Ancient funerall monuments within the vnited monarchie of Great Britaine, Ireland, and the islands adiacent with the dissolued monasteries therein contained: their founders, and what eminent persons haue beene in the same interred. As also the death and buriall of certaine of the bloud royall; the nobilitie and gentrie of these kingdomes entombed in forraine nations. A worke reuiuing the dead memory of the royall progenie, the nobilitie, gentrie, and communaltie, of these his Maiesties dominions. Intermixed and illustrated with variety of historicall obseruations, annotations, and briefe notes, extracted out of approued authors ... Whereunto is prefixed a discourse of funerall monuments ... Composed by the studie and trauels of Iohn Weeuer.

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Title
Ancient funerall monuments within the vnited monarchie of Great Britaine, Ireland, and the islands adiacent with the dissolued monasteries therein contained: their founders, and what eminent persons haue beene in the same interred. As also the death and buriall of certaine of the bloud royall; the nobilitie and gentrie of these kingdomes entombed in forraine nations. A worke reuiuing the dead memory of the royall progenie, the nobilitie, gentrie, and communaltie, of these his Maiesties dominions. Intermixed and illustrated with variety of historicall obseruations, annotations, and briefe notes, extracted out of approued authors ... Whereunto is prefixed a discourse of funerall monuments ... Composed by the studie and trauels of Iohn Weeuer.
Author
Weever, John, 1576-1632.
Publication
London :: Printed by Thomas Harper. 1631. And are to be sold by Laurence Sadler at the signe of the Golden Lion in little Britaine,
[1631]
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Subject terms
Sepulchral monuments -- England -- Early works to 1800.
Epitaphs -- England -- Early works to 1800.
England -- Biography -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A14916.0001.001
Cite this Item
"Ancient funerall monuments within the vnited monarchie of Great Britaine, Ireland, and the islands adiacent with the dissolued monasteries therein contained: their founders, and what eminent persons haue beene in the same interred. As also the death and buriall of certaine of the bloud royall; the nobilitie and gentrie of these kingdomes entombed in forraine nations. A worke reuiuing the dead memory of the royall progenie, the nobilitie, gentrie, and communaltie, of these his Maiesties dominions. Intermixed and illustrated with variety of historicall obseruations, annotations, and briefe notes, extracted out of approued authors ... Whereunto is prefixed a discourse of funerall monuments ... Composed by the studie and trauels of Iohn Weeuer." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A14916.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 17, 2024.

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S. Peters Chappell within the Tower.

Here lie interred the headlesse remaines of Iohn Fisher Doctor of Diui∣nitie, sometime Bishop of Rochester, brought vp a Scholler in Cambridge; Master of our Colledge (I meane Queenes Colledge in Cambridge) and Chancellour of that Vniuersitie. He was made Cardinall t t. S. Vitalis, the one and twentieth of May, which honour was to him parum vitalis, for the Cardinals hat and his head neuer met together; he being beheaded on the Tower-hill the 22. of Iune following, Ann. Dom. 1535. His bodie was first buried in Barking Church-yard, and afterwards vpon occasion as followeth, remoued to this place.

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He was a man in great estimation with Margaret Countesse of Rich∣mond, by whose exhortation shee built and endowed two Colledges in Cambridge, S. Iohns, and Christ Colledge; she made him one of her exe∣cutours. He liued likewise a long time in great fauour with her Grandchild King Henry the eight; euen vntill his marriage with Anne Bullein; which he euer seemed to disallow. Whereupon he was suspected, and accused, to be of councell with Elizabeth Barton (commonly called the holy Maide of Kent) a Nunne of Saint Sepulchres in Canterbury, who by sundrie sug∣gestiue reuelations gaue out, that if the King proceeded in diuorce and se∣cond marriage, he should not raigne in his realme seuen moneths after, nor rest in Gods fauour the space of an houre. The story is frequent. Of which imputation he thus excused himselfe by his letters to the Kings Maiestie.

To the Kings most gracious Highnes.

Please it your graciouse Highenes benignely to heare this my most hum∣ble sute,* 1.1 which I haue to make vnto your grace at this time, and to pardon me that I come not my selfe vnto your grace for the same. For in good faith I haue had so many periculouse diseases, oone after another, which began with me before Advent; and so by long continuance hath now brought my body into that weakenesse, that withouten perill of destruction of the same (which I darr saye your grace for your soueraigne goodnes wold not) I may not as yet take any traueyling vpon me. And soo I wrote to Maister Cromwell your moost trustie Councellor,* 1.2 beseeching him to obtayne your graciouse licence for me, to be absent from this Parliament, for that same cause, and he put me in comforthe soo to doo.

Now thus it is (most graciouse soueraygne Lord) that in your most high Court of Parliament is put in a bill against me, concerning the Nunne of Canterbury, and intending my condempnation for not reuelyng of such wordes as she hadde vnto me towchyng your Highnes. Wherein I moost humblie beseech your grace, that without displeasor I maye shew vnto you, the consideration that moued me so to doo; which when your moost excellent wisdome hath deaplye considered, I trust assuredlie, that your cha∣ritable goodnes will not impute any blame to me therfore.

