A discourse concerning a new world & another planet in 2 bookes.

The first Book.

That the Moone may be a World.

The first Proposition, by way of Preface.

That the strangenesse of this opinion is no sufficient reason why it should be reje∣cted, because other certaine truths have beene formerly esteemed ridiculous, and great absurdities entertained by com∣mon consent.

THere is an earnestnesse and hungering after noveltie, which doth still adhere unto all our natures, and it is part of that primitive image, that wide extent and infinite

capacity at first created in the heart of man. For this, since its depra∣vation in Adam, perceiving it felfe altogether emptied of any good, doth now catch after every new thing, conceiving that possibly it may finde satisfaction among some of its fellow creatures. But our ene∣mie the devill (who strives still to pervert our gifts, and beat us with our owne weapons) hath so contriv'd it, that any truth doth now seeme distastefull for that very reason, for which errour is entertain'd.. No∣velty. For let but some upstart here∣sie be set abroach, and presently there are some out of a curious hu∣mour; others, as if they watched an occasion of singularity, will take it up for canonicall, and make it part of their creede and profession; whereas solitary truth cannot any where find so ready entertainment; but the same Novelty which is esteemed the com∣mendation of errour, and makes that acceptable, is counted the fault of truth, and causes that to be rejected.

How did the incredulous World

gaze at Columbus, when hee promised to discover another part of the earth, and he could not for a long time, by his confidence, or arguments, induce any of the Christian Princes, either to assent unto his opinion, or goe to the charges of an experiment? Now if he, who had such good grounds for his assertion, could finde no better enter∣tainement among the wiser sort, and upper end of the World; 'tis not like∣ly then that this opinion which I now deliver, shall receive any thing from the men of these dayes, especially our vulgar wits, but misbeliefe or derision.

It hath alwayes beene the unhappi∣nesse of new truths in Philosophy, to be derided by those that are ignorant of the causes of things, and rejected by others, whose perversenesse ties them to the contrary opinion, men whose envious pride will not allow any new thing for truth, which they themselves were not the first inventors of. So that I may justly expect to be accused of a pragmaticall ignorance, & bold osten∣tation; especially since for this opinion Xenophanes, a man whose authority was

able to adde some credit to his asser∣tion, could not escape the like censure from others. For Natales Comes speak∣ing of that Philosopher,* 1.1 and this his opinion, saith thus, Nonulli ne nihil scisse videantur, aliqua nova monstra in Philosophiam introducunt, ut alicujus rei in∣ventores fuisse appareant.

Some there are who lest they might seeme to know nothing, will bring up mon∣strous absurdities in Philosophy, that so afterward they may be fa∣med for the invention of somewhat.

The same Author doth also in another place accuse Anaxagoras of folly for the same opinion.* 1.2 Est enim non ignobilis gradus stultitiae, vel si nescias quid dicas, ta∣men velle de rebus propositis hanc vel illam partem stabilire.

'Tis none of the worst kindes of folly, boldly to af∣firme one side or other, when a man knowes not what to say.

If these men were thus censur'd, I may justly then expect to be derided by most, and to be beleeved by few or none; especially since this opinion seemes to carry in it so much strange∣nesse, and contradiction to the gene∣rall

consent of others. But how ever, I am resolved that this shall not be any discouragement, since I know that it is not common opinion that can ei∣ther adde or detract from the truth. For,

1. Other truths have beene formerly esteemed altogether as ridiculous as this can be.

2. Grosse absurdities have beene en∣tertained by generall opinion.

I shall give an instance of each, that so I may the better prepare the Reader to consider things without a prejudice, when hee shall see that the common opposition against this which I affirme, cannot any way derogate from its truth.

1. Other truths have beene for∣merly accounted as ridiculous as this. I shall specifie that of the Antipodes, which have beene denied, and laught at by many wise men and great Schol∣lers,* 1.3 such as were Herodotus, Chryso∣stome, Austine, Lactantius, the venerable Bede, Lucretius the Poet, Procopius, and the voluminous Abulensis, together with all those Fathers or other Au∣thors

who denied the roundnesse of the heavens. Herodotus counted it so horrible an absurdity, that hee could not forbeare laughing to think of it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

I cannot choose but laugh, (saith he) to see so many men venture to de∣scribe the earths compasse, relating those things that are without all sense, as that the Sea flowes about the World, and that the earth it selfe is round as an Orbe.

But this great ignorance is not so much to be ad∣mired in him, as in those learneder men of later times, when all Sciences began to flourish in the World. Such were S^t. Chrysostome, who in his 14 Ho∣mily upon the Epistle to the Hebrewes, dos make a chalenge to any man that shall dare to defend that the heavens are round, and not rather as a tent. Thus likewise S^t. Austine, who cen∣sures that relation of the Antipodes to be an incredible fable;* 1.4 and with him agrees the eloquent Lactantius,* 1.5 Quid illi qui esse contrarios vestigiis nostris An∣tipodes

putant? num aliquid loquuntur? aut est quispiam tam ineptus, qui credat esse homines, quorum vestigia sunt superio∣ra quàm capita? aut ibi quae apud nos ja∣cent inversapendere? fruges & arbores de∣orsum versus crescere, pluvias & nives, & grandinem sursum versus cadere in ter∣ram? & miratur aliquis hortos pensiles inter septem mira narrari, quum Philoso∣phi, & agros & maria, & urbes & mon∣tes pensiles faciunt, &c.

What (saith he) are they that think there are Anti∣podes, such as walk with their feet against ours? doe they speake any likelihood? or is there any one so foolish as to beleeve that there are men whose heeles are higher than their heads? that things which with us doe lie on the ground, doe hang there? that the Plants and Trees grow downwards, that the haile, and raine, and snow fall upwards to the earth? and doe we admire the hang∣ing Orchards amongst the seven wonders, whereas here the Philo∣sophers have made the Field and Seas, the Cities & mountains hang∣ing?

What shall we think (saith hee

in Plutarch) that men doe cling to that place like wormes, or hang by their clawes as Cats? or if we suppose a man a little beyond the Center, to be dig∣ging with a spade, is it likely (as it must be according to this opinion) that the earth which hee loosened, should of it selfe ascend upwards? or else suppose two men with their middles about the Center, the feet of the one being placed where the head of the other is, and so two other men crosse them, yet all these men thus situated according to this opinion should stand upright, and many other such grosse consequences would follow (saith he) which a false imagination is not able to fancie as possible. Vpon which considerations, Bede also denies the being of any Antipodes,* 1.6 Neque enim Antipodarum ullatenus est Fabulis ac∣commodandus assensus,

Nor should we any longer assent to the Fable of An∣tipodes.

So also Lucretius the Poet speaking of the same subject, sayes,

Sed vanus stolidis haec omnia finxerit error.* 1.7

That some idle fancie faigned these

for fooles to beleeve. Of this opinion was Procopius Gazaeus, but hee was perswaded to it by another kinde of reason;* 1.8 for hee thought that all the earth under us was sunk in the water, according to the saying of the Psalmist,* 1.9 He hath founded the earth upon the Seas; and therefore hee accounted it not inhabited by any. Nay, Tostatus a man of later yeares and generall learning, doth also confidently deny that there are any such Antipodes, though the reason which hee urges for it, be not so absurd as the former; For the Apostles,* 1.10 saith hee, travelled through the whole habitable world, but they never passed the Equinocti∣all; and if you answer that they are said to goe through all the earth, be∣cause they went through all the knowne world; he replies, that this is not sufficient,* 1.11 since Christ would have all men to be saved, and come to the knowledge of his truth, and therefore 'tis requisite that they should have tra∣velled thither also, if there had beene any Inhabitants; especially since hee did expresly command them to goe

and teach all nations, and preach the Gospell through the whole world, and therefore hee thinks that as there are no men,* 1.12 so neither are there seas, or rivers, or any other conveniencie for habitation. 'Tis commonly related of one Virgilius,* 1.13 that hee was excommu∣nicated and condemned for a Here∣tique by Zachary Bishop of Rome, be∣cause hee was not of the same opinion. But Baronius sayes,* 1.14 it was because hee thought there was another habitable world within ours. How ever, you may well enough discerne in these ex∣amples how confident many of these great Schollars were in so grosse an er∣rour, how unlikely, what an incredi∣ble thing it seemed to them, that there should be any Antipodes; and yet now this truth is as certaine and plain, as sense or demonstration can make it. This then which I now deliver, is not to be rejected, though it may seeme to contradict the common opi∣nion.

2. Grosse absurdities have beene entertained by generall consent. I might instance in many remarkable

examples, but I will onely speake of the supposed labour of the Moone in her eclipses, because this is neerest to the chiefe matter in hand, and was re∣ceived as a common opinion amongst many of the Ancients, In so much that from hence they stiled eclipses by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 passions, or in the phrase of the Poets,

Solis lunae{que} labores.

And therefore Plutarch speaking of a Lunary eclipse, relates, that at such times 'twas a custome amongst the Ro∣mans (the most civill and learned people in the world) to sound brasse Instruments,* 1.15 and hold great torches toward the heaven. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For by this meanes they sup∣posed the Moone was much eased in her labours; and therefore Ovid calls such loud Instruments the auxiliaries or helps of the Moone,* 1.16

Cum frustra resonant aera auxiliaria Lunae.

And therefore the Satyrist too, descri∣bing a loud Scold, sayes, She was able

to make noise enough to deliver the labouring Moone.

Vna laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae.* 1.17

Now the reason of all this their ce∣remonie, was, because they feared the world would fall asleepe, when one of its eyes began to wink, and there∣fore they would doe what they could by loud sounds to rouse it from its drowsinesse, and keepe it awake: by bright torches, to bestow that light up∣on it which it began to lose.

Some of them thought hereby to keepe the Moone in her orbe, where∣as otherwise shee would have fallen downe upon the earth, and the world would have lost one of its lights; for the credulous people beleeved, that Inchanters and Witches could bring the Moone downe, which made Vir∣gil say,

Cantus & è coelo possunt deducere Lunam.

And those Wizards knowing the times of her eclipses, would then threaten to shew their skill, by pulling her out of her orbe. So that when the silly multitude saw that shee began to

looke red, they presently feared they should lose the benefit of her light, and therefore made a great noise that shee might not heare the sound of those Charmes, which would otherwise bring her downe; and this is rendred for a reason of this custome by Pliny and Propertius:* 1.18

Cantus & è curru lunam deducere tentant, Et facerent, si non aera repulsa sonent.

Plutarch gives another reason of it, and he sayes, 'tis because they would hasten the Moone out of the dark shade wherein she was involv'd, that so shee might bring away the soules of those Saints that inhabit within her, which cry out by reason they are then deprived of their wonted happi∣nesse, and cannot heare the Musick of the Spheares, but are forced to behold the torments, and wailing of those damned soules which are represented to them as they are tortured in the re∣gion of the ayre. But whether this or what ever else was the meaning of this superstition, yet certainly 'twas a very ridiculous custome, and bewray∣ed a great ignorance of those ancient

times; especially since it was not only received by the vulgar, such as were men of lesse note and learning, but be∣leeved also by the more famous and wiser sort, such as were those great Poets, Stesichorus and Pindar. And not onely amongst the more sottish Hea∣thens, who might account that Pla∣net to be one of their gods; but the Primitive Christians also were in this kind guilty, which made Saint Am∣brose so tartly to rebuke those of his time, when he said, Tum turbatur car∣minibus Globus Lunae, quando calicibus turbantur & oculì.

When your heads are troubled with cups, then you think the Moone to be troubled with charmes.

And for this reason also did Maxi∣mus a Bishop, write a Homily against it, wherein hee shewed the absurdity of that foolish superstition.* 1.19 I remember that Ludovicus Vives relates a more ri∣diculous story of a people that im∣prisoned an Asse for drinking up the Moone, whose image appearing in the water, was covered with a cloud as the Asse was drinking, for which the

poore beast was afterward brought to the barre to receive a sentence ac∣cording to his deserts, where the grave Senate being set to examine the mat∣ter, one of the Counsell (perhaps wiser than the rest) rises up, and out of his deepe judgement thinks it not fit that their Towne should lose its Moone, but that rather the Asse should be cut up and that taken out of him; which sentence being approved by the rest of those Politicians, as the subtillest way for the conclusion of the matter, was accordingly perform∣ed. But whether this tale were true or no, I will not question; however, there is absurdity enough in that for∣mer custome of the Ancients, that may confirme the truth to be proved, and plainely declare the insufficiencie of common opinion to adde true worth or estimation unto any thing. So that from that which I have said may be gathered thus much.

1. That a new truth may seeme ab∣surd and impossible not onely to the vulgar, but to those also who are otherwise wise men and excel∣lent

Schollars; and hence it will follow that every new thing which seemes to oppose common princi∣ples is not presently to be rejected, but rather to be pry'd into with a diligent enquiry, since there are ma∣ny things which are yet hid from us, and reserv'd for future disco∣verie.

2. That it is not the commonnesse of an opinion that can priviledge it for a truth; the wrong way is sometime a well beaten path, whereas the right way (especially to hidden truths) may be lesse trodden and more obscure.

True indeed, the strangenesse of this opinion will detract much from its credit; but yet wee should know that nothing is in it selfe strange, since eve∣ry naturall effect has an equall depen∣dance upon its cause, and with the like necessity doth follow from it; so that 'tis our ignorance which makes things appeare so; and hence it comes to passe that many more evident truths seeme incredible to such who know not the causes of things: you may as soone

perswade some Country Peasants that the Moone is made of greene Cheese (as wee say) as that 'tis bigger than his Cart-wheele, since both seeme equally to contradict his sight, and he has not reason enough to leade him farther than his senses. Nay suppose (saith Plutarch) a Philosopher should be educated in such a secret place, where hee might not see either Sea or River, and afterwards should be brought out where one might shew him the great Ocean, telling him the quality of that water, that it is brack∣ish salt and not potable, and yet there were many vast creatures of all forms living in it, which make use of the wa∣ter as wee doe of the ayre, question∣lesse hee would laugh at all this as be∣ing monstrous lies, and fables, with∣out any colour of truth. Just so will this truth which I now deliver, appeare unto others; because we never dreamt of any such matter as a World in the Moone; because the state of that place hath as yet beene vailed from our knowledge, therefore we can scarcely assent to any such matter. Things are

very hardly received which are alto∣gether strange to our thoughts and our senses. The soule may with lesse dif∣ficulty be brought to beleeve any ab∣surdity, when as it has formerly beene acquainted with some colours and probabilities for it; but when a new, and an unheard of truth shall come be∣fore it, though it have good grounds and reasons, yet the understanding is afraid of it as a stranger, and dares not admit it into his beleefe, without a great deale of reluctancie and triall. And besides, things that are not mani∣fested to the senses, are not assented unto without some labour of minde, some travaile and discourse of the un∣derstanding; and many lazie soules had rather quietly repose themselves in an easie errour, than take paines to search out the truth. The strangenesse then of this opinion which I now de∣liver, will be a great hinderance to its beliefe, but this is not to be respected by reason it cannot be helped. I have stood the longer in the Preface, be∣cause that prejudice which the meere title of the booke may beget, cannot

easily be removed without a great deale of preparation, and I could not tell otherwise how to rectifie the thoughts of the Reader for an im∣partiall survey of the following dis∣course.

I must needs confesse, though I had often thought with my selfe that it was possible there might be a world in the Moone, yet it seemed such an uncouth opinion that I never durst dis∣cover it, for feare of being counted singular, and ridiculous; but after∣ward having read Plutarch, Galileus, Ke∣plar, with some others, and finding many of mine owne thoughts confir∣med by such strong authority, I then concluded that it was not onely pos∣sible there might be, but probable that there was another habitable world in that Planet. In the prosecuting of this assertion, I shall first endeavour to cleare the way from such doubts as may hinder the speed or ease of far∣ther progresse; and because the sup∣positions imply'd in this opinion, may seeme to contradict the principles of reason or faith, it will be requisite that

I first remove this scruple,* 1.20 shewing the conformity of them to both these, and proving those truths that may make way for the rest, which I shall la∣bour to performe in the second, third, fourth, and fifth Chapters, and then proceede to confirme such Propositi∣ons, which doe more directly belong to the maine point in hand.

Proposition 2.

That a plurality of worlds doth not contra∣dict any principle of reason or faith.

TIs reported of Aristotle, that when he saw the Books of Moses, hee commended them for such a majestick stile as might become a God, but withall hee censured that manner of writing to be very unfitting for a Phi∣losopher; because there was nothing proved in them, but matters were de∣livered as if they would rather com∣mand than perswade beliefe. And 'tis observed that hee sets downe nothing

himselfe, but hee confirmes it by the strongest reasons that may be found, there being scarce an argument of force for any subject in Philosophy, which may not be picked out of his Writings; and therefore 'tis likely if there were in reason a necessity of one onely world, that hee would have found out some such necessary proofe as might confirme it: Especially since hee labours for it so much in two whole Chapters. But now all the ar∣guments which hee himselfe urges in this subject,* 1.21 are very weake, and farre enough from having in them any con∣vincing power. Therefore 'tis likely that a plurality of worlds doth not contradict any principle of reason. However, I will set downe the two chiefe of his arguments from his owne works, and from them you may guesse the force of the other.

The first is this,* 1.22 since every heavie body doth naturally tend downwards, and every light body upwards, what a hudling and confusion must there be if there were two places for gravity, and two places for lightnesse: for it

is probable that the earth of that other world would fall down to this Center, and so mutually the ayre and fire here ascend to those Regions in the other, which must needs much derogate from the providence of nature, and cause a great disorder in his works. But ratio haec est minimè firma,* 1.23 (saith Zanchy) And if you well consider the nature of gravity, you will plainely see there is no ground to feare any such confusion; for heavinesse is no∣thing else but such a quality as causes a propension in its subject to tend downwards towards its owne Center; so that for some of that earth to come hither, would not be said a fall but an ascension, since it moved from its own place, and this would be impossible (saith Ruvio) because against nature, and therefore no more to be feared than the falling of the Heavens.* 1.24

If you reply that then according to this, there must be more Centers of gravity than one; I answer. 'Tis ve∣ry probable there are, nor can we well conceive, what any piece of the Moon would doe being severed from the

rest in the free and open ayre, but only returne unto it againe.

Another argument hee had from his Master Plato,* 1.25 that there is but one world,* 1.26 because there is but one first mover, God.

Infirma etiam est haec ratio (saith Zan∣chy) and we may justly deny the con∣sequence, since a plurality of worlds doth not take away the unity of the first mover. Vt enim forma substantialis, sic primum efficiens apparentem solummodo multiplicitatem induìt per signatam mate∣riam (saith a Country-man of ours.)* 1.27 As the substantiall forme, so the effici∣ent cause hath only an appearing mul∣tiplicity from its particular matter. You may see this point more largely handled, and these Arguments more fully answered by Plutarch in his booke (why Oracles are silent) and Iacob Carpentarius in his comment on Alcinous.

But our opposites the Interpreters themselves, (who too often doe ju∣rare in verba magistri) will grant that there is not any strength in these con∣sequences, and certainly then such

weake arguments could not covince that wise Philosopher, who in his o∣ther opinions was wont to be swayed by the strength and power of reason: wherefore I should rather think that he had some by-respect, which made him first assent to this opinion, and af∣terwards strive to prove it. Perhaps it was because hee feared to displease his scholler Alexander, of whom 'tis related that he wept to heare a dispu∣tation of another world,* 1.28 since he had not then attained the Monarchy of this; his restlesse wide heart would have esteemed this Globe of Earth not big enough for him, if there had beene another, which made the Saty∣rist say of him,

Aestuat infoelix angusto limite mundi.* 1.29

That he did vex himselfe and sweat in his desires, as being pend up in a narrow roome, when hee was con∣fin'd but to one world.

Before, he thought to seat himselfe next the Gods; but now, when hee had done his best, hee must be content with some equall, or perhaps superiour Kings.

It may be, that Aristotle was mo∣ved to this opinion, that hee might thereby take from Alexander the occa∣sion of this feare and discontent; or else, perhaps, Aristotle himselfe was as loth to hold the possibility of a world which he could not discover, as Alexander was to heare of one which he could not conquer. 'Tis likely that some such by-respect moved him to this opinion, since the arguments hee urges for it, are confest by his zealous followers and commentators, to be very fleight and frivolous, and they themselves grant, what I am now to prove, that there is not any evidence in the light of naturall reason, which can sufficiently manifest that there is but one world.

But however some may object, would it not be inconvenient and dan∣gerous to admit of such opinions that doe destroy those principles of Ari∣stotle, which all the world hath so long followed?

This question is much controverted by some of the Romish Divines;* 1.30 Cam∣panella hath writ a Treatise in defence

of it, in whom you may see many things worth the reading and notice.

To it I answer, that this position in Philosophy, doth not bring any in∣convenience to the rest, since 'tis not Aristotle, but truth that should be the rule of our opinions, and if they be not both found together, we may say to him, as hee said to his Master Plato, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.31

Though Plato were his friend, yet hee would rather adhere to truth than him.

I must needs grant, that wee are all much beholden to the industry of the ancient Philosophers, and more espe∣cially to Aristotle, for the greater part of our learning; but yet 'tis not ingra∣titude to speak against him, when hee opposeth truth; for then many of the Fathers would be very guilty, especi∣ally Iustin, who hath writ a Treatise purposely against him.

But suppose this opinion were false, yet 'tis not against the faith, and so it may serve for the better confirmation of that which is true; the sparks of er∣rour, being forc'd out by opposition,

as the sparks of fire by the striking of the flint and steele. But suppose too that it were hereticall, and against the faith, yet may it be admitted with the same priviledge as Aristotle, from whom many more dangerous opini∣ons have proceeded: as that the world is eternall, that God cannot have while to looke after these inferi∣our things, that after death there is no reward or punishment, and such like blasphemies, which strike directly at the fundamentals of our Religion.

So that it is justly to be wondred why some should be so superstitious in these dayes, as to stick closer unto him, than unto Scripture, as if his Phi∣losophy were the onely foundation of all divine truths.

Vpon these grounds both St. Vin∣centius and Serafinus de firmo (as I have seene them quoted) think that Aristotle was the violl of Gods wrath, which was powred out upon the waters of wisedom by the third Angel;* 1.32 But for my part, I think the world is much beholden to him for all its sciences. But yet 'twere a shame for these later

ages to rest our selves meerely upon the labours of our Fore-fathers, as if they had informed us of all things to be knowne; and when we are set upon their shoulders, not to see further than they themselves did. 'Twere a su∣perstitious, a lazie opinion to think Aristotles works the bounds and limits of all humane invention, beyond which there could be no possibility of reaching. Certainly there are yet ma∣ny things left to discovery, and it can∣not be any inconvenience for us, to maintaine a new truth, or rectifie an ancient errour.

But the position (say some) is di∣rectly against Scripture, for

1. Moses tels us but of one world, and his History of the Creation had been very imperfect, if God had made another.

2. Saint Iohn speaking of Gods works, says hee made the world, in the singular number, and therefore there is but one: 'tis the argument of Aquinas,* 1.33 and he thinks that none will oppose it, but such who with Demo∣critus esteeme some blinde chance, and

not any wise providence to be the fra∣mer of all things.

3. The opinion of more worlds has in ancient times beene accounted a heresie, and Baronius affirmes that for this very reason Virgilius was cast out of his Bishoprick, and excommunica∣ted from the Church.* 1.34

4. A fourth argument there is ur∣ged by Aquinas; if there be more worlds than one, then they must ei∣ther be of the same, or of a diverse na∣ture; but they are not of the same kinde;* 1.35 for this were needlesse, and would argue an improvidence, since one would have no more perfection than the other; not of divers kindes, for then one of them could not be cal∣led the world or universe, since it did not containe universall perfection. I have cited this argument, because it is so much stood upon by Iulius Caesar la Galla,* 1.36 one that has purposely writ a Treatise against this opinion which I now deliver; but the Dilemma is so blunt that it cannot cut on either side, and the consequences so weake that I dare trust them without an answer;

And (by the way) you may see this later Author in that place, where hee endeavours to prove a necessity of one world, doth leave the chiefe mat∣ter in hand, and take much needlesse paines to dispute against Democritus, who thought that the world was made by the casuall concourse of atoms in a great vacuum. It should seeme that ei∣ther his cause or his skill was weake, or else he would have ventured upon a stronger adversary. These argu∣ments which I have set downe, are the chiefest which I have met with against this subject, and yet the best of these hath not force enough to endanger the truth that I have delivered.

Vnto the two first it may be an∣swered, that the negative authority of Scripture is not prevalent in those things which are not the fundamen∣tals of Religion.

But you'le reply, though it doe not necessarily conclude, yet 'tis probable if there had beene another world, wee should have had some notice of it in Scripture.

I answer, 'tis as probable that the

Scripture should have informed us of the planets, they being very remark∣able parts of the Creation; and yet neither Moses, nor Iob, nor the Psalmes (the places most frequent in Astrono∣micall observations) nor any other Scripture mention any of them but the Sunne and Moone. Because the difference betwixt them and the other starres, was knowne onely to those who were learned men, and had skill in Astronomie. As for that expression in Iob 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the starres of the mor∣ning,* 1.37 it is in the plurall number, and therefore cannot properly be applied to Venus. And for that in Isaiah 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 'tis confessed to be a word of obscure interpretation,* 1.38 and therefore is but by guesse translated in that sence. It be∣ing a true and common rule,* 1.39 that He∣braei reisideralis minime curiosi coelestium nominum penuriâ laborant. The Jewes being but little skilled in Astronomie,* 1.40 their language dos want proper ex∣pressions for the heavenly bodies,* 1.41 and therefore they are faine some∣times to attribute the same name unto divers constellations.

Now if the Holy Ghost had inten∣ded to reveale unto us any naturall se∣crets, certainly hee would never have omitted the mention of the planets, Quorum motu nihilest quod de Conditoris sapientiâ testatur evidentius apud eos qui capiunt.* 1.42 Which doe so evidently set forth the wisedome of the Creator. And therefore you must know that 'tis besides the scope of the old Te∣stament or the new, to discover any thing unto us concerning the secrets of Philosophy; 'tis not his intent in the new Testament, since wee cannot conceive how it might any way be∣long either to the Historical, exegeti∣call, or propheticall parts of it: nor is it his intent in the old Testament, as is well observed by our Countrey-man Master WRIGHT.* 1.43 Non Mosis aut Pro∣phetarum institutum fuisse videtur Mathe∣maticas aliquas aut Physicas subtilitates promulgare, sed ad vulgi captum & lo∣quendi morem, quemadmodum nutrices in∣fantulis solent, sese accommodare.

'Tis not the endeavour of Moses or the Prophets to discover any Mathema∣ticall or Philosophicall subtilties,

but rather to accommodate them∣selves to vulgar capacities, and ordi∣nary speech, as nurses are wont to use their Infants.

True indeed, Mo∣ses is there to handle the History of the Creation. But 'tis certaine (saith Calvin) that his purpose is to treat only of the visible forme of the world,* 1.44 and those parts of it which might be most easily understood by the ignorant and ruder sort of people, and therefore we are not thence to expect the discovery of any naturall secret. Artes reconditas aliunde discat qui volet; hic spiritus Dei omnes simul sine exceptione docere voluit. As for more hidden Arts, they must be looked for else-where; the Holy Ghost did here intend to instruct all without exception. And therefore 'tis observed, that Moses does not any where meddle with such matters as were very hard to be conceived; for being to informe the common people as well as others, he does it after a vul∣gar way, as it is commonly noted, de∣claring the originall chiefely of those things which are obvious to the sense, and being silent of other things which

then could not well be apprehended. And therefore Pererius proposing the question,* 1.45 why the Creation of plants & herbs is mentioned, but not of met∣talls and mineralls?

