The golden-groue moralized in three bookes: a worke very necessary for all such, as would know how to gouerne themselues, their houses, or their countrey. Made by W. Vaughan, Master of Artes, and student in the ciuill law,

THE THIRD booke of the Golden-groue moralized. (Book 3)

The first Plant.

Of a Common-wealth. Chap. 1.

A Common-wealth is a socie∣tie of free mē, vnited toge∣ther by a generall consent, to the end to liue well and orderly, not onely in re∣gard of iustice, but also of commoditie, and for the preseruation of themselues, as well in peace, as in warre. The which is a thing naturall, both in respect of parts, to wit, a shire, a parish, and a fami∣ly, whereof a Commonwealth is the ac∣complishment: and of men naturally dis∣posed to liue in societie.

Neuerthelesse, there haue beene ma∣ny societies, which were not Common-wealths, but certaine base habitations in villages, where the weaker yeelded ser∣uice to the stronger. Also, the Arabians at this day, wander vp and down, igno∣rant of liuing, and do carrie about with them their woodden habitations, which they draw vpon charrets, seeking for prayes and spoyles frō the riuer Euphra∣tes, along vnto the sea Atlantique. But to these and such like, well may I apply that saying of the Philosopher, namely, thatn 1.1 he, which cannot abide to liue in com∣panie, is eyther a beast, that is, a monstrous wicked man, or a God, that is, a man sur∣passing the ordinarie sort of vertuous men in perfection.

The examination whereof, caused all that were free and liberally borne, to be enclined vnto societie, and to defend the Common-wealth with all their pow∣ers: yea, andr 1.2 thereunto to beare a greater affection, then to their parents. Although our families bee destroyed, yet the Commonwealth standing, wee may in time flourish againe: but if the Com∣mon-wealth be destroyed, both we and

our families must likewise come to vtter destruction. Let this serue for a watch∣word to our English Fugitiues, who vn∣naturally haue abandoned their natiue countrie, and now being become Semi∣narie Priestes and vncleane spirits, like vnto themr 1.3 that in the Reuelation, issued as frogs out of the Dragons mouth, doe by all shameful acts, and false counsels, sub∣orne their countrymen to conspiracies against their Prince and Common-wealth.

The diuision of a Common-wealth. Chap. 2.

IT was a great controuersie among po∣liticians, about the diuision of a Com∣mon-wealth; for some would allow but of two sorts: some contrarie appoyn∣ted foure, and others fiue.a 1.4 Polybius ac∣counted seuen.* 1.5 Bodinus, whose iudge∣ment is most of all applauded, approo∣ueth onely those three speciall kindes of a Commonwealth, whichx 1.6 Aristo∣tle hath mentioned. The first, a Mo∣narchie, where the gouernement of the whole Common-wealth, is in one

mans hand. This kind regarding the weale publike, more then the weale pri∣uate, is named the soueraigne authori∣tie, as in England, France, Spaine, Den∣marke, Polonia, and Swethland. The second, an Aristocracie, where the smal∣ler number, and those of the best sort do beare rule; as the Senate of Rome in times past, and the Gentlemen of Ve∣nice at this present day. The third kinde of a Common-wealth is called a Demo∣cracie, where the regiment of a Com∣monwealth consisteth in the power of al, or else, of the greater part of the people: as in ancient times at Athens, and nowe at this present, the Cantons of Switzer∣land.

Of a Monarchie. Chap. 3.

AMong all creatures, as well hauing life, as without life, one alwaies hath preeminence aboue the rest of his kind. r 1.7This inferiour world obeyeth the superiour, and is ruled by it, as wee see by a certaine vertuous influence associated with light heat, and (named by some, the quintes∣sence of the world) which issueth down frō the celestiall essence, & spreadeth it

selfe through the lumpe of this huge body, to nourish all things vnder the Moone. In like maner, we see the sunne the principall minister of this celestiall vertue, as a monarch among the Pla∣nets, illuminating al the world with his glistering beams. We see the Moone as an Empresse, predominant ouer al moist things. We see the fire bearing the soue∣raigntie ouer the other elements. In mu∣sicall concents consisting of soundes, we see the treble as it were commāding the base. Among reasonable creatures man onely is the chiefe. Among beasts, the Lion. Among birdes, the Eagle. Among fishes, the Whale. Among metals, gold. Among graines, wheate. Among aro∣maticall spices, balme. Among drinke, wine. And to conclude, haue not the Bees one onely King? Is not vnitie the first of numbers, and when we haue cast our accounts, do not we return the same to one totall summe? Thus by naturall discourses wee see, that a monarchie of all other regiments, is the most excel∣lent. n 1.8If wee search ancient Fables, we shal find that the gods were ruled by Iupiter. What blind Bayard therefore wil deny,

thati 1.9 all superiour and inferiour things are much better ordered by the arbitrement of one, then by the aduice of many?

Moreouer, there bee foure forcible reasons, which prooue that a Monarchy ought to be preferred before all other sorts of gouernments. First,r 1.10 from the be∣ginning of countryes and nations, the go∣uernement was in the hands of Kings, who were not extolled to that high degree of ma∣iestie by Ambition, but for their modestie, which was knowne to all men. Likewise, that which is auncient and first▪* 1.11 is more noble then that which is newfangled and la∣ter. Secondly, the image of a monarchie is found in priuate families. For the au∣thority of a father ouer his children, may bee resembled to a royall gouernment, because the Children are the fathers charge: hee alone must prouide for them, and their offences are by him chastised. With which concurreth that common speech: Euery man is a King in his owne house. Thirdly, a Monarchie hath continued aboue a thousand yeeres; whereas the longest Aristo∣cracie and Democracie, haue not la∣sted aboue sixe hundred yeeres.