A trowth it is, this Nunne was with me thries in commyng from Lon∣don by Rochester, as I wrote to Master Cromwell, and shewed vnto him the occasions of her commyng, and of my sendings vntyll hir againe.

The first tyme she came vnto my house, vnsent for of my partye, and then she tolde me that she hadde bene with your grace, and that she hadde shew∣ed vnto you a reuelation which she hadde from Almighty God (your grace I hope will not be displeased with this my rehearsall thereof) She sayd that if your grace went forth with the purpose that ye intended, ye shold not be King of England seuen moneths after.

I conceaued not by theis wordes, I take it vpon my soule, that any ma∣lice or euill was intended or ment vnto your highnes, by any mor all man, butt oonly that thei were the threattes of God, as she than did affirme.

And though thei were feaned, that (as I wold be saued) was to me vn∣knowen. I neuer counsailled hir vnto that feanyng, not was privaye ther∣vnto,

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nor to any such purposes, as it is now sayd thei went aboute.

Neuerthelesse if she hadde told me this Reuelation, and hadde not alsoo told me, that she hadde reported the same vnto your grace, I hadde bene verylie farre to blame, and worthy extreame punyshment, for not disclosing the same vnto your highenes, or else to some of your counsaill; But sithen she did assure me therewith, that she hadde playnelye told vnto your grace the same thynge, I thought doubtlesse that your grace wold haue suspected me that I had commyn to renewe hir tale agayne vnto yow, rather for the confermyng of myn opinion, than for any other cause.

I beseech your highenes to take no displeasor with me for this that I will saye. It stykketh yet (moost graciouse Soueraygne) in my hart, to my no little heuynesse youre greeuous letters, and after that youre moost fearfull wordes, that your grace hadde vnto me for shewyng vnto yow my mynde and opinion in the same matter. Notwithstandyng that your highnesse hadde soo often and soo straytly commanded me to serch for the same be∣fore. And for this cause I was right loth to haue comyn vnto your grace agayne, with such a tale pertayning to that matter.

Meny other considerations I hadde, but this was the very cause why that I came not vnto your grace. For in good faith, I dradde lest I shold therby haue prouoked your grace to farther displeasor agaynste me.

My Lord of* 1.3 Canterbury also which was your great Counsaillor, told me that she hadde bene with your grace, and hadde shewed yow this same matter, and of hym (as I will answeare before God) I learned greatter thynges of her pretensed visions than she told me herselfe. And at that same tyme I shewede vnto hym, that she hadde bene with me, and told me as I haue written before.

I trust now that your excellent wisdome and learnynge seeth there ys in me no defawte, for not reuelynge of hir wordes vnto your grace; whan she hir selfe did affirme vnto me that she hadde soo done, and my Lord of Can∣terbury that then was, confermed alsoo the same.

Wherfore moost graciouse Soueraygne Lord, in my most humble wise I besech your highenes to dimisse me of this trouble, whereby I shall the more quietly serue God, and the more effectually pray for your grace; This, if there were a right great offence in me, shold be to your merite to pardon, but much rather taking the case as it is, I trust veryly yow will so doo.

Now my body is mvch weakened with meny diseases and infirmities, and my soule is much inquieted by this trouble, so that my harte is more withdrawen from God, and fro the deuotion of prayer than I wold. And veryly I thinke that my lyve may not long continewe. Wherfore estsoones I besech your moost gracious highenes, that by your charytable goodnes I may be deliuered of this besynesse, and onely to prepare my soule to God, and to make itt ready agaynst the commyng of death, and no moore to come abroode in the world. This mooste graciouse Soueraigne Lord, I besech your highenes, by all the singular and excellent endewments of your most noble bodie and sowle, and for the loue of Christ Iesu, that soo dearly with his moost preciouse bloode redeamed yowr and myn. And duryng my lyue I shall not cease (as I am bownden) and yett now the more

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entearly to make my praier to God for the preseruation of your most roy∣all Maiestie.

At Rochester, the xxvii. day of February.

Your most humble Beadman and subiect, Io. Roffe.

He writ likewise to the high Court of Parliament (then sitting) to the same effect: but before this businesse was fully finished, another came vpon him,* 1.4 which was the oath of Supremacie; the refusing whereof, being ten∣dered, was adiudged high treason. This oath, or some part of it, he denies, whereupon he is committed to the Tower, from whence he thus writes to Cromwell.

