither will usury suffer the man that is incumbred therewith, to be at rest, Simler. 4. And it may be so called, in respect of the greedy desire of usurers, which live upon the poore, and eat them up by usury: tanquam canis famelicus, alios mordendo, seipsum pascens, as an hungry dog, by biting and devouring others, feeding himselfe, Cal∣vin. 5. Usury is called a biting, Quia lethaliter mo••det eos, qui ea gravantar, because it biteth and grip••••h those to death, which are oppressed with it.

QUEST. XLII. VVhat usurie is.

HEnce it is evident that usury is unlawfull. But before the severall points belonging to this question can be discussed, first we must see what usury is. 1. Plus ex mutu•• velle, quam mutuatum sit, iniquum est.

To desire more by lending, than was lent, is wicked, Cajetan. He then counteth that usury, when any thing is received for loane, more than that which was lent. 2. Vsura est lucrum quo••••••nipe••••r, soli•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 causa; Usury is a gaine, which is taken only for lending, Vrsinus. Quicquid 〈…〉〈…〉▪ What gaine soever was given beside the principall: whereupon it is called in the Hebrew, turbith, that is, increase of the multiplying, Calvin. 3. After the same manner was usury defined in 〈…〉〈…〉 as Carthag. 3. c. 16. Nullus clericorum amplius accipiat, quam cuiquam accomodavit, That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Clergy should receive more than he hath lent, Augustine thus describeth an usurer, Si plus qu••m 〈◊〉〈◊〉, expectas accipere foenerator es,* 1.107 If thou looke to receive more than thou hast given, thou art an usurer: So also, Concil. Lateranens. Vsury is thus defined, Quando ex usurei, quae non germinat, nullo labore, nullo s••••p∣t••, nullo periculo lucrum conquiri studetur, &c. When by the use of a thing, which increaseth not, gaine is sought without any labour, cost, or hazard.

QUEST. XLIII. Of divers kinds of usuries.

THere were divers kinds of usury: 1. As that which was called a 1.108 Vsura centesima, the usury of the hun∣dreth part, quae aquiparatur sorti in anno, which did rise to bee equall to the principall in one yeare. 2. b 1.109 Then there was, Dimidia centesimae, halfe of the hundreth part. 3. c 1.110 Terria centesimae, the third part of the hundreth, was, when the interest in one yeare came to the third part of the principall: as 12. being the principall, if it gained foure. 4.d 1.111 Bessis centesimae, was, when the usury in the compasse of a yeare▪ was two parts of the principall: as 8. to 12. 4. e 1.112 Vsurae semisses, were so called, when the interest was equall unto the stocke in two yeares. 5.f 1.113 Then quarta centesimae, the fourth of the hundreth part, was, when in foure yeares, the principall and the interest were even. 6.g 1.114 Vsura sescupla, was, when any did summam ca∣pitis, & dimidiam summae percipere take the stocke or head againe, and the halfe of it. 7. All these were singular and extraordinary kinds of interest. There was beside a common interest, which was more tole∣rable and easie: and there was a third called, conventuale, an interest upon agreement.

QUEST. XLIV. That usury is simply unlawfull.

BVt that all these kinds of usury and interest with the like, were utterly unlawfull, and not to bee pra∣ctised among Christians, it shall appeare by these reasons: 1. The Hebrewes were forbidden to take any usury at all of their brethren; of the Gentiles they might: but now, diruta est mac••ries, the wall of partition is taken away, there is neither Jew nor Gentile, but all are one in Christ, Calvin. 2. Vsura ex suo genere nociva est, usury even of it selfe is hurtfull, because it is called, neshech, biting, Cajetan. And the law of nature teacheth: that wee should not doe that to another, which wee would not have offered to our selves. 3. Vsury was detestable among the Heathen, much more odious ought it to bee among Christians: As Cato being asked what it was to play the usurer, answered, Idem, quod occidere; All one, as to kill: and further he said, that in former time they used to punish a theefe but in two fold, an usurer in foure fold, Calvin. 4. Vsury is against the first institution of money, pecunia inventa est, &c. money was invented and found out, that thereby things necessary for the maintenance of this life might bee provided: but now it is perverted and abused to covetousnesse, that money may increase money, Borrh. 5. The Scripture abso∣lutely condemneth usury, Psal. 15.5. He that giveth not his money to usury, shall dwell in the Lords Taberna∣cle, and Ezech. 18. vers. 17. He that hath not received usury, nor increase, &c. the word tarbith, signifieth increase: by which words, all increase by usury and unlawfull interest, seemeth to be forbidden. 6. Chry∣sostome saith,* 1.115 Vsurarius super omnes mercatores maledictus; The usurer is accursed beyond all merchants and tradingmen. And he further useth this comparison, Like as when one sifteth wheat or any other graine in a sieve,* 1.116 all the graine by little and little slippeth thorow, and so, solum stercus remanet in cribr••, only the soyle and durt remaineth in the sieve: so of all the substance and ill gotten goods of usurers, nihil remanet praterpeccatum, nothing remaineth beside sinne, &c. 7. If it be objected, that God permitted the Hebrewes to take usury of the Gentiles, therefore it was not simply unlawfull. To this it may be answered, that they were those seven nations of the Canaanites,* 1.117 of whom they might take usury, which nations they were commanded to destroy; and so by this meanes they might weaken their estate, and impoverish them: where∣upon Ambrose inferreth, Ab hoc usuram exige, quem non sit crimen occidere, Exact usury of him, whom it is not unlawfull to kill. And so Augustine also concludeth, Non minus crudelis, qui pauperem trucidat foenore, quam qui cripit diviti, &c. He is no lesse cruell, that slayeth a poore man by usury, than hee which taketh it from a rich man by violence.

QUEST. XLV. Certaine contracts found to be usury, not commonly so taken.

NOw there are certaine contracts, which commonly are not taken for usury, where there is no acces∣sion or increase of any thing above the stocke and principall, and yet they are of the nature and kind of usury, or worse. 1. As a poore man wanting money, is constrained to take an horse, or cow, or some other commodity, at an unreasonable price, and selleth it againe with losse, it may bee for the one halfe: this is a biting usury,* 1.118 Simler. 2. Another case is this: one in time of harvest, buyeth corne at a certaine price as for two pound, and selleth it againe, for foure or six pound: the Canons decree this to be turp•• lu∣crum, filthy and unhonest gaine. 3. Si dederis frumenti modium unum, & super aliquid exegeris, &c. If thou lendest a bushell of wheat,* 1.119 and exactest somewhat over againe: it is by the Canons judged an unlawfull kind of interest. 4. If any buy a commodity, as of cinamom, pepper, or such like, which is not worth above five pound at the time of the buying: Et promittunt per publicum instrumentum, se 6. libras soluturos, &c. And promise by some publike instrument,* 1.120 to pay for the same six pound, usura peccatum incurr••nt vendi∣tores,

the sellers incurre the sinne of usury. 5. One having need of money, l••yeth his ground to pawne, and the lender taketh the profit of the ground for the use of his money▪ this is also usury: and therefore it was decreed thus in a certaine Councell, Fructus, qui capiuntur ex fundis,* 1.121 vel possessionibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 den∣tur, in sortem sunt computandi. &c. The profits which are received out 〈…〉〈…〉, and possessions mor∣gaged, must be accounted as part of the principall. 6. Some usurers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this sleight, they cause their deb∣tors to acknowledge that they owe so much money,* 1.122 which is untrue 〈…〉〈…〉 in sortem com∣putari, &c. They cause the interest to be counted as part of the principall. As if one lend ten pounds up∣on interest, and make the borrower acknowledge by his deed, that hee oweth unto him eleven pounds, counting the twenty shillings which commeth for the loane, part of the principall. 7. Another case is put, one selleth unto another, or bargaineth for a lease of his ground, and it being but worth forty shil∣lings by the yeare, he covenanteth to pay three pound▪ this is counted usury:* 1.123 Si a••••uni cersus excedu va∣l••rem fructuum, isto modo palliatur usura, &c. If the yearely rent exceed the value or worth of the fruits and profits, it is but a colouring of usury. 8. Qui pecunias dam,* 1.124 &c. They which give a peace of money to receive at a certaine day twice so much in value of corne: Sub titulo venditionis exercent usuras, &c. Un∣der the title of selling, they practise usury. 9. One buyeth a commodity of his poore neighbour that wanteth money, and giveth him but halfe the value, otherwise hee will let him have no money:* 1.125 afterward hee selleth it for double, Hujusmodi usurarios, nisi satisfactionem fecerint, &c. These usurers unlesse they make satisfaction, wee decree not worthy to bee admitted to Ecclesiasticall buriall. 10. Hierome also giveth another instance: in the country usury is enacted of wine, corne, oyle:* 1.126 as in win∣ter time one delivereth ten bushels, Vt in messe accipiat quindecim to receive fifteene in harvest: for usury may as well be of meat, and other things, as of money▪ Deut. 23.19. Hereupon in that great generall Coun∣cell, all usury was condemned of what kind soever 1▪ Ex ade•• venti••ne aliqua, vel qualibet ••odo negotium transigens; Hee that by any slight or device, or by any meanes whatsoever, made any such transaction or bargaine, is condemned.

QUEST. XLVI. Whether all increase by the loane of money be unlawfull.

FVrther, as these kinds of contracts are of the nature of usury, though commonly they are not so taken: so likewise there may grow some increase and advantage in the use of money, and yet no usury com∣mitted. Here, then it must be considered, whether it be unlawfull to receive any gaine at all by the use and occupation of money. Where I find there are three opinions: 1. The Civill and Imperiall lawes doe ge∣nerally allow or tolerate all kinde of usury, as is before shewed, quest. 43. But the unlawfulnesse of usu∣ry is likewise declared before, quest. 44. 2. Contrariwise,* 1.127 the Canonists and Canon law doe condemne all usury and interest whatsoever: Si quis affirmare praesumat exercere usuras non esse peccatum▪ &c. If any man presume to affirme that it is no sinne to practise usury, wee decree him worthy to bee punished as an Here∣tike. And herein the Canons consent, Vt ipsum quod dedit sine ullo augmento acciptat, &c. That what one hath given or lent, he should receive without any advantage or increase. Yea the Canons are so strict, that they allow not any advantage to be made of money by usury, to redeeme the Christians therewith, that were in captivity among the Saracens. 3. But the meane betweene both may bee most safely held: for as there may be certaine contracts of usury, where there is no gaine, or any increase above the principall, as before is manifested, qu. 45. 1. So, Non omne mutuum, quod accedit super sortem est usura, &c. Not every loane, which bringeth some gaine above the stocke, is to be counted usury. As it may appeare in these par∣ticular cases.

1. Concil. Lateranens. sub Leon. 10. sess. 10. This case was put, Demontibus pietatis,* 1.128 &c. Of the bankes of money, which were erected by Christian Magistrates, only for the benefit of the poore, that they might there have money at their need; it was there decreed, that for the maintenance of the officers and Mini∣sters of the banke, which attended that businesse, aliquid moderatum supra sortem salvatur, &c. that some small thing above the stocke might be paied by those which made profit of the money there borrowed, to that end onely for the maintenance of the officers. And all the whole Sinode consented, excepting onely one Bishop, who alleaged, that he had learned by experience▪ praefatos montes plus damnosos esse quam miles; that the foresaid bankes were more discommodious, than profitable. But notwithstanding his dissenting, the foresaid decree was confirmed.

2. Certaine orphans have a stocke left them, which will soone be spent, if they should live onely of the stocke: may not their tutor or guardian put out their money to them which may make some profit by the use thereof, Ad res necessarias pupillo subministrandas, to minister things necessary to the pupill and or∣phan? Gallas. Simler.

3. Eadem ratio exulum & peregrinorum est, &c. There is the like reason of exuls and strangers, which are not permitted to use any traffique in forraine parts, where they sojourne, and so can have no mainte∣nance but by the use of their stocks, Simler.

4. A man borroweth money for a certaine time, hee maketh profit of the money, and payeth it not unto the Creditor at the time appointed, whereby he is much damnified: Nemo certe (ut arbitror) negabit usu∣r accreditori solvendacorater sortem, vt p••rsetur ejus jactura, &c. I thinke surely no man will deny, but that some gaine should come unto the Creditor above his principall, to recompence his losse, by not having his money in due time, Calvin. Hereunto the Civill lawes give consent: Vsur•• solvendae ex mora depositi;* 1.129 Vsury is to bee paid for delay in matters committed to one of trust. Vsurae debentur ex pensione non solum; Vsury is due for a pension not paid. Vsura debent•••• pro d••te ad diem non prastita, &c. Vsury is due for a dowrie not paid at the day.

* 1.1305. Si quis diviti mercatori pec••••••••lam suam utendam dedit, &c. If one put forth his money to use to a rich Merchant, may hee not receive part of the gaine, which the Merchant maketh by the use of his mo∣ney? Gallasius.

6. A rich man is about a purchase, and borroweth a peece of money to goe thorow with his bargaine: he that lendeth the mony, Au non poterit ex fundi reditu fructum aliquem percipere, &c. may he not receive some profit by the ground, untill his principall be restored? Calvin.

These and divers such cases may bee brought, wherein either the gaine and usury is not unjust, or be∣cause the name of usury and interest is odious, it is indeed no usury at all; because in these contracts, frater non laditur, &c. our brother is not hurt or hindered, and so they are not against charity, Simler. And in all such transactions, where that rule is observed, Quod tibi non vis fieri, &c. That which you would not to bee done to your selfe, doe not to another, there can be no oppression or injustice, Vrsin. p. 703. So that where a man in the loane of mony offereth no other measure to his neighbour, than he would be content he should mete by unto him againe, the rule of equality being observed, no great offence or inconvenience can ensue.

* 1.1314. But that we may yet grow to a more certainty in this matter and question of the loane of money, there are foure circumstances to bee considered: 1. Who lendeth. 2. To whom. 3. For what. 4. In what manner.

1. He that lendeth his money upon usury, must not bee such an one as maketh it his trade to live by let∣ting of money: but such an one, as whose necessity in some sort compelleth him to take some advantage by his money for his necessary maintenance: as strangers, exiles, and orphans, as in the second and third cases before propounded; who either cannot, or know not how to employ their stockes: but they which have other meanes to maintaine themselves by, as lands, rents, offices, have not the like war∣rant. And of all other trades, to be a professed Usurer, is most odious. And therefore the law here saith: Thou shalt not be an usurer, or exacter unto him: that is, as such an one which professeth himselfe to bee a banker and usurer.

2. They to whom money may be lent upon usury, must not be of the poorer sort: for to such is simply forbidden to lend upon usury, vers. 25. To lend then unto the rich for some profit, is not against this pre∣cept. But here three kindes of persons are to bee considered, to whom money is to bee lent; some are so poore, that they are not able to render againe that which they receive: some are rich and have no need, in regard of any necessity, to have any thing given, or lent: some are betweene both, who are able in time to repay that which they lend, but yet upon some urgent occasion are driven to borow: of these specially this law speaketh: that unto such as are constrained to take money for their necessity, as either to pay their rent, or to save the forfeiture of a bond, or to redeeme a morgage; to such wee are bound to lend freely, without any recompence. To the first we ought to give rather than lend: Deut. 15.11. Because there shall be ever some poore in the land, therefore I command thee, saying, Thou shalt open thy hand to thy brother, to thy needy, and to thy poore in the land. Vnto the third sort, namely the rich, wee are not bound to lend freely, as unto the poorer sort: neither is this against the rule of our blessed Saviour: Lend, looking for nothing againe, Luke 6.35. For of the poore we should not expect any thing, but lend freely: yea if their necessity be urgent, and our estate can beare it, the case may be such, as that wee ought to forgive them the princi∣pall and all, Marbach. So then, of the first we must neither looke for increase, nor principall, but give un∣to them of almes: of the second we may expect the principall, but not any interest: of the third wee may receive both. And yet this properly is no usury, but rather a gratuity; that hee which hath gained by ano∣thers mony, should, to shew his thankfull minde, make him, which was the occasion thereof, a reasonable partaker of his gaine: Gratitudo animi lege naturali mandatur; This gratitude and thankfulnesse of minde is commanded even by the law of nature, Borrhaius.

3. The interest which is received must be moderate, not excessive: Yee shall not oppresse him with usury: the word is neshech, biting: it must not bee a biting, nipping, or devouring usury. The Imperiall lawes gave great liberty to take what usury soever was agreed upon, as before is shewed, quest. 43. yea they allow∣ed hemiola or sescupla, to take halfe so much as the principall: which are called sequialtera usura, usury to the halfe part: as for ten Bushels of corne to exact fifteene, as may appeare by the law ofa 1.132 Constantine. But this kind of usury is directly forbidden in the b 1.133 Nicen Councell. So the lawes of this land doe moderate exces∣sive usury: to take above two shillings in the pound, and ten in the hundreth, is a forfeiture both of the principall and interest.

4. This consideration given for the loane of money, must not be ex pacto, it must not be agreed upon by any certaine compact and covenant: as the words here are, lotesimur, non imponetis ei: you shall not im∣pose, or lay upon him usury. As it is not lawfull to covenant with a man certainly to pay so much; he may lose by using the money, hee may bee in hazard also of the principall: for the lender then to receive a certaine gaine, where the borrower is a certaine loser, were not just. Such indifferency must bee used, as that the borrower be contented, as to be made partaker of the gaine, that commeth by his money, so also proportionably to beare part of the losse. These former rules observed, and circumstances considered, I see not why all receiving of increase by the use of money should bee condemned. And herein I mislike not Calvins conclusion:* 1.134 Vnde sequitur usuras hodie non esse illicitas, nisi quatenus cum aquitate & frater∣na conjunctione pugnant; Whence it followeth, that usury now is not unlawfull, but as it impugneth equi∣tie and brotherly conjunction and society. Likewise Gallasius: Quare non vid••••, quare omne pecunia em••∣lumentum sive usuram sine ulla exceptione damnemus; Wherefore I see not wherefore wee should con∣demne all profit or usury of mony without all exception. Simlerus to the same effect: Comr••ctus, ubi fr••••r

non l••ditur per mutuum, charitati non repugnat; Such contract, where the brother is not hurt by lending▪ is not against charity.

5. But it will be thus objected on the contrarie, against all kind of gaine and increase that commeth, by money.

1. In taking money for the use of money, one selleth that which is not in his power: for the use of money consisteth in him that receiveth it.

2. It maintaineth idlenesse, when men are suffered to live of their money without the sweat of their browes.

3. It is against nature, that money being not apt to increase, should beget money.

4. It was forbidden and prohibited to the Israelites to take usurie of their brethren, saving onely of the Gentiles. And Psal. 15.5. Ezech. 18.17. all kind of usurie and increase is condemned.

5. Our blessed Saviour biddeth to lend, looking for nothing againe, Luke 6.

Answ. 1. Though another man use the money which is lent, yet the lender is the occasion thereof: and in the meane time he wanteth the use of it himselfe: therefore it is not unjust that a thankfulnesse be acknowledged for the use thereof, which the other is the cause of.

2. Such as live only of letting of money, and make a trade of it, are not to be suffered: but such rather which by that meanes are relieved, and cannot otherwise be conveniently maintained, as orphanes, stran∣gers, exiled persons: as before is shewed.

3. Money of it selfe begetteth not money, but being employed by mans industrie, it is a fit meanes to increase ones stocke: so neither is a field fruitfull of it selfe, unlesse it be tilled. Ambrose indeed saith: Vsurae arte nequissima ex auro aurum nascitur, &c.* 1.135 By the wicked skill of usurie gold is be∣gotten of gold, &c. He speaketh of vnjust and insatiable usurie: when as the usurer will extort his interest compounded for, he careth not at whose hand rich or poore: whether he gaine by it or not: for so it followeth in the same place, nec finis unquam, nec satietas aderit cupiditati, &c. there will be no satietie or end of coueting, &c.

4. That was a politike law given unto the Israelites, as it may appeare by that they were permitted to take usurie of the Gentiles; that by this meanes they might grow rich, and the other poore. And the speciall intendment of the law is, that they should not oppresse any, especially the poore, by usurie: which is also now held to be unlawful. In those places objected, the word is neshech, which signifieth biting usurie, which is indeed against the rule of charitie.

5. To the poore we are bound to lend freely, yea to give them principall and all, where their ex∣treme need requireth: and so is that place to be understood.

Thus much I thought necessarie to adde in this place concerning this great and weightie question of usurie: wherein if the rules before prescribed were duly observed, we should have fewer Usurers, and nothing so many, or none at all eaten up and devoured of usurie. And for a finall resolution herein, this I conclude, That although all circumstances considered, some increase by money may be tolerated: yet it were better that no such urgent occasion were giuen. And as S. Paul saith concerning rich men, that that they should lay up in store a good foundation against the time to come, by being rich in good works:* 1.136 so it were better for them which have money, that they looke for the increase thereof in the next world, at the hands of God, by using it here to the reliefe and comfort of their poore brethren, than to seeke earthly gaine and transitory commodity by it: as Leo excellently saith: Foenus hoc solum aspicere & exercere debemus, ut quod hic misericorditer tribuimus, à Domino,* 1.137 qui multiplicitar & in perpetuum mansura retri∣buat, recipere valeamus; We must only looke unto and exercise this usurie, that what we here bestow mercifully we may receive of the Lord, who giveth abundantly, and such things as remaine for ever.

QUEST. XLVIII. Whether it were lawfull for the Iewes to take usurie of the Gentiles.

NOw whereas here mention is made only of the poore brother, that they should not oppresse him with usurie, but it is not determined what they shall doe herein toward the Gentiles: therefore else∣where it is directly expressed, that they may lend to a stranger upon usurie, Deut. 23, 20. 1. Where first the opinion of R. Salomon is confuted, who as Lyranus reporteth him, thinketh that it was vnlawfull for the Hebrewes to take any usurie, yea of the Gentiles: for the words of the text are very direct, that of strangers they may take. 2. Some thinke also that this was permitted unto them for the hardnesse of their heart, to take usurie of the Gentiles, lest if they had beene restrained of that liberty, they might haue oppressed their brethren with usurie, Genevens. But if this had beene permitted onely for the hard∣nesse of their heart, it had beene in it selfe unlawfull: as they were permitted to give their wives a bill of diuorce, and so send them away: it shall then appeare, that it was not only permitted, but lawfull for them to take usurie of the Gentiles: as is evident by these reasons:

1. They are forbidden to lend unto their brethren upon usurie: now the Gentiles were not counted their brethren, but the Hebrewes only.

2. In other like cases the Hebrewes were privileged before the Gentiles: as the debts of the Hebrewes were remitted in the seventh yeare; so were not the strangers, though they were Prosely••es, and conver∣ted to the Jewish faith, Deut. 15.3. Of a stranger 〈◊〉〈◊〉 maist require it, but that which thou hast with thy brother, thine hand shall remit. Againe, the Hebrew servants were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 goe out free if they would, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the seventh yeere, 〈…〉〈…〉 if they would not, yet in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeare of Jubile they w••••e for a•• liberty, Levit. 25.54. But the strangers which were servants, were in their possession and inherit••••ce for euer they

and their children, Levit. 25.45. The like privilege was here concerning the Hebrewes, that although they might lawfully take usurie of strangers, yet of them they could not, Tostatus. quaest. 16.

3. Neither of all strangers might they take usurie, but only of the Canaanites, which were ordained to de∣struction: those, and against whom, they had jus belli, right to wage battel, they might then as lawfully keepe them under with usurie, as use against them the sword, Simler. Hereupon Ambrose saith, Cui j••re infe∣runtur arma, huic legitima judicantur usura, &c. Against whome rightfully wee may beare armour, unto him also lawfully may we set usurie, &c. ubi ju•• belli, ibi jus usurae; where there was right of making warre, there was right of taking usurie.

4. But this is the blindnesse and error of the Jewes, who thinke that they are warranted by this ancient privilege to take interest of the Christians now: 1. For both the time of their privilege is expired, Christ having broken downe the wall of partition, and made of Jewes and Gentiles all one, Tostat. quaest. 16. 2. As also wee are not of those Gentiles and nations, whom they had right to invade with warre, Simler.

QUEST. XLIX. What garment must be restored before the Sun set, which was taken to pledge, and why.

Vers. 26. IF thou take thy neighbours ra••ment to pledge, &c. 1. R. Salomon thus understandeth this text, that it is meant of the poore mans day garment, which must be restored untill the Sunne set, and then it might be fetcht againe until the morning, and so restored againe for the use of the day. But the text evidently sheweth, that this law speaketh of his night garment wherein he lieth or sleepeth. 2. Some doe understand it indifferently both of the day and night garment: that if it were used in the day, it should be restored in the morning, and taken againe at night: if it served for the night, it should be resto∣red in the evening, and fetched againe in the morning, Lyran. Simler. And they presse the literall mean∣ing of the words, ghalbo hashemesh, usque venire solem, till the Sunne come, which may be as well un∣derstood of the rising, as setting. But it is evident, that this phrase of the comming or entring of the Sunne, is used to signifie the setting or going downe of the Sunne, as Iudg. 19.17. And in other places: and beside, the letter of the text only speaketh of the night garment wherein hee sleepeth. And if it were his day garment, it had bin a trouble to the Creditor to fetch his pledge every evening, and to carrie it a∣gaine in the morning: for the poore debtor hauing but that one garment, could not goe and carrie it, being naked without it. It had beene also an inhumane thing for the debtor to be stripped and left naked in the fight of his Creditor. 3. I therefore here rather am▪ of Tostatus judgement, that this place is only understood of the night garment: the day garment, if the poore man had but one, could not be taken to pledge at all, no more than the upper or nether mil-stone, Deut. 24.6. or any other necessarie thing which the poore man lived by: but if the debtor had two or more garments, then one of them might bee laid to pledge, and it needed not to be restored till the debt was paid. 4. Cajetanus thinketh, that this night gar∣ment was delivered every night, and restored againe in the morning: the debtor was to carrie it againe to his creditor. And R. Salomon giveth this reason, why the pledge was restored every day: to set forth the mercie of God, which daily forgiveth our sinnes: Iosephus addeth also, that by this meanes the debtor might better bee put in minde of his debt. But I rather subscribe to Oleaster here, that this raiment which was to be restored before the Sunne set, was not delivered againe, because the poore debtor had continu∣ally necessarie use of it. 5. This is not only meant of the covering which he wrappeth himselfe in by night, but of any other part of his bedding, as his couch, pillow, or such like: because there is the same reason of them all: they helpe to defend him from the cold of the night, Gallas. 6. And this law is made for the benefit of the poore: Hic de paupere loquitur qui non habet nisi unam vestem, &c. He speaketh here of the very poore man which hath but one garment, and cannot live without it, Hugo de S. Victor▪ 7. Two reasons are annexed: the one taken from common humanitie; it is his only covering: the other from the judgement of God, which the Lord at their crie will exercise upon such hard hearted Creditors, Iunius. A third reason is added, Deuteronomie 24.13. That the poore man having received his covering may blesse him.

QUEST. L. Who are understood here by gods, and why.

Vers. 28. THou shalt not raile upon the gods. 1. Augustine thinketh, that this place is to be understood according to that saying of S. Paul, Though there bee that are called gods, whether in heaven or in earth, as there be many gods, and many Lords, 1 Cor. 8.5. addende, sicut sunt, deos intelligi voluit, qui digne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicuntur;* 1.138 in adding as there are, &c. he would have understood such gods, which are worthily so ••alled. And these gods which are worthily so called, he forbiddeth to be rayled on, non jussisunt sacificiis, &c. ••os honorare, they are not bidden to honour them with sacrifices, &c. But the Apostle rather in this place understandeth the vaine idols of the Heathen, which in their blinde opinion were counted gods: not such to whom that name was worthily attributed:* 1.139 as Cyril saith, Vnde divinus Paulus, quod multi quidem 〈…〉〈…〉 coel•• et in terra ni•• sunt, sed p••tius n••minantur; Whereupon divine Paul saith, that there are many which are not indeed gods in heaven and in earth, but are so called. 2. Therefore by the name of gods, here is understood the Prince or Magistrate: as Cyrill•••••• expoundeth, Vt manifestam faceret dicti vim, subj••ngit stati••••▪* 1.140 That he might make manifest the sense of the word, he addeth presently, Neither speake evill of the Ruler of the people. Likewise Gregorie interpreteth, Per dons, sublimes & sapicu••es viri intelliguntur, &c. By gods, high and wise men are understood▪* 1.141 as the Lord saith, he had made Moses, Pharaohs god.

So Constantine, when accusations were brought in against the Bishops, called them together, and burned before their face the libels of accusation, thus saying unto them: Yee are gods, non dignum est ut nos ju∣dicemus deos: it is not meet that wee should judge the gods. 3. So our blessed Saviour expounded that place of the 82. Psalme, I said yee are gods, hee calleth them gods, to whom the word of God was▪ Iob. 10.34. Which is not to bee understood, (as Calvin well interpreteth) of the generall doctrine which is directed to all the sonnes of God, sed de speciali dominandi mandato, of the speciall charge of government. 4. By gods then here, and Rulers, are understood both Ecclesiasticall and Civill governours, as Saint Paul ex∣poundeth it, Act. 23. Iun. Gregorie applieth it only to Ecclesiasticall Governours:* 1.142 but it comprehendeth also the Civill Rulers, as appeareth, Psal. 82.1. 5. They are called gods, Tanquam imagines existentes ejus, &c. Because they are as the image of him which is both the Son and God, Cyril. Quod ad universorum Iudi∣cis imitationem▪ judicia illis credita sunt; Because judgement is committed unto them, wherein they imitate the universall Judge of all, Theodoret. Iniis relucet Majestas Dei, cujus vicem & nomen ger••••t; The Majestie of God shineth in them, in whose stead they are, and whose name they beare, Gallas. And so the Apostle calleth them the Ministers of God, Rom. 13. And they are so called, Ne quid admittant quod ••os dedeceat, qui loco Dei sedent, &c. That they should commit no thing unbeseeming them, seeing they sit in Gods place, Lippoman. Dei personam sustinent, tanquam legati & vicari••; They sustaine the person of God, as his embassadors, and vicegerents, Calvin.

QUEST. LI. Why the Magistrate is not to be reviled, and with what limitation this law is to bee understood.

THou shalt not raile. 1. The word, callal, here used, signifieth properly to set at nought, or esteeme light by, and consequently to revile, because men contemne and despise those whom they speake evill of, Oleaster. They are then forbidden, first, to contemne or despise the Magistrates, then to speake evill of them. 2. And two things they are here warned of, not in secret to detract from them, nor openly to raile on them, Tostat. quaest. 16. Neither in absentia, velcoram, in their absence, or to their face, Cajetan. 2. And specially this law intendeth to restraine their insolencie, that are readie to speake evil of Magistrates▪ if they judge not according to their humour: and especially, malefactors are given to ••aile upon the Judge, when they are punished justly, Lyran. 3. They being then in Gods place, are to bee reverenced, and had in honor: because injurie cannot be done unto them, Quin simul Deo inferatur; But it must likewise be offered unto God, in whose place they are, Marbach. And hee that curseth them, in a manner curseth himselfe; because the Magistrate is the head of the people, whereof he is a member, or part, Lyran. 4. But though Magistrates must bee honored, they are not to bee adored: Prohibiti sunt maledici, non jussi sunt sacrificiis honorari, &c. Though they are forbidden to be evill spoken of, they are not bidden to be hono∣red with sacrifices, or any such adoration, August. quaest. 86. in Exod. 5. And although they are not to bee rayled upon, yet neither are they to be flattered in their sin: we must not thinke, Honorem, quo praediti sunt, esse vitiorum integumentum, That the honor which is yeelded unto them, is a veile or covering of their sin,* 1.143 Calvine. Dei nomen etiamsi falso quibusdam imponatur, &c. The name of God, though it bee given falsely unto some Magistrates, yet is to bee honored, Cyril. 6. But so farre are Magistrates to bee honored, and those terrene gods to bee admired, as they command nothing against the great God of heaven: Praepositis obediendum vice Dei, sed non contra Deum; We must obey them in Gods stead, but not against God, Lip∣poman. 7. As Princes are not to bee reviled, so yet they may bee soberly and discreetly admonished▪ not taunted, or checked, or malepertly rebuked. Augustus was wont to say, In libera civitate liberas esse lin∣guas oportere; That in a free city tongues ought to be free: But herein the lenitie of those Christian Em∣perours Theodosius, Honorius, Arcadius, was admirable, who would have them subject to no punishment which spake evill of them: for (say they) Si ex levitate profectum est, contemnendum: si ex insanla, misera∣tione dignissimum; si ab injuria, remittendum; If it come of lightnesse, it was to be contemned; if of mad∣nesse, to bee pitied; if of wrong, to bee remitted, Gallas. 8. There is here no punishment set for him that should raile on the Magistrate: but seeing he that railed on his father and mother was to die for it, chap. 21.17. much more worthie of death was he which should curse the Prince, the father of the coun∣trie, Simler.

QUEST. LII. Whether S. Paul transgressed this law, Act. 23. when hee called the high Priest painted wall: and whether in deed he did it of ignorance.

BUt here by the way somewhat would be added, concerning S. Pauls fact, in calling Ananias the high Priest, painted wall; and afterward being told that he reviled Gods high Priest, he excused himselfe by his ignorance, alleaging this text, Act. 23.4, 5. 1. Some here answer, that where he saith, God shall smite thee thou white or painted wall, that it was no imprecation, but a prediction, that God would pu∣nish him, Genevens. And in saying, I knew not that he was the high Priest, his meaning is, Non se atten∣dere debuisse quis ipse sit, &c. That he was not to regard what he was, but what the Lord commanded him, Marbach. But if S. Paul had knowne him to be the high Priest, and yet had spoken evill of him, he had alleaged a text against himselfe: neither can any extraordinarie motion or instinct of the spirit be preten∣ded, in stirring him up to doe an act against the law, for God is not contrarie to himselfe. 2. Some thinke that Paul speaketh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it were in mockage, hee did see nothing in him worthie of the Priesthood, and therefore did not acknowledge him to bee the high Priest, Calvine, Gallas. Or because the Priest∣hood was now determined, and abolished in Christ, that hee did usurpe upon an office that belon∣ged not unto him. But this cannot stand neither: for if S. Paul had knowne him to bee the high Priest,

though hee were an usurper, or unworthie that place, yet occupying that roome and place, hee would have reverenced him for his place sake, for even evill Magistrates are not to bee deprived of that honor which belongeth to their office: as S. Paul said to Festus, who had objected, Too much learning maketh thee mad, I am not mad, O noble Festus: he giveth him his title of honour, though he were a partial Judge. And Cyprian to this purpose saith,* 1.144 Quamvis in falsis & spoliatis Sacerdotibus, umbram tamen ipsam ina••era Sacerdotalis nominis cogitans, dixit, &c. Although in false Priests now spoiled, (and robbed of their place) yet he considering the vaine shadow of the verie Priests name, said, I know not brethren, &c. Hee saith that Paul reverenced the very shadow and shew of the Priestly authoritie in them. 3. Some thinke, that Paul reverenced his place, knowing him to bee the high Priest, but taunted his person. But Paul could not have reverenced the place and Priesthood, but hee must needs also have given some honour to the man, qui illo praeditus erat, which bare that place and office, Calvine. 3. Procopius his opinion is this, Paulus seipsum reprehendit, & colligit, cum liberi••s invectus fuisset in summuni Pontificem, Paul doth reprehend and reco∣ver himselfe, having too freely inveighed against the high Priest. But S. Paul in this place railed not at all, for then he had offended against his owne doctrine, Ephes. 4.29. Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouthes. Though S. Paul had not knowne him to be the high Priest: yet hee was not to revile, nor speak evill of any. 5. Iunius opinion is, that Paul was utterly ignorant indeed that hee was the high Priest,* 1.145 because he was a stranger, and the high Priest was not discerned by his priestly apparell, but when he went into the Temple. Iunius further seemeth to thinke, that Paul did not know him so much as to be a Judge: for the Tribune, or Captaine of the souldiers, was the chiefe in that assemblie, and the rest stood by on their feet. 6. But it appeareth that Paul knew him to sit as Judge, as hee saith, Thou sittest to judge me according to the law, &c. But in the rest I subscribe unto his judgement, that Paul, non ironicè loqui∣tur, sed simpliciter, spake not ironically, but simplie and plainely, that he knew him not to be high Priest; and yet hee confesseth no error, for hee railed not at all: Nam longe differt justa reprehensio à maledicta, A just reprehension farre differeth from rayling, Gallas. There are then two parts of Pauls answer: for as they objected two things, that he railed, and that upon the high Priest; so he answereth to the latter part, ex∣cusing it by his ignorance, that hee knew him not to bee the high Priest: to the other hee also maketh answer out of his judgement and knowledge, denying that hee had railed: for hee knew well enough by the law, that no ruler of the people ought to bee railed upon: therefore S. Paul knowing him to si•• as a Judge, though hee was utterly ignorant that he was the high Priest, had sinned against his owne knowledge,* 1.146 if hee had railed upon him. So indeed, as Cyprian saith, Nihil contumeliose locutus est ad∣versus sacerdotem, Hee spake nothing contumeliously against the high Priest, &c.

QUEST. LIII. What is understood here by abundance and licour.

Vers. 29. THine abundance, or plentie, and thy licour. The Hebrew word signifieth teares. 1. Some by the word melea, fulnesse, understand wine, because it floweth abundantly: by the other word dimah, teares, oyle, because it is pressed forth by drops like unto teares, Vatablus. But in this sense the principall part of their fruits and increase should have beene omitted, namely their corne and other dry fruits. 2. Some by fulnesse understand the plentifull yeere; by teares the barren yeere: signif••ing that even then when they had the least increase, they should remember to pay their first fruits and oblations, Cajetane. But this seemeth too curious. 3. Calvine will have plenitudinem, fulnesse, taken pro genere, in generall for all kinde of increase: and teares to be referred to one speciall kinde, namely the licour. 4. But D. Kimhi his exposition is more currant, and R. Salomon agreeth with him, whom Lyranus and Iunius follow: that by fulnesse wee are to understand the ripe drie fruits, and by teares the licour and moist fruits. And so the sense is perfect, comprehending all kinde of fruit that reneweth and increaseth. 5. The vulgar Latine readeth, primitias & decimas, &c. Thy first fruits and thy tithes thou shalt not defer to pay. But the sense is rather given than the words: for in the originall there is no mention either of tithes, or first fruits. The Chalde referreth it only to the first fruits of corne and wine, and the Septuagint likewise, so also Iunius. But it may generally be understood both of their first fruits and their tithes, because they were to offer both: and the words are generall, Thine abundance and thy licour thou shalt not keepe backe, Oleaster. 6. They must not deferre the offering of such things, Non diff••ratur debit•• pars in alterum annum, The part which was due should not be put off till another yeere, Cajetane: but they should give willingly, readily, and with a cheerefull minde.

QUEST. LIV. Of the difference of first fruits and tithes.

FIrst fruits and tithes, which were offered by the people under the old law, divers waies differed: 1. In respect of the end and use:* 1.147 first fruits were offered, ex speciali causa, in recognitionem divini benefic••i, of a speciall cause, for the recognition or acknowledging of the divine benefit: as confessing that they receive all from the hands of God. As the people are taught in what manner they should offer their first fruits, when they were come into the land of Canaan, Deut. 26.10. And now loe I have brought the first fruits of the land which thou, O Lord, hast given mee. But the tithes were given to the Levites for their maintenance for their service in the Tabernacle, Numb. 18.21. 2. The first fruits were a kinde of oblation, because they were offered unto God. Sacrifices and oblations were thus distinguished: Sacri∣fices were they, quando circa res Deo oblatas aliquid fit, when somewhat was done about those things which were offered unto God: as when the beasts sacrificed were killed: but that was said properly to be an oblation,* 1.148 when any thing was offered, etiamsi nihil circa ipsum fiat, although nothing be done unto it, beside the bare oblation: as when they offered bread or wine. Now first fruits were as an oblation

presented and offered unto God: but tithes were not properly oblations, quia non immediate Deo, sed mi∣nistris divini cultus exhibentur, &c. Because they are not immediatly yeelded unto God, but unto the mi∣nisters of the divine worship. 3. The first fruits were due onely to Aaron, and his sonnes the Priest, Numb. 18.13, 14. the tithes belonged unto the Levites, ibid. vers. 21. 4. The quantitie of the tithes was set and determined, which were the just tenth part: Sed primitiva non erant speciali numero definita: The first fruits were not defined of what special number they should be, but were left to the discretion of the offerer. Yet the Hebrewes have a certaine tradition, that they should not exceed the 40. part, nor be under the 60. part; as they doe gather thus: They were commanded in the offering of their first fruits to give unto their Priests the sixt part of an Epha or Bath which contained three bushels,* 1.149 for the Ephah was the tenth part of the Chomer, which contained thirtie bushels: the sixt part of the Epha being about halfe a bushell, was just the 60. part of the Chomer, So Hierome.

QUEST. LV. Of the divers kinds of tithe.

NOw there were divers kinds of tithes, as they are thus observed by Hierome: 1. There was the tenth of all their increase, which was due unto the tribe of Levi from all the rest of the tribes, Numb. 18.21. 2. The Levites out of their tenths offered a tenth as an heave offering unto God, which was given to Aa∣ron, and the rests of the Priests, Numb. 18.28. and this was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the second tenth. 3. There was another tithe, which every one divided and set a part in his barne, to eat when they went up to Je∣rusalem, wherewith they made merrie both they and their houshold, and invited the Priests and Levits thereunto: this tenth part, if the way were too long, they might turne into money, and bestow it as they thought good when they came to Jerusalem, Deut. 14. vers. 23, 24. 4. There was beside all these a fourth kinde of tithe, qua•• pauperibus recondebant, &c. which they laid up for the poore: they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the poores tithe: these tithes were laid up every three yeares, and they were for the poore Le∣vites, for the stranger, fatherlesse and widow, Deut. 14.26. Hierom. ibid.

QUEST. LVI. Reasons why tithes ought to be payed.

THou shalt not keepe backe, or deferre to give. 1. Si tardius dare peccatum est, quanto magis non dedisse? If to be slacke in giving be a sinne, much more not to give at all, Augustin. 2. Tithes therefore are to be rendred, thereby to acknowledge God to be the giver and author of all good things which we receive: Consideret quia omnia Dei sunt, per quae vivit, sive terra, sive slumina, sive semina; Let man consider that all is Gods, whereby he liveth, whether it be the earth, the flouds, or seed,* 1.150 Augustin. ibid. So also Tosta∣tus. By giving first fruits and tithes of all things, Protestamur Deum esse qui ista nutriverit, &c. We pro∣fesse that it is God who hath nourished the fruits of the earth, by giving raine in due season, quaest. 18.3. Decimae sunt tributa ••gentium animarum: redde ergo tributa pauperibus, offer libamina Sacerdotibus, &c. Tithes are the tributes of hungrie and penurious soules: render therefore the tribute to the poore, bring offrings unto the Priests, Augustin. Tithes are given for the maintenance and sustentation of the Mi∣nisters of Gods service: which if they be withdrawne, the Ministers of God should be pinched with want, and so the service of God be neglected. 4. Another reason is taken from the equitie, and easinesse of this precept, that whereas God, in regard that all commeth from him, might have required nine parts, and given to the owner the tenth, because all is his; the ground, the raine, the seed, the sunne: yet hee hath dealt most liberally in contenting himselfe, onely to receive the tenth: Quid faceres, si novem partibus sibi sumptis, decimam tibi reliquisset? What wouldest thou have done, if he had taken nine parts to himselfe, and left onely the tenth for thee? 5. Further, the paying of the tenth, as God hath appointed, is a meanes to procure Gods blessing: as Exod. 30.12. Every one shall give a redemption of his life, &c. that there be no plague among them, &c. Non solu•••• abundantiam fructuum recipies, sed etiam sanitatem corporis conse∣queris, &c. Thou shalt not onely receive abundance of increase, but health also of bodie, &c. Quare per ava∣ritiam duplici te benedictione fraudas: Wherefore thou by thy covetousnesse doest defraud thy selfe of a double benefit, August. ibid. 6. The withholding of tithes and duties commanded by God, is a meanes to procure Gods curse upon the earth: as the Lord saith by his Prophet, I will send a curse upon you, and will curse your blessings, &c. Behold, I will corrupt your seed, and cast dung upon your faces, &c. and yee shall know that I have sent this commandement unto you,* 1.151 that my covenant which I made with Levi might stand, &c. Upon which words Hierome thus writeth, Quia mihi non reddidistis decimas & primitias, ideo in penuria & fame maledicti estis: Because ye have not rendred unto me tithes and first fruits,* 1.152 there∣fore are ye cursed with penurie and famine. Augustine also, Si tu illi decimam non dederis, ut tu ad deci∣mam revoceris, &c. This is just with God, that if thou pay not the tenth, thou shalt thy selfe be brought to the tenth, &c. Novem tibi partes retractae sunt, quia decimam dare noluisti, &c. Nine parts are taken from thee, because thou wouldest not pay the tenth: Dabis impio militi, quod non vis dare sacerdoti, &c. Thou shalt give to the wicked souldier, that which thou wilt not give to the devout Priest, &c. That is, either by unseasonable weather, or by the invasion or spoile of the enemie, or by some meanes or other thou shalt lose thy wonted increase.

QUEST. LVII. Whether this law be understood of the redemption of the first borne, or of their consecration to Gods service.

Vers. 30. THe first borne of thy sonnes shalt thou give me. 1. Osiander, with some others, understandeth this of redeeming the first borne with money, as before, chap. 13.13. they are bid to buy out

their first borne. But if this law intended the redemption of the first borne onely, then it had beene law∣full for them presently to redeeme their first borne: but so was it not, for then there should have beene no Ministers for the service of God: for the Levites came not into the place of the first borne untill the second yeare, the first moneth of their departure out of Egypt: therefore untill that time the first borne were not to be redeemed: but after this law published, which was in the third moneth of the first yeare, not long after the Morall law was delivered, the first borne sacrificed still, chap. 24.5. and therefore were not as yet redeemed. 2. Therefore the law of redeeming the first borne is not here onely insinuated, but that they should be also consecrate unto the service of God: Non intelligitur lex de redemptione primo ge∣nitorum, sed de applicatione ad Deum: The law is not understood of the redemption of the first borne, but of their applying unto the service of God, untill the separation and division of the Leviticall tribe, and then to be redeemed with money. So by this law is confirmed that ancient custome which of a long time continued among the people of God, that the first borne should be the Priests and sacrificers. Though in the first age of the world this distinction was not brought in, but they indifferently sacrificed, as well the first borne as others, as we reade of Caine and Abel, Tostat. quaest. 18. 3. This law of the first borne is more at large set forth, chap. 13. but here repeated, ut hominum socordiam excuteret, &c. to shake off their drowsinesse and negligence, and to stirre them up to a diligent observation▪ of the law, Gallas. And now by a solemne law, that is enacted which was given onely in precept before, Simler. 4. Au∣gustins distinction may here bee received, betweene 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the first borne, which are understood to have beene either of men or beasts 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.153 the first fruits of their grounds, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were the first of the fruits, sed jam redactis de agro, but now brought out of the field: as of their dow, flower, and such like.

QUEST. LVIII. Why the first borne of cattell were not to be offred before the eighth day.

Vers. 30. SEven dayes shall it be with his damme. 1. Whereas it is said before, Likewise shalt thou doe with thine oxen, &c. R. Salomon thinketh that as the first borne of men were not to be redeemed till after 30. dayes, at the time of the purification: so the first borne of the oxen should be kept 30. dayes with the owner, and of sheepe 50. dayes, before they were offred unto God: And this terme of seven dayes is not limited (saith he) for the first borne, but for other sacrifices which the Priests should not offer before the eighth day. Contra. But this word likewise, onely signifieth that they should offer the first borne of their cattell, as before it is said of their sonnes: it cannot have any such reference to any such terme, because there was none mentioned before: and why was not the terme of eight dayes as well to hold in the oblation of the first borne as in other sacrifices? 2. Oleaster is of a contrarie opinion, that these eight dayes are limited as well for the first borne of men as of cattell. But it is unlike and without all probabili∣tie, that the first borne of children should be taken from their mothers upon the eighth day. 3. Therefore this precept concerneth onely the first borne of cattell, that because they were weake and of an imperfect substance, till the eighth day they should not offer that, cujus nullus usus inter homines, whereof there was no use among men, Gallas. 4. It was not necessarie that precisely upon the eighth day it should be offred unto God: but that not before the eighth day, at any time after the eighth day it might, Tostat. quaest. 18. 5. As in the offring of the first fruits, the law provideth they should use no delay, nor bee slacke to pay them, because it might bee an advantage to the owner: so here order is taken that they should not make too great haste in offring the first borne of their cattell, to be rid of them the sooner, Simler.

QUEST. LIX. Of the meaning of this law, whether it were mysticall, morall, or historicall.

1. SOme thinke that the eighth day is prescribed for the oblation of their first borne, because that day was appointed also for circumcision, Calvin. 2. Some, to prefigure the institution of the Lords day, which should succeed the legall Sabbath upon the eighth day, Pelarg. 3. Rabanus maketh this mysticall application; that as the first borne was kept seven dayes with the damme, and presented the eighth: so oportet nos in praesenti tempore, &c. honorum operum primogenita elaborare, &c. so we should in this present time of the world labour out the first borne of our good works, untill we shall bee presented at the resurrection, which is as it were the eighth day, before the tribunall of Christ. 4. Lippoman doth thus morally applie it: Nihil Deo offerendum, nisi integrum & perfectum: Nothing must be offered unto God, but that which is entire and perfect. 5. But the end and use onely was historicall: that the first borne should not bee presented unto God before the eighth day, because they were yet unfit for any service, Marbach. Quia talia animalia erant quasi abortiva, nondum plenae consistentiae propter teneritudinem: Be∣cause such yong beasts were yet but as abortive fruit,* 1.154 not well consisting or put together because of their tendernesse, Thomas.

QUEST. LX. Why they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts.

Vers. 31. NEither shall yee eat any flesh that is torne, &c. 1. As well that which was rent and torne of any beast, cleane or uncleane, as if it were goared of an oxe, was not to bee eaten, because the bloud was in it: as also that which was tasted before and eaten by any uncleane beast: as the Latine readeth, praegustata, if it were tasted before, because an uncleane beast had touched it, and so made it un∣cleane, Simler, Tostatus. 2. Not onely that part of the flesh which was so torne, but all the whole carcase was to be refused, Lyranus. Such were fowles and beasts taken in hawking or hunting, Tostatus. 3. And not onely that which was torne, and thereof died, but if it after lived, and were killed by themselves, yet because it was torne of beasts, it was uncleane: unlesse the beast so torne lived to recover that hurt, and

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and Anabaptists: for although the Lord had chosen Israel out of all the nations of the world, to bee an holy people to himselfe, yet he did foresee that many would depart from his law, and therefore appoin∣teth divers kinds of punishment for the offenders, Pelarg.

5. Places of controversie.

1. Confut. Against the Anabaptisticall communitie.

Vers. 1. IF any man steale an oxe, &c. he shall restore five oxen, &c. This law doth evidently convince the Anabaptists of error, who would bring in a communitie of goods: for if it were Gods will that all things should be common among men, then were it no sinne to steale, nay there could be no theft at all committed, seeing then no man could take any thing, wherein he had not as good an interest as another, Osta••d. Neither was this onely Moses law, that they should not steale; but the doctrine of the Gospell also forbiddeth all kinde of theft and stealing, Ephes. 4.28. Let him that stole, steale no more, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 labour, &c.

2. Confut. A theefe by his deserved death, doth not satisfie for the punishment of his sinne.

Vers. 2. IF hee bee smitten that he die. Lippoman speaking of the capitall punishment of theft: that al∣though it doe not satisfie for sinne before God, yet, expiat eo supplicio 〈◊〉〈◊〉 temporales, quan∣missa culpa, & reat•••• p••nae aeternae, re••anent ex••lvendae, &c. It doth expiate or redeeme those temporall paines, which after the fault pardoned, and the guilt of eternall death, remaine in Gods justice to bee paid, &c. Contra. This his assertion is grounded upon an error: for where God forgiveth sinne, he per∣fitly forgiveth both the sinne, and the punishment thereto belonging: As he saith by his Prophet, I will forgive their iniquitie, and remember their sinnes no more, Ierem. 31.34. But if there remaine any temporall punishment still after forgivenesse, then are the sinnes yet remembred, because they are punished. Indeed after remission obtained some chastisements remaine: But as Chrysostom well saith, God doth it, Non de peccato sumons supplicium,* 1.155 sed ad facuranos corrigens, not taking punishment for our sinne, but correcting us for our amendment afterward, &c. The theefe then by his death doth not satisfie before God, either for his sinne, or the punishment thereof temporall or eternall: but onely satisfieth the politike law, and giveth satisfaction unto men, by his evill example offended. His sinne, together with the punishment, is not otherwise pardoned, than by faith in Christ.

3. Confut. Against the Romanists, that abridge the power and libertie of the parents in marriage of their children.

Vers. 17. IF her Father refuse to give her, &c. This law giveth absolute power unto the father, to rati∣fie his daughters marriage by consenting unto it, or by dissenting to breake it off: which sheweth what injurie is offred unto this libertie and right of parents, by the practice of the Romish Church, quae conjugia sine ullo parentum consensu inita probet, which ratifieth marriages contracted, and be∣gun without consent of parents, Gallas. And Oleaster a writer of their owne hereupon inferreth thus, Est que hic non parvum argumentum ad probandum, &c. Here is no small argument to prove, that libertie unto marriage doth not altogether by the law of nature agree unto the same, nor yet to enter into re∣ligion, &c. But it is an ordinarie thing with the Romanists both to marrie children without consent of their parents, and to thrust them into Monasteries. See more hereof elsewhere.* 1.156

4. Confut. Against Idolatrie.

Vers. 20. HE that offreth unto any gods but unto the Lord onely, &c. This is an evident place to con∣vince all Idolaters of great impietie: for they in bowing and kneeling unto Idols, censing before them, and making their prayers looking toward them, doe apparently offer unto others, than unto God onely. Tostatus one of their owne, thus writeth upon this text, Non solum si immolet eis, sed etiam si faciat alia pertinentia ad cultum divinum,* 1.157 ut si flectat genua coram eis, &c. Not onely he which sacrificeth unto Idols, but doth other things belonging to the divine worship, as if he bow the knee before them, &c. was to be slaine. Cyprian hereof thus excellently writeth, Quid ante inepta simulachra & sigme••••taterr••nae captivum corpus incurvas?* 1.158 rectum te Deus fecit, &c. Why doest thou bow thy captive bodie before foo∣lish images and terrene fictions? God hath made thee upright, &c. looke up to heaven: Quid te in lapsum mortis cum Serpente, quem colis, sternis? What doest thou prostrate thy selfe with the Serpent, whom thou worshippest, into this deadly fall? &c. More hereof see elsewhere.

5. Confut. Against those which either hold tithes not to be due by the word of God, or challenge them by the ceremoniall law.

Vers. 29▪ THine abundance and thy li••••ur, &c. This may be understood as well of the tithes as first fruits which arise of the fruits and increase of the earth, whether they be drie or moist. Concer∣ning then the law of tithes, there was in the paiment thereof a treble right, Partim erat morale, it was partly morall and naturall, for that the people should allow necessarie maintenance unto those, qui divine cultu ad salutem populi ministrabant, which ministred for the salvation of the people in the divine wor∣ship, even naturall reason teacheth. As even among the Heathen the publike ministers were publikely maintained, as souldiers, and such like, whereupon the Apostle saith, Quie militat propriis stipendi••?

Who goeth a warfare of his owne charge? Partim erat judiciale, quantum ad determinationem decimae partis, &c. It was partly judiciall, in the determination of the tenth part: that whereas the tribe of Levi being the twelfth tribe, was consecrated to the service of the Tabernacle, who had no possessions, as the other tribes; it was thought reasonable that the other eleven tribes should give unto them the tenth part of their fruits and increase, that there might be some equalitie: that although the tribe of Levi were not the full tenth part of Israel, yet the tenth of the profits was granted unto them, ut honorabilius viverent, that they might be maintained more honourably: & quia aliqui per negligentiam transgressores futuri erant, and to make amends for them which should transgresse herein of negligence. So Thomas.* 1.159 There was beside a ceremoniall respect in the paiment of tithes, because they were then due for the ceremoniall service, and externall sacrifice of the Tabernacle: and in respect of the necessitie of the law of tithes, that the Levites were to be maintained thereby, and by no other meanes or way. In both which respects the law of tithes touching the ceremonie, is not in force now, nor yet as it was a judiciall constitution: but in respect of the equitie thereof and morall part, it ought still to remaine. Here then we dissent first from them which thinke the law of tithes was altogether a ceremonie, and so bindeth not now: which seemeth to be the opinion of Gallasius: Non jubemur jam fruges, &c. pastoribus pro munere offere: Wee are not commanded now to offer our fruits to the Pastors for a gift, &c. for this is contrarie to the Apostle, Ga∣lath. 6.6. Let him that is taught in the word make him that hath taught him partaker of all his goods. If of all his goods, how is he not to yeeld unto him of his very fruits and increase?

Secondly, the opinion of the Rhemists is likewise to be refused, which hold the paiment of the very tenth a naturall dutie, and so not to be altered: for if this were so, it were not lawfull by any other meanes equivalent to tithes, by contribution or otherwise to provide for the maintenance of the Ministers: for being a naturall dutie it ought not to bee changed. But in S. Pauls time the Pastors and Churches were provided for otherwise than by tithes, as by liberall benevolence and contribution, for the which he com∣mendeth the Macedonians for their bountie that wayes, 2 Cor. 8.2.

The Rhemists also have another assertion: that tithes are due to the Priesthood of the new Testament: whereas they are not now challenged in the right or respect of any externall sacrifice,* 1.160 or sacrificing Priest∣hood, which hath no institution in the new Testament, which acknowledgeth Christ onely a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech; but in regard of the word preached, and other ministeriall duties and sowing of spirituall things, 1 Cor. 9.11.

Thirdly, the opinion of the Canonists, that the tithes are precisely due, jure divino, by the divine law, is confuted by Bellarmine: for then all those Churches should transgresse God•• ordinance, which have brought in any other ordinance (so it be equivalent to tithes) for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospell, otherwise than by tithes.

Fourthly, neither yet can I altogether subscribe unto the opinion of Thomas, that saith, Determinatio decimae partis est solvenda authoritate Ecclesiae: That the determinate tenth part is now in the time of the new law paiable by the authoritie of the Church, &c. But it may safely be affirmed, that tithes are due jure divino, by the divine law, and by the word of God, and not onely commanded by the constitution of the Church: first, negative, negatively tithes are so due simply and absolutely: that is, that none have right unto tithes but the Pastors and Ministers of the Gospell: but what is once consecrated truly to reli∣gious uses, ought so to continue. Secondly, affirmatively also this assertion is true: though primaria, now directly and precisely the tenth part is not now exacted by the law of the Gospell: yet secundaria, &c. ex consequenti, secondarily and by good consequent, tithes are now due by the word of God, not onely in generall that Ministers should bee maintained, but in regard of that particular proportion of the tenth at the least: for the liberall and sufficient maintenance of the spirituall Ministers, is grounded upon the law of God and nature: and who can be a better Judge of this sufficiencie than God himselfe? who first in his wisdome did set this proportion of the tenth, in the fittest allowance for his Ministers: so that whoso∣ever should innovate this orde•• as thinking some other course to be more convenient, should seeme there∣in to make himselfe wiser than God. But for the further discussing of this matter,* 1.161 I likewise referre the Reader to the former place.

6. Controv. Of the Lenten fast.

ANd because mention is here made of tenths, I will adde one word of that curious observation which Lippoman hath out of the collections of the Fathers, concerning the Lenten fast, which they would have warranted by this law of tithes: because the whole yeare consisting of 365. dayes, the full tenth here∣of ariseth to 36. dayes, the time of the Lenten fast. So also Bellarmine maketh this one of the reasons of their Lenten fast.* 1.162

Contra 1. But this account agreeth not with the time of Lent, which continueth six weeks full, and foure dayes, beginning at Ash wednesday, which is the first day of Lent, which in all make 46. dayes: if they abate the Lords dayes for the six weeks, there yet remaine 40. dayes: if they will have the saturdayes also abated, there will bee then but 34. dayes left: so no wayes can they make these accounts to agree. 2. They would shew themselves herein wiser than God, who did appoint his holy dayes by sevens, not by tennes▪ 3. The Lenten fast then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 now observed, not as a spirituall tenth of time in respect of any religious use, but as a politicall i••••erdiction and time of restraint for the good of the Com∣mon-wealth.

7. Controv. Against free will in good works.

Vers. 29. THe first borne of thy sonnes, &c. Isidore hath here a good observation: Spiritualiter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 principia honorum operum ostendunt, &c. Spiritually the first borne doe shew the begin∣ning of good works: by this the Lord sheweth, bon•••• voluntatem, &c. ad ipsius gratiam pertinere, that a good will which goeth before the worke belongeth unto his grace: against the Pelagians, who ascribe the beginning of good works to their owne free will.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. To be faithfull in the graces and gifts of the spirit committed to us.

Vers. 7. IF a man deliver to his neighbour money, or stuffe to keepe, &c. As God would have his people to be faithfull in keeping, and restoring such things as were committed to their trust, so much more should we shew our faithfulnesse in these things, quae ipse apud nos deponit, which he committeth unto our trust and credence, as in using well to his glorie the gifts and graces which we have received, as S. Paul saith to Timothie, That worthie thing which was committed unto thee, keepe through the holy Ghost, 2 Tim. 1.14. Marbach. This also may be applied unto that care and faithfulnesse which Pastors ought to shew in diligent feeding of the Lords flocke committed unto them, Simler.

2. Observ. Experience of misery causeth us to pittie the miserable.

Vers. 21. FOr ye were strangers. Optima pietatis magistra, experta indigentia, &c. Our owne experience of want and necessitie, is the best instructer and teacher of mercie, Oleaster. They then which have beene in miserie themselves, and know not how to pitie others in the like case, shew themselves to be of a vile nature, and of an hard and cruell disposition: the Scripture saith of Christ himselfe, In that hee suffred, and was tempted, he is able to succour them that are tempted, Heb. 2.18.

3. Observ. Against cruell Creditors that keepe their debtors in prison.

Vers. 27. FOr it is his covering onely. If the law judge it a cruell thing, to take a mans covering for a pledge which should keepe him from the cold of the night: how much doth their crueltie exceed, which cast their poore debtors into prison, there to lie in cold iron, naked and hungrie without comfort, Simler. Which hard dealing is reproved in the parable, in him that cast his fellow servant in prison for debt, not to come out thence till he had paid it, Matth. 18.30.

CHAP. XXIII.

1. The Method and Argument.

THere are two parts of this Chapter. 1. Certaine lawes are propounded: first, Civill, to vers. 10. then Ecclesiasticall, from thence to vers. 19. 2. Then followeth a generall exhortation to obedience to Gods Commandements, thence to the end of the Chapter. The Civill lawes are of two sorts, either generall, concerning all sorts of men, to vers. 6. or speciall, touching the office of Judges, vers. 6. to 10. The generall likewise are either of particular politicke duties, namely these foure: 1. Not to re∣ceive a false rumour. 2. Not to be a false witnesse. 3. Not to follow a multitude to pervert the truth. 4. Not to be partiall in an unjust commiseration toward the poore in his cause, vers. 3. either of the generall duties of charitie, as what is to be done toward ones enemies oxe or asse, being found going astray, or lying under his burthen, vers. 4, 5.

The speciall lawes concerning a Judge, are these: 1. Not to overthrow a poore mans right, vers. 6. 2. Not to heare a false matter. 3. Not to condemne the innocent, vers. 7. 4. Not to receive rewards, vers. 8. nor to oppresse strangers, vers. 9.

The Ecclesiasticall lawes follow of two sorts. 1. Concerning the festivall times: 1. Of the yeare of rest, vers. 10▪ 1. 2. Of the day of rest, vers. 12. 3. Of the three feasts of the yeare, to vers. 17. 2. Then follow certaine lawes belonging to the service of God: 1. Of their appearing before God: 2. Of leavened bread: 3. Of the fat of the sacrifices: 4. Of the first fruits: 5. Of not ••••••thing the kid in the dammes milke, to vers. 19.

The second part containeth an exhortation to obedience. 1. Concerning their state present, that they should be obedient to the Angell which conducted them, which was Christ Jesus, with two reasons there∣of: 1. From the feare of those judgements, and revenge which the Angell should otherwise take of them, vers▪ 21. 2. From the benefits, which he should procure for them, if they did obey, vers. 22.23.

2. Then he sheweth how they should walke in the service of God afterward, when they were come in∣to the land of Canaan; and root out all Idolatrie, vers. 24. which exhortation is strengthened with divers promises: 1. Of plentie: 2. Of health: 3. Of fruitfull 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. Of the casting out of their enemies before them, with the meanes whereby, vers. 28. and the manner how, by little and little, vers. 29, 30. 5. Of the dilating of their borders, vers. 31. with removing two impediments thereof, the making of covenant with the Canaanites, and suffering of them to dwell among them.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 1. Thou shalt not carrie a false report. I.A. better than, thou shalt not receive. L.S.V.G.P.G. nasha,* 1.163 signifieth the first rather here, because in that sense, as well the author as reporter of a false tale is here re∣proved: as, Thou shalt not have to doe with any false report. B.

Vers. 2. Thou shalt not follow the mightie. I. So Oleaster: better than, the many or the multitude.* 1.164 B. G. cum caeter. rabbius, signifieth both the mightie, and many: the first rather, because of the opposite part in the next verse, dal, the poore, which is set against the mightie.

Vers. 5. Thou shalt put it downe with it. I. better than, wilt thou leave it with him?* 1.165 V. A. with an inter∣rogation: for lawes use not to be set forth interrogatively: or thou shalt helpe him up with it. B. G. cum c••ter. the word ghazab, signifieth to leave, lay aside, not to helpe: so also Oleaster. See the question fol∣lowing upon this verse.

Vers. 8. Gifts blind the seeing. B.V.A.P.I.S. better than, the wise. L.C.G. the word is, pikechim,* 1.166 the seeing, that is, the wise; that is the sense, but not the interpretation.

Vers. 24. Thou shalt not bow thee downe to their gods. I. A. P. better than, bow downe to, &c.* 1.167 for the verbe is in hithpael, or than, thou shalt not worship their gods, or idols. V.L. cum cater. for shacah, signifieth to bow downe, and the preposition, ••. lamed, signifieth to.

3. Questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Of raysing or reporting false tales.

Vers. 1. THou shalt not report a false tale. 1. Some doe read, Thou shalt not receive, because the word nasha, doth as well signifie to beare and sustaine, as raise and lift up. So read the Chalde, Septuagint, Latine, with others: Oleaster, Lyranus. Calvin also and Simlerus, doe preferre this sense. But it is better translated, Thou shalt not raise a false tale, Iun. As the like law is given, Levit. 19.16. Thou shalt not walke about with tales: and this generally comprehendeth, as well the first author of a false report, as the bearer and carier: and so Lippoman also interpreteth well, Non si•• author falsi rumeris, aut fingas in cerdo, &c. Be not the author of a false report, or faine it in thine heart, &c. 2. Some doe referre it to the person of the Judge; that he should not punish any, because of an evill report spread of him, Osi∣ander. Or, Vt non audiatur una pars in absentia alterius, &c. That one part should not be heard in the absence of another: for commonly then many tales are devised, Lyran. Or, that the Judge should not give care to the accuser, before he have heard the partie accused also, Borrh. Or, this some make to be the mea∣ning, Non suscipias vocem testium, quos scis mentiri; Receive not the voice of witnesses, whom thou knowest to lie, Tostat. quaest. 1. But it is better generally understood of all, as well private men as Judges: Vetat fal∣sum rumorem de ullo homine, vel spargi, vel admitti; It forbiddeth any false rumour to be spread of any, or admitted, Gallas. Praecipue tamen. lex haec ad judicia pertinet, And yet principally this law belongeth to judgements, Simler. because false reports may there doe most harme: yet because it is also a fault in pri∣vate men, to raise false reports, and to be too credulous to beleeve them, it is better here to retaine a ge∣nerall sense.

QUEST. II. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse.

NEither shalt put thy hand with the wicked to be a false witnesse. 1. Calvins joyneth this to the former clause, and saith, they are here understood to be false witnesses, qui proximos traducunt, which joyne their hand with the wicked in traducing of their neighbours. So also Oleaster. But the manner of the phrase here used, of putting to the hand, that is, of binding and combining themselves, importeth a greater matter, than onely in carying or spreading of a false report. 2. Some referring this law unto publike testi∣monie in judgement, understand it of the person of the Judge, that he should not be a meane to procure false witnesses: as the Elders of the Citie, to whom Iez••bel sent, did against Naboth, R. Salomon, Mar∣bach. But the words, In being a false witnesse, (which is more than procuring) will not beare that sense. 3. Some by putting to the hand, understand, thou shalt not sweare, to be a false witnesse, because they used to lift up their hand, when they did sweare, Lyran. Tostat. But this doth make the sense too particular: for what if he doe not sweare, but onely promise or give his hand to be a false witnesse? it is directly against this law: therefore, by putting the hand, is signified hee shall not aid or assist him, he shall not consociate himselfe, vel conferre operam, or promise his helpe, or consent unto evill, Iun. 4. And withall, here is for∣bidden that wicked confederacie and mutuall ayding one of another in bearing false witnesse: as it is a common practice, Da mihi mutuum testimonium, Witnesse for me, and I will bee witnesse for thee, Gallas. 5. And two things are forbidden: Non adjuvabis causam improbi falso testimonio, &c. Thou shalt not helpe the cause of the wicked by a false testimonie, not make a covenant with him, to doe it for him, Lippoma••.

QUEST. III. How great a sinne it is to be a false witnesse.

Vers. 2. TO be a false witnesse. 1. Falsum testimonium habet tripliceus deformitatem▪ A false testimonie hath: a threefold deformitie: ex perjurie, first by perjurie, because witnesses are not admitted but upon their oath: ali•• 〈…〉〈…〉 justitiae, another way by violating of justice: tertio ex ipsa fal∣••tate, thirdly by the falsenesse of his testimonie, Thomas.* 1.168 These three evils and mischiefes then do accom∣panie

a false witnesse, perjurie, injustice, falsenesse and lying. 2. And in three other respects, is this sinne of false witnesse bearing, odious and abominable: 1. In respect of the author thereof, who is the divell, for when he telleth a lie he speaketh of his owne. 2. The inconveniences are great which ensue, the per∣verting of justice, and the condemning of the innocent. 3. There is also, nominis divini contaminatio, the polluting and prophaning of the name of God, Borrh.

QUEST. IV. Whether in this law we are to understand the mightie, or the many.

Vers. 2. THou shalt not follow the mightie. 1. The most doe read, many, or, the multitude, as before is shewed in the divers readings: and they make two parts of this law, the first to concerne all in ••enerall, that they shall not follow a multitude to doe evill: the second, Judges in particular, not to fol∣••ow a multitude in judgement, Cajetan, Oleaster. Whether it be to respect the multitude of the parties ••riends, that sentence is to be given upon, Marbach. or the multitude of Judges, that consent in a wrong judgement, Simler. And then the meaning is, that in neither case a multitude is to be followed: si ••it manifestè iniquum vel falsum, if it be manifestly false or unjust which the multitude holdeth: for if it be manifeste verum, either manifestly true, vel dubium, or doubtfull, which many doe affirme, one must not of singularitie depart from their judgement, Tostat. quaest. 2.

2. Some in the former clause interpret, rabbim, many, Thou shalt not follow many to doe evill: but in the other branch of the law, they understand it not of the quantitie and number, but of the qualitie, neither decline after the mightie, &c. that is, where there are many Judges to give sentence, the inferiour should not be overruled by the opinion of the Superiour Judges and mightie: and therefore among the Jewes this wise course was used, in giving of sentence in the assemblie of Judges, that the punies and inferiour Judges should deliver their opinion first, lest if the greatest began, the other might bee swayed by them: this is also the use among the Divines in the Vniversitie of Paris, the Juniours and Inferiours begin first, Lyran. This also is the honourable use of the Star-chamber with us.

3. But seeing the same word, rabbim, is used in both sentences, it is taken in the same sense in both places, and is better interpreted, the mightie, than, the many, for these reasons: 1. Because of the oppo∣sition of the poore man, in the next verse: the mightie and the poore are better compared and set toge∣ther, than the many and the poore. 2. So Levit. 19.15. gadhol, the great, and dal, the poore, are set one against the other, that neither the one nor the other should be respected in judgement. 3. This interpre∣tation of the mightie, comprehendeth also the other, whether they be mightie in number, or in power, Iun.

4. And as respect is not to bee had of the multitude, so neither of the paucitie and fewnesse: as the Donatists in times past, and the Anabaptists in these dayes doe brag of their small number, as therefore the best, Gallas.

QUEST. V. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement.

Vers. 3. THou shalt not esteeme a poore man, &c. 1. The word hadar, signifieth honour, beautie, comeli∣nesse. Prohibet blandis sermonibus ornari causam pauperis; He forbiddeth that the poore mans cause should be set forth with glosing words, and so be made better than it is, Cajetan, Oleaster. Therefore Aristotle giveth a good rule, that in matters of judgement, causa simplicibus sermonibus propeneuda erat, that the cause should be laid forth,* 1.169 and opened in simple and plaine speeches, not in eloquent, passionate, or affected words. 2. And as passions may be procured in Judges by speech, so also by the sight of the persons, as if when the poore suiter lamenteth and complaineth, and appeare to be very miserable, though he say nothing, Tostat. quaest. 3. 3. The word dal signifieth not onely one which is poore in substance, but any other kinde of way: as they which are sicke and pined away, are called, dallim, as Ammon was thus poore, and pined with love toward Thamar, 2 Sam. 13. Oleaster. So not onely the poore, but all other miserable and forlorne persons are here understood, as the widow, fatherlesse, strangers and such like, Tostat. quaest. 3. 4. Simplie it is not forbidden to respect a poore man, but in his cause: in matter of judge∣ment, nothing must be done, either for rich or poore, praeter merita causae, beside the merit and desert of the cause, Tostat. Cum agitur paupertas, sublevandus est; When his povertie is pleaded, the poore is to be helped: Cum agiturjus publicum, deponenda est persona pauperis; When the publike right is in question, the poore person must be laid aside, Borrh. 5. And the reason is, because it is better praehonorare veritatem, to preferre and more honour the truth, Lyranus. 6. Although it be not often seene, that a poore man is pre∣ferred before a rich in his cause: yet sometime it falleth out, ut ambitio impellat Iudicem, &c. that the Judge through ambition, that he may be spoken of, will respect the poore: & major interdum est paupe∣rum a••dacia, & temeritas, &c. and sometime the poore are more bold, rash, and readie to move suits than the rich, Calvin. And therefore this law provideth for such clamorous poore.

QUEST. VI. How persons are accepted in judgement, and how farre the poore may be respected.

IN his cause, &c. 1. The person of the poore is not to be accepted in regard of his cause depending in judgement. Persons are accepted two wayes in judgement: 1. When as the Judge aliter distribuit quàm lex mandat, doth determine otherwise than the law commandeth: but where no certaine law is set, prescribing the manner and forme which is to be followed, in that behalfe there can bee no acception of persons. And therefore though God in the beginning did elect some, and not others, quia non cogitur ali∣qualege, because he had no law to compell him, hee therein accepted no mans person: as a man giving almes, having no rule set him how much he shal give, may distribute unto one more than unto another, and yet be no accepter of persons. 2. Another way ones person is accepted in judgement, when more is given

to one than to another, either of a benefit or punishment, otherwise than is due. As if a man sue for an hundred pound, wherein he can prove but 80. due of just debt, if the Judge shall give him 90. pound, he taketh ten from the one, and giveth it to the other more than is due, and so he is an accepter of the person of the one, more than of the other. And thus a poore man is not to be respected in judgement. 2. Two waies is mercie shewed unto the poore in his cause: when one facit illi bonum quod non habet, doth for him, or giveth him that good which he hath not; or, when the Judge so defendeth the poore, ut nemo••ollat e•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quod haber, that no bodie take from him that good which he hath: the first way the Judge cannot have respect unto the poore, without partialitie, and perverting of justice, to give unto him that which of right doth not belong unto him: but the other way he may, to see that the poore be not oppressed in judgement, as it followeth afterward, vers. ••. Thou shalt not overthrow the right of the poore in his suit. And unto this kinde of commis••ration it belongeth, that the Judge is willing to heare the cause of the poore man, and to receive his complaint: for how otherwise should he doe him right, and defend him from wrong, if he should stop his eares against the crie of the poore? Tostat. qu. 4.

QUEST. VII. Why mercie is to be shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse.

Vers. 4. IF thou ma•••• thine enemies oxe, &c. 1. Because civill suits and controversies for the most part proceed of evill will and enmitie: therefore unto the former lawes are annexed these two caveats, to cut off enmitie, and to maintaine love and friendship, Simler. 2. Though an instance be onely given of the enemies oxe or asse, yet it must be understood, de omni domestico animali, of every domesti∣call beast in like manner, Lyran. And of whatsoever belongeth unto our neighbour, Lippoman. 3. Nei∣ther is this law made concerning oxen, or asses, as the Apostle saith in another case, Doth God take care for oxen? 1 Cor. 9. But the speciall intendment of this law is, that there might be reconciliation among men. It was some pleasure to the beast, which might otherwise be devoured of some wilde beast, if it were not brought home; and to the owner, which might also lose his beast, Tostatus. But the speciall scope of this law is: First, because the Jewes were cruell, to teach them to shew and exercise mercie toward bruit beasts, Vt eo facilius inducerentur, &c. That they might more easily bee induced to shew it toward men, Lippoman. Et ut hac ratione odientis animum sibi conciliet, And that by this meanes hee might winne the heart of his enemie, if he were not altogether implacable, Isidor. 4. There are two words here used, a••ab. which signifieth to be an enemie, and shana, to hate: one may hate not being hated, but an enemie is said to be, where there is mutuall enmitie on both sides. It is an easier matter to doe good to one that hateth, where there is no hatred shewed againe, than to an enemie that is hated againe: therefore both words are used, that wee should shew kindnesse, as well where there is a mutuall and reciprocall hatred and en∣mitie, as where one is hated, and hateth not againe, Tostat. quaest. 3. 5. God by this law doth not either command or permit, that men should bee enemies: but being imperfect of themselves, and subject to enmitie, hee sheweth how they should become friends, as when it is said in the Psalme, Be angrie and sinne not, we are not willed to be angrie; but if we chance to be angrie, we are taught how to moderate it, that wee sinne not in our immoderate anger, Tostatus quaest. 3. 6. By this law we learne that there are two kinds of injustice: one of them, qui inferunt injuriam, which offer wrong unto their neighbours; the other of them, qui non propulsant injuriam, which doe not keepe wrong from them, when it is in their power, Borrh. 7. And further, this law sheweth the agreement betweene Christ and Moses, and betweene the new and old Testament, which both command us to love our enemies. Therefore Chry∣sostome is deceived who thinketh that those precepts, Thou shalt love thy friend, and hate thine enemie,* 1.170 terren•• & carnali populo secundùm tempus datae sunt, were given unto the earthly minded and carnall people according to the time: and that Christ gave another rule in the Gospell, to love our enemies: for it is evident that this law commandeth us even to love our enemies. And the Wise-man more evidently in the Proverbs sheweth the same, chap. 25.21. If thine enemie be hungrie, give him bread to eat, if he be thirstie, give him water to drinke, &c. Therefore we see that Christ in the Gospell, non ferat novam legem, sed veterem tantum exponat, doth not make a new law, but onely expoundeth the old, Lippoman. That therefore was no precept of the law, but the Pharisies glosse, That they should love their friends, and hate their enemies.

QUEST. VIII. Whether it is to be read, Thou shalt helpe him, or, lay it aside with him.

Vers. 5. THou shalt lay it aside with him. 1. The most doe here reade, Thou shalt helpe him up with it. This sense followeth Calvine, Cajetane, Osiander, Paguine: as the like law is extant, Deut. 22.4. Thou shalt lift them up with him. But the word ghazab is seldome found in that sense, but signifieth ordi∣narily and properly, to leave, or forsake. 2. Therefore it is best translated, Thou shalt leave, or lay aside the burthen, that the asse which cannot rise under his burthen, it being put aside, may the better stand up upon his legges. But this sense being retained, there are divers readings used, and interpretations given. 1. Some reade it with an interrogation, Wilt thou indeed leave it with him? Vatablus, Oleaster: and so understand here a negative, to answer the interrogation, Nequaquam, No, thou shalt not. 2. Some rea∣ding this clause without an interrogation, and understand it of the leaving or laying aside of his hatred. or enmitie. So the Chalde. 3. But the best reading is, to pronounce it without an interrogation, as Montanu••, and to referre it to the burthen of the beast, as is before shewed, omnino dep••nito cum eo, put it aside together with him, that is thine enemie, Iunius. 4. And though mention be made onely of easing the asse under his burthen; yet all other the like kinde of helpe is understood: as if the beast be other∣wise in danger, as like to bee strangled, or drowned, whether hee have a burthen or not: in these cases

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QUEST. IX. How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement.

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QUEST. IX. Against lying in judgement, and how it may be committed.

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QUEST. XI. Who are meant here by the just and innocent.

Vers. 7. THou shalt not slay the innocent and the righteous. 1. This is to be understood of slaying, by giving sentence against such judicially: for out of judgement neither is the guiltie and unrighteous person to be slaine, Cajetane. 2. R. Salomon by the innocent understandeth him, that is cleere in his owne conscience, but yet condemned by false witnesses: that the Judges in this case, when an innocent partie goeth from them condemned, if any doe stand up to cleere them, as Daniel did for Susanna, they should be heard. By the just he would have understood him, that is indeed guiltie, but yet freed in publike judge∣ment: that in this case if any doe appeare to prove him guiltie, hee should not be admitted, &c. But the righteous and innnocent are here taken for all one, as it may appeare by the opposite part, I will not justi∣fie a wicked man; the innocent and righteous is set against the wicked. And beside, it is as acceptable to God to punish the wicked man, as to cleere and set free the innocent. 3. Cajetane and Tostatus make this difference, Mundus est, qui non commisit hòmicidium, &c. Hee is the cleane and innocent man, which hath not committed murther, adulterie, or any such crime: he is the just and righteous man, which hath done some just thing, or some good worke. But this distinction is here too curious and unnecessarie: for men use not to bee brought in question for their good works, but for evill, whereof they are either justly, or wrongfully accused: and so David taketh both these for the same, Psal. 4.8. Iudge me O Lord according to my righteousnesse, and according to mine innocencie that is in me. 4. God therefore here forbid∣deth Judges to condemne the innocent for guiltie: as Naboth was, Susanna, and Ieremie, with the rest of the Prophets, Gallas. 5. Judges are not to condemne the innocent, Etiam si à superiori Iudice jub••••mur, &c. Though they should be commanded by the superiour Judge: as the Elders of Israel put Naboth to death at the commandement of Iezabel, Lippoman.

QUEST. XII. In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked.

FOr I will not justifie the wicked. 1. Some make this to be the meaning of this reason: that God would have Judges looke unto him, in whose place they are: that as God doth not justifie the wicked, nor condemne the righteous, so neither should Judges, Marbach, Pelarg. 2. R. Salomon maketh this the sense, according to his former exposition; taking the just, for him which is so in the triall of mans judge∣ment, yet guiltie in his conscience, and before God, that yet the Judge should not put such an one

to death: for though he be freed by the judgement of man, yet he cannot escape the hands of God: he will not justifie him. But this exposition is overthrowne before, that a just man is not here taken in that sense. 3. Therefore this rather is a menacing speech; that God will be avenged even of the unrighteous Judge, Iun. Quicunque impie facit sive suo sive alieno arbitrio, &c. Whosoever doth wickedly either of his owne minde, or following anothers direction, the Lord will punish it, Lippoman.

QUEST. XIII. Whether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence, when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie.

BUt here ariseth a great and weightie question, whether a Judge knowing in his owne conscience, that the man which is accused before him is innocent, and yet he is by the witnesses and other evidence found guiltie: whether he is bound to give sentence according to the evidence, against his owne know∣ledge, and whether in so doing he sinneth not.

1. The affirmative part is maintained by Thomas, Paulus Burgens. Tostatus, who putteth in these cau∣tions: that the Judge knowing the partie to bee innocent as a private person, yet is to use all meanes to have the truth come to light: as by giving some secret intimation to the partie accused, how to defend himselfe; by fifting and examining the witnesses narrowly to see if he can make them to disagree, and so overthrow their testimonie: and if all this will not serve, to referre the matter to the superiour Judge: but if he have no superiour, then hee is bound to give sentence, secundum allegata, according to the evi∣dence, & in hoc casu Index non peccat ferendo sententiam mortis, and in this case they resolve that the Judge sinneth not in giving sentence of death against the innocent party. Their reasons are these:

1. Index non interficit ipsum, sed illi qui accusant: The Judge that giveth sentence doth not slay him,* 1.171 but they wich accuse him, Thomas. Like as a man holding a sword in his hand, another commeth and moveth his hand with the sword, and so killeth a man: Non est reus qui tenebat gladium: He is not guiltie which held the sword, Tostat.

Answ. 1. Though the false accusers are the chiefe in this action, yet the Judge is accessarie, because he consenteth unto them: otherwise Pilate that washed his hands, and knew Christ to be innocent, should not have sinned in condemning Christ. 2. That instance of one holding a sword is nothing like: for his hand is used against his will, and he himselfe acteth nothing: but the Judge is an agent. And the case is like, as if one having a sword in his hand should be urged himselfe to kill one, whom he knew to be inno∣cent: for then he should be guiltie of the murther.

2. Solius est Dei judicare secundum veritatem quam ipse cognoscit: It belongeth to God onely to judge according to the truth which he knoweth in himselfe. But the Judge must not be informed accor∣ding to that which he knoweth as a private person, but as it appeareth unto him publikely in judgement, Burgens.

Answ. It doth not follow, but the contrarie rather, that because the Lord judgeth according to the truth, the Magistrate being in Gods place should doe the like also, not to give sentence against the truth: as Iehosaphat said unto his Officers and Judges: Yee execute not the judgements of man, but of the Lord, 2 Chron. 19.6.

3. Argum. He that judgeth against the law sinneth: but the Judge not following his evidence, judgeth against the law: therefore he herein should sinne, Tostat.

Answ. Hee that absolveth an innocent man condemned by false witnesses, goeth not against the intendment of the law, which would have no innocent man condemned, and all false witnesses to be punished.

4. Argum. If the Judge should cleere the innocent man, condemned by false witnesses, he should by this meanes defame the witnesses, as false men, which hee is not able to prove: and this would breed a great scandall.

Answ. 1. Of two evils the lesse is to be taken: better were it for the witnesses to run into infamie, than an innocent man to lose his life. 2. Neither would any scandall arise at all: for the Judges knowledge and credit may sway against the good name of the witnesses; who by other circumstances may also easily be detected, as the Judge may handle the matter.

5. Argum. Involuntarie actions deserve neither praise nor dispraise altogether, whether they be com∣mitted through ignorance, or by violence: but they helpe to excuse. Therefore the Judge which followeth the publike evidence, though he know the contrarie himselfe, is to be excused, because he is both simply forced by the law so to doe, and he is in part ignorant, quia nescit ut Iudex, because as a Judge he knoweth it not, though he know it as a private person, Tostat. qu. 6.

Answ. Ignorance cannot excuse the Judge at all in this case, because he was an eye witnesse to the con∣trarie: neither is there any such violence offred: for he might rather leave his place and office, than to bee compelled to give unjust sentence.

Now the contrarie part, namely the negative,* 1.172 that the Judge is not to give sentence against his owne knowledge, and that in so doing he should sinne, is maintained by Lyranus, and Matthias Toring the Re∣plier to Burgensis upon these reasons:

1. Lyranus urgeth this sentence of Augustine: Quomodo apud divinam providentiam à peccato liberi sunt, &c. How can they be free from sinne before the divine providence, which for those things which are to bee contemned are polluted with mans bloud, &c. His meaning is, that a Judge rather than hee would leave his place of honour and wealth, should not give a wrong sentence, to shed the bloud of the innocent: mans life ought to be more precious than any other worldly thing whatsoever, as it is said,

Ioh 2.4. All that a man hath will he give for his life: therefore in this case, if there be no superiour Judge to deliver the innocent partie, debet priùs dignitatem dimittere, &c. he should rather give over his digni∣tie, than give sentence against the innocent.

Tostatus answereth, that he should doe well to give over his place, unlesse some inconvenience should ensue, as in this case there would: for, infamaret testes, he should by this meanes defame the witnesses.

Contra. 1. But a greater inconvenience would follow if he doe it not, both the innocent partie shall be condemned, and the Judge commit a great sinne before God. 2. Neither is here any inconvenience to be feared at all: for by this meanes false witnesses should be detected, not defamed: for they are worthie of all disgrace and infamie for their falsehood.

2. Argum. The Apostle saith, Whatsoever is not of faith is sinne, Rom. 14.23. But a Judge giving sen∣tence against his knowledge and conscience, cannot doe it of faith: therefore therein he sinneth.

Burgens. answereth, that a Judge in those things which concerne his private person, may informe his conscience by his private knowledge; but in publicke matters, he is to take his information by publicke evidence.

Contra. True it is, if that publicke information be not against the truth which he knoweth in his con∣science; otherwise he sinneth, because his action is not then of faith: which rule of the Apostle serveth not onely for private, but for publike actions also.

3. Si privata persona peccat, publica non eximitur, &c. If a mans private person sinneth, his publike is not exempted, Thoring. This respect of private and publike is before man, but the judgement of sinne be∣longeth unto God. A politike humane respect cannot dispense then with a sinne against God.

4. To these reasons may bee added that saying of the Wise-man which is most evident, Deliver them that are drawne to death, and wilt thou not preserve them, that are led to be slaine? If thou say, Behold, wee knew not of it:* 1.173 he that pondereth the hearts, doth not he understand it? Here all they are found guiltie before God which doe not deliver the innocent from death: if private men negligent herein are condemned, much more the publike Judge. And this place meeteth with that curious distinction, that as he is Judge he knew it not, though he knew it as a private man: for if he knew it in his conscience and before God, it is enough to convince him before him that searcheth the heart.

5. And if it were so, then a Judge condemning an innocent man, cast by false witnesses, even against his knowledge, should be free: then Pilate who condemned Christ, being by false witnesse, and the malice of the Jewes accused, whom he knew to be an innocent man, giving this testimonie of him, I find no fault in him at all, Ioh. 19.4. should notwithstanding herein have beene without fault.

Therefore upon these reasons, the former conclusion of Lyranus standeth sound and good: that a Judge sinneth in giving sentence against the innocent, condemned and cast by false evidence, if hee in his con∣science knew him to be innocent: And that he ought rather in this case to give over his office and digni∣tie, if there be no other way to deliver the innocent, rather than to be guiltie of his bloud.

QUEST. XIV. A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man, not found guiltie in publike judgement.

BUt as the Judge is bound in conscience to deliver the innocent, whom he knoweth so to be, that yet is found guiltie through malice and envie: notwithstanding it d••th not follow, that hee should like∣wise condemne him, that is cleared in publike judgement, whom he knoweth in his private knowledge to be guiltie of the crime, as of murther, adulterie, whereof he was accused, but by favour and partialitie ac∣quited: and the reasons of this difference, are these:

1. The law is more readie to spare than to punish, to extend favour than to shew rigour: according to that rule in the law, Odia restringi decet, favores convenit ampliari, Hatred is fit to be restrained, and fa∣four to be enlarged, Tostat.

2. In condemning a man of his owne knowledge, he doth more than in dismissing the innocent: for here he doth not absolve him by any sentence, but onely suspendeth the sentence of condemnation, and giveth over his place, rather than he will give sentence against him; but here he giveth sentence against the other.

3. If he should condemne any upon his private knowledge onely, he should doe it as a private man, but so he hath no power to condemne, Lyran.

4. Yet the Judge knowing the partie accused to be guiltie, may by some meanes so worke, and give such direction, that his wickednesse may be found out, but of his owne knowledge, without further pro∣cesse or evidence in judgement, he cannot condemne him whom he knoweth to be guiltie.

QUEST. XV. What a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts.

Vers. 8. THou shalt take no gift. 1. That is, the Judge, when any cause of his is in hand, who bestoweth the gift upon him: otherwise for the Prince or Magistrate to take a present or gift of acknow∣ledgement, which the subjects and inferiours doe offer, to shew their dutie and thankfulnesse, it is not here forbidden: nay those wicked and unthankfull men, that brought Saul no presents, are reproved, 1 Sam. 10.27. Osiander. 2. And a difference is to be made betweene Judges and Advocates, for these may safely take their fee, so they exact not more than is due unto them: because both they have not their set stipends as Judges have, and beside, they are but pleaders, not givers of sentence, and so the danger is the lesse: whereas Judges have their certaine solarie appointed them, and in their sentence definitive the cause standeth or falleth, Tostat. 3. This also must bee understood of extraordinarie and unusuall gifts:

for inferiour Judges have by order, certaine fees allowed them in every cause, which they may safely take: in some places they have publike allowance, maintenance and revenues, wherewith they ought to be con∣tented: as Nehemiah was allowed the bread of the Governour, though he tooke it not, chap. 5.15. 4. And not he only which receiveth silver and gold, sed etiam qui propter landom judicat male, munus acciple, &c. but he also which for praise doth judge unjustly, receiveth a reward, August.* 1.174 And there are three kindes of taking of gifts; munus à corde est captata gratia à cogitatione, &c. there is a gift from the heart, when a man thinketh to winne favour; munus ab ore; a gift from the mouth, in praise and commendation;* 1.175 munus ex manu, a gift out of the hand, by receiving of a reward, Gregor.

QUEST. XVI. Whether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull.

1. SOme thinke that all gifts are not unlawfull, which are given to Judges, and they make this diffe∣rence: some gifts are for gaine and lucre, as silver, gold, and such like: some are for meat and drinke, and these were by some Lawes allowed to be taken, especially after sentence given. And these cir∣cumstances, further they would have considered in gifts: 1. Who giveth, if the rich to him that is poore, it is so much the more suspicious: 2. The quantity of the gift, if it be but small it is not like to corrupt the minde: and therefore Tostatus saith, Ecclesia Romana non consuevit in his interpretari accipientem de∣linquere vel donantem, The Church of Rome useth not to interpret that the giver or taker offend in these small gifts. But it is no marvell, that their Church which loveth gifts so well, according to the say∣ing, Omniae venalia Romae, All things are saleable at Rome, doth give such a favourable interpretation of bribery. 3. The time of giving must be considered: if one give unto him in his necessity, it is not presu∣med that he did it to corrupt his mind, as to releeve his want, Tostat. As though it be not so much more like to corrupt the Judge, when he receiveth a gift in his great necessity.

2. Therefore, this text seemeth to condemne all gifts, great or small, given to whomsoever, rich or poore; and whensoever, being given to obtaine favour in their cause: for a generall reason is given; be∣cause all such gifts doe blind the eyes and judgement of the wise, which are here called the seeing: and as the word ghiver, in piel, signifieth, doe not only blind, but pull out their eyes: as in the same mood it is said, Ierem. 52.11. That the King of Babel put or pulled out the eyes of Zedekiah, Oleaster. And in an∣other sense, the word ghur, signifieth, evigilare, to awake: so gifts cause the eyes of the prudent to awake, and attend upon the unrighteous cause, Oleaster. But the other sense is more fit here: they are said to blind their eyes, either that their judgement being corrupted, they see not what is just or right, as lovers are blinded in that which they love: or though they see what is just, yet they are turned by gifts, to give wrong judgement against their owne conscience, Simler. These gifts also pervert the words of the just: their heart also is first perverted, but mention is made of words, because, principalis subversio, &c. est in verbis Iudicis, the principall subversion and overthrow of the righteous cause, is in the words of the Judge, Tostat. qu. 8. They are called still righteous, though now corrupted, because they were so indeed before, and seeme to be so still to themselves and others, Simler.

3. Wherefore if all gifts doe blind the eyes of Judges, and pervert their words; then it is not safe to receive any gift in that kinde, which is given for the furtherance of ones cause. No, it is not lawfull for a Judge to take a gift, to give right judgement: Nam de vend••tione justi judicii veniretur ad venditionem nequissimi, Lest from selling of just judgement, they should fall to sell unjust judgement, Tostat.* 1.176 And as it is unlawfull to sell justice, so it is also to buy: as S. Paul might have beene delivered for a reward, Act. 24.25. but he chose rather to answer at Rome. And in the ancient Church they were noted, which did give money for their liberty, that they might not be compelled to be present at the Gentiles idolatrous sacrifices, Simler.

4. So then, howsoever the Canon law, and the practice of the Church of Rome doth tolerate small gifts, yet it is the safest way, not to accept of any at all. And herein the ancient Romane lawes are to be preferred, which, as is extant in their 12. Tabulae, capite puniendum Iudicem, &c. did decree that Judge to be punished with death, which tooke money to give sentence in a cause. Dioclesian also made a Law, that a sentence pronounced by a corrupt Judge, ipso jure infirmam esse, by the Law should be void, and to be suspended by appeale: Lystat being asked why he received not gifts of the Messerians, answered, Quia in lege justitiae peccatur, Hee should have offended against the Lawes of justice: Innocentius also hath a good saying, speaking of corrupt Judges, Vos non attenditis merita causarum, sed personarum, non jura, sed munera, non quod ratio dictet, sed quod voluntas affectet, non quod lic••at, sed quod lubeat, &c. pau∣perum causam cum mora negligitis, divitum causam cum instantia promovetis, &c. You doe not consider the me∣rit of the cause, but of the persons, not right, but gifts, not what reason enditeth, but what will affecteth, not what is lawfull, but what you list, &c. the cause of the poore you neglect by delaying, the cause of the rich you are di∣ligent in promoting: therefore Tostatus here resolveth, and concludeth well, that howsoever the Canons doe tolerate the receiving of small gifts, yet it is better, Si volunt effugere conscientiae scrupulum, ut nihil omnino accipiant, If they will avoid the scruple of conscience, that they take nothing at all.

5. A gift then is of great force, it prevaileth much: as the Wise-man saith in the Proverbs, chap. 17.8. A reward is as a stone pleasant in the eyes of them that have it, it prospereth whither soever it turneth. As a precious stone shineth every way, so a gift is available to any purpose. Gifts doe much hurt in private mat∣ters, as Amphiarans wife, being corrupted with a precious jewell, betrayed him: and Procris chastity was overcome with a gift: but in publike affaires gifts doe much more hurt, as well in civill, as Philip King of Macedonia, non tam armis, quam auro expugnavit libertatem Graecia, did not so much by force and armour, as by gifts and treasure overthrow the liberty of Greece. As also in Ecclesiasticall matters, where simonie doth as much hurt, as bribery in the Common-wealth: for they which by corrupt

meanes attaine to the great preferments of the Church, must needs also corruptly administer the same. A•• the Prophet Ezechiel noteth the false Prophets, which for handfuls of barley, and peeces of bread, did prophesie false things, chap. 13.18. Simler. Therefore seeing the Spirit of God hath set it downe, that gifts and bribery doe corrupt and blinde, Nimia eorum est impudentia, &c. They are very impudent and shamelesse, that will make their boast notwithstanding, that though they receive gifts, they can give right judgement, Gallas.

QUEST. XVII. Why strangers are not to be oppressed in judgement.

Vers. 9. THou shalt not oppresse a stranger. 1. Some thinke that this is a repetition of the former Law, chap. 22.21. Thou shalt not doe injury to a stranger, that it may appeare, quanta cura domino sint peregrini, &c. how carefull God is of strangers, Lippom. And because the Israelites were given to be inhumane and hard toward strangers, as the Jewes are to this day, that contemne all people beside them∣selves: the Lord saw it necessary often to inculcate this precept, Simler. But rather I thinke with Caje∣tane and Gallasius, that this is a new Law: Illud communiter, hoc specialitèr datur judicibus, testibus, accu∣satoribus: That was given in generall, this in particular to Judges, witnesses, accusers. 2. And to this end God so provided in his wisdome, that the Israelites and their fathers should be strangers and sojourners in other countries, as in Canaan, and Egypt, ut captivitatis & peregrinationis miseriam discerent, to learne by experience what the misery of captives and strangers was, that they might the better know how to have pity on the like: Nemo libentius hospitem sine tecto suo introducit hospitio, &c. No man more willingly receiveth him into his house, that wanteth lodging, than he that was sometime without lodging him∣selfe: no man sooner feedeth the hungry, and giveth the thirsty drinke, than he that felt hunger and thirst himselfe,* 1.177 &c. August. 3. And whereas it is added, You know the heart of a stranger: the meaning is, how full of care and griefe they are, that you need not afflict them more, Simler. that they are destitute of friends, and had need to be so much the more pitied, Tostat. and seeing strangers are no inhabitants, but such as passe thorow the country, they should not be stayed nor hindred, ut iter suum posset exequi, that they may finish their journey, Lyran. You know also by your selves their hearts, how ready they are to call unto God for helpe against their oppressors, as you did in Egypt, Simler.

QUEST. XVIII. Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes.

Vers. 10. SIx yeeres thou shalt sow thy land, &c. The Hebrewes had divers kindes of festivall dayes, which all tended to the honour of God. Now, impendimus honorem Deo, &c. wee doe give honour unto God either for an eternall benefit, and so they had juge sacrificium, every dayes sacrifice: or for some temporall, which is either generall, as of our creation, in remembrance whereof they kept the seventh day holy: or of our preservation, ideo erat festum Neomemae, therefore they kept the feast of the new Moone every moneth: or speciall, as of some speciall benefit and deliverance, in remembrance where∣of they had their festivals of weekes, as Pentecost; of moneths, as the seventh moneth; of yeeres, as the seventh yeere,* 1.178 and the seventh seventh yeere, which was the Jubile, Thomas.

QUEST. XIX. Why the land was to rest the seventh yeere.

Vers. 11. BVt the seventh yeere thou shalt let it rest, &c. 1. The land is said to rest in two respects: First, in a metaphoricall sense, as we are said to rest, when we cease from labour; so the earth is said to rest, when wee forbeare labouring therein. Againe, because the earth when it is plowed to bring forth fruit, sendeth out the strength and nourishment thereof, which is abated and weakened by conti∣nuall bringing forth of fruit: for which cause wee see by experience, that Husbandmen doe let their grounds lye fallow, and rest to gather strength: therefore in this respect also it is said to rest, Tostat. qu. 9. And although by this rest of the seventh yeere, both the earth waxed stronger for to beare fruit afterward, and the beasts also of the field were provided for: yet this was not the speciall end of this seventh yeere of rest: but these were the reasons of the institution thereof: 1. That the poore might by this meanes be liberally provided for, when they might freely without any let, reape the fruit of the ground, of vine∣yard, and olive trees, Tostat. 2. It was a benefit also to the servants, who this yeere were set at liberty; and as they had every weeke a day of rest, so now they have every seventh yeere a whole yeere of rest and intermission. 3. Beside, the rich hereby were taught to moderate their greedy desire, in gathering and laying up the fruits of the earth without any end, Gallas. And in this yeere the rich man tooke care as well as the poore, What shall I eat? Therefore the Lord would teach them by experience what the state of a poore man was. 4. This also was a type and figure of their spirituall rest in Christ, which should be accomplished in the kingdome of God, as this seventh yeere of rest was made perfect and full in the yeere of Jubile, Simler.

QUEST. XX. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeere.

BUt here a further question ariseth, what the poore did eat this yeere, and that which they left, the beasts of the field did eat. 1. Augustine is of opinion, that they did sow the seventh yeere, as they did in the six yeeres, yet they did not reape or gather their fruit this yeere, but left it to the poore. But this is against the text here: for six yeeres they are bidden to sow, and gather their fruits, but the seventh to let it rest: therefore there here being an apparent opposition betweene the six yeeres and the seventh, in the seventh they were neither to sow, nor reape; but it is yet more evident, Levit. 25.4. in this seventh yeere the Lord saith, Thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor cut thy vineyard. And so it is the opinion of Iosephus, and generally of the Hebrewes: and with them consent Lyranus, Tostatus, Simlerus with others, that the land did rest upon the seventh yeere from all manner of labour and tillage: for it would have seemed an hard thing to the stiffenecked Hebrewes, if they should have sowed, and

others reape. 2. Cajetane thinketh that the poore lived by selling of such herbes as grew of their owne accord that yeere in the field: vendebant eas, & ex earum pret•••• vive••••••••, they sold them, and lived of the price of them: but the text saith, The rest of the land shall be meat for you▪ Levit. 25.6. they then did eat of that which grew in the field. 3. Wherefore they lived not only of the herbes which grew in the fields, but of the fruit of vines, and olives, and other fruitfull trees. Beside, they had a kinde of harvest, of the seed which was shed the former yeere: as in some countries yet, that are fruitfull, the seed which was left after harvest doth bring forth abundance, Gallas. Simler. and therefore it is said, Levit. 25.5. That which groweth of it owne accord of thy harvest, thou shalt not reape, &c. 4. And beside this common provision which came of it selfe out of the ground, which as well the owner, as the poore, and strangers gathered for their use, Levit. 25.6. the fruits of the sixth yeere were by Gods promise in such abundance, as that they served for three yeeres, the sixth, seventh and eighth, till the ninth yeere, Levit. 25. vers. 21, 22.

QUEST. XXI. Whether the seventh yeere were generally neglected in Israel, 490. yeeres together, as Tostatus thinketh.