Answers. Quia istarum rerum ge∣neratio est vulgo occulta & ignota. Be∣cause these things are not so com∣monly knowne as the other; and hee adds, Moses non omnia, sed manifesta omnibus enarranda suscepit. Moses did not intend to relate unto us the begin∣nings of all things, but those onely which were most evident unto all men.* 1.46 And therefore too, Aquinas ob∣serves that hee writes nothing of the ayre, because that being invisible, the people knew not whether there were any such body or no. And for this very reason, S^t. Ierom also thinks that there is nothing exprest concer∣ning the Creation of Angels,* 1.47 because the rude and ignorant vulgar were not so capable of apprehending their na∣tures.* 1.48 And yet notwithstanding, these are as remarkable parts of the Creati∣on, and as fit to be knowne as another world. And therefore the Holy Ghost

too uses such vulgar expressions, which set things forth rather as they appeare, than as they are, as when he calls the Moone one of the greater lights,* 1.49 whereas 'tis the least that wee can see in the whole heavens. So afterwards speaking of the great raine which drowned the world;* 1.50 hee sayes,* 1.51 The windowes of heaven were opened, be∣cause it seemed to come with that vio∣lence,* 1.52 as if it were poured out from windowes in the Firmament.

And in reference to this, a drowth is described in sundry other* 1.53 places by the heavens being shut up.* 1.54 So that the phrases which the Holy Ghost uses concerning these things,* 1.55 are not to be understood in a literall sense; but ra∣ther as vulgar expressions; and this rule is set down by Saint Austin,* 1.56 where speaking concerning that in the Psalm, who stretched the earth upon the waters, he notes that when the words of Scrip∣ture shall seeme to contradict com∣mon sense or experience, there are they to be understood in a qualified sence, and not according to the letter. And 'tis observed, that for want of

this rule, some of the Ancients have fastned strange absurdities upon the words of the Scripture.* 1.57 So Saint Am∣brose esteemed it a heresie to think that the Sunne and Starres were not very hot,* 1.58 as being against the words of Scripture,* 1.59 Psalm. 19. 6. where the Psal∣mist sayes,* 1.60 that there is nothing that is hid from the heat of the Sunne. So others there are that would prove the heavens not to be round, out of that place, Psal. 104. 2. Hee stretched out the heavens like a curtaine.* 1.61 So Procopius also was of opinion, that the earth was founded upon the waters; nay, hee made it part of his faith, proving it out of Psal. 24. 2. He hath founded the earth up∣on the seas, and established it upon the floods. These and such like absurdities have followed, when men looke for the grounds of Philosophy in the words of Scripture. So that, from what hath beene said, I may conclude that the si∣lence of Scripture concerning any o∣ther world, is not sufficient argument to prove that there is none. Thus for the two first arguments.

Vnto the third, I may answer, that

this very example is quoted by others, to shew the ignorance of those primi∣tive times, who did sometimes con∣demne what they did not understand, and have often censur'd the lawfull and undoubted parts of Mathematicks for hereticall, because they them∣selves could not perceive a reason of it. And therefore their practise in this particular, is no sufficient testimonie against us.

But lastly, I answer to all the above named objections, that the terme (World) may be taken in a double sense, more generally for the whole Vniuerse, as it implies in it the elemen∣tarie and aethereall bodies, the starres and the earth. Secondly, more parti∣cularly for an inferiour World con∣sisting of elements.

Now the maine drift of all these ar∣guments, is to confute a plurality of Worlds in the first sense, and if there were any such, it might, perhaps, seem strange, that Moses, or S^t. Iohn should either not know, or not mention its creation. And Virgilius was condem∣ned for this opinion, because hee held

quòd sit alius mundus sub terrâ, aliusque Sol & Luna, (as Baronius) that within our globe of earth, there was another world, another Sunne and Moone, and so he might seeme to exclude this from the number of the other crea∣tures.

But now there is no such danger in this opinion, which is here delivered, since this World is said to be in the Moone, whose creation is particularly exprest.

So that in the first sense I yeeld, that there is but one world, which is all that the arguments doe prove; but un∣derstand it in the second sense, and so I affirme there may be more, nor doe any of the above named objections prove the contrary.

Neither can this opinion derogate from the divine Wisedom (as Aquinas thinks) but rather advance it, shewing a compendium of providence, that could make the same body a world, and a Moone; a world for habitation, and a Moone for the use of others, and the ornament of the whole frame of Na∣ture. For as the members of the body

serve not onely for the preservation of themselves, but for the use and conve∣nience of the whole,* 1.62 as the hand pro∣tects the head as well as saves it selfe; so is it in the parts of the Vniverse, where each one may serve as well for the conservation of that which is with∣in it, as the help of others without it.

Mersennus a late Jesuite,* 1.63 proposing the question whether or no the opini∣on of more worlds than one, be hereti∣call and against the faith? He answers it negatively, because it does not con∣tradict any expresse place of Scripture, or determination of the Church. And though (saith he) it seemes to be a rash opinion, as being against the consent of the Fathers; yet if this controversie be chiefly Philosophicall, then their authorities are not of such weight. Vnto this it may be added, that the consent of the Fathers is prevalent onely in such points as were first con∣troverted amongst them, and then ge∣nerally decided one way, and not in such other particulars as never fell un∣der their examination and dispute.

I have now in some measure, shewed

that a plurality of worlds does not contradict any principle of reason or place of Scripture,* 1.64 and so cleared the first part of that supposition which is implied in the opinion.

It may next be enquired, whether 'tis possible there may be a globe of elements in that which wee call the aethereall parts of the Vniverse; for if this (as it is according to the common opinion) be priviledged from any change or corruption, it will be in vain then to imagine any element there; and if we will have another world, we must then seeke out some other place for its situation. The third Propositi∣on therefore shall be this.

Proposition 3.

That the heavens doe not consist of any such pure matter, which can priviledge them from the like change and corruption, as these inferiour bodies are liable unto.

IT hath beene often questioned a∣mongst the ancient Fathers & Phi∣losophers, what kinde of matter that

should be of which the heavens are framed. Some think that they consist of a fifth substance distinct from the foure elements,* 1.65 as Aristotle holds, and with him some of the late Schoole∣men, whose subtill braines could not be content to attribute to those vast glorious bodies but commonmateri∣alls, and therefore they themselves had rather take pains to preferre them to some extraordinary nature; whereas notwithstanding, all the arguments they could invent, were not able to convince a necessity of any such mat∣ter, as is confest by their owne* 1.66 side. It were much to be desired, that these men had not in other cases, as well as this, multiplied things without neces∣sity, and as if there had not beene e∣nough to be knowne in the secrets of nature, have spunne out new subjects from their own braines, to finde more work for future ages; I shall not men∣tion their arguments, since 'tis already confest, that they are none of them of any necessary consequence; and be∣sides, you may see them set downe in any of the books de Coelo.

But it is the generall consent of the Fathers, and the opinion of Lombard, that the heavens consist of the same matter with these sublunary bodies. S^t. Ambrose is so confident of it,* 1.67 that he esteemes the contrary a heresie. True indeed, they differ much among them∣selves, s••me thinking them to be made of fire, others of water, and others of both; but herein they generally agree, that they are all framed of some ele∣ment or other.* 1.68 Which Dionysius Car∣thusianus collects from that place in Genesis, where the heavens are mentio∣ned in their creation, as divided onely in distance from the elementary bo∣dies, & not as being made of any new matter. To this purpose others cite the derivation of the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ibi & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aquae or quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ignis & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aquae. Because they are framed out of these elements. But concerning this, you may see sundry discourses more at large in Ludovicus Molina, Eusebius Nirembergius, with divers others.* 1.69 The venerable Bede thought the Planets to consist of all the foure elements; and 'tis likely that

the other parts are of an aereous sub∣stance, as will be shewed afterward; however,* 1.70 I cannot now stand to recite the arguments for either; I have onely urged these Authorities to counter∣vaile Aristotle, and the Schoolemen, and the better to make way for a proofe of their corruptibility.

The next thing then to be enquired after,* 1.71 is, whether they be of a corrup∣tible nature, not whether they can be destroyed by God; for this, Scripture puts out of doubt.

Nor whether or no in a long time they would weare away and grow worse; for from any such feare they have beene lately priviledged.* 1.72 But whether they are capable of such changes and vicissitudes, as this inferi∣our world is lyable unto?

The two chief opinions concerning this, have both erred in some extre∣mity, the one side going so farre from the other, that they have both gone beyond the right, whilst Aristotle hath opposed the truth, as well as the Stoicks.

Some of the Ancients have thought,

that the heavenly bodies have stood in need of nourishment from the ele∣ments, by w^ch they were continually fed, & so had divers alterations by rea∣son of their food; this is fathered on He∣raclitus,* 1.73 followed by that great Natura∣list Pliny, & in generall attributed to all the Stoicks. You may see Seneca ex∣presly to this purpose iu these words.* 1.74 Ex illâ alimenta omnibus animalibus, om∣nibus satis,* 1.75 omnibus stellis dividuntur; hinc profertur quo sustineantur tot Sidera tam exercitata, tam avida, per diem, noctémque, ut in opere, ita in pastu. Speaking of the earth, he sayes, from thence it is that nourishment is divided to all the living creatures, the Plants and the Starres; hence were sustained so many constel∣lations, so laborious, so greedy, both day and night, as well in their feeding as working. Thus also Lucan sings,

Necnon Oceano pasci Phoebúmque po∣lum{que} Credimus.

Vnto these Ptolomie also that learned Egyptian seemed to agree,* 1.76 when hee affirmes that the body of the Moone is moister, and cooler than any of the other Planets, by reason of the earthly

vapours that are exhaled unto it. You see these Ancients thought the Hea∣vens to be so farre from this imagined incorruptibility, that rather like the weakest bodies they stood in need of some continuall nourishment, without which they could not subsist.

But Aristotle and his followers were so farre from this,* 1.77 that they thought those glorious bodies could not con∣taine within them any such principles as might make them lyable to the least change or corruption; and their chiefe reason was, because we could not in so long a space discerne any alteration amongst them; But unto this I answer.

1. Supposing wee could not, yet would it not hence follow that there were none, as hee himselfe in effect doth confesse in another place; for speaking concerning our knowledge of the Heavens,* 1.78 he sayes, 'tis very im∣perfect and difficult, by reason of the vast distance of those bodies from us, and because the changes which may happen unto them, are not either bigge enough, or frequent enough to fall within the apprehension and observa∣tion

of our senses; no wonder then if he himselfe be deceived in his asserti∣ons concerning these particulars. But yet, in this hee implies, that if a man were nearer to these heavenly bodies, hee would be a fitter Judge to decide this controversie than himselfe. Now its our advantage, that by the help of Galileus his glasse, wee are advanced nearer unto them, and the heavens are made more present to us than they were before. However, as it is with us where there be many vicissitudes and successions of things, though the earth abideth for ever: So likewise may it be amongst the planets, in which though there should be divers alterations, yet they themselves may still continue of the same quantity and light.

2. Though wee could not by our senses see such alterations, yet our rea∣son might perhaps sufficiently con∣vince us of them. Nor can wee well conceive how the Sunne should reflect against the Moone, and yet not pro∣duce some alteration of heat. Diogenes the Philosopher was hence perswa∣ded, that those scorching heats had

burnt the Moone into the forme of a Pumice-stone.

3. I answer, that there have beene some alterations observed there; wit∣nesse those comets which have beene seene above the Moone. As also those spots or clouds that encompasse the body of the Sun, amongst which, there is a frequent succession by a corrupti∣on of the old, and a generation of new. So that though Aristotles consequence were sufficient, whē he proved that the heavens were not corruptible, because there have not any changes beene dis∣covered in them; yet this by the same reason must be as prevalent, that the Heavens are corruptible, because there have beene so many alterations obser∣ved there; But of these, together with a farther confirmation of this proposi∣tion, I shall have occasion to speak af∣terwards; In the meane space, I will referre the Reader to that work of Sheiner, a late Jesuite which he titles his Rosa Vrsina,* 1.79 where hee may see this point concerning the corruptibility of the Heavens largely handled, and suffi∣ciently confirmed.

There are some other things, on which I might here take an occasion to enlarge my selfe; but because they are directly handled by many others, and doe not immediatly belong to the chiefe matter in hand, I shall therefore referre the Reader to their Authors, and omit any large proofe of them my selfe, as desiring all possible brevity.

1. The first is this: That there are no solid Orbes. If there be a habitable world in the Moone (which I now af∣firme) it must follow, that her Orbe is not solid as Aristotle supposed; and if not hers, why any of the other. I ra∣ther think that they are all of a fluid (perhaps aereous) substance. Saint Am∣brose,* 1.80 and Saint Basil did endeavour to prove this out of that place in I say,* 1.81 where they are compared to smoak, as they are both quoted by Rhodiginus. Eusebius Nicembergius doth likewise from that place confute the solidity and incorruptibility of the Heavens,* 1.82 and cites for the same interpretation the authority of Eustachius of Antioch; and Saint Austin, I am sure, in one place seemes to assent unto this opinion,* 1.83

though hee does often in his other works contradict it.

If you esteeme the testimony of the ancient Fathers, to be of any great force or consequence in a Philosophi∣call dispute, you may see them to this purpose in Sixtus Senensis lib. 5. Biblioth. annot. 14. The chiefe reasons, that are commonly urged for the confirmati∣on of it, are briefly these three.

1 From the altitude of divers co∣mets, which have beene observed to be above the planets, thorough whose Orbs (if they had beene solid) there would not have beene any passage. To these may be added those lesser pla∣nets lately discovered about Iupiter and Saturne, for which Astronomers have not yet framed any Orbs.

2 From that uncertainty of all A∣stronomicall observations, which will follow upon the supposition of such solid spheres. For then we should ne∣ver discerne any Starre but by a mul∣titude of refractions, and so conse∣quently wee could not possibly finde their true situations either in respect of us, or in regard of one another: Since

what ever the eye discernes by a re∣fracted beame, it apprehends to be in some other place than wherein it is. But now this would be such an incon∣venience, as would quite subvert the grounds & whole Art of Astronomy, and therefore is by no meanes to be admitted.

Vnto this it is commonly answered, that all those Orbs are equally dia∣phanous, though nor of a continued quantity. Wee reply, that supposing they were, yet this cannot hinder them from being the causes of refraction, which is produced as well by the di∣versity of superficies, as the different perspicuity of bodies. Two glasses put together, will cause a divers refraction from another single one that is but of equall thicknesse and perspicuity.

3 From the different height of the same planet at severall times. For if according to the usuall Hypothesis, there should be such distinct, solid Orbs, then it would be impossible that the planets should intrench upon one ano∣thers Orbs, or that two of them at se∣verall times should be above one ano∣ther,

which notwithstanding hath bin proved to be so by later experience. Tycho hath observed, that Venus is som∣times nearer to us than the Sunne or Mercury, and somtimes farther off than both; which appearances Regiomonta∣nus himselfe does acknowledge, and withall, does confesse that they can∣not be reconciled to the common Hy∣pothesis.

But for your better satisfaction herein, I shall referre you to the above named Scheiner,* 1.84 in his Rosa Vrsina, in whom you may see both authorities and reason, very largely and distinctly set downe for this opinion. For the better confirmation of which hee ad∣joynes also some authenticall Epistles of Fredericus Caesius Lynceus, a Noble Prince, written to Bellarmine, contain∣ing divers reasons to the same purpose. You may also see the same truth set downe by Iohannes Pena, in his Pre∣face to Euclids Opticks, and Christoph. Rothmannus, both who thought the Fir∣mament to be onely ayre:* 1.85 and though the noble Tycho doe dispute against them, yet he himselfe holds Quod pro∣pius

ad veritatis penetralia accedit haec opi∣nio, quàm Aristotelica vulgariter approba∣ta, quae coelum pluribus realibus atque im∣perviis orbibus citra rem replevit.

That this opinion comes neerer to the truth, than that common one of Ari∣stotle which hath to no purpose filled the Heavens with such reall and im∣pervious Orbs.

2. There is no element of fire, which must be held with this opinion here delivered; for if wee suppose a world in the Moone, then it will fol∣low, that the sphere of fire, either is not there where 'tis usually placed in the concavity of his Orbe, or else that there is no such thing at all, which is most probable, since there are not any such solid Orbs, that by their swift motion might heat and enkindle the adjoyning ayre, which is imagined to be the reason of that element. The arguments that are commonly urged to this purpose, are these.

1 That which was before alledged concerning the refractions which will be caused by a different medium. For if the matter of the heavens be of one

thicknesse, and the element of fire ano∣ther, and the upper Region of ayre di∣stinct from both these, and the lower Region severall from all the rest, there will then be such a multiplicity of re∣fractions, as must necessarily destroy the certainty of all Astronomicall observations. All which inconveni∣ences might be avoyded by suppo∣sing (as wee doe) that there is one∣ly one Orbe of vaporous ayre which encompasses our earth, all the rest be∣ing Aethereall and of the same perspi∣cuity.

2 The situation of this element does no way agree with Aristotles own prin∣ciples, or that common providence of nature, which wee may discerne in or∣dinary matters. For if the heavens be without all elementary qualities, as is usually supposed, then it would be a very incongruous thing for the ele∣ment of fire to be placed immediatly next unto it: Since the heat of this is the most powerfull and vigorous qua∣lity that is amongst all the rest; And Nature in her other works, does not joyne extreames, but by something of

a middle disposition. So in the very frame of our bodies, the bones which are of a hard substance, and the flesh of a soft, are not joyned together but by the intercession of membranes and grissels, such as being of a middle na∣ture may fitly come betwixt.

3 'Tis not conceiveable for what use or benefit there should be any such element in that place, and certaine it is that Nature does not doe any thing in vaine.

4 Betwixt two extreams there can be but one Medium, and therefore be∣tweene those two opposite elements of earth and water, it may seeme more convenient to place onely the ayre, which shall partake of middle quali∣ties different from both.

5 Fire does not seeme so properly and directly to be opposed to any thing as Ice, and if the one be not an element, why should the other?

If you object that the fire which we commonly use, does alwayes tend up∣wards. I answer, This cannot prove that there is a naturall place for such an element, since our adversaries them∣selves

doe grant that culinary and ele∣mentary fire are of different kinds. The one does burne, shine, and corrupt its subject; the other disagrees from it in all these respects. And therefore from the ascent of the one, wee cannot pro∣perly inferre the being or situation of the other.

But for your farther satisfaction herein, you may peruse Cardan, Iohan∣nes Pena that learned Frenchman, the noble Tycho, with divers others who have purposely handled this propo∣sition.

3. I might adde a third, viz. that there is no Musick of the spheares; for if they be not solid, how can their mo∣tion cause any such sound as is con∣ceived? I doe the rather meddle with this, because Plutarch speakes as if a man might very conveniently heare that harmony, if he were an inhabitant in the Moone. But I guesse that hee said this out of incogitancy, and did not well consider those necessary con∣sequences which depended upon his opinion. However, the world would have no great losse in being deprived

of this Musick, unlesse at somtimes we had the priviledge to heare it: Then indeed Philo the Jew thinks it would save us the charges of dyet,* 1.86 and wee might live at an easie rate by feeding at the eare only, and receiving no other nourishment; and for this very reason (sayes he) was Moses enabled to tarry forty dayes and forty nights in the Mount without eating any thing, be∣cause hee there heard the melody of the Heavens.—Risum teneatis. I know this Musick hath had great Patrons, both sacred & prophane Authors, such as Ambrose, Bede, Boetius, Anselme, Plato, Cicero, and others; but because it is not now, I think, affirmed by any, I shall not therefore bestow either paines or time in arguing against it.

It may suffice that I have onely na∣med these three last, and for the two more necessary, have referred the Reader to others for satisfaction. I shall in the next place proceed to the nature of the Moones body, to know whether that be capable of any such conditions, as may make it possible to be inhabited, and what those qualities

are wherein it more neerely agrees with our earth.* 1.87

Proposition 4.

That the Moone is a solid, compacted, opa∣cous body.

I Shall not need to stand long in the proofe of this Proposition, since it is a truth already agreed on by the ge∣nerall consent of the most and the best Philosophers.

1 It is solid, in opposition to fluid, as is the ayre; for how otherwise could it beat back the light which it receives from the Sunne?

But here it may be questioned, whe∣ther or no the Moone bestow her light upon us by the reflection of the Sun∣beames from the superficies of her bo∣dy, or else by her owne illumination? Some there are who affirme this latter part. Soa 1.88 Averroes,b 1.89 Caelius Rhodiginus, c 1.90 Iulius Caesar, &c. And their reason is, because this light is discerned in many places, whereas those bodies which

give light by reflexion, can there only be perceived where the angle of re∣flexion is equall to the angle of inci∣dence, and this is only in one place; as in a looking-glasse, those beams which are reflected from it, cannot be per∣ceived in every place where you may see the glasse, but onely there where your eye is placed on the same line whereon the beames are reflected.

But to this I answer, That the argu∣ment will not hold of such bodies whose superficies is full of unequall parts and gibbosities as the Moone is. Wherfore it is as wel the more proba∣ble as the more common opinion, that her light proceeds frō both these cau∣ses, from reflexion & illumination; nor doth it herein differ from our earth, since that also hath some light by illu∣mination: for how otherwise would the parts about us in a Sunne-shine day appeare so bright, when as the rayes of reflexion cannot enter into our eye?

For the better illustration of this, we may consider the several wayes wher∣by divers bodies are enlightned. Ei∣ther as water by admitting the beams

into its substance; or as ayre and thin clouds, by transmitting the rayes quite thorow their bodies; or as those things that are of an opacous nature and smooth superficies, which reflect the light only in one place; or else as those things which are of an opacous nature and rugged superficies, which by a kind of circumfluous reflexion, are at the same time discernable in many places, as our Earth and the Moone.

2. It is compact, and not a spungie and porous substance▪ But this is de∣nied bya 1.91 Diogenes,b 1.92 Vitellio, andc 1.93 Rei∣noldus, and some others, who held the Moone to be of the same kind of na∣ture as a Pumice stone; & this, say they, is the reason why in the Suns eclipses there appeares within her a duskish ruddy colour, because the Sun beames being refracted in passing through the pores of her body, must necessarily be represented under such a colour.

But I reply, if this be the cause of her rednesse, then why doth shee not appeare under the same forme when shee is about a Sextile Aspect, and the darkned part of her body is discern∣able?

for then also doe the same rayes passe through her, and therefore in all likelyhood should produce the same effect; and notwithstanding those beames are then diverted from us, that they cannot enter into our eyes by a straight line, yet must the colour still remaine visible in her body. And be∣sides, according to this opinion, the spots would not alwayes be the same, but divers as the various distance of the Sunne requires.* 1.94 Againe, if the Sun beames did passe through her, why then hath she not a taile (saith Scaliger) as the Comets? why doth she appeare in such an exact round? and not rather attended with a long flame, since it is meerely this penetration of the Sunne beames, that is usually attributed to be the cause of beards in blazing starres.

3. It is opacous, transparent or diaphanous like Crystall or glasse, as Empedocles thought,* 1.95 who held the Moon to be a globe of pure congealed ayre, like haile inclosed in a spheare of fire; for then,

1. Why does shee not alwayes ap∣peare in the full? since the light is

dispersed through all her body?

2. How can the interposition of her body so darken the Sunne,* 1.96 or cause such great eclipses as have turned day into night,* 1.97 that have discovered the starres, and frighted the birds with such a suddaine darknesse, that they fell downe upon the earth, as it is re∣lated in divers Histories. And there∣fore Herodotus telling of an eclipse which fell in Xerxes time, describes it thus:* 1.98 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Sun leaving his wonted seat in the heavens, vanished away: all which ar∣gues such a great darknesse, as could not have beene, if her body had beene perspicuous. Yet some there are who interpret all these relations to be hy∣berbolicall expressions; and the noble Tycho thinks it naturally impossible that any eclipse should cause such darknesse, because the body of the Moone can never totally cover the Sunne. However, in this he is singular, all other Astronomers (if I may be∣leeve Keplar) being on the contrarie opinion, by reason the Diameter of the Moone does for the most part ap∣peare

bigger to us than the Diameter of the Sunne.

But here Iulius Caesar once more,* 1.99 puts in to hinder our passage. The Moone (saith he) is not altogether opa∣cous, because 'tis still of the same na∣ture with the heavens which are in∣capable of totall opacity: and his rea∣son is, because perspicuity is an inse∣parable accident of those purer bo∣dies; and this hee thinks must necessa∣rily be granted; for he stops there, and proves no further; but to this I shall deferre an answer, till hee hath made up his argument.

Wee may frequently see, that her body does so eclipse the Sunne, as our Earth doth the Moone. And besides, the mountains that are observed there, doe cast a dark shadow behind them,* 1.100 as shall be shewed afterwards. Since then the like interposition of them both, doth produce the like effect, they must necessarily be of the like natures, that is, alike opacous, which is the thing to be shewed; and this was the reason (as the Interpreters guesse) why Aristotle affirmed the Moone to be of

the Earths nature,* 1.101 because of their a∣greement in opacity,* 1.102 whereas all the other elements save that, are in some measure perspicuous.

But, the greatest difference which may seeme to make our Earth altoge∣ther unlike the Moone, is, because the one is a bright body, and hath light of its owne, and the other a grosse dark body which cannot shine at all. 'Tis requisite therefore that in the next place I cleare this doubt, and shew that the Moone hath no more light of her owne than our Earth.

Proposition 5.

That the Moone hath not any light of her owne.

TWas the fancie of some of the Jewes, and more especially of Rabbi Simeon,* 1.103 that the Moone was no∣thing else but a contracted Sunne,* 1.104 and that both those planets at their first creation, were equall both in light and quantity. For, because God did then

call them both great lights, therefore they inferred that they must be both equall in bignesse. But a while after (as the tradition goes) the ambitious Moone put up her complaint to God against the Sunne, shewing that it was not fit there should be two such great lights in the heavens; a Monarchie would best become the place of order and harmony. Vpon this, God com∣manded her to contract her selfe in∣to a narrower compasse; but shee be∣ing much discontented hereat, replies, What! because I have spoken that which is reason and equity, must I therefore be diminished? This sen∣tence could not chuse but much trou∣ble her; and for this reason was shee in great distresse and griefe for a long space; but that her sorrow might be some way pacified, God bid her be of good cheere, because her priviledges and Charter should be greater than the Sunnes; he should appeare in the day time onely, shee both in the day and night; but her melancholy being not satisfied with this, shee replied againe, That, that alas was no benefit; for in

the day time shee should be either not seene, or not noted. Wherefore, God to comfort her up, promised, that his people the Israelites should celebrate all their feasts and holy dayes by a computation of her moneths; but this being not able to content her, shee has looked very melancholy ever since; however, she hath still reserved much light of her owne.

Others there were, that did think the Moone to be a round globe; the one halfe of whose body was of a bright substance, the other halfe being dark; and the divers conversions of those sides towards our eyes, caused the variety of her appearances: of this opinion was Berosus, as hee is cited by a 1.105 Vitruvius; andb 1.106 S^t. Austin thought it was probable enough. But this fancie is almost equally absurd with the for∣mer, and both of them sound rather like fables, than Philosophicall truths. You may commonly see how this lat∣ter does contradict frequent and easie experience; for 'tis observed, that that spot which is perceived about her middle when shee is in the encrease,

may be discern'd in the same place when she is in the full: whence it must follow, that the same part which was before darkned, is after inlightened, and that the one part is not alwayes dark, and the other light of it selfe. But enough of this, I would be loth to make an enemy, that I may afterwards overcome him, or bestow time in pro∣ving that which is already granted; I suppose now, that neither of them hath any patrons, and therefore need no confutation.