After my most humble commendations,* 2.1 where as ye couet that I should write vnto the Kings Highnesse, in good faith, I dread mee that I cannot be soo circumspect in my writing, but that sum word shall escape me, wher∣with his grace shall be moued to sum further displeasure against me, wher∣of I wold be veray sory: For, as I will answer by for God, I wold not in any manner of poynte offend his grace, my duty saued vnto God, whom I must in euery thyng prefer. And for this consideration, I am full loth and full of feare to wryte vnto his highnesse in this matter. Neuerthelesse sythen I conceyue that it is your mynd that I shall soo doo, I will endeuor mee to the best that I can. But first here I must beseech yow gode master Secretary, to call to yowr remembrance, that at my last being befor yow, and the o∣ther Commissioners, for taking of the othe concerning the Kings most no∣ble succession, I was content to be sworne vnto that parcell concerning the succession. And there I did rehearse this reason, whiche I sade moued mee. I dowted not, but that the Prynce of eny Realme, with th' assent of his no¦bles and commons, myght appoynte for his succession Royall, such an or∣der as was seen vnto his wysdom most accordyng. And for this reason, I sade, that I was content to be sworne vnto that parte of the othe as concer∣nyng the succession. This is veray trowth, as God help my sowl at my most neede. Albeit I refused to swear to some other parcels, bycause that my conscience wold not serue me so to doo. Furthermor I byseche yow to be gode master vnto me in my necessitie, for I haue nether Shirt, nor Sute, nor yet other clothes that ar necessary for me to wear; but that bee ragged and torne to shamefully. Notwithstandyng I myghte easily suffer that, if thei wold keep my body warm. But my dyett allso, God knowes, how slen∣der itt is att meny tymes. And now in myn age, my stomake may not a∣way but with a few kynd of meats, which if I want, I decay forthwith, and fall into coffes and diseases of my body, and cannot keepe my self in health.* 2.2 And, as our Lord knoweth, I haue nothing left vnto me for to pro∣uyde any better, but as my Brother of his owne purse layeth out for me, to his great hynderance.

Wherfore, gode Master Secretary, estsones I byseche yow to haue som pittie vpon me, and latt me haue such thyngs as are necessary for mee in myn age; and especially for my health. And also that itt may please yow by yowr high wysdom, to moue the Kings highnesse to take me vnto his gracious fauor againe, and to restor me vnto my liberty, out of this cold and

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painfull imprisonment; wherby ye shall bynd me to be yowr pore beads∣man for euer vnto almighty God, who euer haue yow in his protection and custody.

Other twayne things I must also desyer vpon yow, first oon is, that itt may please yow that I may take som Preest within the Tower, by th' as∣signment of master Liuetenant, to hear my confession against this hooly tym.

That other is, that I may borrow some bookes to stir my deuocion mor effectually theis hooly dayes, for the comfortte of my sowl. This I byseche yow to grant me of yowr charite. And thus our Lord send yow a mery Christenmas, and a comfortable to yowr hearts desyer.

Att the Tower this xxii. day of December.

Your poore Beadsman, Iohn Roffe.

Thus he lay imprisoned, in great misery, hungrie, cold, and comfort∣lesse, as the prisoners dittie in Newgate runs, vntill the time of his arraign∣ment: during which time, as also before, being diuers times examined by the Lords of the priuie Councell,* 2.3 as also examined and sworne in verbo Sa∣cer docij, by Thomas Bedyll, and Richard Layton, Clerkes of the Kings Councell, in the presence of Sir Edmond Walfingham, knight, Lieuetenant of the Tower, and others, to many Interrogatories, his answeres were euer agreeable in effect, with his letters.

He was arraigned onely for denying of the Supremacie (howsoeuer he was before attainted by Parliament, of misprision of Treason, for the mat∣ter of the holy Maid of Kent) as by this his Indictment appeares, of which so much as is materiall.

Quidem tamen Iohannes Fyssher nuper de ciuitate Roffen. in Com. Kanc. Clericus,* 2.4 alias dictus Iohannes Fyssher nuper de Rofen. Episcopus, deum pre oculis non habens, sed instigatione diabolica seductus, false maliciose et prodi∣torie optans volens et desiderans, ac arte imaginans inuentans practitans et attemptans serenissimum dominum nostrum Henricum octauum dei gratia Angl. et Franc. Regem fidei defensorem & dominum Hibernie atque in ter∣ra supremum caput Ecclesie Anglicane de dignitate titulo & nomine status sui Regalis, videlicet de dignitate titulo et nomine eius in terra, supremi capi∣tis Anglicane Ecclesie dicte imperiali corone sue vt premittit. annexis & vnitis depriuare, Septimo die Maij Anno regni eiusdem domini Regis vices∣simo septimo apud Tarrim London in Com. Mid. contra legiancie sue debi∣tum hec verba Anglicana sequent. diuersis dicti domini Regis veris subdi∣tis false maliciose & proditorie loquebatur et propalabat videlicet. The Kyng owre Soueraigne Lord is not supreme hedd yn erthe of the Cherche of England. In dicti domini Regis immund. despect. et vilipendium mani∣fest. ac in dictorum dignitatis, tituli et nominis status sui Regalis derogatio∣nem et preiudic non modicum, et contra formam dicti alterius Actus perdicti Anno xxvi. edit ac contra pacem prefati domini Regis, &c.

Of this Indictment being found guilty, he had iudgement, whereupon execution presently followed; which the more was hastened, as also his

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arraignement, in regard of the rumour that a Cardinals hat was comming towards him from the Pope,* 2.5 because he had stood so stoutly in his defence: which newes was so vnwelcome vnto him, that vpon the first report there∣of comming to his eares, he said in the presence of some of the Lieuete∣nants seruants, that if the Cardinals hat were laid at his feet, he would not stoupe to take it vp, so little did he set by it: but let vs leaue him to his eter∣nall rest, onely thus much out of the writers of his time, who say, that hee was omnium Episcopalium Virtutum genere suffarcinatissimus,* 2.6 et singulari linguae gratia praeditus.