NOw concerning the observation of this seventh yeere of rest, Tostatus hath here a singular opinion by himselfe, that it was neglected generally of the Israelites for the space of 490. yeeres, and kept only during the time of 380. yeeres, as he thus would gather: from the going up of the Israelites out of Egypt till the captivity of Babylon under Nabuzaradan, Nebuchadnezzars chiefe Captaine, he counteth yeeres 867. which are thus divided: from their departure out of Egypt, unto the building of Salomons Temple, were 480. yeeres, 1 King. 6.1. from the which he would have aba••ed 40. yeeres, the time of the Israelites being in the wildernesse, so there remaine 440. from the building of Salomons Tem∣ple untill the captivity, he counteth 427. yeeres more: so the whole maketh 867. of this time, 490. yeeres they neglected the seven Sabbath of yeares: and therefore they were 70. yeeres in captivity: for omitting 70. Sabbaticall yeeres, which fell out just in 490. yeeres, as it is said, 2 Chron. 36.21. To 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Lord by the mouth of Ieremy, untill the land had her f••ll of Sabbaths: for all the dayes that 〈…〉〈…〉 desolate she kept Sabbath to fulfill seventy yeeres, Tostat. quaest. 1••.

Contra. 1. But it is not like, that this observation of the seventh yeere of rest was so long time, or ge∣nerally neglected: for part of this terme of 490. yeeres will reach Davids reigne: for all the yeeres of the reignes of the Kings after David, untill the captivity, make but 440. the other 50. yeere will compre∣hend all Davids reigne, and ten yeeres before, some part whereof might extend to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time: but it is not like that such an evident Law under those faithfull Prophets and Kings would have beene omi••∣ted altogether.. 2. In the corrupt times under the idolatious Kings, it is true that this yeere of remission was neglected, as may appeare, Ierem. 36.8.14. when as the King and Princes proclaimed liberty to their servants according to the Law, and afterward revoked it againe: for the which the Prophet th••re sharp∣ly reproveth them. Neither would the faithfull Prophets of God have spared to tell the Princes and peo∣ple of this great negligence, if that the Sabbaticall yeere had altogether beene discontinued. 3. In He∣zekiah his time, this yeere of rest was not intermitted: for while the City was besieged by Senacherib, for two yeeres together the land brought forth fruit without sowing, 2 King. 19.29. which blessing was conditionall in respect of their keeping of the seventh yeere of rest, Levit. 25.6.21. They therefore enjoy∣ing the promised blessing did in all likelihood performe their due obedience. 4. Beside, captivity is threat∣ned for the neglect of their Sabbaths of all sorts, Levit. 26.••5. both the Sabbath of dayes, of weekes, of moneths, yeeres, and seven yeeres. It is as like that they neglected the Sabbath of dayes, which was the se∣venth: of weekes, which was Pentecost: of moneths, which was the seventh as well as of yeeres: yee the Sabbath of seven yeeres, which was the Jubile, was also intermitted, if the seventh yeere, from which they accounted it, were not remembred. 5. Further, if they suffered not the land to rest in the seventh yeere, they likewise abandoned other privileges incident to that yeere, as the remission of debts, the set∣ting free their servants: which apparent transgressions, nay rebellions, should not have beene suffered to slip without some reprehension by the Prophets, and correction from God, especially under the vertuous Kings of Judah.

QUEST. XXII. Why the Law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated.

Vers. 12. SIx dayes thou shalt labour.* 1.179 1. Some thinke that this precept concerning the observation of the Sabbath is repeated by reason of the former Law concerning the seventh yeere of inter∣mission; lest that the Hebrewes, because that whole yeere was a time of rest, might have taken unto them∣selves greater liberty in the keeping of the Sabbath, Lyran. But this seemeth to be no sufficient reason: because although they rested from the workes of husbandry all that yeere, yet they attended other ••••••••∣nesse and labour, Tostatus. 2. Some thinke that the Sabbath is here mentioned in respect of the civill 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereof, the rest and relaxation of the servants: whereas before it was urged as a part of Gods service, Gallas. Siml. 3. But the best reason is, that the Law of the Sabbath is repeated, because it chiefly concerned the worship of God: and therefore so often is this precept i••crated; as chap. 20. Deut. 5▪ Exod. 31. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and in divers other places, Tostat. quaest. 13. 4. And such respect the Lord hath to the seventh day of rest, which he himselfe consecrated by his owne example, that according to this rule he did proportion the other festivals, as the seventh weeke, the seventh moneth, the seventh yeere: yea in naturall experi∣ments the seventh day is observed: as the seventh, fouretenth, and twenty one are the criticall dayes for diseases, as Hippocrates and Gal•••• have written, Hierome. 4. The benefit of this day the Lord would have extended to their servants, strangers, yea to the labouring cartell. R. Salomon thinketh,* 1.180 that in the next clause, Yee shall take heed to all things, &c. the implements and instruments which are used to any businesse or worke are understood, as the sword, a••e▪ cutting knife, and such like: that all these things should rest

in like manner. But this is too curious, and beside it were superfluous, seeing the men are forbid to la∣bour, without whose hands these things cannot stirre or move: therefore this clause either is to be refer∣red to the former duties which concerned the Sabbath, Lyran. or in generall to their obedience to the whole Law, and all the former precepts which were delivered have it, Simler.

QUEST. XXIII. What manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden.

Vers. 14. AN•• ye shall make no mention of the name of strange gods. 1. The Latine Translator readeth, Thou shalt not sweare: but the word zachar signifieth to remember: which is more than to sweare, which is too strictly taken: they must make no mention, non solum jurando, sed landand••, proban∣de, abtestande: not only in swearing, but in praising of them, approving, protesting by them, Lippoman. 2. The Jewes doe run into another extreme, making this precept too generall: they thinke it not law∣full at all once to pronounce the names of the Gentiles Idols: but the Prophets which inveighed against them, could not but pronounce their names with their mouth: the meaning then is, nullus loquatur hono∣rabiliter, none should make honourable mention of them, Cajetane. 3. This phrase then is to be under∣stood, as S. Paul would not have fornication once named among them, Ephes. 5.3. that is, that more should be committed, none named with desire or delight, Simler. therefore here only is forbidden ••onesta 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. non inhonesta & cum detestatione, &c. the comely and reverent mention of their gods, not the i••∣reverent mention with detestation. 4. Cajetane thus distinguisheth the sentence: the first part biddeth, ut praeteriti d•• non memorentur, that the former strange gods should not be remembred, but be forgotten, as though they never had beene: the other part, neither shall it be heard out of thy mouth, sheweth, ut de moderuis diis nemo honorabiliter loquatur, and of the gods present none should speake honourably. But indeed the meaning is, that generally the memory of all false gods should be extinguished: as they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commanded to abolish the very names of them, Deut. 12.3. that neither in their oathes, nor in their fami∣liar talke they should revive the memory of them: see the practice thereof, Psalm. 16.4. Neither will make mention of their names within my lips. So the Lord saith by his Prophet, I will take away the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Baalim out of her mouth, and they shall be no more remembred by their names, Hos. 2.17. Iun. 5. By the name of strange gods are here understood, all which the Heathen worshipped, whether by images or without, whether things in heaven, in the earth, or under the earth: which are called strange gods; not because they are gods at all, but so reputed in the opinion of their idolatrous worshippers: and strange they were, because such were worshipped onely of strange nations, and not of the people of God, To••∣tat. quaest. 13.

QUEST. XXIV. Why it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods.

Vers. 13. YE shall make no mention of the name of other gods, &c. 1. If it be unlawfull to make any honou∣rable mention at all of the names of strange gods, no not in usuall talke, much lesse is it law∣full to sweare by them, because in taking of an oath, invocatur Deus tanquam testis veritatio, God is called upon as a witnesse of the truth: so to sweare by the name of God, is actus ••••reiae, an act of divine wor∣ship, and therefore it cannot be given unto any other beside God: and againe, one Idols, because they are false gods, non possunt esse testes veritatis, cannot be witnesses of the truth, Lyran. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 observeth here this difference betweene the Law and the Gospell: there, per nomen Dei jurure non 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they are not forbidden to sweare by the name of God: Evangelica veritat non recipit juramentum▪ But the Evan∣gelicall truth admitteth no oath, because the speech of a faithfull man ought to be in stead of an oath, &c. He thinketh that by this Law the Hebrewes had liberty given them to sweare at their pleasure, so they did sweare only by the name of God. But I rather here approve Calvins annotation, Non incit••t Deus p••p••∣l•••• ad jurandi licentiam, &c. God doth not hereby incite his people to swe••ing, or give them liberty to sweare: sed ubi opus fuerit, & vel necessitat & justa ratio id posta••••bit, but where need it, and necessary, or just cause doe so require, &c. otherwise the Law doth forbid all unlawfull swearing, as well as the Gos∣pell. 3. And the reason why they ought not to sweare by strange gods, is, ne frequenti juramento i••••••can∣tur ad cult•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. lest that by often swearing they be induced to worship them, Glos. interli••••••••. 4. And as an Hebrew then, and so a Christian now, was not himselfe, so neither were they to compell a Gentile to sweare by them: yet as Augustine determineth it is lawfull for a Christian, recipere ab eo jura∣mentum in Deo suo,* 1.181 &c. to receive an oath of a Gentile by his god, to confirme some covenant or con∣tract: se Gentilis obtularis se facturum, if the Gentile doe of himselfe offer it, Lyran, Tostat.

QUEST. XXV. Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah, which containeth the five bookes of Moses.

VPon this occasion, how farre a Christian may compell another of a contrary religion to sweare, as a Jew or Turke, Tostatus bringeth in divers questions, which it shall not be amisse here briefly to touch: as first, whereas it is an usuall thing with the Jewes at this day to sweare upon their Thorah, which is nothing else but a volume containing the five bookes of Moses, yet bound up in silke, and laid up very curiously in their Synagogue, whereout they use to read the lectures of the Law: the question is, whether it be lawfull for a Christian Judge to urge a Jew to take his oath upon his Thorah; for upon the Gospels, he will rather dye than take an oath. For the resolution of this doubt, divers things are to be weighed and considered.

1. That there is great difference betweene the Idols, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gods of the Heathen, and the Jewes Tho∣rah: for this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a part of Gods word, and containeth nothing but the truth and it is all one, as if the Jew did lay his hand upon the Pentateuch or five bookes of Moses: as any Christian may take his oath upon the Gospels, or any other part of Gods word.

2. And like as a Christian laying his hand upon the Gospels, doth not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the book••, for 〈◊〉〈◊〉

were unlawfull, in giving the honour due to the Creator unto a creature: but hath relation unto God, whose verity and truth is contained in that booke: So a Jew swearing upon his Thorah, yet sweareth by God the Author of the Law, and in so doing sinneth not.

3. Yet it may so fall out, that a Jew may sinne in swearing upon his Thorah, as having an opinion, that all the contents of that booke, as namely the ceremonials, are yet in force, which are abolished in Christ: and yet the Judge may not sinne in requiring the Jew to sweare upon his Thorah: for he doth not con∣sider of those things, quae sunt in voluntate agentis, sed de ipso actis, which are in the minde and intent of the doer, but of the act it selfe: therefore the act of it selfe being lawfull, a Jew may be required to doe it: Sic Tostat. qu. 14.

QUEST. XXVI. Whether a Iew may be urged to sweare in the name of Christ.

BUt as the Jew may be urged to sweare upon his Thorah, which they hold to be a booke of truth, as Christians doe, yet the case is not alike, if a Christian should compell a Jew to sweare in the name of Christ; for although Christ be in deed and in truth very God, yet the Jewes hold him to be worse than any Idoll: and therefore the Jew in taking such an oath should doe against his conscience, and conse∣quently commit a great sinne: or if a Jew should require a Christian to sweare by the name of Christ, whom he holdeth to be no God, nor yet a good man, therein the Jew should also sinne against his con∣science: for it skilleth not a thing to be so or so indeed, dum aliter concipiatur, as long as a man other∣wise conceiveth and is perswaded in his minde, Tostat. qu. 15.

QUEST. XXVII. Whether a Saracene may be urged to sweare upon the Gospels or in the name of Christ.

NOw, although a Jew cannot be compelled without sinne to sweare in the name of Christ whom he holdeth worse than an Idoll, or upon the Gospels which they thinke containe nothing but fables; yet the reason standeth otherwise for a Saracene or Turke: he may be required to sweare in the name of Christ, or upon the Gospels. And the reason is, because the Saracens have a good opinion of Christ, and beleeve that he was sent of God, and that he was a great Prophet, and a good man: and for the most part they doe assent unto the Gospels, and beleeve that Christ spake the truth. And therefore they in taking such an oath doe not against their conscience, and therein sinne not. Now if it be objected, that the Sa∣racens differ more from the Christians than the Jewes, and therefore can no more lawfully take an oath in the name of Christ than the Jewes: the answer is, that although the Jewes consent with the Chri∣stians touching the canonicall bookes of the old Testament, as the Saracens doe not: yet as touching Christ they doe totally dissent from the Christians, and so doe not the Saracens, Tostat. qu. 17.

QUEST. XXVIII. Whether a Christian may sweare upon the Iewes Thora.

BUt it hath beene before shewed, that a Jew may be without sinne urged to sweare upon his Thora, which is nothing but the Pentateuch, containing the five bookes of Moses: another question is mo∣ved, whether a Christian may safely take his oath upon the Jewes Thora. And that it is not lawfull so to doe, it may be thus objected.

1. It is a sinne, Iudaizare, to Iudaize, to doe as the Jewes doe: as to be circumcised, to observe the Jewish Sabbath, and such like: But to sweare upon the Thora, is to Iudaize, that is, to doe as the Jewes doe, Ergo, &c.

Answ. 1. To Iudaize is not simply to doe that which the Jewes doe, but that which they alone doe, and none other: as to beleeve that which they only beleeve; as that the ceremonies of the Law are still in force: or to doe that which they only doe, as to be circumcised, and to abstaine from certaine kinde of meats, as Saint Paul chargeth Saint Peter that he compelled the Gentiles Iudaizare, to Iudaize concer∣ning their meats: for he did eat with the Gentiles before the Jewes came, and afterward he withdrew himselfe from them: otherwise to beleeve as the Jewes and others also beleeve, and to doe likewise; as to hold the world to have beene created, the Israelites to have beene delivered, and all other things in the Scriptures to be true, as they are there set downe: this is not to Iudaize. 2. So, because the Thora, which is the Pentateuch, is not only received of the Jewes, but of the beleeving Gentiles: and the truth of the Law we subscribe unto as well as the Jewes: therefore simply to take an oath upon their Thora, is not to play the Jew: but a Christian may as lawfully doe it, as to sweare upon the Gospels, or any other part of the divine Scriptures.

2. Dare favorem errori Iudaeorum, &c. To give way, or shew favour unto the errour of Jewes is sinne: but a Christian swearing upon the Thora should give way unto the Jewish errour. Ergo.

Answ. To sweare upon the Thora, where any scandall or offence may grow unto the weake, or any occasion of hardning to the Jew, it is unlawfull: yet this sheweth not, but that where no such danger is, simply so to take an oath is not unlawfull.

3. To make this a lawfull act then for a Christian to take an oath upon the Jewes Thora, these things must be considered: 1. If he sweare upon it, not as upon any other booke of the same contents; that is, comprehending the five bookes of Moses: but as it is a monument of the Jewes, bound up in silke, and laid up in their Synagogue, so is it not lawfull, because to be addicted to such superstitious observations is sinne.

2. Though there be no difference betweene their Thorah which is written in Hebrew, and our Pen∣tateuch in Latine or English, in respect of the substance; but one indifferently may lay his hand upon the one or the other, for there is no difference of languages before God: yet if a man make difference in his owne opinion, thinking the one not as lawfull as the other; herein he should offend, doing against his owne conscience.

3. Or if an Hebrew should require a Christian to swea••e upon his Thorah, rather than upon the Gos∣pels, it were not lawfull: for hereby we should confirme him in his errour.

4. Or if one Christian should require another to swea••e rather upon the Jewish Thorah, than upon the Gospels, it were not safe so ••o doe: because such an one giveth occasion of suspition that he doth not firmely and stedfastly beleeve the contents of the Gospell.

5. But if a Christian of himselfe, without any such motion made by another, doe willingly take his oath upon the Thorah, either of necessity, because there is no other booke of Scripture present: or be∣cause he maketh no difference betweene one booke of Scripture and another, he may doe it lawfully, so it be done without offence unto others, Sic Tostat. quaest. 16.

QUEST. XXIX. That it is not lawfull for a Christian to sweare upon the Turkes Alcaron, or Mahomets thigh, nor for a Turke himselfe.

BUt though a Christian may sweare upon the Jewes Thora, the former considerations being observed: yet is it altogether unlawfull for him to sweare either upon Mahomets thigh, which is kept as an ho∣ly relique among the Saracens and Turkes, or upon their Alcaron.

1. The first is evident, because this being a morall precept to sweare by the name of God only, and not by the name of any strange gods, bindeth all beleeving people for ever: now to sweare by Mahomets thigh, is to sweare by a strange god, and therefore it is unlawfull as well for the Jew as the Christian to take such an oath, seeing they are both bound to keepe the morall precepts and Commandements, To∣stat. quaest. 19.

2. The other also is unlawfull, as it may thus be shewed: for an oath is made three wayes, either 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God alone without any other externall signe or symboll, which is a lawfull and sufficient oath: or by the creature alone, which is an unlawfull oath; for so the glory which is onely due unto God, should be gi∣ven unto the creature: or by God and some creature together with reference unto God, as when in taking an oath the hand is laid upon a booke. But such a creature is used as an externall symboll in an oath: as in quo nihil est mendacii, wherein there is no lye: and it must immediat è nos ducere in cognitio∣nem Dei, bring us immediatly to the knowledge of God: therefore we lay not our hand upon a stone, because it hath no instruction in it as a booke hath. But the Gospell hath both these properties: there is no falsehood or untruth in it: and it doth bring us immediatly and directly to the knowledge of God. The Turkes Alcaron hath neither: for both it containeth many falsehoods, fables, and untruths: and it can never bring us to the knowledge of the true God, having many errours in it. So then a Christian taking his oath upon the Alcaron, thereby should confesse all to be true which is there contained, and so blaspheme God, and beside give great offence unto Christians, and so secondly his brethren: therefore it were better for a Christian to chuse rather to dye, than to take such a blasphemous oath, Tostat. qu. 20. The like judgement is to be given of the Jewes Talmud, which containeth many fables, and blasphemies against Christ.

And for the same reasons before alleaged, even a Turke or Saracen sinneth in taking an oath upon Mahomets thigh, though he directly make it not God; because he useth such an unholy superstitious and abominable thing, in taking of a sacred oath: likewise he offendeth in swearing upon his Alcaron, which containeth abominable lies, and the same most pernicious, even concerning the end of all our hap∣pinesse in blessednesse in the next world, which their Alcaron placeth, and maketh to consist in the carnall pleasures of eating and drinking, and the use of women, Tostat. quaest. 21, 22.

QUEST. XXX. Why three feasts are only named, wherein they had more.

Vers. 14. THree times thou shalt keepe a feast unto mee in the yeere. 1. They had divers other festivall dayes beside these three which are here named, the Pasch, called the feast of unleavened bread; Pentecost, named the feast of first fruits; and the feast of Tabernacles, called here the feast of ga∣thering fruits in the end of the yeere: which said three feasts are not named, because they were more strictly observed than the rest: for the Sabbath was more straitly kept, wherein it was not lawfull to kin∣dle a fire, Exod. 35.3. nor consequently to doe any worke about preparing of their meat: neither in the feast of reconliation was it lawfull to doe any worke at all, Levit. 23.28. whereas in other feasts only ser∣vile workes are forbidden: and in the feast of the Passeover, such workes as were about their meat and drinke were permitted, Exod. 12.16. But therefore are these three feasts named, because in them onely the people were bound to come up before the Lord. 2. And these three were speciall feasts above the rest for these causes: 1. Because in them onely the people were required to appeare before the Lord. 2. Speciall oblations were offered in these feasts. In the Passeover was offered a sheafe of the first fruits, Levit. 23.10. in the feast of Pentecost they presented the first fruits of their wheat harvest, faire flower baken with leaven, Levit. 23.17. And in the feast of Tabernacles they were commanded to make them boothes of boughes, ibid, vers. 40. 3. Those feasts excelled the other in respect of the multitude of sacri∣fices which were to be offered therein, as is prescribed, Numb. 28.29. 4. And in regard of their continu∣ance: for two of them, the Pasch, and feast of Tabernacles continued each of them seven dayes: the Pasch held from the 15. day of the first moneth unto the 21. day: and the feast of Tabernacles likewise began the 15. day of the seventh moneth, and ended the 21. day. Pentecost onely hath one day allowed, which was the 50. day after the Passeover, Levit. 23.16. Tostat. 5. These feasts also were observed in re∣membrance of three great benefits: the Passeover, of their deliverance out of Egypt: the Pentecost, of delivering the Law: and the feast of Tabernacles, of their preservation in the wildernesse, Lyranus.

QUEST. XXXI. Of the feast of the Passeover.

Vers. 15. THou shalt eat unleavened bread. 1. This was the feast of the Passeover, or of unleavened bread, which were not two feasts concurring together, as Cyril seemeth to thinke, Alia est solemnitas Paschae, ilia azym••rum, licet conjuncta vidiatur, &c. There was one solemnity of the Pasch, an∣other of unleavened bread, though they seeme to be joyned together. 2. Mention is not here made of the Paschal lambe, but only of unleavened bread, not as Cajetane thinketh, Quia non singulis annis omnes tenerentur ad immotandum agnum Paschalem, &c. Because all were not bound every yeere, to offer a paschall lambe, but to eat unleavened bread seven dayes they were bound, &c. For the contrary appeareth, Exod. 12.24. they were bound to keepe the Passeover, as an ordinance for ever; but the feast hath the denomination of the greater part: because they did eat the Passeover but one day, but unleavened bread they did eat seven dayes together. 3. In this feast, they offered a sheafe of the first ripe corne, which as Iosephus writeth, was done in this manner, Siccantes spicar•••• manipulum, & commandentes, &c. They dried an handfull of eares, and so rubbed or bruised them, and then offered them, lib. 3. Antiquit.

QUEST. XXXII. Why Pentecost is called the feast of the first fruits.

Vers. 16. THe feast of the harvest, of the first fruits of thy labours. This is called the feast of first fruits, and yet in the feast of the Passeover the first sheafe was offered. 1. Quod primi pa••es nunc offerebantur Deo, sicut in fine Paschae primae spi••ae, &c. Because the first bread or loaves of the new fruit was then offered, as in the end of the pasch the first eares, Cajetan. which were not then so ripe to make bread of. 2. Or because now they presented the first fruits of all their labours, that is, of all that they had sowen: but before, they brought the first fruits of some one kinde of graine onely, which was first ripe, Tostat. 3. Or then they offered only the first ripe eares: as if a man went into the field, and espied 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aliquas appropinquantes ad maturitatem a••••e alias, some eares hastening to be ripe before the rest, them he gathered, and offered unto the Lord: but now in the feast of Pentecost, they brought the first fruits of all, Lyran. 4. This feast was celebrated, propter benefictum legis data, for the benefit of the giving of the Law, Lyran. Which was given the 50. day after their going out of Egypt, Tostat. And in remembrance ingressionis in terrum promissam, of their entrance into the Land of promise, when they did first eat of the fruit of the land, Theodoret. And it was a signe of the giving of the holy Ghost, which descended on the 50. day after the resurrection, Lyran.

QUEST. XXXIII. How the feast of Tabernacles is said to be in the end of the yeere.

Vers. 16. THe feast of gathering in the end of the yeere. 1. Oleaster and Tostatus are of opinion, that the common account of the yeere began in the seventh moneth, when it was thought that the world was created: but that upon occasion of the deliverance of the Israelites in the first moneth of the spring, that was consecrated to be the first, as touching the keeping of their feasts: but the former order remained still for the account of civill matters. But it is before shewed, that the institution of Abib to be the first moneth, was rather then revived, than of new ordained;* 1.182 and that is the more probable opi∣nion, that the world was created in the spring; and that in remembrance thereof, that was counted the first moneth. 2. Cajetane saith, It is called the end of the yeere, in regard of the fruits of the earth, which were then all gathered, as both grapes and olives; not in respect of the season of the yeere, for September was the first moneth of the next yeere: and so it should rather have beene said in the beginning of the yeere, than in the end. But seeing the same moneth was both the end of one yeere, and the beginning of another, it may be said to be in the end of the yeere, though in the first moneth of the civill yeere, quòd medicùm distat, inesse videtur, it might be said to be in it, though it were distant a little, Tostat. So also Lyran. Immediately after the end of the yeere. 3. And wee are here to understand the gathering of all the fruits, not only come which was before inned and in the barne, seeing it was ripe foure moneths be∣fore, in the feast of Pentecost; but all other fruits, as wine and olives, which were then gathered, as Deut. 16.13. Tostat.

QUEST. XXXIV. Which were the three feasts, wherein they were to appeare before the Lord.

Vers. 17. THree times in the yeere, &c. 1. The Israelites had divers festivall times in the yeere: as be∣side the continuall and daily sacrifice they had seven other feast dayes; every weeke upon the Sabbath, every moneth upon the first day thereof: the feast of the Pasch, and Pentecost: and in the seventh moneth they had three more, the feast of blowing of Trumpets upon the first day, the feast of Re∣conciliation upon the tenth,* 1.183 and of the Tabernacles upon the 15. which continued untill the 21. Thomas. Now they are not bound to come together in all these feasts, but only at three of them. 2. Though it be not expressed here, which three feasts they were to goe up in; yet it is evident in other places, the feast of the Passeover was one, Deut. 16.2. they were to offer it in the place which the Lord should chuse: and the continuall practice sheweth the same, as is evident, Luk. 2.41. the parents of our blessed Saviour went up every yeere to the Passeover. So in the feast of Pentecost, they were all to rejoyce before the Lord, they, their sonnes and daughters, servants and maids, Deut. 16.11. 3. Onely the question is, concer∣ning the third time of their appearing before the Lord, which some thinke was at the feast of the blow∣ing of Trumpets, in the 1. day of the seventh moneth: and so they continued there during the two other feasts of the Reconciliation, in the ••0. day; and of Tabernacles, which began in the 15. Osiander. But here I approve rather Calvins reason, Gravin fuisset tam diuturna mora, So long abode together at Jerusalem, had beene burthensome, for the space of three weekes together: from the first day of the se∣venth moneth, to the 21. when the feast of Tabernacles ended: therefore this third time of their going up, was against the feast of the Tabernacles, as is evident, Deut. 31.10. and that these were the three times

in the yeere, is directly mentioned, Deut. 16.16. These three times in the yeere shall all the males appeare, &c. Tostat. quaest. 25.

QUEST. XXXV. Who were bound to appeare before the Lord, whether their servants.

Vers. 17. SHall all thy men children appeare. 1. The women were not bound by this Law to appeare, because it was necessary that they should be left at home to attend the domesticall affaires, and have a care of the young children: yet they might come up voluntarily, as Anna the mother of Sa∣muel did, and Marie the mother of our blessed Saviour: especially those which dwelt neere to Jerusalem. 2. Concerning the males, Tostatus thinketh that all the males, after they were come to yeeres of discre∣tion, ascended: as Christ being but a child, according to the custome of other children, went up with his parents: But it is more like that none went up under 20. yeere old, only those males, qui ira••sibant sub censum, which passed under the account, Calvin. Some thinke also, none above 50. yeeres: but that is not like: the children might goe up with their parents also, but that was not of any necessity. And left it might have seemed a dangerous thing to the countrey, if all the males together should have beene ab∣sent, the Lord promiseth, that their enemies should not desire their land in the meane time while they appeared before the Lord, Exod. 34.24. 3. Neither were the males of their owne children only bound to goe up, but their servants also, as is expresly mentioned, Deut. 16.12. that their sonne, daughter, ser∣vant and maid should rejoyce with them before the Lord. Of their Hebrew servants there was no que∣stion, because they were of the same profession, and they were but their servants for a time. And concer∣ning other servants bought with their money, they were to circumcise them, and then they were to eat of the Passeover, Exod. 12.44. Now if they were circumcised, they were thereby bound to keepe the whole Law, as the Apostle sheweth, Galath. 5.3. And seeing they also were to eat the Passeover, which could not be offered but before the Lord, Deut. 16.2. they were also necessarily to appeare before the Lord. 4. But if all their servants were bound to goe up with them thrice in the yeere, and that from the furthest parts of the land, this would seeme to have beene a great prejudice to their masters, and an hin∣drance to their businesse, to spare their servants so long. Lyranus and Tostatus here answer, that they which dwelt farre off were dispensed withall, and it was sufficient for them to come up only once in the yeere at the Passeover. But no such dispensation is extant in the Law: I rather insist upon that other answer of Tostatus, that damna animae plus vitanda sunt quàm damna corporis: the detriment of the soule is more to be shunned than the detriment of the body. Therefore seeing their appearing before the Lord concerned the health of their soules, all worldly respects ought to give place unto it: and the Com∣mandement of God was to be preferred before all, Tostat. quaest. 26.

QUEST. XXXVI. To what end the people were commanded to meet together.

THis generall meeting of all Israel thrice in a yeere before the Lord was profitable for divers ends: 1. Ad concordiam religionis & doctrinae conservandam, &c. To keepe and preserve concord and uni∣ty in doctrine and religion, Simler. for if they might have sacrificed where they would, the people might soone have declined and fallen to strange worship. 2. Ingenti multitudinis concursu alii alios incitabant, &c. By this concurse of the multitude one helped to stirre up and provoke another to the more cheere∣full setting forth of the praise of God, Gallas. 3. It was effectuall also, Ad coalitionem animorum, &c. For the knitting together of their hearts and mindes, the maintaining of love and charity among them, Marbach. 4. Solemnia festa angustiora fieri tanto conventu: The solemne feast dayes by this company of the people were thereby more adorned and set forth. 5. And this was a figure also of Christ: that as they had but one Sanctuary, one Altar, on high Priest: so Christus est unicus servator: Christ is our onely Sa∣viour and high Priest, Simler.

QUEST. XXXVII. Why the people were not to appeare empty before the Lord.

Vers. 15. NOne shall appeare before me emptie. 1. Though this precept be annexed here to the solem∣nity of the Passeover: yet it is to be referred not only to that feast, as Tostatus seemeth to take it, but to all the rest of the three, Cajetane, Gallas. 2. Some understand it thus, that none should ap∣peare empty, or in vaine before the Lord, but they should receive some blessing at his hand: but it is plaine, Deut. 16.17. that it is meant of such gifts and oblations as they should bring with them, to offer before the Lord, Simler. 3. Which offerings and oblations served for the repairing of the Temple, and the maintaining of the Levites, and for other such uses belonging to the service of God, Simler. 4. This presenting of gifts unto the Lord, was to testifie their thankfull minde: Non enim satis erat verbis grati∣tudinem testificari: For it was not sufficient in words only to testifie their thankfulnesse, Gallas. And to this end they did it, ut personarum & rerum fiat Deo oblatio, qui dat & personas & res omnes: that they might offer unto God as well their substance as their persons, who giveth all, both the persons and all things beside, Cajetane. 5. Though we are not bound unto this Law, seeing it is abolished, veritas tamen a••uos pertinet, yet the truth thereof belongeth unto us, Gallas. that if wee have money, or any other sub∣stance, we should first releeve the poore, tunc demum Deo preces fundamus, and then offer our prayers unto God: Saltem animam non à bo••is operibus vacuam Deo offeramus, &c. At the least we should not present our soule unto God empty and void of good workes,* 1.184 Theodoret. To the same purpose Chrysostome, id∣circò pauperes ante fores sunt, ut nemo vacuus ingrediatur, &c. intras ut misericordiam consequaris, prior ipse miserere, &c. Therefore the poore stand at the Church doore, that none should goe in empty: thou en∣crest to obtaine mercy, first shew mercy thy selfe, &c. Gregorie applieth it to the appearing before the Judge at the latter day:* 1.185 he which spendeth his time here in heaping up of wealth, in gathering of riches, Quia cunctae haec quis{que} moriens deserit, ante Dominum vacuus apparet; Because everyone leaveth these things when he dieth, he appeareth empty before the Lord.

QUEST. XXXVIII. In what place they appeared before the Lord, while the Arke and Tabernacle were asunder.

Vers. 15. APpeare before the Lord. While the Arke and Tabernacle remained together, there was no question at all, but that comming to the Tabernacle, they appeared there before the Lord: but afterward when the Tabernacle and Arke were asunder, as they continued at the least the space of 90. yeeres, all the time of Samuel and Saul, which was 40. yeeres; and all Davids reigne, till the eleventh yeere of Salomon, when the Temple was finished, 1 King. 6.36. when the Arke and Tabernacle were joy∣ned together againe, 2 Chron. 5.5. The doubt is all this while of the separating and dividing of the Arke from the Tabernacle; which was the place where the people assembled to keepe their ••easts. 1. Simlerus thinketh, that where the Arke was, they assembled before the Lord. So also Iunius,* 1.186 That thither the Tribes went up to keepe their solemnities. 2. But herein the opinion of Tostatus is more probable, that where the Sanctuary and Tabernacle was, there was the place of the solemne assemblies in their feasts: for these reasons: 1. The Arke was taken from the Tabernacle by the Philistims, and kept among them seven moneths, and returned in the beginning of the wheat harvest, which was about Pentecost.* 1.187 If now their festivities were solemnized only before the Arke, then at this time in the space of those seven mo∣neths, in the absence of the Arke, it would follow, that two of their great solemnities of the Pasch and Pentecost were omitted, which is not to be granted: 2. There the meeting of the people was, where the Altar of burnt offerings was, and the Priests gave their attendance: but that was not where the Arke was placed, but where the Tabernacle was pitched: as is evident, 1 Sam. 21. where Ahemelech the high Priest, with other Priests, were at Nob attending at the Tabernacle: the Arke then remaining at Kiri∣••••hi••a••im, 1 Cor. 6.1. 3. After the captivity, in the second Temple the Arke was not, being lost in the de∣struction of the Temple: and yet there their festivities were kept. 4. Now this concourse of the people to the Tabernacle, rather than to the Arke, was not because it was more worthy than the Arke: for the Arke was more worthy of reverence than the whole Tabernacle: but by reason of the other implements, which went with the Tabernacle, as the Altar, and table of shew bread, and the rest; and because the Priests gave their attendance there. But if the Tabernacle had beene destroyed, and the Arke onely had remained; then without all question the Priests and people would have flocked to that place, To∣stat. quaest. 28.

3. But it will be objected, that the place where the Arke was, must needs be that place where they ap∣peared before the Lord; because there the Lord manifested himselfe, and from thence delivered his ora∣cles, not only while it remained with the Tabernacle, Numb. 7.89. but when it was apart, 2 Sam. 6.2. But in this it may be answered, that the Lord did not onely give answer from the Arke, but from the Taber∣nacle also, Exod. 29.42. and there Ahimelech asked counsell of God for David, though the Arke were not there, 1 Sam. 22.10. yea the Priest with his Ephod consulted with God, though neither the Taber∣nacle nor Arke were present: as David asked counsell of God by the Priest Abeathar, that had the Ephod, 1 Sam. 23.10. therefore that argument followeth not, Tostat. ibid.

4. But though I herein consent with Tostatus, that the solemne assemblies and sacrifices were in the place where the Tabernacle was, rather than where the Arke was: yet herein I dissent from him. He thinketh, that it was not permitted, sacrificia habere nisi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in loco, to have sacrifices but in one place; because by this occasion the rude people might have thought there had beene many gods, if they should have sacrificed in many places: and for this cause the rest of Israel tooke exception to the two tribes and halfe beyond Jordan, because they erected an Altar, supposing they had made it to sacrifice upon.

Contra. 1. But it is evident, while the Arke and Tabernacle were divided, that they offered sacrifices in both places; as 1 Sam. 6.14. the men of Bethshemesh offered a burnt offering before the Arke, rejoy∣cing at the returne thereof. And at Nob, where David and the shew bread given him, to what end should the Priests have given their attendance, but for the sacrifices? 2. Neither was there any feare of bringing in a plurality of gods by this meanes, seeing all Israel knew, that both the Arke and Tabernacle were made at the appointment of one and the same God of Israel by the hand of his servant Moses. 3. And the reason is not alike concerning that Altar which was made by the two tribes and halfe, which the other tribes had in jealousie; because that was erected by the direction and advice of men: but both the Arke and Tabernacle had their institution from God: and therefore there could be no such feare for sacrifi∣cing to either of those places.

QUEST. XXXIX. What sacrifice •• commanded here not to be eaten with unleavened bread.

Vers. 18. THou shalt not offer the bloud of my sacrifice with leavened bread. 1. Some doe understand this generally of all sacrifices, which were to be offered without leaven, Levit. 2.11. Pellican. Oleaster. And the other Law, Neither shall the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of my sacrifice remaine till the morning. Some likewise understand of other sacrifices▪ for although the flesh of the sacrifices might remaine till the next day: adeps tamen incendi debebat eodem die, yet the fat was to be burned the same day, Cajetan. As is prescri∣bed, Levit. 7.3. But it is better referred to the Paschall lambe, as the Chalde Interpreter expoundeth, that they should remove leaven out of their house, before they offered the Passeover, Tostat. Simler. Calvin. And by far, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 principall, is understood whatsoever remained of the Paschall lambe; as is further decla∣red, Exod. 34.25. Iun. Where it appeareth, that both these precepts are specially given, concerning the Paschall Lambe. 2. And the reasons thereof were the••e, 〈…〉〈…〉, &c. Because the fat do••th easily corrupt and putrifie: which was an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thing, that any part of the sacrifice should bee suffered to putrifie, G••llas. As also, lest the 〈…〉〈…〉 the next day, Sacerdotes comeder••nt quod Dei ••••at, the Priests might eat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which was the Lords 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oleaster.

QUEST. XL. When the Passeover was to be killed.

NOw concerning the place, where the Passeover was to be offered. 1. It must be considered, that they were not in the yeerely keeping of the Passeover, to doe as they did in the first institution in Egypt; every one killed it in his owne house: that was to be done then, because they were to strike the bloud upon the doore postes, that it might be a signe of their deliverance from the plague, while the Angell pas∣sed over to smite the Egyptians, chap. 12.23. but afterward they were required to sacrifice the Passeover in the place which the Lord should chuse, Deut. 16.2. 2. Neither was it enough to bring the Passeover up to that place where the Tabernacle was: but they were to present it at the doore of the Tabernacle, where the Passeover was to be killed, as other sacrifices, and the bloud to be powred by the Altar: 1. Be∣cause this was the generall Law for all sacrifices, Levit. 17.3. but the Passeover was a sacrifice: as here the Lord calleth it, my sacrifice: and Numb. 9.13. he that was negligent to keepe the Passeover, should be cut off from his people, and this reason is yeelded thereof, Because he brought not the offering of the Lord in due season. 2. And againe, it had beene to small purpose, to enjoyne the people to come to the place of the Sanctuary with their Passeover, to that end, that they should observe no other rites and ceremonies therein, than were appointed by the Law: if every one might have killed the Passeover in his owne house; for then they might have followed what rites they thought good, Tostat. quaest. 27.

QUEST. XLI. Wherefore they were to eat only unleavened bread in the Passeover.

THou shalt not offer the blond with leavened bread, &c. 1. The unleavened bread, which they were com∣manded to eat for seven dayes together, is called the bread of tribulation, Deut. 16.3. that as it is an unpleasant and unsavoury bread of it selfe; so it should call to their remembrance the affliction which they endured in Egypt, and consequently their deliverance from the same, Simler. Calvin. 2. But to us it hath this signification: first, it forbiddeth, quicquam Aegyptiacae doctrina divinis rebus admisceri, &c. that any Egyptiacall, or false doctrine should be mingled with divine things, Theodoret. As our blessed Saviour in this sense, chargeth his Apostles to take heed of the leaven of the Pharisies, Mark. 8. Secondly, the lea∣ven signifieth, malitiae & nequitiae amaritudinem, the bitternesse of malice and wickednesse, Rabanus. which we must seeke to purge forth, as S. Paul applieth it, 1 Cor. 5.

QUEST. XLII. What first fruits are here mentioned in this Law.

Vers. 19. THe first of the first fruits of thy land. 1. Some thinke that this Law is understood of the so∣lemne oblation of the first fruits, which were of three sorts: novarum frugum, of their new corne in the feast of the Passeover; panum de novis frugibus pistorum, of bread baked of the new corne, at Pentecost; & novorum fructuum, and of the new fruit, as of wine and oile, in the feast of Tabernacles. But this solemne oblation of the first fruits, was before rehearsed in particular, vers. 15, 16. 2. It is rather therefore meant of those first fruits, which every man was bound to offer unto the Lord in particular: as the first fruits of their trees, Levit. 19.25. Iun. The first fruit of their dowe, Numb. 15.21. and of other things: which was to this end, to acknowledge their thankfulnesse unto God for the fruits of the land which he had given them, Deut. 26.10. Simler. 3. Lyranus addeth further, that these first fruits are special∣ly understood of the seventh yeere, when they did not sow any thing: that because mention is made be∣fore▪ onely of the first fruits of their labours, vers. 16. this is added, that even they were to give the first fruits of that, which the earth brought forth of it selfe in the seventh yeere without their labour: that first in common they should offer the first fruits to the Priests, before any did gather of them to their owne use: which they were the rather to doe in the seventh yeere, because those fruits were given them without their labour, they were only of Gods sending: and for that in that yeere they could not pay any tithes unto the Levices: for the tenth part could not be set out from the nine parts; because they did not gather the fruits of the earth together, as in other yeeres▪ but as they needed them, and the remainder was for the beasts of the field; therefore they could not gosse at the tenth, and the tenth was due from the owner, where he tooke the nine parts to himselfe: but here the owner tooke no more than another; the fruits of the seventh yeere were common unto all, Tostat. qu. 29.

QUEST. XLIII. What it is to seeth a kid in the mothers milke.

Vers. 19. THou shalt not seeth a kid in his mothers milke. 1. Some thinke the meaning of this Law is, that they should not offer a sucking kid in sacrifice, while it was yet tender, and under the damme, Pellican. But this cannot be the sense: for after seven dayes, it was lawfull to take any thing from the damme, and sacrifice it, Exod. 22.30. And we reade that Samuel offered in sacrifice a sucking lambe, 1 Sam. 8. Beside, the flesh of kids, when they are weaned, are not so sweet and pleasant as before, Simler.

2. Some interpret this Law by that, Levit. 22.28. that they should not kill the cow and ewe, and the young both in one day: and Deut. 22.6. that they should not take the dam with the young, Theodoret. Vatab. But it is a divers thing to seeth the kid in the dammes milke, and to seeth or kill the kid with the damme together, Pelarg. Oleaster.

3. Some doe understand this Law according to the letter, that they should not indeed dresse and seeth a kid in the dammes milke: and they give this reason; because it seemeth to be a cruell thing, si lac ma∣tris quod datum ei est pro nutrimento, adhibeatur ad consumptionem, if the milke of the damme, which is given for nourishment, should be used to waste and consume it, Thomas, Lyr••••m. Others adde this rea∣son: Prohibetur ritus Idololatrarum lixantium 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in laste matris: The rite and fashion of Idolaters is forbidden, which seeth the kid in the dammes milke, Cajetane. And the Hebrewes affirme, that the Ismae∣lites had such an use to seeth kids in the dammes milke for more delicacie sake, Simler. The Gentiles also used to sacrifice a kid sod in the mothers milke to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the fields, that they might have plenty,

Tostat. And this is the speciall reason which they insist upon that follow this sense, to take it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to the words and letter, because it is thrice repeated in the same phrase, in this place, and Exod. 34.26. and Deut. 14.21. Pelarg. Simler. and Calvin seemeth to approve the same sense.

Contra. But against this exposition it may be thus objected: 1. The word bashal here used signifieth as well to rost, as seeth: as Deut. 16.7. Thou shalt rost the paschall Lambe, for it was not to be sodden in water, Exod. 12.9. Piscator, and so Tostatus thinketh that in this place it may be taken indifferently, pro decoctione, vel assatione, for boiling or rosting: but the kid could not in this literall sense be rosted in the mothers milke, though they might imagine it to be boiled therein.

2. Augustine objecteth thus: Quid si mortua matre ejus ab alia o••e lactaretur?* 1.188 What if the owne dam being dead, another ewe gave it sucke? it could not be then sod in the mothers milke. Lyranus therefore understandeth it de omni lacte, of any milke whatsoever. But now they which presse the literall sense, by this meanes are forced to depart from the letter.

3. Againe, there is the same reason of other young things, as of fowles and of birds, as there is of the young of beasts: but they cannot be sod in the dammes milke, and yet they might be abused, as well as other young things: therefore these words doe restraine such an abuse about meats, as is incident to the flesh of fowle, as of cattell. The conceit then of Andreas, reported by Lyranus, hath no ground: that it must be understood, de carnibus animalium, &c. non de carnibus avium, of the flesh of cattell that are nou∣rished with milke, not of the flesh of birds.

4. Concerning that superstitious rite of Idolaters, there is no certainty of it. Horace indeed maketh mention of offering milke unto Sylvanus the god of the fields, in this verse: Tellurem porco, Sylvanum lacte piabant, They appeased the goddesse Tellus with a swine, and Sylvanus with milke. But whether they offered a kid sod in milke it is not certaine, and so Tostatus confesseth, quaest. 37.

5. Neither is that any good reason, why it should be taken precisely according to the words, because it is thrice rehearsed: for in all those places it may well beare another sense more fitting and agreeable, as shall be even now shewed.

6. This pressing of the literall sense hath given occasion to the Jewes, receiving herein the exposition of their Rabbins, of great superstition: for hereupon the Jewes to this day refraine to boile any flesh at all in milke; or to dresse or prepare cheese and flesh together, because it is made of milke: nor to cut flesh and cheese with the same knife, Gallasius: neither will they eat cheese after flesh, nisi bene perfricuerint dentes, unlesse they have thorowly rubbed their teeth before.

4. Some therefore not finding how to give a fit sense of the words, doe flee unto allegories. Augustine saith, Hoc quomodo observetur ad proprietatem, aut non est, aut non eluc••t, &c. How this should be observed according to the propriety of the words, either it is not at all to be found, or else it appeareth not. There∣fore he approveth that mysticall and figurative sense, in referring it to Christ:* 1.189 Quod hac prophetia prae∣dictus est non occidendus infans, &c. Who is foretold by this prophecie, that he should not be killed in his infancie, when Herod sought to slay him, &c. The same figurative application followeth Thomas. But Augustine addeth further, that it may be applied to the time of Christs passion, who suffered about that same time of the yeere, when his mother began to be conceived with him: and women are said, ex quo conceperint lac colligere, from the time they conceive to gather milke, &c. But neither of these senses can fitly agree unto Christ, who is called the lambe that was slaine, but not the goat. Some insist upon a morall sense: as Rabanus by the goat understandeth the sinner, who must not be sod in his mothers milke, Id est, non purgandus mediocribus Ecclesiae disciplinis, sed austerioribus praeceptis: That is, he must not be pur∣ged with the mild discipline of the Church, but with austere precepts. Procopius and Lippoman follow∣ing him, doe make a quite contrary application: Infantes in negotio Christi impossibile est ducere per ignem & tribulationes, &c. They that are infants in the faith of Christ, cannot be lead thorow sire and tribula∣tion, &c. tolerandi, non opprimendi sunt, they must be tolerated, not urged. And this uncertainty there is in mens collections, when every one followeth his owne sense.

5. Wherefore the meaning is no more but this: they should not bring for the first fruits of any cattell, any kid, or other beast, dum est adhuc lactea, while it is yet but milke, that is, before it be seven dayes old. And as they were not to offer such unto God, so neither to use it for their private food, Deut. 14.21. Iun. Piscator. And this to be the meaning may appeare; because here, and Exod. 34.26. this precept is an∣nexed to the Law of first fruits: and yet more evidently it is explained, chap. 22.30. where having made mention of the offering of the first fruits of their oxen and sheepe, this is added, seven dayes it shall be with his damme: which may serve to explicate this clause: that so long it is but as the dammes milke, till it be eight dayes old. And as they were not to offer any such young thing to the Lord, so neither privately were they to use any such delicacie in feeding of young and tender things, which were but yet as milke and froth: which precept is given them, not so much, ut curam haberent valetudinis, that they should have care of their health, Marbach. Deus his legibus altius spectavit: For God in giving these Lawes looked to higher matters: therefore by this Law, cohibetur intemperantia, both their intemperancie is restrained, Gallas. & humanitas & clementia commendatur, and humanity and clemencie even toward the brute beasts is commended. For they which are cruell toward beasts, are for the most part cruell also toward men, Simler. therefore among the Athenians, boyes that pricked out the eyes of crowes, were punished: and Domitian among the Romans, that flye-killer, proved a savage tyrant and killer of men, Pelarg.

QUEST. XLIV. Who is understood here to be this Angell.

Vers. 20. BEhold I send mine Angell before thee. 1. Cajetane understandeth this Angell to be Moses: but that cannot be, for he brought not the people into the land of Canaan, as this Angell should and did, vers. 23. Simler. And this Angell should not spare their misdeeds, vers. 23. but Moses often spared their iniquities, and prayed for them, chap. 34. Oleaster. But Cajetane addeth further, that Moses should have brought them into the land of Canaan, but that, ipse peccando impedimentum praestitit, he pro∣cured the let himselfe by his sinne: and so this is to be understood conditionally. But Tostatus taketh away this answer: Prophetia cum impletur secundùm divinam praedestinationem intelligitur, Where a pro∣phecie is fulfilled, it must be understood not conditionally, but according to Gods certaine predestination. And therefore seeing here the Lord brought them by his Angell into the land of Canaan, and yet he did not bring them in by Moses: it followeth that Moses could not be that Angell.

2. Tostatus therefore thinketh, that this Angell must be understood to be Ioshua, for he brought them into the land of Canaan: neither did he spare their iniquities, for he punished Achan, Iosh. 7. And Gods name was in him, both because he was an Israelite, which is interpreted one prevailing with God, Raba∣nus: and he is called Ioshua, which is the same with Iesus, a Saviour: and his name being before Oshea, God tooke one of the letters of his owne name Iehovah, the first letter jod, and put it to his name, and so made it Ioshuah, which signifieth a Saviour, Tostat. So also Lyranus.

Contra. 1. But by name is here understood, not any title or appellation consisting of syllables, but power and authority, and the essence of God, which was not in Ioshua, Genevens. 2. And the peculiar and proper name of God is Iehovah, which was never given unto any mortall man, Gallas. 3. Neither did Ioshuah pu∣nish all their transgressions, though he met with some publike and notorious offences, Simler. 4. And if Ioshuah should have beene this Angell, car••isset populus ductore Angelo, &c. the people should have wan∣ted this Angell their guide, as long as they sojourned in the wildernesse, Calvin. 5. And further, the Lord saith to Moses, Mine Angell shall goe before thee, Exod. 32.34. But Ioshua went not before Moses; he came after and succeeded him, Calvin.

Borrhaius here understandeth both Ioshuah as the type, and Christ the great Angell of God, secundum veritatem, in truth. But this cannot agree unto Ioshua at all, no not as the type of Christ; for the reasons before alleaged.

4. Lyranus and Lippomanus doe interpret this place of a created Angell, the same which went before them in a pillar of fire: and in that he saith, My name is in him, the meaning is, Quicquid loquitur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no∣mine loquetur, &c. Whatsoever he speaketh, he shall speake in my name, Lippoman.

Contra. 1. That Angell which went before the people in a cloudy and fiery pillar, was no created An∣gell, but God himselfe: for he is called Iehovah, chap. 13.21. Gallas. 2. Whereas the Lord said to Moses, that he would not goe himselfe with them, but send his Angell, chap. 33. 2. and yet afterward being intrea∣ted by Moses, granted that his presence should goe with them, chap. 33.14. hence it is evident, that th•••• was not such an Angell as he said he would send, and not goe himselfe, but such an Angell wherein his presence should be, Simler.

5. Wherefore this Angell is none other but Christ, that great Angell of Gods counsell, whom God sent into the world: as appeareth evidently by these reasons: 1. The text saith, My name is in him: Pro na∣turali divinitate, eodem quo & ego, censetur nomine, In respect of his Deity, which he hath by nature, he is called by the same name that I am,* 1.190 Rupertus▪ Ferus. 2. Augustine taketh him to be the same Angell which wrestled with Iacob, and changed his name, Gen. 32. which was God himselfe, Christ in humane shape wrestling with Iacob: for Iacob is called Israel, because he had prevailed with God. 3. This is the same Angell which is called the Angell of Gods covenant, Malach. 3.1. Ferus. But herein he is deceived, he thinketh this to be majorem Angelum, a greater Angell, than that Angell which went before them in a cloud: whereas he is the very same Angell. 4. This Angell is called Iehovah, chap. 13.21. Iun. Piscator. 5. They are bidden not to provoke this Angell: But it was Christ whom they tempted and provoked in the wildernesse, 1 Cor. 10.9. and Heb. 3.9. Simler. 6. Angelus iste judex statuitur. &c. This Angell is ap∣pointed their Judge, if they did offend, He will not spare your misdeeds, Calvin. 7. Againe, he saith, If thou hearken unto him, and doe all that I speake, &c. signifying, parem ab illis secum obedientiam flagitare, that he requireth of them the same obedience with God himselfe, as being of the same power, majesty, authority: as our blessed Saviour saith in the Gospell, Ioh. 10. I and my father are one, Marbach. 8. Iudicium occul∣torum eidem tribuitur, &c. Unto this Angell is given the judgement of secret things: hee will not spare▪ &c. Simler. Pelarg. Etsi enim Magistratus non omnia delicta vidit & novit, &c. For although the Magi∣strate doe not see and punish all offences: yet God seeth, and in time will be avenged, Osiander. 9. This was the same Angell, which here performeth that which was promised to Abraham long before, I will curse them that curse thee, Gen. 12.3. as here he saith, I will be an enemy to thine enemies: and that was Ie∣hovah, Gen. 12.1. Pellican.

QUEST. XLV. Why in this place the prohibition of idolatry is inserted.

Vers. 24. THou shalt not bow downe to their gods, &c. 1. This Law is annexed to the former exhorta∣tion of obedience; because idolatry is the very root and foundation of all iniquity: and the whole Law and Commandements of God were neglected by Idolaters, so that nothing was more con∣trary to their obedience to the Law, than idolatry, Simlerus. 2. And seeing they were to cast out the in∣habitants of Canaan, which worshipped Idols, they are charged also together with them, to cast out their superstition and idolatry, Tostat. quaest. 81. 3. Quia proclives sunt animi hominum ad superstitionem, &c. Because the mindes of men are prone unto superstition, therefore this precept is often here repeated;

that they should not serve other gods, nor doe after their workes, but abolish and destroy all monuments of superstition, Gallas▪ Ferus. 4. And three things are forbidden touching idolatry: First, they must not bow unto them, give them any externall signe of reverence: then, they must not serve them, by sacrificing unto them, erecting temples, altars, and such like, Oleaster. Thirdly, nor doe after their workes, that is, fol∣low other their superstitious rites and ceremonies; and generally, tota eorum conversatio prohibita est, their whole conversation was naught, and therefore is forbidden, Tostat. quaest. 81. 5. And because it was not sufficient to decline from superstition, si religione car••as, if thou want religion, therefore as they are forbidden the worship of false gods, so they are commanded to serve the Lord, vers. 25. Gallas.

QUEST. XLVI. What manner of promises are here made and why.

Vers. 25. ANd he shall blesse thy bread, &c. 1. This must be here observed, that these promises here made are only temporall, because the people then were carnall, and only sought such things. In the new Testament, Christ doth not promise these terrene and temporall blessings to his Apostles: non quia illis haec invidebat, &c. not because he did envy them these things, but because he had greater bles∣sings for them: like as the father, when his sonne is come to age, doth no more entise him with apples, but bestoweth an inheritance upon him, Ferus. 2. Posset abs{que} praemii ullius promissione praeciper••, &c. God might if it pleased him, command without promise of any reward; for he is debter unto none, and when we have done all which we can, wee doe no more than our duty: but God to stirre up our dulnesse pro∣poundeth ample and large promises, Marbach. 3. And these blessings of plenty, health, fruitfulnesse, long life, are here mentioned, because they should acknowledge God the Author and giver of all these bles∣sings, which the Idolators asked of their Idols, Gallas. 4. First, God promiseth to blesse their increase and store, their bread and water; both to give them abundance, and to blesse the use thereof unto them: for otherwise, without Gods blessing, abundance will soone come to nothing: and because plenty is nothing without health; Secondly, he saith he will take away all sicknesse: then, because all this would not availe, if they had no heires, it is added, that none should be barren: and beside, long life is promised: for to en∣joy these things but a short time, were no perfect blessing: and lastly, victory is promised over their ene∣mies: for all these blessings had little helped, unlesse they might have had quiet and peaceable possession of the land, Ferus.

QUEST. XLVII. What is understood by the hornets.

Vers. 28. I Will send Hornets, &c. 1. Some doe understand this literally, that as God sent frogs and lice upon the Egyptians; so against the Canaanites, he armed waspes and hornets to shew his power, quod per minuta animantia suis auxiliatur, that he can helpe his by weake and small beasts, Theodoret. So also Procopius giving this note, Deum à coelo de improviso suis missurum auxilium, That God of a sudden can send helpe unto his out of heaven. So also Cajetan. Simler. Calvin. Gallas. Pelarg.* 1.191 But Augustines reason may here be urged against this sense: Non hoc logimus factum, &c. Wee doe not reade any such thing to have beene done, neither in Moses time, under Iosua, the Judges, or the Kings, that hornets were sent against the Canaanites; only the booke of Wisdome, hoc dicit imple••um, saith this was fulfilled, chap. 12.8. Thou sendedst forerunners of thine host, the hornets to destroy them by little and little. But this may also be understood of that feare and terrour which God did smite the Canaanites with, before the comming of Israel.

2. R. Abraham, and Aben Ezra, by hornets, understand a certaine disease which did consume the Ca∣naanites, where they hid themselves in their caves. But the text saith, that these hornets drave them out; not that they wasted and consumed them.

3. Pellican maketh a metaphoricall sense: Ita attonitos eos reddam, ut etiam vespae siat ••is superiores; I will so astonish them, that even flies and waspes shall be able to overcome them, &c. But Ioshua found the contrary, when he was discomfited and fled before the men of Hai, that he had not to deale, as with flies and waspes.

4. Therefore I prefer Augustines sense, Vespae istae aculei timoris intelligendae sunt, &c. These waspes or hornets, are to be understood to be those prickes of minde and terrours which made the Canaanites give place to the Israelites. So also Lyranus saith, they were, Anxietates animi eos pungentes tanquam aculei, Perplexity of minde which pricked them as sharpe pricks. And this to be the meaning, the former verse sheweth, I will send my feare before thee, vers. 27. the accomplishment whereof is declared, Iosh. 24.12. I sent my hornets before you, which cast them out before you, the two Kings of the Amorites, not with thy sword, &c. that is, the feare which God sent upon them, not their sword, discomfited them, Iunius, Piscator. As Rahab confesseth, When we heard it, our heart did faint, and there remained no more courage in us, Iosh. 2.11. So also Borrhaius.

5. Rupertus maketh this allegoricall sense, by the hornets, Quos scimus de aquino stercore nasci, &c. Which wee know to be bred out of dung, are to be understood those base and contemptible meanes, whereby God overcame the power of Satan, &c. He meaneth the Apostles, who were counted as vile and base, whereby the Gospell of the kingdome was published and propagated. But the former sense is to be insisted upon, as the most fit, and consonant to the Scripture.

QUEST. XLVIII. Why God did not cast out the Canaanites all at once before the Israelites.

Vers. 29. I Will not cast them out from thy face in one yeere. 1. No, nor yet in 400. yeeres were they all cast out, till the reigne of David and Salomon: which the Lord did for divers causes: one is here expressed; lest the land should have growne to a wildernesse, if it had beene dispeopled all at once, and so husbandry and tillage would have beene neglected, Gallas. And the wilde beasts in the solitary places would have increased, as Wolves, Lions, Beares, which would have beene a great annoyance to the

people, Tostat. qu. 84. 2. Another cause was, for their rebellion and murmuring, for the which they were punished to wander up and downe in the wildernesse 40. yeeres, Simler. 3. Eorum culpae imputandum est, &c. It is to be imputed to their owne fault, that the Canaanites were no sooner cast out, because they were slothfull and negligent therein themselves, as Ioshua telleth them, If yee goe backe, and cleave to the rest of these nations,* 1.192 &c. and shall make marriages with them, know for a certaine, that the Lord your God will cast ou•• no more of these nations from before you, &c. Calvin. 4. Neither would God cast them out all at once, Vt essent, qui peccantes arguerent, & ut ••rudirit in eis Israel; That there might be some, which should cor∣rect those which sinned, and that Israel might be nurtured by them, Rabanus. For God used those na∣tions, as whips and scourges for his people when they fell away from him; as he stirred up the King of Canaan against them, Iud. 4. 5. Another reason was, that the people might have some alwayes to exer∣cise them, that they should not be given over to sloth and idlenesse, but be trained up in warre: this cause is touched, Iudg. 3.1. That he might prove Israel by them, as many as had not knowne the warres of Canaan, Marbach. Pellarg. But this reason is not mentioned here, Ne impatientia defecissent, &c. Lest they might through their impatience have fainted, Lippom. 6. And further, God would not, Vt citra praelia dominium terrae acquirant, That they should without battell get the dominion of the land: for those things which are hardly gotten, we doe the more set by, Pracopius. 7. Hoc etiam utile fuit ad cohibendum eorum praceps defiderium; This was also profitable to stay their preposterous desire; that they should wait the Lords leisure, and thinke not all at once to have their desire. Like as now many wish, that the Gospell might be quickly propagated over the world, which although it be much to be desired, yet we must commit and commend the successe thereof unto God, who seeth just cause, though it be not revealed to us, why it pleaseth not him at once herein to satisfie our desire, Gallas.

QUEST. XLIX. Of the bounds and limits of the land of promise.

Vers. 31. I Will make thy coasts from the red sea, &c. 1. This Sea called the red, or reedy Sea, in Hebrew Suph, cannot be the dead sea, as Pellican thinketh, into the which Jordan did runne: for no where in the Scripture is the name of the sea Suph, the reedy or red Sea, given unto it, but onely to that sea which lieth upon Egypt, which was divided before the Israelites. 2. Here foure bounds are set of the Land of promise: the East bound, which is the red sea, Mare rubrum, quod ab orients intellige, &c. The red sea, understand to be on the East, Gloss. interlinear. Not that it boundeth all the East side, Sed frous orientalis terrae Canaan tangit in aliquo mare rubrum, &c. But because the East side of the land of Canaan confronteth in some part upon the red sea. The sea of the Philistims, which is the great Ocean, called the Mediterranean sea, did bound it on the West: the desert toward Egypt, which was the wildernesse of Shur on the South: and the river Euphrates on the North. 3. But in other places of the Scripture, the land of Canaan is otherwise bounded, as Gen. 15.18. two bounds only are described, one the South from the river of Egypt, which was a little river on the North end of Egypt, where it is joyned to the countrey of the Philistims: the other on the North, the great river Euphrates. So Deut. 11. vers. 24. these limits are described, the desert on the South, and Lebanon which is on the North▪ Euphrates on the East; and the uttermost sea on the West, Tostat. So Iosh. 1.4. From the wildernesse and Lebanon, unto the great river Perah: here Euphrates, in Hebrew called Perah, is the bound on the East: and so it is: pertenditur tamen versus Aquilonem; yet it extendeth toward the North, Oleaster. And therefore in this place it is set downe as the bound Northward. But this divers description, limiting and bounding of Canaan, is all one in effect. 4. Yet the Israelites enjoyed not all this countrey, till the time of David and Salomon, as 1 King. 4 21. it is said, that Salomon reigned over all Kingdomes, from the river Euphrates, unto the land of the Phi∣listims, Iun. And the reason, why they obtained the whole land no sooner, was because of their sinne, Simler. 5. Now this bounding and confining of the land of Canaan, was profitable for these two ends: first, that the Israelites might know against whom they might lawfully fight: for to those countries which were not within the said limits and bounds, they could pretend no right nor title: Secondly, it was necessary to know the compasse and circuit of the land, for the more equall distributing and dividing of it among the tribes, Tostat. quaest. 85.

QUEST. L. Whether it be lawfull to make a league with nations which are enemies to true religion.

Vers. 32. THou shalt make no covenant with them. Here this question will be moved, whether it be al∣together unlawfull to make any league or covenant with Infidels, or such as are enemies un∣to true religion, as the Israelites were forbidden to have any society with the Canaanites.

1. The affirmative part, that it is lawfull, may seeme to be confirmed by the examples of Abraham, that was in league with Aner, Eshcol and Mamre, Genes. 14. of Isaack, that made a covenant with Abimelech, Salomon with Hiram, the Macchabees with the Romans.

Answ. 1. Particular examples cannot infringe a generall Law, Legibus vivendum est, non exemplis; We must live by Lawes, and not by examples. 2. Aner▪ Eshcol and Mamre, were not Idolaters: there might be some true worshippers of God among the Canaanites in those dayes, as appeareth in Melchisedech, that dwelt among them. 3. Abraham and Isaack made no covenant of mutuall helpe, but only compounded a peace concerning their limits and bounds, which was not unlawfull, for Paul willeth us, as much as in us lieth to have peace with all men.* 1.193 4. Of the same kinde was the league which Salomon made with Hi∣ram, which was a bond of peace and amity, not of mutuall helpe and society. 5. The example of the Mac∣chabees doth not move us much; for their facts cannot simply be approved, and they had no good suc∣cesse of that league, which they made with the Romans.

2. Wherefore the negative is more agreeable to the Scriptures, that no covenant is to be contracted or made with the wicked.

1. Iehosaphat is reproved by Iohn the Prophet, for joyning in league and friendship with Aba•• the idolatrous King of Israel, 2 Chron. 19.

2. The Prophet Isay rebuketh the Jewes, because they sought unto the Egyptians for helpe: Wee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the rebellious children, &c. which walke forth to goe downe unto Egypt, and have not asked at my mouth, &c. chap. 30.2.

3. For the same cause the Prophet also reproveth the Israelites, They are gone up to Asshur, &c. Ephraim hath hired lovers, Hosea 8.9.

4. Paul forbiddeth the Corinthians to flee for helpe unto the tribunals of Heathen Judges, but rather willeth them to suffer wrong among themselves, 1 Cor. 6. And he biddeth, Not to be unequally yoked with Infidels, 2 Cor. 6.14.

5. For all such leagues are unprofitable and in vaine; for how should they keepe faith with men, who are unfaithfull to God?

3. But yet all kinde of entercourse is not forbidden betweene Christians and Infidels, and such as are of contrary religion: For then (as the Apostle saith in the like case) wee must goe out of the world: yet these conditions must be observed in such leagues:

1. Wee must not promise to aid and assist the wicked, or binde our selves unto mutuall helpe, for therefore was Iehosaphat blamed: Wouldest thou helpe the wicked, and love them that hate the Lord? 2 Chron. 19.2.

2. Neither must we sue unto Infidels for helpe; for that were to distrust the Lord: if they offer their helpe upon good conditions, it is lawfull to use it, as sent of God; but we must not seeke for it.

3. Ancient leagues which have beene made in former times with such, are not to be broken: for the Gospell condemneth truce-breakers.

4. A league for removing of hostilitie, for entercourse of merchandise, and continuance of peace may be made with nations of strange religion, Simler.

QUEST. LI. What it is to sinne against God.

Vers. 33. LEst they make thee sinne against me. Every sinne indeed is against God, because it is a breach of his Law, but idolatry in a more speciall regard is committed against God. 1. Like as a double offence may be done toward the Magistrate and Lawgiver: either in generall, when his Law is transgressed, though anothers person is touched, as in theft, murther: or in particular, when beside the breach of the Law, the person or state of the Magistrate is touched as when treason is intended against him, or his goods stollen. So likewise men trespasse against God: first in generall, when his Law is viola∣ted, though our neighbour only be hurt, as in all the precepts of the second Table: secondly, more spe∣cially, when beside the transgression of the Law, actus immediate dirigitur in Deum, the act is immediately directed against God, as in the breach of the first Table, and principally in idolatry, Tostat. qu. 86.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of divers actions of love, generall and particular.

Vers. 1. IF thou 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thine enemies oxe, &c. As Gods actions are of two sorts, generall and particular: the one toward all men, in as much as he suffereth the Sunne to shine, and the raine to fall upon all: the other toward the elect, in sanctifying them by his Spirit: So must our actions be toward men. A ge∣nerall love we must shew toward all men, Turkes, Jewes, Infidels, and toward our enemies: in procuring their good, in seeking to doe them no hurt, in preserving them and theirs: out of which generall foun∣taine of love flow these curtesies, in bringing home his straying oxe, and helping up the overladen asse. But friendship, familiarity, society, we must only have with the children of God. This difference the Apo∣stle maketh where he saith, Let us doe good to all, but specially unto them which are of the houshold of faith, Galath. 6.10. B. Babington.

2. Doct. Of Christs Deity.

Vers. 21. BEcause my name is in him. Hic Moses Divinitatem Christi palam confitetur & exprimit; Here Moses doth openly confesse and expresse the Divinity of Christ, which the Jewes to this day will not see nor acknowledge: for this Angell is Christ, in whom the name of God is: he is cal∣led by the same names that God the Father is: as the Lord almighty, eternall, &c. Ferus: as the Pro∣phet Isaiah saith, Hee shall call his name, Wonderfull, Counsellor, the mighty God, the everlasting Father, &c. Isai. 9.6.

3. Doct. God disposeth and transposeth kingdomes.

Vers. 31. I Will make thy coasts from the red Sea, &c. This sheweth that God setteth the limits and bounds of kingdomes, which they cannot passe, nor goe beyond: he setteth up kingdomes, transposeth them, and pulleth them downe: as Daniel saith, He changeth times and seasons: he taketh away Kings, he setteth up Kings, Dan. 2.21. Marbach. Borrhaius.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Vniversality and multitude no sure marke of the true Church and religion.

Vers. 2. THou shalt not follow a multitude, &c. As in civill matters it is not safe to follow the custome of a multitude: so in religion it is dangerous to be lead by numbers and multitude. In our

blessed Saviours time the people followed the Scribes and Pharisies: only a few, whom he had chosen out of the world, as the Apostles, with some others, embraced the doctrine of Christ. Therefore universality and multitude, which is so much urged by the Romanists, is no good rule to know the right Church and the truth by, Simler.

2. Confut. Against the secret Spanish Inquisition.

Vers. 1. THou shalt not receive a false tale. Although this be a generall instruction to all, both publike and private persons, that they should not be carried away with false tales: yet it most of all concerneth Judges: which, as Lyranus noteth, saith that the Magistrate is forbidden by this Law to heare the one party in the absence of the other: because many false tales will be devised by the one, when the other is not present to make answer. But Burgensis confuteth Lyranus herein, whom T••oring in his replies maintaineth: who affirmeth truly, that this Law, videtur habere ortum à natura seemeth to take beginning from nature, that when any suit is promoted at the instance of a party, the adverse party should be cited. Yet he maketh exception of some Courts, the processe whereof is secret without any such inquisition: as he giveth instance of that great Court in Westphaliae, which is called Iudicium secre∣tum Westphaliae; The secret judgement of Westphalia. Wherein, beside that he in pretending to defend Lyranus confuteth him, shewing that in all proceedings it is not necessary that publike inquisition bee made; the instance that he giveth is insufficient: what that secret manner of judgement in Westphalia is, he declareth not: but if it be such as the Spanish Inquisition is, which is shuffled up in corners, and in darknesse; there being none present, but the Inquisitor, the Scribe, and tormentor disguised like a Devill, and the poore innocent lambe that is tortured, and examined: it is most unjust, cruell, and tyrannicall. The Romane Governours were more equall toward Paul,* 1.194 who brought him forth in publike to answer for himselfe, and did not sift him in corners. And what is to be thought of such secret actions, our bles∣sed Saviour sheweth,* 1.195 Every man that evill doth hateth the light, neither commeth to the light, lest his deeds should be reproved.

3. Confut. Against the Manichees, who made the old Testament contrarie to the new.

Vers. 22. I Will be an enemy unto thine enemies, &c. The Manichees, who rejected the old Testament, and would make it contrary to the new take exception to these and the like places, where the Lord professeth enmity against the Canaanites, and chargeth the Israelites to kill and destroy them: how (say they) is this consonant and agreeable to that precept of the Gospell, that we should love our enemies?

* 1.196Contra. 1. Hierome answereth, Non tam personarum, quam morum facta est dissensio; That this dissension and enmity was not in respect of the persons, but of their manners. The Israelites were not so much enemies unto them, as they were enemies to the true religion of the Israelites in worshipping of God aright.

* 1.1972. Augustine saith, Illa inimicorum interfectio carnali adhuc populo congruebat, &c. That killing of the enemies did agree unto that carnall people, to whom the Law was given as a schoolemaster unto Christ.

3. The Apostle when he delivered over the incestuous young man unto Satan for the destruction of the flesh: Satis declaravit in aliquem inimicum vindictam cum charitate posse procedere, &c. Did sufficient∣ly declare that revenge may be taken of some enemy in charity, &c. Potest ergo dilectio esse in vindicante; Therefore there may be love in him that taketh revenge; as we see in fathers that correct their children whom they love. And although fathers kill not their children in correcting them, yet God, who knoweth what is best for every one, cum dilectione corrigere, non solum infirmitatibus, sed etiam mortibus temporali∣bus, &c. can correct with love, not only with infirmity and sicknesse, but with temporall death: as is evi∣dent in the Corinthians, as S. Paul saith, For this cause many are weake, and sick among you, and many sleep••: and that these corrections proceed of love,* 1.198 he presently after sheweth: But when wee are judged, wee are chastened of the Lord, because we should not be condemned with the world.

4. Nec hoc fecerunt justi homines sine authoritate divina, &c. Neither did those just men doe this with∣out the divine authoritie, which sometime is manifested in Scripture, sometime hid: lest any should thinke it was permitted unto him to kill whom he would at his pleasure.

5. De inimici dilectione, &c. in veteribus libris legitur, &c. And yet we reade in the old Testament of the loving of our enemy: whereof David is an example, who, when Saul was offered unto his hand, ele∣git parcere potius, quàm occidere; chose rather to spare him, than kill him: ubi ergo nec difficultas fuit oc∣cidendi, nee timor, dilectio profecit inimico, &c. where then there was neither difficulty nor feare to kill the enemy, it was love that helped him, &c. Thus Augustine learnedly sheweth the old Testament not to be contrary to the new.

4. Controv. That every mans terme of life is certaine with God.

Vers. 26. THe number of thy dayes will I fulfill, &c. Here are two errors to be taken heed of, which through the mistaking of this text have deceived some. The one was of Diodorus Tarseus. whose opinion was, that because the dayes of the wicked are often time shortned, thought that the terme of every mans life is not prefixed, and set downe certaine with God, Ex Simlero. So also Procopius, Non ostendit singulis praefixum esse certum vita finem; He sheweth not here, that to every man is set a certaine end of his life; seeing God according to his pleasure, doth sometime shorten, and sometime prolong it, &c. But this opinion seemeth evidently to contradict the Scripture, which thus evidently testifieth, Are not his dayes determined?* 1.199 the number of his moneths are with th••••, thou hast appointed his bounds, which he cannot passe. As God then hath set downe with himselfe the certaine time of every ones comming into the world; so also he hath appointed their time of departure and going out of the world: which time

in respect of Gods prescience is neither prevented nor deferred. But to us it seemeth so to be, when the naturall period of any mans life, by some violent and accidentall meanes seemeth to be cut off. Theodorus therefore here resolveth well: Vnusquisquo nostrâm 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dios viv••••, quos Deus pranoscit, &c. Every one of us shall live out those dayes which the Lord hath foreseene and foreknowne.

The other error is of those which thinke, C••rtum & ••undem 〈…〉〈…〉; That the same certaine terme of life is appointed to all: wh•••• Theodor•••• in the same place con∣futeth: for if it were so, ••••que j••stus 〈…〉〈…〉; neither the righteous should enjoy a longer, nor the unrighteous a shorter life. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whereof is also se••••e by daily ex∣perience: for wee see some infants to dye before they are a moneth old, and some men to live above an hundred yeere.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. The vertues of an upright Iudge.

Vers. 1. THou shalt not receive a false tale, &c. In these three first verses are set forth three excellent ver∣tues, that ought to be in every Judge. The first is truth, which ought alwayes to be followed in judgement: contrary whereunto are false reports and tales, which a Judge is not to give ••are unto. So the Wise-man saith, He that heareth speaketh continually: he that by patient hearing,* 1.200 and wise examining fifteth a cause, may speake without controlement. The second vertue is constancie, not to be swayed by the judgement of the multitude, or by the power of the mighty, to swarve from justice. The third vertue is equality, touched here in the third verse, neither to esteeme the person of the rich or poore in judge∣ment. B. Babington.

2. Observ. Not to use the names of the Gentile gods in poems and verses.

Vers. 13. YE shall make no mention of the name of other gods. By this we may gather, hand piè & Chri∣stianè fieri ab ••is, &c. that it is no Christian or godly use in them, which in their verses and poems do invocate the gods of the Gentiles, as Apollo, Iupiter, Minerva, Marbach. But the Apostle saith, If any man speake, let him talke as the words of God, 1 Pet. 4. vers. 11.

3. Observ. God is to be praised both in the beginning and in the end.

Vers. 16. THe harvest of first fruits, &c. the feast of gathering fruits. God would have them both first and last to acknowledge a benefit: they must offer the first fruits, as a signe of their thankful∣nesse, when their corne began to be ripe; and keepe a feast also, when they had gathered in all their fruits. Men now adayes thinke it enough to make a shew of thansgiving▪ when they begin to taste of a benefit; and forget it afterward. But we must in the beginning and in the end celebrate the praise of God, Olea•••• as the Apostle saith, In all things give thankes, 1 Thess. 5.18.

CHAP. XXIV.

1. The Method and Argument.

IN this Chapter, there are two severall commandements given expresly by the Lord unto Moses, with their severall executions: the first to vers. 12. the second thence to the end of the Chapter.

The first commandement, 1. Is given, vers. 1, 2. both who shall come up unto God, vers. 1. and in what order, vers. 2. Moses should come neere unto the Lord, the rest should stand further off.

2. In the execution: first it is set downe, how Moses delivered the Lawes which he had before received, which are rehearsed in the former Chapters: which he first delivered by word of mouth, and the people obediently received them, vers. 3. then in fact, where foure things are delivered which Moses did: 1. He wrote the Law, vers. 4. 2. Set up an Altar: 3. Sent young men to sacrifice: 4. Sprinkled of the bloud, part on the Altar, part on the people, so establishing and con∣firming the covenant, vers. 6, 7, 8.

Secondly, the execution of the commandement given, vers. 1, 2. followeth in these three things; 1. Their obedience in going up, vers. 9. 2. The effect that followed, they saw God, vers. 10. 3. The event, they did well after, and no evill thing happened unto them.

The second commandement is propounded, vers. 12. with the end thereof, wherefore Moses is bid to come up, namely, to receive the Tables of stone containing the Commandements; then the exe∣cution is shewed in generall, vers. 13. how Moses and Ioshua went up, and what charge Moses gave to the Elders before he went, vers. 14. Then in particular, the manner of his going up into the mountaine is de∣scribed; where foure things are declared: 1. How the mount was covered with a cloud, vers. 15. 2. When the Lord called to Moses, on the seventh day: 3. In what forme the Lord appeared, like consuming fire, vers. 17. 4. How long Moses stayed in the mount, 40. dayes, and 40. nights, vers. 18.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 1. And he said to Moses. I.V.A.P. cum cater, better than, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had said.* 1.201 G. as though this w••••y transposed, and God had said so before unto Moses, which is shewed to be otherwise, qu. 1. following.

* 1.202Vers. 5. They offered burnt offerings, and sacrificed peace offerings unto the Lord, of bullocks. I.V.A.P. cum cater. better than, offered burnt offerings of beeves, &c. G. for the word translated, beeves, is the last in the verse: or, they offered, &c. twelve calves. L. twelve, is not in the originall.

* 1.203 Vers. 8. Concerning all these words, or sayings. I.B. cum cater. all these things. B.G. but they were words or sayings, which were rehearsed out of the booke.

Vers. 10. At a pavement-worke. I. or, stone-worke of Saphir. V. better than, a worke of Saphir. B.G. for here lib••ath, stone, is omitted, or, brickworke of Saphir. S▪ A. lib••ath, signifieth here stone, rather than bricke: or, a worke of the stone Saphir. P.L. or, a worke of a precious stone. C. a worke of Saphir. H. that is, a stone-worke, such as they use in pavings.

* 1.204 Vers. 11. Vpon the selected, or choice, of the children of Israel. I.V.A.S. that is, Princes or Nobles▪ B.G. C.P. better than, upon those which went backe of the children of Israel: ••etzile, separated, selected.

2. Questions explaned.

QUEST. I. Whether this Chapter be transposed in part, or in whole.

Vers. 1. NOw he had said to Moses. 1. The opinion of the Hebrewes is, that this Chapter is transpo∣sed, with the three Chapters before going: which all they thinke to have beene done, and Moses to have received the former Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes, before the Morall law was delivered in mount Sinai. So that they thinke these things to have beene done in this order: that upon the first day of the third moneth the whole host came to the bottome of mount Sinai, and that Moses then went up and received the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes, as they are expressed in the 21, 22, 23. Chapters: and that he descended upon the fourth day, and confirmed the covenant, as is here in this Chapter declared, and so on the fifth day hee went up againe with Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, and on the sixth day the trumpe sounded, and then the Law was delivered, Ex Lyran••.

Contra. But this transposing of the story cannot be admitted for these reasons: 1. It is not like that the people received the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes before they were washed and purged: or that Mo∣ses would sprinkle them with the bloud of the sacrifice being uncleane. But if on the fourth day they received the Lawes, they were not yet cleansed: for three dayes before the Morall law was given, which was, as they say, on the sixth day, they were commanded by Moses to sanctifie themselves, and to wash their clothes, chap. 19. 2. The Ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes doe depend upon the Morall law, and are but particular determinations of the generall precepts of the Morall law: which precepts being groun∣ded upon the Law of nature, are more evident than any other positive Lawes whatsoever: and the Mo∣rall law was to remaine and continue for ever, so were not the other positive Lawes, whether ceremo∣niall, or judiciall: therefore it is most like that the Morall law was given first, and the other after, and not the judicials and ceremonials first, Tostat. 3. Againe, after the people had heard the Lords terrible voice thundering out the Law, they were afraid, and desired that Moses might speake unto them from God, chap. 20. therefore it is evident, that as yet before the Morall law was delivered, Moses had not received the other Lawes from God to give unto the people. But God spake unto them himselfe, Lyranus.

2. And as the opinion of the Hebrewes cannot stand, that hold all these Chapters to be transposed upon the former reasons: so neither can their assertion be received, that admit no transposition here at all: as Cajetane thinketh, that at this time Moses was with God, and yet not come downe out of the mount: but that the Lord in effect said thus much unto him: After thou art gone downe, and hast publi∣shed these Lawes to the people, then come thou up againe, with Aaron, &c. So also Lyranus.

But it is more like that Moses received this commandement to goe up againe, after he had published the Lawes, and performed all those ceremonies which are rehearsed from verse 3. to verse 9. for Moses was now come downe, when the Lord bad him come up: Quomodo enim praecipitur ascendere, qui cum eo est in monte? &c. How is he bid to ascend, who was already in the mount? Hugo de S. Victor. And againe, seeing it is said, vers. 9. Then went up Moses and Aaron; it is like that then Moses received that com∣mandement to goe up: neque enim acc••ssisset Moses non vocatus; for Moses would not have gone up un∣to God, not being called: the two first verses then must needs be transposed.

3. R. Abraham thinketh that the Chapters before going are not transposed, but placed in their right order: as how Moses remained before the Lord after the Morall law was given, and received the Judi∣ciall and Ceremoniall lawes following, and afterward rehearsed them unto the people, and performed the other ceremonies here set downe from verse 3. to verse 9. But this commandement, that Moses should come up with Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, which is given to Moses, vers. 1, 2. and executed afterward, vers. 9. he thinketh to be transposed: and this to be done before the Morall law was delivered, chap. 20. So also Gallasius.

Contra. But this cannot be admitted: 1. Because before the Morall law was pronounced by the Lord, chap. 20. Moses is bid to come, and Aaron only with him, chap. 19.24. But here Nadab, and Abihu, and the 70. Elders he is charged to take with him, vers. 1, 2. 2. Immediatly after Moses had sacrificed and sprinkled the bloud, he went up with Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, vers. 9. This then was not done before the giving of the Law, Tostatus.

4. Wherefore the more probable opinion is, that neither the Chapters before going are transposed, nor yet this Chapter wholly: nor yet that there is no transposition at all. But the two first verses only, which in order are to be joyned with the 9. verse, are set out of their place. And that first Moses came downe and published the Lawes to the people, as the Lord commanded him to doe, though it be omit∣ted:

for without Gods commandement hee would doe nothing; & his facti••, and these things being done, then he was bid to come up with Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, &c. Tostat. Iun. Oleast. Simler.

QUEST. II. What th••se 70. Elders were.

Vers. 1. ANd seventy of the Elders. 1. Some thinke that these were those seventy Elders which after∣ward tooke part of the charge and government with Moses, Num. 11. of which number were Eldad and Medad, Gloss. interlinear. But this cannot be: for those seventy Elders were appointed after the campe was removed from Sinai, and pitched in Kibrath Hattavah, which was the next station be∣yond Sinai, Numb. 33.16. But now the Israelites remained at mount Sinai.

2. Some are of opinion, that these seventy Elders were appointed, when Iethro gave counsell to Moses: that is, six out of every tribe, which make 72. but the even number is set downe, Simler. But those Cap∣taines over the people, which were chosen according to Iethro his direction, were heads over thousands, hundreds, and fifties, chap. 18.25. they were then more than seventy.

3. Neither were these seventy such as before time the people had chosen out for their Rulers, answer∣able unto the number of soules that went downe with Iacob into Egypt, as Calvi•• seemeth to thinke: for it seemeth that before Iethro gave that advice to Moses, there were no such Governours and Rulers over the tribes; because Moses then needed not to have wearied himselfe, in hearing their causes him∣selfe alone.

4. Wherefore these were no speciall Elders, that before were elected and chosen out: but such as Moses did single out upon this occasion, out of the more honourable sort of the people: and therefore they are called, vers. 11. eetzilee, separated, or selected. And Tostatus holdeth this as a reason; because the word El∣ders, ziene in the Hebrew, hath no article set before it, as is usuall in that language when any speciall per∣sons of note are named. But though his reason doe not alwayes hold, yet his opinion seemeth of the rest to be most probable, Tostat. qu. 3.

QUEST. III. Why Moses went up into the mount alone.

Vers. 2. ANd Moses himselfe alone shall come neere to the Lord, &c. 1. Here are three degrees or orders appointed to be observed in their comming neere unto God: the people stand farre off, and come not neere at all: Aaron and his two sonnes, and the seventy Elders, ascend with Moses to some part of the mountaine: but Moses himselfe only goeth up unto God, vers. 12. Calvin. Lippoman. 2. Rabanus maketh this morall application of it: that as the seventy Elders went not up with Moses, so, unusquisque perpendat discrete vires sua••, ut ultra non praesumat; that every one doe discreetly examine his strength, and not presume beyond his knowledge. 3. For the mysticall sense, Procopius maketh Aaron here a type of Christ, who stood aloofe off, and contemned not our humane nature, sed descendens ad nos inter nos, moratur; but descending dwelt among us, &c. But this application can in no wise be fit, that Aaron should be here a type of Christ, who went not up unto God, but Moses did: for who should have freer accesse unto God, than our Mediatour and intercessor: therefore Moses here rather signifieth the Law, which is perfect and pure in it selfe: yet is not able to bring us to God, as these ascended not with Moses, but were left behind, Simler.

QUEST. IV. Whether all the people in generall were assembled.

Vers. 3. ANd all the people answered, &c. 1. Sometime the whole congregation is understood to be the Elders only and principall men, that stand for the rest of the people: as chap. 12.3. the Lord biddeth Moses to speake to all the congregation: and yet he onely spake unto the Elders, vers. 21. But here we rather understand, that all the multitude was called together: for as we reade, that when the Law was confirmed and ratified, the whole assembly came together, not only the Elders and Officers, but even their children and wives, yea the strangers, unto the hewer of wood, and drawer of water, Deut. 29.10▪ 11. so was it requisite, that at the first receiving of the Law, all the whole multitude should come toge∣ther to give their generall consent.

2. If it be objected, that it was not possible that so many hundred thousand, as there were in Israel, could assemble in such sort to heare the voice of one man: we may either say, that God might give an ex∣traordinary strength unto Moses voice, that it might be heard round about, Tostatus. Or, though all the people were not within hearing themselves at once, yet one might receive it from another, and so give their consent; or one company might succeed another to heare, Oleaster.

QUEST. V. Why the Lord requireth the peoples consent to his Lawes.

Vers. 3. ALL that the Lord hath said will we doe. 1. Though God might by his soveraigne right impose what Lawes he thought good, without the peoples consent, because they were bound to obey whatsoever the Lord commanded: yet the Lord thought good to require their consent, because otherwise they might be lesse culpable, if they had not obeyed those Lawes which were thrust upon them against their will. 2. And although they had twice before, chap. 19.8. and 20.19. promised their obedi∣ence, yet that was but in generall, before the Lawes were published: and therefore it was necessarie that a particular consent should be had now unto the severall Lawes which were propounded. 3. God knew before they would consent, but that was not sufficient, unlesse they also expressed it themselves, that they might afterward be left without excuse, Tostat. 4. The people are to be commended for their readi∣nesse: but yet they knew not how impossible it was to keepe the Law, and therefore cannot be excused of rashnesse, Iun. Of this sudden promise of obedience, which the Israelites had soone forgot,* 1.205 Hierome thus writeth, Melius est non promittere, quam promissa non facere, &c. It had beene better, for them not to have promised at all, than not to performe their promise. And Gregorie herein compareth the Jewes

unto Locusts,* 1.206 Subi••o saltu•• da••tes, & proti••••s ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 codemes, &c. Which doe of a sudden give a spring, and forthwith fall upon the ground againe.

QUEST. VI. What Lawes they were which Moses wrote in a booke.

Vers. 4. ANd Moses wrote all the words of the Lord. 1. R. Salomon thinketh, that Moses first rehearsed▪ and afterward wrote the whole booke of Genesis, and all Exodus unto this place. But this cannot be: 1. The Rabbin himselfe thinketh that Moses rose the next day, and built the Altar: how could he then write these two bookes without a great miracle in one day? which we are not without great ne∣cessity to bring in; to make or devise miracles where no cause is, were great presumption, Lyran. 2. It is said, he wrote all the words of God, and so consequently, only the words of God▪ but the history of Ge∣nesis and Exodus containe many things beside the words of God, therefore there was no cause, either to rehearse, or write all the contents of these two bookes, Tostatus.

2. Cajetanes opinion is, (with whom consenteth Osiander) that Moses did write all the former Lawes, contained in the 21, 22, 23. chapters, and the ten Commandements beside, with all those Lawes set forth in the 12. and 13. chapters: and his reason is, because it is called the booke of the covenant: but the covenant betweene God and his people, pracipu•• consistit in d••c••m praceptis, chiefly consisteth in the ten Commandements.

Contra. The covenant here made with the people, was that speciall bond, wherewith the Israelites were obliged and tied unto God more than any people beside: and this was the bond of the Ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes, for the Morall law is grounded upon the Law of Nature, and all people are bound to obey it: so that if the Israelites, resp••erent pracepta ceremoniali•• & judicialia, nullum foedus magis cum eis esset, quàm cum aliis gentibus, should have refused the ceremoniall and judiciall precepts, there had beene no more covenant made with them, than with other nations, Tostat. Therefore it is not necessary to com∣prehend in this place under this covenant, the Morall law, but such peculiar precepts, as onely concerned Israel.

3. Wherefore it is more probable, that those words of God, which Moses did write, were only the Ju∣diciall and Ceremoniall lawes, rehearsed in the three former chapters, and not the ten Commandements of the Morall law, for these reasons:

1. Moses writeth the same Lawes which he had rehearsed, vers. 3. But he rehearsed only the Judicials and Ceremonials which he had received of God, and were not yet published: he needed not rehearse the ten Commandements, which the Lord had pronounced with his owne mouth; therefore them he writ not, Marba••h.

2. The ten Commandements were first written by the Lord himselfe in two tables of stone, as the Lord himselfe telleth Moses, vers. 12. therefore, seeing the Lord purposed to give the Morall law written with his owne hand, it is not like that he would command Moses to write it before: for Moses did not write this booke of his owne minde, but by the Lords direction, Lippom. Pellican. Gloss. interlin. and Augustine quaest. 89.

QUEST. VII. Whether Moses rose up the next morning.

Vers. 4. ANd he rose up early. 1. Cajetane thinketh, that this was not the next morning, because it is not said, the next morning; and that some time came betweene the publishing of the lawes, and this morning wherein Moses wrote the said Lawes. But Cajetanes reason is but weake, for Gen. 19.27. it is said, Abraham rose up in the morning; which was the next morning, though it be not so expres∣sed; and the like may be found in other places. And the Lawes which Moses did write, might be finished in one day, so that there is no necessity to imagine any longer time to come betweene.

2. Rupertus thinketh, that this morning was upon the 50. day, when the Law was delivered. But that is not like, for that morning there was thunder and lightning, and the sound of a trumpe, chap. 19.16. so that all the people was afraid, it was then no time to build an Altar, or to doe those other things here de∣scribed: they were all attent then, and prepared to heare the Lord. Beside, Rupertus must hold this chapter wholly to be transposed, to maintaine his opinion, which is shewed before, qu. 1. not to be so.

3. Therefore, this is like to have beene the very next morning, as thinketh R. Salomon, Lyranus, and Tostatus: and Gallasius useth this reason, Verisimilius est Mose•••• ha••d di•• distulisse haue gratiarum actio∣nem▪ It is more like, that Moses would not long deferre this thanksgiving, &c.

QUEST. VIII. Whether there were 12. pillars beside the Altar.

Vers. 4. ANd set up an Altar, and twelve pillars, &c. 1. Some thinke that Moses erected twelve Altars. But beside that this is against the letter of the text, which speaketh but of an Altar, Lyranus. It had beene dangerous to have made so many Altars, to sacrifice upon, which might have beene an occa∣sion to draw the people to superstition, as though they were not to sacrifice all to the same God, Tostat.

2. Some thinke, that this Altar was set up upon twelve stones, which were taken according to the num∣ber of the twelve tribes, Cajetan. Ferus. As Elias built an Altar of 12. stones, representing the 12. tribes, 1 King. 18.20. Lyran. Osiander. And Ioshua made an Altar of 12. stones, which were brought out of Jor∣dan, Iosh. 4. And the signification hereof was this, that the sacrifice made upon that Altar, consisting of 12. stones, was for the benefit of the 12. tribes: and that as those 12. stones made but one Altar, so the 12. tribes belonged unto one God, Tostat.

Contra. 1. The word used in those two places, given in instance, is aba••i••••, which signifieth stones, which were gathered together to make one Altar or heape: but here the word is m••••zabah, which is a pillar, so called à stand••, because it standeth alone, and is erected and set up as a monument: neither is it said here, that Moses made an Altar of these pillars, as Elias did of those stones. 2. And againe,

the signification is more full, to erect an Altar by it selfe, which was a type of Christ our true Altar, and the pillars by themselves; that so both the parties, Christ on the one part, and the people on the other here contracting, and making a covenant, might be the better thereby prefigured, Iun.

3. Therefore, because they are said to be 12. pillars, not stones, it is like they were set up apart, as more conspicuous monuments, representing the 12. Tribes▪ And this is more consonant to the text, that saith, Moses set up an Altar, and 12. pillars▪ which the sense will give to be beside the Altar, especially, seeing the perfect distinction athuah commeth betweene and divideth the sentences, Iun. Vátab.

4. And there were foure kindes of these pillars: 1. Some served as memorials of the death, instead of their sepulchers, as Iacob erected a pillar for Rachel, Genes. 35. 2. Some pillars served for Altars, as Iacob set up such an one in Bethel, and powred drinke offerings upon it, Genes. 35.16. 3. Some were supersti∣tious pillars, consecrated to Idols: such the Israelites were forbidden to make, Levit. 26.1. 4. Some pil∣lars were used as monuments, and remembrances of some notable thing done in that place where they were pitched; as was the pillar which Iacob erected, Genes. 28.18. Tostat. quaest. 5. And of this sort was this pillar.

QUEST. IX. Whether the names of the Tribes were written in these stones.

Vers. 4. TWelve pillars. 1. Some thinke, that the names of the 12. Tribes were graven in these pillars, Borrh. And this opinion may be thought more probable, both because a better remembrance might have beene kept by this meanes in the writing of their names, than otherwise: and afterward the names of the 12. Tribes were graven both in the two onyx-stones, which the high Priest did beare in his Ephod upon his shoulder, six in one stone, and six in another, and in the 12. precious stones inclosed in the breast plate.

Contra. 1. The memoriall of this solemne sacrifice might very well be kept only by the sight of the 12. pillars, without any graving; as their passing over Jordan was kept in memory by that heape of 12. stones, Iosh. 4. 2. The names of the Tribes were afterward graven in the onyx-stones, and in the Priests breast plate, because Moses had a commandement so to doe, here he had none, but rather the contrary, as shall he now shewed.

2. Wherefore these pillars were plaine stones without any carving or graving: for so the Lord had gi∣ven Moses a strait charge, chap. 20.25. that they should not build an Altar of hewen stones; for if they lift up a toole upon it, they should defile it, Tostat. qu. 7.

QUEST. X. Whether the Tribe of Levi were here reckoned among the 12. Tribes.

ACcording to the twelve Tribes. As yet Levi was counted for one of the 12. Tribes, as may appeare by these reasons: 1. When the Tribes were reckoned without any relation to their inheritance, they take denomination from the persons which were founders and fathers of those Tribes: and therefore, Apocal. 7. where under the 12. Tribes the faithfull are understood, which belong to Christ, which is the true Israel of God, where is no respect of any such inheritance, Levi is there counted among the Tribes. 2. Untill Ephraim and M••nasses were made two distinct Tribes, Levi was not excluded: and that was not done untill the Tribe of Levi was separated from the rest for the service of the Tabernacle, which was not before the beginning of the second yeere of their departure out of Egypt: Then Ephraim and Ma∣nasses were counted for two Tribes, as we reade, Num. 1.10. and 50. Untill that time then, of sequestring and setting apart the Tribe of Levi, it was counted one of the 12. Tribes, Tostat. qu. 8.

QUEST. XI. Who were these young men which sacrificed.

Vers. 5. HE sent young men of the children of Israel. 1. These were not the two sonnes of Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, as Gloss. interlin. for as yet the Priesthood was not assigned to Aaron, or his sonnes, Lyran. And although Moses had knowne before, that they should be appointed Priests: yet it would not so well have contented the people, that they two should have offered for all the whole host, Tostat. Lyran. And yet it is not unlike, but that Nadab was one of the young men that was sent, because he was the el∣dest sonne of Aaron, who was elder than Moses: for yet it belonged to the first borne to sacrifice, before the Levites were separated to that end. 2. Osiander thinketh, that these young men were the Levites and Priests, the one to prepare the sacrifices, the other to offer them. But as yet the Levites were not appoin∣ted to this office. 3. Oleaster thinketh, that these young men were not only the first borne, nor yet sent to sacrifice, but only to minister, and attend upon Moses in the sacrifice. So also Pelargus seemeth to thinke, Iuniores ad labores prompti sunt & alacres; The younger sort are prompt and ready to labour, the elder to take advice and counsell. But the text saith, that these young men offered burnt offerings: they did not then only labour and minister, and give their attendance about the sacrifices. 4. Wherefore these young men were none other, than 12. of the first borne of the chiefe of the Tribes: for unto them the right of sacrificing belonged, before the institution of the Priesthood: for the first borne were holy unto God, as appeareth, chap. 13. Iun. So also Tostatus, Lyranus, Gallasius.

QUEST. XII. Why they offered no sinne offerings.

Vers. 5. OFfered burnt offerings, &c. and peace offerings, &c. 1. Here is mention made only of two kind of sacrifices: burnt offerings, which were wholly consumed, and peace offerings, whereof part was reserved, that they afterward did eat of, vers. 11. 2. There was a third kinde of sacrifices, called sinne offerings, which they did not sacrifice here; both because the people had not at this time com∣mitted any speciall sinne, for the which they should sacrifice: and as yet the rites and ceremonies of this kinde of sacrifice were not appointed: as that of the peace offerings, the offerer might eat part, but of the sinne offerings he was not to eat at all; but the Priest sometime was allowed to eat thereof, sometime not, as appeareth, Levit. chap. 4, 5. and chap. 6. c. 8. 3. They therefore used their peace offerings in stead of

sinne offerings: for if they offered them to have their sinnes forgiven; then they were peace offerings▪ pro pace habenda, in respect of that peace which they desired to have with God: and if they had already obtained forgivenesse of their sinne; then were they peace offerings, pro pace habita cum Deo; for the peace which they had with God, Tostat. qu. 9.10.

QUEST. XIII. In what sense the Prophet Amos saith, They offered no sacrifices.

BUt seeing here is evident mention made of sacrifices, which these young men of the children of Israel offered unto God, how can this stand with that saying of Amos, who seemeth to affirme, that for the space of 40. yeeres they offered not sacrifices unto the Lord, Amos. 5.25. Have yee offered unto me sacrifices, and offerings in the wildernesse 40. yeeres, O house of Israel? but ye have borne Siccuth your King, &c. 1. Hierome first answereth, Omnes hosti••••, &c. non Deo obtulisse, sed Moloch regi, &c. That all the sacrifices which the Israelites offered in the wildernes,* 1.207 they offered not to God, but to Moloch their King▪ &c. But the contrary is evident here, that they sacrificed indeed unto God. 2. Therefore he hath another answer: they are said not to sacrifice, because when they sacrificed, Non voluntate, sed p••narum fecerunt metu; They did it not willingly, but for feare of punishment, &c. But the readinesse and willingnesse of the people is manifest here: for they all answered with one consent, All that the Lord hath said, will we doe. 3. Therefore Caj••tans answer is more fit: the Prophet so saith, Quia fuerunt rara sacrificia, &c. Be∣cause sacrifices wete rare in the desert: they had not their daily and ordinary sacrifices, as afterward in the land of Canaan: to the same purpose also Gallas.

QUEST. XIV. Of the number of the sacrifices here used.

Vers. 5. WHich offered burnt-offerings. 1. The Latine Translator readeth, They offered burnt-offerings, and sacrificed peace-offerings unto the Lord, twelve bullockes: which reading Tostatus fol∣loweth; saving that he thinketh that these twelve bullockes were rather for burnt-offerings, for every tribe one, than for peace-offerings: for seeing the people might eat of part of their peace-offerings, one bullocke had beene nothing for a whole tribe, wherein there could not be lesse of men, women and chil∣dren, than 150. thousand, Tostat. qu. 11. But this labour he might have spared, whether these twelve bul∣lockes were for burnt-offerings or peace-offerings: for in the originall there is no number expressed at all. The interlinearie Glosse also by these twelve bullockes understanding the twelve Apostles, qui orbem mugitibus praedicationis impleverunt; which filled the world with their preaching, as with lowing; buil∣deth without a foundation, there being no such thing in the text.

2. Lyranus thinketh that there were but two bullockes: because the plurall number being put with∣out any determination, for the most part signifieth two. But what use should the Hebrewes have of their duall number, if the plurall should commonly and for the most part signifie but two? Beside, if twelve bullocks were not sufficient for peace-offerings, for every tribe to have part, as Tostatus argueth before, two much lesse would have sufficed.

3. Therefore I incline rather to Lippomans opinion: Plures quam duodecim esse potuerunt, &c. There might be more than twelve: as in the sacrifice of Salomon, and other such great solemnities.

QUEST. XV. How this place agreeth with that, Heb. 9.19.

Vers. 8. MOses tooke the bloud and sprinkled, &c. The Apostle rehearsing these ceremonies, Heb. 9. seemeth somewhat to differ in his narration from the words of Moses here. 1. The Apostle maketh mention of the sprinkling of the booke,* 1.208 vers. 19. which is omitted here. To this Iunius answe∣reth, that when Moses had made an end of reading in the booke, he laid it downe upon the Altar, and so in sprinkling the Altar, besprinkled the booke also. So also Calvin: although no mention be made here of the booke, Apostolus tamen f••b al••••ri recruset; the Apostle doth comprehend it under the Altar. 2. The Apostle further speaketh there of foure other things not mentioned here, the bloud of Calves, Water, Purple wooll,* 1.209 and Hyssope. To this objection Thomas answereth, that this was the first consecration, and therefore, virtute continebantur in ipso atiae sanctificationes futurae; other solemne sanctifications were in ef∣fect there contained, and especially two: the one, Levit. 16. where the bloud of the goat is sprinkled: the other, Numb. 19. of the red Cow, where the other three, Water, Purple wooll, and Hyssope were used. But this answer satisfieth not: for the Apostle speaketh of things actually done, not potentially contained. Calvin thinketh that the Apostle in that place toucheth as well this sacrifice, as that other, Numb. 19. but there Eleazar was to sprinkle the bloud, whereas the Apostle saith here that Moses sprinkled it. Where∣fore there is a better solution, which Thomas also hath, and Iunius also followeth: That because it was an usuall thing in all their legall expiations to use hyssope with wooll to sprinkle with, Apostolus hoc accepit ex consuetudine ritus legalis; The Apostle received this from the usuall custome of the legall rites; as being himselfe trained and brought up under the Law.