'Tis agreed upon by all sides, that this Planet receives most of her light from the Sunne; but the cheife con∣troversie is, whether or no shee hath any of her owne? The greater multi∣tude affirme this. Cardan amongst the rest,* 1.107 is very confident of it, and hee thinks that if any of us were in the Moone at the time of her greatest e∣clipse, Lunam aspiceremus non secus ac in∣numeris cereis splendidissimis accensis, at∣que in eas oculis defixis caecutiremus;

Wee should perceive so great a brightnesse of her owne, that would blinde us with the meere sight, and

when she is enlightened by the Sun, then no Eagles eye (if there were any there) is able to look upon her.

This Cardan sayes, and hee doth but say it, without bringing any proofe for its confirmation. However, I will set downe the arguments that are usually urged for this opinion, and they are taken either from Scripture, or reason; from Scripture is urged that place, 1 Cor. 15. where it is said, There is one glory of the Sunne, and another glory of the Moone. Vlysses Albergettus urges that in Math. 24. 29. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Moon shall not give her light: there∣fore (sayes he) shee hath some of her owne.

But to these we may easily answer, that the glory and light there spoken of, may be said to be hers, though it be derived, as you may see in many other instances.

The arguments from reason are ta∣ken either.

1. From that light which is discer∣ned in her, when there is a totall e∣clipse of her owne body, or of the Sunne.

2. From the light which is discer∣ned in the darker part of her body, when shee is but a little distant from the Sunne.

1. For when there are any totall eclipses, there appeares in her body a great rednesse, and many times light enough to cause a remarkable shade, as common experience doth suffici∣ently manifest: but this cannot come from the Sun, since at such times ei∣ther the earth or her own body shades her from the Sun-beames; therfore it must proceed from her owne light.

2. Two or three dayes after the new Moone, we may perceive light in her whole body, whereas the rayes of the Sun reflect but upon a small part of that which is visible; therefore 'tis likely that there is some light of her owne.

In answering to these objections, I shall first shew, that this light cannot be her owne, and then declare that which is the true reason of it.

That it is not her owne, appeares.

1 Because then she would alwayes retaine it, but shee has beene some∣times

altogether invisible, when as notwithwanding some of the fixed Starres of the fourth or fifth magni∣tude might easily have been discerned close by her,* 1.108 As it was in the yeare 1620.

2 This may appeare likewise from the variety of it at divers times; for 'tis commonly observed that some∣times 'tis of a brighter, sometimes of a darker appearance, now redder, and at another time of a more duskish co∣lour. The observation of this variety in divers eclipses, you may see set downe by Keplar and many others.* 1.109 But now this could not be, if that light were her owne, that being constantly the same, and without any reason of such an alteration: So that thus I may argue.

If there were any light proper to the Moone, then would that Planet appeare brightest when she is eclipsed in her Perige being neerest to the earth, and so consequently more ob∣scure and duskish when shee is in her Apoge or farthest from it; the reason is, because the neerer any enlightned

body comes to the sight, by so much the more strong are the species and the better perceived. This sequell is gran∣ted by some of our adversaries,* 1.110 and they are the very words of noble Ty∣cho, Si Luna genuino gauderet lumine, uti{que} cum in umbra terrae esset, illud non amit∣teret, sed eò evidentiùs exereret; omne enim lumen in tenebris, plus splendet cum alio majore fulgore non praepeditur. If the Moone had any light of her own, then would she not lose it in the earths sha∣dow, but rather shine more clearely; since every light appeares greater in the dark, when it is not hindered by a more perspicuous brightnesse.

But now the event falls out cleane contrary,* 1.111 (as observation doth mani∣fest, and our opposites themselves doe grant) the Moone appearing with a more reddish and cleare light when she is eclipsed, being in her Apoge or farthest distance, and a more blackish iron colour when shee is in her Perige or nearest to us, therefore she hath not any light of her owne. Nor may wee think that the earths shadow can cloud the proper light of the Moone from

appearing, or take away any thing from her inherent brightnesse; for this were to think a shadow to be a body, an opinion altogether misbecomming a Philosopher, as Tycho grants in the fore-cited place, Nec umbra terrae cor∣poreum quid est, aut densa aliqua substantia, ut Lunae lumen obtenebrare possit, atque id visui nostro praeripere, sed est quaedam pri∣vatio luminis solaris, ob interpositum opa∣cum corpus terrae. Nor is the earths sha∣dow any corporall thing, or thick sub∣stance, that it can cloud the Moones brightnesse, or take it away from our sight; but it is a meere privation of the Sunnes light by reason of the interpo∣sition of the earths opacous body.

3 If she had any light of her owne, then that would in it selfe be either such a ruddy brightnesse as appeares in the eclipses, or else such a leaden duskish light as wee see in the darker parts of her body, when shee is a little past the conjunction. (That it must be one of these may follow from the op∣posite arguments) but it is neither of these, therefore shee hath none of her owne.

1 'Tis not such a ruddy light as ap∣peares in eclipses; for then why can we not see the like rednesse, when wee may discerne the obscurer parts of the Moone?

You will say, perhaps, that then the neerenesse of that greater light takes away that appearance.

I reply, this cannot be; for then why does Mars shine with his wonted red∣nesse, when hee is neere the Moone? or why cannot her greater brightnesse make him appeare white as the other Planets? nor can there be any reason given why that greater light should re∣present her body under a false colour.

2. 'Tis not such a duskish leaden light, as we see in the darker part of her body, when shee is about a sextile Aspect distant from the Sunne; for then why does shee appeare red in the eclipses, since meere shade cannot cause such variety? for 'tis the nature of darknesse by its opposition, rather to make things appeare of a more white and cleare brightnesse than they are in themselves. Or if it be the shade, yet those parts of the Moone are then

in the shade of her body, and therefore in reason should have the like rednesse. Since then neither of these lights are hers, it followes that she hath none of her owne. Nor is this a singular opi∣nion, but it hath had many learned Patrons;* 1.112 such was Macrobius, who be∣ing for this quoted of Rhodiginus, hee calls him vir reconditissimae scientiae,* 1.113 a man who knew more than ordinary Philosophers, thus commending the opinion in the credit of the Author. To him assents the venerable Bede, up∣on whom the glosse hath this compa∣rison.* 1.114 As the Looking-glasse repre∣sents not any image within it selfe un∣lesse it receive some from without; so the Moone hath not any light, but what is bestowed by the Sunne. To these agreeda 1.115 Albertus Magnus,b 1.116 Scali∣ger, c 1.117 Maeslin, Keplar, and more especi∣ally d 1.118 Mulapertius, whose words are more pat to the purpose than others, and therefore I shall set them down as you may finde them in his Preface to his Treatise concerning the Austriaca sydera; Luna, Venus, & Mercurius, ter∣restris & humidae sunt substantiae, ideoque

de suo non lucere, sicut nec terra. The Moone, Venus, and Mercury (saith he) are of an earthly and moyst substance, and therefore have no more light of their owne, then the earth hath. Nay, some there are, who think, (though without ground) that all the other Starres doe receive that light, where∣by they appeare visible to us, from the Sunne: so Ptolomie,a 1.119 Isidore Hispalensis, b 1.120 Albertus Magnus, andc 1.121 Bede; much more then must the Moone shine with a borrowed light.

But enough of this. I have now suf∣ficiently shewed what at the first I pro∣mised,* 1.122 that this light is not proper to the Moone.* 1.123 It remaines in the next place, that I tell you the true reason of it.* 1.124 And here, I think 'tis probable that the light which appeares in the Moone at the eclipses, is nothing else but the second species of the Sunnes rayes which passe through the shadow unto her body: and from a mixture of this second light with the shadow, ari∣ses that rednesse which at such times appeares unto us. I may call it Lumen crepusculinum, the Aurora of the Moon,

or such a kinde of blushing light, that the Sunne causes when he is neere his rising, when he bestowes some small light upon the thicker vapours. Thus we see commonly the Sunne being in the Horizon, and the reflexion grow∣ing weak, how his beames make the waters appeare very red.

The Moabites in Iehorams time,* 1.125 when they rose early in the morning, and beheld the waters afarre off, mi∣stooke them for blood. Et causa hu∣jus est quia radius solaris in Aurora con∣trahit quandam rubedinem,* 1.126 propter vapores combustos manentes circa superficiem terrae, per quos radij transeunt, & ideo cum reper∣cutiantur in aqua ad oculos nostros, tra∣hunt secum eundem ruborem, & faciunt ap∣parere locū aquarum, in quo est repercussio, esse rubrum, saith Tostatus. The reason is, because of his rayes, which being in the lower vapours, those doe con∣vay an imperfect mixed light upon the waters. Thus the Moone being in the earths shadow, and the Sunne beames which are round about it, not being able to come directly unto her body, yet some second rayes there are, which

passing through the shadow, make her appeare in that ruddy colour: So that shee must appeare brightest when shee is eclipsed, being in her Apoge or greatest distance from us, because then the cone of the earths shadow is lesse, and the refraction is made through a narrower medium. So on the contra∣ry, shee must be represented under a more dark and obscure forme when she is eclipsed, being in her Perige or neerest to the earth, because then shee is involved in a greater shadow, or bigger part of the cone, and so the re∣fraction passing through a greater me∣dium, the light must needs be weaker which doth proceed from it. If you ask now, what the reason may be of that light which wee discerne in the darker part of the new Moone? I an∣swer, 'tis reflected from our earth, which returnes as great a brightnesse to that Planet, as it receives from it. This I shall have occasion to prove af∣terward.

I have now done with these propo∣sitions which were set downe to cleare the passage, and confirme the supposi∣tions

implied in the opinion;* 1.127 I shall in the next place proceed to a more di∣rect treating of the chiefe matter in hand.

Proposition 6.

That there is a World in the Moone, hath beene the direct opinion of many ancient with some moderne Mathematicians, and may probably be deduced from the tenents of others.

SInce this opinion may be suspe∣cted of singularity, I shall there∣fore first confirme it by sufficient au∣thority of divers Authors, both anci∣ent and moderne, that so I may the better cleare it from the prejudice ei∣ther of an upstart fancie, or an absolute errour. This is by some attributed to Orpheus, one of the most ancient Greek Poets. Who speaking of the Moone, sayes thus,* 1.128 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That it hath many mountaines, and ci∣ties, and houses in it. To him assented Anaxagoras, Democritus, and Heraclides,* 1.129

all who, thought it to have firme so∣lid ground, like to our earth, contain∣ing in it many large fields,* 1.130 champion grounds, and divers Inhabitants.

Of this opinion likewise was Xeno∣phanes,* 1.131 as he is cited for it by Lactantius; though that Father (perhaps) did mi∣stake his meaning whilst hee relates it thus Dixit Xenophanes, intra concavum Lunae esse aliam terram, & ibi aliud genus hominum simili modo vivere sicut nos in hac terra, &c. As if hee had conceived the Moone to be a great hollow body, in the midst of whose concavity, there should be another globe of sea and land, inhabited by men, as our earth is. Whereas it seemes to be more likely by the relation of others, that this Philosophers opinion is to be under∣stood in the same sence, as it is here to be proved. True indeed, the Father condemnes this assertion as an equall absurdity to that of Anaxagoras, who affirmed the snow to be black: but no wonder, for in the very next Chapter it is that hee does so much deride the opinion of those who thought there were Antipodes. So that his ignorance

in that particular may perhaps disable him from being a competent Judge in any other the like point of Philosophy. Vnto these agreed Pythagoras, who thought that our earth was but one of the Planets which moved round about the Sun,* 1.132 (as Aristotle relates it of him) and the Pythagoreans in generall did af∣firme that the Moone also was terre∣striall, & that she was inhabited as this lower world; That those living crea∣tures and plants which are in her, ex∣ceed any of the like kind with us in the same proportion, as their dayes are longer than ours: viz. by 15 times. This Pythagoras was esteemed by all,* 1.133 of a most divine wit, as appeares espe∣cially by his valuation amongst the Romans, who being commanded by the Oracle to erect a statue to the wisest Graecian, the Senate determined Pythagoras to be meant,* 1.134 preferring him in their judgements before the divine Socrates, whom their Gods pronounc'd the wisest. Some think him a Iew by birth; but most agree that hee was much conversant amongst the lear∣neder sort and Priests of that Nation,

by whom hee was informed of many secrets, and (perhaps) this opinion which he vented afterwards in Greece, where he was much opposed by Ari∣stotle in some worded disputations, but never confuted by any solid reason.

To this opinion of Pythagoras did Plato also assent, when he considered that there was the like eclipse made by the earth; and this, that it had no light of its owne, that it was so full of spots.* 1.135 And therefore wee may often reade in him and his followers, of an aetherea terra,* 1.136 and lunares populi, An aethe∣reall earth,* 1.137 & inhabiters in the Moon; but afterwards this was mixed with many ridiculous fancies: For some of them considering the mysteries im∣plied in the number 3, concluded that there must necessarily be a Trinity of worlds, whereof the first is this of ours; the second in the Moon, whose element of water is represented by the spheare of Mercury, the ayre by Venus, and the fire by the Sunne. And that the whole Vniverse might the better end in earth as it began, they have con∣trived it, that Mars shall be a spheare

of the fire, Iupiter of ayre, Saturne of water; and above all these, the Elysi∣an fields, spacious and pleasant places appointed for the habitation of those unspotted soules, that either never were imprisoned in, or else now have freed themselves from any commerce with the body.* 1.138 Scaliger speaking of this Platonick fancy, quae in tres trien∣tes mundum quasi assem divisit, thinks 'tis confutation enough, to say, 'tis Plato's. However, for the first part of this asser∣tion, it was assented unto by many o∣thers, and by reason of the grosnesse and inequality of this planet, 'twas frequently called quasi terra coelestis, as being esteemed the sediment and more imperfect part of those purer bodies;* 1.139 you may see this proved by Plutarch, in that delightfull work which he pro∣perly made for the confirmation of this particular.* 1.140 With him agreed Al∣cinous and Plotinus, later Writers.

Thus Lucian also in his discourse of a journey to the Moon, where though hee does speake many things out of mirth & in a jesting manner: yet in the beginning of it he does intimate that

it did contain some serious truths con∣cerning the real frame of the Vniverse.

The Cardinall Cusanus and Iornan∣dus Brunus,* 1.141 held a particular world in every Starre, and therefore one of them defining our earth, he sayes, it is stella quaedam nobilis, quae lunam & calo∣rem & influentiam habet aliam, & diver∣sam ab omnibus aliis stellis;

A noble Starre having a distinct light, heat, & influence frō all the rest.

Vnto this Nichol. Hill, a Country man of ours, was enclined,* 1.142 whē he said Astrea terrae natura probabilis est:

That 'tis pro∣bable the earth hath a starry nature.

But the opinion which I have here delivered, was more directly proved bya 1.143 Maeslin,b 1.144 Keplar, andc 1.145 Galilaeus, each of them late Writers, and famous men for their singular skill in Astro∣nomy. Keplar calls this World by the name of Levania from the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies the Moon,* 1.146 and our earth by the name of Volva à volvendo, because it does by reason of its diurnall revolution appeare unto them constantly to turne round, and therefore hee stiles those who live in

that Hemisphere which is towards us, by the title of Subvolvani, because they enjoy the sight of this earth; and the others Privolvani, quia sunt privati con∣spectu volvae, because they are deprived of this priviledge. But Iulius Caesar, whom I have above quoted, speaking of their testimony whom I cite for this opinion, viz. Keplar and Galilaeus, affirmes that to his knowledge they did but jest in those things which they write concerning this,* 1.147 and as for any such world, he assuredly knowes they never so much as dreamt of it. But I had rather beleeve their owne words, than his pretended knowledge.

'Tis true indeed, in some things they doe but trifle, but for the maine scope of those discourses, 'tis as manifest they seriously meant it, as any indiffe∣rent Reader may easily discerne; As for Galilaeus, 'tis evident that hee did set downe his owne judgement and opinion in these things; otherwise sure Campanella (a man as well acquainted with his opinion, and perhaps his per∣son as Caesar was) would never have writ an Apologie for him. And be∣sides

'tis very likely if it had beene but a jest, Galilaeus would never have suffe∣red so much for it as report saith af∣terwards he did.

And as for Keplar, I will onely re∣ferre the Reader to his owne words as they are set downe in the Preface to the fourth book of his Epitome, where his purpose is to make an Apologie for the strangenesse of those truths that he was there to deliver, amongst which there are divers things to this purpose concerning the nature of the Moone. Hee professes that he did not publish them either out of a humor of contradiction, or a desire of vaine∣glory, or in a jesting way, to make him∣selfe or others merry, but after a con∣siderate and solemne manner for the discovery of the truth.

Now as for the knowledge which Caesar pretends to the contrary, you may guesse what it was by his strange confidence in other assertions,* 1.148 and his boldnesse in them may well derogate from his credit in this. For speaking of Ptolome's Hypothesis, hee pronounces this verdict, Impossibile est excentricorum

& epicyclorum positio, nec aliquis est ex Mathematicis adeo stultus qui veram illam existimet.

The position of Excen∣trickes and Epicycles is altogether im∣possible, nor is there any Mathema∣tician such a foole as to think it true.

I should guesse hee could not have knowledge enough to maintaine any other Hypothesis, who was so ignorant in Mathematicks as to deny that any good Author held this. For I would faine know whether there were never any that thought the Heavens to be solid bodies, and that there were such kindes of motion as is by those fained Orbs supplied; if so, Caesar la Galla was much mistaken. I think his assertions are equally true, that Galilaeus and Ke∣plar did not hold this, and that there were none which ever held that other. Thus much for the testimony of those who were directly of this opinion.

But, in my following discourse I shall most insist on the observation of Galilaeus, the inventor of that famous Perspective, whereby we may discern the Heavens hard by us; whereby those things which others have for∣merly

guest at, are manifested to the eye, and plainely discovered beyond exception or doubt; of which admi∣rable invention, these latter Ages of the world may justly boast, and for this expect to be celebrated by poste∣rity. 'Tis related of Eudoxus, that hee wished himselfe burnt with Phaeton, so hee might stand over the Sunne to contemplate its nature; had hee lived in these dayes, he might have enjoyed his wish at an easier rate, and scaling the heavens by this glasse, might plainely have discerned what hee so much desired. Keplar considering those strange discoveries which this Perspe∣ctive had made, could not choose but cry out in a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and rapture of admiration, O multiscium & quovis scep∣tro pretiosius perspicillum! an qui te dextrâ tenet, ille non dominus constituatur operum Dei?* 1.149 And Iohannes Fabricius an ele∣gant Writer, speaking of the same glasse, and for this invention prefer∣ring our age before those former times of greater ignorance, sayes thus; Adeo sumus superiores veteribus, ut quam illi carminis magici pronunciatu demissam

representâsse putantur, nos non tantum inno∣center demittamus, sed etiam familiari quo∣dam intuitu ejus quasi conditionem intue∣amur.

So much are wee above the Ancients, that whereas they were faine by their Magicall charmes to represent the Moones approach, we cannot onely bring her lower with a greater innocence, but may also with a more familiar view behold her condition.

And because you shall have no occasion to question the truth of those experiments, which I shall afterwards urge from it; I will therefore set downe the testimony of an enemie, and such a witnesse hath alwayes beene accounted prevalent: you may see it in the above-named Caesar la Galla, whose words are these: Mercurium caduceum gestantem,* 1.150 coelestia nunciare, & mortuorum animas ab inferis revocare sapiens finxit antiquitas. Galilae∣um verò novum Iovis interpretem Telesco∣pio caduceo instructum Sydera aperire, & veterum Philosophorum manes ad superos revocare solers nostra aetas videt & admira∣tur.

Wise antiquity fabled Mercury carrying a rod in his hand to relate

newes from Heaven, and call back the soules of the dead; but it hath beene the happinesse of our industri∣ous Age to see and admire Galilaeus the new Embassadour of the Gods furnished with his Perspective to un∣fold the nature of the Starres, and awaken the ghosts of the ancient Philosophers.

So worthily & high∣ly did these men esteeme of this excel∣lent invention.

Now, if you would know what might be done by this glasse, in the sight of such things as were neerer at hand, the same Author will tell you, when he sayes,* 1.151 that by it those things which could scarce at all be discerned by the eye at the distance of a mile and a half, might plainly and distinctly be perceived for 16 Italian miles, & that as they were really in thēselves, with∣out any transposition or falsifying at all. So that what the ancient Poets were faine to put in a Fable, our more happy Age hath found out in a truth, and wee may discerne as farre with these eyes which Galilaeus hath be∣stowed upon us, as Lynceus could with

those which the Poets attributed unto him. But if you yet doubt whether all these observations were true, the same Author may confirme you, when hee sayes they were shewed Non uni aut alteri,* 1.152 sed quamplurimis, ne{que} gregariis ho∣minibus, sed praecipuis at{que} disciplinis om∣nibus, necnon Mathematicis & Opticis praeceptis optimè instructis sedulâ ac dili∣genti inspectione.

Not to one or two, but to very many, and those not or∣dinary men

, but to those who were well vers'd in Mathematicks and Op∣ticks,

and that not with a meere glance, but with a sedulous and di∣ligent inspection.

And least any scruple might remaine unanswered, or you might think the men who beheld all this though they might be skilfull, yet they came with credulous minds, and so were more easie to be deluded: Hee adds that it was shewed Viris qui ad experimenta haec contradicendi animo accesserant.* 1.153

To such as were come with a great deale of prejudice, and an intent of contradiction.

Thus you may see the certainty of those ex∣periments which were taken by this

glasse. I have spoken the more con∣cerning it, because I shall borrow ma∣ny things in my farther discourse, from thsoe discoveries which were made by it.

I have now cited such Authors both ancient and moderne, who have di∣rectly maintained the same opinion. I told you likewise in the Proposition that it might probably be deduced from the tenents of others: such were Aristarchus,* 1.154 Philolaeus, and Copernicus, with many other later Writers who assented to their hypothesis; so Ioach. Rhelicus, David Origanus Lansbergius, Guil. Gilbert, and (if I may beleeve Campanella) Innumeri alij Angli & Galli,* 1.155 Very many others, both English and French, all who affirmed our Earth to be one of the Planets, and the Sunne to be the Center of all, about which the heavenly bodies did move. And how horrid soever this may seeme at the first, yet is it likely enough to be true, nor is there any maxime or ob∣servation in Opticks (saith Pena) that can disprove it.

Now if our earth were one of the

Planets (as it is according to them) then why may not another of the Planets be an earth?

Thus have I shewed you the truth of this Proposition. Before I proceed farther, 'tis requisite that I enforme the Reader, what method I shall fol∣low in the proving of this chiefe asser∣tion, that there is a World in the Moone.

The order by which I shall be guided, will be that which Aristotle uses in his book De mundo (if that book were his.)

First, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of those chiefe parts which are in it; not the elemen∣tary and aethereall (as hee doth there) since this doth not belong to the pre∣sent question, but of the Sea and Land, &c. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of those things which are extrinsecall to it, as the seasons, meteors, and in∣habitants.

Proposition 7.

That those spots and brighter parts which by our sight may be distinguished in the Moone, doe shew the difference betwixt the Sea and Land in that other World.

FOr the cleare proofe of this Pro∣position, I shall first reckon up and refute the opinions of others con∣cerning the matter and forme of those spots, and then shew the greater pro∣bability of this present assertion, and how agreeable it is to that truth, which is most commonly received; As for the opinions of other concer∣ning these, they have beene very ma∣ny; I will only reckon up those which are common and remarkable.

Some there are that think those spots doe not arise from any deformi∣ty of the parts, but a deceit of the eye, which cannot at such a distance dis∣cerne an equall light in that Planet; but these doe but only say it, and shew not any reason for the proofe of their

opinion: Others think that there are some bodies betwixt the Sunne and Moone,* 1.156 which keeping off the light in some parts, doe by their shadow pro∣duce these spots which we there dis∣cerne.

Others would have them to be the figure of the seas or mountaines here below, represented there as in a loo∣king-glasse. But none of those fancies can be true, because the spots are still the same, and not varied according to the difference of places; and besides, Cardan thinks it is impossible that any image should be conveyed so farre as there to be represented unto us at such a distance.* 1.157 But 'tis commonly related of Pythagoras, that he by writing what he pleased in a glasse, by the reflexion of the same species, would make those letters to appeare in the circle of the Moone, where they should be legible by any other, who might at that time be some miles distant from him.a 1.158 A∣grippa affirmes this to be possible, and the way of performing it not un∣knowne to himselfe, with some others in his time. It may be, that Bishop

Godwine did by the like meanes per∣form those strange conclusions, which he professes in his Nuncius inanimatus, where he pretends, that he can inform his friends of what he pleases, though they be an hundred miles distant, forte etiam, vel milliare millesimum, (they are his owne words) and, perhaps, a thou∣sand, and all this in a little space, quicker than the Sunne can move.

Now, what conveyance there should be, for so speedy a passage, I cannot conceive, unlesse it be carried with the light, than which wee know not any thing quicker; But of this on∣ly by the way; however, whether those images can be represented so or not, yet certaine it is, those spots are not such representations. Some think that when God had at first created too much earth to make a perfect globe, not knowing well where to bestow the rest, hee placed it in the Moone, which ever since hath so darkned it in some parts; but the impiety of this is sufficient confutation, since it so much detracts from the divine power and wisedome.

Thea 1.159 Stoicks held that Planet to be mixed of fire and ayre, and in their opinion, the variety of its compositi∣on caused her spots: Being not asha∣med to stile the same body a God∣desse, calling it Diana, Minerva, &c. and yet affirme it be an impure mixture of flame, and smoke, and fuliginous ayre.

—But this Planet cannot consist of fire (saith Plutarch) because there is not any fewell to maintaine it. And the Poets have therefore fained Vulcan to be lame, because hee can no more subsist without wood or other fewell than a lame man without a staffe.

Anaxagoras thought all the starres to be of an earthly nature, mixed with some fire; and as for the Sunne, he af∣firmed it to be nothing else but a fiery stone; for which later opinion, the Athenians sentenc'd him to death;* 1.160 those zealous Idolaters counting it a great blasphemy to make their God a stone,* 1.161 whereas notwithstanding, they were so senslesse in their adoration of Idols, as to make a stone their God. This Anaxagoras affirmed the Moone to be more terrestriall than the other

Planets, but of a greater purity than anything here below, and the spots he thought were nothing else, but some cloudy parts, intermingled with the light w^ch belonged to that Planet; but I have above destroyed the supposition on which this fancy is grounded.* 1.162 Pli∣nie thinks they arise from some dros∣sie stuffe, mixed with that moysture which the Moone attracts unto her selfe; but he was of their opinion who thought the starres were nourished by some earthly vapours, which you may commonly see refuted in the Commen∣tators on the books de Coelo.

Vitellio & Reinoldus affirme the spots to be the thicker parts of the Moone,* 1.163 into which the Sunne cannot infuse much light; and this (say they) is the reason why in the Sunnes eclipses the spots and brighter parts are still in som measure distinguished, because the Sun beames are not able so well to penetrate through those thicker, as they may through the thinner parts of that Planet. Of this opinion also was Caesar la Galla, whose words are these;

The Moone doth there ap∣peare

clearest, where she is transpi∣cuous, not onely through the super∣ficies,* 1.164 but the substance also, and there shee seemes spotted, where her body is most opacous.