He was of many,* 2.7 sore lamented, being a man of a very good life, and great learning, as his writings in diuers bookes did testifie. The common peo∣ple had such a reuerend opinion of his holinesse, that they beleeued cer∣taine miracles to be wrought by his head put vpon a Pole, and set vp vpon London Bridge.

Adrianus Iunius, and Cornelius Musius, two German writers, of Fisher thus,* 2.8 in opposition.

Iunius.
Te niuei mores celebrem, et conscia virtus Eexit coelo, et relligionis amor. Sed dum Romuleo nimium tibicine fultus Perstas, nec causam Regis amare potes: Mors properatatibi est, ceruice cruenta rescissa, Munus vbi inselix purpura missa venit.
Musius.
Non ego purpureos ambii indignus honores Nec potui humanis fidere praesidijs. Vnica cura fidem intrepide veramque tueri Commissoque ouium pro grege cuncta pati. Si quaeras ceruix igitur cur ense re scissa est? Improba displicuit Regia caussa mihi.
Another.
Dum mihi martyrij donat Diadema securis Quaeso meum teneas o bone trunce caput.
Another.
Vim sine vi patior, qualis qui carcere rupto Cogitur e vinclis liber abire suis.

The sixt day of Iuly following the decollation of Bishop Fisher,* 2.9 Sir Tho∣mas More, Lord Chancellor of England, was likewise beheaded on the Tower hill, for the like deniall of the Kings Supremacie: he was first buri∣ed in this Chappell, and the body of his deare friend Fisher was remoued out of Barking Church-yard, and buried with him in the same graue: for agreeing so vnanimously in their opinions liuing, it was (be like) thought

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vnfitting to part them being dead; but how long they lay together in this their house of rest, I certainly know not: yet this is certaine, that Margaret, the wife of Master Roper, and daughter of the said Sir Thomas More, remo∣ted her fathers corps, not long after, to Chelsey; and whether she honou∣ued the Bishop by another remoue to the place of her fathers buriall, or not, I know not; yet she might, by all probabilitie.

They were both accused to be of the adherents to Elizabeth Barton in her counterfeite holinesse, hypocrisie, and traiterous intents; but their in∣nocencie, and their often writing to the King and Cromwell, in their owne excuse, acquitted them of that imputation.

* 2.10In the Act for the surety of the succession of the Crowne of England, an oath was deuised for the maintenance and defence of the said Act, which was to be taken by all the Kings subiects; this oath being tendered to these two, they were content to bee sworne to the maine point, but not to the preamble of the said Oath, which I haue touched before; of which, Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie, thus deliuers his opinion by his letter to Secre∣tarie Cromwell: if I now digresse, I craue a fauourable construction.

* 3.1Right worshipfull Maister Cromwell, after most harty commendations, &c. I doubte not but you do right well remembre, that my Lord of Roche∣ster, and master More, were contented to bee sworne to the Actt of the Kings succession, but not to the preamble of the same: what was the cause of thair refusall thereof, I am vncertaine, and they wolde by no meanes ex∣presse the same. Neuerthelesse it must nedis be, either the diminution of the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, or ells the reprobation of the Kings first pretensed matrimony. But if they doe obstinately persiste in thair opinions of the preamble, yet me semeth it scholde not be refused, if thay will be sworne to the veray acte of succession; so that thay will be sworne to mayn∣tene the same against all powers and Potentates. For hereby shall be a great occasion to satisfie the Princesse Dowager, and the Lady Mary, which doe thinke that they sholde dampne thair sowles, if thay sholde abandon and relinquish thair astats. And not only it sholde stop the mouthes of thaym, but also of th'emperour, and other thar friends, if thay giue as much cre∣dence to my Lord of Rochester, and master More spekyng or doinge a∣gainst thaym, as they hitherto haue done and thought, that all other sholde haue done whan they spake and did with thaym. And peraduenture it sholde be a good quietation to many other within this Realme, if such men sholde say that the succession comprised within the said acte is good, and according to Gods lawes. For than I thinke there is not one within this Reaulme that wolde ones reclaime against it. And where as diuers persones either of a wilfulnesse, will not, or of an indurate and inuertible conscience can not, altre from thair opinions of the Kings first pretensed marriage, (wherein they haue ones said their minds, and percase haue a perswasion in their heads, that if they sholde now vary therfrome, their fame and e∣stimation were distained for euer) or else of the authoritie of the Busschope of Rome: yet if all the Reaulme with one accord wolde apprehend the said succession, in my iudgement it is a thing to be amplected and imbra∣ced, which thing, although I trust surely in God, that it shall bee brought to passe, yet hereunto might not a little auaile the consent and othes of

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theis two persones the Busshope of Rochester, and Maister More with thair adherents, or rather confederats: And if the Kings pleasure so were, thair sayd othes myght be suppressed, but whan and where his highnes might take some commoditie by the publyshinge of the same. Thus our Lord haue you euer in his conseruation.