QUEST. XVI. What is understood by the sprinkling of the bloud.

Vers. 6. HAlfe of the bloud he sprinkled on the Altar. 1. The generall signification of this ceremony 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sprinkling of bloud, whereby the covenant is confirmed, was to prefigure the shedding of Christs bloud, whereby wee are besprinkled by faith: and to let the people understand, that the trans∣gression of the Law could not be purged but by bloud, not of beasts, but of the unspotted lambe Christ Jesus, Ferus.

* 1.2102. Athanasius inferreth thus: Necesse est ut Christi mortem intelliga••, ubi testamenti fit mentio, &c. You must needs understand the death of Christ, where mention is made of a Testament, &c. for a Testa∣ment is not confirmed but by death, as the Apostle sheweth, Hebr. 9. Now unto a Testament belong ••ix things: Testator, the maker of the Testament, which was God: h••redes, the heires, which were the Israelites: bona legata, the goods bequeathed, which were the Land of promise: conscriptio, the wri∣ting

of the Testament; and so here was the booke of the Law: testes, the witnesses, as Moses calleth hea∣ven and earth to witnesse: confirmatio, the confirming the Testament, which was by the death of the Te∣stator; and so here was the death of the bullock, which signified the death of Christ, whereby the new Testament is confirmed, which containeth the promise of the heavenly Canaan, Ferus. To the same pur∣pose Rabanus: This is the bloud of the covenant, that is, morte Christi, quae hoc sanguine significatur, &c. by the death of Christ, which is signified by this bloud, the Testament shall be confirmed.

3. By the sprinkling of the booke, Theophilact understandeth our hearts sprinkled with Christs bloud: qu•• nobis pro codicillis insunt; which hearts of ours are in stead of our bookes: the purple wooll,* 1.211 colore ipso sanguinem praefigurat; by the very colour also did prefigure the bloud of Christ, Athanasius: and the hyssope, as Rupertus, humilis herba, humilem fidem Dominicae passionis significat; doth signifie the low∣ly faith of the Lords passion, being a low herbe. Thomas, by hyssope which purgeth, understandeth faith which purgeth the heart.

QUEST. XVII. What is meant by the dividing of the bloud into two parts.

HAlfe of the bloud, &c. Halfe of the bloud was sprinkled on the Altar, and halfe upon the people. 1. Rupertus by this division of the bloud, understandeth the two Sacraments: Coelestia duo simul de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eodem{que} derivata sunt sanguine Christi; Two celestiall things are derived out of one and the same bloud of Christ, &c. namely the Sacrament of Baptisme, and of the Eucharist. And as here Moses sprinkled the water and bloud mixed together, as the Apostle sheweth, Heb. 9. so out of Christs side upon the crosse there flowed forth water and bloud.* 1.212 2. Ambrose will have that part of the bloud put into basons to sig∣nifie, moralem disciplinam, morall discipline, the other sprinkled upon the Altar, mysticam, mysticall and hid learning. But this seemeth somewhat too curious. 3. The true meaning then of this ceremonie is partly mysticall: part of it is sprinkled upon the Altar, which is Christ Jesus, who by the shedding and sprinkling of his bloud reconcileth us to God: part is sprinkled upon the people, to shew that wee sprinkled with Christs bloud by faith, are purged from our sinnes, Simler. It is partly morall, Communio¦unius & ejusdem sanguinis, &c. The communion of one and the same bloud, doth signifie the commu∣nion betweene God and his people, Cajetan. Gallas. But the historicall sense is here more fit: for in this ceremony of dividing the bloud into two parts, and so besprinkling the Altar with the one halfe, which represented God, and the people with the other, betweene whom the covenant was confirmed, the old use in striking of covenants is observed: for the ancient custome was, that they which made a league or cove∣nant, divided some beast, and put the parts asunder, walking in the middest, signifying, that as the beast was divided, so they should be which brake the covenant. So when Saul went against the Ammonites, comming out of the field he hewed two oxen, and sent them into all coasts of Israel, expressing the like signification, that so should his oxen be served, that came not forth after Saul and Samuel.* 1.213 After the same manner, when God made a covenant with Abraham, and he had divided certaine beasts, as God had commanded him, and laid one part against another; a smoaking firebrand went betweene, representing God, signifying, that so he should be divided which violated the covenant. So in this place, not much un∣like, the bloud is parted in twaine, shewing, that so should his bloud be shed which kept not the covenant, Tostat. qu. 11.

QUEST. XVIII. Whether all the people were besprinkled with the bloud.

Vers. 8. THen Moses tooke the bloud, and sprinkled it on the people, &c. 1. Some thinke, that the people themselves were not sprinkled with the bloud, for that had beene both too great a labour for Moses, to goe in and out among the people to sprinkle them, neither would the bloud have sufficed: therefore either the twelve pillars were sprinkled with bloud, which stood for the people, or else the El∣ders were besprinkled in the name of the whole people: as sometime they did represent the whole con∣gregation, as Deut. 21.6. Iun. Contra. 1. It is not like that the bloud was sprinkled upon the pillars: for Moses saith, This is the bloud of the covenant which the Lord hath made with you: but with the pillars no covenant was made. 2. The Elders were for the whole congregation in such actions which the people could not performe in their multitudes: as when the Elders for the people laid their hands upon the sa∣crifice, Lev. 4.15. which the people could not doe in their owne person, and so they lay their hands upon the heifer, Deut. 21.6. But here both the people might come together to be besprinkled, and it was such an action, the establishing of a covenant, wherein the person and presence of the people was necessary.

2. Tostatus therefore thinketh, that Moses did sprinkle the bloud upon the people themselves, and upon all of them: either going in and out among them, or they succeeding by companies one another, quaest. 13.

3. But as it is gathered out of the text, that the people were present in person, that as they for them∣selves promised obedience, saying, All that the Lord hath said, will wee doe; so they in their owne person had part of the bloud: and because the covenant was made with the people, therefore they also received the signe of the covenant: and the Apostle also saith, that Moses sprinkled both the booke and all the people, Heb. 9.19. Yet it is not necessary to understand all the people in particular: for a whole day, nay many dayes had not sufficed to doe it: but all the people which were in circuitu, which were round about Moses, and could well assemble together.

QUEST. XIX. When Moses and Aaron with the rest went up.

Vers. 9. THen went up Moses and Aaron, &c. 1. Some thinke that this was done when the Lord descen∣ded upon mount Sinai, chap. 19. Pellican. But as is shewed before, quaest. 1. then Moses was bidden to bring Aaron up with him, but here Nadab and Abihu, and 70. of the Elders also goe up: therefore this was done in the same order, as it is set downe; that after Moses had performed all those rites

and ceremonies in confirming the covenant betweene God and his people, then they went up, Iun. No••. cum historia transire putamus etiam rei gesta ordinem, &c. We thinke the history to passe on in order as the things were done, Lippoman. 2. Cajetane thinketh that this was the execution of the commande∣ment given before unto Moses, vers. 1. But I rather thinke with Hugo de S. Victor. that this charge was given to Moses, after he was come downe from the mount, and had performed all the rites of the cove∣nant; and that this part of the chapter from the second verse to the ninth in order goeth before the gi∣ving of that charge, vers. 1. for how could Moses otherwise be bidden to come up, being in the moun∣taine already? See before, quest. 1. 3. But herein Hugo is deceived, he thinketh this to be but the third time that Moses ascended up to God: the first was chap. 19. when he went up before the Law was deli∣vered; the second, chap. 20. when he ascended to receive the ceremonials and judicials; and the third time is here: yet this was the fourth time: for twice he ascended before the Law was given, as is evident in the 19. chapter, vers. 3. and 20.

QUEST. XX. Wherefore those went up with Moses.

Vers. 9. ANd seventy of the Elders. 1. Lyranus thinketh that these went up, ad confirmationem legis, for the confirming and further ratifying of the Law which they had received. Tostatus misliketh this opinion, and thus confuteth it: that if they went up to that end, oportebat ut cum Domino loqueren∣tur, it was requisite that they should all have spoken with God; but so did they not: and Moses onely drew neere unto God. They all ascended to their places: seniores remotiùs, alii propinquiùs, the Elders further off, others neerer, as Aaron and his sonnes, but only Moses talked with God, Lippoman. 2. Neither yet did they only goe up to accompany Moses, ad honorandum eum, to honour him: because he went now to receive the tables of the Law, Tostat. For when Moses went up thus accompanied, the Lord had not yet signified so much unto Moses, that he would deliver him the tables of the Law, for that followeth af∣terward, vers. 12. 3. Therefore the end of their going up was, that after they had seene the Majesty of God, and Moses talking with him, testes veritatis essent, they might be witnesses of the truth, Simler. Et res idoneis testibus probata indubiam fidem acquireret, &c. And the matter being proved by fit and suffici∣ent witnesses might be undoubtedly beleeved, Calvin. And so by this meanes, Moses ministery should be of the greater authority.

QUEST. XXI. How they are said to have seene God.

Vers. 10. THey saw the God of Israel, and under his feet, &c. R. Abraham thinketh, Istam visionem ima∣ginariam, That this vision was imaginary: not to the externall, but to the inward sense. But this is not like, that this should be as a Propheticall vision, and revelation: for they were not all Prophets unto whom this vision was shewed: and as there was really objected to their sight in mount Sinai fla∣ming fire, so this was a reall vision: like to that which Moses saw in the bush, Exod. 3.2. Viderunt Deum Israel, sed non sicut est; They saw the God of Israel, but not as he is: for no man hath seene God, Ruper∣tus. They neither saw God in his essence, nor in his infinite Majesty, Osiander. But they knew him to be present: Innotescente illis Domino in specie aliquae, vel forma, &c. The Lord shewing himselfe in some forme and shape, as it pleased him, and as their infirmity could beare, Lippoman. Pellican. 3. Neither yet did the Lord shew himselfe in any humane shape here, as Lyranus thinketh, to signifie, Quod assumpturus erat na∣turam humanam, &c. That he was to take upon him our humane nature. So also Osiander, Marbach. For if the Lord had appeared here in any humane forme, Moses reason had not beene sufficient, dehorting the people from idolatry, because they saw no Image in the day that the Lord spake unto them in Horeb, Deut. 4.15. For though the Lord had then appeared in any Image, yet if he had at this time so shewed him∣selfe, they might have taken occasion thereby to resemble God by some Image: therefore neither then nor now did the Lord so appeare, Tostat. quaest. 13. 4. Neither yet because it is said, Vnder his feet, &c. did they see as the feet of a man, as Cajetane thinketh, Sub specie Iudicis quasi hominis visus est, &c. He was seene as a Judge sitting in judgement, and so they saw but his feet: but this is so said, quantum ad situm, in re∣spect of the site and placing, because the pavement of Saphir was beneath, as under the feet: and they might imagine the more glorious part of Gods Majesty to be upward, Tostatus. 5. Neither yet is the mea∣ning, Quod clarius cognoverint Deum, &c. That they only knew the Lord more clearely than the com∣mon people, Ferus. Or as the Septuagint translate, they saw only the place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where the Lord stood. 6. But the Lord by a bright shining cloud shewed his Majesty and presence: as the Chalde Inter∣preter readeth, Viderunt gloriam Dei Israel, They saw the glory of the God of Israel: and that much more now, than when hee appeared in mount Sinai, when notwithstanding the people said, The Lord hath shewed us his glory and greatnesse, Deut. 5.24. Tostat. So also Calvin, Forma ipsius Dei nulla describitur, sed basis in qua stabat, &c. There is no forme described of God, but the bottome where he stood, is said to be like unto Saphir, &c.

QUEST. XXII. Wherein the place under Gods feet is said to be like to Saphir.

Vers. 10. AS a pavement or stone-worke of Saphir. 1. This place under Gods feet, for the colour is re∣sembled unto the precious stone called the Saphir, and to the cleare heavens: Tostatus thin∣keth the Saphir to be of a bright reddish colour: and that two colours are hereby signified, a bright shi∣ning red, and a blew or azure, as in the skie. But the Saphir stone is knowne to be of a skie, blewish and airy colour,* 1.214 as Hierome observeth: and one of these similitudes is added to explaine the other. Borrhains saith, that the fairest Saphirs are full of red golden spots. So also Oleaster. Which answereth to this de∣scription: that the pavement or bricke worke (for so libnath signifieth either bricke or stone) is said to be of Saphir. Tostatus further thinketh, that it is compared unto caelum stellatum, the starrie skie: but

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QUEST. XXIII. In what sense the Lord is said, not to lay his hand▪ 〈…〉〈…〉

Vers. 11. VPon the Nobles, &c. he laid not his hand. The laying of the hand is taken in Scripture 〈◊〉〈◊〉 threefold sense: 1. The hand of God was said to be upon the Prophets, when the Spirit of God came upon them. And so Ab. Ezra understandeth this text, Non porrexit illis manum; He did not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his hand unto them; He gave them not the Spirit of Prophecie, as he did to Moses: they did not see God so cleerely as Moses did. But the word•• are to be joyned together thus, That although they s•••• God, yet his hand was not upon them; and then no such sense can be gathered, Calvin.

2. The laying on of the hand signifieth also to hide, as God is said to have laid his hand upon Moses as he passed by, Exod. 33. And so they make the meaning to be this: that God did not hide himselfe, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which were farre off, as the Latine text is: that is, hee shewed himselfe also to the people in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Lyranus, Gloss. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Tostatus. But the word is 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which signifieth to separate: the text then meaneth those 70. Elders which Moses had selected and separated from the rest, Iun. Lippom. Or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, may be derived of et••••l, which signifieth neare: as Gen. 41.3. They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neere, or, by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ and so in this place i•• may betoken those which were neere unto God: namely, the 70. Elders, who came neerer than the rest of the people, Oleaster.

3. There is also a third signification of this phrase: to lay the hand, is to sinite or punish, contrarie whereto is that phrase, To take his hand from one, 1 Sam. 6.5. that is, to leave smiting, or punishing. So th••n the meaning here is, Non 〈…〉〈…〉; Hee sent not upon them his hurting hand, Cajeta••••. Non 〈…〉〈…〉; Hee killed them not, Lippomanus. For it was a received opinion in those dayes, that no man could see God, and live, Oleaster. Nihil incommodi senserunt; They felt no harme after this, Simlerus.

QUEST. XXIV. Why they are said to eat and drinke.

Vers. 11. ANd did eat and drinke, &c. 1. Rab. Salomon saith, that this is added to shew their fault, that after they had seene God, as though they had not much cared for it, they turned them to temporall pleasures, in eating and drinking: And though God did forbeare them now, yet afterward they were punished: Nadab and Ab••hu died in the Tabernacle, by fire sent of God, Levit: 10. and the Elders afterward at the grave of lust, Numb. 11. Contra. 1. It seemeth that God was not offen∣ded with them in this place, because he laid not his hand upon them: and therefore it is not like that they shewed any such contempt. 2. Nadab and Abihu were afterward smitten, but it was not for any such fault committed here, but for offering strange fire, Tostat. qu. 15.

2. Some understand it of their rejoycing, as if they had eaten and drunke; so the Ch••lde. But here is no such note of similitude, Quasi 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. As though they did eat; But it is expressed plain∣ly, They did eat; It is then to bee taken rather historice, historically, than metaphorice, metaphorically, Tostatus.

3. Ab. Ezra giveth this sense: that although they had seene God, yet they were not so ravished with it as Moses was, that did neither eat nor drinke 40. dayes after, but they did eat and drinke afterward.

4. Some here by understand, the spirituall delight which they conceived, which is sometime expressed by eating and drinking, as Christ saith to his Disciples in the Gospell,* 1.215 That yee may eat and drinke at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 table in my Kingdome, Ferus.

5. Some referre it to their publike feastes, which they made that day in token of their joy: They are and dranke, in laetitia magna post talem 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in great mirth after such a vision, Lyran: So also Tostat. Osiander.

6. But the proper and true sense is this, Salvi & integri manserunt; They remained sound, and in good health, Calvin. Tanquam omnino incolumis comederunt, &c. As in perfect health, they did eat and drinke: they onely escaped not death, but all other kinde of punishment whatsoever, Cajetan. And this their health▪

is expressed by these actions of life: as Hagar argueth her life by another action of life, Gen. 16.13. I have seene after him that seeth, Iun. So also Gallas. Simler.

7. Before they were sprinkled with bloud, Gods hand was in some sort upon them, in terrifying them: Whosoever touched the mountaine should die. But now after their sprinkling, they are cheared and refreshed, and are not forbidden the sight of God; which signifieth, that we onely have accesse unto God, by the bloud of Christ, Rupertus, Ferus.

QUEST. XXV. Whether this were a new commandement, or the other mentioned, vers. 1, 2. repeated.

Vers. 12. ANd the Lord said unto Moses, &c. 1. Some thinke, that this is the same commandement re∣peated, which was given unto Moses before, vers. 1▪ 2. Iun. Tostatus addeth further, that when the Lord said to Moses, vers. 2. Moses himselfe alone shall come neere to the Lord: that Moses then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 know, that he should goe up to receive the Tables: for to what end should Moses have gone forth of the campe, accompanied with Aaron and the rest, if it had not beene to some end? qu. 15. Contra. Yes, it was sufficient that God called Moses, and bade him come up into the mount, though he at the same time had not shewed the end of his comming, as chap. 19.24. when God bade him come up, the cause is not shewed, why he was called: the Commandements of God are simplie to be obeyed, though it please not the Lord alwayes to shew a reason thereof.

2. Wherefore I thinke rather, that this was a divers commandement from the former, and given him at a divers time, Piscator, Osiander.

1. Cajetane reason is, Mandat non solùm ascendere in montem, sed morari in eo; He biddeth him not one∣ly to come up into the mountaine, but to abide there, &c. which was not said to him before.

2. Calvin addeth further, that after Moses with his companie were gone up, and had seene this vision, Altius evehitur Moses, &c. ut cognoscerent, &c. Moses is carried up higher, that they should know, that Moses would have gone no further, but at Gods commandement, &c. It was requisite therefore, that Moses should bee called againe, and sequestred from the rest, that he might not bee thought to have presumed without a warrant.

3. Severus maketh a mysterie of it, that Moses being gone up with Aaron and the rest, Iterum a••di••••, heareth againe, come up: And by these two ascendings hee understandeth the two senses of the law, the literall, and spirituall.

4. Ferus maketh this application of it, Hic jam tertio vocatur Moses in montem, &c. Moses is the third time called into the mount, to shew that he which is set over the people of God, ought often to ascend in prayer.

5. Rupertus also understandeth here two ascendings, using this reason; It is said before, vers. 9. that Moses and Aaron with the rest ascended; but not that they ascended unto the Lord, as here the Lord saith, Come up to me, &c. So also Hugo de S. Victor. Come up to me; which must be so understood, that De colle in quo erat, ad altiora montis proced••ret, &c. From the hill where he was, hee should proceed higher into the mountaine.

QUEST. XXVI. What is signified by Moses going up to the mountaine.

COme up to me into the mountaine. 1. Beda draweth this place unto a mysticall sense: Moses is called up to the mountaine, Vt ex altitudine loci colligat, quàm excelsa sit lex; That by the height of the place, he should gather how high, and removed from humane capacitie, the law was, which he was to re∣ceive. As our blessed Saviour in the Gospell, called his Apostles into the mountaine, Matth. 5. and after his resurrection, he also appeared in the mountaine, when he gave commission to his Apostles, to goe and preach the Gospell to all the world: but here is the difference; because the law which Moses was to re∣ceive, was but given unto one people, therefore Moses onely was called up: but the Gospell being appoin∣ted to be preached to all the world, Christ called all his Apostles to him up into the mountaine. 2. Ru∣pertus maketh this ascending up of Moses into the mount, a figure of Christs ascending up unto God, Non in montem terrenum, sed in ipsum coelum; Not into an earthly mountaine, but into heaven, to receive not the killing letter, but the quickening Spirit: as the Apostle saith, He ascended up on high, led capti∣vitie captive, and gave gifts unto men, &c. 3. Ferus doth thus moralize it: that he which will behold God, and give himselfe to contemplation,* 1.216 must terrena haec & inferiora despicere, &c. despise these inferiour and terrene things: as Moses leaving the campe below, ascended up into the mount.

QUEST. XXVII. Of the tables of stone, whereof they were made, and wherefore given.

Vers. 12. I Will give thee tables of stone. 1. The fabulous Jewes imagine, that these tables of the law were made of the Saphire, a pretious stone, Lyran. and that when Moses had broken them comming downe from the mountaine, he gathered up the fragments and broken peeces, and sold them, whereby he was greatly enriched. Thus these blinde Jewes are not ashamed to blemish their great Prophet Moses with the note of covetousnesse, from the which he was most free, Tostat. quaest. 16. 2. As frivolous is that other conceit, because they are said to be of stone, that the tables were but one stone, which sometimes seemed but one, sometime two: for in that they are called tables, it sheweth they were more than one: of one stone they might bee both, that is, of one kinde of stone, and yet the tables were two. 3. These tables of stone were created of God for that speciall use: as Exod. 32.16. they are said to be the worke of God: it is not improbable, that they were noviter creata, created of God anew, as Tostatus: but it is not like that they were written by the Angell, which Tostatus thinketh to have spoken in Gods person in the mount: for as God prepared the tables themselves, so hee caused the writing: they were the worke of God for the matter, and the writing of God for the manner, Exod. 33.16. 4. All the lawes which God gave his people, were not there written, but onely the morall precepts; the rest Moses writ

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sustained in the dayes of his flesh, Pelarg. 2. This fast was kept by Moses, and the like by 〈…〉〈…〉 Christi idoneum haberet 〈…〉〈…〉; That the humanitie of Christ might have a sufficient testimonie: for unlesse Moses and Helias had fasted fortie dayes, some might have doubted of the huma∣nitie of Christ, in holding out so miraculous a fast. So Rupertus and Ferus following him. 3. And these fasted to this end, ut tanto miraculo homines mali, &c. that men being moved by so great a miracle, should not contemne their doctrine, Osiander, Marbath. 4. Cyprian also maketh this morall use, hereby to shew the utilitie of fasting, Quoties aliquid à Deo obtinere conati sunt, jejuniis in••••huere & lachry••••i••. &c. Holy men,* 1.217 when they would obtaine any thing of God, gave themselves to fasting: 5. Curiously to search out any other cause of this fortie dayes fast, were a vaine labour: as Cajetane well saith, Non est 〈…〉〈…〉, quis divini miraculi opus fuit, &c. A reason must not bee sought of the number, it being a worke of a divine miracle, Cajetan.

QUEST. XXV. What Moses did in the mount these 40. dayes and 40. nights.

NOw if it be asked what Moses did in the mountaine these 40. dayes, and 40. nights, it may be answered: 1. That the Lord did all this time instruct Moses concerning the Tabernacle, and the things thereto belonging, and touching the sacrifices and rites thereof, as they are set forth in Leviticus: And therefore Moses descending is not mentioned, till the description of the Tabernacle, and every part thereof is fi∣nished. And Levit. 27.24. it is evidently expressed, that the Lord taught Moses all those ordinances in mount, Sinai. 2. Now Moses fasted 40. dayes and nights the second time, but then he was wholly occu∣pied in humbling himselfe by prayer, Deut. 9.25. th•• first time of 40. dayes then was spent in Moses in∣struction rather than the other, Tostat. cap. 25. qu. 1. 3. God could have dispatched Moses in a moment, but this was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 give authoritie to him and his law, B. Babing••.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the distinction of the persons of the Trinitie.

Vers. 1. HE said to Moses, come up to the Lord. Both he that speaketh, and he whereof he speaketh, is the Lord. Hence appeareth the distinction of the persons in the Trinitie: the like place wee reade, Psal. 110.1. The Lord said unto my Lord, &c. Marbach.

2. Doct. The word and Sacraments must goe together.

Vers. 7. HE tooke the booke and read it, &c. Before Moses sprinkled the people with bloud, the signe of the covenant, he first readeth the booke of the covenant: whereby we are taught the right use of the Sacraments, that the doctrine ought to goe before the signe: Aliter insoria erunt signe, &c. Otherwise the signes are but trifling and vaine, Calvin. The word must be joyned with the element. This course the Apostle taketh with the Corinthians, teaching them the right use of the Sacrament: that they might come together with profit,* 1.218 and not with hurt.

3. Doct. Nothing to be taught beside Gods word.

Vers. 12. THe law and commandements which I have written, for to teach them. This sheweth, Nihil do∣cendum praeter oracula Dei; That nothing should be taught beside the word of God, Borrh. Which Bedae before him noted well: that no man must teach the people of God other precepts, quam quae ipse Dominus docuit, than those which the Lord himselfe hath taught: as S. Paul saith, I have received of the Lord, that which I have delivered unto you, 1 Cor. 11.23.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Controv. Against the Romanists, that the whole institution serveth to consecrate the Sacraments.

Vers. 7. HE read in the audience, &c. Moses first readeth the summe of the covenant, before he addeth the signe of the covenant which was the sprinkling of bloud: by the which we learne, that the Sacraments are not consecrated, by a certaine forme of words to bee used over them: but by reading and rehearsing of the whole institution, such a cleare and distinct voice must be used, Quae ad homines di∣rigitur, & ad fidem gignendam valet; Which is directed to men, and is availeable to beget faith, Calvin. Contrarie to the doctrine and practice of the Romanists, who denie the elements to be consecrated by all the words of institution, but by a certaine forme of speech to be used over the Sacraments; as in the Eu∣charist, This is my bodie, this is my bloud, &c. whereas the whole action of rehearsing the institution, in∣vocation, receiving, thanksgiving, do helpe to consecrate the Sacrament. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 90. pag. 454.

2. Controv. Against the reading of Scriptures in a strange tongue.

FUrther, Oleaster here observeth beside, Hominem paciscenta••, debere cognoscere ea, ad qua se obligat; That a man making a covenant, ought to know those things, whereunto he hindeth himselfe, &c. which annotation doth evidently convince the Romanists of great error: who doe not cause ••he people to understand those things which they binde themselves to keepe: seeing neither the Scriptures are read, nor the Sacraments administred in such a tongue as they doe understand: for the Apostle saith, If I come unto you speaking tongues,* 1.219 what shall I profit you? See more hereof also, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 3.4.

3. Confut. Against Cajetan, that this place is not misall••••ged, Heb. 9.19.

Vers. 8. BEhold the bloud of the covenant. Cajetane among other exceptions which he taketh to the au∣thoritie of the Epistle to the Hebrewes, urgeth this, that the Author of that Epistle chap. 9.19. alluding unto this place, translateth this word berith, here used, which signifieth a covenant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, testament: now betweene a covenant and testament, there is great difference.

Contra. The author in no other sense useth th•••• 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 than S. Paul elsewhere, who by the same word expresseth the Hebrew (berith) 〈…〉〈…〉 signi∣fieth either covenant, or a testament. And Hierome testifieth, that the 〈…〉〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, doe turne the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉, by that Greeke word: But 〈…〉〈…〉 signifie a testament, shewing the true effect and substance of that ceremoniall covenant, consumed by the sprinkling of the bloud of beasts, in this covenant and testament, made betweene God and us in Christ, and ratified in his bloud.

4. Controv. Whether the Divine substance of God can be seene.

Vers. 10. ANd they saw the God of Israel, &c. Here we must take heed of two errors,* 1.220 one which Hierome imputeth to Origen, who did thinke the Godhead of the. Father to bee so invisible, as that it could not be comprehended of the Sonne: the other was of the Anomeans, whose heresie was this, Naturam Dei non esse invisibilem; That the nature of God was not invisible in this place they saw God, not 〈…〉〈…〉 Divine essence and substance which is invisible, and incomprehensible, but they saw some evident 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his glorious presence and Majestie; as Gregorie saith,* 1.221 Vidiri 〈…〉〈…〉 ipsam naturae suae speciem non potest; God may be seene by certaine representations, but according 〈…〉〈…〉 shew of his nature he cannot, &c. The faithfull have both in this world a sight of God, as our ble•••••••• saith, Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God:* 1.222 and they shall see him more fully in 〈…〉〈…〉 as the Apostle saith, We know when he shall appeare, we shall be like him, for we shall see him as he is: But yet this must be understood with three conditions; the first is touched by Hierome, Non solum Divinitutem Patris, &c. posse oculos carnis aspicere, sed mentis; That not onely the Divinitie of the Father,* 1.223 but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost, can the eyes of the bodie see, but of the minde, &c. So also Athanasius, as he is cited by Augustine, Deum omnino esse invisibilem, &c. nisi in quantum Spiritu & mente nosci potest; That God is altogether invisible, but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde, &c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God, but certaine visible signes onely, and demonstrations of his presence: Secondly, we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world, than in this: as Augustine saith, Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est; No man can see him in this life as he is: E•• promittitur sanctis in alia vita; To see God in his nature, is promised in the next life, &c. So also Gregorie, Quamdiu hic mor∣taliter vivitur, &c. As long as we live in this mortall life, God cannot be seene in his nature, &c. Thirdly, yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints, no not in the next life: as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose, interpreting that place of the Apostle, Who onely hath immortaliter,* 1.224 &c. whom never man saw, neither can see, &c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas, sicut incorruptibilitas, &c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible, as well as to be incorruptible, that nature shall not be changed in the next world, of invisible, to become visible, because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible, &c. And againe, upon those words of the same Apostle, To the King everlasting, immortall, invisible,* 1.225 &c. hee writeth thus, Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere, &c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things, (which the Apostle hath joyned together) to say, To him that is incorruptible for ever, in this world, and the next: but invisible, not in the next world, but onely in this. Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers, agreeable to the Scriptures, are these ventrous and bold positions, That wee shall (in the next life) participate with Christs Godhead, and be made capable of his Divine substance,* 1.226 That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see. In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose him∣selfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists, in these words, Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis, sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit; Not because the fulnesse of God, any can compre∣hend at any time, not onely with the eyes of the bodie, but with the minde it selfe, &c. for it is one thing to see, another to comprehend the whole in seeing, &c. Totum comprehenditur videndo, quod ita videtur, ut nihil ejus lateat videntem, &c. The whole is comprehended in seeing, which it so seene, that no part thereof is hid from the seer, &c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth, that God cannot wholly be seene, unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us, which here he manifestly denieth.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour.

Vers. 1. COme up, thou and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, &c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron, afterward were slaine with fire from heaven: which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour; but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up, that they may have the greater fall: as the Lord said he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh,* 1.227 to shew his power in him, Ferus.

2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 patience.

Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses. God would not at the first call unto Moses, but maketh him to wait six daye: Ne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 familiaritate super••iret, Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie, Oleaster. Vt discamus patienter ferre, &c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently, if God at the first doe not answer to our desire, Lippoman. As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice, that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered, might depart from him, 2 Cor. ••••.8.

3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 absence.

Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place; It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse, to leave able deputies in their place, when they have just cause to be absent, and the contrarie fault he will severely punish, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉

4. Observ. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer.

* 1.228〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉

CHAP. XXV.

1. The Method and Argument.

IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies, as belonged to the Tabernacle▪ then instituted for the publike service of God: there are two parts thereof, the preparation, to vers. 10. the description, to vers. 40.

1. In the preparation, these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses: 1. Who shall offer the things required, namely, the people, vers. 2. 2. What they shall offer, vers. 3, 4, 5, 6. 3. To what end, vers. 8. 4. After what man∣ner, vers. 9.

2. In the description: First, the Arke is appointed to be made, both the bodie thereof: 1. Of what matter, vers. 10. 2. Of what measure, vers. 10. 3. With what ornaments, it must be overlaid with gold, vers. 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants, both of rings and barres, vers. 13, 14, 15. 5. And of the use thereof, vers. 16. As also the cover of the Arke: 1. The matter, vers. 18. 2. Measure, vers. 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims, how to be made, vers. 19. and how to be placed, vers. 20. 4. The place of the cover, vers. 21. 5. The use, vers. 22.

Secondly, the Table is described: 1. The matter. 2. The measure and forme, vers. 23. 3. The parts thereof, the crowne, vers. 24. The border, vers. 25. The rings, vers. 26. 4. The appendants, the barres, v. 28. 5. The appertenants, the dishes, cups, goblets, vers. 29. 6. The use, to set the Shew-bread upon, vers. 30.

Thirdly, the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made: 1. The matter, and after what manner to bee wrought, of gold beaten with the hammer, vers. 31. 2. The parts, six branches, three on the one side, and three on the other, vers. 32. 3. The forme and fashion, with boules, almonds, knops and flowers, to v. 37. 4. The use thereof, vers. 37. 5. The appertenances, the snuffers and snuffe-dishes, vers. 37. 6. The quan∣titie, of a talent of gold; all this must be made, vers. 39.

2. The divers readings.

* 1.229Vers. 4. Fine linnen. G. rather than, cotten, or, bombasine. I. or, silke. caeter. shas. H.

Vers. 5. Badgers skinnes. I.V.A.P.C. or, skinnes of Taxus. B. which word signifieth a Badger: better than, blew skinnes. L.S. the word techashim signifieth Badgers.

Vers. 5. Shittim wood. G.B.C.A.P.I. better than, choice cedar. I. for there is another word in the He∣brew to expresse that:* 1.230 or, wood that would not putrifie. S. it was such wood indeed: but the word is Shit∣tim: what kinde of wood it was is to us unknowne.

Vers. 17. A mercie seate, or propitiatorie. B.G. cum c••ter. Opertorium, a cover. A. a propitiatorie cover. I. the word caphar signifieth,* 1.231 both to cover, and appease: but the first rather here: it served also for the co∣ver of the Arke; but both senses cannot well be joyned together.

Vers. 18. Of gold beaten out, or, drawne out. G.I.C.A.P. or, whole worke. B.I. better than, fieled worke, that is, which was not hollow. V. So Oleaster, or, burned gold. S. mikshah signifieth that which is drawne out, or beaten forth.

Vers. 22. I will meet with thee. I.V.A.P. or, appoint with thee. C. testifie unto thee. B. declare my selfe unto thee. G. be knowne of thee. S. but jaghad signifieth properly to meet with at a time appointed.

Vers. 29. For the best reading here, see the 38. question following.

Vers. 37. To give light to that which is before it. G. that is, of every part of it. I. better than, on one side of it.* 1.232 S. or, over against it. C. L. cum cater. at the passage of the face thereof. H. that is, round about: for it gave not light onely over against it, but on each side of it.

3. The questions discussed and explaned.

QUEST. I. Of the diversitie of ceremonies, and the reason of the institution thereof.

Vers. ••. THen the Lord spake to Moses. 1. Hitherto fo the most part Moses hath set forth the morall and judiciall and positive lawes: now follow the ceremoniall, which were of two sorts: either generall belonging unto all, such as are handled in this booke of Exodus, or particular concerning the office of the Levites▪ which follow in the booke of Leviticus. 2. And these ceremonies were in number many in the old Church of the Jewes, both because they had many things thereby to be represented and shadowed forth unto them: and the lesse significent and more they 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the more they had need of: these two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the generall reasons of the number and multitude of their ceremonies. 3. And further, their cere∣monies, whether common or generall, or speciall and particular, were of foure sorts: 1. Such as were gi∣ven, ex parte Dei; on Gods behalfe, as such were the Sacraments. 2. Such as were instituted on the behalfe

of the people, as the sacrifices and oblations, which they were all to offer. 3. Such as concerned the pre∣paration, disposition and ordering of those which were to worship, whether the Priests or the people. 4. Some ceremonies belonged upon the common instrument of the service of God, as of the Sacraments, sacrifices, and other rites and observations: the first are set forth, chap. 25.26. the second, c••ap. 29. the third, chap. 27.28. the fourth of the generall instruments of all those sacred things, chap. 29. as touching the anointing, oyle, and perfume, Iun.

QUEST. II. What time Moses eracted the Tabernacle, whether before he received the Tables of the law, or after.

Vers. 1. Then the Lord spake unto Moses, &c. Calvine here hath a singular opinion by himselfe concer∣ning the time of erecting the Tabernacle, with the parts and members thereof, which begun here to be described: for he thinketh that the Tabernacle was built and set up, antequam Moses priores tabula•• afferet; before Moses had brought the first tables. And his reasons are these:

1. There is mention made of the Tabernacle, chap. 33.7. immediatly after Moses was come downe with the tables in his hand, which he broke: and therefore the Tabernacle being presently, after spoken of, must be made before.

Answ. This was not the great Tabernacle which was afterward made for Gods service: for that Ta∣bernacle was not set without the host, as this was, but in the middest, Lippoman. But it was Moses Ta∣bernacle, whither the people had accesse to consult with God, Iun. And this shall more fully be declared when we come unto that place.

2. In this Chapter it is said, vers. 16. Thou shalt put in the Arke the Testimonie which I shall give thee: therefore he received the Testament before he made the Arke wherein he was to put it.

Answ. This followeth not that the Arke was therefore made first, but that the forme thereof was de∣scribed first how it should be made, which was in the mount: after which forme it was made after that Moses had received the Tables of the Testimonie.

3. Object. When Moses commeth to exhort the people to build the Tabernacle, he maketh no men∣tion at all of their apostasie and idolatrie: therefore it is evident, integrum adhuc fuisse populum, &c. that the people were yet sound, they had not yet committed that sinne, seeing they doe so cheerefully conse∣crate their best things to the Lord.

Answ. 1. The people had received correction alreadie for their fault, and Moses in signe of Gods in∣dignation against them had removed his tent from among them, chap. 33.7. therefore it cannot be said, that no mention is made of their falling away. 2. The people, such especially as were touched with re∣morse for their sinne, did so much the more shew themselves cheerfull in Gods service, as a signe of their true repentance. 3. And Moses having intreated the Lord for his people, would not bee still harping upon the same string, in upbraiding them with their fault; lest be might altogether have discoura∣ged them.

Wherefore it is very cleere that the Tabernacle was not erected and set up before the receiving of the Tables, but after, for these reasons:

1. Because Moses is here bidden to make the Tabernacle according to all which the Lord should shew him in the mount: but the forme thereof was first shewed Moses in the mount, when he continued there fortie dayes and nights, in the end whereof he received the Tables, Deut. 9.10. Therefore the Taberna∣nacle could not bee made before the fashion thereof was shewed Moses. Calvine here answereth, that di∣vers times before this, Moses was in the mount with God, when the fashion of the Tabernacle might bee shewed him. But it is evident, chap. 24.18. that this was done in the fortie dayes and nights when Moses was entred into the cloud, and there so long continued.

2. It is expresly said that the Tabernacle was reared up in the second yeare, and the first moneth, the first day, chap. 40.17. It was not then dedicated and set in order onely, as Calvine answereth, but then first set up. And in the second yeare, in the second moneth upon the 20. day, they removed from Sinai, which was about a moneth and an halfe after: but if the Tabernacle were built before Moses received the Tables, hee after the finishing thereof was twice with the Lord, each time fortie dayes: which could not be, seeing about fortie or fiftie dayes after the Tabernacle was erected, the whole campe removed, as is said.

3. Beside by this meanes a great part of Exodus shall be transposed▪ all that followeth from chap. 35. to the end, concerning the making and setting up of the Tabernacle, should be in order placed before the 32.33. and 34. Chapters▪ this being admitted, that the Tabernacle was first erected, before Moses had the Tables delivered him. Therefore rather the order of the storie is this: first, there is the description of the Tabernacle, to chap. 30. Then followeth the let and impediment of building it, the peoples transgression, chap. 32. vers. 33. Thirdly▪ the execution of Gods commandement, and framing of the Tabernacle, chap. 35. to 40. Fourthly, the erection and setting of it up, chap. ••0. Lyranus.

QUEST. III. Why these oblations are called 〈…〉〈…〉 ••eave offering.

Vers. 2. REceive an offering for me. 1. The Latine translator here readeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉, first fruits, whom Tostatus followeth: and he giveth this interpretation of it, that although the first fruits were properly: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comesti••ilibus, of things which might bee eaten: yet here their offerings of gold, silke, and such other things are called the first fruits, Quia ••stud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 daba•••••• erat de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. Because this which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 given was of the best, as their first fruits used, to die: for that which is called first, is taken two wayes, either for that which is first in time, or which i•• first▪ that is, chiefe in goodnesse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But all this labour might bee well spared, seeing that the 〈…〉〈…〉 signifieth not the first

fruits, but rather an elevation. 2. Others thinke it is so called, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, an elevation, or separation: be∣cause it was as lifted up, and separated from other prophane things, and consecrated to God, Oleaster. So also the Chalde. 3. Some doe make it a distinct kinde of offering here▪ from the other called tem••phah, a shake offering: and it is named terumah, because it was ••e••ved and lifted up before the Lord, as the shake offering was shaken to and fro, Marbachius. 4. But I rather thinke, that it is here taken simplie for an oblation or offering, not as it is distinguished from the other kinde, called tem••phah, the shake offering, Calvine, Iunius: for in these great oblations, as Badgers skinnes, Rammes skinnes, Shittim wood, that ceremonie could not be observed, of heaving or lifting them up.

QUEST. IV. Why the Lord saith, Receive an offering for me.

Vers. 2. FOr me. 1. Not that God standeth in need of any thing that they had; seeing all whatsoever is his; but to shew, that whatsoever is offered freely unto him, he accepteth of it, Tanquam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in manus dedissemus; As though we had given it into his hand, Gallasius. 2. And although indeed all things are polluted which are not consecrated unto God, and referred to his glorie; yet, Pro sua indulgentia li∣berum omvium rerum usum nobis permittit; He leaveth unto us the free use of all things, so that wee by some acknowledgement confesse wee have received them from him, Calvin. 3. And these things are commanded to be separated for the Lord, not as though he respected his owne profit, as the wicked Ma∣nichees objected, but all is for our profit and good, Pelarg. 4. And the Lord appointed them this forme of externall worship,* 1.233 not that the Lord was so well pleased with such rites, but that hereby the people might be reclaimed from their former superstitious worship, whereto they had beene addicted in Egypt; and be brought by this meanes to consecrate those things to the worship of the true God, which before they had served Idols with, Pellican.

QUEST. V. Whether this free offering was the same, which was imposed upon them after∣ward, chap. 38.26.

Vers. 2. WHose heart giveth it freely. Tostatus here moveth this doubt, that seeing every one from twentie yeare old and above was charged, chap. 38. to offer halfe a sicle of gold and filter, and that all the worke of the Tabernacle was made of that summe of gold and silver so imposed; how they are said here to give it freely. To this divers solutions are made: 1. It will be answered, that this free offering is not to be understood of the silver and gold, but of the other things here named, as the blew silke, Badgers skinnes, Shittim wood, and the rest. But this cannot be so, because silver and gold are here reckoned among their free oblations, as well as the rest: and afterward, chap. 35. vers. 24. they are said to have offered oblations of silver, &c. 2. Againe it will be said, that although there were halfe a sicle impo∣sed upon every one, yet it was voluntarie notwithstanding, because they gave it with a good heart. But this cannot stand neither: for seeing every one as well the poore as the rich gave halfe a sicle, it is like the rich would have given for their free offering more than the poore. 3. If it be said, that the silver was offe∣red by the men, that went under the account, and upon whom that summe was imposed, but the women brought the free offerings of silver and gold: the contrarie is evident, that both men and women after∣ward brought their free offerings of gold and silver, chap. 35.22.24. 4. Tostatus resolution is this, that there was a double offering; one which was first imposed, when Moses came downe from the mountaine, which was for every one halfe a sicle: the other was free and voluntarie: and though it be said, that all the worke of the Tabernacle was made of the gold and silver that was so imposed, chap. 38.24. yet seeing the people brought more than was sufficient, chap. 36.5. it is like that the overplus was of that which they freely offered, which was converted to other uses of the Sanctuarie: like as we reade afterward, Numb. 7. that at the dedication of the Tabernacle, the Princes offered cups of silver and gold containing many hundred sicles, which were not summed in the former account, Exod. chap. 38. This his solution may well be received, saving that one thing is mistaken by him, that he thinketh every one above twentie yeare old offered halfe a sicle of gold whereas they were charged onely to offer halfe a sicle of silver: for it had beene too much for every one of the poorer sort to offer halfe a sicle of gold, which maketh a quarter of an ounce.

QUEST. VI. Of the blew, purple, and skarlet colour.

Vers. 4. BLew silke, purple, scarlet. 1. The first word is teceleth, which the Latine translateth hyacin∣thum, which is a skie colour, Oleaster. or an azure, Gallas. There is a precious stone of that name, which is like to the Saphire stone in colour, which is like to the cleere skie: there is also an herbe so called of blew colour, into the which the Poets imagine Ajax to have beene transformed, Tostatus. This and the other colours following, Lyranus understandeth as well of wooll as silke: and not onely the matter it selfe unwrought, but spun into yame: as it is said afterward, c. 35.25. that the cunning women did spinne with their hands, and brought the spunne worke, &c. Some thinke that this was a yellowish colour, because in India there grow hyacinth flowers, of a colour like unto gold, Osiand. Borrh. Iosephus saith, that they offered also white wooll, beside the purple: but the usuall reading, to take it for a blew or azure colour, is more probable, Vat••b. Because the Saphire is of a skie colour, which the hyacinth re∣sembleth, Lyran. at is before shewed.

2. The next word is argaman, which signifieth not the crimson colour, as R. David thinketh, which R. Saadiah understandeth to be the next colour which followeth: and it seemeth that this word is derived of ragam, which the Hebrewes take to signifie a Prince; whereof the Latine word rege••••▪ a King, may seeme to be derived: this their was such a colour, as was used by Princes and Nobles, which was the purple colour, Oleaster. As the rich man, Luk. 1••. is described to be clothed in purple. This colour is made of a kinde of juyce or liquor which is found in a certaine shell fish, called Purp••••ta, the Purple.

3. The third colour is tolaghath shani, which is the skarlet double died: Some doe thinke that both these words betoken the same thing, namely, coccinum, the skarlet colour: so also translateth Montanus; and the Chalde useth but one word, which signifieth skarlet: but the first word, tolaghath, is a worme, as Psal. 22.6. I am a worme, and no man; And it properly betokeneth a worme of red colour, as Isai. 1.18. If your sinnes were red, catolagh, as the red worme: for that colour was made of a certaine worme. The other word shani, is derived of shanah, which signifieth to ite••ate, to double, Oleaster. And it is taken for a skarlet, which is a deepe red, double died. So the Septuagint, Latine, Vatab. Iun. And sometime it is put alone without any other word, Isai. 1.18. cashanim, as the double die, meaning crimson, or skarlet, dibapha, twice died, because those colours use to be double died, or died in graine: R. Saddiah taketh this tolaghath shani, for the crimson. So also Osiand. But one of the words, shani, is rather taken for that colour, being used alone, as Isai. 1.18. these two words together then betoken a deepered, double died.

QUEST. VII. What shesh was, which the most doe translate silke.

4. The next word shesh, 1. Some take for silke, as Osiander; and so our great English Bible readeth: but seeing no colour is expressed, it seemeth it was such a thing, as would take no other die, but was of a perfect white colour; which cannot be silke, that is most apt of all other to take colour: and therefore we usually call the best taken colours, a silke die, Borrh. 2. Iunius thinketh it was xylinum, a kinde of fine cot∣ten, or gossipine, which groweth in Egypt, whereof Plinie maketh mention, lib. 18. cap. 1. 3. But rather it is held to be genus lini candidissimi, a kinde of fine linnen, made of most fine threeds, which was much used in Egypt: and the chiefe men did weare garments made of shesh, of this fine linnen: as when Pharaoh ex∣alted Ioseph, he caused him to put on such a robe, Gen. 41. Oleaster. The Septuagint reade also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth not onely that which we call sericum silke, but fine linnen: they use also another word, which signifieth twisted, which is not in the originall, which they adde by way of explanation: that they brought it readie twisted. These foure colours, the Hebrewes say did expresse the foure elements: the red the fire, the blew the ayer, the purple the water, because of the fish whence it is, the white linnen the earth, out of which it groweth: so by the Tabernacle, in a manner the whole world was represented, Pelarg. Pellican.

QUEST. VIII. Whether they used badgers skins.

Vers. 5. BAdgers skinnes. 1. Some thinke they were oxe skins, or bull hides, Tostat. But the word techashim, hath no such signification. 2. Neither doth it signifie blew skins, as the Septuagint, of an hyacinth colour, or pelles ianthinas, skins of a violet colour, as the Latine: for this were an uncer∣taine description, not to set downe what kinde of skins they should be. 3. The Hebrewes in their Tal∣mud, say it was a beast that had a spotted or spekled skin; but what beast it was they know not. 4. The received opinion is, that they were Badgers skins: for so the word techashim, may seeme to have some affi∣nitie with the word taxo, which signifieth a badger: and beside, badgers skins might serve well for the ut∣most covering of the Tabernacle to defend it from the raine: they also used to make shooes thereof, Ezech. 16.10. Such a kinde of skin in Spaine they make their targets of, which they use in their skirmish∣ing for lightnesse, Oleaster. These badgers skins were the utmost covering of the Tabernacle, next un∣der that was the covering of red ram skins, and under that, the covering made of goates haire, and the un∣dermost were the curtaines, made of purple and blew silke, Tostat. qu. 5.

QUEST. IX. What kinde of wood the wood shittim was.

Vers. 5. WOod of shittim. 1. The Septuagint reade 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wood that corrupted not: so also Iosephus saith, they brought materiem ligneam contra cariem firmam, a certaine kinde of wood not apt to consume: but it seemeth here to bee a proper kinde of wood, though of that qualitie, that it might continue and endure. 2. Some take it for the box tree, some for the pine tree: the He∣brewes, to whom consent Iunius, Vatablus, thinke it to be a kinde of Cedar. But Oleaster objecteth that place, Ezech. 27.7. where the word shot, of the same originall that shittim is, signifieth an oare; whereupon he conjectureth, that this was not the cedar or pine, which are unfit to make oares of, because they endure not under the water: he therefore taketh it to be a kinde of wainscot, which is used in Noble mens houses, whereof there is great store in Germanie. 3. I incline rather to Hieroms opinion, who thinketh it was a kinde of white wood, like unto the white thorne which grew in the desert: it was both a lasting wood, and of white colour; and the place where it grew seemeth to be called thereof, Abel shittim, where the Israelites encamped, Numb. 33.49. and there they abode a good while, chap. 25.1. Gallas. but what cer∣taine kinde of wood it was, it is now hard to define.

QUEST. X. Whence they had their shittim wood.

BUt the question here further is, whence the Israelites had this shittim wood. 1 It is not like that they grew about mount Sinai, as some thinke, for then it had beene an easie matter to have provided of this kinde of wood, there being so great store of it, and at hand, that they needed not to be specially ad∣monished, to bring shittim wood: and it seemeth, chap. 35. vers. 24. that every one had not of this wood. 2. R. Salomon, whom Lyranus followeth, and of the same opinion is R. Abraham, hath this conceit, that Iacob foreseeing by revelation, that his posteritie should erect a Tabernacle unto God, did of purpose bring store of the roots of this shittim wood, and pla••ted them in Egypt, and so out of Egypt the Israe∣lites brought them with them. But this Rabbine needed not to fetch this tale so far off, and to begin so high: for seeing Egypt aboundeth with all manner of trees, it is as like that this wood originally, and at the first grew in Egypt, being a low countrie and fruitfull, as in the 〈…〉〈…〉 region of Canaan: and it is imagined without any ground, that it was revealed to Iacob so long before, that God would make him a Tabernacle in the wildernesse.

2. Oleaster misliking the former fable, yet thinketh that they might bring of that wood out of Egypt; because, chap. 35.24. by the phrase there used, Every one, with whom was found Shittim wood, &c. It see∣meth that they had it then in a readinesse. But against this assertion it may be objected: 1. That the boo••ds of Shittim wood which went to the making of the Tabernacle, being in length ten cubits, and a cubit and halfe broad, chap. 26.16. every cubit according to the common measure, containing a foot and halfe, that is, halfe a yard; these boords being of such length and breadth could not conveniently be carried out of Egypt, being so combersome: for they had no other carriage, but upon their beasts and their owne shoulders: and seeing they came out in haste, it cannot be devised how they should bring out with them boords being of that length and breadth. 2. Againe, to what end should the Israelites have troubled themselves with such carriages? Moses yet had it not revealed unto him, that the Lord would have a Tabernacle made in the desert: and it is not like that they brought boords for their owne private use, to make their tents of, as Oleaster thinketh: for they should have beene too much combred with such carriage.

3. Therefore the more probable opinion is, that there was some of this kinde of wood not farre from Sinai, from whence the Israelites had it, Tostatus: which seemeth to be the opinion also of Hierome. But Tostatus thinketh it not to be likely that they had this wood from Abel shittim, mentioned, Numb. 33.49. both because it is not certaine, whether any such wood was there growing, and beside it was in the coun∣trie of the Amorites, who would not have suffered them to come into their land.

Contra. But these reasons conclude not: 1. It is like that the place being named of Shittim, had such wood growing there: as the valley of Elah was so called of the Oakes there growing, 1 Sam. 17.2. or Je∣richo is called the Citie of Palme trees, because of the Palmes there situate, Deut. 34.3. 2. This valley was rather in the plaine of Moab, whose countrie the Israelites were not to meddle with, than in the countrie of the Amorites, Numb. 33 48. But because the Israelites were not yet come so farre as to Abel shittim, it is like that there was some of that wood neerer, from whence they had it, than Abel shittim, though there might be the greatest store and abundance thereof.

QUEST. XI. Why no iron was used in the Tabernacle.

NOw whereas three kinde of mettals are here named among the things to be offered, gold, silver, and brasse: 1. It is to bee considered, that these three were chosen as the most precious and perfect met∣tals, and beside serviceable for the use of the Tabernacle. Gold and silver are held in all places to bee the mettals of greatest price and value; and the brasse here named, is not to be taken for ordinarie and com∣mon brasse, which is subject as iron to rust and canker, but the finer sort, which hath some mixture and temper with more precious mettall, such as the Corinthian brasse was, which was tempered with silver and gold: for when the Romanes tooke that Citie, they set the Temples on fire, wherein were Idols of gold, silver, and brasse: all which being melted together did runne into one lumpe, whereof came the Co∣rinthian brasse. 2. Beside these three there was no other kinde of mettall used, not tinne or led, because they had beene too weake and yeelding, and not in that respect fit for the worke of the Tabernacle: and iron, though it had beene for the stifnesse and strength thereof fit for the service, yet it is a base and course mettall, whereas God must be served with the best: and beside, if it should have beene used for the pinnes, which were fastned into the ground, and stretched out the tent, they would have gathered rust, and so should not have beene so convenient.

QUEST. XII. To what uses these things served which were offered.

THese things here prescribed, had their severall uses in the worke of the Tabernacle. 1. The gold ser∣ved, to overlay the Arke with gold within and without, to make the rings thereof; the Cherubims also were made of gold; therewith was the table of shew-bread overlaid; and the crowne, with the rings thereof; the cups and goblets were made of pure gold; so was the candlesticke with all the vessels thereto belonging; the taches that coupled the curtaines were of gold; so were the heads of the pillars, that di∣vided the most holy from the holy place, as it is expressed at large, chap. 26.27. 2. Of the silver were made all the sockets, or foot-stooles of all the pillars round about the Tabernacle, and the chapters or heads of the same, chap. 38.28. 3. The brasse was to make the brasen Altar, and all the vessels thereto belonging and all the sockets of the pillars, and the pinnes of the Tabernacle, chap. 38.31. 4. The blew silke, purple, scarlet, and fine linnen, were to make the curtaines, hangings and vailes of the Tabernacle, and the priestly garments, as is shewed chap. 27.28. 5. The goates haire was to make certaine curtaines to be a covering, for the Tabernacle, chap. 26.7. The Badgers skinnes and Ramme skinnes were to make two other out∣ward coverings, chap. 26.14. 6. The Shittim wood was imployed toward the making of the Arke, and the barres thereof; the table of Shew-bread, with the barres likewise thereof; all the boords of the Taber∣nacle and the barres, chap. 27. The pillars also at the entrance of the Sanctuarie, and which made the par∣tition betweene the holy and most holy place, were of Shittim wood, chap. 26.32, 37. Likewise the Altar of burnt offerings, with the bars thereof, chap. 27. and the Altar of incense, with the barres, chap. 30. were of the same.

QUEST. XIII. Of the use of the oyle and spices.

Vers. 6. OYle for the light, spices for the anointing oyle, &c. 1. The Lampes and lights of the Taberna∣cle were not nourished or made, either of waxe, because it hath a mixture of honey, which was not to be used in any offering, Levit. 2.11. or of tallow, for then it must be either of cleane beasts, or uncleane: but the uncleane, nor ••••y part thereof were not to bee brought into the Tabernacle. The cleane beasts were of two sorts, either such which they might eat of, but not sacrifice, as the Hart, the Rocbuck, and the like: but these being uncleane in respect of any religious use, because they were not to

be sacrificed, no part thereof was to be brought into the Tabernacle. And as for the cleane beasts, which might ••e sacrificed, the fat thereof was to be burned upon the Altar, Tostat. qu. 6.

2. These spices were of two sorts; some were to be tempered and incorporate together to make a soft and liquid ointment, and some to be beaten to powder, to make a sweet perfume: they were to bring them, not mixed or compounded, but in their simple nature: for neither did they know how to com∣pound them, but Moses by Gods direction shewed after how they should be made: and beside, if they had brought the ointment and perfume ready compounded, there had beene danger, lest they should have pro∣phaned it for their private uses, which is straitly forbidden, chap. 30. Tostat. qu. 8.

QUEST. XIV. Of the mysticall and morall application of these divers oblations.

COncerning the spirituall application, and end of these divers oblations, 1. Beda doth mystically inter∣pret them: by the gold, he understandeth a sincere faith, more precious than gold: by silver, the con∣fession of faith: by the blew or silke colour, the lifting up of our hearts to heaven: by the purple, the suffe∣rings and passions which are endured for the truth: by the double scarlet, the two fold love of God, and our neighbours: by the silke, the chastity of the flesh: by the goats heire, whereof they made sackcloth, repentance. 2. But Rupertus application is more fit, and lesse curious: by these divers oblations, he un∣derstandeth the divers gifts which God hath bestowed upon his Church. As some he gave to be Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists: Haec grandia dona, aurum, argentum sunt, &c. These great gifts are as the gold, silver, and precious stones, whereby the spirituall Temple is built. 3. Likewise Procopius maketh this morall use: that as here the Lord accepteth not only the gold and silver; sed ne{que} la••aem caprinam asperna∣tur, &c. so neither doth he despise even the goats haire, if it be offered with a franke mind, &c. So God re∣fuseth not the smallest and meanest gifts which are offered unto him in faith, as our blessed Saviour com∣mended the devotion of the poore widow, that threw two mites into the treasury.

QUEST. XV. Of the signification of the Sanctuary, and wherefore it was ordained.

Vers. 8. ALso they shall make me a Sanctuarie. 1. Some Hebrew Rabbines, as R. Abraham, Ab. Ezra, doe very curiously by the Tabernacle decipher the three worlds, the Intellectuall world, where is the seat of God with his Angels: for so over the Arke was Gods mercy seat, and the Cherubims stret∣ching their wings over it, represented the Angels and blessed Spirits. And the Materiall world: as they would have the blew covering to signifie heaven: the vaile, the clouds: the seven lampes, the seven pla∣nets: by the fire on the Altar, and the water in the laver, they understand the element of fire and water. So the third world, which is called the little world, which is within man, they would have represented by this Tabernacle: as in the Arke there were two tables, so there is in mans minde understanding, and reason: as there were divers instruments in the Tabernacle, for divers purposes, so in man there are divers organi∣call parts for the naturall functions and operations. And in this curious manner the Rabbines goe on, pleasing themselves in their owne fansies: whereas the Lord ordained not his Tabernacle for any such end or purpose, but onely that they might have a place, where to professe the worship of God, that he might dwell among them, and shew them comfortable signes of his presence in hearing their prayers, and granting their requests.

2. Yea these Rabbines to their curiosity adde impiety: for they thinke that God ordained the Taber∣nacle, and the instruments of divers figures, and divers mettals, Vt diversae virtutes à coelestibus influxae re∣cipiantur, &c. That thereby divers vertues should have their influence from the celestiall bodies: and to this end, they say, the Temple was afterward built at Jerusalem, because of some supernaturall influence in that place more than in others. In which Rabbinicall assertion Ab. Ezra bewrayeth, 1. Both impie∣ty, making God as an Inchanter or Sorcerer, working by figures and mettals, as Magicians in their inchant∣ments observe such things; whereas the Lord by his Law condemneth all such superstitions: 2. As also ab∣surdity, tying the Lords supernaturall working to certaine places and instruments: Gods naturall opera∣tion indeed is exercised by such naturall subordinate meanes, as he hath appointed; but his supernaturall worke is not limited to places nor meanes. 3. Likewise, an impossibility followeth in making corporall and materiall things, the instruments to convey spirituall graces, whereas spirituall things are not derived, but by spirituall meanes, Tostat. qu. 9.

3. But the true ends wherefore the Sanctuary was ordained, where these: First, the Historicall, that see∣ing God had made the Israelites a peculiar people to himselfe, that they might have a peculiar kinde of worship from all other nations: therefore God appointeth a certaine place, with certaine persons and Ministers, by whom certaine rites and ceremonies should be performed, whereby he would be worship∣ped with more reverence, sanctity, and purity, than the Gentiles worshipped their gods, Tostat. qu. 9.

Secondly, for the mysticall end: Beda saith, that this earthly Tabernacle representeth the heavenly, un∣to the similitude whereof we should conforme our selves in earth: Si ad Angelorum in coelis consortia ten∣dimus, debemus vitam eorum in terris, &c. imitari; If we tend to enjoy the company of Angels in heaven, we should imitate their life in earth. The Tabernacle also signifieth Christ, by whom God is worshipped, and in whom God doth manifest himselfe unto us, Simler.

Thirdly, every faithfull man is this Temple of God, as the Apostle applieth it:* 1.234 Ye are the temple of the li∣ving God, as God hath said, I will dwell among them, and walke there. Whereupon Bernard maketh this mo∣rall application, Et nos mundemus conscientiam nostram, &c. And let us purge our conscience,* 1.235 that when the Lord commeth, paratam in nobis inveniat mansionem, he may finde in us a mansion prepared.

QUEST. XVI. How the Lord is said to dwell in the Sanctuary.

Vers. 8. THat I may dwell among them. 1. God hath three kinde of temples, Habitat principaliter in se∣ipso, &c. He dwelleth principally in himselfe, because he onely comprehendeth himselfe:

as Apocal. 21.22. The Lord God almightie, and the Lamb, are the temple of the celestiall Ierusalem. Habi∣tat Deus in do•••• sacrata, &c. God also dwelleth in his sacred house, by that spirituall worship which is there exhibited unto him.* 1.236 Habitat Christus per fidem in cordibus, &c. And Christ dwelleth by faith in our hearts, Thomas. 2. But God is not said to dwell in the Sanctuary, as though he were there concluded, whom neither heavens nor earth can containe: but because there he revealed himselfe by his word, and heard their prayers, Et gratiosa sua prasentia signa instituit; And appointed there signes of his gratious presence, Marbach. And we must remember, Non immensam Dei essentiam, sed nomen & memoriam illius ibi habitasse; Not that the infinite essence of God, but his name and memoriall there dwelled, Calvin. 3. And this he did in respect of the peoples infirmity: Praesentiam gratiae voluit visibili symbolo testari; He would testifie his presence by some visible signe, Calvin. And this he did for the peoples ease, that they should not need to come unto that mountaine to offer their sacrifices, Lyran. And because the people were not yet reclaimed from their superstitions, Necessarius erat aliquis cultus externus, ne diffluerent, &c. An externall forme of worship was necessarie, lest they might have fallen to some other, Ferus. And God telleth them, he will dwell among them, Vt sumptum hilariter faciant, &c. That they more cheerefully might bestow upon this worke, Calvin. Et ut cum timeant praesentem semper; And that they might al∣wayes feare God, and stand in awe of him, as continually present among them, Pellican.

QUEST. XVII. Whether Moses saw a paterne of the Tabernacle in the mount.

Vers. 9. ACcording to all that I shew thee. 1. Ferus thinketh, that God shewed unto Moses the Taber∣nacle in the mount, Non externa visione, sed interna & prophe••ica; Not by any externall vision, but internall and propheticall. But if Moses had not seene the very fashion and proportion of the Taber∣nacle, he could not so exactly in every respect have caused it afterward to be made, according to this de∣scription. 2. Therefore Lyranus opinion is rather to be received: Ostendit visione imaginaria, &c. He shewed the Tabernacle unto Moses by an imaginary vision. So two wayes was the Tabernacle shewed Moses: for first, every thing was described and expressed in word: Deinde ad majorem evidentior••m{que} cognitionem; And afterward for more evident and full knowledge, they were shewed unto him in vision, Tostat. qu. 10. And Oleaster here urgeth the signification of the word tabnith, which signifieth not the similitude or paterne, but the edifice it selfe. So that the Lord shewed unto Moses the very forme and fashion of the Tabernacle: he saw it not in dreame, but it was represented to his sight, as is evident, vers. 40. 3. And as first that heavenly paterne which Moses saw, was shewed to make the terrene Tabernacle by: so also the externall Tabernacle served to be a type and exemplar of heavenly things, as the Apostle sheweth, Heb. 8.5. And so Rupertus reconcileth Moses and the Apostle: for because the celestiall patern was first shewed unto Moses, whereby he should make the externall Tabernacle, therefore Ipsa c••lestia illi exemplaria dicuntur; The celestiall are said to be a paterne or exemplar unto him: but because the Apostle would have the Hebrewes, that by these externall things, Extenderent se ad cognitionem coelesti••••; They should tend to the knowledge of heavenly things: Terrestria haec dicta sunt exemplaria coelesti••m; These terrestiall things are said to be paterns of the heavenly.

QUEST. XVIII. Of the excellencie and dignity of the Arke, and why it was made.

Vers. 10. THey shall make an Arke. First, those things are described which were within the Taberna∣cle, then the Tabernacle it selfe is appointed to be made, c. 27. And first he beginneth with the Arke, which was in the most holy place of all: and then those things are described in this Chapter, which were without the vaile in the holy place, as the table of shew-bread, and the candlesticke, Lyran. 2. The word here used, is aron, which signifieth a chest or coffin; as Iosephs body was put up in such an one, and I••hoiada the Priest made an arke or chest to put the money in that was gathered,* 1.237 Montan. De a••e. fabric. 3. The Arke was the principall part of the Tabernacle; which was made for these three ends: 1. That it should be as a rest and stay of the mercie seat, from whence the Lord gave his answers: 2. That therein might be placed the tables of stone, Deut. 10.1, 2. Ferus and Tostatus thinke, that therein also were placed the pot of Manna, and Aarons rod: but it is evident, 1 King. 8.9. that the tables of stone only were in the Arke:* 1.238 the other were rather placed before it. 3. The Arke was made, that the Israelites might have some certainty where to offer their sacrifices: for wheresoever the Arke was, there they might lawfully sacrifice, Ferus. 4. The Arke, God would have to be greatly reverenced of all: and to that end, the Lord did three wayes honour it: first, by his presence, in giving his answers and oracles from the mercie seat, Pellic. Secondly, in suffering none to looke upon it: for fifty thousand of the Bethshamites were slaine, because they gazed upon the Arke, 1 Sam. 6. nay it was not lawfull for the Levites to looke into it, nor the Priests the sonnes of Aaron, only the high Priest, that went in once in the yeere to make reconciliation, did see it, Tostat. qu. 11. Thirdly, the Lord by divers miracles did countenance the Arke, as before it, the waters of Jordan were divided, the walles of Jericho fell downe, Dagon, the Idoll of the Philistims, before it,* 1.239 lost both his head and hands, August.

QUEST. XIX. Of the bignesse of the Arke, and how the embite is to be taken here.

Vers. 10. TWo cubites and an halfe long. 1. This could not be the great Geometricall cubite, which con∣tained six common cubites, as Origene testifieth, hom. 2. in Genes. for then the Arke had beene too wide and large to be carried upon mens shoulders, Tostat. quast. 12. 2. Neither is this measure of a cubite to bee taken according to Moses cubite, as Tostatus thinketh; for hee speaketh of a certaine knowne and usuall measure: but if the measure should be taken according to the length of a mans arme, from the cubite or elbow to the top of the fingers, it should be uncertaine. 3. Some would have it un∣derstood not of the common cubite, but of that which was called cubitus sacer, the sacred cubite, which contained seven hands breadth, whereas the common had but six, P••larg. But Montanus giveth but

five hands breadth unto the common cubit, and but six to the other, which he calleth legal••m cubitum,* 1.240 the legall or lawfull cubit. It seemeth rather, that the usuall cubit contained six hands breadth, that is, 24. fingers: and the other, 27. fingers, or seven hands breadth, as Herodotus sheweth, lib. 1. And so it is evi∣dent, Ezech. 40.5. that the great cubit, called regius cubitus, the Kings cubit, was the common cubit, and an hand breadth which was foure fingers, or three thumbs more than the ordinary. But seeing this great cubit was used among the Persians, called regius cubitus Persarum, the Kings cubit, or Persian cu∣bit, which was not in use among the Hebrewes before the captivity, it is not like that this measure was followed in the making of the Tabernacle. 4. Wherefore I thinke rather, that the usuall and ordinary cubit is here to be taken, which contained two hands breadth of the greater fift, and six of the lesse: the great or large hand breadth called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contained twelve fingers, the space betweene the thumbe and the little finger stretched out: the lesse called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contained but foure fingers. So then whereas Iu∣sephus saith, that the Arke was five palme•• or hand breadths long, and there broad, he meaneth the large and great palme or hand breadth, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so they make two cubits and halfe in length, and a cu∣bit and halfe in breadth. Beda followeth this account of Iosephus, saying, Nec putu••dum hominum Iu∣daum, in scripturis divinis & secularibus doctissimum hoc petuisse latere▪ &c. It is not like that a Jew being learned in divine and secular writings, could be ignorant herein.* 1.241 And in this sense doe B••rrhaius and Ri∣bera take the cubit here.

QUEST. XX. Whether the rings and barres were in the length or breadth of the Arke.

Vers. 12. TWo rings shall be on the one side, &c. 1. Tostacus therein following the opinion of R. S••lamo, thinketh that these rings, thorow the which the barres were put to carry the Arke, were not in the length, but the breadth of the Arke: for if the barres had beene put long wayes, then there had beene but a cubit and halfe, the breadth of the Arke betweene barre and barre, which space had beene too narrow for two to carry behinde, and two before; one should have hindred another. But this is a slender conjecture: for they which carried the Arke may be supposed to have borne it upon their neere shoulders, and so they might have roome enough without hindring one another. Cajetane is of the same opinion, that the Arke was carried secundum latitudinem, at the breadth, not long wayes: and his reason is, for more dignity sake, that it should not be carried as a thing of burthen, long wayes. But there is no more grace or dignity in carrying one way than another: it seemeth they rather respected in the car∣riage easinesse and comelinesse, which was performed in carrying it in length more than in breadth. 2. Therefore Iosephus opinion is more probable, that, annuli inerant ex••tro{que} longiore latere,* 1.242 the rings were set on each of the long sides. So also Montanus. And this is more agreeable to the text, that saith the rings were in the sides of the Arke, which were in the length: the other were the ends, not the sides, Lyranus.

QUEST. XXI. Whether anything were in the Arke beside the tables of stone.

Vers. 16. THou shalt put in the Arke the Testimonie, which I shall give thee. 1. Rupertus here by this Testimony understandeth not only the Tables of stone, but the pot of Manna also, and Aa∣rons Rod. But that cannot be, as Tostatus reasoneth, because this Testimony here spoken of was given by God himselfe, so were neither of the other. And although the other were in some sense testimonies also unto Israel, as the pot of Manna testified unto them how God miraculously fed them in the wilder∣nesse, and Aarons Rod testified, that the tribe of Levi usurped not that calling, but were therein appoin∣ted of God: yet the Tables of the Law were specially so called, quia testes erant, &c. because they were witnesses betweene God and his people, that they had received these precepts of God, and promised obe∣dience, Lyran. 2. But though Tostatus herein dissent from Rupertus in the exposition of these words, yet he thinketh that all these three were in the Arke, quaest. 11. and that the booke of Deuteronomie, which Moses writ, was there also: which Moses commanded the Levites to put in the side of the Arke, Deut. 31. And this they thinke to be confirmed by the Apostles testimonie, Hebr. 9.3. After the second vaile was the Tabernacle, which is called the Holiest of all, which had the golden censer, and the Arke of the Testament overlaid with gold, in the which the golden p••t, which had Manna, was, and Aarons rod that had budded, and the tables of the Testament. But in this place, as Iunius, Ribera, Pelargus have well observed,* 1.243 the relative 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in qua, in the which, is not referred to the Testament, but to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Tabernacle before spoken of: for it is not unusuall for the relative to be referred to the former antecedent, as may be observed in divers places. 3. Therefore the truth is, that there was nothing in the Arke beside the tables of the Law, as is evidently testified, 2 King. 8.9. and 2 Chron. 5.10.

Some doe answer, that in Moses time all these were in the Arke, but not in Salomons: so Catharinus:* 1.244 and some conjecture, that the enemies might have taken away the other, when the Arke was in their cu∣stody: sic Genevens. But Iosephus evidently witnesseth, that there was never any thing put within the Arke, saving the tables of stone.

Thomas Aquinas thinketh that the tables of stone are said to be there, because although the rest were there also, the Arke was made specially to keepe those tables of stone. But the text is plaine that there was nothing there beside.

Anselmus saith, that they are said to be in the Arke, because they were neere to the Arke. But it is evi∣dent that the tables of stone were not only neere the Arke, but in the Arke it selfe: therefore in the same sense they are not all said to be in the Arke.

Lyranus▪ in 2 King. 8. Abulens. qu. 6. and Cajetane, affirme, that the tables of the Law were only in the Arke, and the other two were in a little che••t or coffer in the side of the Arke. But this Ribera saith is com••••entitium▪ imagined: for we reade not of any such thing made without the Arke.

Therefore the best resolution is this, that the tables of the Law were only in the Arke: the other two, Aarons Rod, and the pot of Manna were only placed before the Arke: As Exod. 16.34. the pot of Man∣na is said to be laid up before the Testimony to be kept: So Num. 17.10. the Lord said to Moses, Bring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rod before the Testimonie to be kept▪ but we reade not that it is any where said of the two table••, that they were laid up before the Lord. And concerning the booke of Deuteronomie which Moses did write, it was not put into the Arke, but without, neere unto the Arke in the Tabernacle, because it was found afterward in Iosias time in the place where the treasure was,* 1.245 2 Chron. 34.14. Ribera.

QUEST. XXII. Of the spirituall and mysticall signification of the Arke.

COncerning the typicall and mysticall application of the Arke and the ornaments thereof, 1. Beds ap∣plieth it unto Christs incarnation, that a•• the Arke was made of wood, which putrified not overlayed within and without with gold: so Christ tooke a body without sinne, in whom were hid all the trea∣sures of heavenly wisdome. 2. Rupertus thus collecteth, that as the Arke is described to bee two cubits and halfe in length, equall to the sta••ure of man, so God hath appeared in earth, and shewed himselfe unto the capacity of them.* 1.246 3. By the Arke Gregorie understandeth the Church: by the foure rings the foure Gospels; by the barres, the Preachers and Pastors of the Church, which carry the Arke, and propagate the truth. 4. Likewise Cyril by the Arke insinuateth Christs body, which was incorruptible, as the other was made of dureable and lasting wood: and as it was covered within and without with gold: sic pr••ci••∣sa & regalia omnia in eo sunt; So all things were preciou•• and princely in him. 5. Lyranus by the three things in the Arke contained, would have described the three offices of Christ; by the Tables of the Law, regiam dignitatem, the kingly dignity, because it belongeth unto the King to make Lawes; the Rod of Aaron betokeneth the Priesthood; the pot of Manna, cibatione••h fidel••um, the feeding of the faithfull: wherein consisteth the propheticall office of Christ. 6. Marbachius more at large doth thus allegori•••• it: 1. The gold of the Arke sheweth the divine nature of Christ; the wood his humanity. 2. The crowne of the Arke signifieth, that he was crowned with the graces and gifts of the Spirit. 3. By the preaching of the Gospell the name of Christ is published to all the world, as the Arke was carried by foure rings. 4. The Tables of the Law in the Arke shew that Christ was the end of the Law. 5. The pot of Manna signifieth that Christ is the true food of our soules. 6. Aarons Rod that budded was a type of Christs re∣surrection, whose body revived, and as it were flourished out of the grave. But▪ as in generall the Taber∣nacle was a type and figure of celestiall things, as the Apostle sheweth, Hebr. 19.5. and the chiefe scope of those ceremonies was to set forth the spirituall state of the Church under Christ, yet notwithstanding it is not necessary neither convenient, to make such a typicall application in particular of every thing which belonged unto the Tabernacle: though the principall ceremonies of the Law served to shadow forth the body, which was Christ, yet they had many ceremonies which had no such signification, but served only as ornaments of their externall service. Herein therefore that assertion of Tostatus may be appro∣ved, Totus ille status figur alis fuit in universali, non in particulari, &c. All that state was figurative in gene∣rall (because the whole state of the old Testament had that end to prefigure the new) but not in every particular.

QUEST. XXIII. Of the covering of the Arke, what fashion it was of, whether it covered the Arke, or hung over.

Vers. 17. THou shalt make a mercie seat, &c. 1. The word caphoreth signifieth both a covering, and a propitiatory; being derived of caphar, which signifieth both to hide and cover, and to ap∣pease: which word sheweth a two-fold use thereof, both to be a cover for the Arke, and to be a place from whence they should receive answers from God, and make atonement with him. 2. This cover was not made of Shitti•• wood as the Arke was, and overlaid with gold, but it was made all of pure gold, be∣cause it was as it were the Lords seat, who is said to dwell betweene the Cherubims, Isai. 37.16. 3. This cover was not held up aloft in the hands of the Cherubims, as Oleaster, Caejetane, Marbach, and some other thinke, that it might be as the seat, and the Arke as Gods footstoole: but it was made to cover the Arke with, as thinketh R. Salomon▪ and it is the generall opinion of the Hebrewes: 1. both because it is prescribed to be of the same bignesse and proportion for length and breadth, which the Arke was of, that it might be fit to cover it: 2. As also, the Cherubs were to be made with worke beaten out with the hammer out of the ends of the mercie seat: which could not be done so conveniently, if they had held the table in their hands, Tostat. 3. As also because there is no mention made of any other covering which the Arke had, and it was not like to be left open or uncovered: this propitiatory or mercy seat was to that end to close above upon the Arke, Lyran. 4. And so much is expressed, vers. 21. Thou shalt put the mercy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 above upon the Arke. 5. And to this end the Arke had a crowne made round about in the brim thereof, to close up and hide the joynt, where the covering and the Arke did meet, Iunius. Thus much also Augustine doth gather by the forme and proportion of the Arke,* 1.247 Proculdubio tantae formae ar∣••am fieri pracepit, quat••geretur arca, &c. He commanded an arke to be made of such a forme to cover the Arke with. 5. There are but two dimensions prescribed of this cover, how long and how broad it should be; it was not necessary to apportion the thicknesse, as before the depth or height of the Arke was de∣scribed: but it is left to Moses discretion, that it should be made of such a thicknesse, ne tenuitate flectere∣tur, that it might not bend, but be stiffe enough to put off and on, Cajetane. 6. This covering neither ope∣ned with joynts▪ as other chest lids, because it was not to be opened often, but they were to reare it up∣right: neither needed it to have any latch or haspe to keepe it shut, because it was set in such a place whi∣ther none used to come, Tostatus qua••st. 17.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the signified 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of this word Cherub.

Vers. 18. THou shalt make thee two Cherubims of gold. 1. The Rabbines, as R. David witnesseth, thinke that this word is compounded of caph, which is a note of similitude, and rubh, a boy, and the sense of the word to be this, As a boy▪ Vatabl••••. But the Cherubims were not alwayes in the forme and shape of men: as appeareth, Ezech. 1. where the Cherubims had the face of an Eagle, a Lion, a Bullock, Calvin. 2. Oleaster thinketh it may rather be derived of rabbah, which signifieth to multiply: and so it may be taken for the Angels, because of their multitude. 3. Hierom will have this word to signifie the multitude of knowledge; but how it should have such signification, it appeareth not.* 1.248 ••aguine will have it derived of ••acar, which signifieth to know, and 〈…〉〈…〉. But this seemeth to be fetched somewhat farre off. 4. Cajetan saith, Significa•• 〈…〉〈…〉 sed vortutis; It signifieth great, not in quantity, but in vertue, and power. 5. 〈…〉〈…〉 maketh this observation, that Cherubim with van,* 1.249 alwayes signifieth the creature, but without van, the worke it selfe of Cherubims. But this observation doth not alwayes hold; for in this place, cherub 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the singular number is expressed with van, though Cherubim in the plurall be written without is: 〈…〉〈…〉 they both in this place doe signifie the worke of the Che∣rubims. 6. Therefore the best and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sense of this word, is to signifie a beautifull picture, and is metaphorically translated from externall and materiall things, to spirituall, because the Angels are beau∣tified and adorned with many excellent 〈…〉〈…〉. In which sense the King of Tyrus, in respect of his glorious state, is called the annointed Cherub, Ezech. 28.14.

QUEST. XXV. What forme and fashion these Cherubims were of.

COncerning the forme and fashion of these Cherubims, there are divers opinions: 1. Iosephus thinketh they had the similitude of certain birds, which are not knowne unto us, being found only in the re∣mote parts of the world: and the reason of his opinion may be this, lest if they had beene after the simili∣tude of any knowne thing, it might have ministred occasion of idolatry.* 1.250 But Iosephus is convinced by that which is written, Gen. 3. that the Cherubims were see to keepe the way to Paradise: they were not fowles or other winged beasts, but Angels which kept that way: neither was there here any feare of ido∣latry, because these Cherubims were not in the open view and sight of the people, but in the most holy place, whither none had accesse, but only the high 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and that once in the yeere.

2. R. Abraham, Ab. Ezra thinketh, that the Cherubims doe signifie any shape, either of bird, beast, or man: as Ezech. 1. the beasts which appeared, having the face of an Eagle, a Lion, a Bullock, a Man, are chap. 10. called Cherubims. Contra. The Prophet calleth them Cherubims, not in respect of that forme and shape, wherein they appeared, but because he knew th••m to be Angels and blessed spirits that so ap∣peared; therefore he giveth the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 name to them all, and there their forme and shape is expressed: but when they are called Cherubims, without any determination of their forme, they are alwayes held to have appeared in humane shape, Tostat. qu. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

3. Oleaster leaveth not this matter indifferent, as Ab. Ezra▪ but thinketh that these Cherubims had ra∣ther, formam animalium, the sonne of beasts, such as Ezechiel describeth, than of men; because it is no where expressed, that the Cherubims had the shape of men, as there they are described to have the faces of beasts: and beside, if they had beene made like men with hands, that would have hindered the stret∣ching out of their, wings Contra. 1. As though the Cherubims in Ezechiel are not as well said to have had the face of a man, as of other creatures there expressed. 2. To take away the other doubt and difficulty, we need not imagine with Montanus, who se••••eth forth the Cherubs with wings only, without hands: for that were an imperfect forme, to give them the shape of a man without hands: and the Cherubs de∣scribed, Ezech. 1▪ 8. had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which came under their wings: but the Cherubs might very well be de∣scribed with stretching out wings, notwithstanding their hands, which they either touched the mercy seat with, as some thinke, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her held them upright, as praysing God, as R. Salomon.

4. Montanus saith, 〈…〉〈…〉; That these Cherubs were divers,* 1.251 in the shape of male and female. But that is not like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they were made to represent the Angels and blessed Spi∣rits, where is no diversity of sex, of male or female.

5. The opinion than of R. Salomon is the ••••st, that the Cherubs were pictured and portraited in hu∣mane shape, in the forme of young men▪ because so the Angels used to appeare in times past▪ as to A∣braham and Lot, and they 〈…〉〈…〉 the Angeli were sent from heaven, they are said to flie, as birds 〈…〉〈…〉 the ground, Tostat. And what shape the Cherubims were of 〈…〉〈…〉 be gathered by the description 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those which Salomon made, which stood upright on their feet, 2 Chron. 3.••3. 〈…〉〈…〉 understood of any other than the humane shape, Pelarg. Ribera. They were pictured with wings, and not naked, as Montanus describeth them, but clothed and apparel∣led▪ because it is forbidd••n•• chap. 20. 〈…〉〈…〉 should be discovered at Gods Altar, Iunius.

QUEST. XXVI▪ 〈…〉〈…〉 Cherubim, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Seraphim.

BUt it will here 〈…〉〈…〉 these are called Cherubim, rather then Seraphim, which is another name gi••en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Angels, 〈…〉〈…〉.

1. Some were of opinion, that they might indifferently be called either Cherubim, or Seraphim: but Hierom confuteth them,* 1.252 writing 〈…〉〈…〉 say in their prayers, Thou which sittest 〈…〉〈…〉 no where used in Scripture, but only 〈…〉〈…〉.

2. Others answer, that the Seraphim•• 〈…〉〈…〉 which shall be revealed in the

next world, the Cherubims, ad ministerium, for the ministery and service of God: and therefore the Che∣rubims are here pictured, rather than the Seraphims. Contra. 1. But the most holy place, where these Che∣rubims were set, was made to represent Gods glory: therefore the Cherubim served here to set forth Gods glory. 2. The Seraphims also were ministring Spirits, as well as the Cherubims, as they are set forth, Isay 6.

3. Neither is it a sufficient answer to say, that the Seraphims appeared with six wings a peece, Isay 6. and these had but two, they were therefore Cherubims not Seraphims: for the Cherubs, that here were described but with two wings, Ezach. 1.6. were said to have foure. So that if that were a good reason, these should neither be called Cherubims: Therefore they are not so called or distinguished, in respect of their more or fewer wings: for the Angels being Spirits, have neither wings, nor any other visible shape of themselves, but they are described and called diversly, according to those severall offices and im∣ployments, wherein it pleaseth God to use them.

* 1.2534. Ribera maketh this to be the reason, why God is said to fit upon the Cherubims, which word signi∣fieth multitude of knowledge, to shew that God farre exceedeth the wisdome and knowledge even of those excellent Spirits: and therefore he is said to sit above the Cherubims. But beside that this signi∣fication of the word Cherub hath no ground, as is before shewed, God in this sense might as well be said to fit betweene the Seraphim, which signifieth burning as fire, for the Lord in brightnesse and in fiery ju∣stice exceedeth the Angels.

5. This reason then may rather be yeelded, Visiones ad rerum s••••arum argumenta accommodanda sunt; Visions must be applied unto the argument and scope of the things themselves, Iun. in Isai. 6.2. Now be∣cause Seraphim is a name given to the Angels, in respect of their fiery and purging zeale, they are so cal∣led, when they are sent to purge and cleanse the world, in being ministers of Gods judgements: but Che∣rubim being a title of love and favour, being taken for a beautifull and lovely picture, this name was more fit to be used in this place, these Cherubs being to attend upon Gods mercy seat, from whence he shewed and extended his favour.

QUEST. XXVII. On which side of the Arke the Cherubs were placed.

Vers. 18. THou shalt make them at the two ends of the Mercie seat, &c. ••. Cajetane is of opinion, that these two Cherubs were set one against the other in the long sides of the Arke, and not at the ends: Extrema propitiatorii intellige extrema longitudinis; The ends of the Mercie seat understand to be the ends of the length. But this agreeth not with the description; for they are said to cover the Mer∣cie seat with their wings: but if one Cherub were of one side, and the other against it in the length of two cubits and an halfe, if they stretched their wings out right, the two ends should be left uncovered▪ and so should they be, if they put their wings crosse one toward another.

2. Some thinke that both the Cherubs were of one side in the length, and the right wing of the one to touch the left of another. But this cannot stand neither, for their wings could not by this meanes co∣ver the Arke; and beside, their faces must be one toward another, and toward the Mercie seat also: which could not be, if they stood both upon one side; for then turning their faces one toward another, they should turne them away from the Mercie seat.

3. Some admitting, that the Cherubs were placed at the two ends in the breadth; yet thinke that they stretched their wings on high, and not directly one toward another. And Cajetane is of the same opinion, alas non expansa•• ad latera, &c. that their wings were not stretched out on the sides, to the right hand or left, but upward. Now the text putteth both together, that they shall both stretch their wings on high, and cover the Mercie seat: But if they should only stretch them upward upright, and their wings not one meet another, then the long sides of the Arke should be left uncovered.

4. Wherefore, it is most agreeable to the text, that these Cherubs were made, not in the length of the Mercie seat, but in the breadth; because they are prescribed to be made in the two end••; and then they stretched their wings in such sort one toward another over the Mercie seat, as that they covered it, Tostat. Montan. Lippoman.

QUEST. XXVIII. Whether the Cherubims stood upon the ground, or upon the Mercie seat.

Vers. 19. OF the Mercie seat shall yee make the Cherubims, &c. 1. Some thinke that these Cherubims did stand upon the ground, and so held up the Mercie seat betweene them, in their hands. Sic Thomas, Cajetan. For the Propitiatorie being the seat of God, it would seeme inconvenient, that the Cherubs should stand upon it. But this reason is nothing for it was not the very seat and throne of God, but a figure and representation only; and yet we read••, Isay 6.2. that the Seraphims indeed did stand upon the throne of God.

2. Oleaster seemeth to thinke that these Cherubs, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saper capita propitiat••rium, did hold the Mercie seat upon their head, as Ezech. 10.1. The throne of God appeared above upon the head of the Cherubims. But that place serveth not so express•• the description of the Cherubims, made here by Mo∣ses no more than the other parts of that vision, that every one of th••se Cherubs had foure faces, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i•• wings. And if the Cherubs had held it upon their heads, it could not have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 put upon the Arke, as it is said vers. 21.

3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ in his description maketh the Cherubim•• ••aked standing upright, with their feet upon the Mercie seat▪ But seeing they were made with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the Mercie seat, of the very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p••••ce of gold, it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 like, that the whole 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a man at large, from the feet to the head, was so beaten out with the hammer: and therefore Tostatus conj••••••ureth well, 〈…〉〈…〉 cu•• pedebus the Cherubim•• 〈…〉〈…〉 with their feet.

4. Wherefore R. Salomon thinketh ••ight, that 〈…〉〈…〉, the Cherubs stood upon the co∣ver: for Exod. 37.7. they are said to be made upon the two ends of the Mercie seat; and if they had stood upon the ground, the covering could not have beene put close to the Arke to cover it: yet it is not to be imagined, that the Cherubs stood aloft with their fee•• and all; for such a compleat and full picture, could hardly be made with the hammer out of the same peece: but it is like, that the upper part onely of the Cherubs was so beaten and drawne out; such as were afterward wrought in the curtaines, chap. 26.1. And thus the picture of the Cherubs standeth drawne in some Geneva Bibles.

QUEST. XXIX. The difference betweene the Cherubims which Moses made, and those which Salomon set up.

BUt here it shall not be amisse to observe the differences betweene these Cherubims which Moses made, and those which Salomon afterward set up in the inner house of the Temple: 1. They differed in the matter; these were all of gold, but those were made of Olive-tree overlaid with gold, 1 King. 6.21. 2. Those were ten cubits high▪ and their wings each of them five cubits, from the end of one wing to an∣other were ten cubits, ibid. vers. 24. Cajetane; but these Cherubs wings could not be two cubits and an halfe long: for their wings meeting together did but cover the Mercie seat, which was but two cubits and an halfe long. 3. Their wings were spread all one way, and they stood together, with one wing they touched one another, and with the other they touched the wals of each side, 2 Chron. 3.12. but these Che∣rubs stood at the two ends of the Mercie seat. 4. Salomons Cherubims looked both one way toward the house Eastward, but these looked one toward another, at the two ends of the Arke, North and South, Ri∣bera. 5. Those stood upon their feet on the ground, ibid. but these were set upon the Mercie seat. 6. Those served to cover the Mercie seat which covered the Arke: but these were made over and beside for an ornament to the house: for there were together both the Cherubs upon the Arke, which Moses caused to be made, and those other which Salomon set up, as Abulensis thinketh.* 1.254

QUEST. XXX. Of the places where the Lord used to speake with Moses.

Vers. 2••. THere I will appoint with thee, &c. 1. There were two uses of the Mercie seat: one was ex∣ternall to serve for a covering of the Arke; the other was spirituall, it was as Gods oracle from whence the Lord revealed his will as sometime out of the fiery bush, and afterward out of the cloud, so now he would speake unto him from betweene the Cherubims, Lippoman. 2. God speaketh after the manner of men, more principis statuentis locum audientia, as a Prince that appointeth a place of audience: and he saith thus much in effect, Thou shalt not need to come alwayes unto mount Sinai▪ to consult with me, I will be ready to heare thee from this Mercie seat, Cajetane. 3. There were three places where the Lord gave audience to Moses, and where he used to speake unto him: one was at the doore of the Ta∣bernacle, where the Altar of burn•• offerings was, chap. 29.42. the other was out of the cloudy pillar, Numb. 12.5. but this for the most part did concurre with the other: for the pillar of the cloud did usual∣ly stand in the doore of the Tabernacle, when the Lord fro•• thence spake unto Moses: but the chiefe and principall place from the which the Lord spake unto Moses, was the Mercie seat, Numb. 7.89. Wh•••• Moses went into the Tabernacle of the congregation to speake with God, he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the voice of one speaking un∣to him from the Mercie seat, &c.

QUEST. XXXI. Whether God himselfe, or an Angell spake from the Mercie seat.

Vers. 22. FRom above the Mercie seat, &c. will I tell thee▪ Tostatus thinketh, that it was not God him∣selfe that framed this voice from the Mercie seat▪ but some Angell, and that by certaine in∣struments, as by the condensation and thickning of the ai••e between the Cherubims over the Mercie seat: which was not seene by reason the high Priest when he entred into the most holy place filled it with the smoke of the incense, so that the Mercie seat was covered therewith, Levit. 16.13. And he addeth fur∣ther, That Deus no•• 〈…〉〈…〉 voce••, &c. God could not create those voices, because a voice is made by prolation successively: Sed Deus non potest ager•• per successionem▪ But God cannot doe any thing successively▪ as we cannot doe any thing in an instant, &c. Thus Tostat. qu. 22.

Contra. 1. It is not doubted of, but that Angels by their Angelicall power can frame voices and sounds by such meanes and instruments as they apply to that end: but if an Angell can bring forth a voice by meanes, much more God can doe it, that made the Angels, and that without meanes. 2. The cloud of the incense was not to that end to hide the co••••ealed and thickened aire upon the Mercie seat▪ but somewhat to obscure the sight of the Mercie seat it selfe▪ that the high Priest should not ga••e too much upon it. 3. To say that God cannot create a voice, i•• to deny his power, to whom nothing is im∣possible. 4. And though God can doe whatsoever it pleaseth him in a moment, yet he doth also some∣time worke successively, to apply himselfe to on•• capacity: as he thought good to be six dayes in ma∣king the world,* 1.255 which he could have dispatched in a moment. So the Lord could have healed Naama••s leprosie with once washing, but his flesh was not healed till he had seven times washed. Our blessed Saviour could with once laying on of this hands have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the blind man, but he thought good to re∣store his fight by degrees▪ at the first he saw men walking like ••••ees,* 1.256 and at the second laying on of his hands, he sa•• every man afarre off cleerel••▪ ••. But that it was the Lord himselfe, not an Angell, that used to speake from the Mercie seat it is evident▪ ••••th because they used to pray unto him that sate betweene the Cherubims▪ and they give unto him the 〈…〉〈…〉 God of Israel: as Flez••kiah prayeth, O Ie∣••••vah 〈…〉〈…〉▪ the God of Israel, which 〈…〉〈…〉 Cherubims,* 1.257 thou art very God alone over all the kingdomes of the earth▪ th•••• hast made the heaven and the earth. These titles and attributes, to be the

Lord of hos••s, the God of Israel, God alone, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of heaven and earth, doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 only unto God, and can∣not be given unto any Angell.

QUEST. XXXII. Of the spirituall signification of the pr••pitiatorie.

NOw to shew the signification of this Propitiatory and Mercie seat: 1. Augustine thus applieth it: The two Cherubs doe shadow the Propitiatory, that is, honorant velando, they doe honour it in vai∣ling it, because great mysteries are there hid: ••uvic•••• se attendunt, quia consonant, &c. They doe looke one on another, because they agree: for the two Testaments are there figured: their faces are toward the Pro∣pitiatory,* 1.258 Quia misericordiam Dei, in qua una spes est, vald•• commendant; Because they commend the mer∣cie of God, wherein their hope only is.

* 1.2592. Gregorie to the same purpose: What is signified by the Propitiatory but the Redeemer of the world, as the Apostle saith, Whom God hath set forth to be a reconciliation, or propitiation through faith in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bloud? What doe the two Cherubims betoken, one looking upon another, Nisi quod utra{que} testamenta in mediatorem Dei & hominum concordant? But that both the Testaments doe agree concerning one Me∣diatour of God and men: whom the one pointeth out, the other exhibiteth.

* 1.2603. Cyril also by the Propitiatory understandeth Christ, who is our propitiator and reconciler: as the Apostle saith, If any man sinne, we have an advocate with the Father Iesus Christ the righteous. And he ad∣deth further, in that the Cherubs looke toward the Propitiatory, he would have it to signifie these two things: Nutui Domi••ico intenti sunt, &c. The Angels are intent upon Gods will ready to doe it: Et nun∣quam Dei satiantur aspectu; And they are never satisfied with beholding of God.

4. Rupertus consenting with the rest, that the Propitiatory shadoweth forth Christ; the pure gold, whereof it was made, his divine substance; the two Cherubs, the two Testaments, addeth this of his owne: The shadowing of the Arke with their wings, sheweth, quia humilitatem crucifixi Domini dofe••∣dunt, that the two Testaments doe defend the humility of our Lord, being crucified, from the blasphe∣mies of the Jewes, who thought him as smitten of God for his owne sinnes, whereas he died for ours.

5. But Calvin leaving other curious observations, hath put all these together: 1. God in the Cherubs and Angels, by whom he exerciseth the government of the world, symbolum presentiae suae statuit, setteth forth a symbole, or signe of his presence. 2 Extensio alarum promptitudinem obsequii, &c. The stretching out of their wings sheweth their ready service. 3. They looke toward the Mercy seat, intenti ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dei, as waiting upon God to know his pleasure. 4. And in that they are joyned to the Propitiatorie, it be∣tokeneth, Christi descensu coelos apertos; That by Christs descending the heavens were opened, and the An∣gels descended and ascended for the elects sake. 5. Mutuo•• intuitus consensum d••signa••▪ Their mutuall be∣holding one another sheweth their joynt consent in executing Gods commandement. That former con∣ceit of applying the two Cherubims to the two Testaments, Calvin refuseth as too curious. 6. Gallasi•••• by the spreading of their wings understandeth the reverence of the Angels to the Majesty of God, sha∣dowing their faces with their wings, as not being able to behold it. 7. Simlerus addeth farther, that in looking toward the Propitiatory, which signified Christ▪ is insinuated, that they looke toward Christ, and are ready to serve and minister unto him: and by their looking they shew their admiration of the great mystery of our redemption▪ which, as S. Peter saith, they desire to behold▪ 8. Osiander noteth further, that as God promised his presence in the Mercy seat, and from thence declared his will; so God is pre∣sent to every one that seeketh him in Christ, and in him the secrets of God are revealed, and manifested unto us.

QUEST. XXXIII. Of the matter whereof the table was made.

Vers. 23. THou shalt also make a table of Shittim wood. 1. Now such things are described as were to be placed in the outward Sanctuary next unto the most holy place: and first the table, Lyranus. 2. And foure things 〈◊〉〈◊〉 declared touching this table, the matter whereof 〈◊〉〈◊〉 should be made, of Shittim wood, the forme, the parts, the crowne, border, rings, and the vessels thereunto belonging, Pelargus. 3. The matter whereof it was made was Shittim wood, which was a most durable and lasting kinde of wood: for the Lord intended, that these ornaments and instruments of the Tabernacle should not be renewed, but continue during all the time of the old Testament, untill the comming of the Messiah: unlesse it should chance some of them to be lost, or taken away: as it is like, that in the captivity, both the Arke and golden Altar were lost:* 1.261 though that report have small probabi••ity, that Ieremie should hide them in a certine cave, which could not be found againe afterward. After the captivitie the Altar of incense was renewed, because there was necessary use thereof in offering of incense, as wee reade of Zacharie, that he burned incense in his course, Luk. 1.9. but the Arke was not made againe, because there was not such rise thereof, the Tables of stone being missing, which the Arke was specially made so containe and keepe, Tostat. 4. This table also was overlayed with gold: so that, corpus mensae cedi inum ••uit, 〈…〉〈…〉 &c. the body of the table was of Cedarwood, the barke or skin of gold. And it is like that it was covered with gold, both within and without, though it be not so expressed, as the Arke was before Cajetane.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the forme and fashion of the table.

Vers. 23. OF two cubits long, &c. 1. It is of the same height with the Arke, a cubit and halfe high, but neither of the same length nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it wanteth halfe a cubit of each: it was but two cu∣bits high and one cubit broad: and the reason is, because the Arke was made hollow, like a chest, for somewhat to be part within it▪ but this 〈…〉〈…〉 in the hollow and nether part of it, but on∣ly in the plaine part above, where the 〈…〉〈…〉 were set, Tostatus. 2. Iosephus ••greeth with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 description, saving that he saith it was 〈…〉〈…〉, which maketh a cubit and halfe, 〈◊〉〈◊〉

it for the larger 〈…〉〈…〉, which containeth the space or measure of twelve fingers: so by this wee may gather, what he meant before in the description of the Arke, when he said it was three hands high, that is, •• cubit 〈…〉〈…〉▪ 3. But it seemeth strange, that Iosephus should liken this table unto the tabl•• of Apollo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Delph••••, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereof like to the bed-〈◊〉〈◊〉, which certaine Grecians, called Doriense did use: whereas Moses Tabernacle is farre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ancient, than the Temple at Dolph••s? and though 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were not, it is unlike that God would have taken a paterne from Idolaters. 4. Cajetane thinketh, that pe•• d••s mensae erant de integritu••••mursa, &c. that the feet of the table were whole with the table▪ and not se∣vered from i••▪ that it might be carried altogether. But this is no•• like, that of one peece of wood, both the table-boord, and the frame could be made and vers. 26. the feet are named as a distinct thing from the table. 5. Some thinke, that whereas he is ••id to make a border foure fingers broad, that the table-boord or planke was of that 〈…〉〈…〉, Lyran. But that cannot be thence gathered: for this border served for another purpose to keepe the table-feet together; it was not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the edge of the table: for to that end a crowne or edge was appointed to be made before, vers. ••4.

QUEST. XXXV. Of the placing of the two 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the border of the table.

Vers. 14. THou shalt make▪ thereto a crowne of gold. 1. Whereas mention is made of two crownes, or edges of gold, and some borde••▪ Lyranus thinketh, that they were in effect the same, being only distinguished in place; that there was one broad place of 〈…〉〈…〉, whereof foure fingers covered the edge of the table, foure ••••ngers stood 〈…〉〈…〉 round abou••, and foure fingers beneath: like as in a playing table, which hath the chesse-game on the one side, and the dice-play on the other, there is an edge which standeth up on both sides. So also Ioseph••s. But Tostatus misliketh this opinion, as contrary to the text; which describeth these three as divers things, and one made after another▪ they could not then be all one part.

2. Yet Tostatus himselfe is deceived, who thinketh, that first the border was made round about the ta∣ble, and then upon that was set a crowne, to helpe to keepe from falling the things set upon the table; and upon that, another crowne fo••••omelinesse sake, to be an ornament to the table. So also Lippoman. But this cannot stand, for first one crowne is appointed to be made, then the border, and then the other crowne. It had beene a preposterous description, if the two crownes had beene set together; the border being appointed to be made betweene; and the second crowne had beene superfluous, the other serving sufficiently, both for use, and ornament.

3. Some thinke that these two crownes were set one upon another, to signifie the two kingdomes, one of Israel, the other of Judah, Histor. soholastic. Contra. This is like to that other fansie of the Jewes, that in the nether crowne were pictured all the Kings of Judah from David, unto Zedechiah. As though Mo∣ses, being commanded to make every thing precisely, according to the paterne shewed in the mount, would have omitted any thing in the description set before him. And further, the ground of this suppo∣sition is false; for one of the crownes was not set upon another.

4. Osiander thinketh, that the crowne spoken of, vers. 25. is the same, which before was described, which was set aloft above the border: of the same judgement seemeth to be Hugo de S. Victor. Dud•• illas coronas, quasi unam dixit; Hee speaketh of those two crownes as one. But the text speaketh evidently of two crownes, one to be made round about the table, vers. 24. the other to be round about the border.

5. Wherefore, the best description is this, that the crowne first spoken of, was to be set round about the table to keepe from falling such things as were set thereon, Simler. Ne aliquid posset e m••nsa elabi; Lest any thing should fall from the table, Cajetan. Ribera.* 1.262 Then that border of an handbreath did compasse the feet of the table above, Vt immoti cohaererent; that they might be held together from parting asun∣der, Pelarg. Iun. The other crowne was under the table to keepe it in, ne de trapezophora depelleretur, that it should not fall from the frame or trestles, Iun. Pelarg. For otherwise, this description of the table should be imperfect; if there were nothing to hold the feet together, and to keepe the table from swarving. Io∣sephus thinketh, that there were certaine claspes which went thorow the rings, and caught hold of the edge or lip of the table, to hold it fast: but there is no mention made of any such in Moses description; and the use of the rings was only to put the barres thorow to carry the table by, vers. 27.