The ground of this his assertion was, be∣cause hee thought the Moone did re∣ceive and bestow her light by illumi∣nation onely, and not at all by refle∣xion, but this, together with the sup∣posed penetration of the Sun-beames, and the perspicuity of the Moones bo∣dy I have above answered and re∣futed.

The more common and generall o∣pinion is, that the spots are the thin∣ner parts of the Moone,* 1.165 which are lesse able to reflect the beames that they receive from the Sunne, and this is most aggreeable to reason; for if the starres are therefore brightest,* 1.166 because they are thicker and more solid than their orbes, then it will follow, that those parts of the Moone which have lesse light, have also lesse thicknesse. It was the providence of nature (say some) that so contrived that planet to have these spots within it, for since

that is neerest to those lower bodies which are so full of deformity, 'tis re∣quisite that it should in some measure agree with them, and as in this inferi∣our world, the higher bodies are the most compleat, so also in the heavens perfection is ascended unto by de∣grees, and the Moone being the low∣est,* 1.167 must be the least pure, and there∣fore Philo the Jew interpreting Iacobs dreame concerning the ladder, doth in an allegory shew, how that in the fabricke of the world, all things grow perfecter as they grow higher, and this is the reason (saith he) why the Moone doth not consist of any pure simple matter, but is mixed with aire, which shewes so darkely within her body.

But this cannot be a sufficient rea∣son; for though it were true that nature did frame every thing perfecter as it was higher, yet is it as true that nature frames every thing fully perfect for that office to which shee intends it. Now, had she intended the Moone meerely to reflect the Sunne-beames and give light, the spots then had not so much argued her providence, as her

unskilfulnesse and oversight, as if in the haste of her worke shee could not tell how to make that body exactly fit for that office to which shee intended it.* 1.168

Tis likely then that she had some other end which moved her to pro∣duce this variety, and this in all pro∣bability was her intent to make it a fit body for habitation with the same conveniences of sea and land, as this inferiour world doth partake of. For since the Moone is such a vast, such a solid and opacous body, like our earth (as was above proved) why may it not be probable, that those thinner and thicker parts appearing in her, doe shew the difference betwixt the sea and land in that other world? and Ga∣lilaeus doubts not, but that if our earth were visible at the same distance, there would be the like appearance of it.

If wee consider the Moone as ano∣ther habitable earth, then the appea∣rances of it will be altogether exact, and beautifull, and may argue unto us that it is fully accomplished for all those ends to which Providence did

appoint it. But consider it barely as a starre or light, and then there will ap∣peare in it much imperfection and de∣formitie, as being of an impure darke substance, and so unfit for the office of that nature.

As for the forme of those spots, some of the vulgar thinke they repre∣sent a man, and the Poëts guesse tis the boy Endymion, whose company shee loves so well, that shee carries him with her, others will have it onely to be the face of a man as the Moone is usually pictured, but Albertus thinkes rather, that it represents a Lyon with his taile towards the East, and his head the West, and* 1.169 some others have thought it to be very much like a Fox, and certainly 'tis, as much like a Lyon as that in the Zodiake, or as Vrsa major is like a Beare.

I should guesse that it represents one of these as well as another, and any thing else as well as any of these, since 'tis but a strong imagination, which fancies such images as schoole-boyes usually doe in the markes of a wall, whereas there is not any such simili∣tude

in the spots themselves,* 1.170 which rather like our Sea, in respect of the land, appeares under a rugged and con∣fused figure, and doth not represent a∣ny distinct image, so that both in res∣pect of the matter, and the forme it may be probable enough, that those spots and brighter parts may shew the the distinction betwixt the Sea and Land in that other world.

Proposition 8.

The spots represent the Sea, and the brighter parts the Land.

WHen I first compared the na∣ture of our earth and water with those appearances in the Moone; I concluded contrary to the proposi∣tion, that the brighter parts represen∣ted the water, and the spots the land; of this opinion likewise was Keplar at the first.* 1.171 But my second thoughts, and the reading of others, have now con∣vinced me (as after he was) of the truth of that proposition which I have

now set downe. Before I come to the confirmation of it, I shall mention those scruples which at first made mee doubt the truth of this opinion.

1. It may be objected, 'tis pro∣bable, if there bee any such sea and land as ours, that it beares some pro∣portion and similitude with ours: but now this proposition takes away all likenesse betwixt them. For whereas the superficies of our earth is but the third part of the whole surface in the globe,* 1.172 two parts being overspread with the water (as Scaliger observes) yet here, according to this opinion, the Sea should be lesse than the land, since there is not so much of the bespotted, as there is of the enlightened parts, wherefore 'tis probable, that there is no such thing at all, or else that the brighter parts are the Sea.

2. The water, by reason of the smoothnesse of its superficies, seemes better able to reflect the Sun-beames than the earth, which in most places is so full of ruggednesse of grasse and trees, and such like impediments of reflexion; and besides, common expe∣rience

shewes, that the water shines with a greater & more glorious bright∣nesse than the earth; therfore it should seeme that the spots are the earth, and the brighter parts the water. But to the first it may be answered.

1. There is no great probability in this consequence, that because 'tis so with us, therefore it must be so with the parts of the Moone, for since there is such a difference betwixt them in di∣vers other respects, they may not per∣haps agree in this.

2. That assertion of Scaliger is not by all granted for a truth.* 1.173 Fromondus with others thinke that the superficies of the Sea and Land in so much of the world as is already discovered, is e∣quall and of the same extension.

3. The Orbe of thicke and vapo∣rous aire which incōpasses the Moone, makes the brighter parts of that Pla∣net appeare bigger than in them∣selves they are; as I shall shew after∣wards.

To the second it may be answered, that, that though the water be of a smooth superficies, and so may seeme

most fit to reverberate the light, yet because 'tis of a perspicuous nature,* 1.174 therefore the beames must sinke into it, and cannot so strongly and clearely be reflected. Sicut in speculo ubi plum∣bum abrasum fuerit, (saith Cardan) as in Looking-glasses where part of the lead is razed off, and nothing left behind to reverberate the image, the species must there passe through and not back againe; so it is where the beames penetrate and sinke into the substance of the body, there cannot be such an immediate and strong re∣flexion, as when they are beate back from the superficies, and therefore the Sunne causes a greater heate by farre upon the Land than upon the water. Now as for that experiment where it is sayd, that the waters have a greater brightnesse than the Land: I answer, 'tis true onely there where they repre∣sent the image of the Sunne or some bright cloud, and not in other places, especially if wee looke upon them at any great distance, as is very plaine by common observation.

And 'tis certaine that from any high

mountaine the land dos appeare a great deale brighter than any lake or river.* 1.175

This may yet be farther illustrated by the similitude of a looking glasse hanging upon a wall in the Sun-shine, where, if the eye be not placed in the just line of reflexion from the glasse, tis manifest that the wall will bee of a brighter appearance than the glasse. True indeed in the line of reflexion, the light of the glasse is equall almost unto that which comes immediately from the Sunne it selfe; but now this is onely in one particular place and so is not like that brightnesse which wee discerne in the Moone, because this dos appeare equally in severall situati∣ons, like that of the wall which doe seeme bright as well from every place as from any one. And therefore the ruffnesse of the wall, or (as it is in the objection) the ruggednesse of our earth is so farre from being an hinde∣rance of such a reflexion as there is from the Moone, that it is rather re∣quired as a necessary condition unto it. We may conceive that in every rough

body there are, as it were innumerable superficies, disposed unto an innume∣rable diversitie of inclinations. Ita ut nullus sit locus,* 1.176 ad quem non pertingant plurimi radii reflexi a plurimis superficie∣culis, per omnem corporis scabri radiis lu∣minosis percussi superficiem dispersis.

So that there is not any place unto which there are not some beams re∣flected from these diverse superfi∣cies, in the severall parts of such a rugged body.

But yet (as I said before) the earth dos receive a great part of its light by illumination, as wel as by reflexion.

So that notwithstanding those doubts, yet this proposition may re∣maine true, that the spots may be the Sea, and the brighter parts the Land. Of this opinion was Plutarch:* 1.177 unto him assented Keplar and Galilaeus,* 1.178 whose words are these, Si quis veterum Py∣thagoreorum sententiam exuscitare velit, lunam scilicet esse quasi tellurem alteram, ejus pars lucidior terrenam superficiem, obscurior verò aqueam magis congruè re∣praesentet. Mihi autem dubium fuit nun∣quam terrestris globi à longè conspecti, at∣que

a radiis solaribus perfusi, terream superficiem clariorem, obscuriorem vero a∣queam sese in conspectum daturam.

If any man have a mind to renue the opinion of the Phythagoreans, that the Moone is another earth, then her brighter parts may fitly represent the earths superficies, and the darker part the water: and for my part, I never doubted but that our earthly globe being shined upon by the Sunne, and beheld at a great di∣stance, the Land would appeare brightest, and the Sea more obscure∣ly.

The reasons may be.

1. That which I urged about the foregoing chapter, because the water is the thinner part, and therefore must give lesse light.

Since the Starres and Planets, by reason of their brightnesse, are usually concluded to bee the thicker parts of their orbe.

2. Water is in it selfe of a blacker colour (saith Aristotle) and therefore more remote from light than the earth.* 1.179 Any parts of the ground being moist∣ned with raine, dos looke much more

darkely than when it is dry.

3. 'Tis observed that the seconda∣ry light of the Moone (which after∣wards is proved to proceede from our earth) is sensibly brighter unto us, for two or three dayes before the conjun∣junction, in the morning when she ap∣peares Eastward, than about the same time after the conjunction, when shee is seene in the West. The reason of which must be this, because that part of the earth which is opposite to the Moone in the East, has more land in it than Sea. Whereas on the contrary, the Moone when she is in the West, is shined upon by that part of our earth where there is more Sea than Land, from whence it will follow with good probabilitie that the earth dos cast a greater light than the water.

4. Because observation tels us, that the spotted parts are alwayes smooth and equall, having every where an e∣quality of light when once they are enlightned by the Sunne, whereas the brighter parts are full of rugged gib∣bosities and mountaines, having many shades in them, as I shall shew more at large afterwards.

That in this Planet there must bee Seas, Campanella indeavours to prove out of Scripture interpreting the wa∣ters above the Firmament spoken in Genesis,* 1.180 to bee meant of the Sea in this world. For (saith he) 'tis not likely that there are any such waters above the Orbes to moderate that heate which they receive from their swift motion (as some of the Fathers think.) Nor did Moses meane the Angels which may be called spirituall waters, as Origen and Austin would have it,* 1.181 for both these are rejected by the generall consent: Nor could he meane any waters in the second region,* 1.182 as most Commentators interpret it. For first there is nothing but vapours, which though they are afterwards turned in∣to water, yet while they remayne there, they are onely the matter of that element, which may as well bee fire or earth or ayre. 2 Those vapours are not above the expansum but in it. So that hee thinkes there is no other way to salve all, but by making the Planets severall worlds with Sea and Land, with such Rivers & Springs as we

have here below: Especially since Esdras speakes of the springs above the Firmament.* 1.183 But I cannot agree with him in this, nor doe I thinke that any such thing can bee proved out of Scripture.

Before I proceede to the next posi∣tion, I shall first answer some doubts which might be made against the ge∣neralitie of this truth, whereby it may seeme impossible that there should be either Sea or Land in the Moone; for since she moves so swiftly as Astrono∣mers observe, why then does there nothing fall from her, or why doth she not shake something out by the ce∣lerity of her revolution? I answer, you must know that the inclination of eve∣ry heavy body to its proper Center, doth sufficiently tie it unto its place; so that suppose any thing were separa∣ted, yet must it necessarily returne a∣gaine. And there is no more danger of their falling into our world than there is feare of our falling into the Moone.

But yet there are many fabulous re∣lations of such things as have dropped

thence. There is a tale of the Nemean Lyon that Hercules slew, which first rushing among the heards out of his unknowne den in the Mountaine of Cytheron in Boeotia,* 1.184 the credulous peo∣ple thought hee was sent from their Goddesse the Moone. And if a whirle∣winde did chance to snatch any thing up, and afterwards raine it downe a∣gaine, the ignorant multitude were apt to believe that it dropt from Heaven. Thus Avicenna relates the story of a Calfe which fell downe in a storme, the beholders thinking it a Moone-calfe, and that it fell thence. So Car∣dan travelling upon the Apennine Moū∣taines, a sudden blast tooke off his hat, which if it had been carryed farre, he thinks the peasants who had perceived it to fall, would have sworne it had rained hats. After some such manner, many of our prodigies come to passe, and the people are willing to believe any thing, which they may relate to others as a very strange and wonder∣full event. I doubt not but the Trojan Palladium, the Romane Minerva, and our Ladies Church at Loretto, with

many sacred reliques preserved by the Papists might drop from the Moone as well as any of these.

But it may be againe objected, sup∣pose there were a bullet shot up in that world, would not the Moone runne away from it, before it could fall downe, since the motion of her body (being every day round our earth) is farre swifter than the other, and so the bullet must be left behind, and at length fall downe to us? To this I ans∣wer,

1. If a bullet could bee shot so far till it came to the circumference of those things which belong to our cen∣ter, then it would fall downe to us.

2. Though there were some heavie body a great height in that ayre, yet would the motion of its center belong by an attractive vertue still hold it within its convenient distance, so that whether their earth moved or stood still, yet would the same violence cast a body from it equally far. That I may the plainer expresse my meaning, I will set downe this Diagramme.

[illustration]

Suppose this earth were A, which was to move in the circle C D. and let the bullet be supposed at B. within its proper verge; I say, whether this earth did stand still or move swiftly towards D, yet the bullet would still keepe at the same distance by reason of that Magnetick vertue of the cen∣ter (if I may so speake) whereby all things within its spheare are attracted with it. So that the violence to the

bullet,* 1.185 being nothing else but that whereby 'tis removed from its center, therefore an equall violence can carry a body from its proper place, but at an equall distance, whether or no this earth where its center is, dos stand still or move.

The impartiall Reader may finde sufficient satisfaction for this and such other arguments as may be urged a∣gainst the motion of that earth, in the writings of Copernicus and his follow∣ers, unto whom for brevities sake I will referre them.

Proposition 9.

That there are high Mountaines, deepe Vallies, and spacious Plaines in the body of the Moone.

THough there are some, who think Mountaines to be a deformitie to the earth, as if they were either beate up by the Flood, or else cast up like so many heaps of rubbish left at the Cre∣ation; yet if well considered, they will

bee found as much to conduce to the beauty and conveniency of the uni∣verse, as any of the other parts. Na∣ture (saith Pliny) purposely framed them for many excellent uses:* 1.186 partly to tame the violence of greater Rivers; to strengthen certaine joynts within the veines and bowels of the earth, to break the force of the Seas inundati∣on, and for the safety of the earths in∣habitants, whether beasts or men. That they make much for the protection of beasts, the Psalmist testifies,* 1.187 The highest hils are a refuge for the wild goates, and the rocks for conies. The Kingly Pro∣phet had likewise learned the safety of these by his owne experience, when he also was faine to make a mountaine his refuge from the fury of his Master Saul, who persecuted him in the wil∣dernesse.

True indeed, such places as these keepe their neighbours poore, as being most barren, but yet they preserve them safe, as being most strong; wit∣nesse our unconquered Wales and Scot∣land, whose greatest protection hath beene the naturall strength of their

Countrey, so fortified with Moun∣taines, that these have alwayes beene unto them sure retraites from the vio∣lence and oppression of others. Wher∣fore a good Author doth rightly call them natures bulwarks, cast up at God Almighties owne charges, the scornes and curbes of victorious armies; which made the Barbarians in Curtius so con∣fident of their owne safety, when they were once retired to an inaccessible mountaine, that when Alexanders Le∣gate had brought them to a parley, and perswading them to yeeld, told them of his masters victories, what Seas and Wildernesses he had passed; they re∣plied, that all that might be, but could Alexander fly too? Over the Seas hee might have ships, and over the land horses, but hee must have wings be∣fore hee could get up thither. Such safety did those barbarous nations con∣ceive in the mountaines whereunto they were retired. Certainly then such usefull parts were not the effect of mans sin, or produced by the Worlds curse, the Flood, but rather at the first created by the goodnesse and pro∣vidence

of the Almightie.

This truth is usually concluded from these and the like arguments.

1. Because the Scripture it selfe, in the description of that generall deluge, tells us, it overflowed the highest mountaines.

2. Because Moses who writ long after the Flood, dos yet give the same description of places and rivers, as they had before; which could not well have been if this had made so strange an al∣teration.

3. 'Tis evident that the trees did stand as before. For otherwise Noah could not so well have concluded, that the waters were abated, from this rea∣son, because the Dove brought an O∣live leafe in her mouth, when she was sent forth the second time: whereas had the trees been rooted up, she might have taken it the first time, from one of them as it was floating on the top of the waters. Now if the motion of the water was not so violent as to sub∣vert the trees, much lesse was it able to cast up such vast heapes as the moun∣taines.

4. When the Scripture doth set forth unto us the power and immensi∣sitie of God by the varietie or useful∣nesse of the creatures which hee hath made, amongst the rest it doth often mention the mountaines. Psal. 104. 8. item. 148. 9. Isai. 40. 12. And there∣fore 'tis probable they were created at the first. Unto this I might adde that in other places Divine Wisdome in shewing of its owne antiquitie,* 1.188 saith that he was From the beginning, before the earth or the mountains were brought forth.* 1.189

5. If we may trust the relations of Antiquitie,* 1.190 there were many monu∣ments left undefaced after the Flood.

So that if I intend to prove that the Moone is such a habitable world as this is; 'tis requisite that I shew it to have the same conveniences of habita∣tion as this hath; and here if some Rab∣bi or Chymick were to handle the point, they would first prove it out of Scripture, from that place in Moses his blessing, where hee speakes of the ancient mountaines and lasting hills, Deut. 33. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for

having immediately before mentioned those blessings which should happen unto Ioseph by the influence of the Moone, he does presently exegetically iterate them in blessing him with the chiefe things of the ancient moun∣taines and lasting hills; you may also see the same expression used in Iacobs blessing of Ioseph.* 1.191

But however we may deale pro or con in Philosophy, yet we must not bee too bold with divine truths, or bring Scripture to patronize any fancy of our owne, though, perhaps, it be a truth. I am not of their mind who think it a good course to confirme Phi∣losophicall secrets from the letter of the Scripture, or by abusing some ob∣scure text in it. Mee thinks it savors too much of that Melancholly humor of the Chymicks, who, aiming in all their studies at the making of gold, doe perswade themselves, that the most learned and subtile of the antient Authors, in all their obscure places doe meane some such sence as may make to their purpose. And hence it is that they derive such strange mysteries

from the fables of the Poëts, and can tell you what great secret it was that antiquitie did hide under the fiction of Iupiter being turned into a shower of gold: of Mercuries being made the in∣terpreter of th•• gods: of the Moones descending to the earth for the love of Endymion: with such ridiculous in∣terpretations of these and the like fables, which any reasonable conside∣ring man cannot conceive to proceed from any but such as are distracted. No lesse fantasticall in this kind are the Jewish Rabbies, amongst whom is not any opinion, whether in nature or policy, whether true or false, but some of them, by a Cabalisticall in∣terpretation can father it upon a darke place of Scripture, or (if need bee) upon a text that is cleane contrary. There being not any absurditie so grosse and incredible, for which these abusers of the text, will not find out an argument. Whereas, 'tis the more naturall way, and should be observed in all controversies, to apply unto eve∣ry thing, the proper proofes of it; and when wee deale with Philosophicall

truths, to keepe our selves within the bounds of humane reason and autho∣rity.

But this by the way. For the better proofe of this proposition, I might here cite the testimony of Diodorus, who thought the Moone to bee full of rugged places, velut terrestribus tumulis superciliosam; but hee erred much in some circumstances of this opinion, especially where he sayes, there is an Iland amongst the Hyperboreans, where∣in those hills may to the eye bee plain∣ly discovered; and for this reason* 1.192 Caelius calls him a fabulous Writer. But you may see more expresse authority for the proofe of this in the opinions of Anaxagoras and Democritus,* 1.193 who held that this Planet was full of cham∣pion▪ grounds, mountains and vallies. And this seemed likewise probable unto Augustinus Nifus,* 1.194 whose words are these: Forsitan non est remotum dicere lunae partes esse diversas, veluti sunt par∣tes terrae, quarum aliae sunt vallosae, aliae montosae, ex quarum differentia effici po∣test facies illa lunae; nec est rationi disso∣num, nam luna est corpus imperfectè Sphae∣ricum,

cum sit corpus ab ultimo coelo elon∣gatum, ut supra dixit Aristoteles.

Per∣haps, it would not be amisse to say that the parts of the Moone were divers, as the parts of this earth, whereof some are vallies, and some mountaines, from the difference of which, some spots in the Moone may proceed; nor is this against rea∣son; for that Planet cannot be per∣fecty sphericall, since 'tis so remote a body from the first orbe, as Ari∣stotle had said before.

You may see this truth assented unto by Blancanus the Jesuit,* 1.195 and by him confirmed with divers reasons. Keplar hath observed in the Moones eclipses,* 1.196 that the divisi∣on of her inlightned part from the shaded, was made by a crooked une∣quall line, of which there cannot bee any probable cause conceived, unlesse it did arise from the ruggednes of that Planet; for it cannot at all be produc'd from the shade of any mountaines here upon earth, because these would bee so lessened before they could reach so high in a conicall shadow, that they would not be at all sensible unto us (as

might easily bee demonstrated) nor can it be conceived what reason of this difference there should be in the Sun. Wherefore there being no other body that hath any thing to doe in eclipses, we must necessarily conclude, that it is caused by a variety of parts in the Moone it selfe, and what can these be but its gibbosi••••ties? Now if you should aske a reason why there should bee such a multitude of these in that Planet, the same Keplar shall jest you out an answer. Supposing (saith hee) that those inhabitants are bigger than any of us in the same proportion, as their dayes are longer than ours, viz. by fifteen times it may be, for want of stones to erect such vast houses as were requisite for their bodies, they are faine to digge great and round hol∣lowes in the earth, where they may both procure water for their thirst, and turning about with the shade,* 1.197 may a∣void those great heats which other∣wise they would be liable unto; or if you will give Caesar la Galla leave to guesse in the same manner, he would rather thinke that those thirsty nations

cast up so many and so great heaps of earth in digging of their wine cellars; but this onely by the way.

I shall next produce the eye-witnesse of Galilaeus,* 1.198 on which I most of all de∣pend for the proofe of this Propositi∣on, when he beheld the new Moone through his perspective, it appeared to him under a rugged and spotted figure, seeming to have the darker and en∣lightned parts divided by a tortuous line, having some parcels of light at a good distance from the other; and this difference is so remarkable, that you may easily perceive it through one of those ordinary perspectives, which are commonly sold amongst us; but for your better apprehending of what I deliver, I will set downe the Figure as I find it in Galilaeus.

[illustration]

Suppose A B C D to represent the appearance of the Moones body being in a sextile, you may see some brighter parts separated at a pretty distance from the other, which can be nothing else but a reflexion of the Sun beames upon some parts that are higher than the rest, and those obscure gibbosities

which stand out towards the enlighte∣ned parts, must be such hollow and deepe places whereto the rayes cannot reach. But when the Moone is got farther off from the Sunne, and come to that fulnesse as this line B D doth represent her under, then doe these parts also receive an equall light, excepting onely that difference which doth appeare betwixt their sea & land. And if you doe consider how any rug∣ged body would appeare being en∣lightned, you would easily conceive that it must necessarily seeme under some such gibbous unequall forme, as the Moone is here represented. Now for the infallibility of these appea∣rances, I shall referre the reader to that which hath been said in the sixth Pro∣position.

But Caesar la Galla affirmes, that all these appearances may consist with a plaine superficies, if wee suppose the parts of the body to be some of them Diaphanous, and some Opacous; and if you object that the light which is con∣vayd to any diaphanous part in a plaine superficies, must bee by a continued

line, whereas here there appeare many brighter parts among the obscure at some distance from the rest. To this he answers, it may arise from some se∣cret conveyances and channels within her body, that doe consist of a more diaphanous matter, which being co∣vered over with an opacous superfi∣cies, the light passing through them may break out a great way off; where∣as the other parts betwixt, may still remaine darke. Just as the River Are∣thusa in Sicily which runnes under ground for a great way, and after∣wards breaks out againe. But because this is one of the chiefest fancies, whereby hee thinks hee hath fully answered the argument of this opini∣on; I will therefore set downe his an∣swer in his owne words, least the Rea∣der might suspect more in them than I have expressed.* 1.199 Non est impossibile coe∣cos ductus diaphani & perspicui corporis, sed opacâ superficie protendi, usque in dia∣phanam aliquam ex profundo in superfici∣em emergentem partem, per quos ductus lume nlongo postmodum interstitio erum∣pat, &c. But I reply, if the superficies

betwixt these two enlightened parts remaine darke because of its opacity, then would it alwayes be darke, and the Sunne could not make it partake of light more than it could of perspi∣cuity: But this contradicts all experi∣ence, as you may see in Galilaeus, who affirmes that when the Sunne comes neerer to his opposition, then, that which is betwixt them both, is en∣lightned as well as either. Nay, this opposes his owne eye-witnesse, for he confesses himselfe that he saw this by the glasse. Hee had said before, that he came to see those strange sights dis∣covered by Galilaeus his glasse, with an intent of contradiction, and you may reade that confirmed in the weak∣nesse of this answer, which rather be∣wrayes an obstinate, than a perswaded will; for otherwise sure he would ne∣ver have undertooke to have destroyed such certaine proofes with so ground∣lesse a fancy.

That instance of Galilaeus,* 1.200 would have beene a better evasion had this Author been acquainted with it; who might then have compared the Moone

to that which wee call mother of pearle, which though it bee most exactly polished in the superficies of it; yet will seeme unto the eye as if there were divers swellings and risings in its severall parts. But yet, this nei∣ther would not well have shifted the experiment of the perspective. For these rugged parts doe not only ap∣peare upon one side of the Moone, but as the Sunne dos turne about in divers places, so doe they also cast their sha∣dow. When the Moone is in her in∣crease, then doe they cast their sha∣dowes to the East. When she is in the decrease, and the Sunne on the other side of her, then likewise may we dis∣cover these brighter parts casting their shadowes Westward. Whereas in the full Moone there are none of all these to be seene.

But it may be objected, that 'tis al∣most impossible, and altogether un∣likely, that in the Moone there should bee any mountaines so high, as those observations make them. For doe but suppose according to the common principles, that the Moones diameter

unto the Earths, is very neere to the proportion of 2 to 7. Suppose withall that the Earths diameter containes a∣bout 7000. Italian miles, and the Moones 2000 (as is commonly grant∣ed.) Now Galilaeus hath observed, that some parts have beene enlightned, when they were the twentieth part of the diameter distant from the com∣mon terme of illumination. From whence, it must necessarily follow that there may bee some Moun∣taines in the Moone, so high, that they are able to cast a shadow a 100 miles off. An opinion that sounds like a pro∣digie or a fiction; wherefore 'tis likely that either those appearances are cau∣sed by somewhat else besides moun∣taines, or else those are fallible obser∣vations, from whence may follow such improbable, inconceiveable con∣sequences.