From my Maner at Croydon, the xvii day of Aprill.

Your own assured euer, Thomas Cantuar.

Here in this letter is to be seene the wisedome and policie of this prudent Archbishop, who could make such auaileable vse to the state, of the strong opinion, which most men conceiued, of the profound iudgement of these two persons.

This Sir Thomas More was pregnant of wit,* 3.2 eloquent, wise, and learned, as by his bookes still extant doth appeare: and besides those mentioned by Bale, which we haue in print. During the time of his imprisonment, which was foureteene moneths (saith Pitseus) he writ an historicall exposition of the Passion of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ, according to the foure Euangelists. Which I can hardly beleeue: for I finde, that when he was in prison, his bookes and all his papers were taken away from him. Where∣upon he shut vp his Chamber-windowes, saying, When the wares are gone, and the tooles taken away, we must shut vp shop. Thus would he lose his light before he would lose his iest; for that he would neuer lose nor leaue off, vpon the least occasion offered, vntill he had lost his head.

He was twice married,* 3.3 first, (saith Erasmus his intimate deare friend) Virginem daxit admodum puellam, claro genere natam; He married a Maide very young, borne of a noble Familie, whom he tooke care to haue instru∣cted in all good literature, and to be expert in all sorts of Musicke; by her he had foure children; one Sonne named Iohn, and three daughters: Mar∣garet, Alice, or Aloysia, and Cicely.

God (saith Leland that reuerend Antiquarie, that liued in his dayes) extraordinarily blessed these his children, and namely, his three daughters, to whom he had giuen an admirable dexteritie, in the science of Songs and Arts: which he noteth in this his learned Epigram.

Desine facundas nimium laudare diserti* 3.4 Natas Hortensi maxima Roma tui. Candida tres charites nam Mori cura politi Obscurant multis nomina vestra modis. Non illis studium Milesia vellera dextra Carpere, non facili ducere fila manu: Sed innat eloquij crebro monumenta latini Versare, & doctis pingere verba notis. Nec minus authores Graecos euoluere, Homerum Et quem dicendi gloria prima manet. Vt nec Aristotelis dicam quo pectore libros Scrutentur, sophiae mystica dona deae. Turpe viris posthac erit ignorare Mineruae Artes, grex adeo quas muliebris amet.

Page 508

His second wife was a widow,* 3.5 of whom he was wont to say, that she was, nec bella nec puella. Who as she was a good huswife, so was she not voide of the fault that often followeth that vertue, somewhat shrewd to her ser∣uants. Vpon a time Sir Thomas found fault with her continuall chiding, saying, If that nothing would reclaime her, yet the consideration of the time (for it was Lent) should restraine her. Tush, tush, my Lord (said she) looke here is one steppe to heauen-ward, shewing him a Friers girdle. I feare me, said he, this one steppe will not bring you vp a steppe higher.

One day when she came from shrift, she said merrily to her husband; Be merry, Sir Thomas, for this day was I well shriuen, I thanke God, and pur∣pose now therefore to leaue off all my old shrewdnesse. Yea (quoth he) and to begin afresh.

This man thus much giuen to a certaine pleasure in harmlesse mirth, fa∣cetious iests, and present wittie answers, was wonderfull zealous in Reli∣gion, and deuout: in so much that diuers times in his Chancellourship, he would put on a Surplise, and helpe the Priest to say and sing diuine Seruice; for which being reprehended by Thomas Duke of Norfolke, who told him that it was a dishonour to the King, that the Lord Chancellor of England should be a Parish Clerke. Hee thus answered, Now truly, my Lord, I thinke, and verily beleeue, that when the King shall heare of the care I haue both to serue his Master and mine, he will accept and take me for a faithfull Seruant. Which he might well say; for vpon his first comming to his ser∣uice, the King gaue him this godly lesson: First looke vnto God, and then after vnto me. Vpon which religious and Princely lesson, he grounds a rea∣son, and pleads a libertie, to vse his owne proper conscience in the Kings most weightie affaires; as you may perceiue by this part of a letter follow∣ing written to Cromwell.

* 3.6Right worshipfull, &c. it pleased the Kyngs highnes to send me in the companie of my Lord of London, now of Duresme, in embassiate aboute the Peace that at our being there was concluded at Cameray, betwene his highnes, and themperour, and the French Kyng. And after my comyng home, his highnes of his onely goodnes (as far my vnworthy I was thereto) made me (as you well knowe) his Chauncelor of this Realme: sone after which time, his grace moued me agayne yit-eftsonys to loke and considre his great matter, and well and indifferently to pondre such things as I should fynde therin. And if it so were, that therevpon it shoulde happen me to se such things as sholde persuade me to that parte; hee wolde gladly vse me among other of his Counsailors in that matter; & neuerthelesse gra∣cyousely declared vnto me, that he wolde in no wise that I sholde other thing do or say therin, than vpon that that I shold perceiue myn owne conscience shold serue me; and that I sholde fyrst loke vnto God, and after God vnto hym. Which moost gratiouse wordys was the fyrst lesson also that euer his grace gaue me at my fyrst comyng into his noble servyce. &c. This learned Chancellour with much labour and earnest suite to the King got leaue to leaue his office, before hee had continued therein fully three yeares.