QUEST. XXXVI. How the table of shew-bread was carried.

Vers. 27. OVer against the border shall the rings be, for places for barres, &c. 1. These rings of gold were placed in the upper part of the frame toward the table, for more convenient carriage, Ly∣ran. And the text saith, that the ring▪ were over against the border, Cajetan. Or, juxta, next unto the bor∣der, as Oleaster interpreteth the word leumat, or leghumath. 2. Tostatus thinketh it probable,* 1.263 that the rings were not in the long sides of the table, but in the breadth; for if they had beene in the length of the table, which is supposed to have beene borne of foure men, two before, and two behind; there should have beene but one cubit, which was the breadth of the table betweene them that caried it, which had not beene roome enough. So also Ribera. But I rather thinke with Montanus, that the rings were in the long sides, as before is shewed in the description of the Arke: they had all one manner of carrying: and the space of a cubit betweene was sufficient, if it be supposed that the right shoulder of the one, was toward the left shoulder of the other: and they might see better so to goe, carrying upon their neere shoulders. 3. This further is to be considered, that there were two kind of carriages of the Tabernacle; and the things there∣in •• for such things as were light and portable they carried upon their shoulders, the rest, as the boords of the Tabernacle, and the large coverings were carried in chariots, Num. 7.7, 8. Now some things were car∣ried on their shoulders, that had no barres, as the golden candlesticke, with the instruments thereto belon∣ginge for first it was wrapped and packed up in a ••••loth, and then p••t upon the barres, Numb. 4.10. and

some things had barres, which they were not carried by, as the boords of the Sanctuary had barres, which served not for carriage, but to fasten them together, Tostat. qu. 27.

QUEST. XXXVII. Of the dishes and cup•• belonging to the ••able, the use, and number of them.

Vers. 29. THou shalt also make dishes for it, &c. 1. Some, whereas here are foure kinde of vessels named belonging to the table, doe leave it altogether uncertaine, for what speciall purposes they served. Ab. Ezra saith, De his vasib••s scimus quid di••••rius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nost••••, &c. Of these vessels wee know what our Rabbins or masters say; and addeth no further, as though there were small certainty in their tr••∣ditions. So also Cajetan. Ingenu•• fate••r 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nescire tum form•••• vaserum, tum off••••iae, &c. I ingenuously con∣fesse I know not, neither the fashions of these vessels, not their offices. But it is not good to leave this matter thus altogether in suspence. 2. And yet Tostatus opinion is not probable, that these vessels here named, were not all for the use and service of the table: but that the vessels which served for the use of the golden, and brasen Altar, were set upon this table; as the second, which is translated phialae, goblets, he thinketh were used to powre wine into; and the fourth sort, which the Latine interpreteth, cyathos, cups, were vessels to powre in wine with, like unto our spout-pots. But as Riber•• well observeth, if wee consider the smalnesse of the table, which was only a cubit broad, and the greatnesse of the loaves, Vide∣bimus nihil loci relinqui ••et vasis;* 1.264 Wee shall finde there was small roome for those vessels, to be set upon that table. And beside, in Salomons Temple, there were other tables beside, ten in all, which were made to set the vessels upon.* 1.265 And whereas the Latine Translator readeth in the last place, C••ps, in quibus off••∣renda erant libamina, wherein drinke offerings should be offered, as also reade the Chalde and Septuagint, the word nasac, signifieth not only to powre out, but to cover; and so reade here, Vatablus, Iunius, Olea∣ster. They were such vessels as the table was covered with: for what use of powring out could there be, where was nothing set but bread?

3. Touching the number of these vessels; Montanus thinketh there were but two that were under the two rowes of bread, and two above. But it is most like, that every one of the loaves had his dish below, and a cover for the same above: for to what end else served the coverings, but to keepe the bread close and cleane? Iunius thinketh further, that every one had his incense cup above, because the Princes offered 12. incense cups, Numb. 7.84. and it may be gathered, Levit. 24.7. that every bread or loafe had incense put to it, for a remembrance, to be an offering made by fire unto the Lord, in stead or place of the bread, when it was renued, and removed every Sabbath, Iun. Pelarg. But herein Iosephus is rather to be credi∣ted, who was an eye witnesse of those ceremonies, who saith, there were two incense cups upon the two rowes, which seemeth to be most agreeable to that text, Levit. 24.7.

QUEST. XXXVIII. Of the foure kinde of vessels in particular, which served for the table.

Vers. 29. THou shalt make dishes for it. 1. The word is ke••••rath, or keg••arath, which signifieth a hollow dish or platter. Iunius thinketh, they served formandis panibus, to fashion the bread with, that they should be all of one fashion. But it is not like, that these golden platters or dishes were used in the baking of the loaves; for these dishes were not removed out of the Tabernacle. It is probable, that the Priests themselves did bake the loaves of such flowre as was offered them, for so they are commanded to doe, Levit. 27.5. Thou shalt take fine flowre, and bake 12. cakes thereof. But it is not like, as Hierom repor∣teth out of the traditions of the Hebrewes,* 1.266 that the Priests themselves did, s••rere, demetere, molere, coquere, both sow and reape, grinde and bake these loaves. Neither, as Iosephus writeth, Ex publica praebetur pa∣nis non fermentatus; Vnleavened bread was given in common: but rather flowre was offered to the Priests (not ready baken bread) and then the Priests did bake it themselves, Levit. 24.7. But in the moulding, kneading and baking, they used not these golden dishes: it is like they had other iron moulds and dishes which they baked the bread in, as Borrhaius noteth out of the traditions of the Hebrewes; the golden vessels only served to place the loaves in, being baked, and set upon the table. The Latine Translator cal∣leth them acetabula, which properly signifieth sawcers, or little dishes; but they were no small dishes, that contained loaves of that bignesse, every one having eight pound, as thinketh Ribera: the word also signi∣fieth sawcers to put vineger in, whereupon the Interlinearie glosse, by these vineger sawcers, would have signified, mordax praedicatio, quae vitia corradat, biting speech to nip sinne. But this is very improperly ga∣thered; for as Tostatus noteth, in the Tabernacle, nullus erat aceti usus, there was no use for vineger.

2. The second kinde of vessell is, caphath, which signifieth an hollow vessell, like to the palme of the hand, which served for the incense, Iunius, Vatablus, Pelargus. The vulgar Latine calleth them phiala••, cups to examine the wine in, which was offered, Lyran. Tostat. So also Rupertus, who thinketh they were glasses: but that cannot be, seeing all these vessels were of gold; and here was no use for vessels and cups to receive wine in: all these served for the shew-bread table.

3. The third kinde are kesoth, which were not thuribula, incense cups, as the Latine Interpreter, whom Lyranus and Tostatus follow, for they are spoken of before. R. Salomon thinketh, they were golden canes or reeds, which were put betweene the bread, to convey the aire unto the loaves, that they should not mould. So also Vatablus, and Montanus. But they were rather covers for the other plates and dishes, to cover the bread, and keepe it close, and so they might better be preserved from putrifying or moulding: so thinketh R. Iehudah, a most ancient Hebrew writer: and this is the more probable, because Num. 4.7. they are called scut••llae tegminis, plates to cover with, Iun.

4. The fourth sort of vessels are called Menaki••th, which word commeth of nakah, to cleanse. 1. Iu∣nius calleth them scopulas, beasomes, Cajetane, mundateria, cleansing things, Montanus, expurgatoria instru∣menta, instruments to keepe the table cleane with. But seeing these instruments were all made of gold, they had beene very unfit to sweepe or cleanse the table. 2. Neither were they cyathi, powring cups or

spout-pots, as Tostat. Lyran. following the Latine text, which readeth, to offer drinke offerings: whereas the word nasa••, signifieth rather here to cover, than to powre forth, as is before shewed. 3. Oleaster thin∣keth they were certaine mantils, that covered the bread and other vessels: but this could not be, because they were all of gold; and the face, or shew-bread was not covered or hid in the Tabernacle. 4. There∣fore it is most like, that these were the covers to the incense cups, as they are joyned with them▪ Lev. 4.7▪ as the other before called kesoth, served to cover the bread-plates, or dishes. So Va••abl. Lippom.

QUEST. XXXIX. Why it was called the shew-bread or face-bread.

Vers. 30. ANd thou shalt set upon the table shew-bread, or face-bread. 1. R. Salom. imagineth they were called face-bread, because on two sides they were turned up like unto simnels. 2. Other of the Hebrewes thinke they were so named, because they were made foure square like unto a bricke, with foure plaine sides, which they call faces, Ex Oleast. 3. Others, because they were baked in certaine moulds, and so were of the same fashion above and below, otherwise than our common bread, which is flat on the bottome next the harth, and round above, Tostat. Lyran. 4. Cajetane conjectureth, that they were notati characteribus duodecim sil••erum Israel; printed with markes of the twelve sonnes of Israel, and therefore so called. 5. But indeed they have that name given them, because they were alwayes in the face and sight of God: as the words following expound, Before my face continually. And in the same sense the Septua∣gint translate here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, face-bread, or presence-bread: and sometime they call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, shew-bread, which terme the Apostle retaineth, Heb. 9. and the Latine translator followeth, calling them panes propositionis, shew-bread, in the same sense: because they were alwayes set forth and shewed as in the presence of God: but the sense is more full and evident to call them panem facierum, as Vatab. Montan. Pagnine, or in the singular, panem fac••e••, face-bread, Iun. because the word panim in the Hebrew wanteth the singular, Ribera. And whether from the Hebrew word panim in this sense, the Latine word panis, bread, may not be derived, I leave it to the Readers consideration.

QUEST. XL. Of the order and quantity of th••se loaves.

COncerning the order and manner of setting these loaves: 1. Tostatus thinketh that they were set in duobus cumulis, in two heapes: and his reason is, because otherwise so many loaves, being of that bignesse containing every one two tenth deales of an Epha, could not be placed in a table of so small breadth. 2. But it is more like, that these twelve loaves were placed in duobus ordinibus, in two rowes or orders, one upon another: as may be gathered, Levit. 24.6. Thou shalt set them in two rowes, or orders: six in each row: and the same reason alleaged for the heaps may be urged against Tostatus: for unlesse these loaves so many in number, and so great in quantity had beene placed in order, and not tumbled in heapes, they could not have beene all set in so small a roome. 3. And concerning the quantity of these loaves, they did each of them consist of two tenth deales of an Epha, that is, two Homers, Levit. 24.5. And every Homer held about three pints, as is shewed before, qu. 24. in chap. 16. Iosephus saith that every loafe contained two of the measures called Assaran:* 1.267 and the Assaran held seven of the measures called Ch••tyla, which was about a pound weight:* 1.268 so that every one of those loaves did weigh about seven or eight pound, Ribera.

QUEST. XLI. Of the mysticall signification of the table of shew-bread.

NOw as touching the mysticall sense and application of the table of shew-bread, with the instruments thereof: 1. Beda by the table made of Shittim wood understandeth the Scriptures, consisting of the holy acts and sayings of the Prophets and Patriarkes: By the foure rings the foure Evangelists, by whom the Gospell was catried and preached to all the world: By the foure feet, the foure senses of Scripture, the historicall, allegoricall, tropologicall, anagogicall. Rabanus also followeth the same steps. 2. By the di∣vers vessels, the goblets, the incense cups, the dishes, Gregorie understandeth the diversity of gifts in the Church, which all helpe to furnish the Lords spirituall table. 3. Iosephus by the table and twelve loaves, thinketh the yeere with the twelve moneths to be deciphered. 4. Genua••••us thereby understandeth the earth, and by the loaves the fruit thereof. 5. Some by the Altar of incense understand the contemplative life, which is spent altogether in the contemplation and praise of God: by the table of shew-bread, the active life of those which are given unto good workes: by the golden candlesticke, such as both in words and workes, in contemplation and action doe shine as lights, Ribera.

6. But these mysticall diductions are somewhat curious. Yet thus farre these typicall ceremonies may safely be extended: the Arke signifieth the presence of God in Christ; the table of shew-bread the family of Christ, which is nourished and fed by him: by the golden candlesticke, the manner of administration in the Church is represented, which the Lord doth illuminate by his Spirit, Iun. in Analys. Rupertus by the bread understandeth the true bread of life, which is Christ Jesus: so also Marbachius. Ferus by the incense upon the bread collecteth, that we must joyne prayer and thanksgiving with the preaching of the word: by the crowne is signified the hope of everlasting life, where wee shall sit downe at Christs everla∣sting table in heaven, Simler. By the twelve loaves, the whole Israel of God, which is fed by his word, Borrhaius. And they were taught hereby, quod Deus panem larg••tur, that God giveth bread and food, Tostat. qu. 28. and that their very meat is consecrate unto God, and therefore should feed soberly and re∣verently, as in his presence, Calvin. And by the vessels of gold, all Christians should learne, ut dent operand, ut vasa sint aurea, non fictilia; to doe their endevour, that they may be vessels of gold, vessels of grace and election, not earthen vessels, and vessels of wrath, Osiander.

QUEST. XLII. Of the forme and fashion of the candlesticke.

Vers. 31. ALso thou shalt make a candlesticke of pure gold, of worke beaten one with the hammer, &c. 1. Io∣sephus is deceived in his description, who saith, that this candlesticke was ex aur•• fusili,* 1.269 sed

non solido, of molten gold, and not solid: whereas it was of one solid worke beaten out with the ham∣mer. In another place also he saith it was made of iron, covered with plates of gold. If it be answered for Iosephus, that he speaketh of some other candlesticke, which was afterward made of iron: it is not like, that any time the Israelites were so destitute of gold, but that they had sufficient to make one candle∣sticke, Tostat. quaest. 29. & 31. 2. By this description of the candlesticke it is evident, that the picture which is to be seene in Rome of the golden candlesticke, which Titus brought from Jerusalem, and carried in triumph, is not right, because it is not set forth with boules, knops and flowers, as this is, Ribera. 3. The fashion of the candlesticke was on this manner; the shaft went upright, and stood in the middest upon his feet: and from this shaft went out 6. branches, 3. on the one side, and 3. on the other, one above the other: which went out by couples, one on the one side, and over against it one on the other side: neither were they all of one length: for the nethermost branches were longest, and the uppermost shorter, so that they all were of one height above, Tostat. 4. The body or shaft had foure boules, like unto open almonds, and as many round knops, and as many flowers. And under the first knop, came out the first two branches, and so under the second, and third: and in the top, after the branches were gone forth, were the fourth boule, knop, and flower, Beda. So likewise in every one of the branches, there were three boules, as many knops and flowers. R. Salom. and Montanus, with whom agreeth the description in the Geneva Bibles, make in every branch three boules, but beside, but one knop and one flower, because vers. 33. it is said, three boules in the plurall, and but one knop and one flower in the singular number. But Lyranus, with whom consent Cajetan. Tostat. qu. 31. and Ribera,* 1.270 thinke better, that every boule had his knop and flower, to be answerable to the worke of the shaft; which had foure boules, and as many knops and flowers, vers. 34. So also Beda. 5. Beside, Montanus is of opinion, that the uppermost lilies or flowers served for the sockets or lampes, where the oile was put to feed the light: so also Pelarg. Genevens. But the flowers only were made for ornament, Calvin. And beside the boules, knops and flowers, there were seven lampes, as vers. 37. after the description of the shaft and branches, with their knops and flowers, it is said, Thou shalt make thee seven lampes thereof. So Tostatus quaest. 29. and Ribera: and 1 King. 7.29. mention is made of lampes, beside the flowers; which lampes were also made out with the hammer, as the rest were: for the whole candlesticke, with every part thereof, was appointed so to be made. 6. But whereas it is added, To give light toward that which is before it, vers. 37. Cajetanes and Oleasters observation is somewhat curious, that because these lights shined directly to that part which was before it, that is, toward the table of shew-bread, right over against it, that every socket had r••strum in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parte, a certaine nosle hanging out, where∣by it cast light forward: but indeed the meaning is, that is was to cast light toward that which was be∣fore it, that is, every way; as Iunius translateth.

QUEST. XLIV. Of the place where the candlesticke stood.

NOw further it is to be considered: 1. That there was but one candlesticke in the Tabernacle made by Moses, which was sufficient. Salomon indeed afterward made ten lampes, whereof five stood on the one side, and five on the other, 1 King. 7.29. because the Temple was wider and larger. Iosephus saith, he made ten thousand candlestickes.* 1.271 But it is like the place is corrupted, and ten thousand put for ten. 2. The place where this candlesticke was placed, was not in the most holy place, for thither the Priest went but once in the yeere; but the lampes of the candlesticke were renued daily: neither did it stand in the outward court, which was open, for then it had beene subject to wind and weather, Ribera. And there was the Altar of burnt offering, whereon the fire burned continually, and never went out, Tostat. The place was therefore in the Sanctuary, next unto the most holy place; where, because it was continually covered over, there was necessary use of this light, for the daily service, and ministration of the Priests there, Tostat. quaest. 29.

QUEST. XLV. Whether the candlesticke were made to Moses hand.

Vers. 37. ANd thou shalt make thee seven lampes, &c. 1. Here that slender conceit of the Jewes is con∣futed, that thinke this candlesticke was made to Moses hand, because it was so curious, and full of worke, that Moses could not tell how to make it: for it is here directly said unto Moses, Thou shalt make thee seven lampes: if then he caused to be made one part of it, it is certaine, that he did so in the rest of the parts: and afterward, chap. 31.8. Bezaliel and Ah••liah were appointed among other things to make the candlesticke: therefore the Jewes conceit hath but a slender ground, because it is said, tega∣s••h ••iet, the candlesticke shall be made: for before it is put in the active, vegasitha, And thou shalt make. 2. And in the same word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tegaseh, they have another observation as slender & curious, because the letter jod, is superfluous, for ordinarily it should be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tiggaseh with dag••sh, without jod: they thinke jod, which signifieth ten, to be added, to signifie, that afterward Salomon should make ten candlestickes, as he did, 1 King. 7. But it is an usuall thing with the Hebrewes, for this letter sometime to be defective▪ sometime to be superfluous, without any mystery. Yet Tostatus is here deceived, that saith they ground this their conceit here, quia deficit litera jod, because the letter jod was wanting: for in the foresaid word, jod is not wanting, but superfluous.

QUEST. XLVI. Of the instruments belonging to the candlesticke.

Vers. 38. THe snuffers, and snuf-dishes. 1. There were two kind of instruments which belonged unto the golden candlesticke, the snuffers, wherewith the lampe was purged: the word malec••∣chaim, is taken also for tongs, wherewith coales are taken out of the fire, Isay 6. and because snuffers are as it were little tongs to the like purpose, they are called by the same name, Oleaster. The other instrument, Iunius thinketh, served to cleanse the dropping of the lampes, Lyran. So also Tostatus thinketh they were certaine vessels containing water, to quench the snuffe in, that it should not smell. 3. There were also

certaine pipes to every lampe, wherein the oyle was put, to run into the nosle or boule of the candlesticke, where the lampe burned, as may appeare by Zacharies description,* 1.272 chap. 4.2. where the Prophet allu∣ding unto the fashion of the golden candlesticke in the Temple, (for otherwise if he had made any new description, the Jewes would not have given any credit unto him) maketh mention of seven lampes, and a boule, that is, to every one a boule to receive the oyle; and of seven golden pipe. Now all these are here in Moses comprehended under the name of lampes, which had both their severall pannes, and receptacles of the oyle, and certaine little pipes, and conveyances beside to powre in the oyle by, Tostat. qu. 30.

QUEST. XLVII. How much a talent was.

Vers. 39. OF a talent of gold. 1. The scholasticall historie maketh mention of three kinde of talents: the Merchants talent, which was fiftie pound, the Citizens talent, which was 70. pound, and the talent of the Tabernacle, which was 120. pound, Tostat. qu. 33. 2. There was also the common talent, which contained 60. pound, and the great talent, which was 80. pound. Ribera. 3. Oleaster thin∣keth, that the word here used, cicar, signifieth not a talent, but portionem, frustum, a peece, or portion: who herein dissenteth from all Interpreters in this place: and if no certaine quantitie of gold had beene named, it had beene a very imperfect description, to say, Of a peece of gold. 4. Iosephus esteemeth this ta∣lent at 100. pound. Epiphanius, at 125. pound: but the right valuation, as Rab. Salomon thinketh, was 120. pound, double to the common talent. So also Rupertus, Tostatus, Ribera, Lippoman. And every pound contained 60. common sicles, Ribera. As may be gathered by comparing these places together, 1 King. 10.17. and 2 Chron. 9.16. For in the first place it is said, Three pound of gold went 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a shield: and in the latter, Three hundred shekels went to a shield. A talent of gold then by this account, weighed 7200. shekels, counting the talent at 120. pound, and every pound at 60. shekels. And a pound of gold in value is esteemed at 100. crownes, and the talent at 12000. crownes, Iun. Montanus then is deceived, which ma∣keth the weight of a talent to be but a thousand and eight hundred sicles: therein following Camhius, and Levi Getson, in 1 Sam. cap. 17. 5. Now the reasons why the summe of gold is named, whereof the candlesticke should be made, and so not in the rest, may be yeelded to bee these two; both because the candlesticke was all of gold, so were not the other, neither the Arke, nor the table: and for that their measure is se•• downe, both the length, and breadth, and so they might ghesse how much gold might goe to the making of them by the measure: but here, because there is no proportion set downe of the candle∣sticke, the gold is summed, that went to the making of it, Tostat. qu. 33.

QUEST. XLVIII. Of the mysticall application of the candlesticke.

COncerning the application of this ceremoniall part of the Tabernacle.* 1.273 1. Iosephus by the seven lampes understandeth the seven Planets, and the greatest in the middest sheweth the Sunne, the grea∣test and the middlemost of the Planets. 2. Tostatus by the candlesticke would have set forth the life of man, and by the seven branches the seven dayes of the weeke, which being multiplied doe measure out the time of mans life, q. 33. 3. So Rupertus by the six branches would have insinuated the six dayes of the crea∣tion, and by the shaft in the middest, which made the seventh, the seventh day, wherein God rested. 4. Beda, by the three branches one way, and three another, thinketh to be understood the Doctors of the Church, which in the old Testament did fidem sanctae Trinitatis designare, &c. hold the faith of the holy Trinitie. But these applications are somewhat curious and against the Apostles rule, Which are shadowes of things to come, but the bodie is in Christ, Coloss. 2.17. These types therefore and figures are shadowes of things to come, not past, or then present, and they must be referred to Christ the bodie of them. 5. Where∣fore, 1. this candlesticke some understand to be the Church of God, as Apocal. chap. 1.2, 3. the Churches are compared to candlesticks, Ribera, Piscator. But they are single candlesticks, not the candlesticke with seven lampes. 2. It better therefore signifieth Christ, who is the true light that inlighteneth his Church: as Gregorie, Quis in candelabro, nisi redemptor humani generis designatur?* 1.274 Who is expressed in the candle∣sticke, but the redeemer of mankinde? So also Beda: Hastile candelabri ipse qui est caput Ecclesia debet intelligi: By the shaft of the candlesticke must the head of the Church be understood. Ferus also to the same purpose: Candelabrum Christus, qui veri luminis est sustentaculum: Christ is the candlesticke, who is the upholder of the true light. 3. The six branches doe betoken the Apostles and Pastors of the Church, which are as branches which come from Christ, who is the vine, as these doe issue out of the shaft or bo∣die of the candlesticke, Marb. 4. The seven lampes doe signifie the manifold gifts of the Spirit, Pelargus. 5. The knops and flowers, the divers graces and ornaments which the Lord endueth the faithfull with, Simler. 6. As the candlesticke gave light unto the Tabernacle, so we are in darknesse, unlesse the Lord, Sursum Ecclesiam illuminet, from above doe lighten his Church, Calvine. 7. As the six branches doe make one bodie with the shaft, so, Ministri in Christo concordiae studeant: Ministers in Christ must studie for concord, Osiand.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. Of the divine nature of Christ.

Vers. 9. ACcording to all that I shall shew thee, so shall they make the forme of the Tabernacle, &c. As God appointed the forme and fashion of the Tabernacle: but the matter thereof was offered by the Israelites: So Christ tooke his humanitie from among men: Divinita••, quae mera forma est, à Deo pa∣tre ab at••rno genita est: but his divine nature, which is as the forme, was begotten of God his Father from all eternitie, Simler. As touching his humanitie the Apostle saith:* 1.275 For as much as the children were partakers of flesh and bloud, he also himselfe tooke part with them. Of his divine and everlasting being the

Evangelist speaketh: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and that Word was God, Ioh. 1.1.

2. Doct. God will not be worshipped with will-worship.

FUrther it is hence gathered, Forma Tabernaculi non relicta est hominum arbitrio, &c. The forme of the Tabernacle is not left to the will of man, no not to the judgement of Moses: to teach us, that God will not be served with will-worship, according to the devices and inventions of men, but as he himselfe hath prescribed, Pelarg. Piscat••r. So our blessed Saviour alleageth in the Gospell out of the Prophet: They worship me in vaine, teaching for doctrines the commandements of men, Mark. 7.7.

3. Doct. Of the ministerie of Angels.

Vers. 18. THou shalt make two Cherubims of gold. Which sheweth that God useth the ministerie of An∣gels in protecting of his Church, Piscator. As the Apostle saith, Are they not all ministring spirits, sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of salvation? Heb. 1.14.

4. Doct. Our sinnes are covered in Christ.

Vers. 21. ANd thou shalt put the Mercie seat upon the Arke. This Mercie seat signifieth Christ; that as it covered the Arke where the tables of the law were kept, so our sinnes which are dis∣covered by the law, Tecta sunt operculo illo gratia & reconciliationis, are covered by that covering of grace and reconciliation: as it is in the Psalme, Blessed is he whose wickednesse is forgiven, and whose sinne is co∣vered, Psal. 32.1. Borrh.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Against the sumptuous decking and adorning of Churches.

Vers. 3. THis is the offering which you shall take of them, gold and silver. This is no warrant now, be∣cause the Tabernacle in the old Testament was adorned with silver and gold, and other pre∣cious things, that now the Temples of Christians should be set forth with such ornaments: Vbi enim ver∣bum, ubi mandatum? Where have they any word, or warrant for these things, as Moses had then? Gallas. The houses of prayer are to bee reverently kept, and decently set forth: but superfluous and sumptuous ornaments doe not beseeme the house of God: he looketh not to faire and beautifull Churches, but unto the humble and contrite heart, as the Prophet saith, Isa. 66.2.

2. Confut. Against the Manichees, who refused the old Testament.

Vers. 8. THat I may dwell among them. The Manichees who tooke exception to the old Testament, said, that herein it was contrarie to the New; that God should dwell in houses made with hands: whereas our Saviour saith in the New Testament, that heaven is Gods seat, and the earth is his footstoole, Matth. 5. there can be then no house made for God to dwell in. This objection Augustine returneth up∣on them againe, shewing that this testimonie is first alleaged in the old Testament, Heaven is my throne, earth is my footstoole, where is that house that you will build for me? Isa. 66.1. And therefore therein the old Testament and new concurre, that God dwelleth not in Temples made with hands: and yet both in the old and new Testament God is said to have his house: therefore he concludeth, Adaliquam significatio∣nem in utro{que} testamento accipi, &c. that is so said and taken to signifie some other thing, &c. God then is said to dwell in the Tabernacle,* 1.276 not because any place can comprehend his Majestie, but because there it pleased him by some visible signes to manifest his presence.

3. Confut. Against the superstitious opinion of the vertue of ceremonies.

Vers. 22. THere will I appoint with thee. Though the Arke were the place where the Lord revealed him∣selfe, and shewed evident signes of his presence: yet the Israelites were too superstitiously afterward addicted to the externall ceremonie: and thought themselves sufficiently protected, if the Arke were with them. As in Heli his time, when they brought the Arke into the campe, they thought themselves sure of the victorie against the Philistims:* 1.277 but the Lord caused both them and the Arke to come into their enemies hand, to teach them to lay aside all carnall confidence, and to seeke unto the Lord. As the superstitious Israelites in this respect abused the Arke; so the Romanists put their confidence in their breaden god, consecrated host, going with it in procession, and carrying it about in the fields. But this is to attribute too much unto signes, Simlerus.

4. Confut. That Moses Arke is not at Rome in S. Iohn Laterans Church.

THis Arke which Moses made, the author of the Scholasticall historie thinketh to bee in Rome in the Church of S. Iohn L••teran, under the Altar there; and by that supposed evidence, would prove that the Arke was not made according to the measure of the Geometricall cubit. But Tostatus sheweth that not to be so,* 1.278 because it is mentioned, 2 Maccab. 2. how Ieremie hid the Arke in a cave, which afterward could not be found. This authoritie presseth them, because they hold the first and second books of the Maccha∣bees to be canonicall. And howsoever it standeth for the truth of this report, it is evident that the Arke was lost before or in the captivitie of Babylon, and that the second Temple built after the captivitie never had it. By this then it appeareth what small credit is to bee given unto those relikes, which are so much boasted of in the Papall Church.

5. Confut. Against the erecting and setting up of Images.

Vers. 22. BEtweene the two Cherubims. The idolatrous Romanists have no warrant from hence for their Images, which they set up to be adored in their Churches: 1. Moses had Gods commande∣ment to doe it, they have no such direction. 2. That was a time of figures and ceremonies, and typicall re∣presentations: but now in the cleere light of the Gospell all such types and figures are ceased. 3. Those

Cherubims were not set forth publikly in the peoples view, but kept in the most holy place, whither none had accesse but the high Priest: neither was it lawfull for any other Priest or Levite to gaze or looke upon it. Therefore this is no warrant for the setting up of Images in Churches in the open sight and view of the people, who thereby are bewitched, and withdrawne from the true spirituall worship, Simler. Gallas.

6. Confut. Against the Iewes, that they are cast off for crucifying of Christ.

Vers. 22. THere will I appoint with thee, or, meet thee. Chrysostome from hence doth notably convince the Jewes, that God hath forsaken them, and cast them off, because now they have not the Arke nor Propitiatorie seat, from whence the Lord used to speake. And if the Jewes should, hominibus imputare rerum suarum vastation••m, impute unto men the ruine and destruction of their state; hee thus answereth: First, that men could not have destroyed their Citie, Nisi Deus permisisset, unlesse the Lord had permitted it to be done. Secondly he saith: But be it granted that men pulled downe your walles, Num ignem ex alto d••vehi vetuit homo? Did man f••••bid fire to be brought from heaven? Num vocem ex propitiatorio audiri solitam inhibuit homo? &c. Did man forbid that a voice should be heard out of the Pro∣pitiatorie? Did man take away the declaration of Gods will by the precious stones in the Priests breast-plate, and the sacred unction? &c. An non Deus haec omniae submovit? &c. Did not God take all these away? Thirdly, if the Jewes shall answer, Quoniam civitate ••aremus, caremus & istis, &c. Because we are without a Citie, we want these things also, &c. He addeth further: yet after the Temple was destroyed, and the Altar broken downe, there were Prophets in the captivitie, Daniel and Ezechiel▪ say then, Qu••m ob causam nunc non habetis Prophetas? What is the cause that now ye have no Prophets? Is it not evident by this, Quòd Deus vos repulerit, that God hath cast your off? And why hath he cast you off? Ob illum crucifixum, & impium illud facium: because of that impious fact in the crucifying of Christ And whence doth this appeare? because before, when ye lived wickedly, ye obtained many things, now, cum videa∣mini modestiùs vivere, when yee seeme to live more soberly, yet ye suffer more grievous punishment, noc quicquam eorum contigit hab••re, quae prius habebatis,* 1.279 and ye enjoy none of those things which before ye had, &c. To this purpose Chrysost.

7. Confut. Against the Romanists, concerning their ni•••• orders of Angels.

NOw further, whereas these winged pictures, which were made upon the Mercie seat, are called Che∣r••bim, which is a name indifferently given to the blessed Angels in generall; it is evident, that it is no speciall order, as the Romanists have curiously ••orted the Angels into nine orders: whereof the Che∣rubim, Seraphim, and Thrones, are the three highest. And Tostatus, one of their owne writers, confesseth,* 1.280 that in this place, Aequaliter Cherubim ad omnes ••eato•• spiritus referantur▪ That the Cherubim here equal∣ly may be referred to all the blessed Spirits, &c. And as in this place, so in other also, the Cherubim and Seraphim are names and titles given to the Angels in generall, as Isai. 6. Ezech. 1. and 10. See more hereof elsewhere, Synops. C••ntur. 2. err. 1.

8. Confut. Against the superstitious use of candles in Churches.

Vers. 37. THou shalt make thee seven lamps thereof, &c. to give light, &c. The use then of this candle∣sticke and the lamps thereof, was to no other end than to give light in the Sanctuarie, which was covered. Tostatus addeth further,* 1.281 Non solùm lumen candelarum est ad necessitatem toll ••id••••um tene∣brarum, sed etiam ad honestatem & cultum, &c. The light of candles is not onely for necessitie to remove the darknesse, but for more comelinesse, and it belongeth unto worship, &c. Which superstitious conceit is convinced in this place. These lamps were ordained onely to give light: therefore at noone day when there is no use of candle light, to set up tapers and candles, is a superfluous and a superstitious use.

6. Morall Observations.

1 Observ. God must be honoured with our riches.

Vers. 2. REceive an offering for me of every man, &c. Whereas God requireth an offering of the peo∣ple out of their substance; it sheweth that our goods are not ours, to waste at our willes, but God looketh to be honoured with them, and to have them employed unto his glorie, B. Babingt. As the Wise-man saith, Prov. 6.8. Honour the Lord with thy riches, and with the first fruits of thine increase.

2. Observ. We must give unto God with a willing heart.

WHose heart giveth it freely. So also chap. 35.5. Whosoever is of a willing heart, let him b••ing this offe∣ring unto the Lord; which sheweth, that what is bestowed upon Gods service, should be given willingly and cheerefully: as it is said in that great offering of David and the people toward the building of the Temple which Salomon made, The people offered willingly unto the Lord, with a perfit heart, 1 Chron. 29.9. and David thus professeth, vers. 17. I have offered willingly in the uprightnesse of mine heart all these things. So the Apostle saith, The Lord loveth a cheerefull giver, 2 Cor. 9.7. B. Babing.

3. Observ. Of the diversitie of gifts, which every man must employ accordingly, as he hath received.

Vers. 3. TAke of them gold, silver, brasse, &c. This sheweth that in the Church there are diversities of gifts: God hath endued some with gold and silver, some with brasse: all have not the like gifts, as the Apostle saith, There are diversities of gifts, but the same spirit, 1 Cor. 12.5. No man therefore can excuse himselfe, that he hath nothing to offer: if he have neither gold, silver, nor brasse, yet he•• may bring goats haire, B. Babing. He that hath neither gold, silver, nor brasse, Osserat vel pilas capraru••, & munere suo defunctus est; Let him but offer goats haire, and he hath done his dutie, Ferus.

4. Observ. What desire we should have to the Lords house.

Vers. 8. THat I may dwell among them. Seeing the house of God is the place of Gods habitation, and there is his presence, it sheweth with what delight and desire wee should come unto Gods house, and with what reverence wee should behave our selves there, as Iacob said, How reverend i•• this place!* 1.282 this is no other but the house of God, and the gate of heaven, Gen. 28.17. So Chrysostome excellently saith, Non est ecclesia tonstrina, aut unguentaria tab••rna, &c. sed locus Angelorum, regia coeli, coelum ipsum, &c. The Church is no Barbers shop, or Apothecaries house, but a place of Angels, the palace of heaven, yea heaven it selfe.

5. Observ. Gods law must be laid up in the heart.

Vers. 16. THou shalt put in the Arke the Testimonie. As the tables of the Law were laid up in the Arke▪ so the Law and Word of God must be kept in a faithfull heart: as the Prophet David saith, I desired to doe thy good will O my God, yea thy law is within my heart, Psal. 40.8. Piscator.

6. Observ. We must readily obey Gods will, as the Angels.

Vers. 20. THe Cherubims shall stretch their wings on high. The Angels have their wings readie spread, to shew how serviceable they are at all appointments, alwayes in a readinesse to do the will of God; to teach us that we also should imitate this cheerfull and readie service of the Angels, in our willing and prompt obedience in the earth: as we are taught to pray in the Lords prayer, Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven, B Babing.

7. Observ. To use the creatures of God sobe••••y.

Vers. 30. THou shalt set upon the table shew-bread. Seeing the daily bread which they did eat, was made of the same come, whereof the shew-bread was, which was alwayes in the presence of God; it teacheth that we should soberly use the creatures of God, as alwayes being in his sight: as the Apostle saith, Whether yee eat or drinks, &c. doe all to the glorie of God, B. Babing.

8. Observ. That nothing can escape Gods sight, in whose house there is alwayes light.

Vers. 37. THou shalt make seven lamps, &c. to give light. There is light in Gods house: whatsoever is there done, is soone espied: nothing can escape Gods sight: Ne putes te in domo Dei malè posse conversari & occultari, &c. Thinke not that thou canst live wickedly in Gods house and bee hid, Oleaster. Therefore Christs eyes are said to be as a flame of fire, which pearceth and searcheth all things, Revel. 1.14.

CHAP. XXVI:

1. The Method and Argument.

AS in the former Chapter such things are described, as were to bee placed within the Tabernacle, so now followeth the description of the Tabernacle it selfe in this Chapter, whereof there are two parts: the first containeth a declaration, how the Tabernacle should be made, with every part thereof, to vers. 31. the second, in what order every thing should be disposed in the Tabernacle, vers. 31. to the end.

In the first: 1. The curtaines are appointed to be made: 1. Of what matter, and how many, v. 1. 2. Of what measure, forme and fashion, v. 2, 3. 3. The things, thereunto belonging are described, the strings & taches with the use of them, v. 5, 6.

2. The coverings are described: first the curtaines of goates haire: 1. The number of them, vers. 7. 2. The measure and scantling, vers. 8. 3. The necessarie appertenances thereunto, the strings and taches, vers. 10, 11. 4. The use, vers. 12, 13. secondly, the covering of rammes skinnes: thirdly, the covering of badgers skinnes is appointed to be made, vers. 14.

3. The boords are mentioned in the next place, which should serve to hold and beare up the Taber∣nacle: which are described, first in generall, their measure and fashion, with tenons, vers. 16, 17. secondly, in particular: 1. Both for the number of boords, with their sockets on the South side, vers. 18, 19. then on the North side, vers. 20.21. and on the West side, vers. 22, 26. 2. As also for the forme and fashion; they must have five bars of every side, vers. 26, 27, 28. and both the bars and boords must be covered with gold, vers. 29.

In the second part, which sheweth the disposition and order: first, the manner of disposing of the things belonging to the most holy place is described: 1. Concerning the partition, consisting of a vaile, vers. 31. pillars, vers. 32. and the sockets and hooks, vers. 32, 33. 2. As touching the things to bee placed there: the Arke, vers. 33. with the Mercie-seat, vers. 34.

Secondly, in the outward part of the Tabernacle, without the vaile. 1. The order is set downe, how the things there placed should be disposed, the table, and the candlesticke. 2. The vaile is described, with the pillars, their heads and sockets, vers. 36, 37.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 1. Of fine twined linen. G. or, èxyline, ••omba••i••e. I. Iosephus thinketh they were, contexta è 〈◊〉〈◊〉, woven of wooll,* 1.283 or cotton, better than, è byss••, of silke, c••ter. for seeing the curtaines of the outward court were made of the same, chap. 27.9. it is like that it was not silke, sho••.

Vers. 4. Thou shalt make strings. G.I. or, loops. B. laqueolos. A.P. better than, a••s••la••, claspes.* 1.284 L.S. cum ca∣ter. they are described afterward, vers. 6. Iule••th. loops, strings. H.

Vers. 5. In the edge of the first curtaine, on the outside in the coupling. I.A.P. better than.* 1.285 in the edge of the one curtaine, in the selvedge of the coupling. B.G. For it is not here expressed with selvedge; the word signi∣fieth the extremitie, or extreme part, that is, the further edge of the first curtaine, where it was joyned to the second; the other Interpreters, S.L.G. are further off from the sense.

Vers. 5. The strings shall hold one curtaine to another. I. not, the strings shall be one right against another,* 1.286 c••ter. See in the end of the 7. qu. more of the best reading here.

Vers. 24. Shall be as twinnes. I. or, do••ble, or, couples. V.A.P. better than, shall be joyned.* 1.287 B. G. L. cum caeter. tammin. H. twinnes, as Gen. 38.27.

Vers. 28. The middle bar shall be in the middest of the boords going from end to end. I. better than,* 1.288 the mid∣dle bar in the middest of the boords, shall goe from end to end. B. G. V. cum c••ter. The place of the bar is de∣scribed, not the manner of going thorow, which was common to them all.

Vers. 37. Their hooks of gold, uncis. I. knops or buttons, uncinis. B.V.A.P. not heads. C.L.S. va••im, fini∣••ieth crooked hooks, like the letter van. See qu. 24.

3. The questions discussed and handled.

QUEST. I. Of the name of the Tabernacle, and which part of the Sanctuarie was properly so called.

Vers. 1. THou shalt make the Tabernacle. 1. This word translated Tabernacle, in the Hebrew, misca••, which properly signifieth, hab••taculum, an habitation, is taken either generally, and so it was divided into two parts, in clausam, & apertam, into that part which was covered, which was properly called the Tabernacle, or that which was open, where they offered their burnt offerings, which could not be made in the covered part, because of the fire and smoake ascending: or particularly, the Tabernacle was taken for the speciall and principall part, which was, the curtaine made of blew and purple ••ilke, Arias Montan. 2. The rest, beside this, were either apertoria Tabernaculi, vel late••a, the coverings of the Tabernacle, which were three, of goates haire, rams skins, and badgers skins. By looking then exactly into the text, wee shall finde, that the Tabernacle consisted substantially of those ten curtaines first de∣scribed, Cajetan. 3. Tostatus giveth this annotation of this word Tabernacle, which signifieth an house made ex tabulis, of boords. But howsoever the Latine word may be so derived, the Hebrew word miscan, signifieth an habitation, of sucan, to dwell, as the Lord himselfe saith, chap. 25.8. They shall make me a Sanctuarie to dwell in. The boords were not this Tabernacle; for it is said, vers. 15. Thou shalt make boords for the Tabernacle; and the curtaines of goates haire was a covering for the Tabernacle, vers. 17. The cur∣taines then first described, are properly called the Tabernacle, misca••: the other curtaines were called, ••he, Ite••t••rium, a Tent, Vatablus.

QUEST. II. Why the Lord appointed a Tabernacle to be erected, and that in the wildernesse.

THou shalt make a Tabernacle. 1. It was requisite, that a speciall place for Gods worship should bee made, for more reverence sake, as we see that Kings and Princes, pulchriores habitationes possident, have more costly and beautifull houses, that they might be had in greater admiration. So that, although in re∣spect of God himselfe, who filleth heaven and earth, there was no necessitie of any place; yet in regard of men, it was necessarie in those two respects, that having a peculiar place ordained for the worship of God, Cum majori reverentia accederent; They should approach with greater reverence, Et per dispositionem talis Tabernaculi significarentur, &c. And that by the disposing of such a Tabernacle,* 1.289 those things might bee signified, which belonged unto Christ. Thomas.

2. It pleased God, that this Tabernacle should be first erected in the wildernesse, before they came into Canaan: 1. Not so much because Moses that great Prophet, who was to end his dayes before they should come into the promised land, was the meetest instrument, to set forward that worke. For God, who endued Moses with those gifts, could also have raised as great Prophets as Moses. 2. But one reason was, that his people being to sojourne in the desert 40. yeares, might be kept from idlenesse, and be exercised in the rites and ceremonies of the worship of God: lest, if no forme of worship had beene prescribed unto them, they might have swarved, and declined unto superstitious usages. 3. Another reason was, that they might be afore instructed, in the manner of the true worship, lest they should have fallen presently to the Idolatry of the Canaanites, after they had obtained their land; if they had not beene setled before and well grounded in the right worship, Tostatus qu. 2.

QUEST. III. Why the Lord would not yet have a Temple yet built.

3. YEt the Lord would not injoyne his people now, to make him a Temple in some certaine place, be∣cause they were now continually to remove their tents and dwelling, all the time of their sojour∣ning in the wildernesse. And it was a long time after they had possession of the land, before the Lord would have a Temple built: because till such time as the people had a King, to be able to defend them, and they had peace and quietnesse from their enemies, a Temple could not conveniently be built: there∣fore, neither in the time of the Judges, was this worke taken in hand, because none of them was of suffi∣cient power, and ability to doe it, the government still shifting and changing from one to another: neither under Saul, and David, was it a fit time to begin that worke, because they had much trouble and businesse with their enemies. God therefore reserved that worke for the peaceable reigne of Salomon. Tostat. qu. 3.

4. And this further may be alleaged as a reason, why first the Lord would have a Tabernacle built, and afterward a Temple: Quod Tabernaculum prasentis adifici••m Ecclesia designat; Because the Tabernacle

doth designe and shew the state of the Church now present, sojourning in this world, and continually exercised: but Salomons Temple was a figure of the Church of God in heaven, where there shall be peace and tranquillitie;* 1.290 as in the building of Salomons Temple, the noise of a hammer was not heard, Beda.

QUEST. IV. Of what stuffe these curtaines were made.

Vers. 1. TEn curtaines of fine twined linen, &c. 1. To omit here, both Augustines note of some corrupt Interpreters, that in stead of the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Latine a••laa, curtaines, did reade 〈◊〉〈◊〉, courts; as though there should be ten courts in the Tabernacle: and to let passe also Rupertus nota∣tion of the word cortina, curtaine, which hee taketh to be derived of corium, leather; because at the first curtaines were made of leather. 2. These curtaines were not made of divers-peeces of cloth, of contrarie colours sewed together, but the matter and stuffe was fine twisted silke and linen, Simler. The word shes, silke, or linen may bee derived of shasah, which signifieth to take the sixth part; because it is like it was twined in six threeds together, Oleast. Like unto a fine cord or line, Iun. 3. Osiander thinketh that these colours were so mingled together, as yet one among the rest most appeared: and therefore some of them are called coverings of blew silke, some coverings of skarlet, Numb. 4.7, 8. But those there described, were not these great curtaines, but other smaller coverings, that served to cover the things which were carried: It seemeth that these coverings were indifferently tempered of all these colours.

QUEST. V. Of the manner of worke used in these curtaines.

IN them thou shalt make Cherubims of broidered worke. 1. Some thinke that these curtaines were not onely pictured with Cherubims, Angels, but withall flowers and such like, Cajetan. Iosephus thinketh, that there were no pictures of men or beasts at all, but onely of trees or flowers: but this is contrarie to the text, which maketh speciall mention of Cherubims, Calvin. Simler. 2. Arias Montanus imagineth that they were the full and perfect pictures of Cherubs, like unto young men with wings: and he also con∣jectureth with what colours they were set forth: their flesh with white and red, their wings with blew. But it is neither like that they were pictured in their full proportion: for then there should have beene a great part of the curtaines left bare and naked without any pictures, unlesse we imagine some other filling worke: but they were such Cherubs, as were described before upon the Mercie seate: neither were they pictured naked, which was against that law, Exod. 20.26. which provideth that the nakednesse of none should be discovered. As for the colour of their face and wings, it was like to be such, as best served to re∣semble them.

3. Concerning the manner of worke: it was not painted, and so set forth with colours; because then they should not have needed to have brought stuffe of divers colours to make the curtaines of, Tostat. qu 6. Cajetane thinketh that they were not made suendo, sed texend••, by sowing, but weaving. So the Septuag. Vatab. Some thinke it was altogether needle worke: as the Latine Interpreter, Tostatus, Pagnius. But the word signifieth artificiall or curious worke, or worke devised, Oleaster. There was both woven worke in it, as may be gathered, chap, 28.32. and needle worke also, because it was like on both sides: as appeareth in that the vailes, and especially that which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuarie, were wrought with Cherubims, vers. 31. which were of both sides all one, seeing they shewed both wayes, Iun. But such curious worke could not be wrought but by the needle.

QUEST. VI. Whether every curtaine were coupled by strings one to another, or five onely to five.

Vers. 3. FIve curtaines shall be coupled. 1. Some thinke that these five curtaines were sewed together, and so made one great curtaine: and five other more likewise sewed together, and made ano∣ther great curtaine: and these thus sewed together seemed as two great curtaines, which were coupled together with strings and ••aches. So Lyran. Montanus, Tostatus, who last named sheweth this to be the reason,* 1.291 why these two great curtaines were coupled together by taches or rings and strings in the mid∣dest, in the very partition of the holy place from the most holy, that by them might hang the vaile, which divided the most holy place from the holy place without. 2. But I rather thinke with Iunius and Cajeta∣nus, that the five curtaines were fastned one to another by loops and taches: and so likewise the other five, and that these two great curtaines were not fastned together at all, both because they were fitter to be carried, being not put all ten together, but five in one great curtaine, and five in another: as also be∣cause as the Tabernacle below was divided, the most holy place from the other, so it was fit their cove∣rings should bee severall. And that every of the five curtaines was coupled to another with strings and ••aches, it may be thus gathered: 1. The words of the text are plaine, vers. 3. Five curtaines shall be coupled one to another, and five one to another: Which cannot be understood, that five should be coupled to five, but that every one of both the fives should be coupled one to another. 2. vers. 4. there is mention made of the second coupling; so that the coupling spoken of before is the first coupling: but if these two great curtaines should onely be joyned together, there should be but one coupling in all. The meaning then is, that in the furthest edge of the first curtaine there should bee fiftie strings, in the first coupling, that is, where it joyneth with the second curtaine: for the first edge or side of the first curtaine had neither strings nor taches: and in the furthest edge or selvedge were the strings in the first coupling, and so likewise in the furthest side of the second curtaine in the second coupling, where it was joyned with the third cur∣taine: and so Augustine very well interpreteth: So thou shalt doe in the second coupling, Vbi committitur aulaum anlaeo,* 1.292 tertium, scilicet secundo, &c. Where one curtaine is joyned to another, the third to the second, which was coupled to the first. 3. Neither is Tostatus reason sufficient: for there needed not any such rings in the partition betweene the holy and most holy place, to hang the vaile on, for there were pillars and hooks appointed to that end, to hang up the vaile, vers. 32. 4. And whereas Tostatus further giveth this reason, why these two great curtaines were coupled together with golden rings: Quia t••ta vis extensio∣nis

cortinarum pendebat à medio, &c. Because all the force and weight in the stretching out of the curtaines did depend upon the middest: which would easily have parted, if it had not beene surely tied and coupled together, &c. It may be answered, that seeing the curtaines were large enough without any extension or stretching of them to cover the Tabernacle, there was no such feare of drawing the one from the other: and seeing no mention is made of the coupling of these two great curtaines together, but onely of joy∣ning five single ones together, and five more together: wee may rather thinke there was some other fast∣ning made to stay the curtaines, than to resolve of that which is not expressed.

QUEST. VII. Of the loops and strings, how they were set and placed in the curtaines.

Vers. 5. FIftie strings or loops shalt thou make in one curtaine, &c. 1. Some think that the curtaines were tied together by strings, and that one string of one curtaine was right against another in the other curtaine, Genevens. But this is not like, for then the taches or hooks afterward appointed to be made, vers. 6. had beene superfluous. If it be answered, that the taches were set by the strings, ad decorem (onely) for comelinesse, Lippom. the text is against it, vers. 6. the taches were made for necessarie use to couple the curtaines together.

2. Cajetane thinketh that these loops were not put to the curtaines, Sed in ••pso corpore cortinae erant con∣cisiones quinquaginta, but there were fiftie holes cut in the bodie of the curtaines, which were fastned to∣gether with double hooks, that clapsed them on both sides together. But the text sheweth, that these loops rather than loope holes were made of blew silke: they were not then cut out of the curtaines, which were of blew silke, purple and skarlet.

3. Some are of opinion, that the curtaines on both sides of the coupling had loopes and strings, and that the rings; as the Latine translator, or buttons, as Vatablus, were in the middest, and so were fastned to the loops on both sides: so also Lyran. Montan. Oleaster; and so they understand these words, that the strings or loops should be one against another. But the text favoureth not this interpretation: for if there were strings or loops on both sides of the coupling of the curtaines▪ why is it said, that they shall be in the further edge of the first, and likewise of the second curtaine? why should the further edge of the curtaines be onely mentioned, if both sides and edges had strings?

4. Wherefore it is more agreeable to the text, that in every coupling, on the one side there were loops or strings, and on the other side taches or hooks: because in the description of the place where the strings should be, onely the furthest edge or selvedge of the curtaine is spoken of: which sheweth that in the neerest or first selvedge of every curtaine should be the hookes: excepting the first curtaine, which because it was not joyned to any, needed not those hooks: as the last curtaine in the further side had no loops or strings. And concerning these words, The strings shall be one right against another; They are thus in the originall, The taches shall receive or hold, (the women to her sister) that is, one to another; Which must not be understood of the strings, or loops, that they should hold one another: but the same phrase is before used, vers. 3. of the curtaines, which should be joyned, the woman to her sister, one to another: the strings then did not hold one another, but they held together the curtaines, Sic Iun. Piscator.

QUEST. VIII. How these first curtaines were disposed in the Tabernacle, and how they hanged.

Vers. 6. THey shall be one Tabernacle. 1. Not that they should be coupled together by loops and taches, and so be as one entire covering, as Tostatus with others expound: but they were so to be put together, as no space should be left betweene, that they might seeme all as one covering, Iun. 2. These curtaines being 28. cubits in length, covered the breadth of the Tabernacle from the South to the North, and being ten in all, and foure cubits broad a peece, which maketh in their breadth 40. cubits, they in their breadth covered the length of the Tabernacle from the East end to the West. 3. But because the whole length of the Tabernacle was but 30. cubits in all, as may appeare by the measure and number of the boords, which were twentie, every one being a cubit and halfe broad, vers. 18. which maketh 30. cu∣bits: the overplus of ten cubits in the curtaines, which were 40. cubits in breadth from East to West, was thus disposed of: Neither did two cubits of these ten hang downe before at the entrance of the Taber∣nacle, as Piscator thinketh: for the first great curtaine consisting of five great curtaines, the breadth whereof was twentie cubits, served to cover the holy place; and where that curtaine ended, the most holy place began, Iun. for to what end else was that dividing of five curtaines from the other five? Nei∣ther yet were these ten cubits, that is, two curtaines and an halfe, cast all behind on the backside West∣ward of the most holy place which side as the rest were ten cubits high, as Lyran. Cajetan. for then the covering should have come lower at the end even to the ground, than it did on the sides, where it touched not the ground by a cubit, as shall even now be shewed. But it is like to make the falling of the covering alike in the end to the sides, that it came a cubit short of the ground, and so nine cubits hung over at the end, and the other cubit might goe over the first great curtaine where they met together. 4. And con∣cerning the length of twentie eight cubits, which covered the Tabernale in the breadth, not twelve of them covered the top and breath of the Tabernacle, which Iosephus thinketh was twelve cubits broad, and Piscator consenteth with him: for then there should be but eight cubits hanging downe of a side, which was ten cubits high, as is gathered by the length of the boords, vers. 16. then two cubits on a side of the boords should be left uncovered, whereas one cubit more in length covered all the side of the Ta∣bernacle, as followeth vers. 13. Therefore thus it was, of these twentie eight cubits, ten covered the top or roofe, which was plaine according to the fashion of houses in those countries, Beda: and eighteen cubits hung downe on the sides, nine on the one side, and nine on the other: so that they came short of the ground by a cubit. Sic Lyranus, Tostatus qu. 7. Cajetanus, Lippoman. 5. Thomas here hath this singular conceit, concerning these curtaines, Tegebant solum latera Tabernaculi,* 1.293 that they covered onely the sides

of the Tabernacle, and not the top, and, tegebantur interim tabula cortinis, that the boords were cove∣red within with those curtaines: whereas the text is contrarie directly in both these points: for the first it is said, that these curtaines made one Tabernacle, v. 6. but if the curtaines had made the sides one∣ly and not the top, it could not be said to bee a Tabernacle, wanting a covering above. For the second point: the second curtaines of haire were to cover the Tabernacle, which was made of the other cur∣taines, vers. 13. but they could not cover those first curtaines, unlesse they had hanged without: for there the haire-coverings hanged. Arias Montanus therefore upon better ground, placeth the Cherubim curtaines on the sides without, covering also the roofe and top above. So also Iosephus: Super••e obte∣gebant,* 1.294 & parietes à lateribus, & à tergo, They covered them above, and the walles on the sides, and on the backe-part.

QUEST. IX. Of the difference and diversitie betweene the first curtaines and the second.

Vers. 8. THe length of a curtaine shall bee 30. cubits, &c. These second curtaines were far unlike unto the other: 1. In their number, these were eleven, the other but ten. 2. In the matter; the other were made of blew silke, purple, skarlet; these of goates haire, which yet was no vile cloth, but such as our chamblets are, Montan. Oleaster. These had but taches of brasse, the other of gold: and the strings of the other curtaines were of blew silke; here it is not expressed of what these strings should be made. But seeing the curtaines themselves were of haire, Quid nisi capillacea•••• eas credibilius accipimu••, &c. What are the strings more like to be made of than haire, Augustin. 3. In the length these were 30. cubits, the other but 28. 4. In the manner of placing them; the other were laid straight, these were folded and doubled the breadth of two cubits before and behind. 5. The first curtaines were coupled, five and five together; these are cupled five together, and the other six together, Oleaster.

QUEST. X. How the second curtaines were disposed, and of the doubling of the sixth curtaine.

Vers. 9. THou shalt double the sixth curtaine, upon the forefront of the covering, &c. 1. Whereas these curtaines being eleven in all, and each of them of foure cubits in breadth, made in all 44. cu∣bits, which covered the Tabernacle in the length, which was but 30. cubits; Beda thinketh, that the other 14. cubits remaining, hung downe, seven cubits before, at the entrance Eastward, and foure cubits on the backside Westward: and so these curtaines in his opinion, did hang downe lower by two cubits at each end, than the other, which he thinketh hung over at the ends five cubits. But this is not like, because at the entrance before, there was a vaile hung, vers. 31. so that there was no use of the hanging of any cur∣taines there. 2. Iunius thinketh, that this halfe of the sixth curtaine being the first in the second order of curtaines, did serve to cover halfe of the last of the five curtaines. But that cannot bee, for two cubits of this sixth curtaine did hang beyond any part of the other curtaines, which were but 40. cubits broad, whereas these were 44. cubits. Neither is it like, that any of the first curtaines hung over, because there was a vaile there of the same stuffe, of blew silke, purple, and skarlet. 3. Some thinke, that by the fore∣front, or forepart, here is understood the West end, because it was the more worthie place, the Arke being set there, and that this doubling was on the backside, Lippoman. But vers. 12. that end of the Tabernacle is called the backside, the same place could not be called, both the forefront and the backside in the same description. 4. Therefore the meaning is this, that whereas these second curtaines exceeded the other in their breadth, which covered the length of the Tabernacle foure cubits; two cubits of this sixth curtaine, should hang over before at the entrance, and be foulded or doubled, that it might serve as a pentice to de∣fend the vaile, which did hang there: and the two other cubits, should hang downe likewise on the back∣side, and be there folded, so that it should fall downe lower than the other curtaines, by a cubit doubled or folded. But this must not be understood, de ••odem sago numero, of the same curtaine in number, but of the like quantitie in the overplus of another curtaine, Lyran. Tostat. qu. 9. For it must not be imagined, that the sixth curtaine should as it were be cut in two: and the one halfe thereof hang before, and the other behind: but that the curtaines should be so placed, as that they might overhang two cubits at each end, before and behind, Rupert. Hugo de S. Victor. Cajetan.

QUEST. XI. The great curtaine of the second sort, consisting of six single curtaines, what place of the Tabernacle it covered.

Vers. 9. THe sixth curtaine. 1. The sixth curtaine is said to be doubled, because Pars ejus replicatur, a part thereof is doubled. 2. And hereby it may bee gathered, which of these two great cur∣taines, that which had six coupled together, or that which had five, covered the fore-part of the Taber∣nacle, which the hinder part; for here the one halfe of the sixth curtaine is doubled in the fore-front; so that the six curtaines covered the fore-part of the Tabernacle, and the other five the most holy place, and the back-part thereof. 3. And hereupon it followeth, that because these six curtaines contained in breadth 24. cubits, whereof two cubits hung downe before, so that 22. remained, and yet the first part of the Ta∣bernacle, without the second vaile, was but 20. cubits long, that these six curtaines went two cubits beyond the division of the Tabernacle, which separated the holy, and most holy place: and consequently, that then these two great curtaines did not meet together, where the other two did of the first sort, which consisted of five curtaines a peece; but that they reached two cubits beyond the joyning together of those curtaines, toward the West, Tostat. qu. 9.

QUEST. XII. What was done with the cubit which was overplus on the two sides.

Vers. 13. THat the cubit of the one side, and the cubit on the other side of that, which is left of the length of the curtaines, may remaine on either side of the Tabernacle to cover it, &c. 1. Some understand these cubits to be left, the one in the fore-part of the Tabernacle, the other on the back-part. But that cannot be, for these reasons: 1. Because the ••ext speaketh of that which remained of the length of the

curtaines: but it was the breadth of the curtaines, not the length, that covered the length of the Taber∣nacle, from the East end to the West: 2. This overplus was to cover the Tabernacle on both sides; but the East end of the Tabernacle was left open, there onely hanged a vaile: 3. These are said to be the sides of the Tabernacle, which were North and South, the other were the ends, not the sides, Tostat. qu. 9.4. And beside, here there is but a cubit remaining on each side: but in the two ends, before, and behind, there was halfe a curtaine over, which was two cubits, vers. 13.

2. Piscator thus apportioneth out these 30. cubits; 12. above in the roofe, which was the widenesse of the Tabernacle, and 9. of each side. But if this were so, the sides being ten foot in height, then should not these curtaines reach downe to the ground by a cubit: whereas the Text saith, that they covered the Tabernacle on the sides, vers. 13. and it is not like, that the boords covered over with gold, were left naked.

3. The sounder opinion then i••, that these second curtaines did hang downe to the ground; and so the length of 30. cubits was employed, ten cubits on each side, and ten cubits above, Saga ad terram pertin∣gebant, &c. The curtaines came downe to the ground, Strabu••. So also Lyranus in the same words:* 1.295 Cajetane likewise. So also Oleaster, Ad terram descendebat omnia operiens; It went downe to the ground, covering all things. So Iosephus also saith, that the curtaines spread unto the ground, Instar ••halams, like the cove∣ring of a bed.

QUEST. XIII. Of the two outward coverings, whether they went all over the Tabernacle.

Vers. 14. FOr the Tent, thou shalt make a covering of rammes skins. 1. So the Tabernacle had foure coverings: one for ornament, the first curtaines of divers colours; the other for necessitie, to keepe the fine curtaines from the weather, some lesse, and some more, Prout quaeque vil••ora, ita tempesta∣tibus viciniora, &c. As the coverings were more base or course, so they were neerer to the weather: first the badgers skins, then the red rammes-skins, and after them the haire cloth; and the best and inmost, were the curtaines of blew and skarlet. And the Tabernacle being thus adorned with varietie of colours, Non aliter micab••••, quàm siquis coelum contueretur, &c. It shewed, as if one should behold the heavens, Iose∣phus ibidem.

2. Some are of opinion, that these two outward coverings, did not cover the sides of the Tabernacle, but onely the top or roof, Tectum tautùm operiebant; they onely covered the top, Strabus, Cajetan. Lippom.

3. But Lyranus, whom Tostatus followeth, thinks, that they covered the sides also, which otherwise should seeme not sufficiently defensed from the weather: and seeing the length, and widenesse of these coverings of skins is not expressed, it seemeth they went all over the Tabernacle, both before, and behind, and above, and below downe to the ground.

4. But I rather subscribe unto Iunius, who thinketh, that the badgers skins onely covered the roofe; not much unlike as an house is covered with tiles, Pelarg. And the lower parts were hung with the rams-skins. 1. For they falling downe right, might keepe off the weather well enough, which did beat upon the sides. 2. And this may be gathered out of the text, which saith, They shall be covered with badgers-skins above, vers. 14. that is, in the roofe or top: and for the same reason, that the other two curtaines were sorted five and six together, for more convenient carriage, so it is like that these were divided, and went not over all the Tabernacle, for then they had beene too combersome to carrie. 3. The cause why the measure of these skins is not set downe, as of the other, was, for that they were made of skins, which were not all of one quantitie, some greater, and some lesse: and it being knowne how many cubits in length and breadth would suffice to cover the Tabernacle, in the description of the other curtaines, it was not necessarie to set it downe againe.

QUEST. XIV. Of the mysticall application of the coverings.

COncerning the mysticall application of these curtaines and coverings: 1. Augustine by the ten first curtaines, understandeth the ten Commandements: and by the eleven, the transgression of the law; because that number exceedeth ten by one. 2. Beda referreth the first curtaines of divers colours, to the divers sorts of the faithfull and elect, whereof the Church consisteth: by the length of them,* 1.296 the patience and longanimitie of the Saints: by the breadth, he understandeth charitie: by the strings and loops the Commandements of God, as in remembrance thereof, they were charged to make fringes in their gar∣ments: by the number of fiftie, the great yeare of Jubile in the Kingdome of God, or the grace of the holy Spirit, which came downe upon the fiftieth day. The haire-covering, and rams skins, he taketh to signifie the Pastors and guides of the Church, by whom it is defended, and protected from heresie: by the red skins, the Martyrs; by the badgers-skins, he would have signified those, which have mortified the flesh with the lusts thereof. 3. Gregorie by the curtaines understandeth the faithfull: Qui per fidem in cordibus coelestia secreta v••lant; Which doe vaile by faith in their hearts the heavenly secrets, &c.* 1.297 By the badgers skins the carnall, which are sometime preferred in the Church: By the inward curtaines, such as are given to contemplation, and shine in vertue. 4. Rupertus by the rams and badgers-skins, insinuateth the rich in the Church, Qui Sanctis necessaria vitae s••bministrant;* 1.298 Which minister necessarie things for life unto the Saints. Thus diversly according to their severall conceits, the Fathers doe allegorize the exter∣nall Tabernacle, with the parts thereof, with more curiositie, than profit or edifying.

4. But thus farre, these typicall rites and ordinances may be mystically applied, as we have Scripture to direct us. 1. The three parts of the Tabernacle doe signifie the outward court, the Church of the Jewes under the old Testament: the holy place, the militant Church in earth, the most holy, the triumphant Church in heaven, Ferus. As the Apostle sheweth, that of this familie, there is one part in heaven, another in earth, Ephes. 3.13. 2. The Tabernacle in generall, is a type of the Church of Christ: for as that was habi∣taculum

ceremonial••, the ceremoniall habitation of God, so this is the spirituall, Levit. 26.11. 2 Cor. 6.16. Piscator. 3. The foure coverings shew the most sure protection and defence of the Church by Christ, against all the assaults of Satan, as our blessed Saviour sheweth, that his Church is built upon a rocke, that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it, Matth. 16. Marbach.

QUEST. XV. How thicke the boords of the Tabernacle were.

Vers. 15. ALso thou shalt make boords, &c. 1. The length and breadth of these boords is expressed in the text: but so is not the thicknesse: 1. R. Salomon thinketh they were a cubit thicke. So also Borrhaius. But that cannot be, for then from one outside to another, it would be 12. cubits; it being ten cubits from one inside to another, (for it was within six boords broad, which made nine cubits; and the two corner boords, being halfe a cubit a peece, made the tenth cubit.) Then it would follow, that the first curtaines covered not the sides by two cubits. But it is shewed before, quest. 8. out of the 13. verse, that they reached downe to the ground within one cubit: and that the second coverings of haire did hang downe on the sides to the bottome, for they are said to cover the Tabernacle. But if the boords had beene a cubit thicke, and the Tabernacle from outside to outside were 12. cubits broad, and the two sides made 20. cubits, each side being ten cubits high; then the curtaines of 30. foot in length, could not reach to the ground, by a cubit on each side, Tostat. qu. 11.

2. Therefore Iosephus opinion is more probable, that the boords were foure fingers thicke, and no more:* 1.299 though Montanus therein dissent from him, thinking that they were of a greater thicknesse, which yet he doth not certainly define. With Iosephus consent Lyranus, Tostatus, with others. And this may be a good conjecture thereof, because that is the usuall scantling for the thicknesse of planke boord. Seeing therefore the thicknesse is not specially mentioned, it is like that therein Moses is referred to the ordina∣rie use.

QUEST. XVI. Whether the tenous were in the sides, or in the bottome of the boords.

Vers. 17. TWo tenous shall be in one boord, set in order, as the feet of a ladder. 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth, In lateribus tabul•• dua incastratura erunt, &c. In the sides of the boord shall be two regals, or incisians, whereby they shall one be joyned to another: so also the Chalde, or, one run into another, Septuag. This reading Tostatus followeth, who thinketh that these regals served to shoot the boords to∣gether in the sides, that one might run within another. 2. Oleaster also urgeth the Hebrew phrase, be∣cause it is said, The woman to her sister, that is, one against another: He thinketh it more probable, Quòd una ingrediabatur alteram, That one went into another.

Contra. 1. If one boord should have beene shot within another, there would have beene at the least an inch abated in the breadth of every boord, in twentie boords; twentie inches, almost two foot, above one cubit: then the twentie boords, being a cubit and halfe broad, would not have made 29. cubits, the length of the Tabernacle, which was 30. cubits. 2. And whereas all the boords were to have these two in∣cisians, one on the one side, and the other on the other; Tostatus is driven to confesse, that the two ut∣most boords of the North and South side, had but one incisian, because they were joyned but on the one side to other boords, qu. 11. 3. The Hebrew phrase inferreth no such thing: but as Cajetane better ex∣poundeth, Quia aequales erant in omnibus incisiones, Because the incisians were all alike, the breadth, the depth, the spaces, it is said, A woman to her sister. 4. The word, in laterib••••, in the sides, is not in the originall.

2. Therefore the word jadoth, which signifieth hands, is rather taken for the tenons, In imo tabulae, in the bottome of the boords: which some translate denticulos, teeth, Vatab. Some the hinges, Chalde, Iun. which went into the sockets, or foot-stals of silver, as is described, vers. 19. Two sockets under one boord, for his two tenons: Which sheweth that these tenons were not in the sides of the boords, but under them, be∣cause they went into the tenons, Cajetan. Lippoman. So also Iosephus, Singulis tabulis inerant cardines bi••i immissi per duas bases;* 1.300 Every boord had two hinges, which went into the two sockets.

3. These tenons are said to be set in order, as the feet of a ladder: not because they were made slope, broad above, and narrow below, as Cajetane: but for that as ladder staves they were equally distant one from another, Iun.

4. There were not foure of them in every boord, as Oleaster, two on the sides, and two below: but two onely under the boords, to goe into the sockets or foot-stals.

QUEST. XVII. Why three sides onely were covered with boords.

Vers. 18. TWentie boords on the South side. 1. The word temanah, the South, signifieth on the right hand: so that the South side is counted at the right hand, and the North is counted the se∣cond side, v. 20. 2. Augustine here reading columnas, pillars, in stead of boords, moveth this doubt, why on the East side no pillars are described,* 1.301 as in the three other: and resolveth, that either the curtaines must be there extended, fine columnis, without pillars: or some other thing is signified. But Augustine is de∣ceived, because following the Septuagint, he readeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pillars, for boords: which, beside the inconve∣nience he falleth into, thinking that the curtaine on the East was stretched out from side to side without pillars, is contrarie to the text, v. 37. where five pillars are appointed to be made to stand in the doore of the Tabernacle. 3. The truth ••••en is this, that three sides onely were compassed with boords, the West, South, and North: the East end had no boords, but there onely did hang a vaile upon five pillars, Tostat. Montan.

QUEST. XVIII. Of the sockets and foot-stalls their number, and whether they were fastened in the ground.

Vers. 19. THou shalt make forti•• sockets. 1. The word adne in the plurall, eden in the singular, which signifieth a socket, base or foot-stall, is derived of adon, which signifieth a Lord or master; be∣cause as adonai, the Prince, is the stay of the Common-wealth; as a King is called in Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because

he is the stay and basis of the people: so these footstalls or sockets did beare up the whole frame, Oleast▪ Lippoman. 2. The most are of opinion, that these sockets were sharpe at the nether end, and so were driven into the ground, Lyran. Tostatus. 3. But they were more like to be plaine and flat, Montan▪ for otherwise, being made of silver, they might have beene worne by often putting into the ground, Simler. And that they might have beene set upon any floore, Super marmoreum stratum, though it were paved with marble, as occasion might serve, Cajetan. 4. These sockets were in number 96. two to every boord, which were in all 48. twentie on each side, and on the end eight, Montan. 5. Beda doth inferre out of Iosephus, that these footstalls were foure fingers thicke, answerable to the thicknesse of the boords, which were so farre lifted from the ground.

QUEST. XIX. Of the two corner boords, what breadth they were of.

Vers. 23. ALso two boords shalt thou make in the corners, &c. 1. Cajetane thinketh that these two corner boords were of the same breadth which the rest were; because it is said, that every boord should be a cubit and halfe broad, and so hee thinketh that the Tabernacle was twelve foot wide within. Borrhaius also thinketh that all the boords were of the same breadth, and that these eight boords made twelve cubits, whereof two cubits covered the side walles, which they met with in the corners, which were a cubit thicke. But this is not like, as is before shewed, qu. 15. that the boords were a cubit, that is, two great hand breadths thicke, 24. fingers: for they had beene then too combersome to carrie, neither could the hangings have covered the sides to the ground.

2. Some thinke that these two corner boords were but halfe a cubit broad at each end, so making up with the six boords, ten cubits, Lippoman. Tostatus, and Iosephus saith, that a boord was cut to halfe a cubit in the middest. But the boords were a cubit and halfe broad: one being then cut in the middest, would make an halfe cubit, and a quarter of a cubit, that is, six fingers. And beside, if they were but an halfe cubit broad, there should bee no over measure to meet with the sides, which were foure fingers thicke.

3. Oleaster thinketh that these two corner boords were a cubit broad a peece; whereof one cubit made up the breadth, the other cubit halfe in one corner, and halfe in another covered the sides. But it is not like that these boords were of a divers scantling from the rest, they were all of one breadth, a cubit and an halfe.

4. Lyranus will have these two boords, halfe a cubit and foure fingers broad: which measure of foure fingers was to cover the ends of the sides. But by this meanes a new scantling of the boords must bee brought in, which is not to be admitted.

5. Therefore it is most likely that these boords were made of one, cut into two, as Iosephus con∣jectureth; and every halfe should be in breadth a cubit and six fingers, which served to fill up the corners: for the overplus of two fingers would not make such oddes: or else every one of these two boords cut into two, were put together, and the one served as it were to line the other, for the strengthening of the corners; as Cajetane thinketh, that there were frusta adjuncta tabulis angularibus, certaine peeces joyned to the two corner boords: and therefore they are said in the 24. verse to be as twinnes, Oleaster. And this may seeme the more probable, because they are said to be eight boords: but one boord cut in two for the two corners, was not two boords, but two halfe boords. And that the corner boords were thus doubled, it may seeme the more probable, by the like in the pillars that compassed the court, which stood double in the corners together, as is shewed in the 15. question of the next Chapter: for there being twentie pil∣lars on a side, and ten a peece in the ends, and each of them supposed to be of equall distance, five cubits one from one another, there will not be found to be so many, unlesse we allow two to every corner: Ca∣jetan. These corner-boords, though but halfe in breadth to the other, had each their two sockets as the rest, for the strengthening of the corners: for these eight boords had their sixteen sockets: and one of them by all likelihood was pitched in every corner.

QUEST. XX. How the corner-boords were joyned as twinnes.

Vers. 24. ANd they shall be joyned beneath as twinnes and above, &c. 1. This is not to be understood of all the boords, that they were fastned below by their bases, and above with rings, Lyran. Tostat. for the words following, Thus shall it be for them two, shew that the two corner-boords are onely spoken of. 2. Iunius thinketh they were called gemelliparae, twinnes, because both the sides of the boords in the corner which went the length and breadth of the house, were joyned together in the corner, and so they sent out of each side, as it were twinnes. But this should seeme to be superfluous, seeing it is said before, vers. 21. that these boords should be in the corners: which sheweth as much in effect, that the two sides meeting together in the corner, should come out as twinnes: and againe it is said that these boords should be as twinnes: but now these of themselves were not twinnes, but joyned with the other side cor∣ner-boords. 3. Cajetane thinketh, that they had onely frusta assuta, certaine peeces joyned to, below and above, where the boords were closed together as twinnes. 4. Oleaster therefore among other, giveth this as the most probable sense, that they should be as twinnes, that is, rotae duplicatae, all double, ut anguli es∣sent crassio•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & abstrusiores, that the corners might be thicker and closer from looking in. So Vatablus translates, Gemini erunt inferni; They shall be double below, and double above, that is, thorowout.

QUEST. XXI. Of the order and number of the bars.

Vers. 26. THou shalt make five bars of shittim wood. 1. Some thinke that these five bars were all in one row, one following in the end of another. But this cannot be: 1. For one order or ranke of bars had not beene sufficient to keepe the boords together in every part above and below, they being ten cubits high. 2. The five bars one running into another along the sides, which were twentie

cubits long, must be of the length of foure cubits: but the breadth being but ten could not receive so many barres being put one to another; and yet all these barres must be supposed to be of the same length and measure, because no difference is made, Tostat. quaest. 12. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh, that there were five barres on a side in three ranks, two above, and two below, one joyning at the end of another, and the middle barre went thorow from one end to another: and of this opinion seemeth Lyranus to be, Simle∣rus, Borrhai••••. But there can be no reason yeelded, why there should be but one barre in one ranke, and two in another: neither is it like that any one barre was twentie cubits long; for then it had beene sub∣ject to breake in sunder, and it had beene unfit for the length to be reared and transported. 3. Marbachius thinketh there were fifteene barres, five in a side in as many ranks. But it is not like that any the bars were so long to reach from one end to another. 4. Therefore Tostatus opinion is more probable, who saith, that these quinque vect••s, were quinque v••ctium ordines, five ranks of bars. So also Montanus; and Iosephus saith that these bars were five cubits long a peece: so that there were no fewer than foure bars in a ranke in the sides of twentie cubits long, which (there being five ranks) come to twentie bars on one side, and twentie of another; and in the end which was ten cubits, having but two bars in a ranke, there must bee ten in all: so the whole number of bars in the end and sides was fiftie.

QUEST. XXII. Whether the middle bar went thorow the boords within.

Vers. 28. ANd the middle barre shall be in the middest of the boords, &c. 1. The Latine translato•• un∣derstandeth this of all the bars, Qui mittentur per media•• tabulas; They shall goe thorow the middle of the boords. So Cajetane understandeth, that quilibet vectis iret medius, &c. every barre should goe in the middest, that is, thorow the breadth of the boords. But the text is against this sense, which speaketh but of one middle barre. 2. Lyranus, and Montanus, Borrhaius, Simlerus, Marbach, Pelargus are all of opinion, that the middle barre went thorow the middest of the boords within, being hid in the boords. But this is not like: 1. Because all these barres were to goe thorow the rings: but this middle barre needed no rings, if it pierced the boords running thorow them. 2. Neither was there any use of laying the barres over with gold, if they were hid. 3. Beside it would have beene a great weakening to the boords to be bored thorow, chap. 13. Tostatus. 4. And the boords must be supposed to have beene of a very great thicknesse, whereas they were all drawne with eight oxen, and carried in foure chariots, Numb. 3.6. and 7. Iun. 3. The usuall reading is, The middle barre shall goe thorow the middest of the boords: as if they had gone thorow some other way than the other. But the true reading is, The middle barre shall be in middest of the boords, going thorow, &c. so that the place is onely described, when this middle barre shall be set just in the middest. 4. Wherefore this barre is said to be in the middest, not in respect of the thicknesse of the boords, but of their length: the foure other ranks of bars should bee two above, and two below, and this third in the middest of the length of the boords, Tostat. qu. 13. Iun. 5. Osiander thin∣keth that this middle barre was the sixth, and that there were five beside. But the text speaketh but of five in all, vers. 26. 6. Cajetane thinketh that these bars went on the inward side of the boords, because they were laid over with gold. But Lyranus and Montanus thinke more probably, that they were on the out∣side; and the plaine side of the boords which was the fairer to be within. So also Iunius. And though they were without, yet they were to be laid over with gold, as the boords were on both sides: and so the first five curtaines, though they hung over on the outside, were of the same worke which that part was, which covered the top, and was seene within.

QUEST. XXIII. Of the mysticall sense of the boords with their sockets and bars.

COncerning the mysticall application of the boords, with their sockets and bars, I will omit the cu∣rious allegories of the Fathers. 1. Prosper by the boords understandeth the Apostles, which were as pillars of the Church. 2. Rupertus by the boords would have signified the Pastors of the Church: by the bars, Divitum & potemium subsidia, the helpes and supplies of the rich and mightie, whereby the other are upheld and maintained. 3. Beda by the boords deciphereth the Apostles: the bases or sockets are, Libri legis & Prophetarum, the books of the Law and the Prophets, Vectes quinque sunt libri Mosaicaelegis, are the five books of Moses law, &c. 4. Gregorie, Quid per tabulas nisi Apostoli extensa •••• mundum praedicatio∣ne dilatati?* 1.302 What is understood by the boords but the Apostles, which were spread abroad by their preaching thorow the world? 5. But these things may thus better be applied: The boords which as pillars stand up, are understood to be the faithfull and beleevers, which are as pillars in the Temple of God, Apocal. 3.12. The bars are the Pastors and Ministers, given for the edifying of the Church, by whom the whole bodie is coupled together, Ephes. 4.12. Christ hee is the foundation, upon whom all the building resteth: as the Apostle saith, Other foundation can no man lay than that which is laid, which is Iesus Christ, 1 Cor. 3.10. Marbach. Pelarg.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the vaile which hanged before the most holy place.

Vers. 31. THou shalt make a vaile of blew silke, &c. 1. Though the quantitie of this vaile be not expres∣sed either for length or breadth, as in the other curtaines; yet it may be easily conjectured, that it hung all the breadth of the Tabernacle, which was ten cubits, and the height of ten cubits; because it was to separate the most holy place, and to keepe it secret, Simler. 2. The pillars were here but foure, but in the doore of the Tabernacle there were five, because that being in the entrance, was to be opened in more places than one, but this was seldome to be opened, Simler. 3. These pillars had sockets of silver, not sharpe at the one end to goe into the ground, as Lyranus thinketh, but they were plaine, to be set up∣on the ground, as the sockets of the boords were: their heads, what they should bee made of, is not ex∣pressed: and therefore Cajetane thinketh they were of wood, as the bodie of the pillars were, but over∣laid with gold, as the bodie or shanke of the pillars was: and so it is said in direct words, chap. 36.38.

He overlaid their Chapters. 4. The next word vavim, some translate heads: Latine, Chalde, some the chapters, and little knops in the head tops: Septuag. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, capit••ll••, the chapter: or uncinos, the knops above, Vatab. Oleaster thinketh that in this place it is taken for the hookes, but in the next, ver. 16. for the heads. But it is evident, Chap. 38.28. where both these words are used, vavim, and rashehe••••, their chap∣ters, that the first word signifieth hookes, made like to the letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, va••▪ with turning heads, Lippom. So also Iunius readeth, uncos, hookes, which were set in the pillar-heads, to hold up the cords upon the which the vaile did ride.

QUEST. XXV. What ••aches or hookes the vaile ha••ged under.

Vers. 33. THou shalt hang the vaile under the ••••ches. 1. Iunius readeth, In stead or In place of those ta∣ches: for the word tacheth signifieth both under, and in stead: and his meaning is, that the vaile hung up in that place, where the second of the neerest great curtaine, mentioned v. 3. began, which had no taches: for the last of the first five had no loopes, and the first of the second five had no taches, and so the most holy place should begin, where the length of the holy place ended. But this seemeth too cu∣rious: neither is it like that the second great curtaine began there, but lapped over the end of the other: for otherwise the five curtaines containing twenty cubits in breadth, would have covered the most holy place, being ten cubits wide, and the backe side being other ten in height, downe to the ground, whereas it came short a cubit on each side, as is evident vers. 13. and so there should not have beene observed an uniformity in the hanging of the curtaines.

2. Tosta••us thinketh, that this covering curtaine had rings or hookes, and that this vaile did hang by those rings, quest. 6. But that had beene superfluous, seeing these pillars had hookes made of purpose for that end.

3. Some take these to be the same with the hookes mentioned in the former verse: Genevens. and thinke that they were in the top of the chapiters or heads of the pillars, and upon those hookes might some pearches or rods be, whereon the vaile hanged. But seeing the word here used is k••r••s••••, which be∣fore vers. 6. is interpreted taches, and the other word is vavim, two divers things are signified: neither were these taches upon the top of the pillars, for then it had beene superfluously added: Thou shalt hang the vaile under the taches, non enim pendere poterat, nisi sub unci••••; for it could not hang otherwise than under these taches, Cajetane: especially seeing it is said before▪ Thou shalt hang it upon the foure pillars: therefore hereby it is insinuated, quòd ••••cini sui erant inter col••mnam & cap tellum; that these taches were set betweene the pillar and the chapter, Cajetane.

4. Therefore the meaning is, that this vaile should hang by taches, as the other curtaines did. Cajetane thinketh there were certaine golden chaines upon the which the vaile did hang, mediantibus uncinis au∣reis, by these golden taches comming betweene, Lippoman thinketh better, Inserebatur velum ••unibus su∣stentandum per aureos circulos; The vaile was held up by cords going thorow golden rings, whereby it might more easily be drawne to and fro. So Iosephus▪ Anulis à suniculo pendens;* 1.303 It hung by rings upon a cord, &c. which cord or line went thorow the hooke▪ which were fastned to the pillars, spoken of in the former verse: and upon this cord did hang the vaile by rings or taches.

QUEST. XXVI. In what part of the Tabernacle the vaile was h••ng up, and why.

Vers. 33. THou shalt hang the vaile upon the taches, &c. 1. Though the place be not expressed where this vaile did hang; yet it may easily be gathered, that whereas the whole Tabernacle was thir∣ty cubits long, the most holy place tooke up the third part, ten cubits thereof: for where the first five cur∣taines joyned in one ended, which were in breadth twenty cubits, there the most holy place begun, Iu∣nius: and to that end it seemeth the curtaines were divided into two parts, five being put together, and five together. Beda and Cajetane doe gather as much by the proportion of Salomons Temple, which was 60. cubits long, whereof the third part, twenty cubits, was for the most holy place: and so it is like that Moses, from whom Salomon tooke his proportion, allowed for the place of the Arke the third part of the length of the Tabernacle, which was ten cubits. 2. Hence also it is evident▪ that the most holy place was just foure square, ten cubits long, ten cubits broad, and ten cubits high: 1. Because Salomon observed the same proportion in the Temple: the place of the Oracle was twenty cubits broad, twenty cubits long, and twenty cubits high, 1 King. 6.20. 2. This most holy place was a figure of the celestiall Jerusalem, which was foure s••••are: the length, breadth and heighth were equall, Revel. 21.16. 3. And this vaile was hung up to separate the most holy place from the rest of the Tabernacle, for these reasons: 1. That the Arke might have a peculiar place, for greater reverence, from whence the Lord spake unto Moses. 2. That the Lord might hereby magnifie his people, when it should be knowne to other nations, that God had his habitation among them. 3. That the people might have the greater confidence in God, whom they had in a manner visibly present, Tostat. qu. 14.

QUEST. XXVII. Why the table was set on the North, the candlesticke on the South.

Vers. 3. THou shalt set the Table without the vaile, and the candlesticke over against the table on the South∣side, &c. 1. Tostat. quaest. 16. giveth this reason, why the candlesticke was set on the South∣side, the table on the North: Quia lux corporum coelestium venit nobis ab austro; Because the light of the celestiall bodies commeth from the South. Lyranus also hath the like conceit, Quia motus planeta∣rum. &c. because the motion of the planets, which is from East to West in our hemisphere, declineth from the equinoctiall toward the South: and the table with the bread is set on the North, because in the North part of the world, is the plenty of corne, and other fruits. But the Apostle sheweth, Hebr. 8.5. that these things served unto the paterne and shadow of heavenly things: therefore they were not appointed to shadow forth these worldly and terrene things. 2. Rather that allusion of Beda is to be received, who

saith, that both these were placed without the vaile, Quia in hac solummodo vita, vel scripturis sanctis, vel caeteris redemptionis sacramentis opus habemus, &c. Because only in this life wee have need of the Scrip∣ture, and the Sacraments of our redemption: in the next life, which is signified by the most holy place, we shall have use of none of these things. And he further giveth this reason of the situation of them: Latus meridianum antiquam Dei plebem significat, quae prior lucem divinae cognitionis accepit, &c. The Southside signifieth the ancient people of God, which first received the light of divine knowledge, and therefore the candlesticke is placed on that side: the North part signifieth the Church called from the Gentiles, which last received the light of truth: to this purpose Beda. 3. But the Apostle, who making mention of the candlesticke and table, speaketh nothing of their situation or placing, Hebr. 9.2. stayeth our curiosity, that we should not seeke to draw every particular circumstance of the Tabernacle to a figu∣rative sense.

QUEST. XXVIII. Wherein the first vaile and the second differed.

Vers. 36. THou shalt make an hanging for the doore of the Tabernacle, of blew silke, &c. and fine twined linen wrought with the needle. 1. Cajetane noteth foure differences betweene this vaile, and the other described before, vers. 32. 1. That hung upon foure pillars, this upon five: 2. That had silver sockets, this of brasse: 3. That was of embroidered worke, this wrought with the needle: 4. That was set forth with Cherubim worke, this was not. 2. Iosephus thinketh that this vaile was, magnitudine, colore, textura priori par, like unto the former in largenesse, colour, and workmanship. 3. The Latine Interpre∣ter also in both places readeth, opere plumar••i, &c. they should be of embroidered worke, making no diffe∣rence at all betweene the worke of the one and of the other. 4. But I subscribe rather to Montanus opi∣nion, that the other vaile was wrought with Cherubs, this was not, but with other pictures of flowen, branches and such like: and in them both there was needle worke, and the same manner of art and work∣manship. The first phrase, maghaseh cosheb, is referred to the skill of the workman; it must bee wrought curiously, artificially, Oleaster, Iunius. The second phrase, maghaseh rocem, with embroidered worke, or of divers colours, is referred to the worke it selfe, which was nothing else but cloth embroidered with divers colours, which the Italians call rechamar, after the Hebrew word; the Spaniards bros••aar. so is it taken, Iud. 5.30. tzebaghim ricmah, embroidered with colours: which kinde of working, because it was first found in Phrygia, was called opus Phrygionicum, Phrygian or embroidered worke, as Montanus and Iunius translate, such as they made their flags and streamers of, which they hung upon the masts of the ships, Ezech. 27.7. è bysso, berimach, of silke or fine linen so embroidered, brought out of Egypt, Oleaster. It is not like they used needle worke about their sailes. So then neither was this vaile altogether divers, both in the fashion of the worke, and the manner of workmanship, as Cajetane, not altogether the same, as Iosephus. But there was this difference, that the one was wrought with Cherubims, the other without; as by this it may be conjectured, that although they were both made of the same matter, yet not after the same manner of curious worke, because the pillars of this vaile had sockets of brasse, the pillars of the other of silver, and so in the rest, it is like that this vaile was not altogether so costly wrought as the former.

QUEST. XXIX. Why the first vaile had no Cherubims as the other.

THe reasons also, why the first vaile differed from the second, both in manner of worke without Che∣rubims, and in number of pillars, were these: 1. Because this outward vaile was open to the view and sight of the people: therefore God thought it not fit, it should be made with the picture of Cheru∣bims, lest it might have beene an occasion unto that weake and inconstant people of idolatry: within, whither the Priests only came, were the pictures of the Cherubims to be seene in the curtaines and vaile, because they were not so apt to be entised by the view of them, as the people. But the Cherubims which were made of gold, and not only expressed in colours, were kept in the most holy place, even from the sight of the Priests also, the high Priest only excepted: because they had the most lively representation and image of Angels in humane shape, and were so much the more dangerous, Tostat. quaest. 1.2. This out∣ward vaile had five pillars, whereas the other had but foure; not because it was wider than the other, for the Tabernacle was but of one breadth, ten cubits from side to side; but by reason, that the outward vaile lay open to the winde and weather, it had the more pillars to strengthen it, Tostat. As also because they might enter in more than in one place, the pillars were encreased, whereas the other vaile was not often opened, but once in the yeere for the high Priest to enter, to make attonement for the people, Siml. 3. Beda also thinketh, that beside these five pillars, there was a great barre or beame, that went from side to side in the doore of the Tabernacle. But no such thing is expressed in the text.

QUEST. XXX. What vaile of the Temple it was which was rent in the passion of our blessed Saviour.

NOw, it is also a question, seeing here mention is made of two vailes, one which hanged before the holy place, the other before the most holy: whether of these two vailes was rent in sunder, in the passion of our blessed Saviour. 1. Thomas thinketh, that exterius velum scissum fuit, it was the outward vaile of the Temple which was rent: and his reason is this, because the outward vaile did signifie the hiding of those mysteries which belonged unto the Church, which were revealed by Christ: the other signified velationem mysteriorum coelestium, quae nobis revelabuntur, the vailing of the celestiall myste∣ries, which shall be revealed in the next life; and these remaine vailed still. But this reason grounded upon his owne conceit and collection, is of no great force. 2. Tostatus opinion herein is better, that this vaile, Quod ponitur ante sancta sanctorum, which was put before the most holy place, was that which is called, Matth. 27. the vaile of the Temple, and was rent in sunder: and hereby (saith he) was signi∣fied that those things, quae erant in veteri lege occultata, which were hid in the old Law, are by Christs

death revealed, quaest. 14. And that it was the second, not the first vaile, it thus appeareth: because in Sa∣lomons Temple there was but one vaile made, which was drawen before the most holy place, whereof mention is made, 2 Chron. 3. and so Iosephus witnesseth, lib. 8. cap. 2. To this purpose Ribera.* 1.304 And the Syrian Interpreter in that place of Matth. 27.51. calleth the vaile, facies portae, the face of the gate: Quia ingredientibus frontis instur in oculos incurreret; because it confronted those which came in by the gate, and looked them as it were full in the face, Iun. ibid. So also reverend Beza upon the same place, Aulaeum intelligit, quo dividebantur sancta sanctorum à sancto; Hee understandeth the curtaine, or vaile, whereby the most holy place was divided from the holy place. And the Apostle otherwise interpreteth the second vaile, than Thomas doth: applying it to the opening of the way to the holiest of all, that is, to the kingdome of heaven, Which was not opened, while the first Tabernacle was standing. This vaile was then rent by Christ,* 1.305 in that by him the way is opened unto everlasting life.

QUEST. XXXI. Of the mysticall sense of these vailes.

THe mysticall application followeth of these vailes: 1. By the inward vaile is set forth unto us the glo∣rious heavens, whereunto Christ is entered to appeare in the sight of God for us, as the Apostle ex∣poundeth, Hebr. 9.24. As the Priest entred once in the yeare into the most holy place: The same sense followeth Beda and Rupertus. So that these two parts of the Sanctuary, have a signification of the Church triumphant in heaven, and of the militant Church in earth, which is nourished by the word of God, and the Sacraments, in the hope of everlasting life, as in the outward part of the Tabernacle was set the can∣dlesticke on the one side, and the table with the shew-bread on the other.

2. Augustine saith, the former vaile and Tabernacle was, Figura veteris Testamenti,* 1.306 a figure of the old Testament: and the second vaile with the most holy place, was a figure of the new Testament; whereby is signified, that Christ hath removed the vaile, which shadowed the most holy place, and opened by his bloud the way unto everlasting life, which could not be opened by the sacrifices of the Law, as the Apo∣stle sheweth, Hebr. 9.8.

3. The Apostle also by the vaile understandeth the flesh of Christ, which vailed and shadowed his Di∣vinity: by the which vaile he hath made a new and living way, so that by his bloud we may be bold to enter into the holy place, Heb. 10.19, 20.

4. By the vaile may be understood that separation, which was betweene the Church of the Jewes and the Gentiles; which division and wall of partition is now removed by Christ, who hath made of both one, Ephes. 2.14. Marbach. Pelarg.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. The Church is knowne by the Word and Sacraments.

Vers. 35. THou shalt set the table without the vaile. Beda by the table of shew-bread, understandeth the table of Christ, and the Sacraments of the Church; by the candlesticke, the light of Gods word: by the which two, the Church of God militant in earth, is discerned and knowne. So also Simler. by the same would have understood, mensam Domini, & lucem verbi Dei, the table of the Lord, and the light of Gods word. And as the table was never empty, but alwayes had bread: so saith the prodigall child, In my fathers house is bread enough, Luk. 15. there is the spirituall food of our soules to be had.

2. Doct. That none intrude themselves into the office of teaching without calling.

Vers. 36. ANd thou shalt make an hanging for the doore of the Tabernacle, &c. This vaile was to keepe off the people from entring into the holy place, whither the Priests had accesse for their daily service and ministery: which sheweth, that none should take upon them that Priestly function, but such as are thereunto called and appointed: Ne quis se temerè ingerat ad docendum; that no man should rashly thrust himselfe into the office of teaching, Osiander. As the Apostle saith, No man taketh this ho∣nour to himselfe, but he that is called of God, as Aaron, Hebr. 5.4.

5. Places of confutation.

1. Confut. Against the Iewes.

Vers. 33. THou shalt hang the vaile, &c. Chrysostome urgeth this place against the Jewes, Sicut gloria do∣mus est, ubi velum pendet, &c. As it was the glory of the house, where the vaile hanged,* 1.307 and while it hanged; so the renting of the vaile of the Temple in two, ignominia templi est, is the ignominy and shame of the Temple, and sheweth that the Spirit of God is departed from them, &c. Like as while the Tabernacle stood, and the vaile was whole and sound, it shewed that they had the presence of God, and he had not yet forsaken his habitation among them: So the parting and dividing of the vaile testified, that the Lord had dissolved their state, and would no more dwell among them, as our blessed Saviour foretold them, Behold your house is left unto you desolate, Luk. 13.35.

2. Confut. Against the superstitious usage of the Romanists in the division of their Churches.

BY this hanging up of the two vailes, which made two parts of the Sanctuary, and the outward court made the third, whither the people only were admitted, Bellarmine would warrant the distinction observed in their Churches or Temples, dividing it into the porch or entrence, the body of the Church and the queere, which they say resembleth the holy place, to the which none were suffered to enter of the lay people, but onely their clerkes and queere-men. And to this purpose they used in time of Lent

to draw a curtaine in the middest of the chancell, to represent this vaile, which was spred before the most holy place,* 1.308 B. Babington.

Contra. 1. To follow the paterne of Moses Tabernacle, or Salomons Temple, for comelinesse and de∣cencie, and due proportion of building in Churches, is not unlawfull for Christians, but it is a thing in∣different: any thing for comelinesse sake may be imitated, and borrowed from the example of former times. 2. But two wayes the Romanists offend in this imitation: both because they make a superstitious distinction of places, thinking the queere or chancell to be a place of greater holinesse: and in making a difference of the people, as though some were more holy than others, and not fit to enter into the holy place,* 1.309 whereas Christ hath made all his servants, an holy Priesthood toward God, though for order sake, and better edifying of the Church, there ought to be a distinction betweene the Pastor, and people. As also in placing the people a great way off, that they only see and gaze, but heare little, they hinder their edifying and instruction:* 1.310 contrary to the Apostles rule, Let all things be done unto edifying.

6 Morall observations.

1. Observ. God requireth diligent and cheerfull service.

Vers. 1. IN them thou shalt make Cherubims, &c. God seemeth to be delighted with these similitudes of Cherubims, which were winged to shew their speed and agility: to shew that he is delighted in those, qui summa diligentia verbum ejus faciunt, which are diligent in performing his word, Oleaster. As the Prophet David saith, I will run the way of thy Commandements, when thou shalt enlarge my heart, Psalm. 119.32.

2. Observ. That we should be inwardly adorned, and not make a faire shew outwardly.

Vers. 37. THou shalt cast five sockets of brasse for them. Men use to set the fairest shew outward; so doth not God: without are sockets of brasse, but within sockets of silver; to teach us, that Chri∣stians should not make a faire shew outwardly, but seeke to adorne the inward man, Oleaster. As it is in the Psalme 45.13. The Kings daughter is all glorious within. So S. Peter teacheth women, that their ap∣parelling should not be outward,* 1.311 with broidered haire, and gold put about, but that the hid man of the hear•• be uncorrupt, &c.

3. Observ. God revealeth himselfe more and more to his children.

FUrther, whereas one comming into the Tabernacle, at the first entrance saw brasse, but going in fur∣ther, the light of the golden candlesticke directing him, he saw nothing but gold: So the more one looketh into Gods secrets, being illuminated by the Spirit, he shall finde every thing still more glorious, and heavenly, Borrh. As Iob at the first had heard of God but by the eare; but having had comfortable ex∣perience of his mercie in his affliction,* 1.312 then he saw him with the eye.

CHAP. XXVII.

1. The Method and Argument.

HItherto, chap. 25, 26. such things have beene described, as belonged unto the Taber∣nacle, with a description of the Tabernacle it selfe. Now in this Chapter such things are set forth as were without the Tabernacle, with a particular precept concerning the preparing of oile for the lampes. So that this Chapter hath two parts, an explication of the instruments belonging to Gods service without the Tabernacle, to v. 10. and of the service required concerning the oile of the lamps.

In the first, there is expressed, how the Altar of burnt offering should be made, to vers. 9. then a description of the place where it should stand, in the outward court, to vers. 20.

1. Concerning the Altar, these things are declared in particular: 1. The Altar it selfe is described, the bignesse of it, vers. 1. the parts thereof, the hornes in the corners; the matter, of Shittim wood within, and of brasse without, vers. 2. 2. The instruments that belong unto it, vers. 3. 3. The fashion of the Al∣tar, it must be made with a grate in the middest, vers. 4, 5. with barres and rings, vers. 6, 7. and hollow, vers. 8.

2. The court is described in particular, how each side shall be, South, North, East, West; what length and breadth; what curtaines and pillars, to vers. 16. Then the gate is set forth how it shall be made, vers. 16. Then is it described in grosse, how the pillars of the whole court shall be made, vers. 17. and what shall be the length and breadth of the whole, vers. 18. and of what matter all the vessels and pins shall be made, vers. 19.

In the second part is shewed, concerning the oile, by whom it shall be prepared, and to what end, vers. 20. and how it shall be used by the Priests, vers. 21.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 3. Of the divers reading of this verse, and of the divers names of the instruments, see quest. 6. fol∣lowing.

* 1.313Vers. 4. According, or by the grate, thou shalt make foure rings upon the foure corners thereof: that is, of

the Altar. I. or, at the grate. V. that is, about the same place of the Altar where the grate is: better than, thou shalt make to the grate. S. or, upon the grate. A.P.B.G. for the grate was within, and the rings were set without in the Altar: the preposition ghal, may be as well translated, secundùm, by or neere, as above or upon.

Vers. 8. Thou shalt make the Altar hollow of boords. I.B.V.C. or, a boorded hollow. S. better than,* 1.314 hollow be∣tweene the boords. G.P. for he spake of no boords before: or, Thou shalt make it, not sieled, but hollow. L. for here the word which signifieth boords, is omitted.

Vers. 9. Hangings full of eyes, or holes. I.A. like unto a sling or casting-net, Oleaster:* 1.315 for so kalagh signi∣fieth to carve or grave with incisions and indenting, 1 King. 6.29. the rest reade curtaines or hangings sim∣ply without any other addition.

3. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Why the Lord commanded an Altar to be made, and of the bignesse thereof.

Vers. 1. THou shalt make thee an Altar. 1. Seeing the chiefe part of Gods externall worship then con∣sisted in sacrifices, it is necessary that an Altar should be made, whereupon their sacrifices should be offered; and the same but one, and in one place, lest it might have given them occasion to thinke, pluribus diis sacrificari, that they sacrificed to many gods, Tostat. quaest. 3. 2. This Altar was but three cubits high, of an indifferent heighth, that the Priests might with a little helpe stand up, and conve∣niently minister at the Altar, Tostat. But the heighth of three cubits was more than any man could reach unto to minister, as Augustine thinketh, seeing foure cubits is just a mans height, Iunius: and therefore it is like, that although there were no steps made to the Altar, yet there might be some slope going up,* 1.316 that the Priest might ascend as it were by degrees: for how else could they afterward have ministred upon Salomons Altar, which was ten cubits high? 2 Chron. 4.1. Iun. in cap. 20.26. 3. It is called foure square, not in respect of the whole Altar, for it was not so high as it was broad and long: but it is so called in regard of the length and breadth, as is shewed above, which was foure-square, every way five cubits. 4. There were two Altars, this of the burnt offerings, of brasse, and the golden Altar of incense, chap. 30.1. Tostat.

QUEST. II. How fire was made upon the Altar, framed of wood.