But to this I answer:

1. You must consider the height of the Mountaines is but very little, if you compare them to the length of their shadowes.* 1.201 Sir Walter Rawleigh observes that the Mount Athos now

called Lacas, cast its shadow 300 fur∣longs, which is above 37 miles; and yet that Mount is none of the highest. Nay Solinus (whom I should rather be∣lieve in this kinde) affirmes that this Mountaine gives his shadow quite over the Sea,* 1.202 from Macedon to the Ile of Lemnos, which is 700 furlongs or 84 miles, and yet according to the com∣mon reckoning it doth scarce reach 4 miles upwards, in its perpendicular height.

2. I affirme that there are very high Mountaines in the Moone. Keplar and Galilaeus thinke that they are higher than any which are upon our earth. But I am not of their opinion in this; because I suppose they goe upon a false ground, whilst they conceive that the highest mountaine upon the earth is not above a mile perpendicular.

Whereas 'tis the common opinion and found true enough by observati∣on, that Olympus, Atlus, Tauras and Emus, with many others, are much a∣bove this height. Tenariffa in the Ca∣nary Ilands, is commonly related to bee above 8 miles perpendicular, and

bout this height (say some) is the mount Perjacaca in America.* 1.203 Sir Wal∣ter Rawleigh seemes to thinke, that the highest of these is neere 30 miles up∣right: nay,* 1.204 Aristotle speaking of Cauca∣sus in Asia, affirmes it to bee visible for 560 miles, as some interpreters finde by computation; from which it will follow, that it was 78 miles perpendi∣cularly high,* 1.205 as you may see con∣firmed by Iacobus Mazonius, and out of him in Blancanus the Jesuite. But this deviates from the truth more in excesse,* 1.206 than the other doth in defect. However, though these in the Moone are not so high as some amongst us; yet certaine it is they are of a great height, and some of them at the least foure miles perpendicular. This I shall prove from the observation of Gali∣laeus, whose glasse can shew to the senses a proofe beyond exception; and certainly that man must needs be of a most timerous faith who dares not be∣lieve his own eye.

By that perspective you may plain∣ly discerne some enlightned parts (which are the mountaines) to bee

distant from the other about the twen∣tieth part of the diameter. From whence it will follow, that those mountaines must necessarily be at the least foure Italian miles in height.

[illustration]

For let B D E F be the body of the Moone, A B C will be a ray or beame of the Sunne, which enlightens a mountaine at A, and B is the point of contingency; the distance betwixt A and B, must bee supposed to bee the twentieth part of the diameter, which is an 100 miles, for so far are some en∣lightened

parts severed from the com∣mon terme of illumination. Now the aggregate of the quadrate from A B a hundred, and B G a 1000 will be 1010000; unto which the quadrate a∣rising from A G must be equall; ac∣cording to the 47 proposition in the first booke of elements. Therfore the whole line A G is somewhat more than 104, and the distance betwixt H A must be above 4 miles, which was the thing to be proved.

But it may be againe objected, if there be such rugged parts, and so high mountaines, why then cannot we dis∣cerne them at this distance? why doth the Moone appeare unto us so exactly round, and not rather as a wheele with teeth?

I answer, by reason of too great a distance; for if the whole body ap∣peare to our eye so little, then those parts which beare so small a propor∣tion to the whole, will not at all bee sensible.

But it may be replied, if there were any such remarkeable hils, why does not the limbe of the Moone appeare

like a wheele with teeth, to those who looke upon it through the great per∣spective, on whose witnesse you so much depend? or what reason is there that shee appeares as exactly round through it, as shee doth to the bare eye? certainely then, either there is no such thing as you imagine, or else the glasse failes much in this disco∣very.

To this I shall answer out of Gali∣laeus.

1. You must know that there is not meerely one ranke of mountaines, about the edge of the Moone, but di∣vers orders, one mountaine behind an∣other, and so there is somewhat to hinder those void spaces which other∣wise, perhaps, might appeare.

Now, where there be many hils, the ground seemes even to a man that can see the tops of all. Thus when the sea rages, and many vast waves are lifted up, yet all may appeare plaine enough to one that stands at the shore. So where there are so many hils, the ine∣quality will bee lesse remarkable, if it be discerned at a distance.

2. Though there be mountains in that part which apeares unto us to be the limbe of the Moone, as well as in any other place, yet the bright vapors hide their appearance: for there is an orbe of thicke vaporous aire that doth immediatly compasse the body of the Moone; which though it have not so great opacity, as to terminate the sight, yet being once enlightened by the Sunne, it doth represent the body of the Moone under a greater forme, and hinders our sight, from a distinct view of her true circumference. But of this in the next Chapter.

3. Keplar hath observed,* 1.207 that in the solary Eclipses, when the rays may passe thorough this vaporous ayre, there are some gibbosities to be dis∣cerned in the limbe of the Moone.

I have now sufficiently proved, that there are hills in the Moone, and hence it may seeme likely that there is also a world; for since providence hath some speciall end in all its works, certainly then these mountaines were not pro∣duced in vaine; and what more proba∣ble meaning can wee conceive there

should be,* 1.208 than to make that place con∣venient for habitation?

Proposition 10.

That there is an Atmo-sphaera, or an orbe of grosse, vaporous aire, imme∣diately encompassing the body of the Moone.

AS that part of our aire which is neerest to the earth, is of a thick∣er substance than the other, by rea∣son 'tis alwayes mixed with some va∣pours, which are continually exhaled into it. So is it equally requisite, that if there be a world in the Moone, that the aire about that, should be alike qualified with ours. Now, that there is such an orbe of grosse aire, was first of all (for ought I can reade) observed by Meslin, afterwards assented unto by Keplar and Galilaeus,* 1.209 and since by Baptista Cisacus, Sheiner with others, all of them confirming it by the same ar∣guments which I shall onely cite,* 1.210 and then leave this Proposition.

1. 'Tis not improbable that there should be a sphere of grosser aire about the Moone; because 'tis observed, that there are such kind of evaporations which proceed from the Sun it selfe. For there are discovered divers move∣able spots, like clouds, that doe en∣compasse his body: which those Au∣thors, who have been most frequently versed in these kind of experiments and studies, doe conclude to be no∣thing else but evaporations from it. The probabilitie and truth of which observations may also bee inferred from some other appearances. As,

1. It hath been observed that the Sunne hath sometimes for the space of foure days together,* 1.211 appeared as dull and ruddy almost as the Moone in her Ecclipses; In so much that the Starrs have been seene at midday. Nay, he hath been constantly darkned for al∣most a whole yeare, and never shined, but with a kind of heavy and duskish light, so that there was scarse heate enough to ripen the fruits. As it was about the time when Caesar was killed. Which was recorded by some of the

Poëts. Thus Virgil, speaking of the Sunne.

Ille etiam extincto miseratus Caesare Romam,* 1.212 Cum caput obscurâ nitidum ferrugine texit, Impia{que} aeternam timueruut saecula noctem. He pittying Romé when as great Caesar dyde, His head within a mourning vaile did hide. And thus the wicked guilty world did fright, With doubtfull feares of an eternall night.

Ovid likewise speaking of his death

—Solis quoque tristis imago Lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris.* 1.213 —The Suns sad image then Did yeeld a lowring light to fearefull men.

Now these appearances could not arise from any lower vapor. For then 1. They would not have been so uni∣versall as they were, being seene through all Europe; or else 2. that vapor must have covered the starres as well as the Sunne, which yet notwith∣standing

were then plainly discerned in the day time. You may see this argument illustrated in another the like case. Chap. 12. Hence then it will follow, that this fuliginous matter, which did thus obscure the Sunne, must needs bee very neere his bo∣dy; and if so, then, what can we more probably guesse it to be, than evaporations from it?

2. 'Tis observed, that in the Suns totall Ecclipses, when there is no part of his body discernable, yet there dos not always follow so great a darknesse, as might bee expected from his totall absence. Now 'tis pro∣bable, that the reason is, because these thicker vapors, being enlightned by his beames, doe convey some light unto us, notwithstanding the inter∣position of the Moone betwixt his bo∣dy and our earth.

3. This likewise is by some guest to be the reason of the crepusculum or that light which wee have before the Suns rising.

Now, if there be such evaporations from the Sunne, much more then

from the moone, which does consist of a more grosse and impure substance. The other arguments are taken from severall observations in the Moon her∣selfe, and doe more directly tend to the proofe of this proposition.

2. 'Tis observed, that so much of the Moone as is enlightned, is al∣wayes part of a bigger circle, than that which is darker. The frequent experience of others hath proved this, and an easie observation may quick∣ly confirme it. But now this cannot proceede from any other cause so probable, as from this orbe of aire; especially when we consider how that Planet shining with a borrowed light, doth not send forth any such rayes as may make her appearance bigger than her body.

3. When the Moone being halfe en∣lightned, begins to cover any Starre, if the Starre bee towards the obscurer part, then may it by the perspective be discerned, to bee neerer unto the center of the moone, than the out∣ward circumference of the enlightned part. But the moone being in the

full; then dos it seeme to receive these starres, within its limbe.

4. Though the Moone doe some∣time appeare the first day of her change when so much as appeares enlightned, cannot be above the 80 part of her diameter, yet then will the hornes seeme at least to be of a fingers breadth in extension. Which could not bee, unlesse the ayre about it were illumi∣nated.

5. 'Tis observed in the Solary ec∣clipses, that there is sometimes a great trepidation about the body of the Moone, from which wee may like∣wise argue an Atmo-sphaera, since we cannot well conceive what so proba∣ble a cause there should be of such an appearance as this, Quod radii Solares à vaporibus Lunam ambientibus fuerint in∣tercis••,* 1.214 that the Sunne-beames were broken and refracted by the vapours that encompassed the Moone.

6. I may adde the like argument taken from another observation which will be easily tried and granted. When the Sunne is eclipsed, we discerne the Moone as shee is in her owne naturall

bignesse; but then she appeares some∣what lesse than when she is in the full, though she be in the same place of her supposed excentrick and epicycle; and therfore Tycho hath calculated a Table for the Diameter of the divers new Moones. But now there is no reason so probable, to salve this appearance, as to place an orbe of thicker aire, neere the body of that Planet, which may bee enlightned by the reflected beames, and through which the direct rayes may easily penetrate.

But some may object, that this will not consist with that which was before delivered, where I said, that the thin∣nest parts had least light.

If this were true, how comes it to passe then, that this aire should bee as right as any of the others parts, when as tis the thinnest of all?

I answer, if the light be received by reflection only, then the thickest body hath most, because it is best able to beate backe the rayes; but if the light be received by illumination (e∣specially if there be an opacous body behinde, which may double the

beames by reflexion) as it is here,* 1.215 then I deny not but a thinne body may retaine much light; and perhaps, some of those appearances, which wee take for fiery comets, are nothing else but a bright cloud enlightned; So that probable it is, there may be such aire without the Moone; & hence it comes to passe, that the greater spots are on∣ly visible towards her middle parts, and none neere the circumference; not but that there are some as well in those parts as elsewhere, but they are not there perceiveable, by reason of those brighter vapours which hide them.

Proposition 11.

That as their world is our Moone, so our world is their Moone.

I Have already handled the first thing that I promised, according to the Method which Aristotle uses in his Book de Mundo, and shew'd you the necessary parts that belong to this

world in the Moone. In the next place 'tis requisite that I proceed to those things which are extrinsecall unto it, as the Seasons, the Meteors, and the Inhabitants.

1. Of the Seasons;

And if there be such a world in the Moone, 'tis requisite then that their seasons should bee some way corres∣pondent unto ours, that they should have Winter and Summer, night and day, as we have.

Now that in this Planet there is some similitude of Winter and Sum∣mer, is affirmed by Aristotle himselfe,* 1.216 since there is one hemispheare that hath alwayes heate and light, and the other that hath darknesse and cold. True indeed, their dayes and yeares are always of one and the same length (unlesse we make one of their yeares to be 19 of ours,* 1.217 in which space all the Starres doe arise after the same order.) But tis so with us also under the Poles, and therefore that great difference is not sufficient to make it altogether un∣like ours; nor can we expect that eve∣ry thing there should be in the same

manner as it is here below, as if nature had no way but one to bring about her purposes. We have no reason then to thinke it necessary that both these worlds should be altogether alike, but it may suffice if they be correspondent in something only. However, it may bee questioned whether it doth not seeme to bee against the wisedome of Providence, to make the night of so great a length, when they have such a long time unfit for worke? I answer, no; since tis so, and more with us also under the poles; and besides, the gene∣rall length of their night is somewhat abated in the bignesse of their Moone which is our earth. For this returnes as great a light unto that Planet, as it receives from it. But for the better proofe of this, I shall first free the way from such opinions as might otherwise hinder the speed of a clearer pro∣gresse.

Plutarch one of the chiefe patrons of this world in the Moone,* 1.218 doth dire∣ctly contradict this proposition; affirm∣ing, that those who live there, may dis∣cerne our world, as the dreggs and

sediment of all other creatures, ap∣pearing to them through clouds and foggy mists, and that altogether de∣void of light, being base and unmove∣able, so that they might well ima∣gine the darke place of damnation to bee here situate, and that they onely were the inhabiters of the world, as being in the midst betwixt Heaven and Hell.

To this I may answer, 'tis probable that Plutarch spake this inconsiderately, and without a reason; which makes him likewise fall into another absurditie, when hee says our earth would ap∣peare immoveable; whereas question∣lesse, though it did not, yet would it seeme to move, and theirs to stand still, as the Land doth to a man in a Shippe; according to that of the Poët:

Provehimur portu, terrae{que} urbes{que} rece∣dunt.

And I doubt not but that ingenuous Author would easily have recanted, if hee had beene but acquainted with those experiences which men of latter times have found out, for the confir∣mation of this truth.

2. Unto him assents Macrobius, whose words are these; Terra accepto solis lumine clarescit tantummodò,* 1.219 non relucet.

The earth is by the Sunne-beames made bright, but not able to enlighten any thing so farre.

And his reason is, because this being of a thick and grosse matter, the light is ter∣minated in its superficies, and cannot penetrate into the substance; whereas the Moone doth therefore seeme so bright to us, because it receives the beames within it selfe. But the weak∣nesse of this assertion, may bee easily manifest by a common experience; for polished steele (whose opacity will not give any admittance to the rayes) re∣flects a stronger heate than glasse, and so consequently a greater light.

3. 'Tis the generall consent of Phi∣losophers, that the reflection of the Sunne-beames from the earth doth not reach much above halfe a mile high, where they terminate the first region, so that to affirme they might ascend to the Moone, were to say, there were but one region of aire, which contra∣dicts the proved and received opinion.

Unto this it may be answered:

That it is indeed the common con∣sent, that the reflexion of the Sunne-beames reach onely to the second re∣gion; but yet some there are, and those too, Philosophers of good note, who thought otherwise. Thus Plotinus is cited by Caelius,* 1.220 Si concipias te in subli∣mi quopiam mundi loco, unde oculis subji∣ciatur terrae moles aquis circumfusa, & solis syderum{que} radiis illustrata, non aliam profecto visam iri probabile est, quam qualis modo visatur lunaris globi species.

If you conceive your selfe to bee in some such high place, where you might discerne the whole Globe of the earth and water, when it was enlightned by the Sunnes rayes, 'tis probable it would then appeare to you in the same shape as the Moone doth now unto us.

* 1.221 So Paulus Fosca∣rinus. Terra nihil aliud est quàm altera Luna, vel Stella, talis{que} nobis appareret, si ex convenienti elongatione eminus conspici∣retur, in ipsa{que} observari possent eaedem aspe∣ctuum varietates, quae in Lunâ apparent. The earth is nothing else but another Moone or Starre, and would appeare

so unto us if it were beheld at a conve∣nient distance with the same changes and varieties as there are in the Moon. Thus also Carolus Malapertius,* 1.222 whose words are these, Terra haec nostra, si in luna constituti essemus, splendida prorsus quasi non ignobilis planeta, nobis appareret.

If wee were placed in the Moone, and from thence beheld this our earth, it would appeare unto us ve∣ry bright, like one of the nobler Planets.

* 1.223 Unto these doth Fromondus assent, when he sayes, Credo equidem quod si oculus quispiam in orbe lunari foret, globum terrae & aquae instar ingentis syde∣ris à sole illustrem conspiceret.

I believe that this globe of earth and water would appeare like some great Star to any one, who should looke upon it from the Moone.

Now this could not bee, nor could it shine so remark∣ably, unlesse the beames of light were reflected from it. And therefore the same Fromondus expresly holds, that the first region of ayre is there ter∣minated, where the heate caused by reflexion begins to languish, whereas the beames themselves doe passe a

great way further. The chiefe argu∣ment which doth most plainely mani∣fest this truth, is taken from a common observation which may bee easily tryed.

If you behold the Moone a little be∣fore or after the conjunction, when she is in a sextile with the Sunne, you may discerne not onely the part which is enlightned, but the rest also to have in it a kind of a duskish light; but if you chuse out such a situation, where some house or chimney (being some 70 or 80 paces distant from you) may hide from your eye the enlightned hornes, you may then discerne a greater and more remarkable shining in those parts unto which the Sunne beames cannot reach; nay there is so great a light, that by the helpe of a good perspective you may discerne its spots. In so much that Blancanus the Jesuite speaking of it, sayes,* 1.224 Haec experientia ita me aliquando fefellit, ut in hunc fulgorem casu ac repente incidens, existimarim novo quodam miracu∣lo tempore adolescentis lunae factum esse ple∣nilunium.

This experiment did once so deceive mee, that happening up∣on

the sight of this brightnesse upon a sudden, I thought that by some new miracle the Moone had beene got into her full a little after her change.

But now this light is not proper to the Moone; it doth not proceed from the rayes of the Sunne which doth pe∣netrate her body, nor is it caused by any other of the Planets and Starres. Therefore it must necessarily follow, that it comes from the earth. The two first of these I have already proved, and as for the last, it is confidently af∣firmed by Caelius,* 1.225 Quod si in disquisitio∣nem evocet quis, an lunari syderi lucem foenerent planetae item alii, asseveranter a∣struendum non foenerare.

If any should aske whether the other Planets lend any light to the Moone? I answer, they doe not.

True indeed, the noble Tycho discussing the reason of this light attributes it to the Planet Venus;* 1.226 and I grant that this may convey some light to the Moone; but that it is not the cause of this whereof wee now dis∣course, is of it selfe sufficiently plaine, because Venus is sometimes over the

Moone, when as shee cannot convey any light to that part which is turned from her.

It doth not proceed from the fixed starres; for then it would retaine the same light in ecclipses, whereas the light at such times is more ruddy and dull. Then also the light of the Moone would not be greater or lesser, accord∣ing to its distance from the edge of the earths shadow, since it did at all times equally participate this light of the starres.

In briefe, this is neither proper to the Moone, nor does it proceed from any penetration of the Suns rays, or the shining of Venus, or the other Planets, or the fixed starrs. Now because there is no other body in the whole Uni∣verse, save the earth, it remaines that this light must necessarily be caused by that, which with a just gratitude repaies to the Moone such illumination as it receives from her.

And as loving friends equally par∣ticipate of the same joy and griefe, so doe these mutually partake of the same light from the Sunne, and the same

darkenesse from the eclipses, being al∣lo severally helped by one another in their greatest wants: For when the Moone is in conjunction with the Sun, & her upper part receives all the light, then her lower Hemispheare (which would otherwise be altogether darke) is enlightened by the reflexion of the Sunne-beames from the earth. When these two Planets are in opposition, then that part of the earth which could not receive any light from the Sunne-beames, is most enlightened by the Moone, being then in her full; and as shee doth most illuminate the earth when the Sunne-beames cannot, so the gratefull earth returnes to her as great (nay greater) light when shee most wants it; so that alwayes that visible part of the Moone which receives no∣thing from the Sunne, is enlightened by the earth, as is proved by Galilaeus, with many more arguments, in that Treatise which he calls Systema mundi. True indeed, when the Moone comes to a quartile, then you can neither dis∣cerne this light, nor yet the darker part of her body, and that for a double rea∣son.

1. Because the neerer it comes to the full, the lesse light dos it receive from the earth, whose illumination dos al∣ways decrease in the same proportion as the Moone dos increase.

2. Because of the exuperancy of the light in the other parts. Quippe illustratum medium speciem recipit va∣lentiorem,* 1.227 the clearer brightnesse in∣volves the weaker, it being with the species of sight, as it is with those of sound; and as the greater noise drowns the lesse, so the brighter object hides that which is more obscure. But as they do always in their mutuall vicissi∣tudes participate of one anothers light; so also doe they partake of the same defects and darknings; for when our Moone is eclipsed, then is their Sunne darkned; and when our Sun is eclipsed, thē is their Moon deprived of its light, as you may see affirmed by Meslin. Quod si terram nobis ex alto liceret intueri,* 1.228 quemadmodum deficientem lunam ex lon∣ginquo spectare possumus, videremus tempo∣re eclipsis solis terrae aliquam partem lumi∣ne solis deficere, eodem planè modo sicut ex opposito luna deficit.

If we might be∣hold

this globe of earth at the same distance, as we doe the Moon in her defect, wee might discerne some part of it darkened in the Sunnes eclipses, just so as the Moone is in hers.

For as our Moone is eclipsed by the interposition of our earth, so is their Moone eclipsed by the interposi∣tion of theirs. The manner of this mu∣tuall illumination betwixt these two you may plainly discerne in this Figure following.

[illustration]

Where A represents the Sunne, B the Earth, and C the Moone; Now suppose the Moone C to be in a sextile of increase, when there is onely one small part of her body enlightened, then the earth B will have such a part of its visible Hemispheare darkned, as is proportionable to that part of the Moone which is enlightened; and as for so much of the Moone, as the Sun-beames cannot reach unto, it receives light from a proportionall part of the earth which shines upon it, as you may plainly perceive by the Figure.

You see then that agreement and si∣militude which there is betwixt our earth and the Moone. Now the great∣est difference which makes them un∣like, is this, that the Moone enlightens our earth round about, whereas our earth gives light onely to that Hemi∣spheare of the Moone which is visible unto us, as may be certainly gathered from the constant appearance of the same spots, which could not thus come to passe, if the Moone had such a diur∣nall motion about its owne axis as per∣haps our earth hath. And though some

suppose her to move in an epicycle, yet this doth not so turne her body round, that wee may discerne both Hemi∣spheares; for according to that hypo∣thesis (say they) the motion of her ec∣centrick doth turne her face towards us, as much as the other doth from us.

But now, if any question what they doe for a Moone who live in the upper part of her body? I answer, the solving of this, is the most uncertaine and dif∣ficult thing that I know of, concerning this whole matter. But yet unto mee this seemes a probable conjecture.

That the upper Hemispheare of the Moone doth receive a sufficient light from those Planets about it; and a∣mongst these, Venus (it may bee) be∣stowes a more especiall brightnesse, since Galilaeus hath plainly discerned that she suffers the same increases and decreases; as the Moone hath, and 'tis probable that this may bee perceived there, without the help of a glasse, be∣cause they are farre neerer it than wee. When Venus (saith Keplar) lies downe in the Perige or lower part of her sup∣posed

Epicycle, then is she in conjun∣ction with her husband the Sunne, from whom after shee hath departed for the space of ten moneths, shee gets plenum uterum, and is in the full.

But you'll reply, though Venus may bestow some light when she is over the Moone, and in conjunction, yet being in opposition, she is not visible to them, and what shall they then doe for light?

I answer, then they have none; nor doth this make so great a difference be∣twixt those two Hemispheares, as there is with us, betwixt the places un∣der the poles, and the line. And be∣sides, 'tis considerable, that there are two kinde of Planets.

1. Primarie, such whose proper cir∣cles doe encompasse the body of the Sunne, whereof there are six. Saturne, Iupiter, Mars, Ceres or the Earth, Ve∣nus, Mercury. As in the Frontispice.

2. Secondary, such whose proper circles are not about the Sunne, but some of the other primarie Planets. Thus are there two about Saturne, foure about Iupiter, and thus likewise

dos the Moone encompasse our earth. Now tis probable that these lesser, se∣condary Planets, are not so accommo∣dated with all conveniences of habi∣tation, as the others that are more prin∣cipall.

But it may seeme a very difficult thing to conceive, how so grosse and darke a body as our earth, should yeeld such a cleere light as proceeds from the Moone; and therefore the Cardi∣nall de Cusa (who thinks every Starre to be a severall wo••ld) is of opinion that the light of the Sunne is not able to make them appeare so bright;* 1.229 but the reason of their shining is, because wee behold them at a great distance through their regions of fire which doe set a shining lustre upon those bo∣dies that of themselves are darke. Vnde si quis esset extra regionem ignis, terra ista in circumferentia suae regionis per medium ignis lucida stella appareret.

So that if a man were beyond the region of fire, this earth would appeare through that,

as a bright Starre. But if this were the onely reason, then would the Moone be freed from such

increases and decreases as shee is now lyable unto.

Keplar thinks that our earth receives that light whereby it shines, from the Sunne, but this (saith he) is not such an intended cleare brightnes as the Moon is capable of, and therefore he guesses, that the earth there, is of a more chokie soyle, like the Ile of Crete, and so is better able to reflect a stronger light, whereas our earth must supply this in∣tention with the quantity of its body. But this I conceive to bee a needlesse conjecture, since our earth, if all things were well considered, will bee found able enough to reflect as great a light. For

1. Consider its opacity; if you marke these sublunary things, you shall per∣ceive that amongst them, those that are most perspicuous, are not so well able to reverberate the Sunne-beames, as the thicker bodies. The rayes passe singly through a diaphanous matter, but in an opacous substance they are doubled in their returne, and multi∣plyed by reflexion. Now if the moone and the other Planets can shine so

cleerely by beating backe the Sunne-beames, why may not the earth also shine as well, which agrees with them in the cause of this brightnesse their o∣pacity?

2. Consider what a cleare light we may discerne reflected from the earth in the middest of Summer, and withall conceive how much greater that must bee which is under the line, where the rayes are more directly and strongly reverberated.

3. 'Tis considerable that though the Moon dos in the night time seeme to be of so cleere a brightnesse, yet when wee looke upon it in the day, it appeares like some little whitish cloud: Not but that at both times, she is of an equall light in her selfe. The reason of this difference is, because in the night wee looke upon it through a darke and obscure medium, there being no other enlightned body, whose brightnesse may abate from this: Whereas in the day time, the whole heavens round about it, are of an equall clearenesse, and so make it to appeare with a weak∣er light. Now because wee cannot see

how the enlightned parts of our earth doe looke in the night, therefore in comparing it with the Moone, wee must not consider her, as she is beheld through the advantage of a darke me∣dium, but as she seemes in the day-time: Now, in any cleere Sun-shine-day, our earth does appeare as bright as the Moone, which at the same time does seeme like some duskish cloud (as any little observation may easily manifest.) Therefore we need not doubt but that the earth is as well able to give light, as the Moone. To this, it may be ad∣ded that those very clouds, which in the day-time seeme to be of an equall light to the moone, doe in the evening become as darke as our earth; and as for those of them, which are looked upon at any great distance, they are often mistaken for the mountaines.

4. Tis considerable, that though the moone seeme to bee of so great a brightnesse in the night, by reason of its neerenesse unto those severall sha∣dowes which it casts, yet is it of it selfe weaker than that part of twilight, which usually wee have for halfe an

houre after Sunne-set, because wee cannot till after that time discerne any shadow to be made by it.