Vpon his last speech to his three daughters, and to the people present at his decollation: thus one writes.

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Ne lugete meo confusae funere natae:* 3.7 Ipse ego mutari non mea fata velim. Truncum terra teget, si Rex non abnuet vrnam; Et mea iam terris nomina nota volant. Libera mens superos repetet, neque seruiet vnquam, In partem hanc quod agat nulla securis habet. Tu quoque spectator, tranquillum si cupis aeum Exigere, & letho fortior esse tuo. Qui tibi membra cadan nullo in discrimine pone; Quum sint naturae lege caduca suae. Another of his death, by way of Dialogue: thus.
Hospes.
Quis iacet hic truncus? cuius caput ense rescissum est? Quae natat in tetro sanguine canities:
Ciuis.
Hic est ille Thomas Morus, sic fata rependunt Tristia multa bonis, & bona multa malis.
Hospes.
Quae circumsistunt Diuae lugubre cadauer? Diua tenax veri, sancta Fides, Nemesis.
Ciuis.
Harum prima odij caussa, & fuit altera mortis Vltrix iniustae, tertia caedis erat. Anno Domini, M.D.XXXV.vi. Non. Iulij.

Thus much of Sir Thomas More in this place; you may know more of him hereafter, by his Epitaph in Chelsey Church.

Cromwell,* 3.8 surnamed the great, whom Wolsey first raised from the forge to eminent good fortunes; whom Henry the eight vsed as his instrument, to suppresse the Popes supremacie, and to dissolue religious Structures; whom he aduanced to the highest pitch of honour and authoritie:* 3.9 whom he cast downe suddenly, and bereft both of life and dignitie, lies here interred.

He followed the same steps, to the same Stage, vpon the said Tower-hill, and acted there the same part, which his two friends, More, and Fisher, had done before him: and that within fiue yeares after.

This Cromwell, this pillar of the State, was borne in Putney, a Village in Surrey, by Thames side, foure miles distant from London; hee was sonne to a Blacksmith, in his later dayes a Bruer. Whose mother, after his fathers decease, was remarried to a Shereman. Of whose birth a late writer thus sings.

Putney the place made blessed by my birth,* 3.10 Whose meanest cottage simply me did shrowd, To me as dearest of the English Earth;

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So of my bringing that poore village proud, Though in a time when neuer lesse the dearth Of happie wits, yet mine so well allow'd, That with the best she boldlie durst prefer Me, that my breath acknowledged from her.

He was a man of an actiue and forward ripenesse of nature, ready and pregnant of wit, discreet, and well aduised in iudgement, eloquent of tongue, faithfull and diligent in seruice, of an incomparable memory, of a reaching politicke head, and of a noble and vndaunted spirit. Whose good parts being perceiued by Cardinal Wolsey, he took him straight into his ser∣uice, made him his Sollicitor, and emploied him in matters of great impor∣tance: after whose fall, hee was presently aduanced to the Kings seruice; wherein he so industriously and wisely demeaned himselfe, as that he was thought worthie by the said King, to haue the ordering of all weightie af∣faires. Whereupon at seuerall times, he heaped these seuerall offices and ho∣nours vpon him; he made him Master of his Iewell-house; Baron Cromwell of Okeham, principall Secretarie, Master of the Rolles, Chancellour of the Exchequer, Keeper of the priuie Seale, Iustice of the Forrests and Chases from the Riuer of Trent Northward, great Chamberlaine of England, Earle of Essex, Knight of the Garter, Vicegerent, or Vicar generall. Of which my fore remembred friend thus writes.

* 3.11For first from knighthood rising in degree, The Office of the Iewell-house my lot, After the Rolles, he frankly gaue to me, From whence a priuie Counsellor I got, Then of the Garter; and then Earle to be Of Essex: yet sufficient these were not: But to the great Vicegerencie I grew, Being a title as supreme as new.
Thus Fortune raised him a short time for a sudden fall; For vpon the eighteenth day of Aprill, 1540. hee was inuested with the honour of the Earledome of Essex, and high Chamberlainship of England; vpon which day the King also made his sonne Gregory Lord Cromwell. Vpon the ninth of Iuly, next and immediately following (being enuied of many for his ho∣nour and authoritie) he was suddenly arrested in the Councell-chamber, and committed to the Tower, vpon the nineteenth of the said moneth, he was attainted by Parliament, of heresie and high Treason; and vpon the 28. of the said moneth, hee was beheaded on the Tower-hill. More succinctly, thus, his precipitate downfall is versified.

* 3.12The Councell-chamber place of my arrest, Where chiefe I was, when greatest was the store: And had my speeches noted of the best, That did them as high Oracles adore. A Parliament was lastly my Enquest,

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That was my selfe a Parliament before. The Tower hill Scaffold, last I did ascend, Thus the great'st man of England made his end.

And such bloudie ends most men haue, who are busie managers of the greatest matters.

He was condemned to death,* 3.13 and yet neuer came to his answere, by an act (as it is said) which he himselfe caused to be made; of which my fore∣remembred Author M. Drayton.