OF Shittim wood. Here Augustine moveth a doubt, how this Altar could be made of wood,* 1.317 seeing that the sacrifices were burnt upon it, and the fire never went out. 1. Some answer, that praservatum fuit eo miraculo quo & locus sacrificiorum à muscis; that both the wood and brasse that covered it were preserved, that they consumed not with the fire, as the place of the sacrifices was preserved from flies, Lip∣poman. So also Oleaster. But we need not run unto miracles, where other probable reasons may be yeel∣ded. 2. Beda answereth out of Hierome, that Altaris ligna, quae de lignis paradisi sunt, non cremantur igne vicino; That the wood of the Altar, which are of the wood of Paradise, were not burned by the fire, which was neere it, &c. And Beda himselfe telleth of a certaine kinde of wood, which quanto plus arserit, tanto mundius inveniatur, &c. the which the more it burneth, the more pure it is. But, as Hugo de S. Vi∣ctor reasoneth, if the Altar were made of a wood that could not be consumed with fire, Quid opus fuerit areis laminis, &c. What needed it to be covered with brasen plates? And yet it must be confessed, that see∣ing the fire never went out upon the Altar, and so the brasse without being continually hot, must needs also heat the wood within, that there was some extraordinary thing in it, as the fire of the Altar bur∣ned still, neither was quenched with any raine, is Tostatus observeth, qu. 9. 3. Lyranus thinketh, that as the wood of Shittim, were imputribilia, sic & incremabilia, was not apt to corrupt, so not easie to be burned and consumed. But it is against the nature of wood not to yeeld unto the fire. 4. Tostatus with others thinke, that the Altar being hollow was filled up in the middest with earth, and upon the earth was the fire made, which came not neere the sides, the Altar being five cubits broad, and as many long, qu. 4. But if the Altar had beene so stopt with earth, there should have beene no place for the grate, which was put within. 5. Therefore Iosephus opinion is better: Cratem pro faculo suppositam habens; That it had a grate put above in stead of an earth: in illo cribro composita ligna ardebant;* 1.318 the wood was laid in order upon that grate, and so burned, which grate was a••l of brasse. Adde hereunto, that the Altar was covered with thicke plates of the brasse, to defend the heat: And the widenesse and length of it was such, as that the fire needed not come neere the sides. 6. Tostatus thinketh, that it was not totum coapertum aere, all the al∣tar was not covered with brasse, but only midway, so farre as the grate went. But Montanus saith better, Totum erat laminis aereis obductum; That it was all covered with plates of brasse, both within and with∣out: and this is more agreeable to the text, that saith, Thou shalt cover it with brasse: which being set downe without any limitation sheweth that all the Altar was so covered.

QUEST. III. Whether the Altar were made of boords.

ANd whereas it is appointed to be made of Shittim wood: 1. Cajetane thinketh that it was not made of boords of Shittim wood: nay he saith, Nullae concurrebant tabula; There went no tables to the making of the Altar. And whereas it is said, vers 8. Thou shalt make it hollow of boords; Cajetane inter∣preteth it, vacuum tabularum, void of boords, quite contrary: and Oleaster misliketh not that sense. 2. But the better reading is, cavum tabularum; hollow with boords: or, hollow of boords; as reade Chald. Iun. Vatab. Pagnin. and the Septuag. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a boorded hollow shalt thou make it: it was therefore, canuminstar arcae, hollow like a chest without bottome or cover, Osiander: and because the Altar was most holy, and sanctified whatsoever was offered upon it; as our blessed Saviour saith, Yee fooles and blind,* 1.319

whether is greater, the offering, or the Altar which sanctifieth the offering? it is like it was made close, tha•• it might be more secret, and so the more reverenced.

QUEST. IV. How this place agreeth with that, Exod.20.25. where the Altar is prescribed to be made of earth, or unwrought stone.

Vers. 1. OF Shittim wood. This should seeme to be contrary to that Law, Exod. 24.25. where the Al∣tar is commanded to be made of earth, or unhewen stone; how then could it be made of wood? 1. Some answer, that God which made that Law, might also abrogate it, Tostat. qu. 4. But it is not like that God would give unto Moses contrary Lawes almost at the same time. 2. Tostatus hath an∣other answer, that the end and scope of that Law is here kept: for they were commanded to make an Al∣tar of earth, or of rough stone, ne fierent in altari aliquae imagines, that there should be no images made in the Altar, lest it might have beene an occasion of idolatry: the intent of the same Law is here kept, because this Altar was made plaine without any figure or portraiture. But where a Law is made, not onely the scope and intent of the Law, but the letter is to be kept: and beside, the reason there given of the Law why they should use unwrought stones is this: If thou lift up thy toole upon them, thou hast polluted them, vers. 25. The same reason as well restraineth the lifting up of the toole upon wood, as well as stone. 3. Ca∣jetane answereth, that in the other Law, altaris nomine intelligitur corpus altaris, by the name of the Altar is understood the body of the Altar, upon the which the fire was made. But here by the Altar is under∣stood, id quod ambit altare, that which compasseth the Altar, &c. and was but as the walles and sides of it: and within it was filled up with earth, whereupon the fire was laid, Tostat. But here the whole Altar is described, with the hearth and all, which was the grate, as afterward shall be shewed, and beside it was hol∣low, therefore not filled up. 4. Therefore Iunius his solution is best, and Gallasius hath the same: Illatu∣multuaria esse voluit, quia temporaria, &c. He speaketh there of Altars to be made upon the sudden, upon some extraordinary occasion, which were but for a time, and so were to be dissolved againe; such as Sa∣muel and Elias made: but this Altar was to remaine and continue.

QUEST. V. What the hornes of the Altar were, and to what use.

Vers. 2. THou shalt make unto it hornes, &c. 1. Lippoman thinketh, that these were not made indeed after the similitude of the hornes of bullocks, or goats, but they were certaine shining orna∣ments, that came out in the foure corners, as Moses had not hornes, (where the same word is used) but his face shined: so he thinketh, that these commings out in the corners of the Altar were only for orna∣ment. But it shall appeare afterward, that there was a necessary use of them: neither is there any neces∣sity here to depart from the literall sense of the word. 2. Some thinke that these foure hornes were cer∣taine little pillars that went up streight in the corners, they were not crooked like hornes, R. Salomon, Osiander. But why then should they be called hornes, if they had not any such likenesse or resemblance? 3. Arias Montanus in his description, maketh them to be plaine corners comming out straight without any turning upward or downeward. But the contrary appeareth, Ezech. 43.16. where it is said, the homes shall goe upward. 4. Therefore according to the signification of the word, erant figurae forte corun, they had the proportion (it is like) of an horne, Cajetane: which were not only for ornament, but for divers uses: 1. Unto these hornes they used to binde their sacrifices, Psalm. 118.27. 2. The hornes of the Altar were a sanctuary to them which laid hold of them, as is evident in Ioabs practice, 1 King. 2. P••larg. Ma••∣bach. 3. Oleaster also thinketh, that they served to hold up the grate, which hung within the Altar, upon the foure hornes by rings and chaines. 4. They also signified, that God was the strength of Israel, as Da∣vid calleth him the horne of his salvation, 1 Sam. 22.3. Gallas. 5. And upon these foure hornes or cor∣ners did they use to sprinkle the bloud of the sacrifices, whereby was shadowed forth the bloud of Christ, that should by faith be sprinkled into the foure corners of the world, Simler. 6. Tostatus imagineth an∣other use of these hornes, to hang the brasen instruments and vessels upon, which were of foure sorts: as it followeth in the next verse, quast. 4. But he is deceived in following the vulgar Latine: there were five severall kindes of instruments, and not foure only.

QUEST. VI. Of the vessels and instruments belonging to the Altar.

Vers. 3. THou shalt make his ashpans, &c. 1. The first word (sir) signifieth ollam, or lebetem, a great pot or caldron, a great vessell made to receive such things as were put into it, whether they were drie or liquid. They had pots and caldrons beside, to seeth the flesh of the sacrifices in; but these were not to that end, they served only to receive the ashes, as it is expressed in the text. Tostatus thinketh, that the vessels wherein the flesh of the peace offerings was sod, were not consecrated vessels, but such as they provided, which brought the sacrifice, to whom it belonged to seeth the flesh, and then to give the Priest his due, as may be gathered, 1 Sam. 2.13, 14. where the Priests boy came to him that boiled the flesh, and thrust in his fleshhooke, and tooke up that which came next to hand. And beside, Levit. 2.28. it is thus prescribed, that the earthen pot wherein the flesh of the sinne offering was sodden, should be broken; if it were a brasen pot, it should be scoured: but if they had beene consecrate vessels, they were holy already, they nee∣ded not to be so purged. But herein Tostatus is deceived, he maketh all the offerings alike, whereas that Law in Leviticus is concerning the sinne offering, which was so holy, that even the Priest was to wash his ministring garments, if any of the sinne offering dropped upon it, even in the holy place: therefore the vessels, though otherwise consecrate, after they had touched the sinne offering, were to be cleansed, as well as the Priests consecrate garments: therefore it is like, that there were other peculiar vessels appointed for the seething and dressing of the flesh of the sacrifices, in the court of the Tabernacle, though these here expressed, served only for the Altar.

2. The next instrument is jaghim, which some interpret, scopas; beasomes, as Vatab. Pag••in. Genevens.

But seeing all these were made of brasse, it is not like they were beasomes: some take them for firetongs, Lat. Tostat. But they were an instrument, quo cineres removebantur, wherewith the ashes were removed, Oleaster. They were then (palae) the fire-shovels, which tooke the ashes from the Altar, Iun. Montan. Osiander. They are called jaghim, of jaghah, to remove or take away, as Isai. 28.17. The haile shall sweepe away, or take away the vaine confidence.

3. The third sort is misreketh, which commeth of zarak, to sprinkle: they were not to sprinkle with, as Montanus translateth them, aspersoria, the sprinkles, being made of brasse, neither to carry the ashes, Osiander. For to that end were the two former instruments: but they were pelves sparsoria, the sprink∣ling basons, which held the bloud, Vatab. Pelves ad fundendum sanguinem, basons to powre out the bloud, Hugo de S. Victor. So Iunius reades, crateras, bowles, goblets. This third kinde is omitted by the La∣tine Translator.

4. The fourth kinde is mazleg, which some take to be a fire-forke, which served lignis componendis, to couch the wood upon the fire, Osiander. The most take it for a fleshhooke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sept. fuscinula, Iun, an hooke which served to pull the flesh out of the pot, as 1 Sam. 2.12. Tostat. Oleaster. It is like they had fleshhookes to that purpose; but this being appointed for the Altar, served to this end, Quibus carbones & partes victimarum componebantur; wherewith the coales and parts of the sacrifices were laid in order, Pelarg.

5. The last word is machta, which some translate forcipes, tongs, Iun. Montanus. But there is another word used for tongs, Isa. 6.6. melekachaim, of lakach, to take: some take them for censers, Chal. Genev. as the word is sometime used, Numb. 16.12. But the censers were no instruments belonging to the bra∣sen Altar: they were therefore certaine fire-pans, which they kept the fire in, of chatah, to take or receive, as Isai. 30.14. There is not a sheard found, to take fire from the hearth: there the same word is used. The use of these fire-pans was ad portandas prunas, to carry the coales, Hugo de S. Victor. To transport them to the Altar of incense, Cajetan. Ad fovendum ignem, and to keepe sire in, when they covered the Altar, Osi∣ander, Marbach.

QUEST. VII. Whether all the instruments were of brasse.

Vers. 3. THou shalt make all the instruments thereof of brasse. 1. Cajetane thinketh, that all the instruments fit for the service of the Altar, are not here named: and therefore this generall clause is added. But it is evident, chap. 38.3. that those five sorts were all the instruments that belonged to the Altar. It will be objected that the tongs, which the Angell tooke a coale with from the Altar, are not here mentio∣ned. It may be answered, that although they be not here expressed in that very word, yet the fire forkes here mentioned, which some call sorcipes, firetongs, were to that use, and under that name they may be comprehended, or under the last, as Iun.

2. Iosephus thinketh, that all these instruments were of gold. But therein he evidently doth contradict the text, which saith, Thou shalt make all the instruments of brasse.

3. It is evident then, that nihil ex ferro admittitur, nothing is made of iron, Cajetan. It will be deman∣ded then, wherefore, as well the iron, as brasse, which they tooke in the spoile of Jericho, Iosh. 6.19. was consecrate to the Lord, and was to come into the Lords treasury. Tostatus answereth, that the iron might serve to divers purposes, though it were not used to make any of the vessels or instruments of the Taber∣nacle: as to make hammers of, for the Levites to take downe, and set up the Tabernacle; as also hatchets to cleave the wood, and knives to slay and dresse the sacrifices, qu. 5.

QUEST. VIII. Whether the grate made to the Altar were set within or without.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make unto it a grate like networke. 1. Some thinke that this grate was put on the outside of the Arke, and compassed it round about, a cubit and halfe from the bottome: and it was rather ad pulchritudinem, quam necessitatem, for beauty and comelinesse of the worke, than for any necessity. And within they say the Altar was filled up with earth, whereon the sacrifices were burnt, To∣stat. Lyran. following R. Salomon: So also Osiander, Pelarg. Marbach. And Cajetane defineth how large this grate was, 20. cubits square to compasse the Altar round about, and a cubit and halfe high from the ground. And that it was made like unto a sieve with networke, with small holes; that both the fire might be seene thorow it, and yet it might keepe the winde from the flame.

Contra. 1. The text sheweth, that this grate should be in the middest of the Altar; but if it compassed it round a cubit and halfe high, it was not all in the middest, it was as well in the bottome, as in the mid∣dest. 2. If this grate were without, it should seeme to bee of no great use, and as it were a superfluous part: for it was unfit being full of holes, to keepe off the winde; and the Altar was compassed with boords round, that it needed no such defence. 3. And if this grate were not placed within, the chiefe and principall part of the Altar should be omitted, where the fire should be made, and the sacrifices burnt. 4. Whereas they say it was filled up with earth in the middest; Ribera sheweth it was rather raised with stones, which he would prove by that place, 1 Macchab. 4.44. where it is said,* 1.320 They destroyed the Altar of burnt offering which was defiled, and laid up the stones upon the mountaine, &c. till there should come a Pro∣phet, that should shew what should become of them. But it seemeth that Altar was made all of stone, and not filled only with stones; for to what end should they be reserved, if they had beene rough and un∣wrought stones? and the rest of the Altar had beene as well defiled, as the stones, if it had not beene all made of stone.

2. Some Hebrewes are of opinion, that the Altar was ten cubits high, and this grate served as a step for the Priests to stand upon, and minister upon the Altar, which was three cubits above the grate,

which, they say, covered seven cubits below: so that where the Altar is said here to be three cubits high, they say that part of the Altar is only meant, that was above the grate.

Contra. 1. But it had not beene possible to have carried an Altar of that heighth upon barres, which were made to beare it, vers. 7. and seeing the grate came up to the middest of the Altar, if it were ten cu∣bits high, then there must be five cubits still remaining above the grate, which had beene too high for any man to reach unto. This grate was not then made for any such use, to stand upon.

3. Some thinke that this grate was put within the Altar, and that it had an hearth beneath about the middest of the Altar, with a doore in the side to put in the coales, and take out the ashes: and the grate was in the top almost equall with the brim of the Altar, whereon they laid the sacrifice, which was consumed by the flames which ascended thorow the grate. So Beda, whom Ribera followeth, and Oleaster.

Contra. 1. This opinion seemeth to be grounded upon the errour of the Latine Translator, who in∣terpreteth the word carcob, which signifieth the circuit or compasse, arula the hearth, thus reading, chap. 38.4. he made a brasen gate of networke, and under it in the middest of the Altar, an hearth: whereas the true reading is this, under the compasse of it, beneath in the middest of it. 2. The grate was in the middest of the Altar, therefore not in summitate, in the top, as Ribera. 3. If any such doore had beene made in the side, it is like it should not have beene omitted in the description of the Altar, it being so necessary a part. 4. And this opinion is contrary to the text, Levit. 1.8. where it is shewed, that the sacrifice should be laid upon the wood: they were not then put asunder. Tostatus urgeth this place, which Ribera only answe∣reth, denying that it concludeth any such thing, standing upon the Latine text, which only hath desuper ordinantes, laying in order above, which he understandeth of the grate: whereas the words according to the originall are, they shall lay the parts in order upon the wood.

* 1.3214. I preferre then the opinion of Iosephus: Cratem pro facula superpositam habens; That the Altar had this grate in stead of an hearth, and that the ashes and imbers fell thorow it to the ground. So also Iun. Montanus: and the ashes so falling downe to the ground might be conveniently taken thence by the Le∣vites, Lippoman. This best agreeth to the description: for thus wee shall have an hearth for the Altar, which otherwise should be omitted: the Altar shall be left hollow, vers. 8. and the grate is placed by this meanes just in the middest, being put within the Altar, and so resting in the middle. It was made like unto net-worke with small holes, not very wide, for then not only the ashes but the fire, and some parts of the flesh might have fallen thorow, Iun. Cajetane also giveth this note, that it is resembled both to a sieve or grate, and to a net: ut aliquid cribri, & aliquid retis intelligeremus; that we should understand it had part of a sieve, part of a net: it was in fashion like a net, but the holes were small, as in a sieve.

QUEST. IX. Of the rings of the Altar, whether they were put to the grate or to the Altar.

Vers. 4. ALso upon, or at the grate shalt thou make foure brasen rings, &c. 1. The Latine Interpreter, and they which follow him, are driven here to a great streit: for in this place he readeth; Quos pones subter arulam altaris; Which rings thou shalt put under the hearth of the Altar. Here he maketh the rings under the hearth, which was under the grate: but chap. 38.5. he readeth, Fusis quatuor annulis per to∣••idem reticuli extremitates; He cast foure rings by the foure ends of the net or grate. Then were the rings both above the hearth,* 1.322 for so the grate was, and under it. Tostatus is driven to this shift to say, that they were secundùm unum modum subter, in one respect under it, in another above it: in respect of the heighth of the Altar the rings were under it; but considering the rings were without, and the grate with the hearth within, they might be said to be above. Contra. 1. But so the rings are well said to be without, not above, seeing they were further from the brim of the Altar by this description, than the grate. 2. This in∣convenience is better avoided, in having recourse to the originall, where the word is carcob, which signi∣fieth the circuit or compasse, and is referred to the Altar, not an hearth with relation to the grate, as is be∣fore shewed.

2. Oleaster thinketh that these rings were made in the ends of the grate, and that it did hang upon the hornes of the Altar by these rings. So also Ribera, who thinketh, that beside these foure rings belonging to the grate, there were foure more in the Altar to beare it by. Contra. The contrary appeareth, chap. 38.5. He cast foure rings of brasse for the foure ends of the grate to put barres in, &c. There were but foure rings made in all: the same rings which were made for the grate, served also to carry the Altar.

3. Montanus thinketh, so also Genevens. in their description, and Ribera, that the grate had foure feet, whereupon it stood within the Altar, and was lift up by the rings, to be taken in and out, as occasion ser∣ved. But seeing the rings of the grate are expressed, why should the feet be omitted? It is not safe with∣out good warrant, to supply that which is not in the text expressed.

4. Some thinke that the grate was fastened with nailes unto the Altar, as Oleaster reporteth their opi∣nion: but it seemeth by the text the grate setled in his place, by the very putting of it into the Arke, without any other fastening, vers. 5.

5. Others, that place this grate without below in the compasse of the Altar, thinke that the rings were set into the Altar, at the foure corners of the grate. But this opinion is at large confuted before, quest. 8.

6. This then remaineth, that these rings were not set to the grate, but they were put into the Altar, in that place where the Arke rested within; so that the preposition ghal is not to be translated here, upon, but rather secundùm reticulum, after, or according to the grate, Iun. or ad rete facies, thou shalt make them at the grate, Vatabl. So is the preposition ghal taken, vers. 21. the vaile, which was not upon, but towards, or neere the testimony. The rings then were fastened without, for the barres to goe thorow to beare the Arke, and within the ends or hookes of those rings were a rest for the grate, Iunius. Rete intus erat, &c.

sustentatum uncinis & anulis; The grate was within the Arke, &c. being held up with the hookes and rings in the corners of the Arke, Lippom. Thus this grate was as the hearth for the fire and wood to bee couched upon, being therefore made all of brasse, not of wood covered with brasse, as the rest of the Al∣tar: and it being in the middest of the Altar a cubit and halfe deep from the top, the fire might play and burne cleere, being fenced in by the sides of the Altar from winde and weather.

QUEST. X. Of the mysticall interpretation of the Altar.

THis Altar is thus mystically applied: 1. Gregorie by the Altar understandeth the penitent heart: Vbi ex moerore compunctionis ignis ardet, & caro consumitur; Where by the griefe of heart the fire of com∣punction is kindled, and the flesh is consumed, &c. and by the two Altars, the one of incense, the other of burnt offerings, he saith, are set forth two kindes of compunction; the one proceeding of love, the other of feare. 2. Beda by the Altar likewise would have signified, the hearts of the faithfull; by the five cubits in length and breadth, the mortifying of the five senses; by the foure hornes in the corners, the foure morall vertues; the divers vessels and instruments, signifie the divers actions of the faithfull, whereby they serve their Creator: by the grate is set forth the place, which the elect doe prepare for God in their hearts: by the foure rings, the foure Gospels; and by the barres, the Preachers which propagate the truth. To the same purpose Ribera following Beda. But these mysticall applications are somewhat cu∣rious. 3. This Altar rather signifieth Christ himselfe, who was sacrificed for us upon the Altar of the crosse: of him the Apostle speaketh, Heb. 13.10. Wee have an Altar, whereof they have no authority to eat, which serve in the Tabernacle. 2. By the hornes is noted the power of our Saviour, who both is the horne of our salvation, and with these hornes will push at the enemies of his Church. 3. By the hollownesse and emptinesse of the Altar is signified the humility of our blessed Saviour, qui se exinanivit, who abased or emptied himselfe, taking upon him the forme of a servant. 4. By the barres and other vessels, are de∣scribed the Ministers of the Church, which carry the truth by preaching from place to place, purge the Church, and nourish the heate or fire of charity, Pelarg. Marbach. Borrh. Osiander.

QUEST. XI. Whether one court were made, or two, or more.

Vers. 9. THou shalt make the court of the Tabernacle. Here is but one court described; and yet David in the Psalmes maketh mention of courts in the plurall, as Psal. 84.2. My soule longeth, &c. for the courts of the Lord: and Psal. 92.19. and in other places. 1. Calvine thinketh, writing upon this place of Exodus, that there were two courts, unum sacerdotale, alterum commune totius populi; one of the Priests, the other common for all the people. But howsoever the courts might be increased afterward, it appea∣reth here by Moses description, that there was but one, in the middest whereof was the Tabernacle. 2. Some thinke, duo quadrata hoc spatium continet, that this large court was divided into two squares; one where the Tabernacle was, the other where the Altar of burnt offering stood, and each of them was fifty cubits square, Simler. But howsoever the Tabernacle was situate, there was no division of the court: for then it should have beene separated with pillars and curtaines, as the rest of the sides; but there is no men∣tion made of any such. 3. I rather thinke therefore with Iunius: Hoc institutum fuisse temporarium, dum ambulatoria fuit Israeliturum respublica, &c. That this was but appointed for a time,* 1.323 while the Israe∣lites had as it were a walking and removing common-wealth: but afterward the courts were inlarged and distinguished, as there was one of the Levites apart, another of the men apart, and of the women apart; for the better expedition both of the Ministers, and of those which came to worship. Neither herein did they depart from the first institution, of retaining the substance; they did alter some fashion and circumstances of the place, as might seeme most fit for the furthering of the service of the Tabernacle.

QUEST. XII. Why the court was made, and of what largenesse.

NOw this court was thus appointed to be made: 1. Because it was fit and requisite, both in respect of the brasen Altar, which could not stand within the Tabernacle, because the fire and smoke would have annoyed it, and spoiled the hangings: and the Altar being consecrated to holy uses, was not to stand in any prophane and common place: as also the majesty of the Tabernacle, and the sanctity and reverence of the place so required, that it should be fenced about, and none be suffered to come neere it, Tostat. qu. 7. 2. And it was fit to be made of a large capacitie, one hundred cubits long, and fifty broad; both for the stretching out of the cords, which being fastened unto brasen pins in the ground, did beare up the Taber∣nacle: as also for the divers services of the Levites, which were performed in the outward court; and because of the number of the officers, who were admitted to come in, there to eat and drinke of their peace offerings before the Lord, Deut. 12. and 16. Tostat. qu▪ 8.

QUEST XIII. How the Tabernacle was situate in the middest of the court.

HOw the Tabernacle was situated in this court, it is also questioned: 1. Tostatus reporteth the opi∣nion of some, that thinke the Tabernacle was set wholly without the court; and that this court was a square place compassed in with pillars and curtaines by it selfe, yet not farre from the Tabernacle. Contra. 1. Then this court should have beene superfluous, if the Tabernacle had not beene within it, not consequently the Altar, which was at the doore of the Tabernacle, chap. 29.42. for to what use should it have served, if there had beene no holy ministration there? 2. It is contrary also to the text, chap. 40.33. where it is said, he reared up the court round about the Tabernacle: then it must needs follow, that the Ta∣bernacle was within it.

2. Cajetane and Lippoman thinke that the Tabernacle was equally distant both from the sides, that is, twenty cubits from the North side, and as many from the South, the Tabernacle being ten cu∣bits broad, and so wee have the breadth of fifty cubits: and likewise he thinketh, that the Tabernacle

containing in length thirty cubits, the rest of the length, which is seventy cubits, was equally divided: that the Tabernacle was pitched in the length 35. cubits from the East, and 35. cubits from the West. But this is not like, as Tostatus well noteth, that there was no more space left before the Tabernacle, than be∣hinde, seeing all the services of the Levites, and the offerings of the people were before the Tabernacle; and that part behinde seemed to be a void place. Iosephus indeed saith, Tabernaculum statuit in ejus me∣dio;* 1.324 He set the Tabernacle in the middest, &c. But we need not understand precisely in the very middest: it was set within, and the court did compasse it round about.

3. Montanus in his description of the Tabernacle, though he set not downe a certaine proportion of distance betweene the ends of the Tabernacle, and the ends of the court, East and West, yet seemeth to joyne the Tabernacle, by the sight of his plat, as it were ten cubits from the West-end: and he alloweth a greater space in length, from the East-gate of the court unto the East-end of the Tabernacle, than from thence to the West-end of the court. But then the standing of the Tabernacle should not observe an uni∣forme proportion, it being further from the sides, namely, twenty cubits, than from the West-end.

4. Thererore I preferre their conjecture, which thinke that the length of the Tabernacle, with the space betweene the most holy place, and the West-end of the court, contained fifty cubits, halfe the length of the court: that is, the length of the Tabernacle thirty cubits, and twenty cubits the space betweene the West-end of the Tabernacle and the court: and the other fifty cubits remaining in the length, were extended from the doore of the Tabernacle to the doore or entrance of the courte, Borrhaius, Pelarg••••: for thus the Tabernacle of every side, saving before, shall observe a due proportion of distance, being twenty cubits on the three sides, removed from the walles of the outward court.

QUEST. XIV. Of the hangings which compassed the court, the fashion and bignesse of them.

Vers. 9. THe court shall have curtaines of fine twined linen, of an hundred cubits long for one side. 1. These curtaines or hangings were not so costly as the other which covered the Tabernacle; for these only were made of fine linen, not of blew silke, purple, and skarlet, as the other: neither were they wrought with Cherubims as the other: the reason whereof may be this, lest the sight of images and pi∣ctures might have beene an occasion of idolatrie unto the people, Tostatus quaest. 8. 2. R. Salomon think∣eth, that they were made with eyes and holes like net-worke, that the people might see thorow. So also Lyran. Iun. Oleaster. For the word is kelagh, which signifieth a sling or casting net: some thinke it was wrought with the pictures of a sling; but that is not like; the curtaines rather were full of networke, for the reason before alleaged. 3. For the length of these curtaines, they were neither all one curtaine, as Calvin thinketh, on one side, an hundred cubits long, for they had beene too cumbersome to carry: nor yet were they so narrow, as a cubit, as Simlerus would gather, vers. 15. There shall be on the other side fifteene hangings, for cubits must be supplied, as in the former verse, There shall be hangings of fifteene cu∣bits. But Lyranus conjecture is more probable, that they were five cubits broad, from pillar to pillar, which stood five cubits asunder, and so were joyned and coupled together. 4. These hangings were an hundred cubits long on one side, and an hundred on the other, and 50. on each end, so that they made in all 300. cubits.

QUEST. XV. Of the situation and placing of these pillars.

Vers. 10. IT shall have twenty pillars, with their twenty sockets of brasse, &c. 1. These pillars being twen∣ty on each side, and ten in each end, doe make in all sixty pillars: whereof two must be imagi∣ned to stand in each corner, for otherwise there would fall out 22. on a side, or twelve at an end, if they stood in like distance one from another, or if ten bee counted at the ends with the corner pillars, there will be beside them but eight at an end, and so there should want foure pillars of the number: therefore Cajetanes conjecture is more probable, that there were two pillars in each corner, to make up the full summe of sixty pillars, than Montanus description, wherein the corner pillars are counted both of the number of the ten in the ends, and of the twenty pillars in the sides. And further, these pillars were set on the inside of the hangings, as Gregorie saith, Iutus columnae immobiles stant, foris paxilli funes continent; The pillars stood immoveable within, and the pins held the ropes without, super Ezech. hom. 5. Iosephus also saith, it was so hanged about, Vt nihil à pariete differre videretur; that it seemed little to differ from a wall, Lib. 3. de Antiquit. cap. 5.

2. Concerning the heigth of these pillars, both Montanus is deceived, who thinketh they were nine or ten cubits high:* 1.325 and Procopius who followeth the Septuagint, who reade in the 15. verse, Quindecius c••∣bitorum velorum altitudo; The heighth of the curtaines of 15. cubits: which Augustine would thus helpe,* 1.326 Qua jacentium latitudo, erectorum altitudo est; That which is the breadth of the curtaines lying, i•• the height standing, &c. as though they should call that the heighth which is the breadth: but there is no such word in the originall, that signifieth heighth. They were then but five cubits high, as Iosephus saith, and it is evident in the text, v. 18. The heighth shall be five cubits, which was but halfe the heighth of the Tabernacle, so that it might well be seene and discerned; and yet it was higher, than that one might looke over, Tostat. quaest. 8.

* 1.3273. The distance also of these pillars was five cubits off each from the other, as may be thus gathered: there were twenty pillars on a side, which was an hundred cubits long; and ten pillars were in the ends, of fifty cubits broad: so there were ten pillars in fifty cubits, and twenty in the length of an hundred cu∣bits,* 1.328 and sixty pillars in the compasse of three hundred cubits.

4. For the matter, whereof these pillars were made, there is also some question. Lyranus thinketh they

were all of brasse: So before him Iosephus, whom Ribera followeth: Simler••s is of the same opinion.* 1.329 Lyranus would prove it by the Latine text, chap. 38.10. Columnae area viginii; The brasen pillars twenty: whereas the true reading is, their pillars were twenty, and their brasen sockets twenty. Montanus therefore thinketh more probably, that these pillars were of the same wood, which the former were of: the foure pillars in the entrance of the most holy place, and the five pillars in the doore of the Tabernacle, chap. 26. vers. 32.37.

5. Iosephus also thinketh, that the heads of the pillars were of silver,* 1.330 so also Simlerus. Tostatus thinketh they were not the heads of the pillars, but of certaine rods, two of each side, which stood up above the pillars: but no such rods are mentioned in the text: neither doth the word vavim signifie the heads of the pillars, but rather the hookes, as is shewed before, chap. 26 quast. 24. they were, clavi capitibus curva∣tis instar litera 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. va••. certaine nailes with crooked heads like the letter vau, Iun. The heads of the pil∣lars are not then spoken of, but their hookes and fillets, which were of silver, and their sockets of brasse. It is like also, that the heads of the pillars were overlaid with silver, as may be supplied out of chap. 38.28. He overlaid their chapters, and made fillets about them: so also thinketh Montanus.

6. These pillars also had certaine fillets or circles of silver, which compassed them round:* 1.331 wh••ch Ly∣ranus thinketh were only upon the heads of the pillars: but they were overlayed with silver, as is be∣fore shewed, and therefore they needed no such fillets. Tostatus thinketh they were all over the pillars, which may seeme to be more probable, because as the other pillars were overlayed with gold, chap. 26.32.37. so it is like, these were done about with silver: and because it is said, chap. 38.28. that the fillets were made about the pillars. And this also may further appeare, by the use of these fillets, which was, as Iunius thinketh, to binde the curtaines and fasten them to the pillars. Concerning the fashion of these fillets, Tostatus following the Latine Translator, thinketh they were caelaturae, certaine knots and flowers▪ graven or carved about the pillars. But the word casuk, signifieth a circle. Oleaster imagineth them to have beene like unto hoopes about a barrell: Cajetane thinketh they compass••d the pillars from top to the bottome going still about, like unto a wilde worme: which kinde of wreathing of the fillets was more comely to see unto.

7. Another thing to be considered in these pillars, is, their sockets, or foot-stalles,* 1.332 which Lyranus fol∣lowing Iosephus, thinketh to have beene made sharpe, and so driven into the ground, as the other foot-stalles, set under the boords. Tostatus maketh a difference betweene these sockets, and the other in the Tabernacle, he taketh that these were plaine, and lay flat under the pillars, as now pillars are made to stand upon their square-bases, or bot-bomes. But of the two, it is more like that these sockets were set into the ground, than the other, because these were of brasse, the other of silver, which were more precious, than to be still in the ground; for then a courser mettall would have served as well as silver. But yet be∣cause no mention is made of the tenons to goe into those sockets, as before in the description of the boords; it seemeth that the pillars were wrought into these bases, not to be severed from them, as the boords were from their sockets.

8. There remaineth only one doubt, how these pillars were fastened. Iosephus, as he is before alleaged, thinketh that the sockets of the pillars were made piked and sharpe below, like unto a speare-head, which were driven into the ground. So also Lyranus, Ribera. But Tostatus thinketh otherwise. And Iosephus addeth, that the upper end of the postes or pillars, were fastened by rings, with cords and brasen pins, or stakes of a cubit long into the ground, to keepe them steady against the winde and weather. And this may be gathered out of the 19. verse, where it is said that all the pins of the court were brasse, which were driven into the ground. Cajetane further thinketh, that there were catenae aduncae, ligantes columnas inter se, certaine chaines with crookes, that fastened the pillars one to another. And so it is more probable, that the postes were fastened by cords and pins, than driven into the ground, for the more speedy remo∣ving of the Tabernacle.

QUEST XVI. Of the gate of the Tabernacle.

Vers. 14. ALso hangings of fifteene cubits. Now followeth the description of the gate or entrance of the court, in these three verses following: 1. The East side of fifty cubits is thus divided: in the middest was the space of the entrance of twenty cubits long, consisting of foure postes and pillars, and of each side remained fifteene cubits, and three pillars, to make up the number of ten pillars, and fif∣ty cubits at the end. 2. Augustine is here deceived, who thinketh that these 15. cubits were the sides of the court North and South, and the twenty cubits were the East end: so he saith,* 1.333 Erat hoc atrium la∣tius quam longius, this court was broader than longer, for he maketh the forefront in the breadth twen∣ty cubits, and the sides but fifteene cubits: and he saith further, Latera fuisse obliqua, that the sides went aslope. Oleaster also is deceived, who thinketh, that as twenty cubits and foure postes, are allowed for the East gate or entrance, so fifteene cubits and three postes are allotted of each side, for the North and South-gate, or entrance: whereas mention is made but of one gate of the court, vers. 16. and beside, all this from vers. 14. belongeth to the description of the East end; the other three sides, the South, North, and West, are made an end of before. 3. Now this gate was unlike the other, both for the breadth, it was twenty cubits broad, the gate of the Tabernacle was but ten; so that the whole Tabernacle might be seene and discerned of one standing in the gate of the court. It was also unlike, for the han∣gings: for this was neither so plaine all of one colour, as the hangings of the court, it differed from them both in matter and forme; they were only made of fine twined linen, this of blew silke purple, skarlet beside, Cajetan. Neither yet was it so curious as the curtaines of the Tabernacle, which were wrought with Cherubims, so was not this, Tostat. qu. 27. It was set forth with divers kindes of pictures

of flowers, trees, knots, exceptis animantium formis, the formes and shapes of living creatures only excep∣ted,* 1.334 Iosephus.

QUEST. XVII. Whether any of the lay people were admitted into the outward court.

THe outward court being thus described, somewhat must be added concerning the use thereof. 1. Some thinke that the Levites only were admitted to come into this court, as the Priests of the second sort only went into the holy place, and the high Priest only into the most holy place: thus thinketh Ribera, who would seeme to prove it by that place, Exod. 40.8. because Moses is bid to hang up the hanging or vaile at the court gate: which was made twenty cubits wide, that the people might see the whole Ta∣bernacle, and not desire to come neere it. But this place proveth no such thing: it followeth not, be∣cause a vaile was hung before the gate, that therefore none of the people might come in: the doore or entrance was made so wide, that the people might not onely see the Tabernacle, but it was so large, be∣cause many were to enter that way: and as Cajetane conjectureth, it being twenty cubits wide, it had quin{que} aditus in ingressu, five passages in the entrance, one betweene every two postes.

2. Lippoman seemeth to be of the same opinion, that none but of the tribe of Levi were suffered to enter: Qu•• haberent tam Tabernaculum, quàm Sacerdotes cum Levitis in majori reverentia; That they might have the Tabernacle, and the Priests with the Levites in greater reverence. But herein consisted ra∣ther the reverence to be shewed toward the Levites and Priests, that they onely were appointed to mini∣ster before the Lord, and to present the peoples offerings unto God: and the like reverent estimation also they had of the Tabernacle, that although they might see it, and come neere it, yet they might not en∣ter into it.

3. I rather thinke then with Tostatus▪ that the people which came to offer, were admitted into the court, which was made so large, Vt ipsi offerentes haberent locum, in quo starent tempore sacrificiorum; that the offerers might have a place to stand in, in the time of their sacrifice••, quaest. 8. And that the people might come into this outward court, it may thus further be proved. 1 Deut. 12.18. it is said, Thou shalt ••at it before the Lord thy God in the place which the Lord thy God shall chuse, thou, thy sonnes, and thy daugh∣ters, &c. This eating and standing before the Lord, was coram Altari, before the Altar, as Tostatus well interpreteth. 2. The people are commanded to bring their offerings, and present them at the doore of the Tabernacle of the Congregation to the Priest, Levit. 17.5. but they could not come to the doore of the Tabernacle, but first they must enter into the court. 3. This also appeareth by the practice of the people afterward, 1 Sam. 1.9. Anna is said to have prayed before the Lord, and Eli was not farre off, sit∣ting upon a stoole by one of the posts of the Temple, which is like to have beene one of the postes or pil∣lars of the outward court. David also alludeth to this use and practice: saying, One day in thy courts is better than a thousand elsewhere, Psalm. 84.10. Neither was David only privileged to enter into Gods courts; but hee speaketh in generall of all the faithfull and true worshippers: Blessed is he whom th•••• chusest, and causest to come to thee, he shall dwell in thy courts: which as Lippoman himselfe expoundeth, is, Membrum erit Ecclesiae tuae, he shall be a member of thy Church. 4. Beda also having reference unto this entrance and ingresse of the people into the court; thus applieth it, Atrium Tabernaculi exterius, inciptentium rudime••ta demonstrat, &c. The outward court of the Tabernacle doth shew the condition of those which are beginners, and newly entred into Gods Church. Therefore Iunius judgement is here to be approved, who thinketh, that although afterward the courts were divided, of the Levites apart, and of the people apart, and of the women by themselves: yet in this Amb••latoria republica, unum fuit atrium commu••e, walking common-wealth (as it were) of the Israelites, there was one common court for all. So also Simlerus, Populus in hoc ingrediebatur; Into this outward court the people came, &c.

QUEST. XVIII. Whether all the instruments of the Tabernacle were of brasse.

Vers. 19. ALL the vessels of the Tabernacle, &c. and all the pins thereof shall bee of brasse. 1. Tostatus thinketh, that some vessels belonging to the service of the outward court, as for the mini∣stry of the Altar, were of gold, as the bowles and goblets, which were set upon the table of shew-bread, which they used in the drinke-offerings. And hee further is of opinion, that some vessels of brasse ser∣ved for the use of the inward Tabernacle, as the fire pans, which they carried fire in unto the Altar of in∣cense. But it is not like, seeing such a curious distinction is made betweene the vessels of the Tabernacle, and the vessels of the outward court, that the one should be of gold, the other of brasse; and that the Ministers of both places were distinct, for the Levites came not into the Tabernacle, but ministred in the outward court. It is like also, that the vessels were appointed to their severall places and services; that neither the brasen vessels were carried into the Tabernacle, nor the gold vessels used abroad in the out∣ward court.

2. Some other thinke that all the vessels and instruments whatsoever belonging to the setting up, or taking downe of the Tabernacle, as the hammers, mattockes, spades, were of brasse, Lyran. Iun. But to what end then served the iron which afterward was consecrated to the use of the Tabernacle? Iosh. 6.19. And they may as well say, that the hatchets, to hew wood, and cutting-knives, and cleavers, and such like, wherewith they did slay, flea, and divide the beasts for sacrifice were of brasse, which was no fit mettall for such uses.

3. Therefore seeing there were three kinde of instruments belonging to the service of the Taberna∣cle, some that directly concerned some act of religion, as the vessels belonging to the Altar; others which were necessary parts of the Tabernacle, though not imployed specially to any religious use, as the pins, and nailes: and some againe, that were no parts of the Tabernacle, but were used only to set up the Ta∣bernacle, and take it downe, as hammers, spades, mattockes, and to prepare things necessary for the use of

the Tabernacle, as hatchers, knives and such like; the two first kinds must be of brasse: it was not necessa∣rie the third should; for they were not properly vessels or instruments belonging either to the constitu∣tion, or daily service of the Tabernacle. These then might be made of iron and steele, as fittest to make them of, Tostat. qu. 5.

4. By all the vessels of the Tabernacle Cajetane understandeth such vessels and instruments, which were not before expressed, and appointed to be made of gold, yet served for the Tabernacle: as he saith, the brasen nailes served to joyne together the double boords in the corners. But for that use there were rings appointed, chap. 26.24. which were of gold, vers. 29. neither is it like that any brasse was used within the Tabernacle, but either gold or silver. Osiander by all these vessels of the Tabernacle understandeth the vessels belonging to the brasen Altar. But they were at large described before, vers. 3. Thou shalt make all the instruments thereof of brasse, so that this repetition needed not. Iunius seemeth by the Tabernacle to understand the outward court onely. But the words following, as well the pins thereof, as the pins of the court, shew that the court is distinguished from the Tabernacle. Therefore I thinke rather, that this is but an explanation of the former part of the verse, All the instruments of the Tabernacle, namely the pins, not before spoken of, which were fastned in the ground, together with the pins of the court. So Pellican un∣derstandeth this verse, Etiam clavi & paxilli non negliguntur; The very nailes and pins are not neglected. And this may further appeare, chap. 38.20. where after the description of the outward court, which was made according to the direction given unto Moses in this place, it is added, as this verse is here: But all the pins of the Tabernacle, and of the court round about were of brasse; no other instruments are mentioned but the pins.

QUEST. XIX. Of the mysticall application of the court.

COncerning the mysticall application of this part of the Tabernacle, namely the outward court: 1. I will omit that curious allegorizing of Beds, who, by the fine linen hangings, the matter whereof groweth out of the earth, and by much knocking, beating, whiting, washing, is brought to that perfection, understandeth the mortifying and subduing of the flesh: by the pillars, the Doctors of the Church, who in respect of the sound of preaching are resembled to brasse, and for the puritie of doctrine to silver: by the 50. cubits in length, the great Jubile of eternitie: by the three posts in the sides, the three theologicall vertues, faith, hope, and charitie. And in this manner Beda goeth on in a large discourse allegorizing every part of the court. 2. Rupertus by this court understandeth the Prophets and Patriarks, who were as the brasen pins, without the which the court nor Tabernacle could stand: so without their faith the Church of God was not builded. The length of 100. cubits, longa••imem significat Patriarcharum spem, doth signifie the patient hope and expectation of the Patriarks. So also Gregor. 3. Procopius by the pillars would have signified the Apostles: and by the brasen sockets, the beautifull feet of those which preach the Gospell.

4. But thus better may this part of the Tabernacle bee applied: 1. The great capacitie of the court signifieth the amplitude and largenesse of the Church, In qua tam periti, quam imperiti habitantes, &c. Wherein both the skilfull and unskilfull dwelling are pronounced blessed: as Psal. 64.5. Blessed is he whom thou chusest, he shall dwell in thy courts, Borrh. It signifieth also the length of it from East to West, and widenesse from North to South, the dispersing and propagating of the Church into all the world, Mar∣bach. 2. The vaile set up at the entrance, that all must not bee admitted into Gods presence, but such as are prepared with humilitie and repentance, Pelarg. 3. The sockets and pins wherewith the court was staied, doe shew, Ecclesiam ita esse firmatam, &c. the Church to be so confirmed and setled, that the gates of hell cannot prevaile against it, Osiander. 4. And the ornaments of the pillars, de donis Spiritus sancti nos commonefaci••••t, doe put us in minde of the divers gifts of the Spirit, which the Lord hath bestowed up∣on his Church, to every one in measure, for the edifying thereof, Marbach.

QUEST. XX. What manner of oyle they are willed to bring.

Vers. 20 COmmand the children of Israel, that they bring unto thee pure oyle, olive beaten, &c. 1. This charge and commandement is so to bee understood, that it was not imposed as an absolute and strict precept under some penaltie, if they did it not; but they onely hereby were advised, and admo∣nished of the Lords will; and so charged to doe it, as yet notwithstanding they brought it with a willing heart, as they are required to doe, chap. 25.2. 2. They are willed to bring of the purest oyle, beaten, not pressed out. There were three kinds of oyle: first, that which flowed forth from the olive berries of it selfe, without any forcing and strayning, which was the best of all: the second sort was that, which was beaten out of the olives with some beating instrument: the third kinde was that, which was made by grin∣ding and crushing them all to peeces. As there are three sorts of wine: one which commeth of the grape in the wine presse, without any pressing: the second is forced with treading: the third is drawne forth, by great weights and stones laid upon the grapes. The first of these, as well of the oyle as wine, is the best; the second next, the third is the worst. R. Salomon thinketh, that the first of these was for the lamps, the second for their drinke-offerings, the third for the use of the people. But the text is against this opinion, which appointeth it should be beaten oyle.

2. Tostatus thinketh that the meaning is, not that they should onely bring oyle beaten out, which was of the second sort, but it should at the least be of that sort; they might bring of the first and best sort, if they would, qu••st. 19. But it is like that God would have them bring of the best, and fittest oyle, and did set them the very kinde.

3. Iunius thinketh, that although the first liquor of the olive be very commendable, yet Primam undam praeli superat ea qua i••diculis solùm extunditur, that which is beaten out with pestles, doth excell the first li∣quor of the presse.

4. But I rather incline to Pellicans opinion, who thinketh the purer and thinner oyle to have beene used for the holy anointing: and the second sort, as the fittest, though not the purest, because it was a more fat and thicker oyle, to be for the lamps. There was beside these religious uses, a prophane use of this oyle, as either for meat, Osiander: or medicine. This oyle is therefore prescribed to be beaten onely: because tundendo sola caro frangitur, in beating the flesh onely as it were of the olive is brused: but it being ground, the stones also are bruised together with the rest, and so the oyle hath an impure mixture of the dregs, Cajetan.

Vers. 20. That the lamps may alwayes burne. 1. Some upon these words have thought, that the light in the lamps never went out, but burnt continually both day and night: their reasons are these:

1. Cajetane would prove it by these words, That it may alwayes burne: Hinc apparet, quod indeficiens erat lumen candelabri, tam die, quam nocte; Hence it appeareth, that the light of the candlestick failed not, neither by day nor night.

Tostatus answereth, that here the word jugiter, alwayes, non significat temporis continuitatem, doth not signifie a continuance of time, but a perpetuall ordinance, though interrupted. So also Piscator ex∣poundeth, continually, that is, statis temporibus, at set times continually; as the daily sacrifice was called, Iuge sacrificium, a continuall sacrifice, and yet it was offered but twice every day, at morning and even.

2. Simlerus thinketh that the lamps gave light by day, because, quia Sanctum fenestris caret, the holy place wanted windowes, and therefore for a supplie of them, the lamps did burne upon the candlesticke. So also Pelarg.

QUEST. XXI. Whether the lamps burned in the Tabernacle both day and night.

BUt Pellican answereth, Solis clarissimum jubar, &c. that the most cleare Sunne beames, which shined by day, needed not have any helpe of candle light: for seeing all the East end was open, onely a vaile drawen before it, there might come in light enough, the Tabernacle opening toward the most lightsome part of the heavens, the rising of the Sunne, to illuminate every part of the Tabernacle.

* 1.3353 Ribera would prove as much by that place, Levit. 24.3. Aaron shall dresse them both evening and mor∣ning before the Lord alwayes. They were dressed to that end evening and morning, ut semper ar derout, that they might alwaies burne.

But as Cajetane noteth, concerning the sense of that place; though he concurre in the same opinion, Non tempus lucendi, sed disponendi lucernas decernitur; Not the time of giving light, but of disposing the lights is there decreed: So also Gallas. expoundeth these words, chap. 30.7. that Aaron every morning dressed the lamps; Notari tempus ordinandi lucernas, The time of setting in order the lamps is noted. And the lamps were dressed in the morning, that is, cleansed from the soile which it had gathered in the night: the Priest in the morning, quicquid immunditiarum noctu contraxerit, &c. did purge and cleanse whatso∣ever uncleannesse was gathered in the night, Vatablus in cap. 30.7.

2. Therefore it is the better opinion, that the lights burned onely in the night, and were extinguished and put out in the morning.

1. Tostatus and Oleaster doe prove it by the words following in this place, in the next verse, They shall dresse them from evening to morning: They therefore burned onely till the morning: which the Latine In∣terpreter thus expoundeth, Vt usque man•• luceat, That it may give light till the morning: and the Septua∣gint reade, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, shall kindle it, or set it on fire from the evening till the morning.

2. Piscator alleageth that place, chap. 30.8. where the Priest is said to kindle the lamps, or set them on fire in the evening: the word is behaghaleth, in causing them to ascend: that is, setteth them on fire, Paguine, because the fire ascendeth, or goeth up: but in the morning he is said onely behetibo, to make good the lamps, that is, to cleanse them and dresse them.

3. Vatablus and Iunius inferre as much upon that place, 1 Sam. 3.3. Ere the light of God went out; that the lamps burned all night, and were put out in the morning.

4. Pellican useth this reason, Interdiu sole lucente, & omnia illustrante; The Sunne shined by day, and gave light to every place, so that there was then no use of the candle light: they burned not in the day, Quia id divino operi non honorificum esset; Because that had beene to the dishonour of that divine worke of God, in creating the light of the Sunne, if any should have thought it needed the helpe of humane and artificiall light.

5. Beda upon this, that the lamps burned onely in the night, and were put out in the morning, maketh this allusion, Cùm nocte transacta seculi hujus mane futuri seculi inclaruerit, &c. When the night of this world being past, the morning of the next world shineth cleere, we shall then no more need lucer••a libro∣rum, the light of books, the true light of the world shining upon us.

6. Lyranus also thus expoundeth: Semper, id est, qualibet nocte; Alwaies, that is, every night. Iose∣phus thinketh, that all the seven lamps burned by night, and three of them onely by day. But upon the former reasons it is evident, that the lampe burned not at all by day: the reason why the seven lamps were all set on fire was this, that though one or more by some negligence might goe out in the night, yet not all, that some might hold light out still, and so there should bee alwaies light in the Tabernacle, Pellican.

QUEST. XXII. What is meant by the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and whether it be so rightly called.

Vers. 21. IN the Tabernacle or Tent of the congregation. 1. Some doe read, In Tabernaculo testimo••••••. In the Tabernacle of the testimonie. So the Latine and Septuag. But there is another word

which afterward followeth, gheduth, which signifieth the testimonie: the word h••••e used is m••gh•••••• So Numb. 17.4. both these words are used together, in the Tent, maghedh, of the appointed meeting, before the Arke gheduth of the Testimonie. And here the Latine Interpreter, to avoid the concurrence and repeti∣tion of the same word, is forced to read, Tabernaculum foederis, the Tabernacle of covenant. Neither was the candlesticke set in the place where the Arke of the testimonie was, but in the holy place without the vaile: therefore for distinction sake of the places, it cannot be here called the Tabernacle of the testimo∣nie, Simlerus: as Tostatus taketh it, following the Latine text. So also Oleaster.

2. The Chalde Interpreter calleth it, Tabernaculum foederis, the Tabernacle of the covenant. But there is another word used for a covenant, aro•• b••rith, the Arke of the covenant, 1 Sam. 4.3.

3. The most usuall reading is, The Tabernacle of the congregation: for so the word maghed is taken for the assemblie or congregation, Numb. 16.2. So Paguine, Simlerus, Osiander, with others. But Oleaster useth a good reason against this interpretation; because the assemblies of the people came not into the Tabernacle, but onely to the outward cou••t: as the people themselves confesse, Numb. 17.13. Whosoever approcheth to the Tabernacle of God shall die.

4. Therefore the word maghed, comming of jaghad, or jaad, (as Oleaster readeth) which signifieth to come, or meet with at a certaine or appointed time; it is better interpreted, Tabernaculum convent••••, the Tabernacle of meeting, Iunius: or, the Tabernacle of appointment, Vatablu••: as the Lord himselfe giveth the sense of the word, chap. 25.22. Where I will meet with thee, or appoint with thee. So also Numb. 17.4. It may therefore most fitly be called the Tabernacle of appointment, or of the appointed meeting, where the Lord appointed to meet with Moses, and to talke with him.

QUEST. XXIII. Whether it belonged to Aaron onely to dresse the lamps.

Vers. 21. SHall Aaron and his sonnes dresse them. 1. Cajetane well noteth, Non erat Levitarum hoc effi∣cium, sed sacerdotum; This was not the office of the Levits, but of the Priests, the sonnes of Aaron, to dresse the lamps. 2. And it must not bee read with a conjunction copulative, Aaron and his sonnes, as Lat. Vatab. Mo••tanu••, as though all the whole companie of them should goe in together: but disjunctively, Aaron, or his sonnes, Tostat. I••n. 3. Hilarie seemeth to be of opinion, that it belonged onely unto Aaron to dresse the lamps; making this allusion, Summus sacerd••s lucernas f••vens,* 1.336 &c. i••••ago Christi est, qui solus ministrat & donat Spiritum sanctum; The high Priest nourishing the lamps; is a repre∣sentation of Christ, who onely giveth the holy Ghost. But this text sheweth, that not onely Aaron, but his sonnes also are charged with this dutie. 4. Therefore Beda well applieth this text, understanding by the sonnes of Aaron, the Ministers and Pastors of the Church, Qui filii sunt veri sacerdotis nostri; qui lucem verbi ministrant; Which are the children of our true high Priest; which minister the light of Gods word. 5. And whereas Levit. 24.3. it is said, Aaron shall dresse them, it must be understood of Aaron, and of his sonnes the Priests, ex ipsius mandato, by his commandement, or appointment, Iunius. And therefore Aaron is onely named, because all was done by his direction.

QUEST▪ XXIV. Of the mysticall application of the lamps and oyle thereof.

THe mysticall application of this oyle, which must be offered to maintaine the lamps, is this: 1. In that the candlesticke was placed not in the most holy place, which was a figure of celestiall Jerusalem, it sheweth that in the Church now present wee have need of the direction of the word of God, yet in the Kingdome of heaven there shall be no such need: For the Lambe shall be the light thereof, Apocal. 21.23. Rupertus. 2. By the light we understand the word of God, which the Prophet David saith, is a lanterne to the feet. Psal. 119.105. Pelargus. 3. Oleum gratiam Spiritus sancti ostendit; The oyle signifieth the grace of Gods Spirit, Isidor. Of this holy oyle or ointment the Apostle speaketh, Ye have an ointment from hi•• that is holy, 1 Ioh. 2.20. 4. As the oyle is pressed forth of the Olive▪ so Oleum Spiritus sancti ècracis Christi torculari expressum, The oyle of the holy Spirit is pressed out of the Wine-presse of the crosse of Christ, Borrh. 5. In that they are commanded to bring pure oyle without mixture or dregs, the puritie of do∣ctrine is signified: Haeretisi adulteri••um excogitant ••le••••; Heretikes doe devise adulterate oyle, that is, corrupt doctrine, Procopius. 6. Lastly, Augustine thus applieth all together:* 1.337 by the Tabernacle he un∣derstandeth the world: Luce••nae accensid verbi est incarnatio; candelabrum crucis lignum; lucerna in can∣delabro lucens Christus in cruce pend••••s; The lighting of the lampe is the incarnation of Christ; the candlesticke is the crosse; the lampe giving light in the candlesticke is Christ hanging upon the crosse, &c.

QUEST. XXV. Of the description and situation of the whole Tabernacle.

THis then was the forme and fashion of the whole Tabernacle: 1. The outward court was first set up, which was an hundred cubits long of each side▪ and fiftie cubits broad at each end; and round about it were sixtie pillars, twentie of a side, and ten at each end: and this court was hung round about with curtaines of five cubits high: on the East end was the gate in the middest of the side of twentie cubits, hung with a vaile of foure colours, white, blew, scarlet, purple. 2. Then was set up the Tabernacle, which was thirtie cubits long, and twentie cubits broad; the which was compassed on each side, saving before to∣ward the East, with boords laid over with gold, twentie on each side, and at the West end eight. Then it was hung over with the fine curtaines wrought with Cherubims, which hung on each side of the Taber∣nacle, and went over the roofe: upon them were laid the haire curtaines: then round about below were hanged the red Ramme skins, and above them the covering of Badgers skins. Thus the Tabernacle was finished without. 3. After this it was divided into the most holy place, which contained ten cubits square, and there, upon foure pillars, was hanged a vaile wrought with Cherubims: their followed the holy place, which contained twentie cubits in length, the rest of th••se thirtie cubits: on the East side whereof, was hung up a vaile upon five pillars, which was made of fine twined linen, blew silke, purple, scarlet, as the

other, but not wrought with Cherubims. 4. The Tabernacle being thus set up and divided, then the holy instruments were placed therein: in the most holy place was the Arke, with the tables of the Law onely within it: and before it Aarons rod, and the pot of Manna: in the most holy place without the vaile, was set on the South side the candlesticke; over against that on the North side the table with the shew-bread: and before the vaile of the most holy place the Altar of incense. In the outward court, be∣fore the doore of the Tabernacle, toward the North was the brasen Altar for sacrifice, and betweene that and the Tabernacle, the brasen Laver, wherein the Priests did wash their hands and feet, chap. 30.19. Mon∣tan,* 1.338 Ribera, ex Iosepho.

5. Now it appeareth by this description, that Augustine is in great error: 1. He saith, Intrabatur in Tabernaculum ab occidente:* 1.339 They entred into the Tabernacle on the West. Whereas it is most evident, chap. 26.22. that the West end of the Tabernacle was closed up with boords, that there was no entrance in that way. 2. He saith, that the outward court had obliqua latera, uneven sides: which he saith was twentie cubits wide at the entrance, and but fifteen cubits long on the sides, and thirtie cubits wide at the doore of the Tabernacle, whither he extendeth it, and no further: whereas this outward court by Moses description, is one hundred cubits long, and fiftie cubits broad at each end. 3. He addeth further, Duo ••••rii ••••tertoris latera aequalem habent longitudinem, &c. That the two sides of the outward court were of equall length with the sides of the inward Tabernacle, each of them consisting of twentie pillars on a side: whereas it is evident, that the sides of the inward Tabernacle were but thirtie cubits long, but the sides of the court one hundred long: neither had the inward Tabernacle pillars, but boords. 4. He thinketh that the first ten curtaines, and the second sort of haire, which were eleven, did compasse the Tabernacle and court round about, and did not cover it over from side to side: and he putteth them together one at the end of another; as the first ten, which were 28. cubits long, make 280. cubits in length, Qui∣bus concludebatur interius Tabernaculum, wherewith the inward Tabernacle was inclosed: the other eleven, five of them made 150. cubits, being each of them 30. cubits long, and the other six made 180. cu∣bits: and by the compasse of these curtaines, ••ingebatur atrium Tabernaculi, the court of the Tabernacle was invironed: whereas it is evident, chap. 26.13. that the Tabernacle was covered with these curtaines, and not compassed onely. 5. He further divideth these curtaines; and hangeth the outward court round about with the curtaines of haire, and the Tabernacle within with the other: whereas the text sheweth, that the haire curtaines were made to cover the other, c. 26.9. And many other things Augustine mistaketh in the description of the Tabernacle,* 1.340 and falleth into that inconvenience, which he himselfe feared, saying: Quod sequitur ita est ad intelligendum difficile, ut ver••or n•• id exponendo fiet obscurius; That which followeth is so hard to be understood, that I feare it will be made more obscure in the opening of it.

QUEST. XXVI. Whether every part of the Tabernacle had a spirituall signification.

NOw for the mysticall application of the whole fabricke and frame of the Tabernacle: 1. Some there are, that thinke, that every part thereof had some speciall signification, and accordingly doe give a mysticall and typicall sense of every ceremonie and circumstance belonging unto it. Thus Beda, Augustine▪ Rupertus, with other, draw every thing in the old Testament to bee a type and figure. 2. Others are of opinion, that every part had a speciall signification, Sed non omnia possumus investigare; But wee cannot finde out every thing, Simlerus. But I rather approve Calvins judgement, that we must not be so scrupu∣lous in exacting every part, as to thinke, Quod nihil sit in sign•• externo cui non respondeat veritas, That there is nothing in the outward signe and shadow, to the which some veritie is not answerable. Tostatus also therein concurreth, whose opinion is, that although, totus status fuit figuralis, the whole state in generall of that people was figurative, yet it was not in particular: for they had many ceremonies, which were made to attend as handmaids, upon the externall service of the Tabernacle, which were not ordained for any speciall signification. And therefore, as Simlerus well saith, Satis est si corpus in umbris suit 〈◊〉〈◊〉; It is sufficient if we have the bodie and substance shadowed forth, though we cannot finde out every par∣ticular. So also Iunius, Singula non sunt rapiend••, &c. Every thing must not be forced to a typicall signi∣fication: Nuga•• agit quisquis hoc nititur. He doth but trifle, that goeth about this, in Analys.

QUEST. XXVII. The spirituall use of the whole Tabernacle, and the parts thereof.

THus then the Tabernacle may be spiritually applied; first in generall, then in particular. In the gene∣rall application: 1. We understand by the three parts and divisions thereof, the orders and degrees of the Church: first, the whole companie of the faithfull and beleevers; as the people were admitted into the outwart court: secondly, the calling of the Ministers of the Gospell, of the Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors, Doctors; as there entred none into the holy place, but the Priests: thirdly, as none had accesse into the most holy place, but the high Priest; so in him is represented our high Priest Christ Jesus, who onely made a way for us by the vaile of his flesh into heaven. 2. Hereby are shadowed forth three de∣grees of the Church. By the court, where the Altar of burnt offering was, the Church under the old Testa∣ment is signified, which had the sacrifices of beasts. By the holy place, where the candlesticke was set, and the table of shew-bread, is set forth the Church of Christ militant here in earth, which is nourished by the word of God, and the Sacraments. By the most holy place, is shadowed forth the Kingdome of heaven, where we shall enjoy the sight and presence of the Angels. 3. Here appeareth the difference betweene the old and new Testament: for as there was a vaile hung before the most holy place; so while the Ta∣bernacle stood, the way was not manifested unto the Kingdome of God: but this vaile was rent asunder in the passion of Christ, and so our Saviour hath broken downe the partition wall, both betweene God and us, and betweene the Jewes and the Gentiles. 4. By these three divers places in the Tabernacle, the one still exceeding and surpassing the other; wee learne, that there are divers degrees of knowledge i••

Christian profession. First, wee must bee initiate in the faith of Jesus, as the Altar stood in the outward court, whither they first entred: then, as in the Sanctuarie, they had the candlesticke and table of shew-bread; so they which profit and goe forward in Christian knowledge, receive greater illumination and spirituall nourishment, till we be admitted unto the full fruition of everlasting life, which is insinuated by the most holy place, Borrhaius. 5. And generally, as the vessels of the Tabernacle were made of pure gold, so we are taught, that our hearts should be pure and cleane, when we come before God, Simler.

Now in particular, this use may be made of the parts of the Tabernacle. 1. The foure coverings of the Tabernacle, doe shew the divers gifts and graces which God bestoweth upon his Church: beside, the covering of rams and badgers skins, doe signifie the sure defence and protection of the Church under Christ Jesus: the coupling of them together by loops and taches, expresse the spirituall conjunction of the Church by love.

2. The boords of the Tabernacle doe shadow forth the Apostles, which are as pillars of the Church; but Christ God and man is the foundation, as there were two sockets under every boord: by the bars are understood the Ministers and teachers of the Gospell, by whose preaching the frame of the Church is held together.

3. The two vailes did both keepe the people from curious gazing, and bold accesse: which admo∣nisheth us, that we must not draw neere unto God, without great reverence.

4. The large outward court, did represent and prefigure the vocation of the Gentiles, which should be called in great multitudes, whereas the Church of the Jewes was straitned and pent up in a small cor∣ner, Simler.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. There is no salvation but in Christ.

Vers. 1. THou shalt make the Altar. The Israelites had but one onely Altar appointed, upon the which they were to offer all their sacrifices: and therefore both Ieroboam sinned, that afterward set up two other Altars, one in Dan, the other in Beersheba; and Vrias the high Priest, who to please the idolatrous King Ahaz, caused a new Altar to be set up, after the patterne of the Altar of Damascus.* 1.341 This one Altar was a type of our blessed Saviour, who onely satisfieth for our sinnes, neither are we to use any other helpes in our owne works, or in the merits or mediation of Saints beside Christ; for this were no∣thing else, Quam aliud novum Altare prater Christum instituere, Then to appoint another new Altar be∣side Christ, who onely is ordained of God to bee the Saviour of the world, Marbach. As S. Peter saith, Neither is there salvation in any other, for among men there is given no other name under heaven, whereby we must be saved, Act. 2.12.

2. Doct. That all things should be done orderly in the Church.

Vers. 9. THou shalt make the court of the Tabernacle. We learne by this, that, Nihil in Ecclesia confusum esse debet; Nothing in the Church must be confused, but all disposed in order: as in the Ta∣bernacle, the outward court was appointed for the Levits, and vulgar sort; the holy place for the Priests; the most holy place none could enter into but the high Priest. So now in the Church of God, all things should be done in comelinesse and order. Our assemblies should be orderly and reverently set and disposed. Distinction of degrees and persons to be observed; not all confusedly shuffled together, as now in many Churches, men and women, one with another are mingled together, Oleaster. This is S. Pauls rule, that all things be done honestly, and by order, 1 Cor. 14.40.

3. Doct. The mysteries of Christian religion are manifested to all.

Vers. 16. IN the gate of the court shall bee a vaile of twentie cubits. Although the court were compassed about with curtaines, yet, Ostium satis amplum habuit. It had a doore wide enough, thorow the which they might see all the breadth of the Tabernacle: and the Hebrewes thinke, that the curtaines were made with holes, Quibus ea, quae in atrio agebantur, conspici potuerint; Whereby such things as were done in the court, might be seene. By the which is signified, that the holy mysteries of the Church are not such, as the ceremonies of Ceres of Eleusis, which were not imparted to strangers, or of Iuno of Coos, unto the which servants were not admitted: but the secrets of the Gospell are revealed to all the world, Pelargus, Lippoman. As the Apostle saith, If our Gospell bee hid, it is hid to them that are lost, 2 Cor. 4.3.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Confut. Against free will in good things.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make unto it a grate like networke, &c. Beda thinketh that the fire was made under tbis grate, and that thorow the holes thereof, the flame ascended, and consumed the sacrifice: whereupon he giveth this note, Nequaquam obduremus corda nostra, more Pelagianorum, &c. sed liberè aperiamus, &c. Let us not harden our hearts, and locke them up as the Pelagians against the grace of God: but so open them, that as thorow many doores, in all things that we begin well, the grace of God may illuminate us, &c. And he sheweth what the error of the Pelagians was, S••••e gratia Dei, se aliquid boni perficere posse praesumunt; They presume they can without the grace of God, doe some good thing. And so they doe not set a grate before their hearts, for the sacred fire of Gods Spirit to enter: Sed quasi parietem solidum inter se & ign••m Spiritus sancti interponunt, But doe put a thick•• wall betweene them, and

the sire of the holy Spirit, lest they should be heated thereby, and warmed with love. With the Pelagians herein consent the Romanists, whose assertion is this, That a man naturally without faith, both with spe∣ciall assistance from God,* 1.342 and without it, can performe some morall good worke, if no temptation let, Bellarmin. But against both these, may be opposed that saying of our blessed Saviour, Without me can ye doe nothing, Ioh. 15.5. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 43.

2. Confut. Against Altars in Popish Churches.

Vers. 7. THe bars shall be in the two sides of the Altar, &c. This Altar was a type and figure of Christ; and it was to continue till Christ the true Sacrificer should offer himselfe upon the Altar of the crosse. But now the Church of God knoweth no such materiall Altars, as Rupertus well observeth, this Altar was holy, Antequam Christus, qui per hoc promittebatur, veniret, &c. before Christ came, who was promised by it: but after that he is entred into the most holy place, Nunc reprobatum & abjectum est; Now it is repelled and rejected. The Romanists therefore doe Judaize, in retaining still Altars in their Churches. Antiquitie knew no such Altars of stone; as Celsus, as Origen saith, objected it as a fault among the Christians, Quod nec imagines, nec Templa, nec aras haberent, That they had neither images, Tem∣ples, nor Altars. Augustine calleth it, Mensam Domini, The table of the Lord; Chrysostom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The holy boord: Athanasius, Mensam ligneam, The table of wood, B. Babing. Neither have they any colour for their Altars out of that place, Heb. 13. We have an Altar, whereof they have no authoritie to eat, which serve in the Tabernacle, &c. For the Apostle there speaketh of no materiall Altar, but of the death and passion of Christ, as it followeth, vers. 12. And Bellarmin forbeareth to urge this place, because divers of their owne writers apply it to Christs crosse, lib. 5. de miss. cap. 9.

3. Confut. Against the setting up of candles in the day in popish Churches.

Vers. 1. SHall dresse them from evening to morning. The lamps burned in the Tabernacle onely in the night, and were put out in the day, as is before shewed, quest. 21. which sheweth that the Ro∣manists are herein more superstitious than the Jewes, in setting up candles and tapers by day in their Churches. Hierom saith, Ceras non clara luce accendimus, &c. We doe not light candles at noone day, but to qualifie the darknesse of the night.* 1.343 Lactantius also saith, Num mentis compos putandus, &c. Is hee to bee thought well in his wits, who offereth the light of candles for a gift, to the author and giver of light? B. Babing••.

6. Morall Observations.

1. Observ. Our hearts must be purged of worldly thoughts in our prayers.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make unto it a grate. As the speciall use of this grate was to avoid the ashes and imbers from the hearth, where the fire burned: so in the Altar of our hearts, there must be craticula, a grate, quae cineribus excretis ignem splendentem foveat, &c. which may cherish the bright fire by separa∣ting the ashes, &c. Borrhaius. Wee must purge our hearts of all earthly thoughts, when wee offer up the spirituall sacrifice of prayer, upon the Altar of our hearts: which is the meaning of the Wise-man when he biddeth us take heed unto our feet, when we enter into the house of God, Eccles. 4.

2. Observ. We must humble our selves before God.

Vers. 6. THou shalt make bars unto the Altar. They were to carrie it on their shoulders, and not to re∣fuse any the meanest service in Gods worship; that men of never so high degree in the world, should thinke themselves of no reputation before God: as David humbled and abased himselfe, when hee danced before the Arke, 2 Sam. 6. Oleaster.

3. Observ. The spirituall lights of the Temple are to be cherished.

Vers. 20. COmmand the people to bring oyle, &c. Hereupon Origen giveth this note, Nisi dederit oleum populus,* 1.344 extinguetur lucerna in Temple; Unlesse the people give oyle, the lampe will goe out in the Temple, &c. They then which by their light of doctrine doe lighten the Church, ought to be main∣tained: For such as labour in the Word, are worthie double honour; of reverence and releefe.

CHAP. XXVIII.

1. The Method and Argument.

AFter the description of the Tabernacle finished, followeth the institution of the Mi∣nisters of the Tabernacle, the Priests, whose apparell is described in this Chapter, and their consecration, with the execution of their office in the next.

In this Chapter, which sheweth what Priestly garments should bee made for Aaron and his sonnes, and how: first, it is shewed in generall, to vers. 6. then in particular, to vers. 43.

In the generall summe, these things are declared: 1. For whom these gar∣ments should bee made, vers. 1. 2. To what end, vers. 2. 3. By whom, vers. 3. 4. How many, vers. 4. 5. And of what matter, vers. 5.

In the speciall and particular explication: first, the garments peculiar to the high Priest are described, to vers. 40. then such as belonged to other inferiour Priests, vers. 40. to the end.

The high Priests garments were these: 1. The Ephod, both the matter thereof, vers. 6. the forme and fashion, vers. 7, 8. the ornaments, the two precious stones, with their graving, vers. 10, 11. their placing with their use, vers. 12. the instruments of the Ephod to fasten it, vers. 13, 14.

2. The breast-plate is described: 1. The matter, vers. 15. 2▪ The forme and fashion, vers. 16. 3 The ornaments of precious stones to be set in foure rowes, to vers. 21. 4. The instruments, chaines and rings to fasten it, vers. 22. to 28. 5. The use thereof is expressed, vers. 29, 30.

3. The robe is set forth. 1. The matter thereof, vers. ••1. 2. The forme of it, vers. 32. the ornaments, with bels and pomgranats, vers. 33, 34. 4. The use, vers. 35.

4. The golden plate is described▪ with the matter, forme, instruments, and use, vers. 36. to 39.

5. Then three other parts of the Priestly rayment are handled together▪ the embroidered coat, the mi∣ter, and girdle, vers. 39.

Secondly, the speciall attire for Aarons sonnes, whereof some were common both to Aaron and them, are, namely, these foure: their coats, girdles and bonnets, vers. 40. with the use of them, vers. 41. and their linen breeches, with the place where they shall weare them, vers. 42. and their use, vers. 43.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 4. A breast-plate, or pectorall B.G.I.V. cum c••ter. better than, a rationall, that is,* 1.345 a vesture shewing reason, or judgement. L. C. the word is coshen, a pectorall.

Vers. 4. A broidered coat, as woven with eyes or checker worke. B.G.I.A.P. better than, a strait coat.* 1.346 L. S. C. V. the word shabats, is better taken in the first sense, to embroider, or make with eyes, as vers. 14.

Vers 9. Two sardonix stones. I. So also Iosephus, and so they are called, Apoc. 21.29. better than,* 1.347 Onyx stones. B.G.L.C.P.A. or, smaragdes. S. shoham. H.V.

Vers. 14. Of a certaine length. B. or, equall. I. better than, at the ends. G. V. the word is, inigebalath,* 1.348 conterminus, ending together. A.P. this word is omitted by the rest. L.S.C.

Vers. 17. A rubie, or, sardie, &c. see the severall names, and divers readings of these precious stones af∣terward at large, quest. 21.

Vers. 24. See also the divers readings of this verse, quest. 24.

Vers. 30. Thou shalt put in the breast-plate, &c. Vrim, and Thummim. B. G. I. V. A. P. C. better than,* 1.349 doctrine and veritie. L. or, manifestation and veritie. S. the words of themselves are better retained: which signifie, illumination and perfection.

Vers. 36. Holinesse to the Lord. G.A.P.C.L.I. better than, the holinesse of the Lord.* 1.350 B. S. V. the meaning is, that all holinesse is to be ascribed unto God: and it is better translated, holinesse, I.B.G. cum caeter. than, holy. L.V.C. the word is kodesh, which signifieth holinesse, kadosh, is, holy.

Vers. 38. To make them acceptable. B.G. cum caeter. not▪ that he may be acceptable. L. the word is lahem,* 1.351 to them.

Vers. 41. Thou shalt fill their hands. B.G. cum caeter. consecrate their hand. L. P. offer their sacrifice. C. consecrate their ministerie. I. the first translateth the words, the rest give the sense.

3. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Wherefore the Lord instituted a Priesthood.

Vers. 1. CAuse thou thy brother Aaron to come unto thee, &c. 1. Ordo pr••posterus, here the order is in∣verted: for first the garments were made, and afterward Aaron came and his sonnes, to bee adorned with them, and consecrated, Cajetan. 2. And here they are bidden to come unto Moses, to bee instituted and consecrated: but first they were appointed, and ordained of God: so there was a double ap∣plication, or drawing neere of Aaron and his sonnes: first, they were applied, sequestred, and ordained by the Lord for his service: then they were applied unto Moses, to receive their consecration from him, Tostat. 3. 3. This applying of Aaron unto Moses, signifieth, Nihil in Sacerdotibus plebeium requiri, nihil populare, &c. That nothing in the Priests is required, like unto the common people, Ambros.* 1.352 But that they, as they were called to a more excellent and eminent place, so their gifts and conversation should ex∣ceed the vulgar and common sort. 4. Thus, as God first made the creatures, and last of all man, whom he created for his glorie: So after that God had appointed the Tabernacle to be made, and every thing there∣to belonging, he in the last place setteth downe the office and ministration of the Priests, who served to set forth Gods glory in the Tabernacle, as man was created to that end in the world, Borrh. 5. And to this end God ordained the ministerie of man in his service, to succour and releeve the imbecillitie of the people, who were not able themselves to endure the Lords voice, Simlerus.

QUEST. II. Why Aaron was chosen to be the high Priest.

Vers. 1. THy brother Aaron. 1. The Lord maketh speciall choice of Aaron, Moses brother, for the Priesthood: Propter principatum, & frequentia cum Deo colloquia▪ Because of his preeminence, and for the often conference they had with God, and the great works which were done in Egypt by the hands of Moses and Aaron. And therefore because in these respects they were more noble and famous than the rest of the people, the Lord doth single out Aaron for this high office, Simler. 2. And the Tribe of Levi was taken from the rest of the Tribes, Ad honorem Mosis & Aaron ducum populi, &c. For the ho∣nour of Moses and Aaron, the captaines of the people, Ferus. 3▪ And Aaron was appointed to be the high

and chiefe Priest; to be a figure and type of Christ, Simlerus. The divers glorious vestures made for the Priest, doe shadow forth the most heavenly graces of the Spirit, wherewith Christ was adorned, Ferus. And he is therefore called Moses brother, Qui•• enim ampliùs al••eri est frater•••• foedere nexus, quàm Christu•• Mosi, legi gratia, novum Testamentum veteri? For who can be neerer allied unto another by a brotherly league, than Christ to Moses, grace to the law, the new Testament to the old? Beda.

QUEST. III Wherein the Priesthood of Christ, and of Aaron agree, and disagree.

NOw Aaron in some things most fitly resembled Christ, and in some things betweene them, there is great difference.

First, Aaron herein prefigured Christ, both in his peculiar function, in entring into the holy place, to make attonement for the people. So Christ is now entred into the heavens to appeare in the fight of God for us, Hebr. 9.23. As also in those functions, which were common to Aaron with the rest: which were these three, d••cendo, precando, offer••••do, in teaching, praying, offering, or sacrificing: So Christ hath taught and lightned the world, with the revelation of his Fathers will, and by the preaching of the Gospell. Christ also prayeth and maketh intercession for his people, Heb. 9.25. And he also offered up him∣selfe in sacrifice for our redemption, Tit. 2.19. Hee gave himselfe for us, that hee might redeeme us from all iniquitie.

But yet there is great difference betweene the Priesthood of Aaron, which was the type and figure, and the everlasting Priesthood of Christ. 1. In the dignitie of their persons: Aaron was a meere man, Christ was both God and man. 2. In their condition, the Priests of the Law were men compassed with many infirmities, and subject to sinne: but Christ was holy, harmelesse, undefiled, separate from sinners, Heb. 9.26. 3. In the excellencie of the sacrifice: they offered the sacrifices of beasts: but Christ offered up his owne bodie, as the Apostle saith, Heb. 9.12. Neither by the bloud of goats and calves, but by his owne bloud entred he once into the holy place. 4. In the effect they differ; the Priests of the law did not perfectly reconcile, but onely shadowed forth by that typicall reconciliation, the true remission of sinnes by the bloud of Christ, who hath obtained eternall redemption for us, and hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, Galath. 3.13. 5. In the continuance, the Priesthood of Aaron, was not to continue for ever, but as the Apostle saith, This man, because he endureth for ever, hath an everlasting Priesthood, Heb. 2.24. 6. In the manner of confirmation: They were made Priests without an oath: But this is made with an oath by him, that said unto him, The Lord hath sworne, and will not repent, thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedeck. Heb. 5.21. Marbach.

QUEST. IV. Why Christ is called a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck and not of Aaron.

ANd although Aaron were a type and figure of Christ, yet he is called a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck, and not after Aaron; not because there was no resemblance betweene Christ and Aa∣ron, but for that Melchisedeck and his Priesthood did in three things more lively set forth Christs Priest∣hood, than did Aarons: 1. In the eternitie thereof: 2. Office and function: 3. And name.

1. As Melchisedeck is set forth without father and mother, without beginning of his dayes, or end of his life: not that he was so indeed, but they are concealed in storie, to make him a more lively type and figure of Christ, who was in respect of his Divinitie 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without mother: in regard of his humanitie, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without father.

2 As Melchisedek was both a King and a Priest: so Christ was a Priest in the expiation of our sinnes by the sacrifice of himselfe upon the crosse; and a King, both in gathering his Church together by the scepter of his word, and governing them by his Spirit; as also in that all power over all creatures, and over the universall world is committed unto him.

3. The name of Melchisedek fitly agreeth unto Christ, which signifieth the King of righteousnesse: and the place, whereof he was King, which was Salem, that betokeneth peace, did also set forth the peace∣able Kingdome of Christ; both making peace betweene God and us, and taking away the wall of parti∣tion, that was betweene the Jewes and Gentiles, making of both one: as the Apostle sheweth, Ephes. 2.13. Now in Christ Iesu••, yee which were once a farre off, are made neere by the bloud of Christ, for he is our peace, which hath made of both one. Marbach.

QUEST. V. Why these Priestly garments are commanded to be made.

Vers. 2. HOly garments, &c. glorious, and beautifull. 1. These garments were called holy in two re∣spects; both because in respect of the end, they were consecrated and ordained onely to holy uses: and therefore the Priests onely were to put them on, and none other beside: and they were not at all times to use them, but onely when they went into the Tabernacle; when they went out, they put them off: as also in respect of the manner of consecration, they were anointed with the holy oyle, chap. 30. and so set apart for holy uses, Tostat. quaest. 2. 2. This apparelling of Aaron, with such glorious apparell, was commanded both in respect of themselves, that they by these ceremonies might bee assured that their cal∣ling was of God, Ferus. 3. And in regard of the people, hereby the Lord would have their ministerie the more reverenced, and had in reputation, Marbach. As Iosephus writeth, how Alexander the Great, when the high Priest met him adorned with his Priestly attire, reverenced him, and adored the great God of heaven in him, whose Priest he was. 3. Beside the comelinesse and outward glorie of the Priestly attire, there was another cause of their institution, speciali•• acti•• ipsarum vest••um, the speciall action and use of those garments; for some of them were for some speciall ministration and service: as the breastplate, which was set with twelve precious stones, in remembrance of the twelve tribes of Israel, Tostat. quaest. 1. 4. Ornatus exterior veri & spiritualis defectum notavit: The outward adorning noted the defect of the true spirituall ornaments, &c. Calvin. And hereby was signified the insufficiencie of Aarons Priesthood.

5. And God by this glittering shew of the Priestly garments, voluit pl•••• quam Angelicum 〈…〉〈…〉 spl••ndorem ostendere, would set forth the more than Angelicall brightnesse of all vertues, which should shine in Christ. 6. And as those vertues served ad vitia ••egenda, to cover the faul••s of the bodie: so wee are thereby taught, that we must come before God not cloathed withou•• owne righteousnesse, but appa∣relled with Christs robes, which shall make us to appeare comely in the light of God, Simler.

QUEST. VI. Of the cunning men that wrought in the Tabernacle.

Vers. 3. THou shalt speake to all cunning men, whom I have filled. 1. Although there might be men of or∣dinarie skill in the host, yet that had not beene sufficient for this extraordinarie worke: Co••∣munis peritia non satisfecisset huic operi; Common skill had not beene answerable to this worke, Gallas. and therefore the Lord infused into them a speciall gift of understanding and dexteritie to worke in all kinde of curious worke. 2. And it is probable that these principall and chiefe workmen had not onely their skill and knowledge increased, which they were indued with before, but that the Lord did wholly and absolutely infuse into them the knowledge of these Arts: as the text is, that God had filled them with the Spirit of wisdome, Oleaster. Like as the twelve Apostles were men altogether unlearned, whom God used in the spirituall building up of the Church, as these were emploied in the materiall Tabernacle, 3. These were not onely endued with an understanding heart, to invent curious works, and give direction to others: but their hands, and other parts of their bodie, were fitted accordingly for the execution and practice and finishing of these works. And chap 31.4. it is said, they were filled with wisdome, &c. to finde our curious works, to worke in gold and silver, &c. They did not onely invent and finde them out, but did also helpe to worke themselves, Tostat. qu. 4. 4. It may be that such like works, quotidie nunc fiunt, &c. are now made in many places: but then in that simple age and rude time, such things having not beene seene before, these curious works seemed strange and admirable, Tostat. qu. 2.

QUEST. VII. Whether this gift of cunning and wisdome remained in the workmen after the Tabernacle was finished.

TOstatus here putteth forth a question, whether, after that the Tabernacle and the worke thereof was finished, these cunning men still retained this gift of understanding in Sciences and Arts. 1. The ne∣gative part may bee thus proved, that their knowledge and skill then ceased, because there was no more use thereof, after they had finished that worke for the which it was given them As also, like as the gift of prophecie alwaies continued not with the Prophets, but during that time onely wherein they prophesied. 2. But Tostatus here answereth, that though the worke were ended, for the which the cunning men were indued with such wisdome, yet it was not necessarie that the gift should be taken from them, though the act were discontinued: and againe, there is difference betweene an habit of the minde, and an act onely of the minde. The Prophets had not a Propheticall habit infused, but onely an actuall illumination was sent upon them while they prophesied, and that illumination being intermitted, they left prophesying: and therefore he concludeth, Deum non abstulisse habitus i••fusos, That God did not take away from them the habits of these Arts and Sciences infused, after the Tabernacle was finished, quast. 3. 3. But the more probable opinion is, that this gift was neither altogether lost, which they had received, neither yet did it wholly remaine: for these workmen were indued with a double facultie; one was in the illumination of their minde, to invent how to fashion the worke according to Moses direction, and that platforme which was shewed in the mount: the other was a dexteritie and agilitie in their hand to worke that which they had devised and invented. The first of these, being a propheticall gift, and proceeding of a speciall instinct, to invent and find out worke answerable to the patterne, ceased and was intermitted in them, after the Tabernacle was finished: for it was an act rather of the minde, than an habit: neither was there any cause why that inward instinct should continue, the end being atchieved wherefore it was first infused. But the other facultie in their handiworke, which was increased by their practice and experience, and was con∣firmed by use and custome, could not be so soone forgotten and laid aside: it is not unlike but that the same remained still, which they might have put in practice in other works and buildings, if there had beene occasion offered.

QUEST. VIII. Of the number of the Priestly garments and ornaments.

Vers. 4. NOw these shall be the garments. 1. Beda is of opinion, that there were but eight kinde of gar∣ments in all which the high Priest was apparelled with, namely these: 1. The breast-plate, or pectorall for the breast. 2. The Ephod for the shoulders. 3. The robe. 4 And coat for the whole bodie, 5. The Miter for the head. 6. And the girdle for the waste. 7. The linen breeches to cover the secret parts. 8. And the plate of gold for the Miter: whereof three, the linen breeches, the linen coat, and the girdle, were common to the inferiour Priests. But Beda is greatly deceived: and in these three points: 1. The coat here named called cetoneth tashebets, the embroidered coat, was not common unto the infe∣riour Priests, but peculiar to the high Priest, vers. 39. Moses is bid to make Aarons sonnes coats also, cet••neth, but they were not embroidered, vers. 40. 2. The high Priest also had a kinde of girdle proper to himselfe, which was made of needle worke, vers. 39. and the inferiour Priests also had other girdles beside, vers. 40. 3. The other Priests also had bonnets, which were of a divers fashion from the Miter, which was made for the high Priest, vers. 40.

2. R. Salomon maketh but nine parcels of the Priestly attire: and Ribera likewise: namely foure,* 1.353 which were common to all the Priests: the linen breeches, the linen coat, girdle and bonnet: and five peculiar to the high Priest: his Ephod, breast-plate, robe, girdle, and miter. But herein they are deceived▪ be∣cause they omit that garment which is called cetoneth tashebets, the embroidered coat, which was a spe∣ciall garment appertaining to the high Priest: and so the high Priest, beside his Ephod and robe,

which had pomegranats and bels hanging at it, had also another embroidered coat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vatab. whereof mention is made, vers. 39.

3. Lyranus and Tostatus, qu. 2. following Iosephus, doe number ten severall Priestly ornaments: foure common to all the Priests: 1. The linen breeches. 2. The linen coat. 3. The girdle. 4. And bonnet. Six other were peculiar to the high Priest: 1. The Ephod. 2. The pectorall or breast-plate. 3. The robe with the bels and pomegranats. 4. The girdle. 5. The miter. 6. The golden plate set upon the miter. But they commit the same error with the other before, in omitting the Priests embroidered coat: which maketh up the number of ten: the golden plate being not reckoned apart by it selfe, but counted with the miter.

4. This then is the best numbring of these Priestly garments: to appoint six as peculiar to the high Priest, as they are set downe in the text, vers. 4. where the golden plate must be comprehended under the miter, because it was but a part of it: and foure other were common to all the Priests; the linen coats, girdles, bonnets, and breeches: as they are described, vers. 40. to the end; so they were ten in all: and if the golden plate bee counted by it selfe, there will bee in all eleven severall kinde of raiment and orna∣ments;* 1.354 some for Aaron, some for his sonnes. And so Cajetane accounteth them: and Thomas maketh se∣ven garments of the high Priest, and foure of the rest.

QUEST. IX. What garments were peculiar to the high Priests, what common.

Vers. 4. THese holy garments shall they make for Aaron thy brother, and for his sonnes. 1. These garments then being appointed onely for Aaron, and his sonnes the Priests, were not also common to the Levits: and so Ribera collecteth out of Iosephus, because the Levits sacrificed not.

2. Some are of opinion, that all the garments which the inferiour Priests used, the high Priest put on; as Iosephus saith, Pontifex etiam utitur hoc, nihil eorum quae enumeravimus omittens, &c. The high Priest also useth these,* 1.355 omitting nothing of those which we have rehearsed. So also Tostat. qu. 2. and Ribera. But this is not like: for to what end should the high Priest weare two girdles, one of the common sort, which the inferiour Priests used, the other the embroidered girdle? and likewise it had beene superfluous for him to put on two bonnets, as Iosephus thinketh: one of linen, as other Priests, the other of blew silke.

3. Therefore the garments are better thus distinguished: that some of them were peculiar to the high Priests, as the six in this verse set downe: some were peculiar to the inferiour Priests to be usually and or∣dinarily worne, as their linen coats, girdles, bonnets, vers. 40. which sometime the high Priest did weare al∣so, as in the day of expiation; but not ordinarily. See quest. 41. Some common to them both, as the linen breeches, which are said to be for Aaron and his sonnes: but the other three, mentioned vers. 40. are said to be made for Aarons sonnes, Iun. in Analys. Montan. The high Priest had like garments unto those three, a coat, a girdle, a miter, but they differed in manner of workmanship. So then the high Priest had three gar∣ments unlike to the rest both in matter and forme, the Robe, the Ephod, the Pectorall: and three other, though like in fashion, his coat, miter, girdle, yet differed in costly stuffe and curious workmanship.

QUEST. X. Which garments were put on first, which last.

BUt further it is here to be considered, that the garments are otherwise and in another order rehearsed in this verse, and afterward appointed to be made, than they were put on: for, as Rupertus observeth, Feminalia linea, &c. postremò posita sunt: The linen breeches are set last in this description, &c. and yet they were put on first. In this manner then and order did the high Priest apparell himselfe: 1. He put on the li∣nen breeches, which came no higher than his waste. 2. Next to that was the long broidered coat, which was made with eyes, or like checker worke, which reached downe to the feet. 3. Upon that was put the Robe, which had bells and pomegranats in the skirts. 4. After that the breast-plate before. 5. Then the Ephod upon the shoulders behind. 6. The girdle. 7. The Miter with the golden plate.

QUEST. XI. Whether the Priestly garments might at any time be carried and used out of the Tabernacle.

Vers. 4. THat he may serve me in the Priests office. 1. In that it is added, That he may serve me, the use of these Priestly garments is restrained for such service as was done before the Lord in the Ta∣bernacle: the Priest then was neither to use these garments ordinarily, for he had other wearing apparell beside: nor yet in such Priestly offices as were to be done abroad, as when he went to view a leprous per∣son, or leprous house, which belonged to the Priest, Levit. 13. for such places and persons infected with the leprosie were uncleane by the law, and therefore in such offices it was not fit to use the holy garments. 2. Whereas then the Priest is commanded to wash his cloaths, after he had seene performed all the cere∣monies concerning the red Cow which was slaine without the host, Numb. 19.7. they must be understood to be his owne ordinarie, and not the Priestly garments: which were not to be polluted or defiled, and so consequently were not to be washed and cleansed as other prophane and common vestures. 3. This fur∣ther appeareth, Levit. 16.23. where the high Priest is commanded to put off his Priestly garments, with the which hee entred into the holy place, and then to wash his flesh with water, and put on his owne cloaths: he is not willed to wash the Priestly raiment with water. But if it be objected, that the washing of his flesh sheweth he was uncleane, and so by that meanes the holy garments were uncleane also: it may be answered, that the Priest in this case having prayed for his and the peoples sinnes, did wash his flesh, not as a signe of any legall uncleannesse, for then he should not have entred into the holy place, but to signi∣fie that hee was purified from his sinnes. And this may further be observed, that whereas there were two kinds of pollutions, one by morall offences, which indeed defiled the soule, the other by legall transgres∣sions, which touched not the soule, but the externall observation of the ceremonies onely: in the first they onely washed the flesh, in the second sometime their garments onely, sometime their flesh and garments together, if it were a great pollution: but never their flesh alone, Tostat. qu. 7. & 8.

QUEST. XII. Whether the high Priest did well in meeting Alexander in his Priestly attire.

BUt if it were not lawfull to carrie the Priestly garments out of the Tabernacle: it will be objected, that Iaddua the high Priest, being apparelled in his Priestly robes, met Alexander the Great without the gates of Jerusalem, and by the sight of him Alexanders wrath was appeased, and the Citie delivered from the danger which was feared. 1. Here it may be answered, that as wee receive this part of Iosephus narration, how Alexander meeting the high Priest, reverenced him, and adored that God,* 1.356 whose name hee carried written in his forehead: so if we give credit to the rest, how that, after publike supplication made before unto God, and solemne sacrifice for their deliverance, the Lord appeared in a dreame the next night unto the high Priest, appointing him to go forth to meet Alexander in his Priestly attire; this being ad∣mitted for truth, this question is at an end: for by Gods extraordinarie direction, the Priest might do that, which ordinarily was not lawfull: as, though they had a strait charge to offer their sacrifices at the doore of the Tabernacle, yet the Prophets, as Samuel, David. Elias, built Altars in other places, and there offered their sacrifices, Tostat. quaest. 17. 2. But though there had beene no such vision shewed to the high Priest, which it is not necessarie to beleeve, seeing Iosephus is found to be very forward in setting downe such things as might tend to the credit of his nation: yet this act of the high Priest might be justified, in respect of that necessitie whereunto they were then brought: for the ceremoniall lawes were to give way in such cases; as David to satisfie his hunger, might lawfully eat of the shew-bread, which otherwise none were to eat of, but the Priests. So likewise, they might upon the Sabbath lead their oxe or asse to water,* 1.357 or helpe them out, being fallen into a ditch, and yet not transgresse against the rest of the Sabbath. If these cere∣monies were dispensed with for the safegard and preservation of one man, or of a few cattell, much more for the deliverance of the whole Citie, which was then in danger, might the high Priest, without any ex∣traordinarie direction, have put on his Priestly apparell, to meet that victorious King.

QUEST. XIII. Of the matter whereof the holy garment should be made.

Vers. 5. THey shall take gold and blew silke. 1. By gold is here understood, Aurum in massa, & aurum in filis; Gold in the lumpe or masse, and golden threed, for the garments were made of golden threed: the precious stones were set into gold, and thereof was made the golden plate in the high Priests miter, Tostat. qu. 8. 2. And under the name of gold are comprehended also the precious stones, because they were inclosed, and set into the gold, Simler. 3. And these five are named, gold, blew silke, purple, skarlet, fine linen, not that all these concurred to the making of every garment, Sed quia nullum ornamentum erat, quod non ex istorum aliquo, &c. But because there was not any of the ornaments, which was not made of some of them, Cajetan. 4. The blew colour was like unto the skie, or violet: the purple was like to the rose colour, which was made of the liquor or bloud of a certaine shell-fish called the purple: the skarlet was died with certaine graines growing in a tree, whereof Plinie writeth: and to make the colour deeper,* 1.358 it was twice died, in the wooll, and afterward, when it was spun: the fine linen was made of a most fine and white kinde of flax or linen, Ribera. 5. These foure colours represented the foure elements; two of them in colour, the skarlet the fire; the blew the skie or ayre; the other in their originall; the purple the water, the linen the earth, out of the which they came: and hereby as Iosephus noteth, was signified,* 1.359 Sa∣cerdotem illum esse summi rerum omnium conditoris: That he was the Priest of the high Creator of all things, because the colours of his garments did represent the whole world. 6. Beda also thus collecteth, that be∣cause all things were prescribed to be made of gold, and precious colours: Nihil vile, vel sordidum in Sa∣cerdotis ore, vel opere debet apparere;* 1.360 There should no vile thing appeare either in the Priests words or works, &c. Ribera.

QUEST. XIV. Of the name of the Ephod, and the divers kinds thereof.

Vers. 6. ANd they shall make the Ephod. 1. The Latine Interpreter calleth it superhumerale, following the Septuagint, which interpret it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the shoulder garment: Iunius translateth it ami∣culum, a short cloake: but the Hebrew word is better retained, Ephod, because it was a peculiar garment belonging to the high Priest, so called of the word aphad, which signifieth to close or compasse, or gird about; as chap. 39.5. Thou shalt close them to him with embroidered gard of the Ephod, Oleaster. 2. There were two kinds of the Ephod; one was common (made of linen onely) both to the inferiour Priests, as Saul put to the sword 85. Priests, that did weare a linen Ephod: as also to the Levits, as Samuel ministred before the Lord girded with a linen Ephod, 1 Sam. 2.18. Some thinke that this kinde was also permitted unto lay men in generall, Ribera. Some, that the Kings had a privilege to weare it, because David danced before the Arke in a linen Ephod, 2 Sam. 6. But R. Salomon thinketh more probably, that none were gir∣ded with the Ephod, but colentes Deum, aut servientes ei, They which worshipped God, or were specially ad∣dicted to his service. Other then beside the Priests might weare the linen Ephod, but onely insacred acti∣ons: as David at that time danced before the Arke, Gallas. Oleaster. The other kinde of Ephod was pecu∣liar to the high Priest, which was made of gold, and of the foure colours before named, Hierome ad Fabie∣lam. And this Ephod it was not lawfull for any other to imitate: which was the cause of the fall of Ge∣deons house, because he made an Ephod like unto that used in the Tabernacle, Gallas.

QUEST. XV. How Gedeon offended in making an Ephod.

BUt whereas Gedeon made that Ephod of 1700. sicles of gold, Iudg. 8.26. 1. Augustine moveth a question, how so much gold could be put into one Ephod; and thinketh that by the Ephod are un∣derstood, as the whole by the part, Omnia qua constituit Gedeon in civitate ad colendum Deum;* 1.361 All the other things which Gedeon made in his City to worship God by, as in the Tabernacle. And he thinketh fur∣ther, that all Israel is said to go a whoring after it: although Gedeon made no image, Quia extra Tabernacu∣lum fieri aliquid simile fas non erat; Because it was not lawful to make any like thing out of the Tabernacle.

2. But it need not seeme strange that so much gold was put into one vesture: for the whole summe, coun∣ting sixtie sicles to a pound, amounteth but to eighteen pound weight, or thereabout: and seeing the text maketh mention of no other ornaments, which Gedeon made, but the Ephod, we cannot conjecture that he made any beside that. And though it were unlawfull to make an Ephod elsewhere like that, which the high Priest used in the Tabernacle; yet that was not onely Gedeons fault, but for that also by this occasion the people fell to idolatrie, and abused that Ephod in the idolatrous service of Baal Berith, as it followeth in the same place, Iudg. 9.33. Iun.

QUEST. XVI. Of the fashion of the Ephod.

Vers. 7. THe two shoulders thereof, &c. 1. R. Ab. Ezra thinketh, that this Ephod onely covered the back-parts of the Priest, and that the breastplate or pectorall served for the other part before▪ but if it had beene so, then how could the shoulders thereof be joyned together one to another? therefore the Ephod had two parts, one before, and another behind, Cajetan.

2. Beda thinketh that the Ephod was made double, and so halfe of it was in sight without, and halfe within, and so it was joyned together. But Hierom calleth it, palliolum mira pulchritudinis, a cloake of exceeding beautie: it was not therefore onely put double upon the back-parts; it was fastened in the shoulders, one part to another, Montan.

3. Iosephus thinketh it had sleeves; so also Ribera. But the contrarie is received, that it was fine ma••∣icis, without sleeves, Lippoman.

* 1.3624. Iosephus also thinketh, that it was but a cubit long, and so came but to the waste. So also Ribera and Tostatus thinke, that pertingebat us{que} ad zonam, it came but downe to the girdlestead, or waste: Pro∣copius extendeth it, us{que} ad praecordia, unto the parts about the heart. But it rather reached à lumbis us{que} ad humeros, from the loynes to the shoulders, as Iunius, and Montanus in his description, us{que} ad umbili∣cum, downe to the navell, Cajetane: for if it did not hang downe beyond the waste, the broidered gard of the Ephod could not handsomely serve to close in the other garments, and gird them in the waste toge∣ther with the Ephod: as is prescribed, chap. 39.5.

5. Thus then was the Ephod made; it had foure laps or wings: whereof two were joyned together on each shoulder, and two were coupled beneath under the arme holes, Tostat. quaest. 2. which are called the broidered gard, or girdle, as Iun. Oleaster, which was not made of the same stuffe onely which the Ephod was made of, but out of the same peece, to make a difference betweene the girdle of the Ephod, and the other embroidered girdle, which was put aloft upon the garments: so that the nether lappets of the Ephod served as a girdle to fasten it below, Iun. Oleaster.

6. It was made of broidered worke, not pictured either with beasts, or flowers, or any such, but devised worke, as the word signifieth: such as Turkie and Arabian worke is, Montan.

7. On the forepart of the Ephod, was left a certaine hole or void place, for the pectorall to be placed in, Iosephus. Contra pectus nihil contextum erat, &c. Against the breast there was nothing wrought, that a place might be left for the pectorall or breast-plate, Hierom.

8. Beside, the Ephod had two golden chaines, not to hold up the breast-plate or pectorall, as Tostatus seemeth to thinke, for these chaines are described afterward, vers. 22. but they served rather, Vt illaquest partes superhumerales, &c. To fasten together the parts of the Ephod in the shoulder on both sides, Caje∣tan. Oleaster. For they were fastned on both sides to the bosses of gold upon the shoulders, where were set the two precious stones, vers. 14. which now come in the next place to be handled.

QUEST. XVII. Of the two Onyx or Sardonyx stones, why they are called stones of remembrance.

Vers. 9. THou shalt take two Onyx stones. 1. The Hebrew word is shoham, which the Chalde, whom Montanus followeth, takes for Berill, of a sea colour: the Septuag. for the smaragd, which is of greene colour: Procopius for the Saphire, of skie colour: but Iosephus calleth it the Sardonyx, so Iunius: and commonly it is called the Onyx stone, rather the Sardonyx, because it is so called, Apocal. 21.20. which is of the colour of the naile shewing upon the flesh, wherein there is a red mixed with white;* 1.363 so the Sardonyx hath a mixt colour of red, as the Sardius stone, and of white as the Onyx, which is of the colour of the naile, Tostat. qu. 10. Oleaster, Ribera.

2. In these two stones were graven the names of the 12. Tribes, according to their eldership: in the stone on the right shoulder, six of the eldest, and in the other, the six younger, Iosephus. The six elder were, Ruben, Simeon, Iudah, Dan, Nepthali, Gad: the six younger, Asher, Issachar Zebulon, Ephraim, Manasses, Benjamin; for Levi was left out, that Tribe being now to bee sequestred for the service of the Tabernacle, and for Ioseph were written his two sonnes, Ephraim and Manasses.

3. These are called stones of remembrance, not that the Lord need be put in remembrance; but that hereby the Israelites might be assured, that they were alwayes had in remembrance with God, Marbach. And Beda assigneth three other reasons, why they are so called: Vt ipse fidem Patriarcharum meminisset imitari; That he should remember to imitate the faith of the Patriarks, whose names he did beare: that the Priest should remember the Tribes in his prayers unto God: and to admonish the people in generall, not to decline from the steps of their fathers, Beda.

QUEST. XVIII. Of the mysticall application of the Ephod, and the two precious stones.