5. Consider the great distance at which we behold the Planets, for this must needs adde much to their shining; and therefore Cusanus (in the above ci∣ted place) thinks that if a man were in the Sunne, that Planet would not ap∣peare so bright to him, as now it doth to us, because then his eye could dis∣cerne but little, whereas here, we may comprehend the beames as they are contracted in a narrow body. Keplar beholding the earth from a high moun∣taine when it was enlightned by the Sunne, confesses that it appeared unto him of an incredible brightnes, where∣as then he could onely see some small parts of it; but how much brighter would it have appeared if hee might in a direct line behold the whole globe of earth and these rayes gathered toge∣ther? So that if we consider that great light which the earth receives from the Sunne in the Summer, and then suppose wee were in the Moone, where wee might see the whole earth hang∣ing

in those vast spaces, where there is nothing to terminate the sight, but those beames which are there contra∣cted into a little compasse; I say, if we doe well consider this, wee may easily conceive that our earth appeares as bright to those other inhabitants in the Moone, as theirs doth to us.

But here it may bee objected, that with us, for many days in the yeare, the heavens are so overclowded, that wee cannot see the Sunne at all, and for the most part, in our brightest dayes, there are many scattered clouds which shade the earth in sundry places; so that in this respect, it must needs be unlike the Moon and will not be able to yeeld so cleare, unintermitted a light, as it re∣ceives from that planet.

To this I answer.

1. As for those lesser brighter clouds which for the most part are scattered up and down in the clearest days, these can be no reason why our earth should be of a darker appearāce, because these clouds being neere unto the earth, and so not distinguishable at so great a di∣stance from it, and likewise being illu∣minated

on their back parts by the Sunne that shines upon them,* 1.230 must seeme as bright to those in the Moone, as if the beames were immediately re∣flected from our earth.

2. When these clouds that are in∣terposed, are of any large extension or great opacity, as it is in extraordinary lasting and great rains, then there must be some discernable alteration in the light of our earth; But yet this dos not make it to differ from the Moone: since it is so also with that Planet, as is shew∣ed in the later part of the next chapter.

Proposition. 12.

That tis probable there may be such Mete∣ors belonging to that world in the Moone, as there are with us.

PLutarch discussing this point, af∣firmes that it is not necessary there should be the same meanes of growth and fructifying in both these worlds, since nature might in her policy finde out more wayes than one how to bring

about the same effect. But however, he thinks it is probable that the Moone her selfe sendeth forth warme winds, and by the swiftnesse of her motion there should breathe out a sweet and comfortable ayre, pleasant dewes, and gentle moisture, which might serve for refreshing and nourishment of the in∣habitants and plants in that other world.

But since they have all things alike with us, as sea and land, and vaporous ayre encompassing both, I should ra∣ther therefore thinke that nature there should use the same way of producing meteors as shee doth with us (and not by a motion as Plutarch supposes:) be∣cause shee doth not love to vary from her usuall operations without some extraordinary impediment, but still keepes her beaten path unlesse shee bee driven thence.

One argument whereby I shall ma∣nifest this truth, may bee taken from those new Stars which have appeared in divers ages of the world, and by their paralax have been discerned to have been above the Moone, such as

was that in Cassiopeia, that in Sagittarius, with many others betwixt the Planets. Hipparchus in his time tooke especiall notice of such as these,* 1.231 and therefore fancied out such cōstellations in which to place the Starrs, shewing how many there were in every asterisme, that so afterwards, posterity might know whe∣ther there were any new Starre pro∣duced, or any old one missing. Now the nature of these Comets may pro∣bably manifest, that in this other world there are other meteors also; for these in all likelyhood are nothing else but such evaporations caused by the Sunne from the bodies of the Pla∣nets. I shall prove this by shewing the improbabilities and inconveniences of any other opinion.

For the better pursuite of this 'tis in the first place requisite, that I deale with our chiefe adversary, Caesar la Gal∣la, who doth most directly oppose that truth which is here to be proved. Hee endeavouring to confirme the incor∣ruptibility of the Heavens, and being there to satisfie the argument which is taken from these Comets, He answers

it thus: Aut argumentum desumptum ex paralaxi, non est efficax, aut si est ef∣ficax, eorum instrumentorum usum deci∣pere, vel ratione astri, vel medii, vel di∣stantiae, aut ergo erat in suprema parte aeris, aut si in coelo, tum forsan factum erat ex reflectione radiorum Saturni & Iovis, qui tunc in conjunctione fuerant.

Either the argument from the para∣lax is not efficacious, or if it bee, yet the use of the instruments might deceive, either in regard of the star, or the medium, or the distance, and so this comet might be in the upper regions of the ayre; or if it were in the heavens, there it might be pro∣duced by the reflexion of the rayes from Saturne and Iupiter, who were then in conjunction.

You see what shifts hee is driven to, how he runnes up and downe to many starting holes, that he may find some shelter, and in stead of the strength of reason, he an∣swers with a multitude of words, thinking (as the Proverbe is) that hee may use haile, when hee hath no thun∣der. Nihil turpius (saith* 1.232 Seneca) du∣bio & incerto, pedem modo referente, modo

producente.

What can there be more unseemely in one that should bee a faire disputant, than to be now here, now there, and so uncertaine, that one cannot tell where to find him?

Hee thinks that there are not Comets in the heavens, because there may bee many other reasons of such appearan∣ces; but what he knowes not; perhaps (hee sayes) that argument from the pa∣ralax is not sufficient,* 1.233 or if it be, then there may bee some deceit in the ob∣servation. To this I may safely say, that he may justly bee accounted a weake Mathematician who mistrusts the strength of this argument; nor can hee know much in Astronomy, who understands not the paralax, which is a foundation of that Science; and I am sure that hee is a timerous man, who dares not believe the frequent experi∣ence of his senses, or trust to a de∣monstration.

True indeed, I grant 'tis possible, that the eye, the medium, and the di∣stance may all deceive the beholder; but I would have him shew which of all these was likely to cause an error in

this observation? Meerely to say they might be deceived, is no sufficient ans∣wer; for by this I might confute the positions of all Astronomers, and af∣firme the starres are hard by us, be∣cause 'tis possible they may bee de∣ceived in their observing distance. But I forbeare any further reply; my o∣pinion is of that Treatise, that either it was set forth purposely to tempt a confutation, that hee might see the o∣pinion of Galilaeus confirmed by others, or else it was invented with as much haste and negligence as it was printed, there being in it almost as many faults as lines.

Others thinke that these are not any new Comets, but some ancient starres that were there before, which now shine with that unusuall brightnesle, by reason of the interposition of such va∣pors, which doe multiply their light; and so the alteration will be here only, and not in the heavens. Thus Aristotle thought the appearance of the milkie way was produced. For hee held that there were many little starres, which by their influence did constantly at∣tract

such a vapour towards that place of heaven, so that it alwayes appeared white. Now by the same reason may a brighter vapor bee the cause of these appearances.

But how probable soever this opi∣nion may seeme, yet if well consider∣ed, you shall finde it to bee altogether absurd and impossible: for,

1. These starres were never seene there before, and tis not likely that a vapour being hard by us, can so multi∣ply that light which could not before be at all discerned.

2. This supposed vapour cannot be either contracted into a narrow com∣passe, or dilated into a broad: 1. it could not bee within a little space, for then that starre would not appeare with the same multiplied light to those in other climates. 2. it cannot be a dilated va∣pour, for then other starres which were discerned through the same vapour, would seeme as bigge as that; this ar∣gument is the same in effect with that of the paralax, as you may see in this Figure.

[illustration]

Suppose A B to be a Hemispheare of one earth, C D to be the upper part of the highest region, in which there might be either a contracted vapour, as G, or else a dilated one, as H I. Sup∣pose E F likewise to represent halfe the heavens, wherein was this appear∣ing Comet at K. Now I say, that a contracted vapour, as G, could not cause this appearance, because an in∣habitant at M could not discerne the same starre with this brightnesse, but perhaps another at L, betwixt which

the vapour is directly interposed. Nor could it be caused by a dilated vapour, as H I, because then all the starres that were discerned through it, would bee perceived with the same brightnesse.

'Tis necessary therfore that the cause of this appearance should be in the hea∣vens. And this is granted by the most & best Astronomers. But, say some, this doth not argue any naturall alteration in those purer bodies, since tis proba∣ble that the concourse of many little vagabond starres, by the union of their beames may cause so great a light. Of this opinion were Anaxagoras and Ze∣no amongst the ancient, and Baptista Ci∣satus, Blancanus, with others amongst our moderne Astronomers. For, say they, when there happens to be a con∣course of some few starres, then doe many other flie unto them from all the parts of heaven like so many Bees unto their King. But 1. 'tis not likely that amongst those which wee count the fixed starres, there should be any such uncertaine motions, that they can wan∣der from all parts of the heavens, as if Nature had neglected them, or forgot

to appoint them a determinate course. 2. If there be such a conflux of these, as of Bees to their King, then what rea∣son is there, that they doe not still tar∣ry with it, that so the Comet may not bee dissolved? But enough of this. You may commonly see it confuted by many other arguments.* 1.234 Others there are, who affirme these to bee some new created starres, produced by an extraordinary supernaturall power. I answer, true indeed, tis possible they might be so, but however, tis not likely they were so, since such appearances may be salved some other way; wher∣fore to fly unto a miracle for such things, were a great injury to nature, and to derogate from her skill; an in∣dignity much mis-becoming a man who professes himselfe to be a Philo∣sopher. Miraculum (saith one) est ig∣norantiae Asylum, a miracle often serves for the receptacle of a lazy ignorance; which any industrious Spirit would be ashamed of, if being but an idle way to shift off the labour of any further search. But here's the misery of it, we first tye our selves unto Aristotles

principles, and then conclude that no∣thing could contradict them, but a mi∣racle; whereas 'twould be much bet∣ter for the Common-wealth of learn∣ing, if wee would ground our princi∣ples rather upon the frequent experi∣ences of our owne, than the bare au∣thority of others.

Some there are who thinke, that these Comets are nothing else, but ex∣halations from our earth, carryed up into the higher parts of the Heaven. So Peno,* 1.235 Rothmannus & Galilaeus. But this is not possible, since by computa∣tion 'tis found, that one of them is a∣bove 300 times bigger than the whole Globe of Land and Water. Others therefore have thought that they did proceed from the body of the Sunne, and that that Planet only is Cometarum officinae, unde tanquam emissarii & explo∣ratores emitterentur, brevi ad solem redi∣turi: The shop or forge of Comets from whence they were sent, like so many spies, that they might in some short space returne againe. But this cannot be, since if so much matter had proceeded from him alone, it would

have made a sensible diminution in his body. The Noble Tycho therefore thinks that they consist of some such fluider parts of the Heaven, as the milky way is framed of, which being condenst together, yet not attaining to the consistency of a Starre, is in some space of time rarifyed againe into its wonted nature. But this is not likely; because the appearance of the milky way dos not arise from some fluider parts of the heaven (as he supposes) but from the light of many lesser starrs which are thereabouts.* 1.236 And therefore it is usually thus described.* 1.237 Via lactea nihil aliud est quàm innumerabiles stella∣rum fixarum greges qui confuso & pallenti lumine tractum illum inalbant. The milky way is nothing else but the pale and confused light of many leser starres, whereby some parts of the heaven are made to appeare white.

And beside, what likely cause can we conceive of this condensation, un∣lesse there bee such qualities there, as there are in our ayre, and then why may not the Planets have the like qua∣lities as our earth? and if so, then 'tis

more probable that they are made by the ordinary way of nature, as they are with us, and consist of such exhalati∣ons from the bodies of the Planets, as being very much rarified, may bee drawne up, through the orbe of grosse vaporous ayre that incompasses them. Nor is this a singular opinion; but it seemed most likely to Camillus Glorio∣sus.* 1.238 Th. Campanella, Fromondus, with some others. But if you aske, whither shall all these exhalations returne?* 1.239 I answer every one into his own Planet. If it be againe objected, that then there will be so many centers of gravity, and each severall Planet will be a distinct world; I reply, wee have not like pro∣babilitie concerning the rest; but yet, perhaps all of them are so, except the Sunne,* 1.240 though Cusanus and some o∣thers think there is one also; and la∣ter times have discovered some lesser clouds moving round about him. But as for Saturne, he hath two Moones on each side. Iupiter hath foure, that incircle him with their motion. Which are lik∣wise ecclipsed by the interposition of his body, as the Moone is by our earth.

Venus is observed to increase and de∣crease as the Moone.* 1.241 And this perhaps hath been noted by former ages, as may be guest by that relation of Saint Austin out of Varro.* 1.242 Mars, and all the rest,* 1.243 derive their light from the Sunne. Concerning Mercury, there hath been little or no observation, because for the most part, hee lies hid under the Sunne-beames, and seldome appeares by himselfe. But when he dos, yet the compasse of his body is so little, and his light of so cleare a brightnesse, by reason of his neerenesse to the Sunne, that the perspective cannot make the same discoveries upon him, as from the rest.

So that if you consider their quanti∣ty, their opacity, or these others dis∣coveries, you shall finde it probable enough, that each of them may bee a severall world. Especially, since every one of them is allotted to a severall orbe, and not altogether in one, as the fixed starres seeme to bee. But this would bee too much for to vent at the first: the chiefe thing at which I now ayme in this discourse, is to prove that

there may bee one in the Moone.* 1.244

It hath been before confirmed, that there was a spheare of thick vaporous ayre encompassing the Moone, as the first and second regions doe this earth. I have now shewed, that thence such exhalations may proceed as doe pro∣duce the Comets: now from hence it may probably follow, that there may be winde also and raine, with such o∣ther Meteors as are common amongst us. This consequence is so dependant, that Fromondus dares not deny it, though hee would (as he confesses himselfe;)* 1.245 for if the Sunne be able to exhale from them such fumes as may cause Co∣mets, why not then such as may cause winds, and why not such also as may cause raine, since I have above shewed, that there is Sea and Land, as with us? Now, raine seemes to be more espe∣cially requisite for them, since it may allay the heate and scorchings of the Sunne, when hee is over their heads. And nature hath thus provided for those in Peru, with the other inhabi∣tants under the line.

But if there bee such great, and fre∣quent

alterations in the Heavens, why cannot we discerne them?

I answer:

1. There may be such, and wee not able to perceive them, because of the weaknesse of our eye, and the di∣stance of those places from us; they are the words of Fienus (as they are quoted by Fromondus in the above ci∣ted place) Possunt maximae permutatio∣nes in coelo fieri, etiamsi a nobis non conspi∣ciantur; hoc visus nostri debilitas & im∣mensa coeli distantia faciunt. And unto him assents Fromondus himselfe, when a little after he sayes, Si in sphaeris plane∣tarum degeremus, plurima forsan coelestium nebularum vellera toto aethere passim dis∣persa videremus, quorum species jam eva∣nescit nimiâ spatii intercapedine.

If we did live in the spheares of the Pla∣nets, we might there perhaps dis∣cerne many great clouds dispersed through the whole Heavens

, which are not now visible by reason of this great distance.

2. Maeslin and Keplar affirme, that they have seene some of these altera∣tions. The words of Maeslin are these

(as I find them cited.) In eclipsi Lunari vespere Dominicae Palmarum Anni 1605.* 1.246 in corpore Lunae versus Boream, nigricans quaedam macula conspecta fuit,* 1.247 obscurior caetero toto corpore, quod candentis ferri fi∣guram repraesentabat; dixisses nubila in multam regionem extensa pluviis & tem∣pestuosis imbribus gravida, cujusmodi ab excelsorum montium jugis in humiliorae con∣vallium loca videre non rarò contingit.

In that lunary eclipse which happened in the even of Palme-sunday, in the yeere 1605, there was a certaine blackish spot discerned in the Nor∣therly part of the Moone, being darker than any other place of her body, and representing the colour of red hot iron; You might conje∣cture that it was some dilated cloud, being pregnant with showers; for thus doe such lower clouds appeare from the tops of high mountaines.

And a little before this passage, the same Author speaking of that vapo∣rous ayre about the Moone, tells us. Quod circumfluus ille splendor diversis tem∣poribus apparet limpidior plus minusve. That it dos at divers times appeare of a diffe∣rent

clearnesse, sometimes more, and sometimes lesse; which he guesses to arise from the clouds and vapors that are in it.

Unto this I may adde another testi∣mony of Bapt. Cisatus, as he is quoted by Nicrembergius, grounded upon an observation taken 23 yeeres after this of Maeslin, and writ to this Euseb. Ni∣cremberg. in a letter by that diligent & judicious Astronomer.* 1.248 The words of it runne thus; Et quidem in eclipsi nupera solari quae fuit ipso die natali Christi, obser∣vavi clarè in luna soli supposita, quidpiam quod valde probat id ipsum quod Cometae quo{que} & maculae solares urgent, nempe coe∣lum non esse à tenuitate & variationibus aeris exemptum; nam circa lunam adverti esse sphaeram seu orbem quendam vaporo∣sum, non secus atque circum terram, adeo{que} sicut ex terra in aliquam usque sphaeram va∣pores & exhalationes expirant, it a quoque ex luna.

In that solary eclipse which happened on Christmas day, when the Moone was just under the Sun, I plainly discerned that in her, which may clearely confirme what the Comets and Suns spots doe seeme

to prove,* 1.249 viz. that the heavens are not so solid, nor freed from those changes which our aire is liable un∣to; for, about the Moon I perceived such an orbe, or vaporous aire, as that is which doth encompasse our earth; and as vapours and exhala∣tions are raised from our earth into this aire, so are they also from the Moone.

You see what probable grounds, and plaine testimonies I have brought for the confirmation of this Propositi∣on: many other things in this behalfe might bee spoken, which for brevity sake I now omit, and passe unto the next.

Proposition 13.

That tis probable there may be inhabi∣tants in this other World, but of what kinde they are, is uncertaine.

I Have already handled the Seasons, and Meteors belonging to this new

World: tis requisite that in the next place I should come unto the third thing which I promised, and say somewhat of the inhabitants; Con∣cerning whom there might bee many difficult questions raised; as; whether that place bee more inconvenient for habitation than our World (as Keplar thinks;) whether they are the seed of Adam; whether they are there in a bles∣sed estate, or else what meanes there may be for their salvation? with many other such uncertaine enquiries, which I shall willingly omit, leaving it to their examination who have more leisure and learning for the search of such particulars.

Being for mine owne part content only to set downe such notes belong∣ing unto these, which I have observed in other Writers.* 1.250 Cum tot a illa regio no∣bis ignota sit, remanent inhabitatores illi ignoti penitus (saith Cusanus) since wee know not the regions of that place, we must be altogether ignorant of the in∣habitants. There hath not yet beene any such discovery concerning these, upon which we may build a certainty,

or good probability: well may wee guesse at them, & that too very doubt∣fully, but wee can know nothing; for, if wee doe hardly guesse aright at things which bee upon earth,* 1.251 if with labour wee doe find the things that are at hand, how then can wee search out those things that are in heaven? What a little is that which wee know, in respect of those many matters contained within this great Universe? This whole globe of earth and water, though it seeme to us to bee of a large extent, yet it beares not so great a proportion unto the whole frame of Nature, as a small sand doth unto it; and what can such little creatures as we, discerne, who are tied to this point of earth? or what can they in the Moone know of us? If we understand any thing (saith Esdras) tis nothing but that which is upon the earth;* 1.252 and hee that dwelleth above in the heavens, may onely understand the things that are a∣bove in the height of the heavens.

So that 'twere a very needelesse thing for us to search after any parti∣culars; however, we may guesse in the generall that there are some inha∣bitants

in that Planet: for why else did providence furnish that place with all such conveniences of habitation as have beene above declared?

But you will say, perhaps; is there not too great and intolerable a heate, since the Sunne is in their Zenith every moneth, and doth tarry there so long before he leaves it?

I answer, 1. This may, perhaps, be remedied (as it is under the line) by the frequency of mid-day showers, which may cloud their Sunne, and coole their earth. 2. The equality of their nights doth much temper the scorching of the day; and the extreme cold that comes from the one, requires some space before it can bee dispelled by the other, so that the heat spending a great while before it can have the vi∣ctory, hath not afterwards much time to rage in. Wherfore notwithstanding this doubt, yet that place may remaine habitable. And this was the opinion of the Cardinal de Cusa, when speaking of this Planet, he sayes,* 1.253 Hic locus Mun∣di est habitatio hominum & animalium at∣que vegetabilium.

This part of the

world is inhabited by men, & beasts, and plants.

To him assented Campa∣nella; but he cannot determine whe∣ther they were men or rather some o∣ther kinde of creatures. If they were men, then he thinks they could not be infected with Adams sinne; yet per∣haps, they had some of their owne, which might make them liable to the same misery with us, out of which, it may bee, they were delivered by the same means as we, the death of Christ; and thus he thinks that place of the E∣phesians may be interpreted, where the Apostle sayes,* 1.254 God gathered all things together in Christ, both which are in earth, and which are in the heavens: So also that of the same Apostle to the Colossians, where he sayes,* 1.255 that it pleased the Father to reconcile all things unto himselfe by Christ, whether they be things in earth, or things in heaven.

But I dare not jest with divine truths, or apply these places according as fan∣cy directs. As I thinke this opinion doth not any where contradict Scrip∣ture; so I thinke likewise, that it can∣not bee proved from it. Wherefore

Campanella's second conjecture may be more probable, that the inhabitants of that world, are not men as we are, but some other kinde of creatures which beare some proportion, and likenesse to our natures. Or it may be, they are of a quite different nature from any thing here below, such as no imagina∣tion can describe; our understandings being capable only of such things as have entered by our senses, or else such mixed natures as may bee composed from them. Now, there may be many other species of creatures beside those that are already knowne in the world; there is a great chasme betwixt the na∣ture of men and Angels; It may bee the inhabitants of the Planets are of a middle nature between both these. Tis not improbable that God might create some of all kindes, that so he might more compleatly glorifie himselfe in the works of his Power and Wise∣dome.

Cusanus too, thinks they differ from us in many respects; I will set downe his words as they may be found in the above cited place, Suspicamur in regione

solis magis esse solares, claros & illumi∣natos intellectuales habitatores, spiritua∣liores etiam quàm in lunâ, ubi magis lu∣natici, & in terra magis materiales & crassi, ut illi intellectualis naturae so∣lares sint multum in actu & parum in potentia, terreni verò magis in potentia, & parum in actu, lunares in medio flu∣ctuantes. Hoc quidem opinamur ex influ∣entia ignili solis, aquatica simul & aerea lunae, & gravedine materiali terrae, & consimiliter de aliis stellarum regioni∣bus, suspicantes nullam habitationibus ca∣rere, quasi tot sint partes particulares mundiales unius universi, quot sunt stellae quarum non est numerus, nisi apud eum qui omnia in numero creavit.

Wee may conjecture (saith hee) the inhabitants of the Sunne are like to the nature of that Planet, more cleare and bright, more intellectu∣all than those in the Moone where they are neerer to the nature of that duller Planet, and those of the earth being more grosse and materiall than either, so that these intellectu∣all natures in the Sunne, are more forme than matter, those in the earth

more matter than forme, and those in the Moone betwixt both. This we may guesse from the fierie influ∣ence of the Sunne, the watery and aereous influence of the Moone, as also the materiall heavinesse of the earth. In some such manner like∣wise is it with the regions of the o∣ther starres; for, we conjecture that none of them are without inhabi∣tants, but that there are so many particular worlds and parts of this one universe, as there are starres, which are innumerable, unlesse it be to him who created all things in number.

For hee held that the stars were not all in one equall orbe as wee common∣ly suppose; but that some were farre higher than others, which made them appeare lesse; and that many others were so farre above any of these, that they were altogether invisible unto us. An opinion which (as I conceive) hath not any great probability for it, nor certainty against it.

The Priest of Saturne relating to Plutarch (as hee faignes it) the nature

of these Selenites, told him they were of divers dispositions, some desiring to live in the lower parts of the Moone, where they might looke downewards upon us, while others were more sure∣ly mounted aloft, all of them shining like the rayes of the Sunne, and as be∣ing victorious, are crowned with gar∣lands made with the wings of Eustathia or Constancie.

It hath beene the opinion amongst some of the Ancients, that their hea∣vens and Elysian fields were in the Moone where the ayre is most quiet and pure.* 1.256 Thus Socrates, thus Plato, with his followers, did esteeme this to bee the place where those purer soules in∣habite, who are freed from the Sepul∣cher, and contagion of the body. And by the Fable of Ceres, continually wandring in search of her daughter Proserpina, is meant nothing else but the longing desire of men, who live upon Ceres earth, to attaine a place in Proser∣pina, the Moone or heaven.

Plutarch also seemes to assent unto this; but he thinks moreover, that there are two places of happines answerable

to those two parts which he fancies to remaine of a man when he is dead, the soule and the understanding; the soule hee thinks is made of the Moone; and as our bodies doe so proceede from the dust of this earth, that they shall returne to it hereafter; so our soules were generated out of that Planet, and shall be resolved into it againe; where∣as the understanding shall ascend unto the Sunne, out of which it was made, where it shall possesse an eternity of well-being, and farre greater happi∣nesse than that which is enjoyed in the Moone. So that when a man dies, if his soule be much polluted, then must it wander up and downe in the middle region of the ayre where hell is, and there suffer unspeakable torments for those sins whereof it is guilty. Where∣as the soules of better men, when they have in some space of time beene pur∣ged from that impurity which they did derive from the body, then doe they returne into the Moone, where they are possest with such a joy, as those men feele who professe holy myste∣ries, from which place (saith he) some

are sent downe to have the superinten∣dance of oracles, being diligent either in the preservation of the good, either from, or in, all perills, and the preven∣tion or punishment of all wicked acti∣ons; but if in these imployments they mis-behave themselves, then are they againe to bee imprisoned in a body, o∣therwise they remaine in the Moone, till their souls bee resolved into it, and the understanding being cleared from all impediments, ascends to the Sunne which is its proper place. But this re∣quires a diverse space of time, accord∣ing to the divers affections of the soule. As for those who have beene retired and honest, addicting themselves to a studious and quiet life, these are quick∣ly preferred to a higher happinesse. But as for such who have busied them∣selves in many broyles, or have beene vehement in the prosecution of any lust, as the ambitious, the amorous, the wrathfull man, these still retaine the glimpses and dreames of such things as they have performed in their bodies, which makes them either altogether unfit to remaine there, where they are,

or else keepes them long ere they can put off their souls. Thus you see Plu∣tarchs opinion concerning the inhabi∣tants and neighbours of the Moone, which (according to the manner of the Academicks) hee delivers in a third person; you see hee makes that Planet an inferior kind of heaven, and though hee differ in many circumstances, yet doth hee describe it to bee some such place, as wee suppose Paradise to be. You see likewise his opinion concern∣ing the place of the damned spirits, that it is in the middle region of the aire; and in neither of these is hee sin∣gular, but some more late and Ortho∣dox Writers have agreed with him. As for the place of Hell, many think it may be in the aire, as well as any where else.