Those lawes I made my selfe alone to please, To giue me power more freely to my will, Euen to my equals hurtfull sundrie waies, (Forced to things that most doe say were ill) Vpon me now as violently seize, By which I lastly perish by my skill, On mine owne necke returning (as my due) That heauie yoke wherein by me they drew.
Thus whilst we striue, too suddenly to rise, By flatt'ring Princes with a seruile tong; And being soothers to their tirannies, Worke our much woes, by what doth many wrong. And vnto others tending iniuries, Vnto our selues it hapning oft among. In our owne snares vnluckily are caught, Whilst our attempts fall instantly to naught.

Many lamented this great mans fall, but more reioiced, especially such as had beene religious men, or fauoured religious persons; of the Clergie he was much hated, for that he was an enemy to Poperie, and could neuer indure the snuffing pride of the Prelates. Thankefull hee was, and liberall, neuer forgetting former benefits, as appeares by his requitall of the kinde∣nesse he had receiued from Friscolald the Italian Merchant;* 3.14 carefull he was of his seruants, for whom hee had prouided a competencie of liuing, not∣withstanding his sodaine fall: faithfull and forward hee was to doe his friends good, and amongst them More and Fisher, if we may beleeue their owne letters, of which some part.

Right worshipfull,* 3.15 after my moost hartie commendations, it may please you to vnderstand that I haue perceiued by the relation of my Sonne Roo∣per, (for which I beseche almightie God reward yow) your moost cheri∣table labour taken for me toward the Kings graciouse highnesse, in the pro∣curing at his moost graciouse hand, the reliefe and comfort of this wofull heuinesse, in which myn harte standeth, &c. concluding in these words.

And thus good Master Cromwell, I make an end of my long troublouse processe, beseching the blessed Trinitie, for the great goodnesse ye shew

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me, and the great cumfort ye do me both bodelie and ghostlie to prospere yow, and in heauen to reward yow.

At Chelcith the v. day of March, by

Your deepely bounden, Tho. More, Knight.

Bishop Fisher acknowledgeth the like kindenesse from him in ma∣ny of his letters: And howsoeuer these two famous schollers, after some hard imprisonment, lost both their liues; yet was hee not wanting by his best endeuours, and his all-potencie with the King, to haue saued their neckes from the stroke of the Axe, which we may verily beleeue, when we consider that King Henries command was a Law; of which Cromwell had a triall, being conuicted and executed without triall.

Seruices done by the foresaid Cromwell vnto King Henry the eight, within a few yeares after his first comming into the fauour and seruice of the said King, copied out of the Originall, written with his owne hand, and now remaining in the Treasury of the Exchequer.
  • Imprimis, the King purchased Hampton Court.
  • Item, the King purchased the Manore of Moye.
  • Item, the King purchased Saint Iameses in the fields, and all the grounds whereof the new Parke of Westminster is made.
  • Item, his highnesse hath purchased all the old Tenements in Westmin∣stre, whereas now is builded the new garden, the Tenesplaies, and Cock∣fights.
  • Item, his highnesse hath purchased the Manore of Pisowe, of the Lord Scroope.
  • Item, his highnesse hath purchased the Manore of Weston Baldock.
  • Item, his highnesse hath purchased the Manore and Parke of Copped∣hall.
  • Item, his Maiestie hath purchased lands to a great value, of the Earle of Northumberland.
  • Item, his Maiestie hath purchased certaine lands of Thomas Robarts, the Auditore, lying besides Waltham.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath purchased of the Lord Audley, the Mannor of Lanamuerye and Keymes in Walles.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath purchased the Mannor, and certaine other lands in Chombham, whereof a Parke is made, of the Abbot of Chensey.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath purchased the Mannor of Alderbrooke in the Forrest of Waltham, of one Monoke.
  • Item, the King hath purchased the Mannor of Edmonton, in the Coun∣try of Middlesex.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath repaired the Tower of London, to his great charges.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath newly made the Ship, called the Mary Rose,

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  • the Peter, Pomgarnete, the Lyon, the Katherine Galley, the Barke, the Mini∣one, the Sweepestake.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath purchased the Mannor of Cogeshall and Estor∣ford, of master Southwell.
  • Item, his highnesse hath purchased the woods besides Portesmouthe in Hampshire, sufficient for the new making of Henry-grace a dieu, and the great Galley.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath bought and made within the Tower of new Bowes for a M. l.
  • Item, his Highnesse, with a great and chargeable traine, passed the Seas in his owne person to Callis and Bullen.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath newly builded Hampton Court.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath newly builded the place at Westminstre, with all the Tenesplaies and Cockfights, and walled in the Parke there with a sumptuous wall.
  • Item, he hath new builded Saint Iameses in the fields, a magnificent and goodly house.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath purchased the Mannors of Dunmington, Ewelme, Hookenorton, and others, of the Duke of Suffolke.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath made a great deale of new Ordenance of brasse here in England.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath newly edified a great part of the walls of Calles.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath made a great quantitie of new Ordenance within the Towne of Calles.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath most costly warres in Scotland.
  • Item, he hath most costly warres in Ireland.
  • Item, he hath been at a most costly charge for the Coronation of Queen Anne.
  • Item, his Highnesse hath maintained the great and sumptuous house of the Lady Katherine Dowager.