NOw this first priestly garment is diversly applied: 1. Iosephus by the two precious stones understan∣deth the Sunne and Moone. 2. Philo, the two Hemispheres of the world. 3. Hierome by the twelve names written in the precious stones, would have signified the twelve Apostles, which first preached the Gospell. 4. Beda: The Priest is admonished hereby to follow the life, and embrace the faith of the Pa∣triarks and Prophets. 5. But most fitly rather is hereby signified, that Christ doth beare his Church as it

were upon his shoulders, even as the Eagle beareth her young ones upon her wings, Deut. 32.11. Mar∣bach. Osiand. Simler. Rupertus also hereby understandeth the bearing of our iniquities, which were laid upon Christs shoulders: Prosper, the government which is laid upon Christ. Procopius by the names gra∣ven in the stones, their names who are written in the booke of life, whom Christ carrieth as it were upon his shoulders into heaven.

QUEST. XIX. Why it was called the breast-plate of judgement.

Vers. 15. THou shalt make the breast-plate of judgement, &c. 1. The Septuagint call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latine Interpreter following them, rationals, that is, the rationall or reasonable ornament: so named (as Tostatus thinketh) of the effect, because by that, Ratio reddebatur de his qua ••nquirebamure; A reason was given of those things which were inquired. So also Ribera: because it was fat idicum, it pro∣phesied of things to come, Procopius, because rationalis animi pars, &c. the reasonable part of the minde is placed in the heart, which the breast-plate covered. Vatabl••s giveth this reason, Quia exactara∣tione consideranda erant, &c. Because the things therein, as the Vrim and Thu••mi••••, were exactly and with deepe reason to be considered of the high Priest. But this descanting upon the word is here super∣fluous, seeing the Hebrew word coshen signifieth a pectorall or breast-plate, and not as the Septuag. and Latine translate.

2. It is then called the breast-plate of judgement: not as the Hebrewes, because the high Priest found therein what the judgement of God was in that matter, which was inquired upon: for it shall afterward be shewed, that the Vrim and Thummius were not given to that end: nor yet because the high Priest in all weighty matters of judgement did put on the Ephod with the breast-plate, Marbach. for by that rea∣son it might as well be called the Ephod of judgement: neither, because Aaron should in judgement have the people in remembrance, when he went into the holy place, Oleaster. But it was therefore so called, for that the high Priest did put it on, when he consulted with the Lord about the causes of the people, to give right judgement: as Numb. 27.21. He shall aske counsell for him by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord, Iun.

QUEST. XX. Of the fashion of the breast-plate.

Vers. 16. FOure-square shall it be. The breast-plate is thus described: 1. For the manner of workman∣ship, it must be of broidered worke like the Ephod. 2. For the matter, five things are requi∣red to the making thereof, as before in the Ephod: gold, blew silke, purple, skarlet, fine twined linen. 3. For the forme and fashion, it must be foure square, every side of even length, as appeareth by the foure orders of the stones: and double it must be, that it might be of more strength to hold and receive the stones, ut firmius substaret auro, that it might be the stiffer for the gold and precious stones, Pellican. 4. For the quantity, it was an handbreadth, which was halfe a cubit, that is, twelve fingers: for if it had beene but the small handbreadth, that is, foure fingers, it had not beene sufficient to cover the breast be∣fore, Montan. Ribera, Pelargus. 5. The ornaments also of the pectorall are set forth, which were twelve pre∣cious stones, set in foure rankes or rowes.

QUEST. XXI. Of the twelve precious stones, their names, colours, qualities, and congruitie with the twelve Tribes.

Vers. 27. A Rubie, Topaze, and a Carbuncle in the first row. In the severall application of these stones, these foure things shall be observed: 1. The name. 2. The colour. 3. The vertues and qua∣lities. 4. The congruity with the tribes of Israel.

A Rubie. The first stone is called odeus of adam, which signifieth to wax red. Iosephus calleth it the Sar∣donix: the Septuagint the Sardie: it is most like to be the Rubie,* 1.364 Montan. Genevens. 2. The colour of it was red, Oleaster, as the signification of the word is, rather than yellow, of the colour of fire, as Iunius taketh it for Pyr••pus the Carbuncle, a precious stone like fire. 3. They say it repelleth feare, and cheareth and maketh bold, Tostat. sharpeneth the wit, and stancheth bloud at the nose, Magirus. 4. This stone, they say, stood for Ruben: Montanus maketh an allusion betweene Ruben and the Rubie: but Ribera giveth this reason: that as the Sardie is red and somewhat of a fiery colour: so he went into his fathers concu∣bine, & igne libidinis incensus fuit, and so was set on fire with concupiscence.

A Topaze. 1. The Hebrew word is pitdah, in which there are three radicall or principall letters, p, t, d, which being transposed, t.p, d, make topad, or topaz, not much differing in sound,* 1.365 Montan. It is so called of the place where it was found, Topasos in Aethiopia, Marbach. Or the Isle Topazon gave the name to it, as Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. so called of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to seeke, because it was much sought for. Gloss. interlin. would have it called Topazium, as if we should say, topadium, that is, of all colour; but there is no reason of that etymology. 2. Some take it to be of greene colour, Montan. And so some of the Hebrewes thinke it to be the Smaragd. Ribera out of Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. alleageth, that in greenenesse of colour it exceedeth all other precious stones. But it is rather of yellowish colour, mixt betweene gold and skie colour, Isi∣der. Etymol. 16. Tostat. Gloss. interlin. There are two sorts of it: one of the colour of gold, which is more precious, the other like unto saffron, which is of the second sort, Marbach. And it seemeth to be of yel∣low colour, because Iob 28.19. the Topaze of Aethiopia, and the fine gold are named together. 3. It is availeable against phrensie, and lunacie, and melancholy, as Diascorides. 4. Simeon is resembled to this stone, not so much ob animum prasentem, for his present and resolute minde, which Ribera would have signified by the greene colour: as because he was inflamed with ire and rage, when he slue the Sichemites.

A Carbuncle. 1. Iosephus, with the Septuagint, call it the Smaragd, so also Iunius, Vatabius:* 1.366 the Chalde also, and Latine Interpreter: but that stone is of greene colour, it seemeth rather to be the Chrysolit••,

Montan. or the Carbuncle, Genevens. The word is bareketh, derived of barak, which signifieth to ligh∣ten. 2. It was then a precious stone that sparkled and glistred as the lightening, which could not be of greene colour: though the Smaragd be commended for the exceeding glistering brightnesse; in so much that a Romane Emperour is said to have seene in his Smaragd the sword players, as they did fight. But because barak signifieth lightening, as Ezech. 1.13. Out of the fire went (barak) lightning; this stone being named thereof, may better be taken for the Carbuncle, or Chrysolite. 3. The Carbuncle is of such excee∣ding brightnesse, that it giveth light, and shineth in the darke. 4. Hereunto some resemble Levi, Montan, Tostat. But it is more like that Levi was omitted, because the high Priest of Levi, who was to weare this glorious breast-plate, might stand for the whole Tribe: then Iudah was rather named in the third place, Ribera, Pelarg. whose royall power, streaming glory, and princely dignity, is more lively set forth in the shining Carbuncle, or glistering Chrysolite, Pelarg. than in the greene smaragd: as Marbach. And where∣as the Carbuncle is so called of the similitude of fire, licèt ignes non sentiant, although these stones feele no fire themselves, Plin. 37.7. by this property Messiah the Prince of Juda is shadowed forth, who in that respect may be called apyrotus, not to be vanquished or overcome with the fire of affliction: Of his go∣vernment (as the Prophet saith) there shall be no end, Isai. 9.10.

* 1.367Vers. 18. In the second row, an Emeraud, or Smaragd, a Saphir, a Diamond. An Emeraud, or Smaragd: 1. The word is naphech, which is of an obscure signification. Montanus deriveth it of haphach, which signi∣fieth to turne, or change: some take it to be an obscure stone. But it is like that the Lord made choice of the most speciall and principall precious stones to adorne the priestly pectorall. Most take it for the Carbuncle, Septuag. Lat. Vatab. Marbach. Pelarg· Ribera. Sanctes Pagnine following R. David, taketh it to be a stone of a blacke colour. But it is most like to be the Smaragd, as the Chalde Paraphrast calleth it Semeragdin. So also Thargum Hierosol. Montanus, Oleaster therein also consent. Iunius translateth it the Chrysoprase, which is of a bright greene colour, as it were betweene the colour of gold, and greene: for so the word is compounded of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gold, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ieekes: but the Smaragd and Chrysoprase are two divers kinde of precious stones: the one is the fourth, the other the tenth in that order, set downe, Apoc. 21.19. 2. The colour of the Smaragd is exceeding greene, that other greene things being compa∣red unto it, seeme not to be greene. 3. It is comfortable to the sight, it is glistering, & receiveth the images of things, and maketh a shew and representation of them, Plin. lib. 37. cap. 5. Isidor. Etymol. 16. it is good for the memory, Montan. resisteth poison, and is an enemy to venery, insomuch that it sometime breaketh in such uncleane acts, Borrh. 4. Ribera, Pelargus say that Dan was resembled hereby: who as fire consu∣med the City Lais: and Sampson of Dan, as fire devoured the Philistims: rather the Smaragd, which is of a greene colour, like the greene serpents, setteth forth Dan, whom Iacob resembleth to a serpent, Genes. 49.17. And Sampson of Dan, was as comfortable to Israel, as the Smaragd is to the eyes, and a preservative against the Philistims, as the other is against poison.

* 1.368The Saphir. 1. So it is called also in the Hebrew, and therefore without all question it can be no other stone. Oleaster thinketh it to be the Iasper stone: but the same word in the originall, is a sufficient dire∣ction to led us to finde out the kinde. 2. There are divers sorts of Saphirs: some are white, and so hard, that they will abide the stroke of the hammer upon the anvill; which therefore are taken to be a kinde of Adamant, Montan. But the usuall colour is blewish, like unto the cleare heavens, Exod. 24.10. and it shineth with golden speckes in it, as Plin. lib. 37. cap. 9. whereupon the Nazarites were compared for their ruddy colour, to polished Saphir, Lament. 4.7. Riber. 3. It stayeth the flux of bloud, is good against poison, comforteth the heart, Tostat. It is good for the sight, and being beaten into powder, and so drunke, it hea∣leth melancholy, and cureth the stinging of scorpions. 4. Montanus giveth this stone to Isachar; Tostatus to Dan: but the next in order of birth, which is here observed, was Nepthali, Levi being omitted, who is resembled to the Saphir, because of the heavenly colour; for that some of the Apostles are held to have beene of this Tribe, who delivered the heavenly doctrine of the Gospell. And so as Nepthali is compared to an Hind let goe, giving goodly words, Genes. 49.21. the Apostles were as Hinds let goe, and sent out by our Saviour, uttering heavenly and comfortable words, Ribera. And the Hind to the which Nepthali is compared, for spots and colour, is not much unlike the Saphir.

* 1.369The Diamond. 1. The word is jahalam, which is derived of halam, to smite, which sheweth it to be a stone, that is not broken with smiting or beating: so O••kelas calleth it, cabehalam, of the same significa∣tion: it appeareth then to be the Adamant, or Diamond, which is of such hardnesse, that ne{que} igne, ne{que} ferro mollescit, it is neither mollified with fire, nor iron: the Arabians call it Almas for Adamas, the Ada∣mant: R. Saadias, and R. Abraham, whom Montanus, Oleaster, Iunius, Pelargus follow, take it for the Dia∣mond: the Septuagint, Iosephus, whom Ribera, Marbach, Borrhaius follow, take it for the Jasper, which is of greenish colour, with certaine bloudy speckes; but the Jasper is the last which is named, called also in Hebrew, Iaspheh. 2. The Diamond is in colour like unto Chrystall, somewhat yellower, but more shi∣ning and transparent. 3. It is of invincible hardnesse, yet may be mollified with goats bloud, Marbach. 4. This stone, Tostatus would have to resemble Nepthali, because he counteth Levi one; Montanus, Zebu∣lon. but the next in order, Levi being not reckoned, is Gad, who for his courage and valour, is compared to a Lion, Deut. 33.20. and in that respect his invincible courage may be signified, by the hardnesse of the Diamond, Pelarg.

Vers. 19. In the third row, a Turkeis, an Achate, an Amethyst, &c.

A Turkeis. 1. The Hebrew word is lesem: Hierome following the Septuagint, and so also Iosephus be∣fore him,* 1.370 call it Lygurium, the Lygurian stone. Some thinke it should be read the Lyncurian: which many thinke to be a stone engendred of the urine of the Lynx, which he covereth in the sand, Vatabl. Oleast.

Marbach. Pelarg. and so the Chalde Paraphrast useth the word kanchyri, which commeth neere the word linkuri, Montanus. But Plinie denieth the Lyncurie to be a precious stone, but rather a kinde of Amber, lib. 37. cap. 3. Ribera thinketh it should be rather called the Ligurian, than Lyncurian; and thinketh Eras∣mus to be deceived, that in Hierom, for Lygurian, would have read, Lyncurian; and he taketh it for a kinde of Carbuncle, which was thought to be bred in Liguria, though Plinie deny it, lib. 37. cap. 7.* 1.371 But it is more like to be the Turkeis, Genevens. which Iunius taketh for the stone called Cyanus, which is of a blew colour. Gloss. interlin. saith it is a stone of blew colour, which is found in renibus bovis, in the kid∣neyes of an oxe. But no such stone of price is like to be there ingendred, or of the Lynx urine, as to be thought meet to be put into the pectorall.

2. Ribera taketh this stone to be of a yellow and fiery colour, as the Carbuncle; but Hierome judgeth it rather to be the Hyacinth, which is a blew precious stone, as the Turkeis is. Tostatus saith, it hath colo∣rem inter aureum & argenteum medium, a middle colour betweene gold and silver. This third order of stones rather imitated the purple colour, which was one of the foure used in the Tabernacle: as the first row did resemble the skarlet, the second the white colour, the fourth the blew or hyacinth, which were the foure colours of the Tabernacle.

3. The vertues of it are these: It taketh up strawes, as the Load stone draweth iron: it discovereth poison: is good for those that want colour, Tostat. They say it is comfortable to the stomacke, and stayeth the flix, Marbach.

4. Here, as Tostatus thinketh, was Gads name written: Montanus, the name of Dan. But Asher is the next in birth to Gad: whom Ribera and Pelargus would have resembled by this stone, in regard of the plenty of blessings, wherewith he was endowed, Deut. 33.24, 25. as of favour, multitude of children, abun∣dance of oile, brasse, and iron: the Turcais is of a blewish metalline colour: and thereby might be signi∣fied the abundance of metals and minerals in Ashers countrey.

An Achate. 1. The Hebrew word is shebo: the Chalde translateth it tarkaia,* 1.372 which Montanus taketh to be the Turcais before spoken of: the Septuag. Iosephus, Hierome with the rest, call it the Achate: which, as Plinie writeth, is so called, because it was found in Sicilia neere unto a river of the same name, lib. 37. cap. 10. 2. Isidor saith, it is of blackish colour, lib. 16. Etym. cap. 10. R. David, of blew or skie co∣lour: but is indeed of divers colours, white, red, greene, blew, azure, Borrh. of such variety, that sometime therein are represented, woods, mountaines, beasts, rivers, Marbach. Pirrhus is said to have had such an Achate, that the nine Muses, and Apollo playing upon his Harp, might be descried therein, not by any ar∣tificiall workmanship, but the naturall mixture of divers colours, Borrh. 3. It is thought to resist thunder, to allay tempests, to procure dreames, to prevaile against poison, Tostatus. 4. Therein was not written Asher, as Tostatus; nor Nepthali; as Montanus; but Issachar rather, who followeth next in order: who is resembled to this stone of divers colours, because of his variety of vertues: and for his piety, for calling the people to the mountaine and service of God; Deut. 33.19. Pelarg. Ribera: but rather (saving that all these are meere conjectures) the variety of the colours representing mountaines, woods, cattell, sheweth Issachars desire to husbandry and tillage, to the which he should be addicted, Gen. 49.15.

The Amethyst. 1. The Hebrew name is achlamah, derived of chalam, which signifieth to dreame.* 1.373 The Hebrewes hold that it causeth dreames, which seemeth rather to be one of their dreames, Oleaster: or rather, valet adversus insomnia, it availeth against dreames, Montan. It is usually called the Amethyst, Sept. Ioseph. Hierome, Vatab. Iun. with others. Some take it for the Hematite, Genevens. but that is an∣other stone of the colour of bloud. 2. It is somewhat of violet colour, Plin. lib. 37. cap. 10. or neere to pur∣ple, Marbach. 3. It hath a singular force against drunkennesse, Dioscoridos. 4. In this stone was written, Issachar, as Tostatus; Gad, as Montan. rather Zabulun, who followeth in order: whereby is signified his charity and heavenly vertues: wherein he is joyned with Issachar, Deut. 33.19. Pelarg. Ribera: rather the violet and purple colour of the Amethyst betokened their shipping, sailes and streames, which were of blew and purple, Ezech. 27.7. And so Zabulun is celebrated for their navigation, voyages and goings out by Sea, Deut. 33.18.

Vers. 20. And in the fourth row, Beryll, Onyx, and Iasper.

Beryll. 1. In Hebrew the word is tarshish, which is taken for the Sea:* 1.374 it was then a pretious stone of sea colour, Chald. Montanus: so is Beryll, as Iunius translateth: not the Chrysolite, Sept. Latine, Genevens. Riber. Pelargus: for that is of yellow glistring colour like gold: much lesse can it be the Carbuncle, as the Sept. interpret, Tarshis, Ezech. 10. Some take it for the Turkais, B. but that was the seventh stone before; Vatab. for the Hyacinth. 2. For the colour thereof, it was like unto the sea, from whence it hath the name. David Chimhi saith, it was caerulei coloris, of a blewish colour: Sanctes and Vatab. of the colour of the Hyacinth, which was of a deepe blew: the Beryll rather is of a greene sea colour. 3. Beryll is good for watry eyes, and it cherisheth matrimoniall love, Dioscorides: the naturall qualities thereof we allow, the supernaturall are but after mens fansies, and therefore not to be insisted upon. 4. Here was written upon this stone Zabulun, as Tostatus; and as Montanus following the Chalde, Asher: but Ephraim fol∣loweth next in order, whom this sea colour resembleth, because he should mightily increase, as the Sea, Ribera: for his multiplicity of vertues, Pelarg. rather, because Ephraim in Ioseph is blessed with sweet dewes, and pleasant fountaines and depths below, Deut. 33.13.

The Onyx. 1. The Hebrew word is soham, which the Sept. Iosephus, Lat. Vatab. Paguine, take for the Sardonyx stone: so also Ribera, Pelarg. Iunius here taketh it for the Sardie:* 1.375 but before vers. 9. the same word he interpreteth the Sardonyx: Montanus will have it to be Beryll, because the Chalde useth the like word burla, and Tharg. Hieros. bedulha: yet he thinketh the Beryll to be a kinde of Onyx stone:

whereof he saith, he had seene ten severall sorts, and one Iacobus Trezzius of Millaine promised to shew him eighteene sorts of the Onyx stone. But the Beryll is more like to be the stone of Tarshis, or Sea co∣lour, next before described. 2. Tostatus saith, it is of a fiery colour, with white veines in it: but it rather resembleth the colour of the naile upon the flesh, whereof it is so called: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a naile, Plin. lib. 37. cap. 6. 3. It casteth the shape and images downeward, as we see in hollow glasses. It hath evill effects, procureth sorrow, kindleth strife, Tostat. but it rather being hung about the necke serveth to strengthen the body, and restraineth venery, Borrhaius ex Albert. Mag. 4. Here was written Ioseph, Tostat. Monta∣nus: rather Manasses, who otherwise should be excluded: by the reddish whitenesse of this stone they understand candorem virtutum, the pleasant vertues in Ioseph, and in Manasses his sonne, his courtesie, and humanity, Pelarg. Ribera: the flesh colour of this stone may well signifie, the humane and fleshie and ten∣der affection.

* 1.376The Iasper. 1. The Hebrew word is answerable, which is Iosphe: Oleast. and in the Arabian tongue it is called jasp, Montan. Onkelos calleth it panteren, it may be because the Iasper is spotted like the Panther: the Septuagint, and Iosephus, whom Hierome followeth, translate here Beryll: but the originall word sheweth that it must be the Iasper. 2. It is of a greenish colour and transparent, Plin. lib. 37. cap. 8. But the Jaspers which are brought from the East, have spots and speckes like bloud, Borrh. 3. It hath a speciall astrin∣gent quality, and stancheth bloud, Borrh. 4. This stone, which as Plinie saith, tot habet virtutes, quot venas, hath as many vertues as veines, resembleth the perfection of vertues in Benjamine: in whose tribe it plea∣sed the Lord to dwell, and there to build his Temple, Deut. 33.12. Ribera, Pelargus.

QUEST. XXII. That it is not now certainly knowne, what these precious stones were, their qualities and signification.

BUt now in the description of these precious stones, these things generally must be observed: 1. That neither their names, colours, nor properties are certainly knowne either to the Hebrewes, or Greekes, as appeareth by the variety and difference of opinion, and translation. 2. But as for the supernaturall pro∣perties, which Dioscorides attributeth unto them: as that the Smaragd chaseth away Devils, the Sardie preventeth withcraft, the Saphir giveth victory: the Achates causeth one to dreame, and allayeth tem∣pests: the Onyx raiseth strife, causeth feare: the Chrysolite worne in gold, prevaileth against evill spirits: of these strange operations there can be no reason given, and they are beyond the reach and compasse of naturall things: and such observations tend rather to superstition, than any profitable instruction. 3. Like∣wise it is uncertaine which of these precious stones were assigned to each of the tribes. Montanus setteth downe the tribes in this order: Ruben, Simeon, Levi, Iuda, Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, Nepthali, Gad, Asher, Ioseph, Benjamin, therein following the Chalde Paraphrast: In which order he setteth downe all the sonnes of Leah, before the sonnes of the handmaids. But this is against the text, vers. 10. which directeth their names to be set in order, according to their generation and age. Tostatus observeth the order of na∣ture as they were borne: Ruben, Simeon, Levi, Iudah, Dan, Nepthali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun, Ioseph, Benjamin: Ribera, Pelargus follow the same order, saving that they leave out Levi, and for Ioseph put in Ephraim and Manasseh, which is the more probable: because the high Priest of Levi was to beare this pectorall, who stood for that tribe, that there needed no stone of remembrance. And seeing this breast-plate was to continue a long time, it is like the tribes were rehearsed, as they were afterward appointed: Ephraim and Manasseh being counted for two tribes.* 1.377 4. Yet there is more certainty what stones stood for every tribe, because the order of their birth is knowne, than which of the twelve precious stones should be assigned to the Apostles, Apocal. 21.19. whose certaine order is no where set downe in the Gospell: but they are rehearsed diversly, Mat. 10. Mark. 3. Luk. 6. Act. 1. 5. There is some difference be∣tweene the rehearsall of these twelve precious stones, which stand for the Patriarkes, and those twelve, Apocal. 21.19. which signifie the twelve Apostles: 1. The order is not the same, for the last here, which is the Jasper, is the first there, neither are the rest set downe after the same manner. 2. There are some names, which are not here, as the Chalcidon, the Hyacinth, the Chrysolite, and Chrysoprase: though these three last are named here by some, the former by Vatablus in the tenth place, the first of the fourth row, which the Septuagint call the Chrysolite: but it is before shewed to be Beryll: and the Chrysoprase Iu∣nius taketh for the first of the second row, which is rather the Smaragd. 3. Yet I take it that these twelve precious stones, and the other are the same in kinde though differing in names: the Iasper, the Saphir, the Smaragd, the Sardonix, the Sardius, Beryll, the Topaze, the Amethyst, are here also expressed by their names: all the question is about these foure: the Chalcedon the third, the Chrysolite the seventh, the Chry∣soprase the tenth, the Hyacinth the eleventh: which may be reduced to these kindes: the Chalcedon stone, as Arethas saith, is similit coloris cum carbunculo, of like colour to the Carbuncle: so also Isidor. lib. Etym. 16. cap. 13. and therefore it may be referred to the precious stone, which is here in the third place, bare∣keth, the Carbuncle, as the Chalcedon is the third there, so called, because it was found in the Chalcedon Sea: or rather the Diamond may be the Chalcedon stone: for as Beda saith, Quasi ignis lucernae pallenti spe∣cie renitet; It shineth with a pale and wan colour, as the light of a lantorne: and the Diamond, is ferro candenti similis, like unto iron red hot: then the Chrysolite may be the Carbuncle, the Chrysoprase the Achate, which is of divers colours, and so is the Chrysoprase, mixed of a yellow and greene colour: the Hya∣cinth may be the Turkais, which Hierome taketh for the Hyacinth: which is the seventh stone in order here: and he thus further saith, Iidem in fundamentis ejus ponuntur lapides, &c. The same precious stones are there laid in the foundation of the celestiall Jerusalem, which are named here.

QUEST. XXIII. How many rings the breast-plate had, and how placed.

Vers. 22. THou shalt make two chaines, &c. 1. Tostatus thinketh, that the breast-plate had foure rings in the foure corners thereof, and that there were foure rings answerable thereunto in the Ephod, to which the breast-plate was fastened by certaine laces of blew silke: and beside, in the upper side of the breast-plate, he thinketh there were two rings more, which were fastened with two golden chaines, to the golden bosses upon the shoulders by certaine golden hookes, quest. 2. But it cannot be gathered out of the text, that the breast-plate had any more than foure rings: so also thinketh Monta∣nus; two of those rings were made above, which should be fastned to the embossements of gold, upon the shoulders by two golden chaines, vers. 24.25. and the other two rings were on the neather side of the breast-plate below, toward the embroidered girdle of the Ephod, vers. 26. 2. Hierome also thinketh, that these foure rings in the breast-plate, Habentes alios quatuor contra se in superhumerali, had foure other rings against them in the Ephod. But there is mention made onely of two rings beneath in the Ephod, by the which the breast-plate was fastened with a blew silke lace, to the two rings of the Ephod, vers. 27. for the upper side was fastened with chaines by the two rings, unto the embossements of gold upon the shoulders.

QUEST. XXIV. What is meant by the forepart thereof.

Vers. 25. THou shalt put them on the shoulders of the Ephod, on the foreside of it. 1. Cajetane understan∣deth this of the backer part of the Ephod, because the words are, contra facies ejus, against the face of it. But what else is against the face of the chaines ascending up, than the back-part, where they were to be fastened? But the text speaketh of the face or forepart of the breast-plate, on the face of it, not of them, that is, the chaines in the plurall. 2. Iunius thus interpreteth, Versus anteriorem partem ejus; Toward his forepart, that is, the high Priests. But it is evident, vers. 27. that it is to be referred rather to the Ephod; for no mention is made before of the Priest in this place. 3. Therefore the meaning is, hee should fasten the chaines to the shoulders of the Ephod, in anteriore parte ejus, in the forepart thereof, Lip∣poman. As the Latine Interpreter also giveth the sense: in that part, quod rationale respicit, which looketh toward the rationall, or pectorall.

QUEST. XXV. Whether the breast-plate were over or never untied, and loosed from the Ephod.

Vers. 28. THat the breast-plate be not loosed from the Ephod. 1. Beda is here of opinion, that the breast-plate was fastened by chaines to the Ephod, tempore inducendi, in the time onely of the put∣ting on. 2. But it is more probable, that they were not parted or separated the one from the other, no not when they were put off: for to what end should they have beene so surely fastened together, if the breast-plate were continually to be put to, and taken off againe? And this may further appeare that they went together; because when David bad Abiathar to bring the Ephod, 1 Sam. 23.9. the pectorall also with the Vrim and Thummim were joyned to it, whereby he consulted with God for David. 3. Yet were they not so tied, as Cajetane thinketh, Vt neutrum ab altero separari possit; That one could not be separated from another: for then they should have beene made all one garment, not two: but they were so faste∣ned together, that they could not be separated, nisi quis ea separaverit, unlesse one upon some occasion did separate them, Tostat. quaest. 12.

QUEST. XXVI. Whether the high Priest went into the most holy place in his glorious apparell.

Vers. 29. SO Aaron shall beare the names of the children of Israel, &c. when he goeth into the holy place for a remembrance before the Lord continually. 1. In that mention is made here of the holy place only, it seemeth that the high Priest did not put on all these garments, when he went once a yeere into the most holy place: and it is so expressed, Levit. 16.4. that he should then put on the linen coat, the linen breeches, a linen girdle, and a linen miter: the other precious priestly garments are not mentioned. 2. Iu∣nius thinketh, that here by a Synecdoche, the rest of the priestly attire is understood; these are named for the rest, and so by certaine parts, all are to be conceived: so also Borrhaius: so also Osiander and Mar∣bach. make the high Priest here a type of Christ, that as hee put off his costly robes, and went forth and sacrificed in his owne attire: so Christ was stripped of his purple rayment, and put on other clothes, when he went to be crucified. 3. But I preferre rather herein the opinion of Lyranus, following R. Salo∣mon, Tostarus quaest. 11. and Pellican. That the high Priest at this time was only clad in linen: their rea∣sons are these: 1. Because when the high Priest went in to pray for the people, and to make reconcilia∣tion for them, that was to be performed with all humility, and therefore the high Priest was to shew his lowlinesse in his outward apparell: but afterward when hee went out to sacrifice, that was a solemne act, and it was fit hee should there administer in his priestly robes, Lyranus. 2. The most holy place was Gods habitation, and there all was of gold: therefore it was not fit, that the high Priest should come in thither with his garments adorned with gold, R. Salomon. 3. But Pellican better explaineth this reason, that although the high Priest in his costly apparell seemed glorious in the eyes of the people, yet omniae illa ornamenta coram Deo feces erant, all those ornaments were but as drosse before the Lord: and there∣fore in his sight, he was not to appeare in them. 4. But an invincible argument may be taken from that place, Levit. 16.23. where the Priest is bid to put off the linen clothes, and leave them in the holy place, and then to put on his owne rayment, and so come out, and make his burnt offering: these were not his owne ordinary wearing clothes, for it is not to be imagined, that the Priest when hee sacrificed, did not minister in his priestly raiment: therefore by his owne clothes are meant, the rayment peculiar to the high Priest: whereas the other linen garments, which he had put on before, were common to the inferiour Priests, Lyranus. 5. By this it is evident, that the high Priest did come into the outward court in his priestly attire, to offer sacrifice at the brasen Altar; though he entred not into the most holy place

with them: both because it was fit he should be seene and beheld of the people in his glorious apparell, for greater reverence. And seeing he was not to enter into the holy place, but in that apparell, it is like hee put them on at the doore of the Tabernacle, as hee did when hee was first consecrated, chap. 29.5. 6. But it will be objected, that the high Priest was to beare the names of the children of Israel conti∣nually before the Lord, when he went in, and therefore it is not like, but that he went into the most holy place in his glorious apparell, wherein the stones of remembrance were: the answer is, that this being but once in the yeere, when the high Priest went into the most holy place, and yet after he came out▪ hee put on his priestly robes, he might be said notwithstanding, continually to beare their names before the Lord.

QUEST. XXVII. What the Vrim and Thummim were.

Vers. 30. ALso thou shalt put in the breast-plate of judgement the Vrim and Thummim. There are divers opinions concerning this Vrim and Thummim what they should be: 1. Some are of opi∣nion, that it is not certainly knowne, neither can be defined what they were. R. David saith, Non est ma∣nifestum apud nos, quid haec significent; It is not manifest among us what these things signifie, &c. Cajetan also saith, what is signified by these names, Vrim and Thummim, Nullus (quantum novimus) hactenus ex∣plicavit; None (that we know) hath hitherto explained, &c. 2. Hierom following the Septuagint, retaineth not the Hebrew words, Vrim and Thummim, but giveth their interpretation, doctrinam & veritatem, doctrine and verity; so the Septuagint, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, manifestation and truth: and they seeme to thinke that hereby was meant only, that the Priest should be endued with sincerity and truth, as Esra 2.63. where the text is, Till a Priest rose up with Vrim and Thummim: Hierom translateth, Donec surgeret Sacerdos doctus & eruditus; Untill a learned and skilfull Priest should rise up. But it is cleare, that the Vrim and Thummim was some reall thing in the pectorall, as Levit. 8.8. Hee put in the breast-plate, Vrim and Thummim: and beside, they give not the right sense of the words, which signifie light, or illumina∣tions, and perfections, not doctrine and verity.

3. Tostatus also referreth these words unto the cleare answers, which the Priest consulting with God, used to give: that they were not ambiguous and doubtfull, as the oracles of Apollo, Sed illa manifestati•• dubiorum, &c. erat clarissima ut lux, but that manifestation of doubts, which was made by applying the pectorall, was as cleare as the light, quest. 13. But there was some materiall and reall thing, which was cal∣led Vrim and Thummim, and not in signification only, as is before shewed.

4. R. Abraham, Ab. Ezra thinketh they were certaine plates put within the breast-plate, in the fol∣ding thereof, the one of silver, the other of gold: from the similitude whereof the Astrologians after∣ward tooke the fashion of their Astrolabes, by the which they understood secret things. But this is a su∣perstitious conceit: 1. These plates, which he imagineth, being put within the fold of the breast-plate, how should they come to be seene of others, to make their Astrologicall instruments by? 2. The Astro∣labe serveth onely to search out the secrets of nature: but by the Vrim and Thummim, the Priest gave answer of supernaturall things: 3. Neither did the Priest when hee consulted with God, looke upon any such figures, as he imagineth to have beene in these plates; but received answer from God, Sic To∣stat. quaest. 12.

5. R. Salomon thinketh, that the Vrim and Thummim was nothing else, but the name of Iehovah, which was written in letters, and put within the breast-plate: which name some ancient Hebrewes, even before Christ, did take to signifie the Trinity: In this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Iehovah, the first letter jod, they would have taken for the Father; he, for the Sonne, which letter is doubled to signifie his two natures, the humane, and Divine; and vau, which is a conjunction copulative signifieth the holy Ghost, Vatabl. But betweene these words, Vrim and Thummim, and the name Iehovah, there seemeth to be small affinity.

6. Some of the Rabbines, as Paulus Fagius reporteth their opinion, thinke that this Vrim and Thum∣mim, was an exposition of the name Iehovah, consisting of certaine letters, 42. in number, which were put within the pectorall: and Hugo de S. Victor▪ thinketh, that they were characteres inscripti diversis literis, characters written with certaine letters. But there is no reason to call so many letters by the name of Vrim and Thummim.

7. Some thinke that these very words, Vrim and Thummim, were graven in the pectorall: of which opi∣nion seemeth Philo to be,* 1.378 calling the Vrim and Thummim, duas virtutes depictas, two vertues set forth, and pictured in the rationall, or pectorall. But the phrase of putting in the Vrim and Thummim, sheweth, that they were not wrought into the breast-plate, but put into it after it was made.

8. Suidas thinketh it was a bright Diamond in the pectorall, which shined extraordinarily, when the Lord gave an acceptable answer: some thinke they were two precious stones set into the pectorall▪ be∣side the other twelve, as Calvin thinketh, Duas fuisse insignes notas; That they were two notable markes in the pectorall, to the which these names agreed. But the order of the precious stones being set in foure rankes, would not leave any place for any other to be set in, Simler. And it is not like that this Diamond was one of the twelve: for why should one of these stones be called Vrim and Thummim, rather than another?

9. Oleaster, Lippoman, Osiander, thinke that the Vrim and Thummim were the very stones themselves, called Vrim of their brightnesse, and they were called Thummim of their perfection, or because they filled up the places, where they were set in. But if they were nothing else but the very precious stones them∣selves, which were described before to be set in the breast-plate, what needed it be added againe, Thou shalt put in the breast-plate of judgement, Vrim and Thummim? Ribera.

10. And the same Ribera, though he mislike the former opinion of Oleaster; yet he doth not much

differ from it; adding only this, that the Vrim and Thummim were those twelve precious stones, not simply, Sed quatenus per eos Deus solebat futura praenunciare, & respondere in agendis; but as God did by them foretell things to come, and give answer what was to be done. And he urgeth this as a reason, be∣cause Exod. 39. where it is reported, what things the workmen had made according to Moses direction; the least thing being not omitted, yet no mention is made of the Vrim and Thummim, which sheweth that they were the very same with the twelve stones. Of the same opinion seemeth Iosephus to be,* 1.379 that the Vrim and Thummim were the twelve precious stones, which he saith, used to shine exceeding bright, when the Lord would give good successe to the people in their warre.

But this reason may be retorted againe, that seeing no mention is made of Vrim and Thummim, that it was not prepared by the workmen, but was rather some sacred monument, which Moses received of God: as he did the tables of stone. To this opinion I before inclined in another place,* 1.380 that the Vrim and Thum∣mim were the precious stones themselves, so called of their excellent brightnesse and perfection: but now upon better reason I am moved to thinke, that they were a reall and distinct thing from the precious stones: for the workmen set in the stones, Exod. 39.10. they filled it with foure rowes of stones: but Mo∣ses put in the breast-plate, after it was made, the Vrim and Thummim, Levit. 8.8.

11. Thomas thinketh, that Quaedam scribebantur in rationali, &c.* 1.381 Some things were written in the pe∣ctorall, which concerned the verity of justice and doctrine. But this was no place for such writing in the pectorall, being filled with the stones.

12. Some therefore are of this judgement, that this Vrim and Thummim, Rem fuisse multiplici figura di∣stinctam, claram, &c. was a thing of great variety, cleare, bright, as may appeare by the signification of the words, and that they are put in the plurall number, Non humano artificio factum, sed divinitus Mo∣si datum; Not made by humane workmanship, but given unto Moses of God. What matter it was of, it can be no more conjectured, than of what stone the tables were made, wherein the Law was written: and whereof the Manna was, which melted with the Sunne, and was hardened at the fire; or of what substance the holy fire consisted, which came downe from heaven upon Aarons sacrifice. This precious monument of Vrim and Thummim, was put into the fold of the pectorall, which was to that end made double, Montan. in apparat. To the same purpose also Iunius: who thinketh that it was, soli Mosi à Deo data, given unto Moses only of God, and so put into the breast-plate, Levit. 8.8.

13. Piscator reporteth this to be the opinion of Matthias Martinius, that these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Vrim and Thummim, Intra duplicitatem pectoris interposita fuisse, were put betweene in the doubling of the breast-plate. So also Beda, Doctrina & veritas in rationali judicii sive literis est impressa, seu nomini∣bus; Doctrine and verity was imprinted either in letters, or in names in the rationall, or pectorall of judge∣ment, &c. likewise Rupertus, Doctrina quo{que} & veritas inscribiturilli; Doctrine and truth is written there∣in, &c. that is, the Hebrew words, Vrim, Thummim, which they so interpret doctrine and verity: but they rather signifie, light, or illumination, and perfection. Procopius inclineth to the same opinion, Incertum est an alii hic intelligendi sint lapides, vel capienda sit quaedam duorum nominum, quasi intabella, inscriptio; It is uncertaine, whether other stones are here to be understood, or wee may take it for a certaine inscription of these two names in a table, &c.

These two latter opinions I put together: that it is like, these Vrim and Thummim were written in some precious matter, not made by art, but prepared of God, and given to Moses, who put them within the breast-plate. So Gallasius resolveth, Diversum aliquid fuisse à lapidibus & catonis, minimè dubium est: It is without doubt, that they were a divers thing from the stones and chaines: and what if wee say, that these names, Vrim and Thummim, inscripta fuisse intra pectorale, were written within the pectorall?

QUEST. XXVIII. How judgement was given by the Vrim and Thummim.

NOw it will be further inquired, how the Lord made answer, and the Priest consulted with God by Vrim and Thummim? 1. Iosephus thinketh, that when the Lord promised good successe to his people, the stones shined extraordinarily: but he saith, Desiit tam essen, quam Sardonix fulgorem emitte∣re, &c. As well the Pectorall, which he calleth the (essen) or rather choshen, which is the Hebrew name for the Pectorall, and the Sardonix stone upon the right shoulder, which used to shine extraordinarily, as often as the high Priest sacrificed, did cease to send forth such brightnesse, and that two hundred yeeres before his time: which Tostatus thinketh was in the time of the Macchabees: as he doth gather out of that place, 1 Macchab. 4.46. where it is said, that they laid up the stones of the Altar, upon the mountaine of the Temple, till there should come a Prophet to shew what should bee done with them. It is like then they wanted that direction, to know the Lords will by the shining of the stones, Tostat. qu. 15. But I thinke it more probable with Montanus, that the Vrim and Thummim was lost in the captivity, as also the Arke, tables of stone, Aarons Rod, and the pot of Manna: as also thinketh Burgens. addit. 2. And as may appeare, Ezra 2.63. that after the captivity they had no Priest with the Vrim and Thummim. The Priest which met Alexander in his glorious apparell, might have precious stones in his breast, without the Vrim and Thummim.

2. Ab. Ezra thinketh, that they used to write the thing inquired upon in a peece of paper, and so put it within the breast-plate, upon the Vrim and Thummim: and there they should finde written an answer of their question and demand. But it is evident, that the Lord, when he was consulted with, answered by voice, 1 Sam. 23.11.

3. Suidas thinketh that when the Lord granted their petition, the Adamant shined extraordinarily:* 1.382 if not, nihil accedebat ad solitum lapidis fulg••rem, nothing was added to the usuall brightnesse of the stone:

and when the Lord threatned warre, pestilence or famine, the stone had the colour of bloud. But it is shewed before that the Vrim and Thummim was no such stone.

4. Hugo de S. Victor. thinketh there were certaine characters of letters, quibus projectis, ex literarum junctura des••per apparen••ium, &c. by the casting whereof, and the joyning together of certaine letters, it appeared what was to be done. But the Vrim and Thummim was no such uncertaine conjunction of let∣ters: but some certaine glorious thing put into the Pectorall, as is before shewed.

5. Montanus thinketh, that the Vrim and Thummim, inde proferebantur, were taken out of the Pecto∣rall, when any answer was to be given: and that the Priest by the inspection thereof had his direction. But it is not like after Moses there put them, that they were taken out: as Tostatus well thinketh, Opor∣tebateas educere è plicatura rationalis, quòd non conveniebat. &c. That it was not convenient to draw them out from the folding of the Pectorall.

6. Nehemonides is of opinion, that the answer given by Vrim and Thummim was madregeh, a certaine degree and instinct of the Spirit, inferiour to prophecie; yet of an higher nature than nathkol, the voice which came from heaven: Ex Pelarg. Ribera also thinketh, beside the brightnesse of the stones, that the Priest, ad prasentiam rationalis spiritum prophetiae accipiebat, at the presence of the Pectorall received the spirit of prophecie. But for the Lord to answer by Vrim, and by Prophets, were two distinct things: 1 Sam. 28.6. the Lord would not answer Saul neither by dreames, by Vrim, nor by Prophets.

7. Wherefore it is most like, though this be not certainly determined in Scripture, that the Lord, when the Priest asked counsell of God by Vrim, made answer by voice: As when David asked of God by the Priest that had the Ephod, whether Saul would come downe, and whether the Lords of Keilah would deliver him into his hands: the Lord answered to both his questions, that Saul would come downe, and that the other would deliver him. So, 1 Sam. 30.8. David asked counsell of the Lord, saying, Shall I follow after this companie, shall I overtake them? and the Lord answered. Follow, for thou shalt surely overtake them, and recover all. Hence Tostatus well inferreth, Non fiebat inquisitio in aliqua lamina, sed à Deo inquirebatur veritas; There was no inquisition made in any such place, but the truth was inquired of God, quaest. 12. Ribera also useth this reason: that seeing God answered to every point, it was necessary there should be some voice heard:* 1.383 Nam fulgor gemmarum tot tanta{que} minuta declarare non potuit, &c. For the brightnesse of the precious stones could not declare such and so many small particulars. God used then to answer the high Priest by voice: as Numb. 7.89. When Moses went into the Tabernacle of the congregation to speake with God, hee heard the voice of one speaking unto him from the mercie seat. But it will then be asked, if the Priest discerned not the Lords will by the Vrim, why is it called the Vrim of judge∣ment, and what use was there of it? I answer, that it was so called, not of the effect, as though by the in∣spection of the Vrim hee gave judgement, but ex consequenti, by a consequent, because the Lord onely vouchsafed to give judgement in the cause enquired of by the Priest, when he applied the Pectorall with the Vrim and Thummim: which was ordained to be a type of Christ, the true and perfect light, to signi∣fie that in him all wisdome dwelleth, and that by him only the will of God is revealed to us, Calvin. And this further may serve as a proofe thereof: that it is like, if there had beene any reall demonstration in the stones of Gods will, that meanes had beene certaine and perpetuall, and never failed. But it was other∣wise, for God answered not Saul by Vrim; and in Iosias time, who was a vertuous King, the high Priest Hilkiah enquired Gods will of the Prophetesse Huldah,* 1.384 which he needed not to have done, if he might have knowne Gods will by looking into Vrim. The Lord therefore onely when it pleased him made answer by Vrim: which sheweth that it was by voice, rather than by any usuall signification appearing in the precious stones, or Vrim.

QUEST. XXIX. Whether the high Priest used to aske counsell of God by the Vrim, or Ephod, and what Ephod it was.

* 1.385BUt it is said, that the Priest applied the Ephod, not Vrim, when he asked counsell of the Lord for David: 1. The reason thereof is, because the Ephod, wherein the Vrim and Thummim were, was tied fast unto the Pectorall and the Pectorall unto the Ephod, so that the one was not loosed from the other, as it is said here, vers. 28. So then by applying the Ephod, the Pectorall, Vrim, and all were ap∣plied together. 2. Neither is this to bee understood of the ordinary and common Ephod, such as the inferiour Priests did weare, as Saul put to the sword in one day 85. persons, that did weare a linen Ephod: but it was the glorious Ephod, which was set with the foure rowes of the precious stones, pe∣culiar onely to the high Priest: for Abimelech the high Priest being dead, the right of the Priesthood descended by succession unto Abiathar his sonne, who escaping from that danger, as hee fled tooke the Ephod out of the Tabernacle at Nob, and brought it with him to David, 1 Sam. 26.6. where it is not called a linen Ephod, as before, where the Priests are said to have worne lined Ephods: but simply the Ephod, Tostat. quaest. 15. wherein Gods providence appeared, that the right Ephod should be preserved, and kept with David the true King, Genevens. and that he might have meanes to consult with God in all his dangers.

QUEST. XXX. Of the mysticall application of the priestly pectorall with the Vrim and Thummim.

NOw the mysticall signification of the Pectorall with the Vrim and Thummim followeth: First, I will omit the curious significations, which are brought by some, as being impertinent and super∣fluous: 1. As Iosephus and Philo by the breast-plate understand the Zodiake; by the twelve precious stones▪ the twelve signes in the Zodiake, and the twelve moneths of the yeere: which application Hie∣rome himselfe seemeth not much to mislike. 2. Hierome by the foure rowes of precious stones

would have signified the foure morall vertues, Prudence, Fortitude, Iustice, Temperance; Epist. ad Fabi••l. 3. Beda thus applieth them, that as there were foure order of stones, and in every of them three: so, In quatuor virtutibus sancta Trinitatis fidem teneamus; That wee should professe and hold the faith of the Trinity joyned with the foure morall vertues. 4. Gregorie by the twelve stones, containing the names of the twelve Patriarkes, insinuateth thus: Ascriptos patres semper in pectore ferre, est antiquorum vitam sin•• intermissione cogitare; To beare the fathers written in the breast▪ is alwayes to thinke of the life of those which are gone before.

Secondly, there are fitter applications than these. To omit the rest: 1. Hierome by the twelve precious stones understandeth the twelve Apostles, by whom the Church was inlightened, and upon whose do∣ctrine the Church of God was founded: as the twelve Apostles are set forth by these twelve precious stones, Apocal. 21. So also Gregorie: Sancti Apostoli lapides sant ornamenti in pectore; The holy Apo∣stles are the stones of ornament in the breast. 2. As the Vrim and Thummim was put unto the precious stones, it signifieth Christum esse & conversari cum sanctis, that Christ is conversant with his Saints, Pro∣copius. 3. Rupertus understandeth it thus, that as the Priest did beare two stones on his shoulders; and twelve in the breast-plate of judgement: so Christ, cunctorum super humeros peccata portavit, carried the sinnes of all upon his shoulders: and in judgement, shall give unto every one according to his workes: by the twelve stones signifying the divers mansion places in the kingdome of heaven. 4. The Vrim, that is interpreted light, shewed, that in Christo sunt reconditi omnes thesauri scientia & sapientiae, in Christ are laid up all the treasures of wisdome and knowledge: and Thummim, which betokeneth perfection, sym∣bolum fuit perfectae puritatis, &c. was as signe or symboll of perfect purity, which is to be sought only in Christ, Calvin. So also Marbach. 5. So both those doe signifie, that extra Christum nihil aliud nisi tene∣brae & peccatum, without Christ there is nothing but darknesse and sinne, he is our illumination and per∣fection, Gallas. 6. As the two stones, each of them having six names were upon the Priests shoulders, and the twelve stones with their particular names in his breast: so Christ, non gestat solum electos in humeris per potentiam, sed & in pectore per dilectionem, doth not only beare his elect in his shoulders by his power, but by love and dilection in his breast: neither this in generall, but every of their names are there writ∣ten: so, singuli fideles, &c. the faithfull in particular are for ever written in Christs breast, Ferus. 7. As there are two offices of the Mediatour, one to reconcile us unto God, the other to communicate the mercies of God unto us: so both these functions of the Mediatour are here shadowed forth. As the Priest did beare the names of the tribes in his breast: so Christ doth present the Church in the sight of his Father: and as there was Vrim and Thummim beside, so Christ from God communicateth unto us all illumination and perfection: hee is both our wisdome, and righteousnesse, Iun. in Analys. Piscator. 8. And that Christ was prefigured by the Vrim and Thummim, this may be a reason, because in the second Temple they were wanting, as likewise the Arke with other things. Id agente Deo, &c. God so provi∣ding, ut sanctiorum rerum desiderio afficerentur, &c. that they might long for more holy things which should be offered in the new Testament, Montan.

QUEST. XXXI. Of the robe of the Ephod, the fashion, and matter thereof.

Vers. 31. THou shalt make the robe of the Ephod. 1. The word is meghil, which Montanus saith, was of two sorts, there was one common as well to the Priests as others, a civill kinde of garment answering unto the Greekish gowne, or Romane cloake, which was a loose and open garment: there was another, called the robe of the Ephod, peculiar onely to the high Priest, which was whole round about, saving only a place for the head and armes: so also Ribera thinketh that meghil was as the cloake and outward garment, and that chetonez the coat, differed from meghil, as with the Greekes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with the Romanes tunica and pallium, the coat and cloake: as our Saviour saith, Hee that will take away thy coat, let him have thy cloake also. But Oleaster thinketh rather, that this was a strait coat:* 1.386 for loose garments were not so fit for those which did minister, and because it is said,* 1.387 that Samuels mo∣ther made him a little meghil coat. But because there was another coat beside under this, this is bet∣ter taken to be the robe, which was the outward garment: the coat was next underneath, which was the longer garment, but this the looser: it is better therefore translated pallium, a robe, Iun. than tunica, a coat, Lat.

2. It is called the robe of the Ephod, quia pars non minima superhumerali tegebatur, because a great part of it was covered with the Ephod, or shoulder garment, Beda. Et quia immediatè erat sub veste superhu∣merali; And because it was next under the Ephod, Cajetan.

3. For the fashion of it: Hierome thinketh, that it had assutas manicas, sleeves sewed unto it. So also Tostatus. But the more probable opinion is, that it was sine manicis, without sleeves, and had only holes or slits in the sides for the armes, Montan. Iun. Ribera: and Iosephus seemeth to be of the same opinion, Qua manus exornatur, est scissa; It was slit at the going out of the hands, &c. for the robes used not to have sleeves, but the coats and inward garments.

4. It had an hole in the middest for the head to goe thorow: and it seemeth to have beene inconsutilis tota, to have beene made whole of weavers worke without any seame: and so was the edge round about the hole for the head, made also opere textoris, of woven worke: ne extrinsecus assuatur, it was not sowed to, but made out of the same, Augustine. So also Hierome: though Tostatus and Ribera seeme to thinke otherwise, that the edge was sewed to, therein following Iosephus. But the text is against them: which prescribeth the edge to be made, textorio opere, with woven worke: and the reason is added, ne facilerum∣patur, that it be not rent: but if it had beene sewed to, it had not beene so strong, and would more easily have rent, than being woven unto it.

5. The Septuagint, whom Iosephus followeth, calleth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tunicam talarem, a coat downe to the feet: but it was shorter than the inward coat, which was a side garment reaching downe to the ground, Montanus. And if the bels and pomegranates had hung downe to the feet, it would have hit upon the Priests feet, and so hindred his going, Simler. Montanus and Lyranus in their description, make it to reach but a little beyond the knees.

6. For the matter of it, it was unlike unto the Ephod, to the making whereof went five things, gold, blew purple, silke, skarlet, and fine linen: but this was made altogether of blew silke, like to the hyacinth: which Cajetanus taketh to have beene a violet colour: some an azure colour like to the aire: but it was rather betweene both: for if it had beene a perfect violet, it would not have differed much from the purple: it is better translated then a blew colour, than a violet, Genevens.

QUEST. XXXII. Of the bels which hung in the skirts of the robe.

Vers. 33. THou shalt make Pomgranates. 1. The Pomgranates are prescribed to be made of three co∣lours, blew, purple, skarlet: all which doe appeare in the Pomgranates themselves: for the kirnels within are red: the colour of the rine or barke on the Sunside is purple, and on the other blewish. And by this mixture, the naturall colours of the Pomgranates were fitly represented, Mon∣tan. 2. Oleaster seemeth to thinke, that these Pomgranates were rather acupicta, quàm suspensa, wrought in with the needle into the skirts of the robe, than hung on. But seeing that the bels were made by themselves, and did hang betweene the Pomgranates; it is like also that the Pomgranates were made af∣ter the same manner, and so put to, as the bels were. 3. Montanus conjectureth that the golden bels were made ad formam mespilorum, after the fashion of medlers, being open below, as little brasen bels of that fashion are in use this day: and being thus made, they were more apt to send forth their sound. 4. Hierome thinkes, that there were 72. golden bels hanging in the skirts, and as many Pomgranates: Prosper saith, there were fifty of each sort: Iustin in Triphon saith there were twelve, to signifie the twelve Apostles: but of this there is no certainty: only it is said, Ecclesiastic. 45.9. that he com∣passed him about with many bels: there were many of them, but what was the certaine number, it is not expressed.

QUEST. XXXIII. Why the sound of the bels was to be heard.

Vers. 35. ANd his sound shall be heard, when he goeth in, &c. and commeth out, that he dye not. 1. Some thinke, that because in the holy place there were divers visions and apparitions of Angels, that by this signe the Priest comming in about his office and ministery, might give warning, and not rush in of a sudden to see the Lords secrets: like as men use to knock at their neighbours doores, before they enter in. But God needeth not any such signe to be warned by; hee knoweth every mans going in and out: and the holy Angels being searching Spirits, could have knowne when the Priest was entring, with∣out any such notice. 2. But the reasons why the Lord would have the bels heard, were these two: first in respect of the Priest himselfe, that hee might enter with more reverence: like as one will not rush into a great mans house by stealth, but first will knock at the doore; or ring the bell, Tostat. quaest. 17. Oleaster. The other reason was in regard of the people: it was done for a remembrance to them, Ecclesiast. 45.9. that they might know when the high Priest entred in, and then lift up their hearts, when the high Priest went in to minister before the Lord for them, Calvin. 3. Mention is made of his going in, and comming out, because only, when he went and moved himselfe, the bels sounded; but while hee remained within, and stood still, the bels stirred not. 4. The Lord threatneth death, if the Priest should enter otherwise, than thus apparelled with these garments: Non quòd sonus aliquid confert ad evadendum mortem; obedien∣tia est illa, quae confert, &c. Not that the sound helped any thing to escape death: but it was his obedience that helped, Cajetan.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the mysticall application of the robe.

THis priestly robe is diversly applied. 1. Iosephus, by the linen coat, understandeth the earth; by the blew robe, heaven; by the pomgranates, the lightning; by the bels, the thunder. 2. Philo resem∣bleth the aire to the blew robe, which was long and side, as the other is extended from the Moone to the earth; and the consent of the elements among themselves, to the sound of the bels. 3. Hierome appro∣veth Philo his conceit concerning the coat, and Iosephus for the bels. 4. Rupertus by the bels much better understandeth the sound of Christ preaching in the dayes of his flesh. 5. Beda by the blew robe, which resembleth the heavens, the celestiall conversation of the Ministers of the Gospell. 6. Athana∣sius saith, that talaris tunica, the side coat is a type of humane flesh, which Christ wholly put on. 7. Pro∣sper saith,* 1.388 the bels doe signifie the fiery tongues that sate upon the Apostles. 8. Augustine saith, that by these bels is insinuated, Vt nota sit conversatio Sacerdotis, that the conversation of the Priest should bee knowne to all. 9. Procopius, by the blew robe of skie colour, understandeth immortality: the Pomgra∣nates, urbium quandam speciem prae se ferunt, doe signifie Cities, which consist of walles and houses; as the pomgranate of the bark, and the graines or kirnels within: that as every pomgranate had a bell by it: so in every City there should be preaching. 10. But the best accommodation of the type is this: the pom∣granates, which are of themselves of pleasant savour, and the bels doe shew, that Deus fragrantiam in il∣la veste requirebat unà cum sonitu; That God in that garment required both a pleasant smell and sound; signifying that we being clothed with Christs righteousnesse, as with an heavenly garment, are acceptable unto God, and this sweet savour is dispersed, and communicated unto us by the sweet sound of the Gos∣pell, Calvin, Simler.

QUEST. XXXV. Of the golden plate, the fashion thereof, inscription, and fastening.

Vers. 36. THou shalt make a plate, &c. 1. Concerning the fashion of this plate of gold, Iosephus saith it was like, dimidiato globo, to an halfe circle or globe; and Lyranus in his description, maketh it like an halfe moone, or an horne turning up with both the ends. But it seemeth by the text, that it lay plaine upon the forefront of the miter; as Tostatus thinketh, it was an halfe coronet, reaching from eare to eare: which is most like, because it is afterward called, chap. 3••.30. the holy crowne: it there∣fore compassed the head before, as a coronet, Borrh. Pelarg. 2. Hence also it appeareth, seeing the text maketh mention but of one plate or crowne; that Iosephus narration hath no warrant out of the text, who saith, Hunc corona triplici circumdabat; Hee compassed the miter, or bonet, with a three-fold Crowne. 3. This plate had written in it, holinesse to the Lord, kodesh lajovab, holinesse to Iehovah, not la adonai, as Tostat. which was the Jewes superstition, who were afraid to pronounce the name of Iehovah, but in stead thereof said, Adonai. The meaning is, that all holinesse belonged unto God, ille solum actus est p••rus, that he only in himselfe is a pure act: and that all his workes are pure, Cajetanae. It also signified, that sacerdotalis majestas sacra Deo, that the priestly dignity was holy unto God, Borrh. Et non aliundo pe∣••endam esse sanctitatem, and that they should not looke to be sanctified elsewhere, Calvin. Wherein the high Priest was an evident type of our blessed Saviour, who sanctified himselfe for us, and in whom wee are sanctified: and this to be the meaning, the next words doe shew, because Aaron did beare the iniqui∣ties of their offerings, and sanctified them. 4. For the fastening of this plate, or crowne of gold: Tostatus thinketh it was tied at both the ends to the miter, with two silke laces at the two eares. But the text maketh mention only of one silke lace. Cajetan saith, that the plate did lye and rest upon this silke string or lace, which was in infima parte, in the neather part thereof, and so it stood upright, neque inclinabatur ad mitram, and was not put close to the miter: but the golden plate could not lye without some faste∣ning: therefore Iunius better giveth the sense, App••nas cum vitta hyacinthina, Thou shalt put it to, with a blew lace.

QUEST. XXXVI. How Aaron is said to beare their iniquities.

Vers. 38. THat Aaron may beare the iniquity of the offerings.* 1.389 1. Augustine by iniquities here understan∣deth those things which are offered for their iniquities: qua peccata dicuntur, quia pro pec∣catis offeruntur, &c. which are called sinnes, because they are offered for sinnes: and so his meaning see∣meth to be, that Aaron shall take those things, which the people offer for their sinnes. But in saying, the iniquities of the offerings, it is evident that in this place a difference is made betweene the offerings them∣selves and the iniquities of the offerings. 2. Oleaster taketh here iniquity, pro poena iniquitatis, for the pu∣nishment of iniquity: and would have this to be the meaning, that if any oversight were committed by the people in their offerings, in not doing as they should, by Aarons default, who was to looke unto it, he should be punished for it. But the words following in the end of the verse, to make them acceptable before the Lord, shew, that the meaning is, not that Aaron should be punished, but that by his office, their offe∣rings, though otherwise imperfect, should be accepted. 3. Some thinke, if any errour were committed in the ceremonies, id remissum fuisse sacerdotis precibus, that it was pardoned by the prayers of the Priest. But Calvin calleth this frigidum, a slender conceit: for here is no mention made of any prayers of the Priest, but only of the having the golden plate in his forehead. 4. Tostatus giveth this reason, why the Priest herein was acceptable unto God, quia sola erat obedientia in istis, qua Deo placebat, because it was obedience only in these things, which pleased God: which the Lord so highly esteemed of, that where obedience was wanting, things otherwise commanded were not accepted, as Sauls sacrifice: and where it was found, even the service in things of themselves evill, was pleasing unto God, as Abrahams obedience in sacrificing his sonne, Tostat. 19. Who hath given a good reason, why the Priest in his owne person should bee accepted of God, performing his obedience in such things, as were commanded: but the Priests obedience was no cause why the Lord should be pleased with the people: for the word is lahem, that with them God may be pleased. 5. Cajetane saith, this is the reason, ut profitendo sanctitatem summo Deo, tollat immunditiam sacrificiorum, &c. that in professing holinesse unto God (as it was written in his forehead) hee might take away the uncleannesse of their offerings. But Tostatus addeth further: Hoc protestari meritorium est; To professe this, that is, to give God the praise, and to ascribe all holinesse to him, was meritorius. But Aaron herein merited not for himselfe, much lesse for others: the bearing of the plate could be no such meritorius thing of it selfe. 6. Herein therefore the high Priest was a type of Christ: Condonabitur propter sacerdotem summum; It shall be pardoned because of the high Priest, who represented Christ, Vatabl. Sic in fronte unici sacerdotis omnes sensus nostri defixi maneant, &c. Let all our senses be so fixed in the forehead of the only high Priest, that wee may know that all holinesse floweth forth from him to his Church, Calvin.

QUEST. XXXVII. The mysticall signification of the golden plate.

THis golden plate upon Aarons head, is diversly applied: 1. Hierome maketh this application: The writing of the name aloft, sheweth universa, quae subter sunt, Dei nutu gubernari, that all things be∣low are governed at Gods becke. 2. Lippoman thus: It signifieth, ut in fronte & anima portent nomem ipsius Dei, that men should beare in their forehead, that is, in their soules, the name of God: as Apocal. 14. it is said they had the name of the Lambe, and the name of his Father written in their foreheads. 3. Beda also to the same purpose, Significat hac lamina ipsam professionis nostra sidu••iam; This plate in the forehead signifieth the confidence of our profession. 4. Origen: Hereby is signified,* 1.390 as the name of Iehovah was set highest above the rest of the garments, sic super omnia eminentier scientia Dei, that the knowledge of God exceedeth all. 5. But it is more properly referred, and applied to Christ: This

golden plate, corona est gloria & honoris in capite, &c. is the crowne of glory and honour in the head of our Redeemer; whom God hath exalted, and given unto him a name above all names, as the Apostle saith, Philip. 2. Rupertus. And hereof prophesied David, Psal. 132.18. Vpon him shall his crowne flourish: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if he should say, Super ipsum erit lamina diadematis; Upon him shall be the plate of the Diadem. He it is indeed that hath sanctified himselfe, to beare the iniquities of the people, Lippoman.

QUEST. XXXVIII. Of the embroidered coat, the fashion and making thereof.

Vers. 39. THou shalt embroider the fine linen coat, &c. 1. Iosephus, whom Ribera followeth, taketh this to be the linen coat, which was common as well to other inferiour Priests, as to the high Priest, which, he saith, was called chitomene. But herein he is deceived: for this coat is embroidered: whereas the other for Aarons sonnes, are simply called coats, without any other addition, which were of linen only, Levit. 16.4. 2. Pagnine readeth, stringes, thou shalt tye close the linen coat: and so the La∣tine Interpreter, Serin ges tunicam bysso; Thou shalt tye the coat with silke: which some understand of the girdle, which should gird it about: but the girdle is described afterward, which was not made of li∣nen, but of needle worke. 3. Tostatus understandeth it of the robe of the Ephod, which was made of blew, that hee should tye and binde it about with silke, as the Septuagint reade, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the knots or purles of the coats shall be of silke. But the robe before described is called meghil, this is named octo∣neth, which are rehearsed as two distinct garments, vers. 4. 4. The word shabats, rather here signifieth, thou shalt embroider, or make with eyes: which Montanus thinketh were made in the garment, as in the Low Countries they have linen clothes with birds eyes, which we call Diaper. Iunius calleth it tossellatam tunicam, a coat made as it were with checker worke. 5. Hierome thinketh it was a strait coat, without any wrinkle, and close to the skin. So Lippoman: Adhaerebat cuti; It was next to the skin: and that it had sleeves, and came downe to the feet: all which seemeth to be true, saving that an embroidered coat was not like to be next to the flesh: neither was it so strait or close as a shirt, because it was girded about, Levit. 8.8. which needed not, if it had beene so close and strait. 6. Hac tunica descendebat ad tales; This coat came downe to the ankles, Oleaster. Hoc erat primum ornamentum, &c. This was the first ornament, and it was under the robe of blew silke, Cajetane: and it was seene hanging downe beneath the blew robe or mantle even to the ground, as both Montanus and Lyranus doe set it forth in their description.

QUEST. XXXIX. Of the high Priests miter.

Vers. 39. THou shalt make a miter of fine linen. 1. Iosephus, whom Ribera followeth, thinketh that the high Priest had a linen cap underneath, and then a miter upon that, of an hyacinth or blew colour: Hierom thinketh contrariwise, that the blew silke miter was underneath, and covered with li∣nen. But the text is otherwise; that this miter was made of fine linen: as Cajetan well noteth there∣upon, Vbi clare vides, non sericam, vel auream, sed lineam scribi mitram pontificis; where you see that the high Priests miter is written to be of linen, not of silke, or gold, &c. So also Ribera thinketh, that the high Priests miter, and the other Priests bonets were made of the same. The golden plate put upon it, made a difference betweene the high Priests miter, and of the rest: there was also some difference in the fashion, as appeareth by the divers names, whereby they are called. 2. Hierom following Iosephus, thinketh, that this miter covered not all the head, sed tertiam partem à fronte inapertam relinquit, but it left the third part from the brow or forehead uncovered, and was tied behind with a lace or string. But the word mitznepheth, which is derived of tzanaph, which signifieth to compasse, or goe out, sheweth ra∣ther, that it covered the head, and compassed it round, much like to the Turkish Torbant, as Montanus thinketh. 3. For the fashion of it: Iosephus saith, Gestabat pileum non fastigiatum; The Priest did weare a cap, which did not rise to a top: so also Hierom, Non habet acumen in summo, it is not sharpe above, as Lyranus describeth it to be, and Genevens. But it was rather in fashion like unto the caps of estate, which Princes weare; it may bee called a Diadem: as Isai. 62.3. the like word tzeniph, of the same root is used. Hierom calleth it Galerum, an hat, and rotundum pileolum, a round cap. The other Priests bone••s did rise up like a miter, as the word migbaoth signifieth, of geba, which is an hillock: so Oleaster saith, that the Priests cap or miter, was involucrum capitis, wrapped about the head, but the other were mitra elevatae, miters rising up. The high Priests cap came neerer unto the fashion of a Princes Crowne and Diadem, than a Bishops miter: though Iosephus thinketh, that none of the Priests bonets did rise, or were lifted up, as is touched before.

QUEST. XL. Of the girdle of needle worke, and embroidered.

Vers. 39. THou shalt make a girdle of needle worke, &c. 1. Some thinke that this which is here called a girdle, was medictas vestis, halfe a garment reaching downe from the middle to the foot, like unto an apron. But this is not like, for it was necessary that the Priest should have a girdle, to tye his garments together, which were loose about him, which otherwise would have hindered him in his mi∣nistery. Iosephus opinion then is more probable, whom Hierom followeth, that this girdle was about foure fingers broad, hanging downe somewhat before, Tostat. quaest. 6. 2. This girdle was made of needle worke, and that of divers colours, not of linen only, but of blew silke, purple, and skarlet, as it is descri∣bed, chap. 39.29. 3. This girdle, Lyranus thinketh, was put above upon the Ephod, and so girded the Ephod, and the robe, and the rest of the high Priests garments: so also Beda, and Cajetan. But it appea∣reth otherwise, Levit. 8.8. that the girdle was put upon the broidered linen coat. And so thinketh Hierom, after he had described the fashion of this girdle, that it was in colour like unto a snakes skin, and that it was made round and hollow, Vt marsupium longius putes, that you would take it for a long purse, and that it was made of skarlet, purple, and blew silke, addeth, Lincam tunicam inter umbilicum

& pectus hoc stringunt baltheo, they doe tie the linen coat betweene the navell and the breast, with this girdle, &c.

QUEST. XLI. How the high Priests attire differed from the apparell of the inferiour Priests.

Vers. 40. THou shalt make for Aarons sonnes coats, &c. Here follow three other kinds of garments, which were common unto the inferiour Priests, the linen coats, girdles and bonnets, which differed from those which the high Priest did weare: 1. Aarons inward coat was embroidered, as is shewed be∣fore, vers. 39. but the other coats for the inferiour Priests were onely of linen, chap. 39.27. Aaron upon his fine linen coat, had first a robe, then upon that, the Ephod with the pectorall: but the other Priests did weare their linen coats uppermost of all: these linen coats of the Priests were called Ephods or mantil••, 1 Sam. 2.18. and 28. and chap. 21.18. Iun. because it was their uppermost garment; but the high Priests coat was not so called, but the uppermost garment onely, which had the pectorall fastned to it, wherein were the precious stones set, was named the Ephod.

2. Their girdles also differed: for Aarons girdle wherewith he girded his fine linen coat, was of di∣vers colours, chap. 39.29. but the other girdles were of fine linen onely, Levit. 16.4. Againe, Aaron beside that costly girdle, which girt his linen coat, he had a kinde of girdle upon his Ephod, the neather laps whereof did close in the robe and Ephod, chap. 29.5. so that the high Priest had in effect two girdles, the one upon his linen coat, the other which was fastned to the Ephod.

3. Their bonnets differed not in matter from Aarons miter, they were both made of fine linen, but in forme they were divers: the miter was round to the head, the bonnets were piked and sharpe above; as is before shewed, quest. 38. Likewise the high Priests miter had a crowne or plate of gold, so had not the other.

QUEST. XLII. Whether Aaron did alwaies put on the common Priestly garments.

Vers. 41. ANd thou shalt put them upon Aaron and his sonnes. Hence Cajetane collecteth, because both Aaron and his sonnes are named, that these three garments before mentioned were common to them both. But here are three opinions: 1. Iosephus thinketh, that the high Priest did weare all these together, both the linen garments of the inferiour Priests, and then his owne glorious apparell put upon them: so also Beda, Lyranus, Tostatus. But this is both against the text, chap. 39.5. and Levit. 8.8. where mention is made but of one coat, or tunicle, upon the which the next was the robe, then the Ephod: and beside, it is unlike that he did weare two bonnets, one upon another, Cajetan: neither is it like that he had two girdles one upon another, as Tostatus reasoneth, qu. 19. for one girdle would have sufficed to gird many garments together close.

2. Some thinke, that Aaron did not weare them all together, the common Priestly garments and his owne, but apart: his owne, cum sacra obeunda essent, when hee was to offer sacrifice; and the common, when he did any other service about the Tabernacle, ex Simler. But the text is otherwise, the sound of the bels must be heard, as often as he goeth in and out of the Sanctuarie, vers. 35. and he must beare the judgement of the children of Israel, which was the Vrim and Thum••im, put into the pectorall, before the Lord continually, vers. 30. Therefore at all times when he ministred, Aaron was to put on his glori∣ous attire.

3. I therefore here consent rather unto Cajetan: Doe not so (saith he) understand this, quòd Po••cifex uteretur istis tribus, &c. that first the high Priest put on these three garments, and then the other seven: but that, quandoque utebaturistis, quandoque illis, sometime he used these, sometime those, &c. no•• all at once, but at divers times: as in the day of reconciliation, hee onely put on these plaine linen garments, Levit. 16.4. and not the other: and this seemeth to bee Iosephus opinion, as hee is explained by Ribera; though, as he is usually translated, he is drawne to a contrarie sense,* 1.391 as though he should thinke that the high Priest did weare his glorious apparell onely then, when he went into the most holy place, which was once a yeare; whereas Iosephus meaning is, that then viliorem assumebat, he put on a plainer garment: and he giveth a reason, Quia eo die omnes jejunare mos est, Because it is the custome that all fast upon that day, and humble themselves.

QUEST. XLIII. What it is to fill the hands of the Priests.

Vers. 41. THou shalt fill their hands. 1. Tostatus understandeth it thus, In manus cujuslibet complebis ce∣remonias, quae requiruntur ad consecrationem ejus; Thou shalt fulfill in their hands the cere∣monies, which belong to their consecration, qu. 19. he understandeth all the ceremonies which were used in their consecration, as their washing, annointing, putting on their garments. But this rather is under∣stood by the next word following, Thou shalt sanctifie them. 2. Some understand it of their annointing, because their hands were as filled with oyle, when they were annointed. But the annointing is spoken of immediatly before, Oleaster. 3. Some take this to bee the sense, Thou shalt give them possession of the Priesthood: for when possession is given, they use to put somewhat into the hand, Vatablus. But the pos∣session of the Priesthood went not before their consecration. 4. Some understand it of filling their hands with gifts and sacrifices, which they should bring and offer to the Lord: so the Chalde, Oleaster, Borrh. 5. Some take it for their consecration, because they used to put some part of the sacrifice into their hand, when they were consecrated, Gallas. Paguine also translateth, Consecrabis, Thou shalt consecrate them. 6. But the filling of their hands, signifieth rather the consecrating of their ministerie, which is signified by the hands, not because any thing was put into their hands at the time of their consecration, as chap. 32.29. Moses saith to the Levits, when they went up and downe slaying the Idolaters, Consecrate your hands unto the Lord: the Hebrew phrase is, Fill your hands, Iun. To this purpose also Calvin, Impleri¦manus dicuntur, datus aptantur ad offerendum; Their hands are said to be filled, while they are made fit to

offer: Quamdin profanae sunt, vacuae censentur, &c. As long as they are prophane, they are counted emptie, because no gift is acceptable to God, nisi jure sacerdotii, but in the right of the Priesthood.

QUEST. XLIV. Of the fashion and use of the linen breeches.

Vers. 42. THou shalt also make linen breeches, &c. 1. Iosephus describeth the fashion of them, that they were made of twisted silke, or rather, linen; and first the Priest put thorow his legs, and so drew them up to cover his secret parts, and tied them about his middle. 2. They reached downe from the middle, or loynes, to the knees: they could not be so woven together, but were first woven, and after∣ward sewed together with the needle, Hierom. 3. The word is micnesaim, which is derived of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which signifieth to tie, or gather together, as Iosephus interpreteth it, Constrictorium, a gathering gar∣ment, or trussing up: because thereby the secret parts were trussed together: or as Rab. Salomon, because the two slops or breeches were tied and knit together about the middle. 4. These linen breeches, though they are last spoken of, were first put on, as well of the high Priest, as of the inferiour Priests, Cajetan. 5. These are not mentioned afterward, where Moses caused Aaron to put on his Priestly apparell, chap. 29.5. and Levit. 8.8. the reason is, Quod ad genitalia nostra lex non mittit manum, sed ipsi secretiora nostra tegere debemus, because the law reacheth not unto our secret parts, but we of our selves should cover our privie members, Hierom. Because modestie it selfe, the garment being once prescribed, would put them in minde to weare it, it is therefore in those places omitted. 6. The use of this garment was for comeli∣nesse, to hide their secrets; lest while they went about their service in the Tabernacle, if they should chance to fall they might discover that which was to be hid, Hierom. And beside, Tostatus giveth this reason, that by the trussing up of those members, the inordinate motion thereof might thereby be better stayed, qu. 21. And Hierom further addeth, why these uncomely parts should not be discovered, that it should not appeare to the eye, Quomodo de foedissimis initiis, tanta hominum nascatur pulchritudo, How from such homely beginnings, such great beautie in men and other things is brought forth.

QUEST. XLV. How this precept and charge concerning the linen breeches, agreeth with that law, Exod. 23.26.

BUt it will seeme superfluous, that this kinde of garment should be prescribed, seeing before, Exod. 20.26. it was provided, that they should not goe up by steps unto the Altar, lest their nakednesse might be discovered. 1. To this question it cannot bee answered, that the former law was abrogated by this, seeing it was made not many dayes before, it may be, not above nine or ten, or at the most fortie; for the first precept was given at that instant, when the Morall law was proclaimed, and other judiciall lawes prescribed, chap. 21.22, 23. Then Moses came downe, and went up againe, and stayed in the mount six dayes, and the seventh God called him up, and there he stayed fortie dayes, in wich time he received all these orders, concerning the making of the Tabernacle, and of the Priests apparell: the former law being not yet put in practice, it is not like it was repealed: for God is not as men, who many times make lawes, and afterward seeing the inconvenience, doe reverse them. And further it is evident, that both these lawes stood still in force, and were put in practice in the old Testament. 2. Wherefore the better an∣swer is this; that the nakednesse of a man is taken two wayes, either for the secret parts themselves, or for the parts next adjoyning: so then, although the privie parts being thus covered, could not be seene in the casting abroad of their garments, yet the neare parts thereunto, as their knees, and part of their thighes being left bare, might be seene. Therefore that there might be a greater care of comelinesse and decen∣cie, a double bar is laid, and two cautelous provisions made, that neither the one part or the other should be discovered. To this purpose Tostat. qu. 20.

QUEST. XLVI. Of the mysticall application of the inferiour Priests garments.

FOr the mysticall application of these foure Priestly garments, the linen coat, the girdle, bonnet, and linen breeches: 1. Hierom by the coat made of linen, which groweth out of the ground, under∣standeth the earth: by the girdle, the Ocean sea, quo terra constringitur, by the which the earth is as it were girded about: and by the bonnet aloft, Gods providence, that watcheth over all. But this seemeth to be somewhat curious. 2. Rupertus applieth them unto Christ, the linen breeches hee would have to signifie the holy incarnation of Christ, qua praeornata est natura nostra ignobilis, by the which our unable and base nature is adorned; and the uncomelinesse of our nature, even originall sin covered and healed. But as the high Priest with his ornaments was a type and figure of Christ: so the inferiour Priests with their attire doe better resemble other sorts of Christians. 3. Therefore, thus may the ornaments of the high Priest be applied unto Christ: The long white garment signifieth his innocencie: the miter with the crowne, his Kingdome and power: the girdle, his justice: as Esai. 11.5. Iustice shall be the girdle of his loines, Marbach. As in our blessed Saviour there are three heavenly functions and offices: his Propheti∣call, to teach us what evill is in our selves, and what good we receive from God: his Priestly, to reconcile us to God, in delivering us from the evill which we have deserved, and from our sins, and in communi∣cating unto us righteousnesse, and other graces from God: his Kingly, that our deliverance from evill, and our possession of heaven and heavenly things may be confirmed unto us by his Kingly power for ever. So these three offices were shadowed forth in Aarons glorious apparell: his robe with the bels setteth forth Christs Propheticall office: the golden plate, wherein was written, Holinesse to Iehovah, his Priest∣hood: and the miter, which was put aloft as a crowne, his kingly power, Iun. in Analys. And herein Aaron also was a lively type of Christ: that as three duties were to bee performed by the high Priest; to teach the people by puritie of doctrine, with integritie of life, signified by Vrim and Thummim, and to take care of the Church continually, which is meant by bearing the names of the tribes, graven in precious stones, in his breast: and by his sacrifices and prayer to be Mediatour for them unto God: So all these,

but shadowed forth in Aaron, are truly performed by Christ: who is our Prophet, most holy and perfect, to teach us his Fathers will: as our King, hee protecteth and keepeth us, and taketh care for us: and as our Priest, hee did once for all offer up himselfe in sacrifice for us, and still continueth our Mediatour, Borrh. 4. Now the inferiour Priests garments are fitly applied to set forth the qualities and conditions of the faithfull, which are the members of Christ, as the other did shadow forth Christ our head. 1. Beda by the linen garment interpreteth decorem castitatis, the comelinesse of chastitie: by the girdle, vigilan∣tem mentis custodiam, the diligent watchfulnesse of the minde to keepe the same: by the bonnets, visus, anditus, gustus custodiam, the diligent keeping of the sight, hearing, taste, and of all the senses.* 1.392 2. Thomas maketh a more generall use: Castitas significatur per femoralia, &c. Chastitie is signified by the breeches, Puritas vita per lineam tunicam; Puritie of life by the linen garment: Moderatio discretionis per cingulum; Moderate discretion by the girdle: Rectitudo intentionis pertiaram; And a right intention by the bonnet. 3. But this application is more fit: The linen garment signifieth our innocencie and righteousnesse, which we receive in the lavacre of regeneration, being cloathed with Christs righteousnesse:* 1.393 as the Apostle saith, All yee that are baptized unto Christ have put on Christ: the girdle signifieth constancie in the truth: as S. Paul saith, Stand therefore, your loines girded about with veritie: Tiara protectionis divinae signa erant; The bonnets were signes of the divine protection: the linen breeches shew, what care should be had of comelinesse, and what reverence is to be used in the service of God, Pelarg. Marbach. Who ad∣deth this further, that as we put more comelinesse upon our uncomely parts: as the Apostle saith, 1 Cor. 2.23. So our Saviour hath respect unto the vile and abject members of the Church, such as are despised and counted base in the world. 4. And like as we use three kinde of garments, some for necessitie to co∣ver our naked parts, some for ornament and comelinesse, and some for defence, as militarie garments: as here the Priests had their linen breeches of the first sort; their linen coat of the second, and their girdle of the third: So unto a Christian are necessarie three kinde of spirituall garments: the first is the gar∣ment of faith, whereby our sins are covered: secondly, the ornaments of the soule are requisite, whereby Christians must be adorned, in the sanctitie and integritie of life: thirdly, they must put on their spiri∣tuall armour, and take the sword of the Spirit, the word of God, whereby they may fight against Satan, Simler. Borrhaius.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1 . Doct. None must intrude themselves into the callings of the Church.

Vers. 1. CAuse thou thy brother Aaron to come. In that Aaron intruded not himselfe into the Priests office, but was thereunto called, Procopius giveth this note: Qui temerario ansu ad se trahere sacerdotium, &c. He that will rashly draw unto himselfe the Priesthood, shall suffer punishment. So also Oleaster. So the Apostle observeth upon this very example of Aaron: No man taketh this honour to him∣selfe, but he that is called of God, as Aaron, Heb. 5.4.

2. Doct. The agreement which ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state.

OLeaster noteth here further, in that Moses, who was the chiefe Magistrate, called Aaron to the Priesthood, the concord and amitie that ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state is commended: that as Ioash prospered while hee followed the direction of Iehoiadah;* 1.394 so both the Eccle∣siasticall state should imitate Iehoiadah, to give holy counsell and direction unto the Magistrate, and the Magistrate to be like Ioash in following the same.

3. Doct. Profitable arts are the gift of God.

Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men, whom I have filled with the Spirit of wisdome, &c. Gallasius here∣upon thus writeth: Omnem artem & industriam, &c. Dei donum agnosco; Every art and in∣dustrie, which bringeth utilitie unto man, I acknowledge to be the gift of God: as the Prophet Isaiah saith, that God instructeth the husbandman to have discretion, Isa. 28.26. Men therefore to whom God hath gi∣ven the knowledge of profitable and commendable arts, should have a care to employ them to Gods glo∣rie, and not to abuse them to wantonnesse.

4. Doct. Whatsoever is instituted in Gods service, must proceed from his wisdome.

Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men: in the Hebrew, wise in heart. Whatsoever is instituted in the ser∣vice of God, à sapientia Dei proficisci debet, must proceed from the wisdome of God: no hu∣mane device must have place or bee admitted there, Simler. Sauls policie, in transgressing Gods Com∣mandement, in saving the best things of the Amalekites, though hee thought hee did therein well and wisely, yet was displeasing unto God.

5. Doct. The sound of the Word in the Gospell, exceedeth the sound of Aarons bels under the law.

Vers. 35. HIs sound shall be heard, &c. Herein, as Lippoman well observeth, appeareth the excellencie of the Gospell beyond the Law: they heard then but the sound of Aarons bels, Nunc au∣dimus clarum sonitum Evangelii, Now we heare the cleere sound of the Gospell, &c And as the under∣standing of a man exceedeth the capacitie of a childe, and the cleere day the dawning: so the cleere light of the Gospell excelleth the shadowes of the Law: God providing better things for us (as the Apostle saith) that they without us should not be perfect, Heb. 11.40.

6. Doct. There ought to be order among the Ministers of the Church.

Vers. 40. THou shalt make for Aarons sons coats. In that Aaron the high Priests coats were made more costly and glorious, than his sons the inferiour Priests: therein commendatur ordo inter Ec∣clesiae ministros, is commended order among the Ministers of the Church: that although Christ doe for∣bid

bid his Disciples, Luk. 22. to exercise dominion one over another, as the Princes of the world doe, Neu∣tiquam tamen ordinem abrogat; Yet he doth not abrogate order, seeing he hath not onely distinguished them himselfe in gifts, but in offices: as the Apostle saith, Ephes. 4. He hath given some to be Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and Doctors, &c. Marbach.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Controv. Against the superstitious apparell of the Romish Priests.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make a breast-plate, an Ephod, and a robe, and a broidered coat. These Priestly gar∣ments being ceremoniall and typicall, are now abolished, Christ the true high Priest being come with his ornaments. Therefore the Romanists doe plainly Iudaize, in bringing againe into the Priestly order such varietie of garments: as the Pall, the Miter, the Crozier staffe, the Albe, the Chimere, the gray amice, the Stoale, with such like. Their Priests come forth, as though Aaron addressed himselfe with his attire to sacrifice at the Altar. S. Paul hath given us a rule concerning these things, which are but a shadow of things to come, but the bodie is in Christ, Coloss. 2.17.

But it will bee here further asked, if it bee not lawfull now for the Ministers of the Gospell to bee distinguished by some distinct apparell in their ministerie? For answer and satisfaction unto this demand, I will produce two grave testimonies of two learned Writers in this age: Marbachius of late the Pro∣fessor of Divinitie in Straughsborow, and Gallasius not long since a Minister of the Church of Geneva.

Marbachius thus writeth: In Ecclesia omnia decenter fieri debent, & ad aedificationem, &c. In the Church all things ought to be done decently and to edification: Ita{que} tali vestitu utendum, qui non sit offendi∣culo, &c. Therefore such a garment must be used, as is not offensive, but bringeth some commendation and authoritie to them which minister, and may discerne and distinguish them from other men.

Gallasius also thus delivereth his judgement upon this place:

Ego quidem fateor hoc ad decorem perti∣nere, ut ordines in politia distinguantur, &c. I confesse, that this appertaineth to comelinesse, that degrees should be distinguished in the Common-wealth: neither is the Gospell against decencie and order, but rather helpeth and maintaineth them: Sed nego ad verbi aut sacramentorum administrationem vestem li∣neam,* 1.395 &c. But I denie, that the linen garment or pall belongeth to the administration of the word or Sacraments. I would not truly have any stirres or tumult moved in the Church for the use of externall things (seeing it is indifferent;) yet the superstition, into which men are readie to fall, and the abuse I hold to be condemned. We must also take heed lest while we tolerate things indifferent, or are constrained to winke at those things which cannot be amended, wee detract from other mens libertie.

Thus farre Gallasius of this matter.

2. Controv. That we offend in our best works.

Vers. 38. THat Aaron may beare the iniquitie of the offerings. The people then sinned even in their religious works: which sheweth, in ipsis benefactis nostris peccatorum labem inesse, &c. that even in our best works, there is some blemish of sin, which cannot be acceptable unto God, but for the worthinesse and mediation of the true high Priest Christ Jesus, whom Aaron prefigured, Simler. To the same purpose also Calvin: Discamus nostra obsequia, ubi in conspectum Dei veniunt, peccato permixta esse; Let us learne, that even our service when it commeth into Gods sight (to bee examined) is mixt with sin, and is onely sanctified by Christ, &c. So the Prophet Isaiah saith, chap. 64.6. All our righteousnesse is as a stained clout. Hereby then appeareth the error of the Romanists, who hold, that a just man in his good works doth not sinne so much as venially, Concil. Trident. sess. 6. can. 25. See more hereof Synops. Centur. 4. err. 70.

3. Controv. Against merit in good works.

Vers. 38. TO make them acceptable before the Lord. Tostatus saith here, that the Priest was accepted of God, and the Lord was well pleased with him: because he ascribed all holinesse unto God, as it was writen in his forehead: Holinesse to Iehovah. Hoc autem protestari meritorium est, & Deum no∣bis placatum reddimus; And to protest this is meritorious, and by this meanes we doe pacifie and appease God toward us, qu. 19.

Contra. 1. The former doctrine, that the people sinned in their very offerings, in their best works, which are spotted and blemished with some imperfection or other, overthroweth this error: for that which meriteth at Gods hand must be perfect: our best works then being imperfect are not meritorious. Therefore Calvin much better here inferreth; This place teacheth us, Quicquid honorum operum Deo offerre studemus, adeo nihil mercedis mereri, &c. That whatsoever good works we offer unto God, they are so farre from meriting any reward, that they make us guiltie before God, unlesse the holinesse of Christ, wherewith God is pleased, doe procure pardon for them, &c. 2. The Scripture evidently testi∣fieth this: as Dan. 9.8. We doe not present our supplications before thee, for our owne righteousnesse. So Luk. 17.10. When ye have done all, say ye, we are unprofitable servants; we have done that which was our dutie to doe. If then we are unprofitable servants in our best service, we are farre from meriting or deserving any thing: and if we doe no more than our bounden dutie, nor yet all that, we have no reason to expect any reward beyond our desert. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 79.

4. Controv. Against the Popes triple crowne.

Vers. 36. THou shalt make a plate of pure gold. Ribera following Iosephus, who speaking of this plate of gold, saith: Hunc aurea corona triplici circundabat, &c. He beset round the Priests mi∣ter or bonnet,* 1.396 with a threefold crowne, &c. hereupon thus inferreth: Hinc factum arbitror, ut summus

pontifex triplicem in capite coronam gerat, &c. Hence it is, that the chiefe Priest (meaning the Pope) doth now beare a threefold crowne upon his head, &c. And he addeth further, Quamvis hujusmodi corona, &c. Although such a crowne was received from the Apostle Peter: which is yet to bee seene in S. Peters Church, which Silvester shewed unto Constantine, &c. This he saith S. Peter used by the instinct of the Spirit, that the veritie might be answerable to the figure, that Christs high Priest might weare that, which the high Priest the figure of Christ did weare.

Contra. 1. All this is grounded upon an uncertaine text: for there is no mention made here of a triple crowne: it is but Iosephus report without any warrant out of the text: the golden plate indeed is called the holy crowne, chap. 29.30. But of a threefold crowne there is not one word. 2. They may be ashamed to abuse the world with such foppish fables: who ever will beleeve, that S. Peter ever did weare a triple crowne, or that any of the Apostles used any such worldly pompe, whose glorie was their povertie, and contempt of the world; their crowne their sufferings, their obedience to powers and subjection, their re∣nowne. 3. And if there had beene such a glorious crowne, it had belonged rather to S. Paul, than to Saint Peter, for hee was the Apostle of the Gentiles, the other of the circumcision. 4. And if any such crowne had beene then, it is more like that Constantine gave it to Silvester, whose donation they pretend for their great soveraigntie and privileges, than that Silvester first shewed it to him. 5. And if that indeed be Peters triple crowne which yet is to be seene, why doth the Pope refuse to weare that, but rather ma∣keth choice of a massie triple crowne of gold and precious stone? 6. I had thought that Aaron had beene a figure of Christ, not of the Pope: and temporall things doe not prefigure temporall, one triple crowne another, but that outward crowne shadowed forth the spirituall Kingdome and regall dignitie of Christ.

5. Controv. Of the single life of Priests.

Vers. 40. ANd thou shalt make them girdles. Ribera further by the girdle which compasseth the loines, understandeth the continencie and single life of Priests, out of Beda. Contra. 1. If it had any such signification, wherefore was not single life injoyned Aarons sons first, to whom this girdle was prescribed? 2. Beda indeed hath such a collection, but he addeth withall: Quod videlicet genus virtutis, nulli per legem Dei necessario imperatum, sed voluntaria est devotione Deo offerendum; Which kinde of vertue is necessarily injoyned none by the law of God, but it must with a voluntarie devotion be offered unto God, the Lord thus saying hereof: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc; All cannot receive this say∣ing, &c. Why then doe they impose necessarily upon their Priests solitarie and single life? which forced chastitie hath brought forth and yet doth many foule fruits among them, as adulterie, fornication, So∣domitrie, and such like uncleannesse.

6. Morall Observations.

1. Observ. Apparell commendeth not one to God.

Vers. 2. THou shalt make holie garments for Aaron, &c. glorious, and beautifull. Wee reade of divers glorious garments made in the world: As of the costly vesture of Alcisthenes the Sybarite, which Dionysius sold for 120. talents unto the Carthaginians: Demetrius King of Macedon had a robe set forth sumptuously with the representation of the heaven and starres, which no King durst put on, quòd invidiosa nimis esset impendii magnificentia, because it was too envious, because of the magnificent cost. But Aarons glorious apparell exceeded all these,* 1.397 not so much in the sumptuous cost and cunning workmanship, as in respect of the institution, which was from God, and the signification, which was to set forth the glorious Priesthood of Christ: and as this was typicall in it selfe, so morally it shewed with what varietie of vertues first the Ministers of God, then all his faithfull people and worshippers should be adorned: not with putting on of gold, or outward apparell, but with the spirituall ornaments of the in∣ward man, as S. Peter teacheth how women should be adorned, 1 Pet. 3.4.

2. Observ. Ministers must be adorned with veritie of doctrine, and holinesse of life.

Vers. 30. VRim and Thummim. Which signifie knowledge and perfection: whereby the Minister and man of God is set forth, that he ought to be adorned with soundnesse of doctrine, and inte∣gritie of conversation, B. Babing. As Saint Paul requireth, that his Bishop for the one should be apt to teach, for the other unreproveable, 1 Tim. 3.

3. Observ. Ministers must not be dumbe or idle.

Vers. 35. ANd his sound shall be heard, &c. Gregorie well noteth upon this, that the Priest dieth,* 1.398 if his sound be not heard, when he goeth in and out before the Lord: Iram contra se occulti ju∣dicis excitat, si sine sonìtu praedicationis incedit; Hee stirreth up the anger of the secret Judge against him, who goeth on without the sound of preaching, &c. So the holy Apostle saith: Wee is unto me, if I preach not the Gospell, 1 Cor. 9.16. This maketh against two sort of Ministers, the ignorant and unskilfull, that cannot sound forth the voice of preaching, and the idle and slothfull, that doe not.

CHAP. XXIX.

1. The Method and Argument.

THe Tabernacle with the parts thereof being thus finished, with the garments and ap∣parell of the Priests: now followeth the consecration of them in this Chapter, which consisteth of two parts: first, of the consecration of the Priests, to vers. 37. Then the sanctifying of the Altar and Tabernacle for the publike service of God.

In the consecration: 1. Is set downe the preparation it selfe, both of the things wherewith they should be consecrated, to vers. 5. then of the persons, Aaron and his sons, who are first attired and apparelled, with their severall rayments, to vers. 10. 2. The consecration followeth: first, of Aaron and the rest for that time, to vers. 28. then the generall manner is prescribed to be observed afterward, vers. 28. to vers. 37.

In the speciall consecration for that time: 1. The manner is prescribed how the calfe or bullocke shall be used: 1. How and where he should be killed, vers. 10, 11. 2. What shall be done with the bloud, vers. 12. with the fat, vers. 13. with the flesh and skin, vers. 14.

2. How the ramme of burnt offering should be sacrificed, is shewed, vers. 16. to vers. 19.

3. The ramme of consecration, which was the third beast, must be thus bestowed: 1. The bloud, part must be laid upon certaine parts of Aaron; with part the Altar, and Aaron and his sons, with their gar∣ments, must be sprinkled, vers. 20, 21. 2. The flesh and parts, some must bee burnt upon the Altar, with the manner how they must bee first put into Aarons hands, and shaken to and fro before the Lord, to vers. 26. some, as the breast and shoulder shall be for Aaron and his sons, to vers. 28.

In the generall prescription, these things are declared. 1. The perpetuall law of the heave offering, vers. 28. 2. The use of the Priestly garments, vers. 29, 30. 3. How the ramme should be dressed, and eaten, to vers. 34. 4. And nothing must be reserved, vers. 34.

The second generall part belongeth unto the daily and publike service of God. 1. The instrument thereof is declared, the Altar, with the manner of consecration, to vers. 38. 2. The matter of the daily offering, two lambs, one at morning, the other at even, to vers. 42. 3. The place is described, at the doore of the Tabernacle, vers. 42, 43. 4. The Ministers, vers. 44. 5. The effect, Gods dwelling among them, vers. 45, 46.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 1. Take a young bullocke under the damme, or, sucking. I. ben bakar, the son of a bullocke. A.P.H. better than,* 1.399 a young calfe. B.G. for here, ben bachar, is not interpreted, phar, of it selfe signifieth a young calfe, or than, a young bullocke from the oxen, V.S. or, a calfe from the heard. L.C. See qu. 2. following.

Vers. 5. And shall gird them with the broidered girdle of the Ephod. I.B.C.P. or, broidered gard of the Ephod. G.V.A. better than, thou shalt gird them with a girdle. L. for here, Ephod is wanting: or, thou shalt couple the breastplate to the superhumerall or Ephod.* 1.400 S. for here, bechesheb, with the broidered gard, or girdle, is omitted.

* 1.401Vers. 10. Shall stay his hands upon the head of the calfe: fulcient. A. or, shall rest with his hands up∣on, &c. better than, put to their hands. V. or, joyne their hands upon, &c. P. or, put on their hands, &c. G.L.S.C. samac signifieth sustentare, to stay, Oleaster.

* 1.402Vers. 14. It is sinne. S.A.H. &c. that is, an offering for sinne. I.G.B. as S. Paul saith in the same sense, that Christ was made sinne for us, 2 Cor. 5.21. V. better than, it is an expiation. C. or, it is for sinne. L. for, is added, the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, chatath, sinne.

* 1.403Vers. 25. And thou shalt burne them in the Altar upon the burnt offering. I.A.S. better than, for a burnt offering. P.L.B. or, in the Altar of burnt offering. S. for here the preposition is omitted: or, beside the burnt offering. G.V. the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ghal, above, upon.

* 1.404Vers. 35. Thou shalt fill their hands. B.G.V.A. consecrate their hands. P.S.L. consecrate their ministerie. I. offer their oblations. C. the word is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, temalle, shalt fill.

* 1.405Vers. 36. Thou shalt cleanse the Altar. G.B. cum caeter. not, sprinkle the Altar with the sinne offering. I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, chata in piel signifieth to cleanse, and so Iunius translateth, Levit. 14.52.

3. The questions explained.

QUEST. I. Why it pleased God to have the Priests thus consecrated.

Vers. 1. THis is that thou shalt doe unto them in consecrating them, &c. 1. First, it was requisite that there should be some singled out, and appointed to minister in the Priests office, to avoid con∣fusion: lest every one at his pleasure might have presumed upon the Priests office; as among the Gen∣tiles, he that was the more mightie and honourable, tooke upon him to be a sacrificer, Lippom. Pellican. 2. The Lord, as before hee beautified the Priests with glorious apparell, so here he by certaine publike and solemne rites, doth cause them to be consecrated in the sight and view of all the people, for the grea∣ter reverence and authoritie of their calling. 3. And hereby the Priests themselves were assured also of

their calling, which was sealed and confirmed unto them by these signes. 4. And these ceremonies were figures and types of the high Priest Christ Jesus, whom the Lord hath anointed: and of all the faithfull and beleevers, whom Christ hath made Kings and Priests to God his Father, Simler.

QUEST. II. Why the calfe is said to be the sonne of a bullocke.

Vers. 29. TAke a young bullocke yet under the dam. 1. Some take this to bee according to the Hebrew phrase: A calfe, or steare, the sonne of a bullocke; that no more is thereby signified, but that he should take a bullocke; as, so they say, the sonne of a goat, the sonne of a dove, and such like, Oleaster. But this were in that sense a needlesse repetition: for a bullocke must needs come of a bullocke, and a goat of a goat. 2. Some make this to be the meaning, that he should take a young bullocke out of the heard, de armento, so Latin. Septuag. Chalde, Vatab. But more is signified thereby than so, for Genes. 18.7. it is said that Abraham ran to the heard, and fetched filium bovis, the sonne of a bullocke; not out of the heard, for that is said before. 3. Rab. Salomon thinketh this is added by way of distinction, be∣cause the word phar signifieth not onely a young bullocke, but an old calfe: and therefore by this addi∣tion it is signified, that it should be a young bullocke. But this addition needed not for that cause: for the word phar, of it selfe signifieth a young bullocke, as the Septuagint translate it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a calfe. 4. Wherefore I preferre here Iunius reading: who interpreteth it, juvencum filium bovis, a young bullocke, the sonne of an oxe or bullocke, juvencum subrumum, a calfe or bullocke yet sucking, under the dam not weaned: and therefore sometime ben bakar, the sonne of a bullocke, is put alone without the other word, phar.

QUEST. III. Why a bullocke, two rams, and other things were offered at Aarons consecration.

A Young bullocke. 1. Lyranus thinketh, that they are bid to take a calfe or young bullocke for Aarons consecration, to make atonement for that sinne, which hee had committed in making the golden calfe: and the two rams were prescribed, one in remembrance of the ramme, which was sacrificed in the stead of Isaack, and the other for a commemoration of the paschal Lambe, which they offered at their de∣parture out of Egypt. But these are light conjectures: for Aaron had not yet committed that sinne, in making the golden calfe, neither was it a ramme, but a lambe, which they celebrated the passeover with∣all. 2. Therefore this is the reason, why all these things, and of this sort and kinde are taken: According to the dignitie of the persons here consecrated, such are the sacrifices and gifts of their consecration, as Levit. 4. a calfe or young bullocke is prescribed to be offered for the sin of the Priest, whereas but a goat was sacrificed for the sinne of the Prince: because the sins of the Priests, who professed knowledge, were more dangerous, and scandalous. So then because here the high Priest with his sons are to be consecra∣ted, a bullocke must be taken. 3. And because the Priests were to offer unto God all the gifts and sacri∣fices of the people of all sorts: it was fit and requisite, that they should be consecrated with sacrifices of all sorts, which were three, either sinne offerings, burnt sacrifices, or peace offerings: of the first kinde was the bullocke here; of the second, the first ramme, and of the third, the second. 4. And for that there were divers kinds of meat offerings, some of things that had life, as beasts and birds; some without life, as cakes, unleavened bread, and such like: and the meat offerings of things without life, were of divers sorts, some out of the oven, some of the frying pan, some out of the cauldron, Levit. 2.4.5. here all these varieties are presented: unleavened bread out of the oven, cakes tempered with oyle in the frying pan, and wafers boyled in water, as R. Salomon thinketh, like unto our fimnels, Tostat. qu. 1. 5. And because the Priests were duces & ante signani ali••rum, the Captaines and ring-leaders of others, to signifie, that there was a greater holinesse required in them; they are consecrated all kinde of wayes: 1. They are washed. 2. They are clad with the Priestly robes. 3. They are anointed. 4. The sacrifices, both for sin, the burnt offerings, and peace offerings are offered for them. 5. They are purified with bloud: both their eares, hands and feet are touched therewith, and they themselves and their garments are besprinkled also with bloud. And this was not to be done one day, or two: but their consecration did continue for seven dayes together, vers. 36. Gallas.

QUEST. IV. Why Aaron and the Priests were called to the doore of the Tabernacle.

Vers. 4. THou shalt bring Aaron and his sons to the d••••re of the Tabernacle. The reasons hereof may bee these, why Aaron was brought to the Tabernacle there to put on his Priestly garments: 1. Be∣cause he was to serve with the rest of the Priests in the Sanctuarie within, into the which Aaron was not to enter without his Priestly attire: for his sound must be heard when he goeth in and out, lest he die; chap. 28.35. 2. Because at the doore of the Tabernacle was placed the brasen Altar, where the Priests were daily to offer sacrifice: and therefore it was meet they should be there consecrated, where the chiefe of their service and ministerie was to be executed. 3. And there betweene the doore and the Altar was the brasen Laver, where Aaron and the Priests were to wash themselves before they put on the holy garments: thither therefore are they called, because there they were to be washed with water, Tostat. qu. 1.

QUEST. V. Why Aaron and the rest are washed, and how.