True indeed,* 1.257 S. Austin affirmes that this place cannot bee discovered; But others there are who can shew the situ∣ation of it out of Scripture; Some hold∣ing it to be in another world without this,* 1.258 because our Saviour calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 outward darknesse.* 1.259 But the most will have it placed towards the center

of our earth, because 'tis said, Christ descended into the lower parts of the earth; and some of these are so confi∣dent, that this is its situation, that they can describe you its bignesse also, and of what capacity it is. Francis Ribera in in his Comment on the Revelations, speaking of those words, where 'tis said,* 1.260 that the blood went out of the wine∣presse, even unto the horses-bridles by the space of one thousand and six hundred fur∣longs, interprets them to be meant of hell, and that that number expresses the diameter of its concavity, which is 200 Italian miles;* 1.261 But Lessius thinkes that this opinion gives them too much roome in hell, and therefore he guesses that 'tis not so wide; for (saith hee) the diameter of one league being cubical∣ly multiplyed, will make a spheare ca∣pable of 800000 millions of damned bodies, allowing to each six foot in the square; whereas (sayes he) tis certaine, that there shall not bee one hundred thousand millions in all that shall bee damned. You see the bold Iesuit was carefull that every one should have but roome enough in hell, and by the

strangenesse of the conjecture, you may guesse that hee had rather bee absurd, than seeme either uncharitable or ig∣norant. I remember there is a relation in Pliny, how that Dionysiodorus a Ma∣thematician, being dead, did send a let∣ter from this place to some of his friends upon earth, to certifie them what distance there was betwixt the center and superficies: hee might have done well to have prevented this con∣troversie, and enformed them the ut∣most capacity of that place. However, certaine it is, that that number cannot be knowne; and probable it is, that the place is not yet determined, but that hell is there where there is any tor∣mented soule, which may bee in the regions of the ayre, as well as in the center: And therefore perhaps it is that the Divell is stiled the prince of the ayre. But of this only occasional∣ly, and by reason of Plutarchs opinion concerning those that are round about the Moone; as for the Moone it selfe, hee esteemes it to bee a lower kind of heaven,* 1.262 and therefore in another place he calls it a terrestriall starre, and an

Olympian or celestiall earth; answer∣able, (as I conceive) to the paradise of the Schoolemen. And, that paradise was either in, or neere the Moone, is the opinion of some later Writers, who derived it (in all likelyhood) from the assertion of Plato, and perhaps, this of Plutarch. Tostatus layes this opinion upon Isiodor.* 1.263 Hispalensis, and the vene∣rable Bede; and Pererius fathers it upon Strabus and Rabanus his Master.* 1.264 Some would have it to bee situated in such a place as could not bee discovered, which caused the penman of Esdras to make it a harder matter to know the out∣goings of Paradise,* 1.265 than to weigh the weight of the fire, or measure the blasts of wind, or call againe a day that is past. But notwith∣standing this, there bee some others, who think, that it is on the top of some high mountaine under the line; and these interpreted the torrid Zone to be the flaming sword whereby Pa∣radise was guarded. 'Tis the consent of divers others, that Paradise is situ∣ated in some high and eminet place. So Tostatus: Est etiam Paradisus situ altissi∣ma,* 1.266 supra omnem terrae altitudinem,

Pa∣radise

is situated in some high place above the earth:

and therefore in his Comment upon the 49 of Genesis, he understands the blessing of Iacob concerning the everlasting hills to bee meant of Paradise, and the blessing it selfe to bee nothing else but a promise of Christs comming, by whose Pas∣sion the gates of Paradise should bee opened. Unto him assented Rupertus, Scotus, and most of the other Schoole∣men, as I find them cited by Pererius, and out of him in Sir Walter Rawleigh.* 1.267 Their reason was this: because in pro∣bability,* 1.268 this place was not overflowed by the Flood, since there were no sin∣ners there, which might draw that curse upon it. Nay Tostatus thinks, that the body of Enoch was kept there; and some of the Fathers, as Tertullian and Austin, have affirmed, that the bles∣sed soules were reserved in that place till the day of Judgement; and there∣ford 'tis likely that it was not over∣flowed by the Flood, It were easie to produce the unanimous consent of the Fathers, to prove that Paradise is yet really existent. Any diligent peruser of

them, may easily observe how they doe generally interpret the Paradise whereto Saint Paul was wrapt,* 1.269 and that wherein our Saviour promised the Thiefe should be with him, to bee lo∣cally the same from whence our first parents were banished. Now there cannot be any place on earth designed where this should bee: And therefore it is not altogether improbable that it was in this other world.

And besides, since all men should have went naked if Adam had not fell, 'tis requisite therefore that it should be situated in some such place where it might be priviledged from the extre∣mities of heat and cold. But now this could not be (they thought) so conve∣niently in any lower, as it might in some higher ayre. For these and such like considerations, have so many af∣firmed, that Paradise was in a high ele∣vated place. Which some have con∣ceived could bee nowhere but in the Moone: For it could not b•• in the top of any mountaine; nor can wee thinke of any other body separated from this earth, which can be a more convenient

place for habitation than this Planet; therefore they concluded that it was there.

It could not bee on the top of any mountaine.

1. Because we have expresse Scrip∣ture,* 1.270 that the highest of them was o∣verflowed.

2. Because it must be a greater ex∣tension, and not some small patch of ground, since tis likely all men should have lived there, if Adam had not fell. But for a satisfaction of the argu∣m̄ets, together with a farther discourse of Paradise, I shall referre you to those who have written purposely upon this subject. Being content for my owne part to have spoken so much of it, as may conduce to shew the opinion of others concerning the inhabitants of the Moone; I dare not my selfe affirme any thing of these Selenites, because I know not any ground wheron to build any probable opinion. But I thinke that future ages will discover more; and our posterity, perhaps, may invent some meanes for our better acquain∣tance with these inhabitants.

Proposition 14.

That tis possible for some of our posteri∣tie, to find out a conveyance to this other world; and if there be in∣habitants there, to have commerce with them.

ALL that hath been said, concern∣ing the people of the new world, is but conjecturall, and full of uncer∣tainties; nor can we ever looke for any evident or more probable discoveries in this kind, unlesse there bee some hopes of inventing means for our con∣veyance thither. The possibilitie of which, shall bee the subject of our en∣quiry in this last Proposition.

And, if we doe but consider by what steps and leasure, all arts doe usually rise to their growth, we shall have no cause to doubt why this also may not hereafter be found out amongst other secrets. It hath constantly yet been the method of providence, not present∣ly to shew us all, but to leade us on by

degrees, from the knowledge of one thing to another.

'Twas a great while, ere the Planets were distinguished from the fixed stars and some time after that, ere the morn∣ing and evening starre were found to be the same. And in greater space (I doubt not) but this also, and other as excellent mysteries will be discovered. Time, who hath alwayes been the fa∣ther of new truths, and hath revealed unto us many things, which our Ance∣stors were ignorant of, will also mani∣fest to our posteritie,* 1.271 that which wee now desire, but cannot know. Veniet tempus (saith Seneca) quo ista quae nunc latent, in lucem dies extrahet, & longio∣ris aevi diligentia. Time will come, when the indeavors of after ages, shall bring such things to light as now lie hid in obscuritie. Arts are not yet come to their solstice. But the indu∣strie of future times, assisted with the labors of their forefathers, may reach that height which wee could not at∣taine to. Veniet tempus quo posteri nostri nos tam aperta nescisse mirentur. As wee now wonder at the blindnesse of our

Ancestors, who were not able to dis∣cerne such things, as seeme plaine and obvious unto us; so will our posterity, admire our ignorance in as perspicuous matters.

In the first ages of the world the I∣landers thought themselves either to bee the only dwellers upon earth, or else if there were any other, they could not possibly conceive how they might have any commerce with them, being severed by the deepe and broade Sea. But after times found out the inventi∣on of ships, in which notwithstanding, none but some bold, daring men durst venture, according to that of the Tra∣goedian.* 1.272

Audax nimium qui freta primus Rate tam fragili perfida rupit.* 1.273 Too bold was he,* 1.274 who in a ship so fraile, First venturd on the trecherous waves to saile.* 1.275

And yet now, how easie a thing is this even to a timorous and cowardly nature? And questionlesse, the inven∣tion of some other means for our con∣veiance to the Moone, cannot seeme more incredible to us, than this did at

first to them, and therefore we have no just reason to bee discouraged in our hopes of the like successe.

Yea, but (you will say) there can be no sayling thither, unlesse that were true which the Poëts doe but faine, that she made her bed in the Sea. Wee have not now any Drake, or Columbus, to undertake this voyage, or any Dae∣dalus to invent a conveiance through the ayre.

I answer, Though wee have not, yet why may not succeeding times, rayse up some spirits as eminent for new at∣tempts and strange inventions, as any that were before them? Tis the opi∣nion of Keplar,* 1.276 that as soone as the art of flying is found out, some of their nation will make one of the first Colo∣nies, that shall transplant into that o∣ther world. I suppose, his appropriat∣ing this preheminence to his owne Countreymen, may arise from an o∣verpartiall affection to them. But yet thus far I agree with him, That when ever that Art is invented, or any other, wherby a man may be conveyed some twenty miles high, or thereabouts,

then, tis not altogether improbable that some or other may be successefull in this attempt.

For the better clearing of which I shall first lay downe, and then answer those doubts that may make it seeme utterly impossible.

These are chiefly three.

The first, taken from the naturall heavinesse of a mans body, whereby it is made unfit for the motion of a∣scent, together with the vast distance of that place from us.

2. From the extreme coldnes of the aethereall ayre.

3. The extreme thinnesse of it. Both which must needs make it impas∣sible, though it were but as many single miles thither, as it is thousands.

For the first. Though it were suppo∣sed that a man could flie, yet wee may well think hee would be very slow in it, since hee hath so heavy a body, and such a one too, as nature did not prin∣cipally intend, for that kind of motion. Tis usually observed, that amongst the varietie of birds, those which doe most converse upon the earth, and are swift∣est

in their running, as a Pheasant, Par∣tridge, &c. together with all domesti∣call fowle, are lesse able for flight, than othhrs which are for the most part up∣on the wing, as a Swallow, swift, &c. And therefore wee may well think, that man being not naturally endowed with any such condition as may inable him for this motion; and being necessa∣rily tied to a more especiall residence on the earth, must needs be slower than any fowle, and lesse able to hold out. Thus is it also in swimming; which Art though it bee growne to a good emi∣nence, yet he that is best skilled in it, is not able either for continuance, or swiftnesse, to equall a fish; Because he is not naturally appointed to it. So that though a man could fly, yet hee would be so slow in it, and so quickly weary, that hee could never think to reach so great a journey as it is to the Moone.

But suppose withall that hee could fly as fast, and long, as the swiftest bird: yet it cannot possibly bee con∣ceived, how he should ever be able to passe through so vast a distance, as there

is betwixt the Moone and our earth. For this Planet, according to the com∣mon grounds, is usually granted to bee at the least, 52 semidiameters of the earth from us. Reckoning for each se∣midiameter 3456 English miles, of which the whole space will be about 179712.

So that though a man could con∣stantly keep on in his journey thither by a straite line, though he could fly a thousand miles in a day; yet he would not arrive thither under 180 dayes, or halfe a yeare.

And how were it possible for any to tarry so long without dyet or sleep?

1. For Diet. I suppose there could be no trusting to that fancy of Philo the Iew (mentioned before,* 1.277) who thinks that the musick of the spheares should supply the strength of food.

Nor can wee well conceive how a man should be able to carry so much luggage with him, as might serve for his Viaticum in so tedious a jour∣ney.

2. But if he could: yet he must have some time to rest and sleep in. And I 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

yet they have not any present inclina∣tion or pronesse to one another. And so consequently, cannot bee styled hea∣vy.

The meaning of this will bee more clearely illustrated by a similitude. As any light body (suppose the Sunne) dos send forth his beames in an orbicu∣lar forme; So likewise any magneticall body, for instance a round loadstone dos cast abroad his magneticall vigor in a spheare.* 1.278 Thus.

[illustration]

Where suppose the inward circle at A to represent the Loadstone, and the

outward one betwixt B C, the orbe that dos terminate its vertue.

Now any other body that is like af∣fected comming within this sphere, as B, will presently descend towards the center of it, and in that respect may be styled heavy. But place it without this sphere as C, and then the desire of u∣nion ceaseth, and so consequently the motion also.

To apply then what hath been said. This great globe of earth and water, hath been proved by many observati∣ons, to participate of Magneticall pro∣perties. And as the Loadstone dos cast forth its owne vigor round about its body, in a magneticall compasse: So likewise dos our earth. The difference is, that it is another kind of affection which causes the union betwixt the Iron and Loadstone, from that which makes bodies move unto the earth. The former is some kind of neerenesse and similitude in their natures, for which, Philosophie as yet has not found a particular name. The latter dos arise from that peculiar qualitie, where∣by the earth is properly distinguished

from the other elements, which is its Condensitie. Of which the more any thing dos participate, by so much the stronger will bee the desire of union to it. So gold and others metalls which are most close in their composition, are likewise most swift in their motion of discent.

And though this may seeme to bee contradicted by the instance of me∣talls, which are of the same weight, when they are melted, and when they are hard: As also of water, which dos not differ in respect of gravitie, when it is frozen and when it is fluid: yet we must know that metalls are not rari∣fied by melting, but mollified. And so too for frozen waters, they are not pro∣perly condensed, but congealed into a harder substance, the parts being not contracted closer together, but still possessing the same extension. But yet (I say) tis very probable, that there is such a spheare about the earth, which dos terminate its power of attracting other things unto it. So that suppose a body to bee placed within the limits of this sphere, and then it must needs

tend downewards, towards the center of it. But on the contrary, if it be be∣yond this compasse, then there can bee no such mutuall attraction; & so conse∣quently, it must rest immoveable from any such motion.

For the farther confirmation of this, I shall propose two pertinent observa∣tions.

The first taken in the presence of many Physitians, and related by an e∣minent man in that profession,* 1.279 Hieron. Fracastorius. There being divers needles provided of severall kindes, like those in a Mariners Chart, they found, that there was an attractive power, not on∣ly in the magnet; But that iron also and steele, and silver did each of them draw its owne mettle. Whence hee concludes,* 1.280 Omne trahit quod sibi simile est. And as these peculiar likenesses, have such a mutuall efficacy; so tis pro∣bable, that this more generall qua∣lification of condensitie, may bee the cause, why things so affected desire union to the earth. And though 'tis likely that this would appeare betwixt two lesser condensed bodies, (as sup∣pose

two peeces of earth) if they were both placed at libertie in the aethereall ayre, yet being neere the earth, the stronger species of this great globe dos as it were drownd the lesse.

'Tis a common experiment, that such a lump of ore or stone, as being on the ground, cannot be moved by lesse than six men, being in the bottom of a deep mine, may be stirred by two. The rea∣son is, because then tis compassed with attractive beams, there being many a∣bove it,* 1.281 as well as below it. Whence we may probably inferre (saith the learned Verulam)

that the nature of gravitie, dos worke but weakly al∣so far from the earth; Because the appetite of union in dense bodies, must bee more dull in respect of di∣stance.

As we may also conclude from the motion of birds, which rise from the ground but heavily, though with much labor; Whereas being on high, they can keep themselves up, and soare about by the meere extension of their wings. Now the reason of this diffe∣rence, is not (as some falsly conceive) the depth of ayre under them. For a

bird is not heavier when there is but a foote of ayre under him, than when there is a furlong. As appeares by a ship in the water, (an instance of the same nature) which dos not sinke deep∣er, and so consequently is not heavier, when it has but five fatham depth, than when it has fifty. But the true reason is, the weaknesse of the desire of union in dense bodies at a distance.

So that from hence, there might be just occasion to taxe Aristotle and his followers, for teaching that heavines is an absolute qualitie of it selfe, and really distinct from condensitie: where∣as it is onely a modification of it, or ra∣ther, another name given to a conden∣sed body in reference to its motion.

For if it were absolute, then it should alwayes be inherent in its subject, and not have its essence depend upon the bodies being here or there. But it is not so. For,

1. Nothing is heavy in its proper place, according to his owne principle, Nihil grave est in suo loco. And then

2. Nothing is heavy, which is so farre distant from that proper orbe to

which it dos belong, that it is not within the reach of its vertue. As was before confirmed.

But unto this it may be objected. Though a body being so placed, be not heavy in actu secundo; yet it is in actu primo: because it retaines in it an inward proness to move downewards, being once severed from its proper place. And this were reason enough why the quality of heavinesse should have an absolute being.

I answer, this distinction is only appliable to such naturall powers as can suspend their acts; and will not hold in Elementary qualities, whose very essence dos necessarily require an exercise of the second act, as you may easily discerne by an induction of all the rest. I cannot say, that body has in it the quality of heate, cold∣nesse, drinesse, moisture, hardnesse, softnesse, &c. which for the present, has not the second act of these quali∣ties. And if you meane by the essence of them, a power unto them: why, there is not any naturall body but has a power to them all.

From that which hath beene said concerning the nature of gravity, it will follow; That if a man were above the sphere of this magneticall vertue, which proceeds from the earth, hee might there stand as firmely as in the open aire, as he can now upon the ground: And not only so, but he may also move with a farre greater swift∣nesse, than any living creatures here below, because then hee is without all gravity, being not attracted any way, and so consequently will not be liable to such impediments, as may in the least manner resist that kinde of mo∣tion which hee shall apply himselfe unto.

If you yet enquire, how wee may conceive it possible, that a conden∣sed body should not be heavy in such a place?

I answer, by the same reason as a body is not heavy in its proper place. Of this I will set down two instances.

When a man is in the bottome of a deepe river, though hee have over him a multitude of heavy waters, yet he is not burdened with the weight of

them. And though another body, that should be but of an equall gravity, with these waters, when they are ta∣ken out, would be heavy enough to presse him to death; yet notwithstan∣ding whilst they are in the channell, they doe not in the least manner, crush him with their load. The reason is, because they are both in their right places; and tis proper for the man be∣ing the more condensed body, to be lower than the waters. Or rather thus, Because the body of the man, dos more nearely agree with the earth, in this affection, which is the ground of its attraction, and therefore doth that more strongly attract it, than the wa∣ters that are over it. Now, as in such a case, a body may lose the operati∣on of its gravity, which is, to move, or to presse downewards: So may it likewise, when it is so far out of its place, that this attractive power can∣not reach unto it.

Tis a pretty notion to this purpose, mentioned by* 1.282 Albertus de Saxonia, and out of him by* 1.283 Francis Mendoca; That the aire is in some part of it

navigable. And that upon this Staticke principle;* 1.284 any brasse or iron vessell (suppose a kettle) whose substance is much heavier than that of the water, yet being filled with the lighter aire, it will swimme upon it, and not sinke. So suppose a cup, or wooden vessel, upon the outward borders of this ele∣mentary aire, the cavity of it being filled with fire, or rather aethereall aire, it must necessarily upon the same ground remaine swimming there, and of it selfe can no more fall, than an empty ship can sinke.

Tis commonly granted, that if there were a hole quite through the center of the earth, though any heavy body (as suppose a milstone) were let fall into it, yet when it came unto the place of the center, it would there rest im∣moveable in the aire. Now, as in this case, its owne condensity, cannot hin∣der, but that it may rest in the open aire, when there is no other place, to which it should be attracted: So nei∣ther could it be any impediment unto it, if it were placed without the sphere of the earths magneticall vigor,

where there should be no attraction at all.

From hence then (I say) you may conceive, that if a man were beyond this sphere, hee might there stand as firmely in the open aire, as now upon the earth. And if he might stand there, why might hee not also goe there? And if so; then there is a possibility likewise of having other conveniences for travelling.

And here tis considerable, that since our bodies will then bee devoide of gravity, and other impediments of motion; wee shall not at all spend our selves in any labour, and so conse∣quently not much need the reparation of diet: But may perhaps live altoge∣ther without it, as those creatures have done, who by reason of their sleeping for many dayes together, have not spent any spirits, and so not wan∣ted any foode: which is commonly related of Serpents, Crocodiles, Beares, Cuckoes, Swallowes, and such like. To this purpose,* 1.285 Mendoca rec∣kons up divers strange relations. As that of Epimenides, who is storied to

have slept 75 yeeares. And another of a rusticke in Germany, who being ac∣cidentally covered with a hay-ricke, slept there for all autumne, and the winter following, without any nourish∣ment.

Or, if this will not serve: yet why may not a Papist fast so long, as well as Ignatius or Xaverius? Or if there be such a strange efficacy in the bread of the Eucharist, as their miraculous relations doe attribute to it: why then, that may serve well enough, for their viaticum.

Or, if wee must needs feed upon something else, why may not smells nourish us?* 1.286 Plutrach, and* 1.287 Pliny and divers other ancients, tell us of a na∣tion in India that lived only upon plea∣sing odors. And tis the common opi∣nion of Physitians, that these doe strangely both strengthen and repaire the spirits.* 1.288 Hence was it that Democri∣tus was able for divers dayes together, to feede himselfe with the meere smel of hot bread.

Or if it bee necessary that our sto∣macks must receive the food: why

then tis not impossible that the purity of the aethereall aire, being not mixed with any improper vapors, may be so agreeable to our bodies, as to yeeld us sufficient nourishment; According to that of the Poet;* 1.289

—Vescitur aurâ Aethereâ—

Twas an old Platonicke principle, that there is in some part of the world such a place where men might be plentiful∣ly nourished, by the aire they breath: Which cannot more properly be as∣signed to any one particular, than to the aethereall aire above this.

I know tis the common opinion that no Element can prove Aliment,* 1.290 be∣cause tis not proportionate to the bo∣dies of living creatures which are compounded. But,

1. This aethereall aire is not an ele∣ment; and though it be purer, yet tis perhaps of a greater agreeablenesse to mans nature and constitution.

2. If we consult experience and the credible relations of others, wee shall finde it probable enough that many things receive nourishment from meer elements.

First, for the earth;* 1.291 Aristotle and * 1.292 Pliny, those two great naturalists, tell us of some creatures,* 1.293 that are fed only with this. And it was the curse of the serpent, Gen. 3. 14. Vpon thy belly shalt thou goe, and dust shalt thou eate all the dayes of thy life.

So likewise for the water.* 1.294* 1.295 Albertus Magnus speaks of a man who lived se∣ven weeks together by the meere drin∣king of water.* 1.296 Rondoletius (to whose diligence these later times are much beholding for sundry observations concerning the nature of Aquatils) af∣firmes that his wife did keep a fish in a glasse of water, without any other food for three yeares: In which space it was constantly augmented, till at first it could not come out of the place at which it was put in, and at length was too big for the glasse it selfe, though that were of a large capacity.* 1.297 Cardan tells us of some wormes, that are bred & nourished by the snow, from which being once separated, they dye.

Thus also is it with the aire,* 1.298 which wee may well conceive dos chiefly concurre to the nourishing of all vege∣tables.

For if their food were all suck∣ed out from the earth, there must needs be then, some sensible decay in the ground by them; especially since they do every yeare renew their leaves, and fruits: which being so many, and so of∣ten, could not be produced without a∣bundance of nourishment. To this pur∣pose is the experimēt of trees cut down which will of themselves put forth sproutes. As also that of Onyons, & the Semper-vive, which will strangely shoot forth, and grow as they hang in the open aire.* 1.299 Thus likewise is it with some sensible creatures; the Camelion (saith* 1.300 Pliny and* 1.301 Solinus) is meerely nourished by this: And so are the birds of Paradise,* 1.302 treated of by * many; which reside constantly in the aire,* 1.303 Na∣ture having not bestowed upon them any legs, and therefore they are never seene upon the ground but being dead. If you aske, how they multiply? Tis answered, they lay their egges on the backes of one another, upon which they sit til their young ones be fledg'd. * 1.304 Rondoletius from the history of Her∣molaus Barbarus, tels us of a Priest (of

whom one of the Popes had the custo∣dy) that lived forty yeares upon meer aire. As also of a maide in France, and another in Germany, that for diverse yeares together did feed on nothing but this: Nay, hee affirmes that hee himselfe had seene one, who lived till ten yeares of age without any other nourishment. You may find most of these, and some other examples to this purpose, gathered together by Mendo∣ca Viridar. lib. 4. Prob. 23, 24. Now, if this elementary aire which is mixed with such improper vapors, may acci∣dentally nourish some persons; perhaps then, that pure aethereall aire may of it selfe be more naturall to our tempers.

But if none of these conjectures may satisfie; yet there may happily be some possible meanes for the convei∣ance of other foode, as shall be shewed afterwards.

Againe, seeing we do not then spend our selves in any labour, we shall not, it may bee, neede the refreshment of sleepe. But if we doe, we cannot desire a softer bed than the aire, where wee may repose our selves firmely and

safely as in our chambers.

But here you may aske, whether there be any meanes for us to know, how far this sphere of the earths vertue dos ex∣tend it selfe?

I answer, tis probable that it dos not reach much farther than that orbe of thick vaporous aire, that incompasseth the earth; because tis likely the Sunne may exhale some earthly vapors, near unto the utmost bounds of the sphere alloted to them.

Now there are divers wayes used by Astronomers, to take the altitude of this vaporous aire. As,

1. By observing the height of that aire which causeth the Crepusculum, or twilight; For the finding of which, the Antients used this meanes: As soone as ever they could discerne the aire in the east to be altered with the least light, they would by the situation of the starres find out how many degrees the Sun was below the Horizon, which was usually about 18. From whence they would easily conclude, how high that aire must be above us, which the Sun could shine upon, when hee was 18 de∣grees

below us. And from this obser∣vation, it was concluded to bee about 52 miles high.* 1.305

But in this Conclusion, the Antients were much deceived, because they proceeded upon a wrong ground, whilst they supposed that the shining of the Suns direct rayes upon the aire, was the only reason of the Crepusculum;* 1.306 Whereas tis certain that there are ma∣ny other things which may also con∣curre to the causing of it. As,

1. Some bright clouds below the Horizon, which being illuminated by the Sunne, may be the meanes of con∣veying some light to our aire, before the direct rayes can touch it.

2. The often refraction of the rayes, which suffer a frequent repercussion from the cavitie of this sphere, may likewise yeeld us some light.

3. And so may the orbe of enlight∣ned aire compassing the Sunne, part of which must rise before his body.

2. The second way whereby we may more surely find the altitude of this grosser aire, is by taking the highth of the highest cloud: which may be done,

1 Either as they use to measure the al∣titude of things that cannot be approa∣ched unto, viz. by two stations, when two persons shall at the same time, in severall places, observe the declinati∣on of any cloud from the vertical point.* 1.307 Or, 2. which is the more easie way, when a man shall choose such a station, where he may at some di∣stance, discerne the place on which the cloud dos cast its shadow, and withall dos observe, how much both the cloud and the Sun decline from the vertical point. From which he may easily con∣clude the true altitude of it, as you may more plainely conceive, by this fol∣lowing Diagram.

[illustration]

Where A B is a perpendicular from the cloud, C the station of him that measures, D the place where the sha∣dow of the cloud dos fall.

The instrument being directed from the station C, to the cloud at A, the per∣pendicular will shew the Angle B A C. Then letting the Sun shine through the sights of your instrument, the per∣pendicular of it will give the angle B A D. Afterwards having measured the distance C D by paces,* 1.308 you may ac∣cording to the common rules, find the heigth B A.

But if without making the observa∣tion, you would know of what altitude the highest of these are found by ob∣servation; * 1.309 Cardan answers, not above two miles;* 1.310 Keplar, not above 1600 paces, or thereabouts.

3. Another way to finde the height of this vaporous aire, is, by knowing the difference of altitude, which it cau∣seth, in refracting the beames of any star neere the Horizon. And from this observation also, it is usually conclu∣ded to bee about two or three miles high.