Besides these, he did many other seruices for the King his master; but I will insist onely vpon two, by which he greatly enriched his Coffers.

The one was vpon the Coronation of Queene Anne Bullen, against which solemnitie, the King sent writings to all Sheriffes, to certifie the names of men of fortie pounds lands, to receiue the order of Knighthood, or else to make fine for the same. The asseasement of which (saith my Author) was appointed to Thomas Cromwell then master of the Kings Iewell-house, who so vsed the matter, that a great summe of money was leuied to the Kings vse by those fines.

The other was his paines and pollicie in the suppressing of Religious Foundations.

This great man gaue great reliefe to the poore;* 4.1 two hundred poore peo∣ple were serued at his gates twise euery day; with bread, meat, and drinke sufficient.

He had 220. men and aboue in checke roll; he gaue liueries garded with veluet to his Getlemen; and garded with the same cloth to his Yeomen, saith Iohn Stow in the Suruay of London, in the chapter of orders and cu∣stomes.

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* 4.2Within the Quire of this Chappell, lieth buried the body of Anne Bol∣lein, Marchionesse of Penbroke, eldest daughter and coheire of Thomas Bollein, Viscount Rochford, Earle of Wiltshire and Ormond, second wife to King Henry the eight, to whom shee bare into the world, that most re∣nowned Princesse, Elizabeth, our late Queene, who proued not onely the mirrour of the world, for vertue, wisedome, piety, and iustice, but also a patterne for gouernment to all the Princes in christendome.* 4.3 Another man∣childe she bore also vnto the said King, though without life, vpon the 29. day of Ianuary, and the 27. yeare of his raigne, to the no little griefe of his mother, some dislike of the King, as the sequele of her accusation and death did shortly confirme: for vpon the 19. day of May next following, vpon the greene within the Tower, her head was cut off by the sword, and by the hands of the Hangman of Caleis; when shee had beene King Henries wife three yeares, three moneths, and twenty fiue daies.

The bloud was scarse wipt off the blade, nor shee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in her graue, (an argument that her life was sought after vpon fale 〈◊〉〈◊〉) before ano∣ther Lady was possest of her bed; for, on the 〈…〉〈…〉 her beheading, the King her husband was married to that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Princesse Iane, the the daughter of Iohn Seymor Knight, and sister to Lord Edward Seymour, Earle of Hertford, and Duke of Somerset.

Here lieth buried in the said Chappell, the body of George Bollein, Lord Rochford,* 4.4 brother to the beheaded Queene, who (together with Henry Norrice, Marke Smeton, William Brereton, and Francis Weston, all of the Kings priuie Chamber) was beheaded on the Tower hll, two daies be∣fore the death of his Sister, about matters concerning the said Queene: none of them all confessing the act whereupon they suffered death; onely Sme∣ton, contrarie to his conscience (saith one) confest some thing,* 4.5 in hope of life and preferment, which condemned both himselfe and the rest, of which,* 4.6 thus Cromwell writ to the King. Many things haue beene obiected, but nothing confessed, onely some circumstances haue beene acknowledged by Marke Smeton. This hee writ after the prisoners had beene throughly examined in the Tower.

This Smeton, Brierton, Norrice, and Weston, lie buried here in the Chappell-yard.

* 4.7Here, and neere to the reliques of the said Anne Bollein, lieth interred the body of Katherine, the fift wife of King Henry the eight, the daughter of Edmond, and Neece vnto Thomas Howard his brother, Duke of Nor∣folke; who hauing continued his wife but the space of one yeare, sixe mo∣neths, and foure daies, was attainted by Parliament, and beheaded here in the Tower, vpon the 13. of February, 1541.

It is verily beleeued, and many strong reasons are giuen, both by En∣glish and forraine writers, to confirme that beliefe; that neither this Queene Katherine, nor Queene Anne, were any way guiltie of the breach of ma∣trimony, whereof they were accused; but that King Henry, vnconstant

Page 515

and variable in his affections, and as vnstayed in religious resolutions, did cut them off vpon false suggestions, soone wearie of the old, and euer ay∣ming at new Espousals.

Betweene these two Queenes,* 4.8 before the high Altar, lie buried two Dukes, to wit, the Duke of Somerset, Edward Seymour, and the Duke of Northumberland, Iohn Dudley. Of whom hereafter.

Here lieth Henry Southworth,* 4.9 borne at Halton Castle, in the Parish of Runkorne in Cheshire, Yeoman of the Crowne, and of the Guard, to king Henry the seuenth, and Henry the eight, Yeoman Bawier, and Surveiour in the Tower of London for the space of 33. yeares. Who died. . . . . . .

Here lieth Gefferay Hewyt,* 4.10 and Ione his wife, one of the Gonners in the Tower. . . . Ione died... 1525.

There are some other Inscriptions in this Chappell, but they are of late times.

Notes

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