Vers. 4. ANd wash them with water. 1. Not with common or every water, but with that which was in the brasen Laver, chap. 30.18. Iun. 2. But here we must consider, that alwayes the order of time is not set downe in Scripture, in setting downe the storie of such things, as were done: for the brasen Laver wherein they were to be washed, is afterward appointed to bee made, chap. 30. Tostat. quast. 2. 3. They were washed, not onely their hands and feet, as in their daily ministerie, chap. 40.33. but in their whole bodie, as thinketh Rab. Salomon: because their first consecration required a more solemne obla∣tion, and washing, than their daily ministration. And like as the oyle was powred upon Aarons head, but ran downe along upon his beard and other parts; so it is like the water was applied to his whole

bodie, Lyran. Tostat. And this washing was a figure of Christs baptisme, who went into the water when he was baptised, Matth. 3. Simler. 4. It was fit they should be washed before they put on the holy gar∣ments, both for decencie and comelinesse, that the soile of their bodie might be cleansed, before they ap∣plied the precious and glorious apparell: and for signification, that they might thereby be admonished to cleanse and purge themselves from their sins and corruptions.

QUEST. VI. Of the Priestly apparell which Aaron put on, and why the girdle is omitted.

Vers. 5. PVt upon Aaron the tunicle, &c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that this was the linen garment, which was common to Aaron and the inferiour Priests. But it is shewed before, chap. 28.39. that the high Priests linen coat was embroidered, and so were not the other Priests linen coats. 2. Tostatus also hath another conceit, that the high Priest did put on this linen coat, supervestes communes, upon his common wearing apparell, qu. 2. But that is not like: for Aaron put off his cloaths, when he was washed, and then he is immediatly cloathed with his Priestly apparell. 3. Because no mention is here made of the girdle; Cajetan thinketh, that cingulum erat commune pontifici & sacerdotibus, that there was one common girdle for the high Priest and the rest: and therefore afterward vers. 9. mention is made once for all of the girdles of the Priests. But it is evident, chap. 28.39. that the high Priests girdle was embroidered of needle worke: whereas the common girdles were onely of linen, Levit. 16.4. This rather is to be sup∣plied out of Levit. 8.8. where he is girded with a girdle upon his coat: and so Oleaster thinketh well, that Aaron hath seven ornaments put upon him beside the linen breeches: the tunicle, the robe, the Ephod, the pectorall, the girdle, the miter, and golden crowne. 4. And whereas it is said, and shall cleanse them with the broidered gard of the Ephod: Tostatus following Iosephus thinketh, that this was the girdle, wherewith his garments were girded all together, qu. 2. whereas it was the broidered gard, which was in the nether part of the Ephod, the laps whereof below, did gird the Priest in the waste, as a girdle, Iun. Lippoman. Simler. Vatab.

QUEST. VII. How Aaron was anointed, and with what.

Vers. 7. ANd thou shalt take the anointing oyle. 1. Though it be called oile, yet was it more than oile: for it was a precious ointment, made of Rosin, Myrrh, Cinamom, and other things, as it is prescribed, chap. 30. Iun. 2. The high Priest was anointed in his head, but it is not expressed how the inferiour Priests were anointed; it is like, but in their hands: though Tostatus useth but a slender conjecture to prove it, because now their Bishops use to be anointed in the head, the inferiour Priests but in the hands, to signifie that the one receive a superioritie in their consecration, the other but a kinde of service and ministerie: for what warrant have they to use the Jewish rites and ceremonies un∣der the Gospell, in their consecrations? 3. Now because it would seeme an uncomely thing, that all Aa∣rons garments should be besmeared with this ointment, if it had beene powred on Aarons head; R. Salo∣mon thinketh that Moses tooke his finger and dipped it in the oile, and so strake it on Aarons forehead. But the text is against his conceit, both in this place; because it is said, and shalt powre it upon his head; and likewise Psal. 133. where it is expressed, that the ointment ran downe upon Aarons beard, and so to the skirts of his cloathing, Tostat. qu. 2.

QUEST. VIII. How the ordinance of the Priesthood is said to be perpetuall.

Vers. 9. THe Priests office shall be theirs for a perpetuall law. 1. Whereas the like phrase is used, chap. 28.43. This shall be a law for ever, &c. which some restraine unto the particular precept of wearing linen breeches, because the law of comelinesse and decencie is perpetuall: here it is evident, that it is generally meant of the exercising and execution of the whole Priesthood, Calvin. 2. Therefore this ordinance is said to be eternall, and perpetuall in respect of the subject, because it was to continue, toto tempore, quo durarent sacrificia, all the time that the sacrifices were to continue: the sacrifices then in Christ being determined, (for the Jewes themselves at this day forbeare to sacrifice, nay they would chuse rather to die, than offer sacrifice, out of the land of Canaan, and especially because they have no Taber∣nacle nor Temple, where onely by the law they were to sacrifice:) the law of the Priesthood must also cease, the sacrifices, wherein the Priesthood was exercised, being abolished, Tostat. cap. 28. qu. 21. 3. Au∣gustine giveth another reason why it is called perpetuall, quia res significaret aeternas, because it signified eternall things. So also Gloss. interlin. it is so called, quia perpetuam futuram, id est, Christianam religio∣nem significabat:* 1.406 because it signified the Christian religion, which should be perpetuall. And Calvine al∣so approveth this sense: Hac vera est ceremoniarum perpetuitas, &c. This is the true perpetuitie of the cere∣monies, that they have their being in Christ, the substance and truth of them.

QUEST. IX. The spirituall application of Aarons manner of consecration.

NOw this manner of consecrating of Aaron, by offering sacrifices, washing, putting on the Priestly apparell, in being anointed, hath this signification: 1. The presenting of the bullocke to be sacri∣ficed, Aspersionem designat sanguinis Domini nostri, doth signifie the sprinkling of Christs bloud, Beda. The two rams doe set forth Christ, ex anima & corpore, &c. consisting in his humane nature of bodie and soule, Strabus: or they signifie, duplicem populum, &c. the two people, the old and new, Lippom. panes azymi munditiam vita, the unleavened bread betokeneth the holinesse of life, without the leaven of ma∣liciousnesse, as S. Paul expoundeth, 1 Cor. 6.

2. The solemne washing of Aaron and his sons, did signifie the Sacrament of Baptisme: and as they doe not put on their garments, untill first the filth of the flesh be washed away: Sic nisi in Christo novi homines renaseantur; So unlesse they become new men in Christ, they are not admitted unto holy things, Hierom. They which come unto God must first bee purged, and cleansed from their sins, Pelarg. And hereby more specially was signified in this solemne washing with water, the publike Baptisme of Christ,

which though he needed not in respect of himselfe, yet thereby he would consecrate that Sacrament for us, Osiander.

3. By the putting on of the Priestly garments, after they were washed, is signified the putting on of Christ, cum tunicas polliceas deposuerimus, after we have put off our old vestures, Hierom. So Procopius applieth those words of the Apostle, Put on the Lord Iesus Christ; So also Pelarg.

4. By the oyle, wherewith Aaron was annointed, Beda understandeth, Gratiam Spiritus sancti, The grace of the Spirit. And Hierom here applieth that saying of the Prophet David, Psal. 45. God even thy God hath annointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse above thy fellowes. Therefore was Aaron onely annoin∣ted in the head, and none of the rest: because Christ received the Spirit beyond measure; and the holy Ghost descended and lighted upon him, when he was baptized, Matth. 3. Osiander.

QUEST. X. Why the Priests lay their hands upon the head of the beast.

Vers. 10. AAron and his sons shall put their hands upon the head, &c. 1. Augustine by this ceremonie understandeth the receiving of power, Vt ipsi etiam aliquid consecrare possent, that they al∣so might consecrate afterward unto God. So also Lyranus. But because the people also did use to lay their hands upon their sacrifices which they brought, Levit. 4. who received thereby no power to sacri∣fice, this seemeth not to be the meaning. 2. Iunius thus expoundeth it, Quasi seipses sisterent.* 1.407 & sacrifica∣rent Iehovae: As though they did present themselves to bee sacrificed unto God, yet not in their owne person, but Christs. But this cannot be the meaning, for the former reason, because the people did also lay on their hands, who were therein no type of Christ that sacrificed himselfe for us. 3. Some thinke, that by this ceremonie in imposing of their hands, they did resigne their right in that beast, Tostat. Et destinarunt illud, ut fieret sacrificium, and ordained it to be a sacrifice, Osiander. 4. But there is more in it than so: they hereby confesse, that they were worthie to die in Gods justice for their sins: Sed ex di∣vina misericordia mors in animal transferebatur: But by the divine mercie, their death was transferred up∣on the beast, Lyran. wherein Christ is lively shadowed forth, who died for us, Simler.

QUEST. XI. Of the divers kinds of sacrifices, and why some kinde of beasts were taken for sacrifice, and not other.

Vers. 11. SO thou shalt kill the calfe, &c. 1. There were three kinde of sacrifices which were usually offered: the first was called holocaustum, a burnt offering, because it was wholly consumed upon the Altar: and this kinde was offered specially, ad reverentiam majestatis, for reverence of the divine majestie, to testifie our obedience and service. The second was the sacrifice for sin: whereof part was burned upon the Altar, part was for the Priests use, unlesse it were a sin offering for the Priest or the people: in which cases all was consumed on the Altar. The third sort were peace offerings, which were offered in signe of thanksgiving for some benefit received, or to be received, whereof part was burnt upon the Altar, part was for the Priest, and the rest was for the offerer, Thom. 2. Now although there were many cleane birds and beasts, yet there were onely two kinde of the one, the pigeon,* 1.408 and turtle dove; and three of the other, bullocks, sheepe, and goats, which were taken for sacrifice: whereof Philo giveth this reason; because both among the fowles and beasts these are of the meekest and mildest na∣ture, the pigeon and turtle dove, and amongst the beasts these three sorts are tamest, when we see, that whole heards and flocks of them may be driven by a boy: and they have neither pawes or clawes to hurt, as ravenous beasts; nor yet armed with teeth to devoure, wanting the upper row: wherein appeareth the harmlesse disposition of these creatures. Philo addeth further, that these beasts of all other are most serviceable unto mans use, sheepe and goats for cloathing and food,* 1.409 and bullocks beside the use of their flesh for meat, and their skins for leather, they serve with their labour in the tilling of the ground. To these may a third reason bee added: because the land of Canaan most abounded with these kinds of fowles and beasts, they are prescribed for sacrifice. And a fourth also may be this: they were not to offer of wilde beasts, because they could not easily bee had, and hardly are they gotten alive: for which cause they were not appointed to offer fishes, which could not so easily be taken; and very hardly alive: but their sacrifices must be brought alive, Riber. 3. Now in the consecration of Aaron and his sons, all these sacrifices are offered; a bullocke for a sinne offering, one ramme for a burnt offering,* 1.410 and another for a peace offering.

QUEST. XII. Why the bloud was laid upon the horns of the Altar.

Vers. 12. THou shalt take of the bloud, and put it upon the hornes, &c. 1. The bloud here was not used▪ to confirme any league or covenant betweene God and his people, as chap. 24. for in that case, first the words and articles of the covenant were read, before the bloud was sprinkled, and beside each partie, betweene whom the covenant was made, were besprinkled; not onely the Altar, which repre∣sented God, but the people also. But here neither of these is performed, there is no covenant rehearsed, neither are the people sprinkled with the bloud. 2. There was then another use beside this of the sprink∣ling of bloud, which was to purge and cleanse, and so to pacifie and appease: as this reason is yeelded why they should not eat the bloud, because the Lord had given it to be offered upon the Altar, to be an atonement for their soules, Levit. 17.11. And not onely the Altar of burnt offering was cleansed by bloud, but the whole Tabernacle; the high Priest in the day of reconciliation sprinkled the bloud upon the Mercie seat, and before the Mercie seat, the Altar and Tabernacle also, to purge them from the sins and trespasses of the people, Levit. 16.16. Therefore the Apostle saith, Almost all things by the law are purged with bloud, Heb. 9.22. The bloud of the sacrifices then was put upon the Altar, that thereby, as if it were their owne bloud, Gods wrath might be appeased: by which bloud of the externall sacrifices Christs bloud of atonement was prefigured, whereby indeed the wrath of God is appeased toward us, Tostat. q. 5.

3. And although the sin offerings were specially intended for the remission of sins, and so the bloud in such sacrifices was to that end laid upon the hornes of the Altar, to purge and reconcile: yet in other sa∣crifices also, as in burnt offerings, Levit. 1.11. and in peace offerings, Levit. 3.2. the bloud was sprinkled round about upon the Altar; because in them also there was atonement made with God, Levit. 1.4. though not so directly as in sin offerings, Tostat. qu. 6. 4. R. Salomon here is of opinion, that the bloud was not laid upon all the foure hornes of the Altar, but onely in two corners thereof one opposite to another, and not upon the same side. But Levit. 16.18. it is said in expresse words, that he should put of the bloud upon the hornes of the Altar round about.

QUEST. XIII. What became of the bloud, which was powred at the bottome of the Altar.

Vers. 12. THou shalt powre the rest of the bloud at the foot of the Altar, &c. 1. Lyranus thinketh that there was some pipe full of holes in the bottome of the Altar, whereby the bloud soked in∣to the ground, and was so dried up. But the ground could not drinke up all the bloud of the sacrifices: especially in their solemne feasts, when many sacrifices were offered: as when Solomon at the dedication of the Temple offered so many thousands of beeves and sheepe: the ground being so filled with bloud would have beene very noisome. 2. Tostatus therefore saith, that this bloud, miraculosè de••iccabatur was miraculously dried up, and converted by Gods power into some other element, qu. 6. But where any other reason may be found out, we must not run unto miracles. 3. Cajetane here maketh mention of his former conceit, that the Altar was filled with earth within, which might be imagined to serve to drinke up the bloud, and that there was some void place left beside. But the same inconvenience in the noisome smell of the earth so tainted, would have followed. But Cajetane addeth further, that jugis ignis altaris tollebat ••mnem inde••••utiam foet••ris, the continuall fire upon the Altar did take away the stinch of the bloud. 4. But the more probable opinion is, that not onely the smell was taken away by the smell of the fire, but sanguis ipse consumebatur: but the bloud it selfe was consumed by the heat of the fire, being powred at the bottome of the Altar on the inside, Oleast. Simler.

QUEST. XIV. Why the fat was burned upon the Altar, and how.

Vers. 13. THou shalt take all the fat. 1. The Lord commanded the fat of the offerings to be burnt up∣on the Altar, ut obviaretur ritui idololatrarum, to contrarie the rite and custome of Idolaters, who used to eat the fat of their sacrifices, as Deut. 32.38. they did eat the fat of their sacrifices, Lyran. Tostat. qu. 6. And another reason is this: Deus optim•• qua{que} sibi offerri, &c. God will have the best of the sacrifice to be offered to him, Lippoman. 2. Together with the fat, and kall they must also take the kid∣neyes, which are not properly taken for any part of the flesh: for the flesh must bee burnt without the host, yea all the flesh, Levit. 4.11. 3. Because the word katar, doth properly signifie thur••ficari, to burne, as incense: and so the fat here is prescribed so to be burned. Cajetane would inferre, that it was to bee burned as incense, that is, not to be consumed with the flame, sed instar thuri•• paulatim resolvi in fumum: but as incense to be resolved into smoake by little and little. But this seemeth to be too curious. Oleaster giveth a better reason, why this word is used, because God being displeased with the stinking smell of our sins: Hujusmodi suffumigationibus occurrebatur; These suffumigations were used by way of remedie whereby the Lord smelled a savour of rest, as the Scripture speaketh, and yet but typically: for the true sweet smelling sacrifice was Christ.

QUEST. XV. Why the flesh, skin, and dung was burned without the host.

Vers. 14. THe flesh, his skin and dung shalt thou burne without the host, &c. 1. In this speciall sacrifice for sin, which was offered in the consecration of Aaron, the skin, together with the flesh was burnt without the host: but in burnt offerings, because all was to be burned upon the Altar, and yet it was not fit the skin should bee consumed with the rest, that belonged to the Priest, Levit. 7.8. but in peace offerings the skin was the offerers, as the rest which remained beside the Priests portion, Tostat. 2. All is commanded to bee carried out of the host and there burned, not onely to signifie, as Lyranus ••aith, Quod peccata longè esse debene à sacerdotibus▪ That sins must be farre off from the Priest: for the like was to be done also in the sin offering for the whole congregation, Levit. 4.1. but in every sin offering they did not so; as if the sin offering were for the Prince, or any other private person, they did not then carrie it without the host: this was done therefore, in detestationem peccati sacerdotis, to shew the great∣nesse of the sin of the Priest, as likewise of the whole congregation, Tostat. qu. 7. 3. And whereas this is added as a reason, for it is a sin offering, it must not be so understood, as though generally every sin offering was so to be served: for in the sin offerings for the Prince, or any private person, that usage of burning without the host, was not observed: but it must have speciall reference to the thing here sacrificed for sin, which was a young bullocke. Now for the Prince or private person a goat was offered, not a bullock: but when a bullocke was offered, as for the sin of the Priest, or of all the whole congregation, then it was to be so burned without the host: this then is the sense, because this bullocke is sacrificed for sin, Tostat. qu. 7. 4. Though here no mention be made what shall be done with the inwards and legs, and other parts of the beast, which are not here rehearsed: yet it may be supplied out of Levit. 4.11. that all those likewise should be carried without the host, and there burned, Tostat. qu. 6.

QUEST. XVI. Of the mysticall application of the sacrifice of the bullocke, with the rites thereof.

THis first sacrifice of the bullocke is thus mystically applied: 1. By the fat of the inwards, the liver and kidneyes, Theodoret understandeth the affections: Adeps, qui ventriculum oper••t, gulae vitium indi∣cat, &c. The fat which covereth the bellie, signifieth the vice of gluttonie, &c. that which covereth the reines and kidneyes, the pleasure of the flesh; and the liver, unto which the seat of choler is annexed, be∣tokeneth anger: H••c omnia consecrarijubet; He commandeth these things to be consecrated. To the same

purpose also Basil, Quibus omnibus id nobiscum agitur, ut adversus voluptatem totam,* 1.411 quasi contra multo∣rum capitum hydram, &c. By all these we are moved, that we should fight against all pleasure, as a serpent of many heads, &c. 2. So Borrhaius thereby understandeth the mortifying of the old man: and by the carrying of the flesh, skin and dung without the gate, as a thing ignominious, the suffering of Christ, which tooke upon him our reproach without the gates of Jerusalem, as the Apostle applieth it, Hebr. 13.12. So also Gallas. Marbach. 3. By the foure corners of the Altar, which were touched with bloud, Lippoman interpreteth the shedding of Christs bloud, who is our Altar and sacrifice, by the which we are redeemed: Terra quoque nostris sceleribus polluta, &c. hausto Christi sanguine reconciliatur, &c. The earth also, being polluted with our sinnes, having as it were drunke in Christs bloud, is reconciled: which otherwise would crie out for vengeance against us. 4. Marbach. by the laying the bloud upon the foure corners of the Altar, would have signified the preaching of the shedding of Christs bloud, and the disper∣sing thereof to the foure corners of the world. And by the inwards, liver, and reines, which are the seats of pleasure, the willingnesse of Christ, and delight in fulfilling the will of his Father. So also Osiander. 5. But this is the most proper signification thereof: by the fat is understood the grosnesse of our nature, in all the faculties and powers of the soule: which are three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the understanding in the heart, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the angrie motion in the liver, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the concupiscence or desiring facultie in the reines: all which by nature are corrupted: and therefore they must be offered unto God, to be purged by the fire of his Spirit. So Iunius, Pelargus, Simlerus.

QUEST. XVII. Why the sacrifice for sinne was offered first.

Vers. 15. THou shalt also take one ram. Now followeth the second kinde of sacrifice, which was the burnt offering: 1. The bullocke, the sacrifice for sinne, was first to be offered, that there∣by the other sacrifices might be accepted: for as it is in the Gospell, Ioh 9.31. God heareth not sinners: neither doth he accept the sacrifice of sinners. And hereof it was, that in the solemne day of reconciliati∣on, the high Priest first prayed for his owne sinnes, and made reconciliation for himselfe and his house, Levit. 16.11. and then for the people. So in this place the burnt offering and peace offering would not have beene accepted, unlesse first the Lord were appeased toward them for their sinnes: it was requisite therefore, that the sacrifice for sinne should be the first, whereby the rest might be sanctified. 2. But it will be objected, that by the same reason neither can the sacrifice for sinne be accepted, because he that offe∣reth it, hath not yet obtained remission of his sinnes. The answer whereunto is this: That it must be con∣sidered, whether he that sacrificeth for sinne doth it for his owne sinnes, or anothers: for others, his sacri∣fice cannot be accepted, as long as he is in sin, but for his owne sins such sacrifice is available. As concer∣ning prayer likewise, which is the spirituall sacrifice of Christians: a man yet in his sins shall not be heard, praying for another: but for his owne sins he shall be heard: otherwise it would follow, that he which hath committed any sin, should never have remission and forgivenesse of them, if his prayers should not be received. 3. Beside, as it is in the Sacraments of the new Testament: Quadam requirunt dispositionem in sus∣cipiente, quaedam non; Some required a disposition and preparation in the receiver, some not: as in the Eucharist, unlesse one examine himselfe before, and so be prepared to receive that holy Sacrament, he is an unworthy receiver, and eateth and drinketh hi•• owne damnation, 1 Cor. 11.29. But in the other Sacrament of Baptisme no such disposition in the receiver is required: for infants that cannot examine themselves, nei∣ther have faith, are thereunto admitted. So the like difference there was in the sacrifices of the Law: some served to prepare and dispose the offerer to performe other duties, as the sacrifices for sin: some required a preparation, and disposition going before, as the burnt offerings, and peace offerings, Tostat qu. 9.

QUEST. XVIII. How the bloud of the burnt offering was bestowed upon the Altar.

Vers. 16. THou shalt take his bloud, and sprinkle it round about upon the Altar. 1. This must be understood to be all the bloud, which was to be bestowed round about upon the Altar: for it was not lawfull to carrie any part of the bloud to any other prophane place: and it was the law of burnt offerings, that all the bloud should be offered unto God, Levit. 1.5. 2. Concerning the manner of sprinkling or powring this bloud round about upon the Altar, neither is the opinion of R. Salomon and Lyranus to be received, that thinke, this was not done in parte superiore, sed magis circa basin, in the upper part of the Altar, but rather toward the bottome: for it was sprinkled upon the Altar, therefore not under; and it was offered unto God: but all offerings were offered upon the Altar. And againe, Levit. 1.15. it is said the bloud should be strained, shed or pressed forth on the sides of the Altar: it seemeth then that it was sprinkled above▪ and so ran downe by the sides of the Altar. Neither yet doth Tostatus ghesse aright, that the bloud being powred aloft did run downe per partem exteriorem, by the outward part or side of the Altar: for it could not be conveniently so powred without, as to run downe by the sides: therefore the bloud was rather powred on the inside of the Altar: because it was part of the burnt offering, and therefore was to be consecrate unto God by fire, as it is said, vers. 18. It is an offering made by fire unto the Lord. And by this meanes the fire licked up the grosse substance of the bloud, and so dried up the vapours thereof, which otherwise would have beene very noisome, Simler.

QUEST. XIX. Why the hornes of the Altar are not here touched with bloud.

Vers. 16. ANd thou shalt sprinkle it round about upon the Altar. 1. Some things are common to the burnt offering, and the sacrifice for sin; as that Aaron and his sons did stay their hands upon the head thereof, that it was killed before the Lord, and that the bloud thereof was laid upon the Altar: but these things were peculiar unto it; the dividing of the parts, not to burne them by peece-meale one after another, but to couch them better together, and to lay one part upon another: then the inwards and legs were washed, and all was burnt upon the Altar, Simler. 2. But here the bloud is not appointed to

be laid upon the hornes of the Altar, as in the sinne offering: not because, as some thinke, in the sinne offering expiation was made for sinne, and therefore the hornes of the Altar were touched with bloud: for in other sacrifices also there was expiation of sinne: as Levit. 1.4. it is said of the burnt offering, It is his atonement▪ and the peace offering also was for a sweet savour, Levit. 33. And generally in every sacri∣fice, the bloud which was offered upon the Altar, was for atonement, Levit. 17.11. now the Altar was sprinkled with bloud both in the burnt offerings, Levit. 1.5. and in the peace offerings, 3·2. therefore in them also there was atonement made. But because the sinne offering was specially and principally inten∣ded to be a sacrifice for sinne, whereas the other directly were referred to the praise of God: therefore after a more speciall manner the hornes of the Altar are touched with bloud in the sacrifice for sinne, and not in the other, Tostat. quast. 8.

QUEST. XX. Why the dung in the sinne offerings, being an uncleane thing, was prescribed to be burned.

Vers. 17. ANd wash the inwards, and the legs, &c. This rite and usage was not observed before in the sinne offering, for there the skin and dung was burnt without the host. But here this doubt will be moved, seeing that no uncleane thing must be offered unto God, how the dung could be burnt with fire. For answer whereunto: 1. It must be considered, that this was no part of the sacrifice proper∣ly: for the sacrifices which were offered unto God, were burnt upon the Altar: but these things were burnt without the host: so likewise the red cow which was burnt without the host, with the skin and dung, Numb. 19. was not properly a sacrifice offered unto God, though it were an holy rite by him or∣dained to be observed. 2. This ceremonie in burning the skin, and dung of the sin offering without the host, was prescribed to be done to this end, ad monstrandam detestationem peccatorum magnorum, &c. to shew the detestation of great and enormous sinnes: and therefore this rite was onely observed in the sin offerings for the Priest, and the whole congregation, to shew that their sinnes were greatest: in the sin offerings for the trespasses of others, it was not prescribed, Tostat. quaest. 10.

QUEST. XXI. Why the burnt offering was so called, and how it differed from other sacrifices.

Vers. 18. FOr it is a burnt offering unto the Lord. 1. The name in Greeke is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so called, because it was whole, or all burnt upon the Altar, saving the skin: in other sacrifices, as for sinne, and in the peace offerings, certaine parts onely were burnt, as the fat and the kidneyes, with some other parts; but here all was consumed, Tostat. qu. 10. 2. But the word in the originall is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gholah, or as Iun. reades, hholah, Oleaster pronounceth it without an asperation, ••lah, which is derived of ghalah, to as∣cend: so called because it all ascended into vapour and smoake, Oleaster. 3. So this holocaust or burnt offering is commended for three things: 1. Because it was a burnt offering, it was all consumed upon the Altar: 2. In respect of the effect, it was a sweet savour: all here turned into vapour, and so gave a more fragrant smell than the other sacrifices, which did not send up such a cloud of vapour or smoake, because they were not all consumed, as the burnt offering was: 3. It was an offering made by fire: Di∣c••tur hoc ad differentiam elixorum, which is so said by way of difference from those things which are boyled in water, Cajetan.

QUEST. XXII. Why the burnt offering is called a sweet savour.

Vers. 18. FOr a sweet savour. 1. The word is riach nic••oa••h, a savour of rest, that is, an acceptable sa∣vour wherein the Lord delighteth, and being thereby appeased, resteth and ceaseth from his anger, Oleaster. It is a metaphor taken from sweet odors, wherein he which smelleth a sweet savour resteth and contenteth himselfe: Non parientes aliquid fastidii, &c. such odors as bring no loathsomnesse, Cajetan. 2. Which phrase must be figuratively taken; for properly God, nor no other spirit, is said to smell: for savour and smell is the object of the sense of smelling: Spirits then not being endued with the sensitive facultie, are not properly affected with the object of the sense. And though the Lord should bee affected with smells, yet the savour that commeth from the burning of flesh of it selfe, is not so plea∣sant and savourly, Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Therefore it is said to be an acceptable savour unto God, in regard of their obedience and willing minde: as Augustine, Deum delectat, cùm spiritualiter exhibetur, God is delighted,* 1.412 when it is spiritually presented, &c. that is, with faith and true devotion of the heart. So also Theodoret, Sacrificium quod ex lege fiebat, suavem odorem appellavit, The sacrifice which was done ac∣cording to the law, he calleth a sweet odor. Therefore where the externall act was offered, without the inward devotion and obedience, the Lord was not pleased with such sacrifices, as with Cains and Sauls, Tostat. qu. 10. 4. But it is called a savour of rest, specially because it was a type and sacrifice of our blessed Saviour, who was indeed an offering and a sacrifice of a sweet smelling savour unto God, Ephes. 5.2. Osiander, Gallas. To the same purpose, before them, Procopius. Christ was offered for us all unto his Father, in odorem bonae fragrantia, for a sweet smelling savour.

QUEST. XXIII. Of the mysticall sense of the ramme of burnt offering.

FOr the mysticall sense of this second sacrifice of the first ram, which was a burnt offering: 1. Proco∣pius by cutting the same in peeces, understandeth the divers members of Christ, which make all one bodie: by the washing of the inward parts, sermonis puritatem, the purenesse of speech. 2. Pelargus, by the division of the parts, would have signified the right dividing of the Word: by the washing of the inwards, the purging of our internall parts: by the burnt offering, the consecration both of our bodies and soules unto God. 3. But these figures are more fitly accommodated and applied to Christ. By the killing of the ram, the division of the parts, and the washing of them, is shadowed forth the passion of Christ: and by the burnt offering the ardent love of Christ, quo totus in cruce conflagravit, wherewith he was all as it were set on fire on the crosse, Marbach. 4. And as the burnt offering ascended up in the fire,

so Christ is ascended into heaven, having obtained eternall redemption for us: and afterward sent the fire of his Spirit upon his Apostles, Simlerus, Borrhaius.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the third ram, why it is called the ram of consecracion.

Vers. 20. ANd take of the bloud, and put upon the lap of Aarons eare, &c. 1. Now followeth the third kinde of sacrifice, which was of the kinde of Eucharisticall, or peace offerings: and in the consecration of Aaron, and his sonnes divers sacrifices are used, because this calling, cater as omnes dignitate anteiret, &c. did excell all other in dignity, Gallas. 2. The peace offerings were of two so••••s, either to ob∣taine some blessing, as to intreat for peace and prosperity▪ or to give thankes for some blessing received▪ in both these respects; it was requisite, that Aaron should offer peace offerings in his consecration, bothe•• beg of God, that he might prosper in the execution of his office, as also to shew his thankfulnesse to God, who had advanced him to such an high calling, Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Yet this offering was not properly of the kind of peace offerings, which are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pacifica, peace offerings: but this was the ra••••, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, milluim, of filling or perfection, vers. 22. quia illia Sacerdotum consecratio perfic••retur, because thereby the consecration of the Priests was perfected, Gallas.

QUEST. XXV. Why the bloud was put upon the right eare, thumbe, and toe of Aaron.

Vers. 20. PVt upon the lap of Aarons eare. 1. Not, in superiore parte auris, in the upper part of Aarons eare, as the Chalde, but the nether lap, Ian. Or soft part of the eare, Genevens. 2. The eare, hand and foot, are anointed with the bloud, to signifie the purging and sanctifying of all their parts, to make them fit for the Priesthood: as Isaias tongue was touched with a coale from the Altar, and so pu∣rified, Isai. 6. Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Though the right eare, right hand and foot are only named, because dexte∣rae partes sunt insigniores, the right parts are more excellent: yet thereby the consecration of the whole man is signified, Simler. 4. The ••ongue of the Priest is not here mentioned, but the eare, which is the sence of doctrine, by the which the understanding is informed, and without the which the tongue cannot speake: for as the Wise-man saith, He that heareth, speaketh continually, Prov. 21.28. And beside, the eare is expressed to shadow forth the obedience of Christ, in hearing and obeying his Fathers will, Simler. Calvin also giveth another reason, Hîc non attingi d••cendi munus, sed intercedendi; That Christs office of teaching is not here touched, but of mediating.

QUEST. XXVI. How the bloud was sprinkled upon the Altar round about.

Vers. 20. ANd shall sprinkle the bloud vpon the Altar round about. 1. The Latine Translater here readeth, Thou shalt powre the bloud vpon the Altar: but the word is zarak, to sprinkle. First, the Altar was sprinkled, and then the rest was powred at the foot of the Altar, vers. 12. for if it had beene all powred there now, whence should Moses haue had the bloud, which in the next verse is said to be upon the Altar, that is, in some vessell there standing, wherewith he besprinkled Aaron, and the rest, and their garments? 2. Neither is R. Salomon his conjecture probable, that the bloud was laid only upon two cor∣ners of the Altar, not on the same side, but one contrarie to the other; for this is against the Text, which saith, that he sprinkled upon the Altar round about: then not in two corners onely. And beside, if the bloud had beene put onely in two corners of the Altar, it should haue beene laid, not powred or sprink∣led; but the bloud was not put upon the hornes of the Altar, in any peace offering, as was used to bee done in sinne offerings, Tostat. quaest. 11. 3. And whereas the Altar is sprinkled round about, wee must not understand this to bee done at the bottome round about upon the pavement, but above, so that the bloud might run downe to the bottome.

QUEST. XXVII. How the bloud and oyle was sprinkled upon their garments, without spotting.

Vers. 21. ANd he shall take of the bloud, &c. and of the anoynting oyle, &c. 1. Some may thinke that this sprinkling of the bloud, and oyle, was done severally one after another. But because there is mention made but of one sprinkling, it is more like they were tempered and mingled together, and so sprinkled, Lyran. 2. R. Salomon thinketh, that the oile was sprinkled in remembrance of Iacobs anointing the stone in Bethel with oile: and the bloud, in remembrance of the striking of the bloud of the paschall Lambe, upon the doore-posts in Egypt. But there was small affinity betweene those ceremonies, and the consecration of the Priests. Therefore this rather was the reason of it, because almost all things in the Law were purified with bloud, that the Priests garments might by this meanes be purified, and sanctified most of all, which they were to use in the sanctifying of others. 3. And because the sprinkling of bloud and oile, might seeme to be a blemish to the priestly garments: some thinke that they were washed after∣ward. But it is not like, that that was washed off, wherewith the garments were consecrated. Some doe bring in here a miracle, in that the garments were kept from spots and blemishes, notwithstanding the sprinkling of bloud and oile upon them. But we are not to admit of unnecessary miracles. These spots then were very sma••l, and so made no notable markes in the garment: and if they did, it was magis ad ho∣norem, quam horrorem, &c. more for honour, than horror: seeing thereby the priestly vestures were conse∣crated, Tostat. qu. 11.

QUEST. XXVIII. The mysticall signification of the ram of consecration, with the rites thereof.

THe mysticall signification of this ceremony is this: 1. The ram of perfection or consecration, signi∣fieth Christ: Christus omnes in virtutibus perfectos constituit; Christ maketh us perfect in all ver∣tues: hee it is that sanctifieth our eares, hands and feet, and all our parts and members, as here the tip of the eare, the right thumbe, and great toe, are touched with bloud, Procopius. 2. Hereby also is signified the obedience of Christ, by dipping the eare in bloud, who was obedient to his Father, Simler. 3. And hereby also, the high Priest was put in mind of his duty, by the dipping of the eare is signified, that the Priest, primum oracula Divina auscultare, &c. should first give eare to the Divine oracles, and

then teach them unto others, Simler. By the dipping of the thumbe and toe in bloud, omnes actiones vi∣tae, &c. all the actions of the life are expressed, Calvin. By the feet also in Scripture, are signified the af∣fections: this dipping then of the hands and feet, doth signifie, Omnem actionum externarum & interna∣rum sanctificationem, the sanctifying of all, both externall and internall actions, Simler. 4. And by this sprinkling of the bloud, is signified the sprinkling of Christs bloud by faith, upon the hearts of the faith∣full, hac enim aspergillum illud est, &c. for this is that sprinkle, wherewith our hearts are sprinkled, Mar∣bach. 5. And further, whereas Aaron with the rest of the Priests are thus sprinkled with bloud, it is shewed, summos Sacerdotes non fuisse ita perfectos, &c. that the high Priests of the Law were not so perfect, that they needed not to be purged, Osiand. But they had need of another high Priest, by whose bloud they should be sanctified.

QUEST. XXIX. How these things were put into the Priests hands, and shaken to and fro.

Vers. 24. THou shalt put all this in the hands of Aaron, and shake them to and fro, &c. 1. The Latine In∣terpreter here readeth amisse: thou shalt sanctifie them: which Tostatus would helpe out thus: because divers ceremonies were used in the consecration of the Priests, quaelibet earum sanctifica••io vocabatur, every one of them was called a kinde of sanctifying. But the word nuph, signifieth to shake, or move to and fro. 2. Some doe translate it, thou shalt lift up. So Pagnin. Oleaster, who referreth it to the ascending and rising up of the vapour or smoake. But this shaking to and fro was done before they were burned upon the Altar, which followeth in the next verse: and there is another word afterward used, to shew the lifting up, for the shaking to and fro is called tenupha, and the lifting up terumah, of rum to lift up. 3. R. Salomon saith the manner of putting these things into the Priests hands, and shaking them to and fro, was this: Moses did put them into their hands, and then with his hands underneath theirs, did shake them to and fro, toward the East and West, and then toward the North and South. 4. And by this ceremony of putting those things into the Priests hands: Moses delivered them, jus talia possidendi, right to enjoy such things: they should be afterwards for the Priests use, Lippom.

QUEST. XXX. Whether Moses were indeed a Priest.

Vers. 26. ANd it shall be thy part. 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth here corruptly, erit in partem suam, it shall be for his part, that is, Aarons: for what Aarons part should be, is afterward shewed, vers. 28. the word is, lecha to thee: as the Septuagint translate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: it shall be for thy part, that is, Moses should have the Priests part at this time. 2. Lippoman hence would inferre, that Moses was the high Priest: both because he did consecrate the high Priest, and he had the breast for his part, which only belonged to the high Priest. 3. I rather thinke with Osiander, that Moses did at this time, quo∣dam modo fungi officio Sacerdotis, &c. after a sort execute the Priests office. So also Simler. Gallas. Hee was in the Priests stead in the consecration of Aaron. But if Moses had beene actually a Priest, he could not afterward have resigned that office and calling: neither can this be inferred upon that place, Psalm. 99.6. Moses and Aaron among his Priests, that Moses was a Priest: but it sheweth that Moses and Aa∣ron were most excellent among the Priests, as Samuel among those that called upon his name, Vatabl. Or Moses was counted among the Priests, because he did extraordinarily execute the Priests office, as in the consecration of Aaron, 4. Tostatus calleth Moses, simplicem Levitam, a simple or plaine Levite, quaest. 14, He was indeed of the tribe of Levi, and in that sense Aaron also might be called a Levite: but Mo∣ses was more than a Levite, because hee both sacrificed, and consecrated the Priests, which the Levites could not doe.

QUEST. XXXI. Whether Aaron had the breast and shoulder of the ram of consecration.

Vers. 27. THou shalt sanctifie the breast of the shake offering, and the shoulder of the heave offering. 1. Where∣as the right shoulder was shaken to and fro before and burnt upon the Altar, this could not be the shoulder of the heave offering here spoken of: for it was burnt already upon the Altar. 2. Some thinke therefore that it was the left shoulder, which is here called the heave offering, and that Moses had that and the breast for his part at this time, because he was now in the Priests stead, Osiand. Marbach. But this is not understood of Moses, that he should have them; they are for Aaron and his sonnes, vers. 28. Moses part is set downe before, what it should be, vers. 26. namely the breast. And it was the right shoul∣der, not the left, which was given to the Priest, Levit. 7.32. The left shoulder, and the rest of the peace offering, beside that which was due unto the Priest, belonged unto the offerer. 3. Therefore this Law here set downe is not concerning the ram of consecration, out of the which Aaron had not now the Priests part, because he and the other Priest were at that time but as the offerers and presenters: but for the time to come an order is set, what part they should have out of the peace offerings of the children of Israel, namely, the breast, and the right shoulder, Tostat. quaest. 13. Iun. Gallas.

QUEST. XXXII. What difference there was betweene the shake-offering and heave-offering.

Vers 27. THe shoulder of the heave-offering, &c. 1. Some thinke, that the breast was only shaken to and fro, and therefore was called tenupha, the shake-offering, and the shoulder was onely lifted up, so called also terumah, Vatabl. Which Osiander calleth, the one Movenda, the sacrifice to bee moved or shaken, the other Levanda, to be lifted up: and Iunius seemeth to be of the same opinion, who rea∣deth distinctly, which was shaken to and fro, that is, the breast, and which was lifted up, that is, the shoul∣der. But the words following will not beare this sense: which was heaved up of the ram of consecration. Now no mention is made before of the heaving up of the shoulder, but of the shaking of it to and fro, with the other things which were put into Aarons hands, vers. 24. so that the right shoulder of the conse∣cration ram, was not onely lifted up, but it was also shaken to and fro. 2. The generall opinion therefore i••, that as well the breast as the shoulder, were first heaved up and downe, and then shaken to and fro.

So R. Salomon, Lyranus, Simlerus, Gallasius, Tostatus, with others. But if they were both indifferently shaken to and fro, and lifted up alike: why are these speciall names given unto them, Levit. 7.34. The breast shaken to and fro, and the shoulder lifted up? 3. Therefore I neither thinke, that the breast was shaken onely, nor the shoulder lifted up onely, because the shoulder was shaken to and fro, vers. 24. and the breast together with the shoulder are indifferently, vers. 28. called an heave-offering: neither yet is it like, that there was no difference of motion in the shaking of them, and the heaving them up: seeing they have speciall names given them of their divers motions. But it is most probable, that the breast was more shaken to and fro, than lifted up, and therefore is called tenuphah, of the more principall motion: and the shoulder, though it were moved to and fro, yet was chiefly heaved up, and thereof is called teru∣mah, an heave-offering.

QUEST. XXXIII. What is here understood by the heave-offering.

Vers. 28, FOr it is an heave-offering of the children of Israel. 1. Some by Terumah, which is a speciall name signifying an heave-offering, doe understand in generall an oblation, Vatarlus. But the same word being in the next verse before used in a speciall signification for an heave-offering, must bee also so taken here. 2. Some doe take it in that speciall sense, but then they restraine it only to the shoul∣der before spoken of, which is called the shoulder of the heave-offering, Osiander. But it is evident, in that a perpetuall Law is made for Aaron and his sonnes, what part they should have of the peace-offe∣rings, and they had as well the shaken breast, as the shoulder, that was lifted up, Levit. 27.34. that this clause must be understood of both those parts before spoken of, the breast, and the shoulder. 3. Some by the heaving here understand only the dividing and separating of these parts, which was to be made by the children of Israel, So Oleaster: and in the same sense the Latine Interpreter translateth, primitivae sunt, they are the first things, that is, the principall or best of the offerings of the children of Israel. But the word terumah being before used in that speciall signification for an heave-offering, should bee also so taken here. 4. Therefore this terme terumah, heave-offering, is given both to the shaken breast, and heaved shoulder, of the more principall motion: for these gifts were first of all by the Priest lifted up▪ and presented before God in the hands of the Priest, and in that respect were called an heave-offe∣ring, Borrh.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the mysticall application of the shaking to and fro, and of the breast and shoulder of the ram given unto the Priests.

FOr the mysticall application of these rites and ceremonies: 1. In that part of the sacrifice was shaken to and fro on every side, it signified Deum totius terra esse Dominum, that God is Lord of the whole earth, Oleaster: and beside it betokened, that Christi vera victimae merita & beneficia, &c. that the merits and benefits of Christ, the true sacrifice, should by the preaching of the Gospell be spread abroad into all the world, Borrh. But the Hebrewes exposition is fond, who would have hereby signified, that all men from all parts of the world should come to Jerusalem, ibi optimâ aurâ fruituros, there to have their health, and to enjoy an wholesome aire, Ex Oleastro. For wee see that not by comming to Jerusalem, but in departing from the earthly Jerusalem, with the carnall rites thereof, by preaching of the Gospell the Gentiles have received health and salvation of their soules, which is more precious than the health of the body.

2. In that part of the sacrifice was given unto the offerers to eat; it sheweth that Christ did not only deliver himselfe unto death for us, sed etiam in cibum dare, &c. but also giveth himselfe to be our meat, nourishing us unto eternall life: as he saith, Ioh. 6.54. My flesh is meat indeed, my bloud is drinke indeed, &c. Marbach.

3. And in that the breast and shoulder are given unto the Priest, it teacheth, as Gregorie well saith:* 1.413 Vt quod de sacrificio praecipitur sumere, hoc de seipso discat authori immolare; That what he is commanded to take of the sacrifice, he should learne himselfe to offer unto God; quod toto pectore & oper••, &c. that with all their heart and endevour, they should watch upon their office, Iun. Vt sint tanquam pectus, & humeri populi, &c. To be as the breast of the people to provide and take care for their soules, and to bee as their shoulders, to beare the burthen of their vocation, Simler.

QUEST. XXXV. Of the consecrating of Aarons successour in his garments.

Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments, &c. 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth in the singular, the holy gar∣ment: but it is in the plurall, bigdee, garments: for there was not one garment, but many, ten in all, which were consecrated for the high Priest. 2. The Priests which succeeded Aaron, were not to use any other garments, but those which Aaron was consecrated in: as Eleazar put on Aaron priest∣ly vesture, when he was consecrated Priest in his fathers place, Numb. 20. Lyran. 3. And it is added, shall be his sonnes after him: whereby the use of these garments is not made generall to all the Priests, but onely unto them which should succeed in the priesthood, Cajetane. 4. And this difference may be observed be∣tweene the consecration of Aaron, and his successour: that Aaron in his consecration, was both conse∣crated himselfe, and his garments with him: but his successour only was to be consecrated in those gar∣ments, which needed not to be consecrated againe: unlesse, the old garments being old, new were to be made in their place, and then they were to be consecrated, as Aarons priestly garments were at the first, Tostat. quaest. 13. 5. These garments the high Priest at the time of his consecration was to weare seven dayes together: he was not afterward tied necessarily to weare them so long together, but as his mini∣stery and service required, Tostat. qu. 14.

QUEST. XXXVI. By whom the high Priests succeeding Aaron were consecrated.

Vers. 29. TO be consecrate therein. 1. There were two high Priests consecrated extraordinarily: first Aaron, who received his consecration from Moses, who was no Priest, but only for the time executed that office in Aarons consecration: secondly, Eleazar was consecrated high Priest, his father being yet living: which was not afterward seene in any other succeeding high Priest: for there could not be two high Priests together. But Eleazar was consecrated, his father yet living, because the time of his death was certainly knowne: as the Lord had shewed to Moses: and immediatly after Elea∣zars consecration he died, Numb. 20: but this could not be knowne in any other high Priest. 2. The rest of the high Priests, which followed after Moses death, were consecrated by the inferiour Priests. Ti∣stetus giveth an instance, how the Pope at this day is consecrated by the Bishop of Hastia. But the Gos∣pell acknowledgeth no such high Priesthood, and the Pope doth usurpe that place over other Churches: therfore it is nothing to us how an usurper entreth. A better instance may be given, Act. 13.3. where certaine that were but Prophets and Doctors of the Church, do yet lay their hands upon the Apostles, Saul and Bernabas, and so they did consecrate them to the worke whereunto they were called. There∣fore by the like example the inferiour Priests might consecrate the high Priest in the old Testament, there being no other high Priest to do it.

QUEST. XXXVII. Whether Eleazar was consecrated after the manner here prescribed.

Vers. 30. THat sonne that shall be Priest in his stead, &c. Which is not understood onely of the next sonne of Aaron, which should succeed him, which was Eleazar, but of all the rest of his posteritie, which should succeed Aaron in the priesthood: and this order of consecration was rather fulfilled in them, after they came into the land of Canaan, and had a setled State there, than in Eleazar, in whose in∣itiation and entrance into the Priests office, many of these rites and ceremonies were omitted, in respect of the necessitie of the time and place: for hee is only said to have put on Aarons priestly cloathes: there is no mention made of his washing, anointing, sprinkling.

1. Some thinke, that those things were done also, though they are not there expressed: as in Scripture many things belonging to the historie and narration are omitted. But the ceremonies here prescribed to be done in Aarons consecration, are not only omitted there in the narration, but they could not be per∣formed in act: for the high Priest was ordinarilie to be brought to the doore of the Tabernacle, and there to be first washed, and then to put on the priestly garments; but Eleazar was in mount Hor, when hee put on Aarons cloathes; where the Tabernacle was not: for this was done in the sight of all the people, who could not see what was done in the Tabernacle. And if Aaron had died in the Tabernacle, it should have been thereby polluted; for the tent wherein any died was uncleane, Numb. 19.15. Againe, the high Priest, who was anointed in his head and hands, was not to come neere any dead bodie, Levit. 21.10, 11. Eleazar then could not be anointed here in the presence of Aaron, who died there before his face.

2. Some other thinke therefore that Eleazar onely put on Aarons cloathes there; the other ceremo∣nies were performed afterward, when they were come downe from the mount: but Eleazar, for the comfort of his father, was there bid to put on his cloathes, that hee might see his sonne consecrated in his stead before he died. But this is not like: for the ceremonies could not be kept according to the law of the consecration: seeing the high Priest was first to he washed at the doore of the Tabernacle, before hee put on the holie garments: he was not by the usuall order to put on the Priests apparell first, and then to bee washed. Againe, seeing Aaron by stripping off his cloathes, was together with them deprived of his Priesthood; Eleazar together with the cloathes received the full right and authoritie of the Priesthood: as Vatablus well expoundeth those words of the Lord to Moses, Numb. 20.26. Cause Aaron to put off his garments, and put them upon Eleazar his sonne: that is, constitues pontificem Eleazarum, thou shalt appoint Eleazar Priest for his father.

3. Some further may alleage, that seeing Eleazar was consecrated to bee a Priest before, there need∣ed now no new consecration, but onely the putting on of the priestly garments. But this answer doth not fully satisfie, though Eleazar were now consecrated with his father, and in that respect needed not in all respects to bee consecrated, as they which had received no such consecration: for there were certaine peculiar things used in the consecration of the high Priest, whose head and hands were anointed with the holie oyle, Levit. 21.10. and so were not the inferiour Priests.

4. Therefore Tostatus opinion upon the former reasons is most probable, that Eleazar was made high Priest, speciali modo, after a speciall manner, qu. 15.

QUEST. XXXVIII. What services the high Priest was bound to do in the Sanctuarie.

Vers. 30. TO minister in the Sanctuarie, or, holy place. 1. The holie place or Sanctuarie is taken divers waies: 1. For the whole Tabernacle, together with the outward court: in which sense it is said, that Aaron and his sonnes should beare the iniquitie of the Sanctuarie, Numb. 8.1. 2. For the Tabernacle it selfe, without the outwart court: as Exod. 28.35. His sound shall be heard when he goeth into the holy place, that is, when he went into the Tabernacle. 3. It is sometime taken for the outward court: chap. 28.43. when they come to the Altar to minister in the holie place: here it is taken for the Taber∣nacle. 2. Aaron had foure services to doe in the Tabernacle: 1. To set the bread in order upon the table, Levit. 24.6. 2. To dresse the lampes morning and evening, Levit. 24.3. 3. To burne incense upon the golden Altar, chap. 30.7. 4. To goe into the most holie place once in the yeere to make reconciliation, Levit. 16. But the three first services were common unto the inferiour Priests: the last was peculiar to the high Priest,* 1.414 Tostat. qu. 16. 5. Augustine is here deceived, with whom Borrhaius accordeth,

that the most holy place is here meant, into the which the high Priest entred only once in the yeere: for the high Priest did not then put on his glorious apparell, as he did here at his consecration when he went into the most holie place, but the common linen garments, Levit. 16.4.

QUEST. XXXIX. Of other rites belonging to the ramme of consecration.

Vers. 31. ANd seeth his flesh in the holy place. Now follow other rites and ceremonies belonging to the ramme of consecration: 1. The flesh thereof, that is, the third part remaining, beside that which was offered upon the Altar, and that which was due for this time unto Moses, Osiand. was to be boyled, not upon the Altar, nor yet in any prophane place, but in the outward court, here called the holy place. 2. They must eat them at the doore of the Tabernacle: after they had boyled them in some place of the court further off, then they shall come neerer to the Tabernacle, and there eat them, Tostat. qu. 16. 3. A stranger shall not eat thereof, not only they which were strangers from Israel, but even the Israelites themselves not of the tribe of Lev••, yea the Levites not of the familie of Aaron, could not eat hereof, Tostat. Borrhaius, Osiander: though Simlerus thinketh otherwise, understanding by strangers such as were polluted and uncleane, because the lay people might eat of their peace offerings. But though the people might eat of their ordinarie peace offerings, yet here because the Priests were the offerers, they only must eat thereof: yea here is no exception of their wives, or children. Lippom. 4. The flesh and bread must be eaten the same day, if any remained till the morning, it should be burnt with fire: this is required, lest by reserving any part thereof, either they might grow into contempt of the holy things, making no difference between them, and their ordinarie food, which they might reserve at their pleasure; or lest that which remained might be abused to superstition, Simler. And whereas in ordi∣narie peace offerings they might eat of it the next day, but not upon the third day, Levit. 7.18. but no part of this must be eaten the second day: this was to shew that this ramme of consecration was a more holy thing, than their ordinarie peace offerings, Tostat. quaest. 16.

QUEST. XL. Whether all these rites were of the necessitie of the consecration.

Vers. 35 THou shalt do thus unto Aaron, and to his sonnes, &c. 1. Some are of opinion, that all things here prescribed to bee observed and done, were de necessitate consecrationis, of the neces∣sitie of the consecration, and if any thing were omitted, the consecration was voide, R. Salomon, Lyranus. But this is not like, that if any thing were neglected in the manner of eating, in respect of the place, persons, or time, that their consecration should thereby have been void: as Levit 10.17. Aaron being in griefe for the sudden death of Nadab and Abihu, forgot the sinne offering, which they should have eaten, and suffered it to be all burnt: and this was the eighth day after their consecration, Levit. 9.2. when as yet the anointing was fresh upon them, and they did not yet come forth of the doores of the Taber∣nacle, Levit. 10.7. And yet, notwithstanding this negligence, there was no nullitie of Aarons consecra∣tion, Tostat. qu••st. 18.

2. Therefore Tostatus opinion is rather to be received, that some things were of necessitie in the con∣secration, as the washing, anointing of the Priests, the putting on of the priestly apparell, the sprinkling of themselves, and their garments: some things were only de solennitate, belonging to the solemnitie of the consecration: as the seething, and eating of it in the holy place, and eating it the same day: it was a sin to omit any of these: but thereby their consecration was not made voide.

QUEST. XLI. Why the consecration of the Priests continued seven daies.

Vers. 35. SEven daies shalt thou consecrate them, &c. 1. This consecration of the Priests was to continue seven daies together, that both the Priests hereby might bee confirmed in their vocation, and be assured thereof, that they were thereunto appointed of God: and that the people also might thereby take better notice, that they were set apart by the Lord for that holy function, Osi∣ander. 2. And further hereby thus much was signified, that as the Priests seven daies together were con∣secrated, so we, per totum vitae curriculum, throughout the whole course of our life, should be consecrated, and addicted to Gods service, Simler. Marbach. 3. Likewise we are hereby admonished, Pontificem continuo proficere, non posse repente summum fieri, &c. that the Priest must daily increase, and go forward, that he cannot be made perfect at once, that many gifts and graces are required in him, Lippoman. 4. It also sheweth, that as their consecration was not perfect before the seventh day, so we cannot attaine to perfection in this life, Osiander.

QUEST. XLII. Whether all the sacrifices of the first day, were iterated seven daies together, or the sacrifice for sin only.

Vers. 36. ANd shalt offer everie day a calfe. 1. Lyranus thinketh, that not onely a calfe for a sinne offering was sacrificed everie day, but two rammes also; so that seven calves were offered, and fourteene rammes in these seven daies: So also Simler. Borrh. Lippom. Pellican. But seeing there is no mention made but only of the sinne offering, we have no warrant to imagine any other sacrifice to have been iterated but that, as belonging to their consecration. 2. Iosephus thinketh yet more, that all things were iterated every day, which were done upon the first day, as the anointing of them, and the sprinkling of the Priests themselves, and their garments. But this is not like, that their consecration was iterated: it was sufficient for them once to be consecrated: and seeing the ramme of consecration was killed onely upon the first day, with the bloud whereof they were sprinkled; they were so sprinkled but upon the first day. 3. Tostatus his opinion is, that the calfe which was the sacrifice for sinne, and the consecration ramme were offered everie day: expresse mention is made of the one, and the other is implied in these words, seven daies shalt thou fill their hands, that is, put into their hands part of the peace offering, to be shaken to & fro before the Lord, as is prescribed, vers. 24. Now the ramme of burnt offering needed not to

be daily offered during these seven dayes, because there were every day morning and evening a lambe offered for a burnt sacrifice, Sic Tostat. But this opinion cannot stand: 1. Seeing Moses is bid to take two rams, chap. 24.2. it is like, that either both of them were ••••nued every day, or none: 2. And the fil∣ling of their hands signifieth nothing else but the consecrating of their Ministery, (as is before shewed) whereof the hand was the organe and instrument: it is not literally to be pressed, to signifie the putting of the things offered into their hands. 4. Therefore according to the words of the text, of all the sa∣crifices appointed for the first day, onely the calfe which is the sinne offering, is prescribed to be itera∣ted: and the reason is, because it was to cleanse and purifie the Altar, Levit. 8.15. But only in this sacri∣fice were the hornes of the Altar touched with bloud, and so sanctified, which was not done in any of the other sacrifices.

QUEST. XLIII. To what end the sinne offering was offered every day of the seven.

Vers. 36. THou shalt offer every day a calfe, &c. for reconciliation, or to make atonement. 1. This recon∣ciliation was not only made for the sinne of the Priests, as thinketh Tostatus: for the hornes of the Altar were laid on with this bloud, whereby it was purified, Levit. 8.15. 2. Neither yet was this sinne offering prescribed only, ad expiandum Altare, to cleanse the Altar, as thinketh Osiander, Calvin. For he had said before, seven dayes shalt thou consecrate them, that is, the Priests: and then it followeth, and shalt offer every day, &c. so that this daily offering for the space of seven dayes, belonged unto the consecration of the Priests. 3. Therefore the end of this sacrifice for sinne, was both to make atonement for Aaron and his sonnes, as also to purifie and cleanse the Altar, Iunius.

QUEST. XLIV. How the Altar was cleansed, and why.

Vers. 36. ANd thou shalt cleanse the Altar. 1. After the consecration of the Priests, is set forth their Ministery and service, both at the Altar of burnt offering, and in the golden altar, in the next Chapter. Here three things are declared, concerning the Altar of burnt offering: 1. How it should bee purified: 2. What should bee offered thereon: 3. The profit and benefit that should come thereby: the Lord would there come unto them, and speake with them, vers. 42. and dwell among them, vers. 45. Lyranus.

2. Two things are required to the purifying of the Altar: it must first be cleansed, not that it was pol∣luted of it selfe; but to shew, that in respect of man, omnia corruptione naturae profana ob peccatum, &c. that all things by the corruption of our nature are profane, because of sinne, Gallas. Marbach. As also it was not only cleansed, but sanctified, and set apart for holy uses: that it should not be lawfull to offer their sacrifices elsewhere, but upon that Altar, Osiander.

3. To the cleansing of the Altar, two things only were required: the bloud of the sacrifice was laid upon the hornes of the Altar, and it was anointed with oile, Borrh. Tostatus beside saith, that the bloud which was powred upon the Altar was rubbed and scraped off, and it was cleansed from the ashes. But neither of these were now needfull to be done: for the Altar yet neither had much bloud powred into it, nor was full of ashes, this being the first time of hallowing and consecrating it. And though the La∣tine text so reade, Numb. 4.13. mundabis ill••d cinere, thou shalt cleanse it from the ashes, the word is dishun, they shall take the ashes from it, when they were to remove the Altar: but the ashes did not de••ile the Altar.

QUEST. XLV. How the Altar sanctified whatsoever touched it.

Vers. 37. SO the Altar shall be most holy. 1. This name kodesh kadashim, holy of holies, that is, most holy, was peculiar unto that place of the Tabernacle where the Arke was: but here it is used in another sense, Lyran. And thereby is signified, that it should be most holy in respect of the use, because it should sanctifie whatsoever touched it, as it followeth in the next words, Oleaster.

2. Whatsoever toucheth it shall be holy. Which Tostatus expoundeth thus: that every one which com∣meth to the Altar, must bee sanctified before, and so hee referreth it to the persons. So also Vatabl. Osiander. But the text sheweth that by touching of the Altar, the thing should thereby be sanctified, and made holy. Rab. Salomon expoundeth it thus, that if any thing to bee offered upon the Altar, should chance to gather any pollution, it was mundified and cleansed by the Altar. But the meaning rather is, that such things as were offered upon the Altar, were thereby sanctified, that is, consecrated to an holy use, and were no more to returne to any prophane use: and the things offered therein, were only to be eaten by the Priests, Lippoman. And this interpretation is confirmed by the words of our blessed Saviour, Matth. 23.19. Ye fooles and blind, whether is greater, the offering, or the Altar, which sanctifieth the offering? Iunius, Gallas.

QUEST. XLVI. Of the daily sacrifice, with the rites thereof.

Vers. 38. TWo lambes of a yeere old. 1. These lambes were to be offered daily beside all their other ex∣traordinary sacrifices, as burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, and whatsoever else, Tostat. 2. For the age of them, Lyranus thinketh, that if they were under a yeere old, from eight dayes old and upward they might be offered. But that is not like; a lambe of a moneth old cannot be said to be a yeere old: this then is required, that it should be a perfect beast, and of sufficient growth, Simler. 3. There are foure things required for the daily sacrifice; a lambe, fine flower, oile, and wine: whereby all the fruits of the earth, and the kindes thereof are signified, Cajetane. God will have nothing lacking to the daily sacrifice: as he would have flesh offered, so likewise bread and wine, Tostat. qu. 20. 4. This sacrifice was to be done continually, to make a difference betweene this and other sacrifices, which were not to be offered continually, but as they had occasion, Tostat. 5. And this daily sacrifice was of the kinde of burnt-offerings, it was to be wholly burnt upon the Altar, together with the wine and oile, which should be

powred upon it: as it is called a burnt offering, vers. 41. 6. But this daily sacrifice could not be offered continually, while they were in the desert: it was to be put in practice when they came into the land of Canaan: as is evident by the like Lawes concerning other sacrifices and offerings, Numb. 15.2. When yee are come into the land of your habitation, and will make an offering, &c. for many things were neglected in the wildernesse by reason of their continuall travell, and want of necessary things: and therefore the Lord saith, when they are come into the land of Canaan, Ye shall not doe after all these things, which yee die here this day, Deut. 12.8. Tostat. qu. 20. 7. The time of the offering these two lambes, was in the morning, and betweene the two evenings: which was not after the Sunne set, as Oleaster; who noteth the word ghereb, evening, to be taken either for the twilight after Sunne set, or for the night it selfe: but the time was rather, inter occasum solis, & solem propinquum occasni, betweene the setting of the Sunne, and the declining of the Sunne, Cajetane: which might be from the ninth houre: for from thence began the time of the evening sacrifice: as Iosephus. See more hereof, chap. 16. qu. 10. 8. So this continuall and dai∣ly sacrifice is commanded and set forth in these six things: 1. It was a burnt offering, that is, wholly con∣sumed upon the Altar. 2. It was acceptable, of a sweet savour. 3. It was continuall. 4. In respect of the place, it must be offered at the doore of the Tabernacle. 5. And for the fruit thereof, there the Lord will appoint to speake with them, Cajetane. 6. And beside, this sacrifice had both fine slower, wine, and oile to attend upon it.

QUEST. XLVII. How much the Hin contained.

Vers. 40. A Tenth part of fine flower, and the fourth part of an Hin of oile. The tenth part of an Epha is meant, as it is expounded, Numb. 28.5. which was a Ghomer, chap. 16.36. containing about three pints, so much as 42. egs can receive: of this measure see before, chap. 16. quest. 24. Now it is to be shewed how much this measure of the Hin contained, which was a measure of liquid things, as the Ghomer and Epha were of drie: 1. Some thinke that it cannot now be certainly knowne how much the Hebrew measures contained, Lyran. Tostat. Cajetan. and so they leave it as uncertaine.

2. Lyranus alleageth out of Papia••, that there were two kinde of measures called the Hin, the greater, which held foure quarts of Paris measure, and the lesse, two quarts. But it is evident, that the measure of the Hin was but one, and that of a certaine quaintity, which was well knowne: as mention thereof is made, Numb. 15.4, 5.7.10. and in divers other places. And it neither was so little to containe two quarts, nor so large to hold foure.

3. Pelargus thinketh the Hin contained two Sextaries and an halfe: the Sextarius being a measure, according to Glarean, of foure inches long, three inches deepe, and as many broad, is about our pint and halfe: so that in this account, the Hin should not receive foure pints in all.

4. Some thinke it held foure Sextarii, which make six pints, Borrh. and this account agreeth with the computation of the Hebrewes: who doe generally hold, that the Hin contained twelve of the measure called Log: and a Log held six egs: so that the Hin was of the capacitie of 72. egs: and the fourth part thereof then must be of the content of 18. egs. Sic. Iun. Lippoman. Simler. Gallas. which is a pint and quarter of ale measure: for there goe unto a pint of our English measure, as much as fourteene eg-shels doe containe.

QUEST. XLVIII. Of the spirituall application of the Altar, and daily sacrifice.

THe spirituall signification of these things is this: 1. Christ is our Altar, whereby wee are sanctified; he is, & ara & victima both our Altar, and the sacrifice: of this Altar the Apostle speaketh,* 1.415 Heb. 13.10. We have an Altar, whereof they have no authority, which serve in the Tabernacle, Gallasius.

2. By the daily sacrifice of the lambes Christ also is signified, who is the Lambe of God that taketh away the sinnes of the world, Simler.

3. By the bread and wine which was offered, Lippoman would have represented the Eucharist, which is ministred with bread and wine. Rather it signifieth, Christum pro nobis oblatum cibum esse & potum, that Christ offered for us, is both our meat and drinke to be received by faith, Osiander.

4. The offering of the one in the morning, the other at evening, Cyprian thus applieth:* 1.416 Vt hora sacrifi∣cii, ostender••t vesp••ram & oscasum mundi; That the houre of the sacrifice should signifie the evening and Sunne set of the world, when Christ should be offered. Bernard understandeth two oblations of Christ; one when he was offered and presented by his parents in the Temple; the other when he was offered upon the crosse: at the first oblation he was received, inter brachia Simeonis,* 1.417 between the armes of Si∣meon: in the second, inter brachia crucis, betweene the armes of the crosse. Lippoman thus: Ag••us ve∣sper••inus Deminum morie••tem praefigurat, &c. The evening lambe did prefigure Christ dying, the mor∣ning lambe Christ rising againe from the dead. But rather hereby is signified that Christ from the mor∣ning to the even, from the beginning of the world unto the end, is the Saviour of all them that trust in him: he is the Lambe which was slaine from the beginning of the world, Osiander. And by this daily offering and that twice done, is shewed, that wee have daily need of reconciliation: that Christs bloud should continually be applied unto us by faith, Simler. And by this daily sacrifice twice offered, the Israe∣lites were admonished, ut à principio ad finem d••••i, ad Dei misericordiam confugerent; that from the begin∣ning to the end of the day, they should flee unto Gods mercie. And that this continuall sacrifice was an evident figure of Christ, is evident, because it is prophesied to cease at the comming of the Messiah, Dan. 9.27. for the shadow must give place to the body, Calvin.

QUEST. XLIX. How the Lord appointed with the children of Israel.

Vers. 43. THere I will appoint, or meet with the children of Israel, &c. 1. Here the reason is given from the notation of the word, why it was called before, ohel maghed, the Tabernacle of appoint∣ment

or meeting, because the Lord would meet with them there: it is derived rather of i••ghad, which signifieth to meet, or appoint a time; than of ghadah to testifie, Calvine. 2. Here the Lord will appoint with Israel; not by speaking himselfe unto them: for after the Lord had spoken unto them out of mount Sinai, when he delivered the Law, and the people were afraid of Gods voice, and desired that Moses might speake unto them; the Lord after that did not speake himselfe, but declared his will by Moses, Tostat. qu. 21. 3. Where it is said in the former verse, where I will make appointment with you, to speake unto thee there; Caietanes note is somewhat curious: that God in respect of the Levites, promittit se dunta••a•• paratum, promiseth onely to be readie: but with Moses hee promiseth to speake: for by with you the Lord meaneth the Israelites, with whom hee will speake by Moses, as it followeth vers. 43.

QUEST. L. What the Lord promiseth to sanctifie.

Vers. 43. IT shall be sanctified by my glorie. 1. Iunius referreth this to the Israelites, that everie one of them should be sanctified by the Lord. But that were too generall: it is evident by the next verse, where the Lord speaketh of sanctifying the Tabernacle, the Altar, and the Priests, that he meaneth a spe∣ciall sanctification, and consecration to holy uses. 2. The most do supplie place, and understand it of the Tabernacle: but that is expressed afterward, I will sanctifie the Tabernacle. 3. Therefore the speech is more generall; that he will sanctifie by his presence: and what things hee will sanctifie, is expressed in the next verse in particular, the Tabernacle, the Altar, Aaron and his sonnes.

QUEST. LI. What is meant here by Gods glorie.

BY my glorie. 1. Some interpret it, To my glorie, because that was the end wherefore the Lord ap∣pointed all those things. 2. Some doe understand it of Christ, who is the glorie of God, without whom nothing is sanctified in the Church: this glorie Moses desired to see, chap. 33. 3. Lyranus and Lippoman refer it to the comming downe of fire upon Aarons sacrifice, Levit. 9. 4. Tostatus to that example of Gods power in destroying Nadab and Abihu with fire, for offering strange fire: and there∣upon the Lord saith,* 1.418 I will be sanctified in them that come neere me, and before all the people will I be glori∣fied. But this promise of God is not so to be restrained, to one or two of Gods glorious workes. 5. Therefore by glorie the Lord understandeth gloriosam praesentiam, his glorious presence, Vatablus: as Exodus 40.34. Then the cloud covered the Tabernacle, &c. and the glorie of the Lord filled the Tabernacle, Oleaster.

QUEST. LII. How the Lord is said here to sanctifie Aaron.

Vers. 44. I Will sanctifie also Aaron, &c. 1. Lyranus understandeth this of their consecration: which although it were described alreadie, non adhuc tamen erat in executione posita: yet it was not hitherto put in execution: but the Lord speaketh not here of that sanctification which consisted in the outward ceremonies: for they were not Gods glorie, whereby he saith he will sanctifie them. 2. Tostatus referreth it to that miraculous approbation of Aaron, and his two sonnes Eleazar and Ithamar, by shew∣ing his fierce wrath in the sudden destruction of his other two sonnes Nadab and Abihu. But as Aaron and his sonnes are promised to be sanctified, so the Altar also shall be sanctified: but the Altar was not sanctified by that example of judgement. 3. Therefore the meaning is this, that as God had pre∣scribed the externall rites of their consecration, so he promiseth, se in his efficacem fore, that he will be effectuall in them, Simler. Divina actio sanctificans aderit, &c. The divine sanctifying action shall be pre∣sent, Caietane: lest they might thinke, that their sanctification depended upon the outward ceremonies of their consecration. For those externall things were used only, ut verae sanctificationis symbola, as signes or symbols of the true sanctification.

QUEST. LIII. How the Lord is said to dwell among them.

Vers. 45. ANd I will dwell among the children of Israel. 1. We must make a difference betweene Gods generall presence every where, and his gracious presence in his Church: his presence of power is in all places, but his presence of grace is only among his owne servants, Simler. So God is said sometime to be with his children, when he blesseth and prospereth them: as Potiphar saw that God was with Ioseph, Gen. 39. and he is said not to be among them, when hee withdraweth his favour and assi∣stance: as Moses saith unto the people, Numb. 14.42. The Lord is not among you, and therfore they were in that place overthrowne of their enemies. Thus also Thomas distinguisheth of Gods presence: Est com∣munis modus,* 1.419 &c. There is a common manner of Gods being every where and in all things, per essentiam, potentiam, pr••sentiam, by his essence, power, and presence: est alius modus specialis, and there is another speciall way of Gods being present: sicut amatum in amant••; as that which is loved is present in him that loveth: as our Saviour saith, If any man love me, &c, my father will love him, and we will come unto him, and we will dwell with him, Ioh. 14.23. And so the Lord is said to dwell here among his people. 2. And here also there is speciall relation to the situation of the Tabernacle, which was set up in the middest of the tribes: three of them pitching before, three behind, and three of each side; and in that respect God also is said to dwell in the middest of them, because his Tabernacle, which the Lord made his habitation, was in the middest of the host, Tostat. qu. 21. 3. But this must be understood conditionally, that the Lord would dwell among them, so long as they worshipped him aright, as hee commanded them, Osiander. 4▪ And so hee will not onely dwell among them, but worke such wonders among them, that they shall by experience knowe, that God onely, and none other, delivered them out of Egypt to serve him, Tostat. ibid.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. No perfection in the Priesthood of the law.

Vers. 1. TAke a young bullocke, &c. This first sacrifice being offered for the sin of the Priests that were to be consecrated, ought to put them in mind, that they themselves were sinners, and had need of sacrifice, Oleaster. Which evidently proclaimed, that there was no perfection in their Mini∣sterie, but that they were to looke for an high Priest so perfect, that needed not first to offer sacrifice for his owne sinnes, as the Priests of the law did, Hebr. 7.27.

2. Doct. Of dividing the Word aright.

Vers. 17. THou shalt cut the ramme in peeces. To this usage of the law, the holy Apostle seemeth to allude, exhorting Timothie to divide the Word aright, 2 Tim. 2.15. that as the Priest divi∣ded the sacrifice, and laid every part in order, and as hee in other sacrifices gave the Lord his part, and tooke the Priests part, and delivered the rest to the people: so the Minister of God should: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, divide the Word aright, deliver the true sense thereof; not wrest or deprave it with false glosses, or fained allu∣sions, as the Valentinians abused the Scripture: and Origen is found herein to have been in great fault, Simlerus.

3. Doct. Of the imposition of hands.

Vers. 21. THou shalt sprinkle it upon Aaron, &c. These ceremonies of washing, anointing, sprinkling, which were used in the consecration of the Priests of the old Testament, are not requisit now. The Apostles in the new Testament used imposition of hands: as the Deacons are ordained by im∣position of hands, Act. 7.8. So thy praied and laid their hands upon Saul and Barnabas, and sent them forth for the worke of the Ministerie, Act. 13.4. which externall observation is yet retained in the Church of God: whereby, 1. They which are ordained, are confirmed in their calling: 2. They are admonished, that their abilitie and sufficiencie for that calling, is not of themselves, but from him, in whose name, hands are imposed upon them. 3. It is a signe of Gods protection and assistance, if they be diligent in their calling, that his hand shall protect them. 4. And if they be unfaithfull, that his hand shall be upon them to judge them: in this sense the Prophet David saith, Thine hand is heavie upon me day and night, Psal. 32.4. Marbach.

5. Places of Controversie.

1. Cont. Against the anointing of Priests with oyle in their consecration.

Vers. 7. THou shall take the anointing oyle. This oyle was a signe of the graces of the Spirit, which should be powred abundantly upon Christ the true high Priest, as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 45.7. Thy God hath anointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse above thy fellowes. This ceremonie then of anoin∣ting being fulfilled in Christ, it savoureth of Iudaisme to revive this ceremonie now, as the Romanists doe in the consecration of their Bishops and Priests. This were to be wiser than Christ, who commanded no such thing to be done, and than his Apostles, who used no such ceremonie in the ordaining of Mi∣nisters, Gallas.

2. Cont. Against the anoynting of the fingers.

Vers. 20. ANd upon the thumbe of the right hand. The Romanists retaine the like ceremonie in or∣daining of their Priests: for they anoint their thumbes, and forefingers with oyle, as Aa∣rons thumbe was with bloud, that those fingers may bee consecrated to handle the bread in the Eucha∣rist, which they call the Lords bodie. But we reade not, that either Christ himselfe, or his Apostles anoin∣ted their fingers for the consecrating of the Sacrament: these then the Apostle calleth the commande∣ments of man, touch not, taste not, handle not, Colos. 2.21. Gallas.

3. Cont. That the ramme signified not Peter.

Vers, 19. ANd thou shalt take the other ramme. These two rammes some would have signifie Peter and Paul; the ramme of burnt offering, which was wholly consumed, they say, signifieth Paul, amore Christi totum incensum, that was wholly set on fire with the love of Christ: the other ram, wherewith they anointed the eare, thumbe and toe of the Priests, did prefigure Peter; Nam Ecclesiā Romanae obedie••dum est in his▪ quae sunt fidei; For the Church of Rome must bee obeyed in those things which belong unto faith, which commeth by hearing: and this is signified by touching the eare: likewise in those things which concerne manners, which is understood by anointing the hands and feet, which are instruments of all actions, Gloss. ordinar. Moraliter.

Contra. 1. And was not Peter wholly ravished, and set on fire also with the love of Christ, as well as Paul? If not, why do you preferre him before Paul? 2. If faith come by hearing, how should the Pope be obeyed in doctrine, seeing he useth not to preach, to be heard? 3. In matters of faith, not onely the Romane Church, but any other is to bee heard and followed: but seeing the Romane Church teacheth doctrines contrarie to faith, there it may worthily bee left. 4. And will they have us to follow them in manners also? The Pope and his Cardinals, (no marvell) give such good example of life, that it is pitie that they are not imitated. They that know Rome, and the generall prophanesse, and licentious living there, though never so much addicted to the Popish religion, I think would be ashamed to follow their con∣versation. 5. This ramme signifieth Christ, by whose blood only we are purged, our eares, hands, and all other parts sanctified: of whom the Prophet speaketh, Isai. 50.4. He will waken mine eare, as the learned: it is blaspemie therefore to applie it to Peter: he sanctifieth not the eare, Christ indeed healed the eare

which Peter cut off. I hope they will not say, that Peters bloud doth sanctifie them. 6. Oleaster giveth a better sense of this place, Nihil aliud hujusmodi sanguinis respersione adumbrari video, quam Sacer∣dotum punitionem, &c. I see nothing else shadowed forth by this sprinkling of bloud, than the punish∣ment of the Priests, Si negligentiores in audiendis ejus mandatis, &c. If they should be negligent in hea∣ring Gods Commandements, and in the executing of their ministery, &c. Let the Pope and popelings therefore looke unto it, that they smart not for it one day, in neglecting Gods Commandements in respect of their owne traditions.

4. Controv. Of the elevation of the host, and of the signe of the crosse, Sa.

Vers. 24. THou shalt shake them to and fro. The Latine text readeth, Thou shalt sanctifie them, elevating, or lifting them up. Whereupon Sa in his annotations would ground the elevation of the host in the Sacrament: and Lyranus and Tostatus observe, that the Priest shaking them to and fro, and lif∣ting them up and downe, in this motion, made as it were a signe of the crosse in the aire.

Contra. 1. Who taught them to borrow their ceremonies from the figures and types of the Law? If such rites as shadowed forth Christ, be still to be used, to what end died Christ? The Jewes, that thinke Christ not yet to be come, have some colour in retaining their legall ceremonies: but seeing Christians doe beleeve that Christ the body and substance of the Law is come; in him all those shadowes are deter∣mined. 2. Neither was it yet revealed unto them how Christ should suffer, and whereon hee should bee offered, therefore it is not like, that the moving of those things up and downe, and to and fro, had any such signification. 3. Neither was the crosse of Christ of that fashion, that as much should be left above the crossing in the head, as under it in the feet, so that the upright peece should be crossed in the middest: after which similitude this motion of the Priests hands seemed to be, up and downe, and then sidewayes to and fro.

5. Controv. Against the burying of Bishops in their Pontificials.

Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments, which are Aarons, shall be his sonnes after him. It was not the fa∣shion then among the Hebrewes, as it is now among the Romanists, for their high Priest to be buried in his priestly robes: as now their Bishops are intombed in their pontificials. Lippoman, one of their owne Writers, giveth this note hereupon: Lest any should say Aaron shall use the pontificall ve∣stures all his life time, and when he dieth, ipse eisdem indutus tumulabitur, he shall be buried in them, &c. He seemeth closely to glance at that superstitious use practised among them▪ Simlerus ghesseth well at the cause of this ridiculous usage: I cannot tell (saith he) why they should doe so; nisi fortè ut mortui fungantur munere suo, quod vivi nunquam fecêre; unlesse it be, that they might exercise their function when they are dead, which they never did being alive.

6. Controv. Of the lawfulnesse of Ministers marriage, and the legitimation of their children.

Vers. 29. SHall be his sonnes after him, &c. Tostatus here thus noteth; that because in the old Testament the Priests had wives, the sonnes succeeded their fathers, as others did in civill principalities: but now in the new Testament, sacerdotes non habent uxores▪ the Priests have no wives, and therefore their sonnes succeed them not, because they have no sonnes: and if they have sometime sonnes, illegitimi sunt, they are illegitimate, &c. Tostat. qu. 16.

Contra. 1. If the Priests of the Law had their wives, of whom was exacted a greater legall purity, in outward observations, than now: why should the Ministers of the new Testament be restrained in the times of the Gospell, which hath given us liberty that were in bondage under the Law? 2. Then the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the priesthood, both because the tribes were distinguished, and their fami∣lies and kinreds divided, that Christs line of Iudah might be continued, and then the service of the Taber∣nacle, consisting chiefly in externall observations, required no such exactnesse, but that the sonne might be fit to succeed his father in the priesthood; especially God giving an extraordinary blessing unto that li∣neal succession: but now it is not fit that children should alwayes succeed their fathers, because the Gospell requireth a greater sufficiencie: and the childe is not alwayes heire of his fathers gifts: but where the sonne is endued with sufficient parts, to take upon him his fathers charge, there is no reason why he should be barred. We see in these dayes that divers learned men, Ministers and Professors under the Gospell,* 1.420 have left behind them their sonnes men of worthy parts: as Iosias Simlerus had a sonne of the same name, who writ the Dedicatory Epistle to his fathers learned Commentaries upon Exodus; David Pareus that learned man, hath likewise his sonne Philip Pareus, who hath written of Logike: Ki∣cherman the Author of his Logike, and politike Systemata, succeeded his father, in Gymnasio patrio, in his fathers schoole. And divers such beside might be named. 3. And doth he thinke indeed, that the sonnes of Priests are illegitimate, and unfit to succeed their fathers? What thinketh he of divers Popes, that were Priest sonnes? as Bonifacius the first, Felix the third, Agapetus the first, Sylvester, Theodorus, Hadrianus, Benedict the 8. Iohn the 12. all which were the sonnes of Priests:* 1.421 and Gratian addeth further; Quàm plu∣res etiam alii inveniuntur de sacerdotibus nati; and divers beside are found to have beene borne of Priests. 4. Indeed they which have sonnes, and are not married, which is no rare thing in the Popish Clergy, doe leave an illegitimate seed behind them: but such as are borne in lawfull matrimony, are an holy seed, of what calling soever their parents be: for both, marriage among all men is honourable, Hebr. 13.4. and so consequently among Ministers: and their children are holy, 1 Cor. 7.14. They therefore that condemne their marriage, and make their children illegitimate, and so unholy, doe contradict the holy Apostle, and in a manner give him the lye. See more Synops. C••ntur. 1. ••••r. 77.

7. Controv. That the wicked doe not eat the body of Christ.

Vers. 33. A Stranger shall not eat thereof. Like as none which were not of Aarons family were admitted to the eating of this holy meat: so none but those which are of Christs family indeed, and doe beleeve in him, can be partakers of his body and bloud: for whosoever eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloud (saith our blessed Saviour) hath everlasting life, Ioh. 6.54. They therefore are grossely deceived, who thinke that the wicked and unbeleevers doe eat the very flesh, and drinke the very bloud of Christ in the Eucharist, Simler, for then it would follow upon our blessed Saviours words, that they should have everlasting life also. See more, Synops. C••nt. 3. ••rr. 27.

8. Controv. Against the reservation of the Sacrament.

Vers. 34. IF ought of the flesh, &c. or of the bread remaine unto the morning, thou shalt burne it with fire. This was commanded, lest that which remained of the holy flesh and bread might either bee prophaned, or might bee superstitiously abused. It therefore may seeme strange, that the Romanists, which are in other things so superstitiously addicted to the rites and usages of the Law, doe not also follow the same herein; but rather have taken up a contrary use, in reserving the consecrate host, han∣ging of it up in a pix, and adoring it: for this is a true position; sacramenti rati•• non dura•• extra usum, that set apart the use, and the sacramentall respect ceaseth, Simler. For as the water used in Baptisme, is no more a sacrament, extra usum, out of the use, but is as other common water; so neither are the bread and wine in the Eucharist. For the more full handling of this point I likewise referre the Reader to Sy∣nops. Cent. 3. err. 19.

9. Controv. Against the continuall sacrifice of the Masse.

Vers. 38. THis is that which thou shalt present upon the Altar, &c. two lambes, &c. day by day continually. To this daily and continuall sacrifice, the Romanists resemble and compare their continuall sacrifice of the Masse: and they hold them as Antichrists, that doe abolish it, as Antiochus abolished the daily sacrifice, Ex Simlero. 1. There is no externall sacrifice now remaining under the Gospell daily to be iterated: for Christ was once offered to take away the sinnes of many, Heb. 9.28. he is not then to be often sacrificed. 2. Antiochus was the forerunner of Antichrist, because he abolished the daily sacrifice before the time, which was to continue untill the Messiah came: but Christ himselfe by the one obla∣tion of himselfe once offered, was at his comming to abolish the daily sacrifice, as it is prophesied, Dan. 9.27. He shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease: not only for that he tooke away from the incredu∣lous Jewes their City, Temple, and sacrifice: but because he was the body and substance of those sacri∣fices which are not now to be iterated and repeated; seeing (as the Apostle saith) With one offering he hath consecrated for ever, them that are sanctified, Heb. 10.14. which sacrifice of Christ is often to be celebrated by way of thankfull commemoration, not to be iterated by any externall oblation.

10. Controv. That, doe this, in the institution of the Eucharist signifieth not, to sacrifice this.

Vers. 39. THou shalt present or make ready one lambe in the morning. The word in the originall is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ghashah, thou shalt make: that is, sacrifice or offer. The Romanists would take advantage by this word, because to make here signifieth to sacrifice, that it should be so taken, when Christ said, in the institution of the Sacrament, hoc facite, doe this, as if he should say, sacrificate, sacrifice ye this. Gallasius here maketh mention, how a certaine Sorbonist, then a Popish Bishop, but illius harae por••us, a swine out of the same stie, to use his owne words, in a certaine booke written against the Protestants, did make this word a chiefe foundation of the Missall sacrifice.

Contra. 1. But this will affoord them small helpe: for this word ghashah, to doe, is of a generall signi∣fication, and is applied to divers senses, according to the circumstance of the place: as Genes. 11.4. facia∣mus nobis nomen, let us make, (that is) get us a name: Gen. 18.7. fecit vitulum, he made the calfe (that is) killed it, or made it ready. Likewise, 2 Sam. 13.6. Faciat mihi cibum, let her make me meat, (that is) pre∣pare it: it doth not therefore alwayes signifie to sacrifice. And our Saviour, when he saith, this doe, &c. hath relation to the former words, take eat, as S. Paul sheweth, 1 Cor. 11.24.

2. The sacrifices of the Law were types and figures of Christs sacrifice, the shadow of the body, they did not prefigure aliud umbratile sacrificium, another shadowing sacrifice, such as is the imaginary sacri∣fice of the Masse.

3. And there remaineth now no externall ceremoniall sacrifice, but only spirituall, by us to be offered unto God, as S. Peter sheweth: Ye are an holy Priesthood, to offer up spirituall sacrifices acceptable to God by Iesus Christ, 1 Pet. 2.5. Marbach. See further of this controversie, Synops. Cent. 3. err. 31.

Vers. 44. I will sanctifie also Aaron, &c. Cajetane out of this place would prove the Sacrament of Or∣ders in the new Testament, calling them Heretikes that deny it: thus inferring, Si specialis divina actio sanctificans Aaron, &c. If there were present a divine action sanctifying Aaron, to execute his office; much more in the time of grace, specialis divina actio concurrit ad sanctificandum aliquos, &c. a speciall divine action concurreth to sanctifie some, ut sacerdotio fungantur, to execute the Priesthood.

11. Controv. That there is no Sacrament of Orders.

COntra. 1. Cajetanes argument is not good, that where there is a grace conferred by an outward signe, there necessarily should bee a Sacrament: for presently upon Davids anointing by Samuel, the Spirit of the Lord came upon him, 1 Sam. 16.13. yet I thinke he will not make it a Sacrament to be anointed King. 2. It is likewise false, that alwayes the inward grace concurreth with the outward signe; for this were to tye Gods grace and Spirit to the element. Nadab and Abihu were consecrated as well as the rest of Aarons sonnes, but they were not sanctified: the very next day after their consecration ended, which was the eighth day, they were destroyed for abusing their office, in offering strange fire,

Levit. 10.1. 3. Neither is there now any externall Priesthood in the new Testament, to be exercised in the Church: but the Priesthood of the new Testament resteth in the person of Christ, Thou art a Priest for ever, after the order of Melchisedek, Hebr. 7.21. See further, Syn. C••ntur. 3. ••ror. 107.

Controv. 12. Against Pythagoras, concerning the lawfulnesse of the legall sacrifices.

NOw in the last place, in that the Lord himselfe gave direction unto his people, concerning divers kindes of sacrifices of beasts: the opinion of Pythagoras appeareth to be ridiculous and foolish, who condemned all such sacrificing of beasts, as the Poet describeth it in this manner:

Nec satis est, quod tale nefas committitur: ipsos Inscripsére Deos sceleri, numenque supremum Cade laboriferi credunt gandere juvenci. They thinke it not enough, themselves evill for to do, But make the gods above, as parties thereunto; As though they joyed to see, a painfull bullock slaine to be.

But herein was Pythagoras errour and ignorance, that he could not conceive, Deum sine expiatione 〈◊〉〈◊〉 placari, that God could not be appeased, without some expiation and atonement made. The bloud of these sacrifices then shadowed forth the bloud of Christ, the only sacrifice of atonement, whereby God was well pleased, not that he delighted in the death of that just one, but in his obedience, wherein Gods justice was satisfied: indeed take Christ away, and then the sacrifices of beasts, nihil differunt à profana car∣nificina, differ nothing from a prophane shambles, Calvin.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. A Bishop must be gentle and full of clemencie.

Vers. 7. ANd anoint him. Disce Sacerdos Dei esse misericors; Learne thou which are Gods Priest and Minister, to be mercifull and given to pity, for the which cause the Priests of the old Law were anointed, Oleaster. Which property of gentlenesse Saint Paul requireth in his Bishop, No striker, not given to filthy lucre,* 1.422 but gentle, no fighter. It is more seemely for a Christian Bishop to win by clemen∣cie, than to force by rigour and severity.

2. Observ. Ministers must both teach and live well.

Vers. 20. ANd put it upon the lap of Aarons eare, &c. The laying the bloud on the right eare of Aaron, signifieth the right hearing of the Word: on the right thumbe, that they should not be hea∣rers of the Word only, but doers: on the right toe, that their conversation should be aright, B. Bab. as S. Paul would have his Bishop unreproveable, 1. Tim. 3.2.

3. Observ. No delayes to be used in Gods service.

Vers. 34. IF ought remaine till the morning, &c. As the holy flesh was to be eaten the same day, so hereby the Lord would shew, sibi alacriter esse inserviendum, that we must serve him cheerefully, not to use any delayes or procrastinations in his service, Simler. As the Prophet David saith, I made haste, and delayed not to keepe thy Commandements, Psal. 119.60.

CHAP. XXX.

1. The Method and Argument.

IN this Chapter is first described another object of the service of the Priests, name∣ly the Altar of incense, to vers. 11. Secondly, such things as were necessary for their Ministery: 1. Money to be collected, vers. 11. to 17. 2. A laver to wash them in, to vers. 22. 3. The anointing oile for consecration, to vers. 33. 4. The sweet per∣fume for sacrifice, to vers. 38.

In the description of the Altar of incense, are set forth: 1. The matter, vers. 1. forme and fashion, vers. 2. 2. The parts, the crowne and barres, to vers. 6. 3. The si∣tuation of it, vers. 6. 4. The use, daily, vers. 7.8. anniversary, vers. 10.

In the second part: 1. The collection of the money is appointed in generall, by whom it should bee given, what, and to what end, vers. 12. then in particular, what shall be given, vers. 13. by whom, vers. 14.15. to what end, vers. 16.

2. The laver is described: 1. The matter and forme, vers. 18. 2. The place, vers. 18. 3. The use, for the Priests to wash in vers. 19, 20. 4. The danger, if they doe it not, vers. 21.

3. The holy oyntment is appointed to be made: 1. The matter, vers. 23, 24. 2. The forme, vers. 25. 3. The use, to anoint both the holy things, to vers. 30. and the holy persons, vers. 30. 4. Punishment i•• threatned to those which should prophane this ointment, to vers. 34.

4. The holy perfume also is commanded to be made: 1. Of what matter, vers. 34. 2. After what manner, vers. 35. 3. How it must be used, vers. 36. 4. The punishment of those which doe abuse and pro∣phane it.

2. The divers readings.

Vers. 3. The top thereof. B.G.V.I.A.P. better than, the grate thereof, I.S. gag signifieth the ••op or roofe.* 1.423

Vers. 4. On either side. B. or, the two sides. V.I.P.A.C.S. better than▪ per singula latera, on everie side. L.G.

Vers. 6. Where I will meet with thee. B.I.P.A. better than, where I will speake with thee. L. or, appoint my w••rd with thee. C. or, covenant with thee. V. or, appoint with thee. G. the word commeth of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, jaghad, to meet with, or to appoint a time.

Vers. 10. Aaron shall make reconciliation. B.G.I. cum ca••er. not, Aaron shall pray. L. the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 caphar, to reconcile.

Vers. 19. Shall wash their hands, &c. thereat, G. or, out of it. I.V.P.A.S.C. better than, in it. B.L. minimenum, out of it, H.

Vers. 23. Five hundred sicles▪ B.G.V.A.P. cum cater▪ not, five hundred pounds. I. for it had beene too great a proportion for an him of oyle. And beside, vers. 24. mention is made of the shekel, after the she∣kel of the Sanctuarie.

Vers. 33. Take, &c. stacto, onycha, galbanum. B.I.C.L.S.P. better than, myrrh, and cleare gumme.* 1.424 G. for myrrh is called before▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 m••r.

Vers. 34. Spices, and pure frankincense. B.G.V.A.P. better than, to referre it to galla••••••, of sweet sa∣vour. L. S. C. for a distinction commeth betweene: or, nard, with the leaves. I. the word i••, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sammim, spices so taken, vers. 23.

Vers. 34. Everie one by it selfe alone. I. So also Oleaster, better than, of each a like weight. B. G.* 1.425 cum cater. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 badadh signifieth alone▪ Levit. 13.45.

3. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Why the narration of the making of the golden Altar is transposed.

Vers. 1. THou shalt make an Altar, &c. 1. The Hebrewes well observe, that in the sacred histories, we should not alwayes looke to have things set downe in that order of time, wherein they were done: as the altar of incense was made before the priestly apparell, as is evident, chap. ••7.••5. and chap. 28. yet it is prescribed to be made after. 2. Iunius giveth this reason, why the same order is not observed in the prescription, which was in the making, & preparing of these things: because first the things are descri∣bed, wherein the service and ministerie of the Priests consisted: and then the common instruments, and sacred things belonging to their service, as the perfume, and perfume altar, money, and the holy oynt∣ment: and so though the order of time he not kept, yet the order of nature seemeth to bee observed. But then it is like, if the things are set downe in the narration, as the nature of them required, that the same course should have beene much more kept, in the framing and making of them. 3. Tostatus thin∣keth rather, that the order of nature is not here followed: which is, cum sic res narrantur, ut geruntur, when things are so rehearsed, as they were done. But Moses useth an artificiall method, in setting downe those things together, qua maxime coh••rent, which most agree in argument, for better understanding: As having made mention of the brazen altar, wherein chiefly consisted the ministerie of the Priests, then hee commeth to set forth the priestly apparell, and their manner of consecration: first making an end with those things which were of most frequent and necessarie use: and then hee commeth to describe those things which by reason of the connexion of argument were omitted before, Tostat. qu. 1. But as I refuse not this reason, so I incline rather to the first opinion, ordinis non inquirendam esse nationem, that alwayes a reason must not be enquired of the order of things in Scripture, Pellican.

QUEST. II. Wherefore the altar of incense had hornes comming out of it.

Vers. 2. THe hornes thereof shall be of the same, &c. 1. This altar had foure ends at the corners comming forth, called hornes, like as the other brazen altar had, and of the same fashion, which were not only as certaine pomels, as Lyranus: or certaine little pillars standing upright▪ but come out some∣what sloping, because they are likened to hornes. 2. They were made out of the same matter and wood▪ not graffed in: so that it seemeth there were foure quarters at each corner, which came out above like hornes, and at the nether end were as feet unto the altar, Cajetan▪ Simler. 3. But Lyranus upon good reason misliketh their opinion, who thinke that this altar had likewise craticulam, a certaine grate or net, which did hang above upon the foure hornes: for so the golden altar would have beene annoyed with the ashes that might fall thorow the grate: and beside, this altar was covered above as a table, which was laid over with plates of gold: whereas the other brazen altar was hollow, and open above, and the grate of brasse was made unto it in stead of an hearth, whereon the fire should be made, and the sacrifice laid. 4. Yet Tostatus reason is not good, why nothing hanged upon the hornes of the altar of incense, because it is most like that the vessels which were used in the service of that altar, should have there han∣ged, if any thing did: but onely one vessell was needfull for the ministration of that altar, namely, a censer to receive the coales, upon the which the incense burned, which he saith was kept upon the bra∣zen altar without in the Court, with other instruments thereto belonging. But that cannot bee, for all the instruments of the brazen altar were of brasse, which were no•• used within the Tabernacle, where all the vessels and instruments were made of gold. It is more like▪ that if any vessels were used about the golden altar, that they were the incense cups, which were made for the golden table, chap. 25.29. But

there is no such necessitie to make any such supply: for the coales were laid upon the verie hearth of the golden altar, and the incense thereupon, as shall be shewed afterward.

QUEST. III. Wherein this Altar of incense differed from the other.

Vers. 3. ANd thou shalt over-lay it with fine gold. This Altar differed much from the brazen Altar: 1. In the bignesse of it: this was but a cubit square, and two cubits high; the other was five cubits square, and three cubits high: because the sacrifices were to be burned upon it, and therefore it required a greater space for the fire to be made, and the wood couched thereon, and upon that the sacri∣fice. 2. This was covered with plates of gold, the other of brasse; for the brazen Altar was imbrued with the bloud of sacrifices, but this was onely for incense, and therefore was made of pure metall. 3. The brazen Altar was made open above, and had a grate in the middest for the ashes to fall thorow: but this was covered above. Hierome thinketh it had craticulam, a grate above for the ashes to fall thorow: but the word is gag, which signifieth tectum, the top or roofe, which was overlaid with gold; it was not then like unto a grate. 4. But Cajetan is deceived, who thinketh that this was another difference, that the brazen Altar had, neque parietes, neque tectum; neither wals, nor cover above; but this had both: for the brazen Altar though it had no cover, yet it had sides made of boords, which were covered with brasse, as is evident, chap. 27.8. Thou shalt make it hollow of boords. 5. It differed in respect of the place; this being placed within the Tabernacle, the other in the outward Court: the use also was divers, this only for incense, the other for sacrifices.

QUEST. IV. How the incense was burned upon the golden Altar.

Vers. 3. ANd the top thereof. This was the upper part of the Altar, which Cajetan calleth mensam, the table; Iunius, aream, the plaine above; Iosephus, foculum, the hearth, where the incense was burned. 1. Some thinke that a censer stood upon this golden Altar, which was filled with coales, and the incense was laid upon them: So Genevens. in their description. But if there had been any such gol∣den censer belonging to this Altar, it is like, it being so necessarie an instrument for the service of that Altar, that it should not have beene omitted; as all the instruments belonging to the golden Table, and to the golden Candlesticke, and to the brazen Altar, were described together with the things themselves.

2. Tostatus thinketh, that the vessell wherein they brought coales from the other Altar, and put in∣cense therein, which he calleth, vas receptorium carbonam & thymiamatis, the vessell which received the coales and incense, was kept among other vessels belonging to the brazen Altar, because by this meanes there should not be tanta circulatio, such going to and fro, as if the censer were still upon the golden Al∣tar: for then the Priest should first goe in and fetch it, and then put in coales from the Altar, and carrie it in againe; whereas if the censer were without, he need but take it from thence at the first, and so car∣rie it in, Tostat. qu. 3. But it is shewed before, quest. 2. that this vessell which served for the golden Altar, was by all likelyhood of gold, and therefore was not kept among the brazen vessels, which belonged to the burnt offering Altar: neither need it to be imagined, if there were any such censer upon the incense Altar, that the Priest went first in to fetch it; he might at once with some instrument of the brazen altar, carrie coales in thither.

3. Wherefore it is more probable, that there was no censer standing upon the golden Altar, to burne incense in: but that the coales were laid upon the hearth, and the incense thereon, and so burned: the reasons are these. 1. Because no mention is made of any such censer, which should not be omitted, Ri∣bera lib. 2. cap. 8. 2. Iosephus saith there was upon it,* 1.426 foculus corona cinctus, a little hearth compassed with a crowne: so it seemeth by the description of the Altar, that the crowne above served to that end, as an edge to keepe in the coales, that they should not fall downe. 3. The Apostle speaking of this gol∣den Altar, calleth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a golden censer, Heb. 9.3. So also Iosephus giveth it the same name:* 1.427 the Altar it selfe was but as a great censer, whereon the incense and perfume was burned. 4. And to what end should it have been made as an Altar for incense, if any other instrument were set upon it to receive the coales and incense? any other thing would have served as well as an altar to that end, to bee as a seat or place for the censer to stand upon.

QUEST. V. Of the placing of the barres, and how the Altar was carried.

Vers. 4. THou shalt make rings on either side, &c. 1. The Latine Translator readeth per singula latera, on everie side; which Tostatus would helpe by this exposition, understanding everie opposite side; that two rings should be placed on one side, and two more on the other side against it: but two sides were not everie side, for there were foure sides. Some say that by everie side are meant everie cor∣ner: but that cannot be, for there were two rings on a side: there were not two in a corner, for then there should be eight rings in all: the Hebrew word then is shene••, which signifieth two, not everie: this error then ariseth by the mistaking of the word.

2. Cajetan therefore well observeth these three circumstances concerning the placing of these barres. 1. They were not per singula latera, on everie side, but onely on two sides. 2. In angulis, and in the cor∣ners. 3. Et in superiori parte, and in the upper part under the crowne.

3. Now whereas this Altar was one cubit broad, yet was it carried upon two barres, and by foure men, two at each end: this then taketh away the like scruple and doubt moved by Tostatus before, about the manner of bearing the table of shew bread, which he thinketh was carried broad-wayes; because otherwise if it had been borne in the length, it being but one cubit in bredth, there should not have been space enough betweene the barres for two to carrie it, qu. 27. in cap. 25, for here wee see, that this Altar being but one cubit square, on which side soever the barres were placed, there should be but the space of a cubit betweene barre and barre to carrie it by.

QUEST. VI. Where the Altar of incense was placed.

Vers. 6. THou shalt set before the veile. 1. Augustine is of opinion,* 1.428 that the golden Altar was in the most holy place; because the Apostle there placeth the golden censer, which Augustine un∣derstandeth to be the Altar: for these are the Apostles words; After the second veile was the Tabernacle, which is called the holiest of all, which had the golden censer, and the Arke of the Testament, &c. Heb. 9.4. But that the Apostle is not so to be understood, that the golden censer or altar was within the veile, shall be shewed in the next question. Arias Montanus seemeth to be of the same opinion, that, Altare incensie∣rat intra adytum ante arcam ipsam; The Altar of incense was within the oracle before the Arke. So also Origen hom. 9. in Levit.

2. But that the golden Altar was without the second veile, and not in the most holy place, it is evi∣dent by these reasons. 1. It is apparent, Exod. 40.26. that after Moses had hung up the veile, within the which the Arke was, then he set without before the veile the golden Altar. 2. Likewise, Levit. 16.12. the high Priest taketh the censer full of burning coales from the Altar, which was before the Lord, and so shall bring it within the veile: this Altar before the Lord was the Altar of incense, not of burnt offe∣ring, as Tostatus understandeth it, as appeareth vers. 18. it was that Altar whereupon reconciliation was made. If then the Priest went from the Altar, and so entred within the veile, then was not the Altar within the veile, Ribera. 3. The high Priest onely was to enter into the most holy place, as it followeth, vers. 10. but the other Priests did offer incense upon the Altar, as Nadab and Abihu offered incense be∣fore the Lord, Levit. 10. and Zacharie Iohn Baptists father burned incense, who was not the high Priest: for then he should not by lot or by course have burned incense, as he did, Luk. 16. 4. The incense was to be renued everie day twice, morning and evening: but the high Priest entred once onely in the yeere in∣to the most holy place. Augustine answereth, that the high Priest did, semel in anno intrare cum sanguine, once in the yeare enter with bloud to make reconciliation, but with incense hee entred often. But the contrarie appeareth, Lev. 16.2. where it is said, that the high Priest should not come at all times within the holy place: but if he had come twice everie day, he had entred almost at all times. Beside, the Apostle saith, The Priests went alwayes into the first Tabernacle, and accomplished the service; but into the second went the high Priest alone, once everie yeare, not without bloud, &c. Now if twice everie day the high Priest entred in to burne incense, he had gone as often as he did into the first Tabernacle.

QUEST. VII. What the Apostle meaneth by the golden censer, which the most holy place is said to have.