But now you must not conceive, as if the orbe of magneticall vigor, were bounded in an exact superficies, or as if it did equally hold out just to such a determinate line, and no farther. But as it hath bin said of the first region, which is there terminated where the heat of reflexion dos begin to languish: So likewise is it probable, that this magneticall vigor dos remit of its de∣grees proportionally to its distance from the earth, which is the cause of it: And therefore though the thicker clouds may be elevated no higher, yet this orbe may be continued in weaker degrees a little beyond them. We will suppose it (which in all likelyhood is the most) to bee about twenty miles high. So that you see the former The∣sis remaines probable; that if a man could but fly, or by any other meanes get twenty miles upwards, it were possible for him to reach unto the Moone.

But it may bee againe objected: Though all this were true; though there were such an orbe of aire which did terminate the earths vigor: And

though the heavinesse of our bodies could not hinder our passage, through the vast spaces of the aetheriall aire; yet those two other impediments may seeme to deny the possibility of any such voyage.

1. The extreme coldnesse of that aire. If some of our higher mountaines for this reason bee not habitable; much more then will those places bee so, which are farther from any cause of heate.

2. The extreme thinnesse of it, which may make it unfit for expiration. For if in some mountaines (as Aristotle tells us of Olympus, and out him* 1.311 S. Austine) the aire bee so thin that men cannot draw their breath, unlesse it were through some moistned spunges; much more then must that aire be thin, which is more remotely situated from the causes of impurity and mixture. And then beside, the refraction that is made by the vaporous aire incompassing our earth, may sufficiently prove that there is a great difference betwixt the aethereall aire and this, in respect of rarity.

To the first of these I answer, that though the second region, be natural∣ly endowed with so much coldnesse as may make it fit for the production of meteors; yet it will not hence fol∣low, that all that aire above it, which is not appointed for the like purpose, should partake of the same condition: But, it may seeme more probable that this aethereal aire, is freed from having any quality in the extremes. And this may be confirmed, from those com∣mon arguments, which are usually brought to prove the warmnesse of the third region. As you may see in* 1.312 Fro∣mundus, and others who treate of that subject.

Tis the assertion of Pererius,* 1.313 that the second region, is not cold meerly for this reason, because it is distant from the ordinary causes of heat, but be∣cause it was actually made so at the first, for the condensing of the clouds, and the production of other meteors that were there to be generated; which (as I conceive) might bee sufficiently confirmed from that order of the cre∣ation observed by Moses, who tells us

that the waters above the firmament (by which, in the greatest probability, we are to understand the clouds in the second region) were made the second day, Gen. 1. 7, 8. whereas the Sunne it¦selfe (whose reflection is the cause of heate) was not created till the fourth day, ver. 16. 19.

To the other objection I answer, that though the aire in the second re∣gion (where by reason of its coldnesse there are many thicke vapors) doe cause a great refraction; yet tis pro∣bable that the aire which is next the earth, is sometimes, & in some places, of a farre greater thinnesse, nay as thin as the aethereall aire it selfe; since sometimes there is such a speciall heat of the Sun, as may rarifie it in an emi∣nent degree; And in some dry places, there are no grosse impure exhalations to mixe with it.

But here it may be objected. If the aire in the second region were more condensed and heavy than this where∣in wee breath, then that must necessari∣ly tend downewards and possesse the lower place.

To this some answer, that the hang∣ing of the clouds in the open aire, is no lesse than a miracle. They are the words of Pliny. Quid mirabilius aquis in caelo stantibus?* 1.314 what more wonderfull thing is there than that the waters should stand in the heavens? Others prove this from the derivation of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stupescere and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aquae: Because the waters do hang there after such a stupendous incon∣ceivable manner; Which seems like∣wise to bee favoured by Scripture, where tis mentioned as a great argu∣ment of Gods omnipotency, that hee holds up the clouds from falling. He binds up the waters in his thicke clouds,* 1.315 and the cloud is not rent under them.

But that which unto me seemes full satisfaction against this doubt, is this consideration; that the naturall vigor whereby the earth dos attract dense bodies unto it, is lesse efficacious at a distance: and therefore a body of lesse density, which is neare unto it, as sup∣pose this thin aire wherein we breath, may naturally bee lower in its situati∣on, than another of a greater condensity

that is farther of; as suppose the clouds in the second region. And though the one bee absolutely and in it selfe more fit for this motion of descent; yet by reason of its distance, the earths mag∣neticall vertue cannot so powerfully worke upon it.

As for that relation of Aristotle; If it were true; yet it dos not prove this aire to be altogether impassible, since moistned spunges might helpe us a∣gainst its thinnesse: But tis more likely that hee tooke it upon trust, as hee did some other relations concerning the height of the mountaines, wherein tis evident that he was grossely mistaken. As where he tells us of Caucasus,* 1.316 that it casts its shadow 560 miles. And this relation being of the same nature, wee cannot safely trust unto him for the truth of it.

If it be here enquired, what meanes there may bee conjectured, for our a∣scending beyond the sphere of the earths magneticall vigor.

I answer. 1. Tis not perhaps impos∣sible that a man may be able to flye, by the application of wings to his owne

body; As Angels are pictured, as Mercury and Daedaelus are fained, and as hath bin attempted by divers, particu∣lary by a Turke in Constantinople, as Busbequius relates.* 1.317

2. If there bee such a great Ruck in Madagascar, as* 1.318 Marcus Polus the Ve∣netian mentions, the feathers in whose wings are twelve foot long, which can soope up a horse and his rider, or an e∣lephant, as our kites doe a mouse; why then tis but teaching one of these to car∣ry a man, and he may ride up thither, as Ganymed dos upon an eagle.

3. Or if neither of these wayes will serve: Yet I doe seriously, and upon good grounds, affirme it possible to make a flying Chariot. In which a man may sit, and give such a motion unto it, as shall convey him through the aire. And this perhaps might bee made large enough to carry divers men at the same time, together with foode for their viaticum, and commo∣dities for traffique. It is not the big∣nesse of any thing in this kind, that can hinder its motion, if the motive facul∣ty be answerable thereunto. We see a

great ship swimmes as well as a small corke, and an Eagle flies in the aire as well as a little gnat.

This engine may be contrived from the same principles by which Archytas made a wooden dove, and Regiomonta∣nus a wooden eagle.

I conceive it were no difficult matter (if a man had leisure) to shew more particularly, the meanes of compo∣sing it.

The perfecting of such an invention, would be of such excellent use, that it were enough, not only to make a man famous, but the age also wherein hee lives. For besides the strange discove∣ries that it might occasion in this other world, it would be also of inconceive∣able advantage for travelling, above a∣ny other conveiance that is now in use.

So that notwithstanding all these seeming impossibilities, tis likely e∣nough, that there may be a meanes in∣vented of journying to the Moone; And how happy shall they be, that are first successefull in this attempt?

—Faelices{que} animae quas nubila supra, Et turpes fumos, plenum{que} vaporibus orbem,

Inseruit caelo sancti scintilla Promethei.

Having thus finished this discourse, I chanced upon a late fancy to this purpose under the fained name of Domingo Gonsales, written by a late reverend and learned Bishop: In which (besides sundry particulars wherein this later Chapter did unwit∣tingly agree with it) there is delive∣red a very pleasant and well contrived fancy concerning a voyage to this o∣ther world.

Hee supposeth that there is a na∣turall and usuall passage for many creatures betwixt our earth and this planet. Thus hee saies; those great multitudes of locusts, wherewith di∣verse countries have bin destroyed, do proceed from thence. And if we per∣use the authors who treat of them, wee shall finde that many times they fly in numberlesse troopes, or swarmes, and for sundry dayes together before they fall, are seene over those places in great high clouds, such as com∣ming nearer, are of extension enough to obscure the day, & hinder the light of the Sunne. From which, together

with diverse other such relations, he concludes, that tis not altogether im∣probable, they should proceed from the Moone. Thus likewise he suppo∣seth the Swallowes, Cuckoes, Nigh∣tingales, with divers other fowle, which are with us only halfe the year, to flye up thither, when they goe from us. Amongst which kinde, there is a wilde Swan in the East Indies, which at certain seasons of the year doe con∣stantly take their flight thither. Now this bird being of great strength, able to continue for a long flight, as also going usually in flocks, like our wilde∣geese; he supposeth that many of them together, might be taught to carry the weight of a man; especially if an en∣gine were so contrived (as he thinks it might) that each of them should beare an equall share in the burden. So that by this means, tis easily conceiveable, how once every yeare a man might fi∣nish such a voyage; going along with these birds at the beginning of winter, and againe returning with them at the Spring.

And here, one that had a strong

fancy, were better able to set forth the great benefit and pleasure to be had by such a journey. And that whether you consider the strangenesse of the per∣sons, language, arts, policy, religion of those inhabitants, together with the new traffique that might be brought thence. In briefe, doe but consider the pleasure and profit, of those later dis∣coveries in America, and wee must needs conclude this to be inconceive∣ably beyond it.

But such imaginations as these, I shall leave to the fancy of the Reader.

—Sìc itur ad astra. Reptet humi quicun{que} velit— Coelo restat iter, coelo tentabimusire.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Mytholog. lib. 3 c. 17.
• * 1.2

  Lib. 7. c. 1.
• * 1.3

  Vid. loseph. Acosta. de nat. novi orbis lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.4

  De civit. Dei. lib. 16. cap. 9.
• * 1.5

  Institut. l. 3. c. 24.
• * 1.6

  De ratione temporum, Cap. 32.
• * 1.7

  De nat. re∣rum, Lib. 1.
• * 1.8

  Comen▪ ìn 1. Cap. Gen.
• * 1.9

  Psal. 24. 2.
• * 1.10

  Comment. in 1. Genes.
• * 1.11

  1 Tim. 2. 4
• * 1.12

  Mat. 28. 19
• * 1.13

  Aventinus Annal. Boi∣orum. lib. 3.
• * 1.14

  Annal. Ec∣cles. A. D. 748.
• * 1.15

  In vita Paul. Ae∣n••il.
• * 1.16

  Metam. Lib. 4.
• * 1.17

  Iuven. Sat. 6.
• * 1.18

  Nat. Hist. Lib. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.19

  Turinens. Episc.
• * 1.20

  LIB. 1. Cap. 2.
• * 1.21

  De Coelo l. 1. c. 8. 9.
• * 1.22

  Ibid.
• * 1.23

  De operi∣bus Dei. part. 2. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 1.24

  De Coelo l. 1. c. 9. q. 1.
• * 1.25

  Metaphys. l. 12. c. 8.
• * 1.26

  Diog. Laert. lib. 3.
• * 1.27

  Nic. Hill. de Philosop. Epic. par∣tic 379.
• * 1.28

  Plutarch. de tranq. anim.
• * 1.29

  Iuvenal.
• * 1.30

  Apologia pro Ga∣lilaeo.
• * 1.31

  Ethic. l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.32

  Rev. 16. 4.
• * 1.33

  Part 1. Q. 47. Art. 3.
• * 1.34

  Annal. Eccl. A. D. 748.
• * 1.35

  Ibid.
• * 1.36

  De Phaenom in orbe Lu∣nae.
• * 1.37

  Iob 38 7.
• * 1.38

  Isai. 14. 12.
• * 1.39

  Fromond. Vesta. t. 3. cap. 2.
• * 1.40

  So 2 Reg. 23. 5.
• * 1.41

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which is interpre∣ted both for the planets & for the 12 signes.
• * 1.42

  Keplar. in∣troduct. in Mart.
• * 1.43

  In Epist. ad Gilbert.
• * 1.44

  Calvin in 1 Gen.
• * 1.45

  Com. in 1 Gen. 11.
• * 1.46

  Part 1. Q. 68. Art. 3.
• * 1.47

  Epist. 139. ad Cypri.
• * 1.48

  So Pererius in 2 Gen.
• * 1.49

  Gen. 1. 16.
• * 1.50

  Gen. 11.
• * 1.51

  Mala. 3. 10.
• * 1.52

  Sir Walter Rawly c. 7. sect. 6.
• * 1.53

  Deut. 11. 17.
• * 1.54

  1 Reg. 3. 35
• * 1.55

  Luk. 4. 25.
• * 1.56

  l. 2. in Gen. Psal. 136. 6
• * 1.57

  Hexamer. lib. 2.
• * 1.58

  Item. Basil. Hom. 3. in Genes.
• * 1.59

  Wisd. 2. 4. 17. 5.
• * 1.60

  Ecclus. 43. 3. 4.
• * 1.61

  Com. in c. 1. Gen.
• * 1.62

  Cusanus dc doct. ignor. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.63

  Comment. in Gen. Qu. 19. Art. 2.
• * 1.64

  LIB. I. Cap. 3.
• * 1.65

  De Coelo li. 1. cap. 2.
• * 1.66

  Colleg. Connimb. de coeto. l. 1. c. 2. q. 6. art. 3.
• * 1.67

  In Hexam. lib. 4.
• * 1.68

  Enarrat. in Genes. art. 10.
• * 1.69

  In opere 6. dierum. disput. 5.
• * 1.70

  In lib. de Mundi constit.
• * 1.71

  2 Pet. 3. 12
• * 1.72

  By Doctor Hakewill. Ap. l. lib. 2.
• * 1.73

  Plutarch. de plac. philos. l. 2. c. 17.
• * 1.74

  Nat Hist. l 2. c. 9.
• * 1.75

  Nat. quaest. lib. 2. cap. 5
• * 1.76

  1. Apostcl.
• * 1.77

  De caelo. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.78

  De coelo. l. 2 cap. 3.
• * 1.79

  Lib. 4. par. 2 cap 24. 35.
• * 1.80

  Isa. 51. 6.
• * 1.81

  Ant. lect. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.82

  Hist. nat. l. 2. c. 11. 13.
• * 1.83

  In lib sup. ••. Gen. ad lit.
• * 1.84

  Lib. 4 p. 11. 2. cap 7. 26 30.
• * 1.85

  De stella l. 15. 72. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.86

  De somniis.
• * 1.87

  LIB. 1. Cap. 4.
• a 1.88

  De coelo. l. 2. com. 49
• b 1.89

  Ant. le∣ction. li. 20. c. 4.
• c 1.90

  De phae∣nom. Lunae. c. 11.
• a 1.91

  Plut. de pla. phil. l. 2. c. 13.
• b 1.92

  Opt. lib. 4.
• c 1.93

  Com. Pur∣bac. Theo. p. 164.
• * 1.94

  Scaliger Exercit. 80 sect. 13.
• * 1.95

  Plut. de fa∣cie Lunae.
• * 1.96

  Thucid. Livij.
• * 1.97

  Plut. de fa∣cis Lunae.
• * 1.98

  Herodot. l. 7 c 37.
• * 1.99

  De phae∣nom. Lunae. c. 11.
• * 1.100

  Prop. 9.
• * 1.101

  In lib. de animalib.
• * 1.102

  LIB. 1. Cap. 5.
• * 1.103

  Tostatus in 1 Gen.
• * 1.104

  Hyeron. de Sancta fide. Hebraeo∣mast. l. 2. c. 4
• a 1.105

  Lib. 9. Archite∣cturae.
• b 1.106

  Narratio Psalmorum. item. ep. 119.
• * 1.107

  De Subtil. lib. 3.
• * 1.108

  Keplar. epit. Astron. cop. l. 6. p. 5. sect. 2.
• * 1.109

  Opt. A∣stron. c. 7. num. 3.
• * 1.110

  De nova stella. lib. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.111

  Reinhold Comment. in Purb. Theor pag. 164.
• * 1.112

  Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 20.
• * 1.113

  Lect. antiq. l. 1. c. 15.
• * 1.114

  In lib. de natur. re∣rum.
• a 1.115

  De 4. Coaevis. Q. 4 Art. 21.
• b 1.116

  Exercit. 62.
• c 1.117

  Epitom. Astron. l. 4. p. 2.
• d 1.118

  Epit. A∣stro. Cop. l. 6 part. 5. sect. 2.
• a 1.119

  Originum l. 3. c. 60.
• b 1.120

  De Coelo. l. 2.
• c 1.121

  De ratio∣ne tempor. c. 4.
• * 1.122

  Item Plinie lib. 2. ca. 6.
• * 1.123

  Hugo de Sancto Vi∣ctore.
• * 1.124

  Annot. in Gen. 6.
• * 1.125

  2 King. 3. 22.
• * 1.126

  2. Quaest. in hoc cap.
• * 1.127

  LIB. 1. Cap. 6.
• * 1.128

  Plut. de plac. phil. l. 2. c. 13.
• * 1.129

  Ibid. c. 25.
• * 1.130

  Diog. Laert. l. 2. & l. 9.
• * 1.131

  Divin Inst. lib. 3. c. 23.
• * 1.132

  De Coelo. l. 2. cap. 13.
• * 1.133

  Plut. ibid. cap. 30.
• * 1.134

  Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 34. cap. 6.
• * 1.135

  Plat. de conviviis.
• * 1.136

  Macrob.
• * 1.137

  Somn. Scip. lib. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.138

  Exercit. 62.
• * 1.139

  De facie Lunae.
• * 1.140

  Iustit. ad discip. Plat. Coel. Rho∣dig. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.141

  Cusa. de doct. ign. l. 2 cap. 12.
• * 1.142

  Philos. Epi∣cur. part. 434.
• a 1.143

  In Thesi∣bus.
• b 1.144

  Disserta∣tio cum Nunc.
• c 1.145

  Nuncius Sydereus.
• * 1.146

  Somn. Astr.
• * 1.147

  Dephaenom. lunae. c. 4.
• * 1.148

  Cap. 7.
• * 1.149

  De macula in sole ob∣ser.
• * 1.150

  De phae∣nom. cap. 1.
• * 1.151

  Ibid. c. 6.
• * 1.152

  Cap. 1.
• * 1.153

  Cap. 5.
• * 1.154

  See the second book. 1. Prop.
• * 1.155

  Apologia pro Gali∣laeo.
• * 1.156

  So Bede in l. de Mund. constit.
• * 1.157

  De subtil. lib. 3.
• a 1.158

  Occulta. Philos. l. 1. cap. 6.
• a 1.159

  Plut. de placit. phil. l. 2. c. 25.
• * 1.160

  Iosephus l. 2. con.
• * 1.161

  App. Au∣gust. de Ci∣vit. Dei. l 18. c 41.
• * 1.162

  Nat. Hist. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.163

  Opt. lib. 9. Comment. in Purb. pag. 164.
• * 1.164

  Ex qua parte luna est transpi∣cua non so∣lum secundum superficiem, sed etiam secundum substanti∣am, eatenus clara, ex qua autem parte opaca est, eatenus obscura vi∣detur. De Phaenom. cap. 11.
• * 1.165

  Albert. mag. de Coaevis. Q. 4. Art. 21.
• * 1.166

  Colleg. Con.
• * 1.167

  De Somniis
• * 1.168

  Scalig. ex∣ercit. 62.
• * 1.169

  Eusebius Nicremb. Hist. Nat. l. 8. c. 15.
• * 1.170

  LIB. 1. Cap. 8.
• * 1.171

  Opt. Astro. c. 6 num 9 D••••••••t cum nuncio Gal.
• * 1.172

  Exercit. 38
• * 1.173

  De Metco∣ris l. 5. c. 1. Art. 1.
• * 1.174

  LIB. 1. Cap. 6
• * 1.175

  LIB. 1. Cap. 8
• * 1.176

  Galilaeus System. coll. 1.
• * 1.177

  De facio lun.
• * 1.178

  Dissertatio. Nunc. Syd.
• * 1.179

  In lib. de coloribus.
• * 1.180

  Apologia pro Galilaeo.
• * 1.181

  Vide Ieron. epist. ad Pammachi∣um.
• * 1.182

  Confession. l. 13. c. 32. Retracted. lib. 2. Retr. cap. 6.
• * 1.183

  2 Esdr 4. 7.
• * 1.184

  Vide Guli: Nubrigens. de rebus Anglica: lib. 1.
• * 1.185

  LIB. 1. Cap. 9.
• * 1.186

  Nat. hist. l. 36. c. 1.
• * 1.187

  Psal. 104. v. 18.
• * 1.188

  Prov. 8. 25.
• * 1.189

  Psal. 90. 2.
• * 1.190

  Ioseph. Ant. lib. ••••. c. 3.
• * 1.191

  Gen. 49. 26.
• * 1.192

  Lect. aut. l. 1. c. 15.
• * 1.193

  Plut. de plac. l. 2. c. 25.
• * 1.194

  De Coelo. l. 2. part. 49.
• * 1.195

  De Mundi fab. pars 3. c. 4.
• * 1.196

  Astron. Opt. c. 6. num. 9.
• * 1.197

  Kep append. Selenogra.
• * 1.198

  Nuncius Sydereus.
• * 1.199

  Cap. 11.
• * 1.200

  Syst. mundi coll. 1.
• * 1.201

  Hist. l. 1. c. 7. sect. 11.
• * 1.202

  Poly. histor. c. 21.
• * 1.203

  Hist. l. 1. c. 7. sect. 11.
• * 1.204

  Meteor. l. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.205

  Comparatio Arist. cum. Platone. Sect. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.206

  Expost. in loc. Math. Arlis loc. 148.
• * 1.207

  Somn. Astr. not. 207.
• * 1.208

  LIB. 1. Cap. 10.
• * 1.209

  Vide Euseb. Nicrem. de Nat.
• * 1.210

  Hist. l. 2. c. 11.
• * 1.211

  So. A. D. 1547. April 24. to the 28.
• * 1.212

  Virgil Georg. lib. 1.
• * 1.213

  Metam. lib. 15:
• * 1.214

  Scheiner. Ros. Vis. l. 4. pars 2. c. 27.
• * 1.215

  LIB. 1. Cap. 11.
• * 1.216

  De gen ani∣mal. l. 4. 12.
• * 1.217

  Golden Number.
• * 1.218

  Plut. de fac. lunae.
• * 1.219

  Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 19.
• * 1.220

  Ant. lect. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.221

  In epist. ad Sebast. Fan∣tonum.
• * 1.222

  Praefat. ad Austriaca syd.
• * 1.223

  Meteor. l. 1. c. 2. Art. 2.
• * 1.224

  De mundi fab. p. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.225

  Ant. Lect. l. 20. c. 5.
• * 1.226

  Progym. 1.
• * 1.227

  Scal. exerc. 62.
• * 1.228

  Epit. Astro. l. 4. part. 2.
• * 1.229

  De doct. ig. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.230

  LIB. 1. Cap. 12.
• * 1.231

  Plin. nat. hist. l. 2. c. 26.
• * 1.232

  Epist. 95.
• * 1.233

  Vide Gali∣laeum. Syst. mundi. Col∣loq 3.
• * 1.234

  Clavius in sphaeram. cap. 1.
• * 1.235

  Tycho Pro∣gym. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.236

  Fromond. Meteor. l. 2. c. 5. art. 2.
• * 1.237

  Item Vesta tract. 5. c. 2.
• * 1.238

  De Comet. l. 5. c. 4. Apol. pro Galil.
• * 1.239

  Meteor. l. 3. c. 2. Art. 6.
• * 1.240

  La••tant. Inst. l. 3. c 23.
• * 1.241

  LIB. 1. Cap. 11.
• * 1.242

  De Civit.
• * 1.243

  Dei l. 21. cap. 8.
• * 1.244

  LIB. 1. Cap. 12.
• * 1.245

  De meteor. l. 3. c. 2. Art. 6.
• * 1.246

  LIB. 1. Cap. 11.
• * 1.247

  Dissert. 2. cum nunc. Galil. item. Somn. Astron. nota ultima
• * 1.248

  Hist. nat. l. 2. c. 11.
• * 1.249

  LIB. 1. Cap. 13.
• * 1.250

  De doct. ig∣norantia. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.251

  Wisd. 9. 16.
• * 1.252

  2 Esd. 4. 21.
• * 1.253

  De doct. ign. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.254

  Ephes. 1. 10.
• * 1.255

  Col. 1. 20.
• * 1.256

  Nat. Com. l. 3. c. 19.
• * 1.257

  De Civit. Dei l. 22. c. 16.
• * 1.258

  Mat. 25. 30.
• * 1.259

  Eph. 4. 9.
• * 1.260

  Rev. 14. 20.
• * 1.261

  De Morib. div. l. 13. c. 24.
• * 1.262

  Cu••silent oracula.
• * 1.263

  Sir W. Raw. l. 1. c. 3. sect. 7.
• * 1.264

  In Genes.
• * 1.265

  2 Esdr. 4. 7.
• * 1.266

  In Genes.
• * 1.267

  Comment. in 2. Gen. v. 8.
• * 1.268

  L. 1. c. 3. sect. 6. 7.
• * 1.269

  2 Cor. 12. 4. Luke 23. 43.
• * 1.270

  Gen. 7. 19.
• * 1.271

  Nat. Qu. l. 7. cap. 25.
• * 1.272

  Sen. Med. act. 1.
• * 1.273

  Vide Hora. Od. 3.
• * 1.274

  Iuvenal. sat. 12.
• * 1.275

  Claud. praef ad 1. lib. de rap. Proscr.
• * 1.276

  Disserta. cum Nun. Syder.
• * 1.277

  Prop. 3.
• * 1.278

  Gilbert. de Mganete. l. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.279

  Lib. de Sympath. & Antip. cap. 7.
• * 1.280

  Vid. Bapt. Masul. ex∣er. Acad. de attract. exer. 4.
• * 1.281

  Nat. Hist. Cent. 1. exper. 33.
• * 1.282

  Phys. l. 3. Q. 6. art. 2.
• * 1.283

  Viridar. l. 4 prob. 47.
• * 1.284

  Vide. Arch. l. de insi∣dentibus humido.
• * 1.285

  Viridar. lib. 4. prob. 24.
• * 1.286

  De facie in Luna.
• * 1.287

  Nat. hist. lib. 7. ca. 2.
• * 1.288

  Diog. Laert. lib. 1. ca. 9.
• * 1.289

  Virgil.
• * 1.290

  Arist. de Sens. cap. 5.
• * 1.291

  Hist. Ani∣mal. lib. 8. cap. 5.
• * 1.292

  Hist. l. 10. cap. 72.
• * 1.293

  The earth
• * 1.294

  The water
• * 1.295

  De Anim. lib. 7.
• * 1.296

  De P••sc. l. 1. cap. 12.
• * 1.297

  Subtil. l. 9.
• * 1.298

  The aire
• * 1.299

  Polyhistor. cap. 53.
• * 1.300

  Hist. li. 8. cap. 33.
• * 1.301

  Lop hist. Ind. Occid. cap 96.
• * 1.302

  Maiolus Colloq. 3.
• * 1.303

  Tis likely that these birds doe chiefly re∣side in the aethereall aire, wher•• they are nourished and up∣held.
• * 1.304

  De Pis∣cibus. lib. 1. cap. 13.
• * 1.305

  Vitell. l. 10. Theo. 7.
• * 1.306

  Keplar. Ep. Coper. l. 1. part. 3.
• * 1.307

  Stevinnius. Geog. l. 3. prop. 3.
• * 1.308

  Pitisc. Tri∣gon.
• * 1.309

  Subt. l. 17.
• * 1.310

  Epit. Co∣per. l. 1. p. 3.
• * 1.311

  In Gen. ad literam. li. 3. cap 2.
• * 1.312

  Meteor. lib. 1. ca. 2. art. 1,
• * 1.313

  Comment. in Gen. 1. 8.
• * 1.314

  Hist. l. 31. cap. 1.
• * 1.315

  Iob 26. 8.
• * 1.316

  Meteor. l. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.317

  Mr. Burton. Melanch. pa. 2. sect. 2 mem. 3.
• * 1.318

  Lib. 3. c. 40.