BUt a great doubt here is moved,* 1.429 how Moses that placeth the golden Altar before the second veile in the first Tabernacle, and the Apostle who saith that the second Tabernacle, which was the most holy place, had the golden censer, and the Arke of the Testament, Heb. 9 4. should be reconciled. 1. Augu∣stine upon this place thinketh that the golden Altar was indeed within the veile, before the Arke: but that is shewed to bee otherwise in the former question. And so Iosephus, who was an eye-witnesse of those things, saith; Candelabrum aureum, mensa••••, & altar•• aureum statuerunt in Templo ante adytum; The golden candlesticke, the table, and the candlesticke they placed in the Temple before the oracle, Lib. 8· Antiquit. cap. 2. The same is the opinion of Theophylact. in Hebr. 9. Beda lib. de Templ. cap. 12. Thom. 1.2. qu. 102. ar. 4. ad. 6. Comestor histor. Exod. cap. 67. Lyran. Exod. 3. Cajetan. Lippoman. Exod. 30.

2. Paul. Burgens. thinketh it is said to be in the most holy place, quoad dignitatis gradum, in respect of the excellencie and dignitie thereof, because once a yeare reconciliation was made upon the hornes of this Altar, not in respect of the place: therefore it is said, vers 10. this is most holy unto the Lord. But Matthias Thoring replyeth, that here Moses speaketh not of the Altar, but de exercitio summi Sacerdotis in altari, of the Ministerie of the high Priest upon that Altar which is called most holy. And againe, if in this respect it was said to be in the most holy place: by the same reason the brazen Altar should be said to be there, for that is also called most holy, chap. 29.37.

3. Some thinke that aureum thuribulum, the golden censer, which the Apostle speaketh of, was not the golden Altar, but a golden censer, which was kept in the most holy place, wherein the high Priest offered incense, when he went into the holy place once in the yeare. Of this opinion is Thomas, and Ly∣ranus in 9. Hebr. and before them Hierom. But this cannot be so for these reasons. 1. Because in Moses description of the Tabernacle, and all things thereto belonging, there is no mention made of any such golden censer in the most holy place. 2. If the Apostle did not thereby meane the golden Altar, then had he omitted one of the principall things in the Sanctuarie, which he would not doe. 3. Againe, the high Priest is first bidden to take a censer full of burning coales of the Altar before the Lord, and so bring it within the veile, Levit. 16.12. He then had not the censer within the veile, but without, Tostat. qu. 6. Riber. lib. 2. cap. 8. 4. And Iosephus also calleth the Altar of incense without the veile, thuribulum,* 1.430 the censer; and the Syriake Interpreter, domum aromatum, the house of perfume.

4. Ribera thinketh therefore, that the most holy place is said to have the golden Altar, quia ad ejus mi∣nisterium deputatum est, not because it was in it, but because it belonged to the service thereof; for thence the high Priest tooke the burning coales and incense, when he went to make reconciliation once in the yeare in the most holy place.

5. But I rather take Tostatus solution here, because the golden Altar, aliquem modum fitus speciale•• habebat respectu veli, had a speciall kinde of situation in respect of the veile, which was before the Arke, being had before it, as it is said to be set lippens before the veile: and therefore the holy place behinde the second veile may be said to have it, in respect of the neere situation to the veile. So 1 King. 6.22. it is said, asher ladebir, the altar, which was to the oracle, or, by the oracle. And Levit. 16.18. it is called the

Altar, which was befo•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 was next unto the veile before the Mercie seat, where Gods presence was, Ribera 〈…〉〈…〉

QUEST. 〈…〉〈…〉 commanded to be burned morning and evening.

Vers. 7. ANd Aaron shall 〈…〉〈…〉 sweet incense, &c. 1. Thomas thinketh that the 〈…〉〈…〉 pointed to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the golden Altar to this end, to qualifie the 〈…〉〈…〉 which did arise from the sacrifices of flesh, which were offered 〈…〉〈…〉 and therefore everie morning and evening the incense was burned about 〈…〉〈…〉 sacrifice was offered. But Tostatus thus confuteth the opinion of Thom•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 not burned just at the same time, but somewhat before the morning sacrific•• 〈…〉〈…〉 after the evening sacrifice: for the incense in the evening was offered, when the 〈…〉〈…〉 it began to be darke, but the evening sacrifice was not deferred so long, but was prepar•• 〈…〉〈…〉 houre, which Act. 3.1. is called the ninth houre of prayer. 2. Though it had concurred with the mor∣ning and evening sacrifice, yet there were other extraordinarie sacrifices, which were offered at other times, when the incense burned not. 3. And though it might serve to mitigate the savour of one lamb offered morning and evening, yet it could not helpe this inconvenience, when many sacrifices were offe∣red, yea thousands, as at the dedication of Salomons Temple. 4. And if the incense had been to this end, it should rather have beene appointed to bee burned in the same place where the smell of the sacrifices was, in the outward Court, than within in the Tabernacle. 5. It is verie like that God so provided, as that the smell of the burnt sacrifices was not grievous and irksome, or offensive; but that rather was by some supernaturall worke, than by naturall meanes.

2. Therefore this was rather the end why incense was offered, ad majorem reverentiam cultus, for more reverence of Gods worship. As among men it is counted an honour, to entertaine great persons with sweet odours, and the Gentiles did honour their gods with incense: so the Lord would hereby adorne the service of the Tabernacle, Tostat. qu. 4. And beside, the Lord would hereby have shadowed forth the spirituall incense of his people, which are their prayers, as the Prophet David faith, Let my prayer bee directed in thy sight as incense, Psal. 141.2. Borrh. And the golden Altar was a lively type of Christ, by whom the spirituall incense of our prayers is acceptable unto God, Apoc. 8.3.

QUEST. IX. Whether any of the lamps burned by day.

Vers. 7. WHen he dresseth the lamps thereof. 1. Tostatus following Iosephus, thinketh that all the se∣ven lamps of the golden candlesticke burned and gave light in the night, but three of them only in the day, and that in the morning the Priest did put out foure of them, and at night againe hee did set them up. So also Lyranus.

2. But I rather herein suscribe to the opinion of Vatablus and Oleaster, with others, that the lamps, mane mundabantur, vespere accendebantur, were cleansed onely in the morning, and lighted in the eve∣ning, &c. And so much may be gathered here by the diversitie of the phrase here used: in the morning it is said, behetibo, in making of them good, that is, cleansing of them; in the evening, behaghaloth, in cau∣sing them to ascend, that is, kindling of them, Iun. or setting of them up, Vatab. Likewise, chap. 27.21. they are said to be dressed from the evening to the morning, that is, to burne so long. See more hereof up∣on the question upon that place handled before.

QUEST. X. What things were inhibited to be offered upon the golden Altar.

Vers. 9. YEE shall offer no strange incense. 1. Foure things are forbidden to be offered upon this gol∣den Altar: strange incense, that is, made after another composition than the holy perfume afterward in this chapter prescribed to be made: burnt sacrifices of beasts, oblations, which were ex aridi••, of dry things, and drinke offerings, of liquid things, Lyran. 2. The reasons hereof were these: that if any other kinde of incense should be used, redundaret in quandam irreverentiam, it would tend to a certaine irreverence in Gods service: and it was not fit to offer any sacrifices or oblations upon that Altar. 1. Be∣cause the fire ascending upon the Altar, might have put the Tabernacle in danger, which was covered with curtaines, or with the smoake it would have defaced the beautie, and abated the colour of them. 2. Beside, the sacrifices with bloud would have imbrued the Altar, and so annoyed the Sanctuarie. 3. The Altar in respect of the smalnesse, being but a cubit square, was not fit for that service. 4. Neither was it convenient in regard of the forme and fashion, it was made plaine above: whereas the brazen Altar was made hollow above, the grate or hearth being about the middest thereof, where the fire was made, and the sacrifice burned, Tostat. qu. 7, 8. 3. Beside, two other things concerning this Altar are, though not directly, yet by necessarie consequence inhibited: First, that they should make no other Altar of incense in any other place, and therefore they sinned, which offered incense in the high places: Secondly, none but Aaron and the Priests were to burne incense: therefore Core, Dathan, and their company displeased God for offering incense, being not thereunto called: and Vzzia King of Judah was stricken with le∣prosie, for usurping the Priests office in burning of incense, 2 Chron. 26. Lippom.

QUEST. XI. Whether the high Priest entred more than once in a yeare upon any occasion into the most holy place.

Vers. 10. AAron shall make reconciliation upon the hornes of it once a yeare with the bloud, &c. 1. Augu∣stine, whose opinion is briefly touched before, quest. 6. thinketh, Sacerdotem quotidie intrare solere sine sanguine, that the Priest used to enter into the most holy place everie day without bloud, to lay incense upon the Altar: but onely once a yeare with bloud.

2. But it shall now bee made manifest, that hee entred onely once in the yeare at all: 1. None but the high Priest were admitted to enter into the most holy place; for none were suffered to be in the Taber∣nacle,

when he entred in, Levit. 16.17. And so the Apostle saith, that the high Priest entred alone into the most holy place, Heb. 9.7. but it was lawfull for the inferiour Priests to burne incense, as is shewed before in Zacharie Iohn Baptists father, who was not the high Priest: so it would follow that they also might go into the most holy place to burne incense. 2. It was not lawfull for the high Priest to goe at all times into the holy place within the veile, Levit. 16.2. but if hee went in everie day twice, then there should no time be exempted. 3. The high Priest was not to enter into the most holy place, without a young bullocke for a sinne offering, and a ram for a burnt offering, Levit. 16.3. but these were not offe∣red everie day: the daily sacrifice morning and evening was only of two lambs: therefore everie day the high Priest went not into the most holy place. 4. Further, when the high Priest went within the veile, he put not on his glorious apparell, but only the common linnen garments of other Priests, Levit. 16.4. but in his daily ministerie and service, when hee went into the Tabernacle, he put on his priestly robe, whereon hung the bels, that his sound might be heard going in and out, chap. 28.35. 5. The Apostle also saith directly, that the high Priest went into the second Tabernacle alone once everie yeare, Heb. 9.7. Likewise vers. 25. he saith, he entred everie yeare into the most holy place: he saith not everie day, or everie moneth: and this was upon the tenth day of the seventh moneth, Levit. 16.29. And herein consent Beda, Lippoman, Vatab. Iun. Oleaster, Osiander, Lyran, with many other, that the high Priest entred into the most holy place but once everie yeare.

QUEST. XII. How Aaron made reconciliation upon the hornes of the altar.

Vers. 10. ANd Aaron shall make reconciliation, &c. 1. Hee meaneth not Aaron only in respect of his person, but of his place and office: Aaron for the time present, and his successours after∣ward, Tostat. 2. Whereas the Latine Translator readeth, deprecabitur super cornua alteris, hee shall pray upon the hornes of the Altar; Lyranus thinketh that the Priest did extend and spread himselfe upon the hornes of the altar, and so prayed. But this had beene an unseemly gesture, as Tostatus noteth, and it would have shewed presumption rather than humilitie, to have come so neere that holy Altar. And be∣side, this could not have beene conveniently done, the incense burning upon the coales upon the Altar. This errour then ariseth upon the false translation of the word, vechipher, which signifieth & expiabit, and he shall make reconciliation, or expiation upon the hornes of the Altar, which was by putting of the bloud of the sinne offering upon the hornes of the Altar, as is declared, Levit. 16.18. 3. And the reason why he made reconciliation upon the hornes of the Altar is there also shewed, to hallow it from the un∣cleannesse of the children of Israel: quia ex irreverentia filiorum Israel peccantiam in circuitu Sanctuarii vi∣debatur esse pollutum Sanctuarium: because by the irreverent behaviour of the children of Israel sinning round about the Sanctuarie, the Sanctuarie it selfe seemed to be defiled, Tostat. qu. 8.

QUEST. XIII. The spirituall sense of the Altar of incense.

COncerning the mysticall application of this golden Altar, with the rites thereof, I will omit the cu∣rious observations of Beda, who by the Altar of incense understandeth those which are perfit, and give themselves unto contemplation, in offering continuall prayers unto God; by the gold, charitie; by the squarenesse of it, patience and constancie; by the foure hornes thereof, the foure morall vertues. So also Ribera following Beda. But it is more fitly applyed thus: 1. The Altar of incense signifieth Christ, by whom we doe offer up the incense of our prayers, Apoc. 8.2. This Altar was within of wood, without of gold, to signifie both the humanitie and divinitie of Christ. 2. The incense betokeneth the prayers of the Saints, Psal. 141.2. Let my prayer, &c. be as incense. 3. The squarenesse of this Altar signifieth the firmnesse of it; the crowne, the regall dignitie of Christ; the hornes, his power, which sheweth it selfe in all the world. 4. As no incense must be offered but upon this Altar, so no prayers are accepted which are not offered in Christ, & proceed of faith: and therefore the Prophets reproved the Israelites, for offering of their incense without faith in God, He which remembred incense, after a carnall manner, was, as if hee blessed an idoll, Isai. 66.3. Simler. 5. The incense must bee burned when the lamps were lighted▪ so our prayers are then accepted, cum fidei lumen pracedi••, when the light of faith goeth before. 6. Everie day morning and evening the incense must be offered, to shew that we must pray continually, Pelarg. 7. No other incense must be offered, but the holy perfume appointed by God; and our prayers must bee dire∣cted according to Gods will, as we have a rule prescribed in the Lords prayer. 8. The hornes of this Altar must be laid on with bloud, so our prayers are availeable against sinne and Satan, si Christi sanguine tincta fuerint, if they be dipped and died in Christs bloud, Marbach. Borrh.

QUEST. XIV. How this Altar of incense differed from Salomons.

BUt before I proceed to the questions remaining to be handled in this Chapter, somewhat would be briefly touched concerning the difference betweene this golden Altar, which Moses made, and that which Salomon erected.

1. Some thinke that Salomon made a new Altar of incense, as Comestor. Tostat. qu. 16. in cap. 6. 1. Reg. because this was made of Shittim wood, but Salomons of Cedar. But Ribera answereth, that it is not said, that Salomon made the golden Altar of Cedar, but onely covered it with Cedar, 1 King. 6.22. that is, enlarged it, lib. 2. cap. 8. de Templ.

2. But Beda and Lyranus are farre wide, who thinke that Salomon made the Altar of incense of stone, which was covered over with Cedar, Osiander. The text before alleaged is evident, that it was of Cedar; there is no mention made of stone.

3. Iunius his opinion is, that it was the same Altar, and readeth thus, Obduxit altare C••drinum; He laid over the Altar of Cedar, not with Cedar, but gold, as it followeth, ibid. v. 22. but the Altar which Moses made was of Shittim wood, the Cedar is called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or enrit seemeth then, they were two divers kinds of wood.

4. Ribera therefore thinketh, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first did enlarge the golden Altar with Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and then covered it with gold, so that it was the same Altar, but enlarged. So also Borrhaius. For the words of the Text are,* 1.431 he covered the golden Altar with Cedar: and Iosephus writeth evidently, that Salomon did build a new brazen Altar; but of making a new golden Altar he maketh no mention, Ribera ibid: So some things were made new by Salomon, as the brazen Altar, and the brazen sea, or lover, ten golden can∣dlesticks, ten tables, 2 Chron. 4. Some things he only beautified and enlarged, as the Arke, over the which he made two Cherubims, beside those upon the Mercie seat, 1 King. 6.23. Likewise he enlarged the Al∣tar of incense; for one Altar might serve to burne incense upon, though for other services the number of vessels and instruments was increased, according to the proportion of the Temple, which was larger than the Tabernacle.

QUEST. XV. Whether it were lawfull to number the people, and wherein David offended.

Vers. 12. WHen thou takest the summe of the children of Israel, &c. 1. Simply then it is not unlaw∣full to number the people, which may be done upon two necessarie occasions: as when either a publike collection is to be made of tribute, or subsidie money, unlesse account should be taken, the burthen should lye upon a few, and others should escape. Againe, when any great warres are taken in hand, it is fit that the people should be mustered, that choice may be made of such as are fit for warre, Tostat. qu. 9. 2. But then Davids example will be objected, with whom God was offended for the num∣bring of the people.* 1.432 To this divers answers are made: 1. Augustine thinketh David did evill therein, to number the people, quia Deus non jusserat, because God commanded him not. But this is no sufficient reason; for then it should be unlawfull for Princes now to number the people, they having no speciall warrant from God. 2. Simlerus saith that God was angrie with David, because, non curavit Domino per∣solvi tributum, hee did not cause this tribute here appointed to bee given unto God. So also Beda. But this was not the cause neither; for neither did Moses when he numbred the people, which he did thrice, Exod. 38. Numb. 10. and 26. Neither is it like that David was so ignorant of the Law. 3. Oleaster ma∣keth this the reason, because the Lord promised to multiply the seed of Abraham, as the starres of Hea∣ven, and the sand of the sea without number: therefore he was angrie whensoever they were numbred. But by this reason they should never have beene numbred at all: rather this might tend to Gods glorie, in seeing by the numbers of the people, how the Lord performed his promise. 4. This rather was the cause of Gods indignation, because David numbred the people for an evill end, ad gloriam suam, for his owne glorie, to rejoyce, and as it were, to put confidence in their multitude, Tostat. qu. 9. Therefore, Haec sive superbia, sive temeritas, sive ingratitudo, this either pride, or rashnesse, or ingratitude, was se∣verely punished, Calvin.

QUEST. XVI. Whether this collection of money were commanded only at this time, or were to continue.

WHen thou takest. 1. Some thinke though here be no certaine time expressed, when this account of the people should be taken, whether everie yeare, or everie fifth yeare, as the ancient Romans used to doe: yet this is certaine, that whensoever the people was numbred, this summe of halfe a sicle of everie one was collected, Simler. Lippoman thinketh also that they were often numbred, ut gratia Dei agnosceretur, &c. that the grace and goodnesse of God might bee acknowledged in multiplying his peo∣ple. And it is the received opinion of the Hebrewes, that this precept for the collection of this summe was perpetuall and anniversarie, toward the charge of repairing the Tabernacle, and maintaining of the sacrifices and other services. So also Calvin in 17. Matth. vers. 24.

2. But Iunius opinion is more probable, (with whom agreeth Beza, annot. in Matth. 17.24. that this was a precept only for this time, and not to continue afterward, which he confirmeth by these reasons. 1. From the end and use of this money, which was to acknowledge their late redemption and delive∣rance out of the bondage of Egypt. 2. Moses himselfe did not exact this summe, when hee numbred the people againe, Numb. 1. and the third time, Numb. 26. 3. This money was not to be spent in the sacri∣fices which were consumed, but in the worke of the Tabernacle, which was permanent and remained: and so it was as a memoriall for them before the Lord, vers. 16. And of this money now collected, which came to 100. talents of silver, and 1775. shekels, were made the sockets of the Sanctuarie, and of the veile, the hookes also and the fillets of the pillars, Exod. 38.26, 27. So that the end of this collection be∣ing extraordinarie, and for this time only, toward the building of the Tabernacle and the instruments thereof, it was not to be perpetuall. 4. And if this proportion had beene perpetually to be observed, for everie one to pay halfe a shekel toward the Tabernacle, Nehemiah would not have appointed another rate, that everie one should pay the third part of a shekel by the yeare toward the service of Gods house, Nehem. 10.32.

3. But this further may be added, though this manner of collection was not enjoyned, as ordinarie and perpetuall, yet upon the like occasion, as to repaire the ruines of the Temple, they might raise Moses tax upon the people, as Ioash did, 2 Chron. 24.9. which was upon the like extraordinarie occasion: which ceasing, the collection also was intermitted, as Ioash said to the Priests, that having received money of the people, yet were slacke to repaire the decayed places of the Temple: Receive no more money of your ac∣quaintance, except yee deliver it to repaire the ruines of the Temple, 2 King. 12.7.

QUEST. XVII. Why this money was collected, and to what end.

Vers. 12. THey shall give everie man a redemption of his life. 1. Tostatus giveth this reason, because if at any time they were numbred, and did not pay this tax, the plague was sent among them, as in the time of David: and therefore it is added, that there be no plague among them, when thou countest them. But Moses himselfe, so often as he counted them, did not exact this summe of them, as is before

shewed, quest. 1••. and yet the plague followed not. And 〈…〉〈…〉 the people were plagued, when they were numbred under David, 〈…〉〈…〉 likewise 〈…〉〈…〉 may be yeelded, why the payment of this money was a redemption of their soules: 1. That hereby, they might ascribe their deliverance out of Egypt unto the Lord: Quare, ne poena tanquam servis fagitivis instigere∣tur, &c. therefore, lest that some punishment might be inflicted upon them, as fugitive servants, it was fit that by this solemne rite they should ascribe their preservation unto God, Calvin. This therefore was enjoyned them, in memoriam beneficiorum Dei, for a remembrance of Gods benefits, Gallas. They might therefore be justly punished for their ingratitude. 2. Seeing that this money collected was for the use of the Tabernacle, where the people did meet together, and there acknowledge their sinnes, and asked mer∣cie and forgivenesse at Gods hands: in this respect also this collection tended to the redemption of their soules, because it served for the maintenance of the Tabernacle, and the Ministerie thereof, which was in∣stituted for the comfort of their soules, Gallas. 3. Obedientiam testabantur censu, &c. they did testifie their obedience by this tax, Simler. And by this meanes they were accounted as belonging unto God: there∣fore, qui illud non pendet, exclusus erit à populo Dei: hee that paid it not should bee excluded from Gods people, Marbach. And might worthily be punished because of his contempt; and so by this obstinate re∣fusall, did count himselfe as none of Israel, and so not under Cods protection. To this purpose also Cyrill,* 1.433 They payed this tribute unto God, to signifie, that, Nemo est sui capitis Dominus, &c. No man is Lord of himselfe, but that we have all one Lord which they did professe by paying of this tribute. 4. And by this tri∣bute Christ is shadowed forth, qui seipsum dedit in pretium redemptionis, &c. who gave himselfe to bee a price of our redemption, which whosoever apprehendeth by faith; is free from death, Marbach.

QUEST. XVIII. How much the sicle of the Sanctuarie, and halfe sicle was.

Vers. 13. HAlfe a shekel, after the shekel of the Sanctuarie. 1. The weight of the shekel of the Sanctu∣arie is valued by the consent of the most, at foure of the peeces called drachyma, a dram, which is the eighth part of an ounce: a groat, when eight of them made an ounce. So Iosephus calleth it, tetradrachma, of the value of foure old groats, that is, halfe an ounce, and the halfe thereof was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, two drams or groats. Arias Montanus for this allegeth the opinion of Moses Gerundensis, who at first dissented from Salom. Iarchi, who valued the sicle at halfe an ounce; but afterward changed his opinion upon this occasion: this R. Moses travelling out of Spaine into Palestina comming to Acron now called Jacha, did there see a peece of silver shewed him by the inhabitants, which on the one side had the pot of manna, with this inscription, shekel Israel, and on the other Aarons rod, with this title, Ierushalem kedessah, holy Jerusalem, in the ancient Samaritane characters; which peece of coine the said R. Moses weighed, and it came just to halfe an ounce: and there was likewise shewed unto him another peece with the verie same pictures, which was but halfe so much in weight, being but halfe the sicle. Arias Montanus addeth further, that while he was at the Councell of Trent, there was brought unto him by a friend an ancient peece of silver, with the verie same figures and characters, which he likewise found to weigh halfe an ounce. Beza setteth downe the verie same description of the shekel, which he had gi∣ven him by Ambrosius Blancerus, in Matth. 17. vers. 24.

2. Concerning the estimation of the shekel, being compared with money now current, Osiander va∣lueth it at the halfe Dollar, which is an ounce of silver, Marb. at the halfe aurei Rhenani, of the Rhene Crowne. Gallasius out of Budaeus saith, the Drachma, whereof the sicle of the Sanctuarie contained foure, was of French money of Tours, three shillings six pence, and Didrachma, or halfe sicle, was about the fifth part of the French Crowne, Marlorat: and the whole sicle twice so much, that is, two five parts, which will amount to two shillings six pence starling, or thereabout, that is, halfe an ounce. Arias Montanus valueth the shekel at foure Spanish Royals, or at foure Roman Julians, or two peeces of Ve∣nice coine, called Macigenors, or one Flanders peece, which goeth for fourteene Stivers. Pelargus ma∣keth the sicle equall to halfe of the Vallense coine, all commeth to the same rekoning.

3. Here the sicle of the Sanctuarie is valued at 20. gerahs: so also Ezech. 45.12. a gerah, Pelargus set∣teth at the value of seven Misnian peeces: Osiander at foure peeces of Wittenberg coine: but wee are not acquainted with those kinds of money. Iunius saith it weighed 16. graines of barley: Montanus saith he found it in weight answerable to a pease, whereof twentie were equall in weight to the sicle. But by the former estimate, seeing a sicle weigheth but halfe an ounce starling, which maketh two shillings six pence of English money, the gerah cannot be above j^d. ob. three halfe pence of our English money.

4. The Septuagint are here deceived, which call the sicle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, allowing unto it but two drach∣maes, or drams, whereas the halfe sicle contained so much, as is evident, Matth. 17.24. where everie one paid 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, two drachmaes, which was halfe a shekel, according to the rate and tax set by Moses, to∣ward the charge of the Tabernacle, but was then exacted by the Roman Emperours.

5. The sicle was divided into divers parts: there was the halfe sicle which is mentioned here, which was a quarter of an ounce, there was the third part of a shekel, Nehem. 10.32. which weighed six gerahs and an halfe, with a sixth part: and the fourth part of a shekel, 1 Sam. 9.8. which Montanus saith was in value as much as the Spanish Royall of silver, of our English money seven pence halfe penny.

6. As the sicle was a kinde of money, so was it used for a weight, whereby they weighed all other me∣tals, whether of gold, iron, or brasse; yet we doe not finde that there were any sicles, but onely of sil∣ver, as Numb. 7.38, the incense cup which was offered, was of ten shekels in weight, not in value: for ten shekels of gold in value, that is, so much gold as was worth ten shekels of silver, which was but 25. shil∣lings five ounces, would have made no cup of any bignesse for silver. Beside, here appeareth the error of Salom. Iarchi, that taketh the shekel for the pound weight: because the head of Goliaths speare is said to

weigh 600. shekels, 1 Sam. 17.7. which make but 300. ounces in the former account, that is, about 25. pound,* 1.434 which was a sufficient weight for the point of his speare: of 300. pound in weight it was not like to be, which had beene too massie and heavie for that use, Montan.

QUEST. XIX. Whether there were divers kindes of shekels.

Vers. 13. AFter the shekel of the Sanctuarie. 1. The opinion of the most is, that there were two kinds of shekels, the common or prophane shekel, which weighed but ten gerahs, and the shekel of the Sanctuarie, which weighed twentie; the one was halfe an ounce, the other but a quarter: as like∣wise the usuall and common talent was but sixtie pound, the sacred talent one hundred twentie pound, Iun. Oleast. Vatab. Marb. But Montanus objecteth that the sicle which hee saw, and the other which R. Moses Gerundens. made mention of, was but halfe an ounce, and the halfe thereof but a quarter: so that it should seeme, that those were the usuall coines. Simlarus urgeth that place, Ezech. 48.12. where the Prophet exhorting the Princes to use just measures and weights, (speaking of common measures and weights) appointeth the sicle to weigh twentie gerahs. Iunius thinketh that the Prophet speaketh of the sacred sicle in that place: but the other seemeth more probable, because the Prophet there in∣veigheth against the oppressions and exactions of the Princes.

2. Arius Montanus saith it was called therefore the sacred sicle, because it was the sicle of Israel, who were an holy people unto God: but seeing the Lord speaking of Israel his people, maketh this difference, it seemeth there was a difference of shekels among them: for otherwise that distinction needed not.

3. Simlerus thinketh it was called the shekel of the Sanctuarie, that is, of a just and full weight, be∣cause the standard measure was kept in the Sanctuarie. And this may seeme the more probable, because the measures and weights which were commonly used, were altered and changed according to mens cove∣tous desires,* 1.435 as the Prophet Amos noteth them, which made the Ephah little, and the shekel great: that is, in selling they used small measures, and in buying great weights: as Vatab. and Montanus expound that place, they did buy with one weight, and sell by another.

QUEST. XX. Of the halfe shekel which Christ paid for tribute, what it was, and how it came to be paid for tribute.

Vers. 13. THe halfe shekel shall be an offering to the Lord. How came it then to passe, that this halfe she∣kel afterward was paid to the Romane Emperours, and our Saviour himselfe paid it, Matt. 17.24. and taught others to doe the like, to give unto Casar that which was Caesars, Matth. 22.22.

1. Some are of opinion that the poll money, which is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Matth. 17.24. and the other called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the penny, Matth. 22.19. were not all one: for this was imposed as tribute, by way of conquest upon the Jewes, according to their substance: the other they used to pay by the poll to the Temple, which the Romans also usurped to themselves, and diverted it from the originall use, Viller. annot. Matth. 22.19. But we finde no mention made of any such double taske imposed upon the Jewes. Iosephus saith, that Vespasian enjoyned the Jewes yearely to bring binas drachmas, two drachma's into the Capitoll. Iunius thinketh there were two kinde of the coyne called denarius, the one of the Sanctua∣rie, which was double to the common, and equivalent to the didrachma, or halfe sicle: by this the Priests accounted, and the publicans and toll-gatherers by the other. But the denarius being a Latine name, and part of the tribute which they paid to the Romans, and so being a civill and prophane payment, is not like to have beene reckoned after the account of the Sanctuarie.

Neither was this denarius the same with the didrachma the halfe sicle, Matth. 17. for the denarius, the Roman penny, is almost the same with the Grecians drachma, the eighth part of an ounce, and the fourth part of a sicle, the tenth part of a French crowne, three shillings six pence French: Budaeus: and about six pence halfe penny sterling, or thereabout: it was as much as an old groat, when eight groats made an ounce.

Therefore this is most likely, that in both places mention is made of tribute or poll money, as the Sy∣rian Interpreter calleth it argentum capitationis, head or poll money, Mark. 12.14. And Beza saith that in his ancient Greeke copie, in stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tribute, he found 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, head money, in that place of Marke. But yet this was the difference, that whereas they were taxed at two drachma's, or Roman pence, they shewed unto Christ onely one of those tribute pence stamped with Caesars image and super∣scription: two of the which pence made the didrachma, the double groat, or halfe sicle, which everie one was set at: and two of those double groats made but one stater, which is usually translated a peece of twentie pence; but it was more, a full sicle, which was halfe an ounce, which peece Peter found in a fi∣shes mouth, and paid it for him and his Master, Matth. 17.25.

2. Now it so pleased God, that this portion which was first set apart for the use of the Temple, was usurped by the Roman Emperours, and turned to a civill use: 1. Because, Dei jugunt excusserant, they had cast off the Lords yoke, the Lord departed from his right, and delivered them over unto hard Lords, Calvin. 2. And because they gave but with a grudging minde to the Temple, they are now turned over to others: for so it falleth out often, that, quod Deo denegamus, &c. hostis eripiat, that what wee deny unto God, the enemie taketh away, Gallas. 3. And because by the comming of Christ the externall wor∣ship prescribed by Moses was to bee abolished, God would have this pension taken away from the Tem∣ple whereby it was maintained, Simler. 4. And our blessed Saviour did not therein approve the unjust exactions and impositions of the Romans; but giveth this reason, lest we should offend, that is, ne suspicio∣nem illis demus, &c. lest we should give them occasion of suspition, as though we would be seditious, or disturb the kingdome, Muscul. Christ therefore by his example teacheth the people not to move any

tumult and sedition about their tribute, 〈…〉〈…〉 that yoke, which for their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈…〉〈…〉 them.

QUEST. XXI. Why they were 〈…〉〈…〉.

Vers. 14. ALL that are numbred from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeare old and above. 1. They which were under 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeare old were not numbred, but from twentie and upward, because they begin at twentie yeares to be fit for service in the Common-wealth at home, and abroad in warre, Tostat. qu. 9. 2. The children then and women are not counted, but the one were reckoned with their fathers, the other went under the account of their husbands, Simler. 3. It is not here expressed, as they began at twentie, so at what age they ended the account. It is not like that the aged men were here reckoned, but such only as were fit for warre, Numb. 1.3. which Iosephus saith was from twentie untill the age of fiftie, Cajetan. And this may be gathered by the like, because the Levites after fiftie gave over their service in the Taber∣nacle, Numb. 8.25. as to beare burthens, and to remove the Tabernacle: much more at that age were they to be freed from the service of warre, which was much more painfull and cumbersome. 4. The Le∣vites were accounted after another manner, they were numbred from a moneth old, Numb. 3.39. Olea∣ster, who here affirmeth that David offended God in numbring the people, because hee would have all numbred, and not onely from twentie and above. But that was not the cause of the offence, for it is evident out of the text, that they onely were numbred which were strong men, and able to draw swords, 2 Sam. 24.9. See before quest. 15.

QUEST. XXII. Why the poore pay as much as the rich.

Vers. 15. THe rich shall not passe, and the poore shall not diminish, &c. Divers reasons may bee yeelded hereof, why the same portion was required as well of the poore as rich. 1. It was done con∣cordiae causa, for concord and unitie: for otherwise there might have growne contention, the poore be∣ing unwilling to pay as much as the rich, Tostat. qu. 10. 2. And by this meanes also the poore were not de∣spised: and, ne divites se sanctiores reputarent pauperibus, lest that the rich might have thought themselves holier than the poore, in giving more unto the Tabernacle, the Lord would have an equall rate set, Lyran. 3. And this was prescribed, ut numeri ratio constaret, that the number of the people might bee certainly knowne, which had beene uncertaine, if they had not all paid alike. 4. This was jus personale, a personall right, Calvin; & ad testandum obedientiam impositum, and imposed to testifie their obedience, that here∣by everie one should acknowledge that they belonged unto God, Simler. 5. It was for the redemption of their soules, quae unicuique aequalis fuit, which was equall to all, Gallas. 6. And to shew that God is no accepter of persons: but that the poore and rich, if they bee faithfull, are alike accepted before him, Osiander. 7. Hereby also is spiritually signified, that the spirituall price of our redemption by the bloud of Christ, doth belong equally unto all, Simler.

QUEST. XXIII. Whether all these things were declared to Moses at once.

Vers. 17. ALso the Lord spake unto Moses. 1. It appeareth by this, that all these things before rehear∣sed from chap. 25. concerning the Tabernacle, and things thereunto belonging, were not delivered by one continued speech from the Lord unto Moses but that there were certaine breakings off, as is evident in this place: and likewise vers. 11. afterward the Lord spake. 2. It also may bee gathered, that all these things were not delivered in one day unto Moses, but in the space of fortie dayes, as is shewed chap. 31.18. that after the Lord had made an end of communing with Moses, hee delivered him the tables of stone, which was in the end of fortie dayes, as is declared Deut. 9.10. Tostat. qu. 11. The Lord could have delivered all these things at once unto Moses, and have made him capable thereof, to under∣stand and remember. But as the world was created in six dayes, which the Lord in his great power could have finished all in one day, yea in a moment: yet it pleased him, for our better understanding, and for the establishing of a perpetuall order to be observed, while the world endureth, in giving six dayes for worke, and one for rest, to sort out all his workes into six dayes: so likewise he divided the narration of these things unto Moses, into the conference of many dayes.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the fashion of the brazen laver.

Vers. 18. THou shalt make a laver of brasse, and his foot of brasse. 1. By this description it may be gathe∣red, that this laver did not stand flat upon the ground, but was reared upon his foot; and consequently it being so lifted up upon the foot or base, the Priests could not put their feet therein to wash them. 2. R. Salomon therefore thinketh, that this laver was made broad and large below, and nar∣row above, and that it had two spouts of each side for the water to issue forth, and at the foot or bot∣tome there was some place to receive the water, which otherwise would have run along upon the ground. This description followeth Lyranus, Tostat. Montan. Genevens. And Cajetan doth inferre thus much out of the text, because it is said, vers. 19. Aaron and his sonnes shall wash their hands and feet, mimmenu, ex ipsa, out of it; not as the Latine, whom Beda followeth, in ea, in it. 3. This laver was set in the outward court, betweene the Altar of burnt offering and the Tabernacle, but not directly, for then it would have somewhat hindred the ••ight of the Tabernacle: but it was placed toward the South side, which though it be not here expressed, may be 〈…〉〈…〉 sea, which Salomon made in stead thereof, which was so placed in the Temple, 1 King. 7.39. Simler.

QUEST. XXV. Of the use of this brazen laver.

Vers. 20. WHen they go into the Tabernacle. 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth, When they go into the Tabernacle, &c. and when they go vnto the altar, to offer incense, &c. which Tostatus un∣derstandeth of the altar of incense: but that was included in the former clause, When they go into the Ta∣bernacle: and the word is ishah, which signifieth a sacrifice made with fire, & he meaneth the altar of burn••

offering, that when they want in to doe my service in the Tabernacle, or 〈…〉〈…〉 with∣out, they should wash both their hands and feet. 2. These parts above the rest must bee washed, be∣cause they were ap••est to gather soile, the feet with dust, and the hands with touching and handling of other things, Tostat. 3. It is evident then, that at the least twice everie day they washed their hands and feet, at morning and even, for then without in the Court they offered the morning and evening sacri∣fice: and in the Tabernacle they burned incense, and dressed the candlesticks. Lippoman also thinketh that they ministred at the Altar barefoot: as Moses was bid to put off his shooes, when the Lord appea∣red unto him, Exod. 3. But it is more like that they were shod with a kinde of light shooes called san∣dals, as Tostatus inferreth out of Iosephus: for as they washed their feet from soile, when they began to minister; so it is like they had a care to keepe them cleane during their Ministerie. 4. Neither did the Priests onely wash themselves thereat, but they also washed their sacrifices, the inwards, and such other parts, which were not to be carried forth into any profane place to be washed, Tostatus, Lippoman, Ribera.

QUEST. XXVI. Of the mysticall application of the laver, wherein the Priests washed.

BY this washing of their hands and feet: 1. Beda understandeth the lavacre of Baptisme, wherein we are first received into Christs Church, as the Priests first washed their hands and feet before they en∣tred into the Tabernacle. 2. But because Baptisme is ministred once onely, whereas the Priests did wash often, he rather would have thereby understood, ablutionem compunctionis & lachrymarum, the washing of compunction, or contrition, and of teares, so often as we come before the Lord. 3. And thereby was signified the spirituall washing and cleansing of the soule, which the faithfull in the old Testament well understood, as David saith, Psal. 51.7. Wash me, and I shall be whiter than snow: and the Prophet Isay al∣luding unto this rite saith, Wash you, make you cleane, chap. 1.16. Simler. 4. And for this cause our Savi∣our reproved the Pharisies, for being addicted so superstitiously unto their outward washings: wherein they committed a double fault, both in bringing in other kindes of washing than were prescribed in the Law, and in being addicted only to the outward ceremony, Simler. 5. And by the hands, our works are signified; by the feet, the affections, that we should both cleanse our hearts, and be holy in our workes, when we come before the Lord, Tostat. qu. 11. 6. And in that the Priests washed their hands and feet, Hac ablutione apertam impuritatis confessionem edebant, They did by this washing give an evident confes∣sion of their impuritie and uncleannesse, Gallas. 7. The Heathen had such a custome to wash themselves, when they sacrificed to their gods: as this was a proverb among them, Sacra non tractanda illoti•• manibus, That holy things must not be handled with unwasht hands, Calvin. 8. Therefore like as men doe not sit downe at their owne table, but first they wash their hands; so wee must not presume to come neere the Lords table with unprepared affections, and uncleane hearts, Simler. Wee must be inwardly washed by the Spirit of grace, the water of life, whereof our Saviour speaketh, Ioh▪ 4.14. Marbach.

QUEST. XXVII. The difference betweene Moses laver, and Salomons great sea of brasse.

* 1.436NOw to finish up this matter concerning the laver, these differences may bee observed betweene it, and the great brazen sea which Salomon made, and other vessels to the like use. 1. They differed in the quantitie and large capacitie; Salomons was ten cubits wide, and five cubits deepe: it contained 200. baths, 1 Kin. 7.26. being filled after the ordinarie manner: but 3000. baths, 2 Chro. 4.5. that is, if it were filled up to the brim. So Cajetanus and Ribera doe well reconcile these places. The bath was of the same capacitie for liquid things, that the Epha was for dry, containing each of them ten pottles, or there∣about, foure or five gallons. And therefore because of the great capacitie, it was called a sea. But the la∣ver that Moses made was nothing so big; for it had not beene portable. 2. They were divers in fashion; Moses laver stood but upon one foot, the other was borne upon twelve oxen. And it was cast with knops and flowers, and wilde cucumers, 1 King. 7.24. But this laver is not so appointed to be made: it see∣meth it was plaine. 3. There was also some difference in the number; Moses caused but one laver to be made; Salomon beside the great molten sea, made ten other caldrons or small lavers, 2 Chron. 4.6. be∣cause in Salomons Temple there was more use of such vessels than in Moses Tabernacle. 4. Their uses also were divers: Moses laver served both for the Priests to wash thereat, and to wash the sacrifices: but Salomons great sea served onely for the Priests to wash in, the other appertained to the sacrifices, 2 Chron. 4.6.

QUEST. XXVIII. Of the spices that went toward the making of the oyntment.

Vers. 23. TAke unto thee principall spices, &c. 1. Here are two confections appointed to be made, the first of things more liquid and moist, and the same to bee tempered with oyle to make an oyntment of: to the making whereof, in generall were required the principall or head spice or drug, which Iunius inclineth to thinke to be the Balme, which is the principall among such precious drugs, and therefore is called of the Arabians Belsuaim, as having dominion or excelling among such things: but that there is no quantitie expressed of this, as of the rest that follow; neither were they yet come to the land of Canaan, where great store of Balme was: it is therefore the generall name rather of these spices and drugs, which are named afterward in particular.

* 1.4372. The first is myrrh, which Oleaster taketh for balme; but the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mar, sheweth it to be myrrh. There is another word tzeri, which is taken for balme, Ierem. 8.22. There were two kindes of myrrh, one which of it selfe distilled out of the tree, and therefore it is called mar deror, myrrh of libertie, that is, freely flowing, Paguine, Oleaster: or right myrrh without mixture, Iun. Vatab. There was ano∣ther which came of the cutting of the barke of the tree, which was not so good, Lyran. The myrrh tree groweth in Arabia five cubits high. Strabus writeth that the fume thereof would breed incurable diseases in that countrey, nisi fumo stora••i•• occurrerentpunc; but that they correct it with the perfume of storax, &c. But

it is not like, that if it were so dangerous and offensive, that the Lord would have prescribed it to make the holy oyntment of. These properties rather it hath, it is good to heal•• wounds, to dry up rhe••me, to care a stinking and unsavourie breath, to cleere the voyce, Plin. lib. 12. cap. 8. Pelargus.

3. The next is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 kinemon, cynamom: whereof because there are two kindes,* 1.438 one that is verie sweet and pleasant, the other of no great smell: therefore it is added here, sweet cynamom, R. Salomon, Lyran. It cureth the biting of venomous beasts: it helpeth the dimnesse of the sight, Dioscorid. lib. 1. cap. 13. Pelarg. But whether it be the same cynamom which is in use among us, it is doubted; it seemeth to be of another sort, Simler. For our cynamom is rather pleasant to the taste than smell▪ whatsoever it was, it is certaine it gave a pleasant smell, Pro. 7.17. I have perfumed my bed with myrrh, al••••s, and cynamom.

4. The third kinde is keneh, which signifieth a cane, it is calamus od••ratus, sweet calamus,* 1.439 which was a kinde of reed or cane of verie sweet savour, Genevens. It groweth like a shrub in India, about two cu∣bits high, Strabus. It is full of knots and joynts, like the stalke of corne, Tostat.

5. The fourth sort that goeth to the making of this oyntment is kidah, cassia,* 1.440 so called of the croo∣kednesse thereof, of kadad, which signifieth to make crooked, Oleaster. Isidor taketh it for the name of a sweet herb: but it is rather a tree of pleasant smell, Lyranus, which groweth to a great height in wa∣trie places, and giveth a pleasant smell, Tostat. It is not the common Cassia in Apothecaries shops, Simler. for that hath no such sweet smell, Oleaster.

QUEST. XXIX. Of the manner of making and compounding this holy oyntment.

Vers. 24. ANd of oyle olive an Hin. 1. This oyntment is tempered with oyle to make it liquid: and beside, it is compounded of such things as were of liquid and soft substance: as they say the myrrh of it selfe will make an oyntment, Borrh. And therefore there is of that sort 500. ficles in weight, and so of cassia, but of cynamom and sweet calamus, onely of each 250. 2. Now although the word shekel, which must be here taken for the weight, not the value of the shekel, be not in the originall, yet it must be supplyed, and not pond••, so many pounds, as Iunius: for 500. pound weight of myrrh had beene of too great a proportion to temper with an hin of oyle, which was not full three quarts, as much as 72. egges containe: but 500. shekels, counting a shekel at halfe an ounce, and 16. ounces to the pound, will make but 16. pound and a quarter. 3. Further, whereas mention is here made of the Apo∣thecaries art, or, rekeach; the maker of oyntments: they are in errour, which thinke that the use of oynt∣ments was not knowne in the time of the Trojan warres, Alexand. lib. 4. cap. 17.* 1.441 Seeing Moses was long before those times. The Lacedemonians also were too nice and curious, that expelled those which either made or sold oyntments: the skill and use whereof is commendable, onely the abuse and super∣fluitie is to be condemned.

QUEST. XXX. Of the use of this oyntment in anoynting the Tabernacle.

Vers. 29. SO thou shalt sanctifie them, &c. 1. Whereas Moses is commanded to anoynt with this oynt∣ment the Tabernacle it selfe, the Arke, the Table, and the rest of the instruments: wee must not so understand, as though these things were anoynted all over; for neither would this quantitie of oyntment have served, to have anoynted everie part: and beside, the oyle, if it had beene laid over all the curtaines, would have blemished them: it is like therefore that some part was anoynted for the rest, Tostat. As the high Priest, when hee was consecrated, was not all over anoynted, but onely in certaine parts. 2. But Lyranus his observation is somewhat curious, that Moses with his finger, in everie corner made a certaine figure with his finger dipped in the oyntment, like to the Greeke tan, which represen∣teth the figure of the crosse. 3. By this ceremony, the Lord would have the Tabernacle and all the vessels thereof consecrated, and applyed to his service, so that, in communem hominum usum non veniant, they should no more returne unto common and prophane uses, Lippoman.

QUEST. XXXI. How all that touched the Tabernacle became holy.

Vers. 29. ALL that shall touch them shall be holy. 1. Which is not so to be understood, as that everie one which touched them should be thereby sanctified, as R. Salomon expoundeth: but the contrarie appeareth, in that they which touched those holy things, being not thereunto called, were slaine, as Vzzah, for staying the Arke with his hand, which he ought not to have touched, 2 Sam. 6.6. 2. Lyranus and Tostatus thus expound it, that everie one which toucheth them must first be sanctified. But the words doe imply a certaine holinesse transmitted by touching those things into that which tou∣cheth them, not an holinesse preceding or going before. The same sense followeth Augustine,* 1.442 sanctifica∣bitur ut ei liceat tangere, he shall be sanctified, that it may be lawfull for him to touch them. So also Osi∣ander, sanctificetur prius, let him be sanctified before. But this holinesse going before by way of prepara∣tion, proceeded not of the touching of these things. 3. Some give this sense, sanctificatione iudigebit, &c. he shall have need to be sanctified, because he touched them being prophane, or uncleane, Oleaster. But in this sense it should not be generally taken, seeing the Priests that touched them needed not to be so san∣ctified, seeing they were holy already. 4. Some thus; Non possunt tractari, nisi à Sacerdotibus; These things could not be handled but by the Priests, Calvin. But then the Priests being holy already, should have re∣ceived no holinesse by touching these things, as the words doe import. 5. Therefore that other sense of Calvin is to be preferred, Oblationes sua sanctitate imbuet; It shall indue the oblations with holinesse: those things which they brought to offer, after they touched the Tabernacle, were holy unto God: and those things, Non licebat uti in rebus privatis, sed in sacris, It was no more lawfull to use in private busi∣nesse, but in the sacred affaires, Lippom. See the question before upon chap. 29. vers. 37.

QUEST. XXXII. When and how Aaron and his sonnes were anoynted.

Vers. 30. THou shalt also anoynt Aaron and his sonnes. 1. Simlerus thinketh, that Pontifex primum, &c. the high Priest, and other inferiour Priests were first anointed. But it is more probable, that first the Tabernacle, and the things thereto belonging were anointed, and last of all the Priests, Pe∣larg. For the same order is likely to have beene observed in the consecrating of these things, which was in the framing and making. Now the Priests apparell was made last of all, chap. 9. And first the Ta∣bernacle, as the place where the Priests should be employed, was to be prepared before the Priests should be consecrated, there to performe their service. 2. Lyranus thinketh, and so Tostatus, that onely Aaron was anointed in his consecration, both in his head and hands, and that his sonnes were not anointed with oyle at all, but only their eare, hand and foot touched with the bloud of the consecration Ram, as is pre∣scribe••, Exod 29.20. for this was the privilege of the high Priest, to be anointed in his head and hands, Levit. 21.10. But that Aarons sonnes were anointed also at this time, is evident, Exod. 40.15. Thou shalt anoint them, as thou diddest their father: but whether they had their heads onely anointed, as some thinke, it is uncertaine: that place, Levit. 21.10. sheweth the privilege of the high Priests succeeding: they onely indeed were anointed, yet is there no mention made there of the anointing of their hands, but of filling their hands, that is, consecrating their Ministerie. 3. Therefore I subscribe here to the judge∣ment of learned and judicious Iunius, that at this time both Aaron was anointed, and that on his head, chap. 29.7. and his sonnes also, Exod. 40.15. but how, or in what part they were anointed, is not expres∣sed. Afterward only the high Priest was anointed, as Levit. 4.3. If the Priest that is anointed doe sinne, that is, the high Priest; and Levit. 21.10. Also the high Priest among his brethren, upon whose head the anointing oyle was powred, &c. The inferiour Priests were only anointed at their first consecration, by which anointing, they and their posteritie were consecrated to exercise a perpetuall Priesthood, as the Lord saith, Exod. 40.15. Their anointing shall be a signe, that the priesthood shall be euerlasting unto them throughout their generations. And in this sense Aristobulus is said to bee of the stocke of the anointed Priests, 2 Macchab. 1.10. Iun. in cap. 40. vers. 15.

QUEST. XXXIII. Who are understood here by the name of the children of Israel, whether the Levites also are there comprehended.

Vers. 31. MOreover thou shalt speake unto the children of Israel. 1. Tostatus, though in other places he thinketh the tribe of Levi to be excluded in this manner of speech, and to be distingui∣shed from the children of Israel, as chap. 29.28. the breast and shoulder there given unto the Priests, are said to be an heave offering of the children of Israel: so also Numb. 1.2. it is said, take yee the summe of the congregation of the children of Israel, and yet the tribe of Levi was not numbred among them, as it fol∣loweth, vers. 40. yet in this place he thinketh that the Levites are comprehended under the name of the children of Israel: for otherwise they should not be forbidden to make a composition like unto this per∣fume, for their private uses. 2. But it may appeare by these reasons, that the other tribes onely beside Levi. are called here by the name of the children of Israel. 1. Because in this verie chapter it is used in that sense, as vers. 12. When thou shalt take the summe of the children of Israel: for here the Levites were not numbred, Numb. 1.40. 2. This is a generall speech, vers. 32. None shall anoint mans flesh therewith, neither shall you make any composition like unto it, &c. But the Priests flesh might be anointed therewith: and it was lawfull for them to make the like composition for the use of the Tabernacle, therefore the Priests are not here comprehended. 3. Yet was it not lawfull for the Priests to prophane that holy oynt∣ment, which is necessarily inferred before, vers. 29. all that the oyntment touched was sanctified, and became holy: the Priests therefore knew well enough by this, that this oyntment was not to be put to any prophane use. And if it were not lawfull for the people to prophane the holy oyntment, much lesse for the Priests, to whose charge and care those holy things were committed. And by the like generall charge afterward, vers. 37. that none should make the like composition to the holy perfume: they also might understand this caveat, touching the holy oyntment to be as generall.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the forbidden uses whereunto this oyntment should not be put.

Vers. 32. NOne shall anoint mans flesh. Three things are forbidden concerning the private use of this oyntment. 1. That no mans flesh should be anointed therewith; that is, for delight, or of wantonnesse, Tostat. nor otherwise than is before prescribed: for Aaron and his sons might be anointed therewith, as God before commanded, to consecrate them, Simler. 2. It was not lawfull for them to make any composition like unto it, though they put it to no use; for it might give an occasion of pro∣phanation, to have but the like composition in their houses. As upon the same reason, where they are com∣manded to eat no leavened bread for seven daies in the feast of the Passeover, they are charged to remove leaven out of their houses, Exod. 12.15. though they did not eat it, it was not lawfull so much as to have it in their houses, lest it might have beene an occasion to transgresse, Tostat. qu. 13. They might make an oyntment of some of these, or of all them, so they did it not after the same manner, and with the like composition, Lyran. But I thinke rather with Oleaster and Borrhaius, that they were not to make the like oyntment, either in number or weight: for the word taca•• signifieth as well to number, as weigh. 3. They are forbidden also to put any of it upon a stranger, which Augustine expoundeth exterae nationi, upon one of a forraine nation:* 1.443 so also Tostatus, upon a Gentile. Some by a stranger understand any of Israel that is not a Priest, Vatab. Simler. But the people of Israel, to whom this charge belongeth, did not use to anoint Priests; and if it were understood of anointing any person, so much is said before, none shall anoint mans flesh: therefore Iunius giveth a better sense, aut quisquam imponet ex eo rei extra∣neae: if any man shall put thereon, upon any strange (that is, prophane or common) thing, &c. which is

not consecrated to an holy use. So also Oleaster. 4. Tostatus here moveth divers questions, qu. 14.15. as whether a Gentile not knowing the God of Israel, or if he did, yet were no proselyte nor converted to Judaisme, if he should use the like composition, whether he should therein offend, or not: and he resolveth he should not; because this Law is given onely to the children of Israel, who had bound themselves by covenant to keepe all the Lords ordinances: wherein he resolveth well, unlesse any such Gentile should doe it in the contempt of the God of Israel. But he might have spared all this labour: for these questions are altogether impertinent here, seeing, as is before shewed, not any strange person is here understood, but strange and common things.

QUEST. XXXV. Whether the anointing of Kings were not against this Law, in cap. 3. Habacuk.

Vers. 32. NOne shall anoint mans flesh. It is here doubted how it was lawfull afterward to anoint Kings and Prophets with this oile, wherewith the Priests onely, and the holy things were to bee anointed. 1. Some thinke it was another kinde of oile: as Hierom saith, Est aliud unguentum quo reges unguntur, &c. There is another ointment, wherewith Kings were anointed. And that (he saith) was of two sorts: David and Salomon, cornu unguntur, are anointed with an horne: but Iehu and Hazael, len∣ticula, with a violl called in Hebrew, phach. But howsoever it may be thought that Iehu and Hazael were not anointed with the holy ointment, which was kept in the Temple at Jerusalem: yet it is like, that both Samuel filled his horne with this oile, wherewith David was anointed, 1 Sam. 16.1. and that Zadok the Priest anointed Salomon therewith, 1 King. 1.34. Simler.

2. Some thinke, that whereas they are forbidden to lay this oile upon any stranger, the Priests and Kings were not excepted, Borrhaius. But if by strangers we understand persons; as well the King as other of the lay people were strangers in respect of the Priesthood: as it is said in that sense, chap. 29.33. No stranger shall eat thereof, that is, none that is not of Aarons family.

3. Tostatus giveth this solution: That Kings are not here excluded, because Kings, when they were anointed, did not use this ointment, ad delectationem, for delight, which is here only forbidden, sed ad cul∣tum Dei, but for the service and worship of God: because as the Lord appointed Priests for his service, so he ordained Kings in his stead to rule and governe his people, Tostat. quaest. 13. But it was not lawfull for any of the people to use this oile upon any occasion at all, whether for delight, or otherwise to conse∣crate any thing privatly: nor upon any person, not here excepted, which are the Priests only: for the words are generall.

4. Wherefore the best answer is this: God forbiddeth any other to be anointed with this ointment, sa∣ving the Priests, nisi scilicet aliter jusserit, unlesse he otherwise command: the Lord reserveth unto him∣selfe a liberty above his Law, Simler. As yet there were no Kings in Israel, and therefore no mention is made of their anointing. So that this ointment was afterward used to anoint both Kings and Priests: sed non sine novo Dei mandato; but not without a new commandement from God, Pelarg.

QUEST. XXXVI. What it is to be cut off from his people.

Vers. 33. HE shall be cut off from his people. 1. Pellicane seemeth to understand this of the penalty of death to be publikely inflicted upon him that should prophane this holy ointment: prohi∣betur profanus usus sub poena mortis, the prophane use is forbidden under paine of death. 2. Some, of the separation of them, de coetu sanctorum, from the society and company of the faithfull, Gloss. interl. 3 Some, of the punishment, divinitus, by God himselfe to be imposed upon them, Osiander: as Vzzah for the like transgression was smitten with sudden death. 4. Tostatus both understandeth the extraordinary pu∣nishment, by the Lords hand. and the sentence of death to be denounced by the Magistrate, if any did continue in this offence, nec desistere vellet, and would not cease, or give over. 5. Vatablus referreth it to the spirituall and everlasting punishment of the soule: anima ejus peribit, his soule shall perish. 6. But all these three are better joyned together: that both God shall cut off such an one by sudden and extra∣ordinary death in this world, and punish him eternally in the next: as in this sense it is said, that hee which was not circumcised should be cut off from his people, because he had broken the Lords covenant, Deut. 17.16. Iunius ibid. For as the faithfull are said to be gathered to their people when they died, as Abraham, Gen. 25.8. and Iacob, Gen. 49.33. so the wicked and prophane shall be cut off from their people: that is, from the fellowship of the Saints in the next world, Tostat. qu. 18. unlesse they doe repent, Pelarg. Likewise, if such prophane persons did obstinately persist in their sinne, they were to die also by the hand of the Magistrate: in which sense it is said, that he that did sinne with an high hand, that is, presumptu∣ously, shall be cut off from among his people, Numb. 15.30.

QUEST. XXXVII. The spirituall application of this holy ointment.

THis holy ointment made of these foure simples, Myrrh, Cinamom, Calamus, and Cassia, 1. Some ap∣ply unto the senses, by Cinamom understanding two of them, the senses of seeing and hearing, ut a sordibus repurgati, that they should be purged from filthinesse, &c. Procop. 2. Some, by these foure would have signified the foure morall vertues, which must be tempered together, Gloss. ordinar. 3. Other by the Myrrh, the mortification of the flesh: by the Cinamom, of ashy and earthly colour, mortality; by the Cassia, growing in moist places, Baptisme, Gloss. interlinear. 4. But these applications are too curious, and im∣pertinent: therefore this holy ointment better setteth forth that holy ointment of the Spirit, where∣with the Messiah was anointed, who is said, Psal. 45.8. to be anointed with the oile of gladnesse above his fellowes. Thus Hierome applieth it in 3. cap. Hab. and Cyril. lib. 12. in Levit. 5. But it signifieth not only the holy Ghost, which was powred upon Christ without measure: but that portion of grace, wherewith every one of Christs members is anointed, Osiander: that as without this ointment neither the Taberna∣cle, nor any part thereof was sanctified: so without the operation of the holy Ghost, all our labours and

endevours are unprofitable, Marbach. 6. Pelargus more particularly applieth every one of these foure se∣verall ingredients: by the Myrrh, which is good to joyne, and as it were glue wounds together, and hel∣peth a stinking breath, and cleereth the voice, he understandeth the merit of Christs death, which healeth our wounds, and cureth our evill thoughts and words: by the Cinamom, which is good against poisonfull beasts, the spirituall force of Christs death, which prevaileth against Satan: by the sweet Calamus, charity is signified, which covereth a multitude of sinnes: by the Cassia, which healeth the biting of vipers, the holy Sacrament of the Eucharist, which is a spirituall medicine to the soule. But we have no direction in Scripture for any such particular application. It sufficeth that this ointment prefigured the spirit of grace, wherewith the faithfull are anointed: as the Apostle saith, Yee have an ointment from that Holy one, and know all things, 1 Ioh. 2.20.

QUEST. XXXVIII. Of the spices whereof the holy perfume was made.

* 1.444Vers. 34. TAke these spices, stacte, &c. Now followeth the composition of the perfume: 1. The first is called in Hebrew, nabaph, which signifieth a drop distilling: R. David, Vatablus, Oleaster, take it for balm, which distilleth from the tree: some for storax liquida, liquid storax. But liquid things could not be beaten to powder, as this was, vers. 36. Some interpret it pure myrrh, Genevens. But that was prescribed before for the oyntment, called there mar. Rab. Salomon thinketh it was a kinde of gum. But there is great difference betweene stacte and gum: it was therefore the distilling of myrrh, indurata, being hardned, Lippom. Which the Septuagint called before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the flower of myrrh, Simler.

* 1.4452. The next is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sh••cheleth, which Oleaster would derive of shachal, a Lion, or Cat a mountaine, the sweat or ordure whereof is of great savour: that which we call muske. R. David, and Papias take it for the root of a certaine odoriferous and fragrant herbe. But the most thinke it to be a little shell, like unto a small oyster or cockle, of the bignesse and colour of ones naile: which is found in India in the lakes, where nardus groweth, where the small shelfish doe feed of nardus, and thereupon the shels become to be of an excellent sweet smell, Dioscorides lib. 2. cap. 20. So Lyranus, Tostat. Pelargus. Some take it for cleare gum, Genevens. But that is not so apt to be beaten and pounded. Vatablus calleth it ungulam ca∣bellinam, or aromaticum, which he taketh for a certaine spice, in colour and smoothnesse, like unto a naile. But I preferre the third opinion, which is of the most received; that take it for a certaine shell, about the bignesse of the shell of the purple fish, Borrhaius.

* 1.4463. Then followeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, chelbenah, which receiveth the same name in the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in Latine galbanum. Lyranus is deceived, who deriveth it of gala, which signifieth milke in the Greeke tongue: whereas it commeth of cheleb, an Hebrew word, which signifieth fatnes, or, chalab, milke, Olea∣ster. The first rather: it seemeth to be the juice or fatnesse distilling from some tree, Oleaster: not of strong and evill savour, as R. Salomon: for then it had beene unfit to make a perfume of. Some thinke it the juice of an herbe called fecula, like unto fennell, Tostat. Gloss. ordinar. But the notation of the word be∣ing derived of cheleb, fatnesse, sheweth Oleasters opinion to be more probable. This galbanum hath very soveraigne properties, it is good against the cough, the falling-sicknesse, bruises, the smoake thereof dri∣veth away serpents, Lippoman.

* 1.4474. The fourth is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lebonah, which retaineth the same name in the Greeke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Septuagint here translate: it is incense, frankincense. Some thinke it is called in Greeke libanum, of the hill Liba∣nus in Arabia, not of Libanus in Phenicia, where the tall Cedars grow, Gloss. interlinear. But it commeth of laban, the Hebrew word, which signifieth white, Oleaster. This frankincense commeth out of the tree, by cutting of the barke thereof, Dioscorid. lib. 1. cap. 83. it groweth in Arabia, much like unto the maple tree in quality: nascitur in Arabia ad aceris qualitatem. Unto this is added an epithite, zaccah, that is, pure, which the Latine Translater readeth, thus lucidissimum, the bright or cleare incense, which is the best with∣out any mixture, which is called thus masculinum, the male frankincense, which is like unto a light white round stone, Tostat.

QUEST. XXXIX. What is understood here by the word sammim, spices.

Vers. 34. THese spices with pure frankincense. 1. Some joyne the word sammim, spices, with galbanum, going before: reading thus, and sweet galbanum. So Hierom, Tostat. Lyranus, Lippom. Be∣cause they say, galbanum when it is old loseth his savour: but there is an Hebrew distinction over chelbe∣mah, galbanum, which letteth, that it cannot be joyned with the word following. 2. Some referre it to the spices spoken of before in the first composition of the ointment: but they were of a divers nature, they were of a liquid substance to make an ointment of; these of a dry quality, fit to be made into powder. 3. Tostatus taketh it for a certaine composition of divers kindes of spices, as it is said, Genes. 37.25. that the Camels of the Ishmaelites were laden with aromata, spicerie: but beside, the word there used, necoth, is divers from sammim, the word here translated spices: these were no compounded confections here pre∣scribed, but the simples, because every one must be beaten by it selfe alone, as it followeth in the end of the verse. 4. Iunius interpreteth it, nardi folia cum spicis, the leaves of nard with the spike: because, as Plinie writeth, it is the most excellent among sweet ointments, lib. 12. cap. 12. and not onely the eare or cod of nard, but the very leaves also are of most fragrant smell: so the generall name of spices, or spicery he would have given unto it, because of the excellencie. But nard, or spikenard, is a liquid ointment, such as the wo∣man powred upon the head of our Saviour, Mark. 14.3. it was therefore fitter to make the liquid oint∣ment before spoken of, than a dry perfume. 5. Wherefore Vatablus reading seemeth to be the best, who referreth it to the severall sweet odors before mentioned, namely, stacte, galbanum, onych••, these spices with pure myrrh.

QUEST. XL. Of the composicion and manner of making this perfume.

Vers. 34. EVery one by it selfe alone. 1. The most reade, of each like weight, so the Latine, Chalde, Septua∣gint, Pagnin. But bad. which commeth of badad, signifieth alone, as it is said of the leprous person, Levit. 19.46. badad jesheb, he shall sit or dwell alone, Oleaster. The meaning then is, that these spices which make the perfume should be beaten and pounded by themselves alone, not tempered with oile, as the other were that went to the making of the ointment, Iun. Vatab. The quantity is not expres∣sed, because he was to take of every one alike (the Hebrewes say of each 70. pound, but it is their conje∣cture only) and not in divers proportions, as the other spices were prescribed to be, whereof the ointment was compounded.

2. They must be made by the art of the Apochecary, the word is rokach, which was used before in the composition of the ointment: the Latine translateth, unguentarii, of the ointment maker, but not pro∣perly: for it was to be made rather by the perfumer, than maker of ointments: the word therefore is generall, and signifieth a confectioner or compounder of such things, pigmentarii, Iun. Which is fitly translated an Apothecary, who deales as well with powders and perfumes, as with ointments and ele∣ctuaries.

3. They must be mingled. The word is memulach, which properly signifieth salitum, salted, Iunius; that is, mingled, as salt is with those things which are salted. The perfume then must be salted, that is, tem∣pered or powdred as salt, one kinde with another, Oleaster.

4. They must be mingled together, and yet pure. The word tahor, pure, is taken three wayes: 1. It signifieth that which is of a simple nature, without any composition at all: so God is said to be a pure spi∣rit. 2. That is pure, which is not mixed with any thing of another kinde: as wine is said to be pure, when it is not mingled with water. 3. That is pure, which hath no impurity, corruption, or uncleanenesse in it, and in this sense, this perfume is said to be pure, that is, perfect and purified without any drosse, Tostat. quaest. 15.

QUEST. XLI. The spirituall application of this incense.

THis holy perfume compounded of these foure kinds of spices, stacte, onyche, galbanum, incense. 1. Gre∣gorie applieth to the foure morall vertues: for there is no vertue, si mixta aliis virtutibus non est, if it be not mixed with other vertues. 2. Isidore by these foure understandeth the foure elements: by fran∣kincense, the aire; by stacte, the water; by galbanum, the earth; by onyche, the fire:* 1.448 which sheweth that the incense of praise must be offered unto God, and his glory set forth in all his creatures. 3. But most proper∣ly this incense and perfume signifieth our prayers, as the Prophet David applieth it, Psal. 141. 2. And the odors are expounded to be the prayers of the Saints, Apoc. 8.3. 4. These odors must be beaten to powder, which signifieth the contrition of heart, Borrh. Oportet nos in minutias secare peccata; Wee must divide our sinnes into small peeces, that is, confesse them particularly unto God, Procop. 5. And as this perfume was only to be offered unto God, so our prayers must only be directed unto him, Osiander.

QUEST. XLII. How the Lord talked with Moses in the Mercie seat, whether in any visible shape.

Vers. 36. WHere I will meet with thee, &c. 1. That is, in the Arke of the Testimony before mentio∣ned, not in the Altar of incense, because as Lyranus saith, the voice of the Lord was heard from the Mercie seat thither; for neither did it belong unto Moses, but unto Aaron, to offer incense, and the Lord used to speake unto Moses, not from the Altar of incense, but from the Mercie seat, Numb. 7.89. Tostat. quaest. 16. 2. But though in this he correcteth Lyranus upon good ground, yet he himselfe is more grossely deceived, that Moses, who was privileged at all times to goe into the most holy place, videbat ef∣figiem, qu•• apparebat in propitiatorio, &c. he saw a certaine shape, which appeared in the Mercie seat, which was an Angell in a bodily appearance. And for this cause, he saith, the high Priest when he went into the most holy place, was with a cloud of incense to cover the Mercie seat, Levit. 16.13. that the Angell in that visible shape might not be seene, Tostat. qu. 17. Contra. 1. God could frame a voice from the Mercy seat, without any such visible apparition: therefore it is superfluous to imagine any such. 2. Neither is it more like, that Moses saw any image in the most holy place, than he did in mount Horeb, Deut. 4.15. 3. The cloud of incense was to cover the Mercie sea••, not to that end, but for reverence of the place, that the high Priest should not gaze upon Gods seat.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. That it is lawfull to number the people upon just occasion.

Vers. 12. WHen thou takest the sum of the children of Israel, &c. It is not then unlawfull for Princes to take the numbers of their people, either to make choice of such as are fit for warre, or for the imposition of moderate and necessary taxes and subsidies: As here this people are numbred to levy a certaine summe toward the maintenance of the Tabernacle. Servius Bullus is noted to have beene the first that brought in this order of summing and mustering the people in the Romane Common∣wealth: which as a politike device may safely be reteined now of Christian Magistrates▪ so that they do it not with ostentation, as rejoycing in the numbers of the people, and as it were placing their confidence therein: which was Davids fault, when he caused Ioab to number the people, 2 Sam. 24. Simler. But Kings, when they see their people to multiply and increase, may thereby be stirred up to give the praise unto God; as the Wise-man saith, In the multitude of the people is the honour of a King: and for want of peo∣ple commeth the destruction of the Prince, Prov. 14.28.

2. Doct. God is no accepter of persons.

Vers. 15. THe rich shall not passe, and the poore shall not diminish from halfe a sicle. This sheweth that God is no accepter of persons: that the poore as well as the rich doe belong unto him: therefore God would have the poore to pay as much as the rich, lest they might have thought themselves to be lesse deare in Gods sight. So the Apostle saith, There is neither Iew, nor Grecian, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female, for ye are all one in Christ Iesus, Galath. 3.28. Marbach.

3. Doct. The Ministers of the word are to be competently maintained.

Vers. 16. ANd put it to the use of the Tabernacle. Here the common charge of the Tabernacle, and the things thereunto belonging lieth upon the contribution of the people: which sheweth how ready and carefull all sorts of men ought to be in maintenance of the Lords house: for he that is borne to inherit heaven, must thinke himselfe borne to maintaine ••he meanes that lead us unto heaven. Men are carefull to maintaine their labouring beasts, which worke for their corporall food: as the Apostle to this purpose alleageth that text out of the Law: Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the oxe, that trea∣deth out the corne, 1 Cor. 9.9. much more should the Ministers of Gods word be maintained, which labour for the food of our soules. To this purpose B. Babingt.

5. Places of controversie.

1. Controv. Against the invocation of Saints.

Vers. 8. THe perfume shall be perpetually before the Lord, &c. As this perfume was only to be censed to the Lord, which signifieth the prayers of the Saints: so God only through Christ must be in∣vocated; this honour must not be given unto any other, Simler. for God only must be beleeved upon: as our blessed Saviour saith, Yee beleeve in God, beleeve also in mee, Ioh. 14.1. And men cannot call on him, in whom they have not beleeved, Rom. 10.14.

2. Controv. Against superstitious censing of Churches.

NOw seeing that this perfume and incense was a type of the spirituall sacrifices and prayers of the faithfull, Psal. 141.2. Apocal. 8.3. which types and figures are now ceased: the superstition here of the Romanists and Grecians is discovered, that use censers and censing still in their Churches: not as a ci∣vill thing for reverence and decencie, but as a part of their religious service: which seeing it is now abro∣gate with other shadowes, the body being come, Coloss. 2.17. I say with Gallasius, Caret testimoni•• verbi, & merum hominis commentum est; It wanteth the testimony of the word, and is a meere device of man.

3. Controv. Of the superstitious use of washing the hands among the Romanists.

Vers. 21. SO they shall wash their hands, &c. The Romanists have the like use, who when they addresse themselves to consecrate the host, and to approach unto the Altar, doe wash their fingers, muttering these words of the Prophet David, Psal. 26.6. I will wash mine hands in innocencie, O Lord, and compasse thine Altar. The like fashion was retained among the Gentiles, among whom it was counted an impious thing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with unwashen hands to handle holy things. But this outward ceremony did not make the idolatrous service of the Heathen acceptable: so neither is the superstitious worship of the Romanists thereby justified: who while they wash their hands, coenam Christi profanant, &c. doe profane Christs supper, and take away the fruitfull application and efficacie of his death, by instituting a new sacri∣fice, Gallas. And as Pilate washed his hands, yet delivered Christ over to be crucified: so they wash their hands, and yet doe crucifie Christ daily in the Masse, in offering him up still in sacrifice.

4. Controv. Against the superstitious Chrisme of the Romanists.

Vers. 29. ANd thou shalt make of it the oile of holy ointment, &c. This holy ointment was a type and fi∣gure of the spirituall ointment, the graces and gifts of Gods spirit, which should be shed up∣on the faithfull: the Romanists then in consecrating Chrisme mixed with balme to anoint their Bishops and Priests, se veteris legis sacerdotes, non ministr••s Christi profitentur, doe professe themselves to be Priests of the Law, nor Ministers of the Gospell, Gallas. And after this manner doe they consecrate their Chrisme: first the mitred Bishop muttereth certaine charmes and inchanted words over the Chrisme, and then bloweth upon it: and after him come in their order twelve Priests standing by, who likewise breath over the Chrisme: then the Bishop useth certaine exorcismes with prayers, wherein he maketh mention of Moses, Aaron, David, the Prophets, Martyrs, praying that this Chrisme may have power to conferre the like gifts, as they had. Then he putteth to a little balme, and at the last boweth himselfe to the Chrisme, with these words: Ave sanctum Chrisma; All haile holy Chrisme. The like doe all the Priests in their order: and so they make an Idoll of their Chrisme, ex Gallasio. But thus to consecrate their Chrisme, they never learned of Christ, nor his Apostles. Saint Iohn sheweth what is the ointment, and anointing of Chri∣stians: Yee have an ointment from him, which is holy, 1 Epist. 2.20. And vers. 27. The ointment or Chrisme, which ye received of him, dwelleth in you, &c. and the same Chrisme or ointment teacheth you all things, &c. Wee have received no other ointment or Chrisme of Christ, but the graces of the Spirit, which are be∣stowed upon the faithfull.

6. Morall Observations.

1. Observ. To come to the Sacraments with prepared affections.

Vers. 19. AAron and his sonnes shall wash their hands and feet thereat, when they goe unto the Altar. This washing of the hands and feet, teacheth men, ut cautiore cura actus suos & cogitatus discu∣tiant, &c. that they should carefully examine, and purge their acts and thoughts, and so come to be made partakers of the holy Sacraments: remembring what Saint Paul saith, 1 Cor. 11.29. He that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his owne damnation, Beda. This washing of the hands and feet therefore sheweth, with what preparation and diligent examination we should come into Gods presence. Augustine saith well: Si macula in veste aut corpore apparet, non audes intrare, si vero sordida mens & con∣scientia, nihil times, &c. If there be a spot in thy body, or rayment, thou darest not goe in, but if thy minde and conscience be filthy and uncleane, thou fearest nothing, &c. Thus the Preacher admonisheth, Take heed unto thy feet, when thou entrest into the house of God, Eccles. 4.17. By the feet he understandeth the af∣fections, wherewith the soule is carried, as the body with feet.

2. Observ. Against the contempt of the Ministerie.

Vers. 32. YE shall not make any composition like unto it. Which therefore is commanded, that holy things be not prophaned: Neve Ecclesiasticum Ministerium ludibrio & contemptui hominum expo∣natur: And that the Ecclesiasticall Ministerie be not exposed to the scorne and contempt of men, Lip∣poman. As it is in the Psalm. 105.15. Touch not mine anointed, and doe my Prophets no harme. Which sheweth their great prophanenesse, who both speake and thinke basely of the Ministers of the Gospell, and despise the vocation of the Ministery, and hold it as a base thing; wherein men doe bewray their prophane and unbeleeving heart, who can have no great hope of salvation, despising the meanes whereby they should be brought thither.

3. Observ. Against flattery: in giving divine titles unto men.

Vers. 37. YOu shall not make any composition like this perfume. Precibus & landibus Divinis non debemus uti in adulationibus humanis; Wee must not use the praises of God in humane flatterings, Gloss. ordinar. As the people that gave applause unto Herod, saying, it was the voice of God, and not of man, Act. 12. Basil also giveth this note, Quicun{que} bene agit, Deo non sibi adscribat; He that doth well, let him ascribe it unto God, and not to himselfe. And so accordingly I yeeld unto thy divine Majesty, most gracious God and heavenly Father, all bounden thankes through our blessed Lord Christ Jesus, that it hath pleased thy divine goodnesse thus far to strengthen and assist mee thy unworthy servant, and weake instrument, in this worke, trusting to the same gracious helpe for the finishing and accomplishing of the same to thy glory, Amen.

The end of the first booke of the second part, or tome of this Commentarie upon Exodus.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The difference of filiall and servile feare.
• * 1.2

  ••yr••l. conera. Iulian. l b. 8.
• * 1.3

  Heresies con∣cerning the Trinity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fi••st manden••▪
• * 1.4

  Of divers•• kindes of faith.
• * 1.5

  James 2.19.
• * 1.6

  Synops. pap. pag. 879.
• * 1.7

  Divers reasons shewing, that justifying faith i•• not com∣manded or contained in the Morall law.
• * 1.8

  Of the starres.
• * 1.9

  Of the Beasts.
• * 1.10

  Of Fishes.
• * 1.11

  Whether the waters be un∣der or above the earth.
• * 1.12

  See more of this question, Synops. pap. pag. 400.
• * 1.13

  Of oathes made to ene∣mies.
• * 1.14

  Of oathes made to theeves.
• * 1.15

  Of unlawfull oathes.
• * 1.16

  Objections answered, made in de∣fences of swea∣ring by Saints.
• * 1.17

  Lib. de art•• amandi.
• * 1.18

  The difference betweene the Sabbath of the Jewes and Christians.
• * 1.19

  Chrysost. in serm. ad popul. Antioch. pro gratiarum actione.
• * 1.20

  Thom. 1.2. q. 100. art. 7. ad. 2. & distinct. 37. art. 2. q. 1. ad. 3.
• * 1.21

  Reconcil▪
• * 1.22

  Upon what occasion some works are al∣lowed to be done upon the Lords day.
• * 1.23

  Divers kinds of rests in the soule.
• * 1.24

  Gregor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣gistr••. lib. 11. Epist. ••.
• * 1.25

  Chrysost. concion. de Lazaro.
• * 1.26

  Reconcil.
• * 1.27

  Thom. in opuscul.
• * 1.28

  Whether Na∣both did well in not yeelding his vineyard to the Kings de∣sire.
• * 1.29

  What it is to call the bro∣ther Racha.
• * 1.30

  It is proved lawfull by the Word of God, for Christians to wage bat∣tell.
• * 1.31

  The conditi∣ons required in lawfull warre.
• * 1.32

  August. in lib. de 10. chord. cap. 9.
• * 1.33

  Of slandering.
• * 1.34

  Of railing.
• * 1.35

  Of whispering and tale bea∣ring.
• * 1.36

  Of flattery.
• * 1.37

  Of lying.
• * 1.38

  Confession of the truth.
• * 1.39

  To interpret things in the best part.
• * 1.40

  The difference of good and bad suspition.
• * 1.41

  A lye in the case is to be admitted.
• * 1.42

  Reasons shew∣ing the last precept of co∣veting to be one, and not two.
• * 1.43

  Of the de∣grees to be considered in sinne.
• * 1.44

  Difference be∣tweene the full assent of the will, and an in∣clination only.
• * 1.45

  The divers kindes of con∣cupiscence.
• * 1.46

  Of the cere∣moniall law.
• * 1.47

  Of the judiciall law.
• * 1.48

  How the Mo∣rall law bin∣deth.
• * 1.49

  How the law is possible to bee kept in the re∣generate.
• * 1.50

  How it is im∣possible to be kept in the re∣generate.
• * 1.51

  Difference be∣tweene the sinnes of the regenerate and unregenerate.
• * 1.52

  Of the true end and use of the law.
• a 1.53

  Juel. defens. Apolog. pag. 59.
• a 1.54

  Juel. defens. Apolog. pag. 59.
• a 1.55

  Juel. defens. Apolog. pag. 59.
• a 1.56

  Juel. defens. Apolog. pag. 59.
• * 1.57

  How God him∣selfe neither can not will dispense with his owne law.
• * 1.58

  It is not in mans power to dispense with the Mo∣rall law, though God may dis∣pense.
• * 1.59

  A strange ex∣ample of Gods judgement shewed upon three excessive drinkers, in lit∣tle Eason in Essex the 27. of December last.
• * 1.60

  Reconcil.
• * 1.61

  Of two kindes of high places.
• * 1.62

  Three kindes of wayes is the soule joyned to the body.
• * 1.63

  R. Parkes his strong positi∣ons of compre∣hending the Godhead: Apolog. pag. 204.20.
• * 1.64

  I. A. P.
• * 1.65

  I.B.G. cum caeter. I.V.A. I.
• * 1.66

  I.A.
• * 1.67

  I.A.
• * 1.68

  I.B.V.G.
• * 1.69

  Oblation of in∣cense, a meere ceremony of the old Law, and therefore cannot be re∣tained under the Gospell.
• * 1.70

  Moses Judicials rather to be imitated, than any other hu∣mane constitu∣tions.
• * 1.71

  What was to ••e done, if a ••an should fall into the pit.
• * 1.72

  The ori••••nall and beginning of Sanctuaries.
• * 1.73

  How Sanctua∣ries should be moderated▪
• * 1.74

  I.
• * 1.75

  I.L.C.
• * 1.76

  I.C.S.
• * 1.77

  I.V. A.
• * 1.78

  V.I.A.P.B.
• * 1.79

  Thom. 1.2. q. 105. art. 2. ad.
• * 1.80

  Cod lib. 4. tit. 34. leg. 1.
• * 1.81

  Cod. lib. 4. tit 34. c. 10. Diocletian. Cod. lib. 4. tit. 34. c. 11.
• * 1.82

  Ibid. leg. 7.
• * 1.83

  Cod. lib. 4. tit. 34 c. 3.
• * 1.84

  Thom. 1.2. qu. 105. art. 2. ad. 3.
• * 1.85

  The keeper in trust is not to answer for casualties.
• * 1.86

  Cod. lib. 4. tit. 23. leg. 1. Diocleti••••.
• * 1.87

  Cod. lib. 4. tit. 23. leg. 1.
• * 1.88

  1.2. q. 105. art. 2. ad. 4.
• * 1.89

  Cod. lib. 4. tit. 23. d. 4.
• * 1.90

  Institut. de public. judit. § secundo. Extra de adulter. in capit. perve∣••i••••▪
• * 1.91

  qu. 8. in 7. ••. p. 7••.
• * 1.92

  Objections made in the excuse of witches, an∣swered.
• * 1.93

  Cod. lib. 9. tit. 1••. leg. 4.
• * 1.94

  2 King. 1.
• * 1.95

  Caus. 26. q. 5. c. 18. Caus. 26. q. 7. c. 15.
• * 1.96

  Caus. 26. q. 2. c. 6.
• * 1.97

  Ibid. c. 7. Ibid. q. 5. c. 4.
• * 1.98

  Caus. 26. q. 5. c. 3.
• * 1.99

  Reasons shew∣ing the equity of this law a∣gainst witches.
• * 1.100

  4 D. 34. ad. 3. in Ser.
• * 1.101

  Cod. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 18. leg. 2. Ibid. leg. 3. Ibid. leg. ••▪
• * 1.102

  2.2. q. 154. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 12. ad. 4.
• * 1.103

  Lib. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. ••.
• * 1.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. de exhortat. Mar∣tyr. c. 5. cited in the Decrees. Caus. 23. q. 5. c. 32.
• * 1.105

  Epistol. 40. ad Vincent••um, cited, C. 23. q. 4. c. 41.
• * 1.106

  Plat. lib. ••5. de legib.
• * 1.107

  August. in Psal. 36. cited, C. 14. qu. 3. c. 1 sess. 10. sub Leon. 10.
• a 1.108

  Cod. lib. 3. tit. 32. log. 12. super verb. centesimae.
• b 1.109

  Lib. 7. tit. 5••. leg. 2.
• c 1.110

  Lib. 4. tit. 32. leg. 26. super verb. tertium.
• d 1.111

  Ibid.
• e 1.112

  Lib. 6. tit. 34. leg. 1. super hae∣redes.
• f 1.113

  Cod. lib. 3. tit. 32. leg. 12. in verb. centesimae.
• g 1.114

  Concil. Laodi∣cen. c. 5. Cod. lib. 7. tit. 47. leg. 1. super verb. cum pr•• eo, &c.
• * 1.115

  Hom. 38. super Matth.
• * 1.116

  Chrysost. ibid cited, Decret. 88. c. 11.
• * 1.117

  Lib. de Tobiae C. 15. cited, c. 14. q. 3 c. 12. Ad Macedoni∣um epist. 5•• cited, c. 14. q. 3. c. ••1.
• * 1.118

  Iulii. 1. Decret. 1.
• * 1.119

  Concil. Aga∣thens. c. 69.
• * 1.120

  Concil Latera∣nens part. 16. c. 1.
• * 1.121

  Later••nens. part. 16. c. 3.
• * 1.122

  Opusc••l. tripar. tit. lib. 3. c. 51.
• * 1.123

  Decret. Mar∣tin.
• * 1.124

  Synod. H••••de∣shemn. s. c. 46.
• * 1.125

  Synod. Hi••de∣shem. ibid.
• * 1.126

  Comment. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exech. lib. 6. c. 18. Concil. Nicen. c 17. cited, di∣stinct. 47. c. 2.
• * 1.127

  Concil. Viennens. Concil. Tarro∣conens. c. 3. Concil. Latera∣nens. part. 16. c. 1.
• * 1.128

  Certaine cases rehearsed, wherein a mo∣derate gaine above the principall, is not unlawfull.
• * 1.129

  Cod. lib. 4 tit. 34▪ leg. 2. Gard 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.130

  Ibid. tit. 65. leg 17. ••••••••••letian. Cod. lib. 5. ti•• 11. leg. ••. Gardian.
• * 1.131

  Certaine con∣siderations, which make the receiving of some gaine by the loane of money, not unlawfull.
• a 1.132

  Cod. Theodos. lib. 2 tit. de usur. leg. 1.
• b 1.133

  C. 17. cited distinct. 47. c. 2.
• * 1.134

  Calvin. Com∣ment. in hunc locum.
• * 1.135

  Ambros ser. ••••. distinct. 47. c. ••.
• * 1.136

  1 Tim. 6.18.
• * 1.137

  Leo 1. Epist. 1▪ Ca••. 4.
• * 1.138

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 1••. in Exo.
• * 1.139

  Lib. 9. contr. Iulian.
• * 1.140

  Cyril. lib. 7. cont. Iulian.
• * 1.141

  Gregor. in •• Reg. cap. 6.
• * 1.142

  In registro epist. 75.
• * 1.143

  Lib. 1••. super Ioan. cap. 19.
• * 1.144

  Lib. 4. Epistol. Epist. 9.
• * 1.145

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.146

  Lib. 4. Epistol. Epist. 9.
• * 1.147

  Thom. 2.2. q. 86. art. 4. in Cor. & ••.
• * 1.148

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ibid. qu. ••••. art. 3. ad▪ 3.
• * 1.149

  In 45. cap. Eze∣chiel.
• * 1.150

  Serm. 2.19▪
• * 1.151

  Malach. 2.2, 3, 4.
• * 1.152

  In Malach.
• * 1.153

  In quaestionibus super Numeros.
• * 1.154

  1.2. q. 502. art. 3. addu. 7.
• * 1.155

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.156

  Synops. Cantur. 3. err. 93. p. 705.
• * 1.157

  Qu. 15. in 2••. cap. Exod.
• * 1.158

  Lib. contra De∣metrian. Synops. centur. 2. err. 44. pag. 401.
• * 1.159

  2.2. q. 87. art. 1. in Cor.
• * 1.160

  Synops. Centur. 1. err. 81.
• * 1.161

  Synops. Centur. 1. contr. 5. qu. 6.
• * 1.162

  Lib. 2. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 op••rib. c. 15.
• * 1.163

  I. A. B.
• * 1.164

  I.
• * 1.165

  I.
• * 1.166

  I.B. cum ca∣ter.
• * 1.167

  I.A.P.
• * 1.168

  ••.2. q. 70. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. in c••r.
• * 1.169

  Lib. 1. Rhetorie.
• * 1.170

  In hom. sancter. Joan. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.171

  2.2. q. 64. art. 6. respo••s. ad 3. argum.
• * 1.172

  The question resolved, that a Judge must not give sen∣tence against his private knowledge.
• * 1.173

  Prov. 24.12.
• * 1.174

  In Psalm. 25.
• * 1.175

  9. Moral. c. 2••.
• * 1.176

  It is not law∣full, no not to buy or sell Ju∣stice in a good cause.
• * 1.177

  De vita Christia∣n••.
• * 1.178

  In Epistol. ad Colossens. cap. 2.
• * 1.179

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.180

  In Amo•• cap.
• * 1.181

  Augustin. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.182

  cap. 12. qu. 2.
• * 1.183

  2.1. qu. 102. art. 4. ad. 10.
• * 1.184

  In 2. Tim. cap. 1. ••om. 1.
• * 1.185

  Lib. 7. Moral. cap. 17.
• * 1.186

  Iun. Ann. in 1 Sam. 7.14.
• * 1.187

  1 Sam. 6.1.
• * 1.188

  Quaest ••0. in Exod.
• * 1.189

  Quaest. 90. in Exod.
• * 1.190

  Quaest. 91. in Exod.
• * 1.191

  Quaest. 93. in Exod.
• * 1.192

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 23.13.
• * 1.193

  Rom. 12.18.
• * 1.194

  Act. 24.10. and 25.6.
• * 1.195

  Iohn 3.20.
• * 1.196

  In Epistol. ad Galat. cap. 5.
• * 1.197

  Contra Adimant. cap. 17.
• * 1.198

  1 Cor. 11.30.32.
• * 1.199

  Iob. 14.5.
• * 1.200

  Prov. 21.2••▪
• * 1.201

  I.V.B. cum cater.
• * 1.202

  I.B. cum ca∣ter.
• * 1.203

  I.B. cum cae∣ter. I.V.
• * 1.204

  I.V.A.S.
• * 1.205

  In 5. cap, E••cl••▪ siast.
• * 1.206

  31. Moral▪ cap. 19.
• * 1.207

  Reconciliat.
• * 1.208

  Iun. in paralel. sacr. Reconcil.
• * 1.209

  In epistol. ad Hebr. cap. 9.
• * 1.210

  In epistol. ad Hebr. cap. 9.
• * 1.211

  In 9. cap. epist. ad Hebr.
• * 1.212

  Epistol. 2. ad Simpliciunt.
• * 1.213

  1 Sam. 11.7.
• * 1.214

  Chron. c. 4.7.
• * 1.215

  Luk. 22▪
• * 1.216

  Ephes. 4.8.
• * 1.217

  Cyprian. de jejun. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.218

  1 Cor. 11.17.23.
• * 1.219

  2 Cor. 14.6.
• * 1.220

  Hierom. ad Avitum. August. lib. 2. de Trinitat. c. 8.9.
• * 1.221

  18. Moralium cap. 36.
• * 1.222

  Matth. 5.8. 1 Ioh. 3.2.
• * 1.223

  In Esa. cap. 7. Augustin. For∣tunation. Epist. de videndo Deo.
• * 1.224

  1 Tim. 6.16.
• * 1.225

  1 Tim. 1.1••.
• * 1.226

  R. 〈…〉〈…〉 p. 202.204. August. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Epist. 112.
• * 1.227

  Exod. ••.1••.
• * 1.228

  Lib. de jejun. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.229

  G. I.B.G. &c.
• * 1.230

  G.B. cum caeter.
• * 1.231

  B.G. cum caeter.
• * 1.232

  I.G.
• * 1.233

  August. cont. Adimant. cap. 10. tom. 6.
• * 1.234

  2 Cor. 6.16▪
• * 1.235

  De interior. D••••. cap. 6.
• * 1.236

  In Epist. 1. ad Corinth. cap. 3. ••••ct. 3.
• * 1.237

  Genes. 50.16. 2 King. 12.10.
• * 1.238

  ••ebr. 9.
• * 1.239

  Lib. 10. decivit. Dei cap. 17.
• * 1.240

  In app••rat. de mensur. s••cris.
• * 1.241

  Riber. de Temp••▪ lib. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.242

  Lib. 3. Antiq•••• cap. 6. Lib de Templ. fabric. in appa∣rat.
• * 1.243

  Iunius in his Parallel. Riber. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••. d•• templ. c. ••.
• * 1.244

  Lib. de Clavi••. script. clav. 2. Annot. 1 King. 8.9. Ioseph. lib. 3. Antiq. cap. 6. & lib. 8. c. 2.
• * 1.245

  Lib. 2. de templ. cap. 2.
• * 1.246

  In pastoral. p. 2. cap. 11. 〈…〉〈…〉 4. super 〈…〉〈…〉 p. 28.
• * 1.247

  Qu••st. in Exod. ••05.
• * 1.248

  In 10. Ezech. & e••ist. 103. ad Paul.
• * 1.249

  Hieron. ad Marc••••l.
• * 1.250

  Lib. 3. Antiq••▪ cap. 6.
• * 1.251

  De arcae fabrica.
• * 1.252

  Epist. 143. ••d Damasum. Psal. 80.1. and 99.1.
• * 1.253

  Lib. 2. de templ. cap. 6.
• * 1.254

  Quaest. 18. in Exod. 25.
• * 1.255

  ••. King. ••.14.
• * 1.256

  Mark. ••.2••▪
• * 1.257

  Isay 37.14
• * 1.258

  Quaest. 105. in Exodum.
• * 1.259

  Super Ezech. homil. 6. Rom. 3.25.
• * 1.260

  De incarnat. ••nigen. cap. 13. 1 Iohn 1.2.
• * 1.261

  2 Macchab. cap. 2.5.
• * 1.262

  Riber. de tempi lib. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.263

  Quaest. 27. in Exod. 25.
• * 1.264

  Lib. 2. de templ. cap. 1••.
• * 1.265

  •• Chron. 4.8.
• * 1.266

  In cap. 10. Malach. 3. Antiquit. c. 10.
• * 1.267

  Lib. 3. Antiqu.
• * 1.268

  Lib. 2. de templ. cap. 10.
• * 1.269

  Lib. 3. Antiqu. cap 3.
• * 1.270

  Riber. lib. 2. de Templ. ••. 12.
• * 1.271

  Lib. 8. Antiqu. cap. 2.
• * 1.272

  How Zacharies description and Moses agreeth toge∣ther.
• * 1.273

  Lib. 3. Antiq. cap. 8.
• * 1.274

  In Ezec••i••••. homil. 6.
• * 1.275

  Heb. 2.14▪
• * 1.276

  August. contra Adimant. c. 10.
• * 1.277

  1 Sam. ••.
• * 1.278

  Tostat. qu. 14. in 25. cap.
• * 1.279

  Orat. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jud••••s.
• * 1.280

  Quaest. 19. in c. 25. Exod.
• * 1.281

  Quaest. 30. i•• cap. 25.
• * 1.282

  ••••mil. 36. in 1. •••• Corinth.
• * 1.283

  G.I.
• * 1.284

  G.B.I.
• * 1.285

  I.A.P.
• * 1.286

  I.
• * 1.287

  I.V.
• * 1.288

  I.
• * 1.289

  1.••. qu. ••02. ar••. 4. in Cor. & ad 1.
• * 1.290

  De Tabernac. l. 2. c. 1. lect. 1.
• * 1.291

  Tostat. quaest. 6.
• * 1.292

  Quaest. 173. in Exod.
• * 1.293

  1.2. qu. 10••. art. 4. ad. 3.
• * 1.294

  Lib. 3. antiq. c. 5.
• * 1.295

  Lib. 3. de Anti∣quit. cap. 5.
• * 1.296

  Quaest. 107. in Exod.
• * 1.297

  Homil▪ 38.
• * 1.298

  25. Moral••••. 22.
• * 1.299

  Lib. 3. Antiq. c. 5.
• * 1.300

  Lib. 3. Antiq. ••. 6.
• * 1.301

  Quast. 173.
• * 1.302

  Lib. 28. moral. cap. 9.
• * 1.303

  Lib. 3. Antiq••. cap. 5.
• * 1.304

  Ribera lib. 1. de Templ. cap. 19.
• * 1.305

  Hebr. 8.7.
• * 1.306

  Quaest. in Exod. 111.
• * 1.307

  Homil. ••. de cruce & latrone.
• * 1.308

  Lib. 3. decultus Sanctor. cap. 3.
• * 1.309

  1 Pet. 2.5.
• * 1.310

  1 Cor. 14.26.
• * 1.311

  1 Pet. 3.3.
• * 1.312

  Iob. 42.5.
• * 1.313

  I.V.
• * 1.314

  I.B.V.
• * 1.315

  I.A.
• * 1.316

  Quaest. 113.
• * 1.317

  Quaest. 113. in Exod.
• * 1.318

  Lib. 3. Anti∣quit. cap. 7.
• * 1.319

  Matth. 23.19.
• * 1.320

  Lib. 2. de Temp••. cap. 20.
• * 1.321

  Lib. 3. de Anti∣quit. cap. 5.
• * 1.322

  Quaest. 7.
• * 1.323

  Iun. in Analys.
• * 1.324

  Lib. 3. de Anti∣quit. cap. 5.
• * 1.325

  Of the height.
• * 1.326

  Quaest. ultim. in Exod.
• * 1.327

  Of the di∣stance.
• * 1.328

  Whether the pillars were of brasse.
• * 1.329

  Ribera lib. 1. de Temp▪ cap. 34.
• * 1.330

  What the heads of the pillars were made of.
• * 1.331

  What the fil∣lets were which compas∣sed the pillars.
• * 1.332

  Of the sockets of the pillars, whether they were fastened unto the ground.
• * 1.333

  Quaest. ulti••▪ in Exod.
• * 1.334

  Lib 3. de antiq. cap. 5.
• * 1.335

  Lib. 2. de Temp. cap. 12.
• * 1.336

  ••n Psal. 10••.
• * 1.337

  August. super∣verba Christi Matt. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••.
• * 1.338

  Ribera lib. 1. de Templ. c. 34.
• * 1.339

  Augustine greatly de∣ceived in the description of the Taber∣nacle.
• * 1.340

  Quaest. 173. in Exod.
• * 1.341

  2 King. 16.
• * 1.342

  Lib. 5. de gratia cap. 9.
• * 1.343

  Cont. Vigilant. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.344

  Hom. 13. Levit. 2 Timoth. 5.17.
• * 1.345

  B.G.I.
• * 1.346

  B. G. I.
• * 1.347

  I.
• * 1.348

  B. I.
• * 1.349

  B.G.I. cum caeter.
• * 1.350

  G.A.I.
• * 1.351

  B.G. cum caeter. B.G.I.
• * 1.352

  Lib. 1. epistol. epist. 6.
• * 1.353

  Lib. ••. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.354

  Tho••. 1.2. qu. 103. ar. 5. ad. 9.
• * 1.355

  Lib. 3. de Temp. cap. 5. Lib. 3. de Antiq. cap. 8. Lib. 3. de Temp. cap. 5.
• * 1.356

  Lib. 11. de Antiq. I••daeorum c. 8.
• * 1.357

  Luk. 13.15.
• * 1.358

  Lib. 9. cap. 41.
• * 1.359

  Lib. 6. de bell. Iudaic. cap. 6.
• * 1.360

  Lib. 3. de sacri vestib. cap. 5••
• * 1.361

  Quaest. super Iudic. qu. 41.
• * 1.362

  Riber. lib. 3. de sacr. vestib. c. 10. Tostat. qu. 2.
• * 1.363

  Plinie lib. 37. cap. 6.
• * 1.364

  1. The Rubi••, or Sardi••••.
• * 1.365

  1. The Topaz••▪
• * 1.366

  3. The Car∣buncle, or Chrysolite.
• * 1.367

  ••. The Em∣raud, or Sma∣ragd.
• * 1.368

  5. The Saphir.
• * 1.369

  6. The Dia∣mond.
• * 1.370

  7. The Tur∣keis.
• * 1.371

  Riber. lib. 3. c. 1••▪
• * 1.372

  8. The Achate▪
• * 1.373

  9. The Ame∣thyst.
• * 1.374

  10. The Beryll.
• * 1.375

  11. The Onyx or Sardonyx.
• * 1.376

  12. The Iasper.
• * 1.377

  The twelve stones in the high Priests pectorall, com∣pared with the twelve stones, Apocal. 21.19.
• * 1.378

  Lib. 3. de vit. Mosis.
• * 1.379

  Lib. 3. de Antiq. cap. 4.
• * 1.380

  Harmon. in 1 Sam. cap. 28. quaest. 5.
• * 1.381

  1.2. qu. 102. ar▪ 5. ad. 9.
• * 1.382

  Suidas in di∣ctum. Ephod.
• * 1.383

  Lib. 3. de sacr. vestib. cap. 12.
• * 1.384

  2 King. 22.
• * 1.385

  1 Sam. 23.9.
• * 1.386

  Matth. 5.40.
• * 1.387

  1 Sam. 1.
• * 1.388

  Quaest. 119. in Exod.
• * 1.389

  Quaest. 120. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exod.
• * 1.390

  Homil. 6. in Le∣vit.
• * 1.391

  De bel. Iudaic. lib. 6. cap. 6. Riber. de vestib. sacr. l. 3. cap. 14.
• * 1.392

  1 2. qu. 102. art. 5. ad. 9.
• * 1.393

  Galath. 3.27. Ephes. 6.14.
• * 1.394

  2 King. 12.2▪
• * 1.395

  How far the Surplice may be u∣sed, & tole∣rated in di∣vine service.
• * 1.396

  Lib. 3. de sa••r. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••. 1••.
• * 1.397

  Athenaeus 〈…〉〈…〉 cap. 1•• Cael. lib. 6▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.398

  In regist. lib. 1. cap. 24.
• * 1.399

  I.
• * 1.400

  I.B.C.
• * 1.401

  I.A.
• * 1.402

  S.A.V.
• * 1.403

  I.A.C.
• * 1.404

  B.G.V.
• * 1.405

  B.G. cum caeter.
• * 1.406

  Quaest. 114.
• * 1.407

  Qu••st. 125.•••• Exod.
• * 1.408

  1.2. qu. 103.••. 3. ad 8.
• * 1.409

  Libel. de victi∣••••.
• * 1.410

  Lib. 4. de sacrif. cap. 1.
• * 1.411

  Basil. de vera Virgin.
• * 1.412

  Quaest. 127. in Exod.
• * 1.413

  Lib. 1. Moral. cap. 40.
• * 1.414

  Quaest. 1 29.
• * 1.415

  Heb. 13.••••▪
• * 1.416

  Lib. 2. epistol▪ epist. 3.
• * 1.417

  Serm. 2. & 3. de purific. ••eat. Mariae▪
• * 1.418

  Levit. 10.3.
• * 1.419

  1. p.q. 43. ar. 3. in Cor.
• * 1.420

  Gods blessing upon Ministers sonnes.
• * 1.421

  Distinct. 56. c. 2.
• * 1.422

  1 Tim. 3.3.
• * 1.423

  B.G.I. cum cater. B.I. cum ca∣ter. B.I. cum cae∣ter. B.G. cum caeter. G.I. cum cae∣ter. B. G. cum caeter.
• * 1.424

  I.B. cum cae∣ter. B. G. V.
• * 1.425

  I.
• * 1.426

  Ioseph. lib. 3. de Antiquit. cap. 5.
• * 1.427

  Lib. ••. de bell. Iudaic. cap. 6.
• * 1.428

  Quast. 173. i•• Exod.
• * 1.429

  Reconcil▪
• * 1.430

  Lib. 6. de b••ll, Iud. cap. 6.
• * 1.431

  Iosephus lib. 6. antiquit. cap. 2.
• * 1.432

  Quest. 134. in Exod.
• * 1.433

  Lib. 2. super Ioan.
• * 1.434

  In apparat. lib. de mensur. sacru.
• * 1.435

  Amos 8.5.
• * 1.436

  Reconcil.
• * 1.437

  Of the myrrh.
• * 1.438

  Of Cynamom
• * 1.439

  Calamus▪
• * 1.440

  Cassia.
• * 1.441

  Athenaeus lib. 1••. cap. 14.
• * 1.442

  Quaest. 135. in Exod.
• * 1.443

  What is meant here by stran∣ger, or strange thing.
• * 1.444

  Of stacte.
• * 1.445

  Of onytha.
• * 1.446

  Of galbanum.
• * 1.447

  Of frankin∣cense.
• * 1.448

  Lib. Moral. c. 39.