Our Kingdome of Brittaine retai∣ned a Monarchie, from the time that Brutus first inhabited it, vntill Cad∣walader, who was the last king of the British bloud; which was aboue foure∣teene hundred yeeres. Then in the yeere of our Lorde 574. the King∣dome was diuided among seuen of the Nobles, who still continued ciuill warre one vpon the other, vntill Ec∣bert in the yeere 800. reduced the seuen prouinces into one whole King∣dome. Since which time there ruled Princes as Monarches, vntill now this yeere of our Lord, one thousand six hū∣dred. Whereby wee finde, that our Monarchie hath alreadie lasted full eight hundred yeeres. Scotland like∣wise hath endured in a Monarchie, from the yeere of our Lord eight hun∣dred and twentie, Dungall then raig∣ning, vntill this present yeere. Fourthly, a Monarch carrieth a greater maie∣stie, whereby hee seemes gratious and amiable in the sight of his subiects, and dreadfull to his enemies. To conclude, lette vs consent, thatn 1.12 a Monarchie is the most excellent regiment

of all others, as that which draweth neerest to Gods will, who is the Monarch of all Monarches, King of Kings, and Lord of Lordes.

Obiection.

It is better to be subiect vnto God a∣lone, then vnto man: for he foreseeth al things to come,* 1.13 and without his proui∣dence one sparrow shall not fall on the ground. And seeing that hee is so carefull for these small things, will not he, thinke you, care forr 1.14 man, that is of more value then many sparrowes? Furthermore, wee are Christians,n 1.15 chosen of God, and pre∣tious as liuely stones, and also made a spiri∣tuall house, an holy priesthood, to offer vp spirituall sacrifices to God by Iesus Christ, i 1.16with whom the presence of his spirit will al∣wayes bee, vntill the end of the world. Therefore iniurie is done vnto him, if wee allow of any other Monarch, but onely him.

Answere.

EVen as it hath pleased God of his di∣uine prouidence to ordain the sunne, Moone, and elements, as Emperours o∣uer

this inferiour world: so in like ma∣ner, hee working by such meanes and instruments,s 1.17 constituted Moses, Iosuah, and others, iudges ouer his people, by whome as his instruments, hee brought to passe his sacred will, and deliuered the Israelites from Egypt, where they were enthralled. And although hee defendes vs with an outstretched arme, and hath illuminated vs with the light of his Gospel, yet notwithstanding, hee hath appointed Princes, as his vice∣gerents and instruments heere on earth, to see his word plan••ed, heresies roo∣ted out, and offenders by political lawes executed.

Monarches therefore must bee o∣beyed, ^r as the ministers of God, to take vengeance on the wicked.s 1.18 There is no power but of God, and the powers that bee, are ordained of God. Wherefore, * 1.19 Let no man speake euill of the ruler of the Common-wealth.

That hereditarie succession is bet∣ter then Election. Chap. 4.

h 1.20 MAny affect the place of a mo∣narch, not to any good end (they being not good themselues) whome neuerthelesse the custome or lawe of Nations hath restrained by a double bridle of election and succession. The latter is that, when maiestie commeth of descent, and one Prince is borne of another. The other, when as birth∣right being set aside, they are chosen by consent of voyces.

Succession without doubt is the bet∣ter, as by reasons shall appeare. First, it is meete that the sonne possesse the Kingdome for the Fathers sake. Se∣condly, the sonne is brought vp to fol∣low his fathers steps, especially in de∣fending of religion. Thirdly,a 1.21 the alte∣ration of matters giues opportunitie to strange and great attempts. Fourthly, the sonne by nature from his father obtaineth a

smacke of policie, and beeing alwayes present with him, knoweth the state of the Kingdome better then any other. Fiftly, the successour is woont to admi∣nister iustice more constantly and sin∣cerely. Whereas the elect Prince must in a maner fawne on his electours and newe subiects. Finally,s 1.22 No authoritie can prosper or endure, which is purchased by canuasing and flatteries, & there is lesse danger in the acceptation of a Prince, then in the election.

The dutie of a Prince. Chap. 5.

THere are foure cheefe qualities ne∣cessarie for a Prince to maintaine his reputation. The first is clemencie, to forgiue trespasses. For as the Sunne, when it is highest in the Zodiake, mo∣ueth slowest: so the higher a Prince is soared to greatnesse, the more gra∣tious and meeke hee ought to bee to∣wardes his humble subiects. The se∣cond, to imprint the lawes and ordi∣nances of God in his minde, and to le∣uell all his actions to the glorie of the

king of kings: as well for the health of his owne soule, which hee ought to hold dearer then his whole kingdome, yea, then all the world: as for good ensam∣ple and imitation vnto his subiects. The third is liberalitie, to succour poore scho∣lers and souldiours; for as there is no∣thing more common then the sunne, that communicateth his light to all the celestiall bodies, and chiefely to the Moone, so a prince ought to impart part of his reuenewes to the distressed, and especially aboue the rest, to students & Souldiours. The fourth, to haue cou∣rage and vertue to tolerate abuses. For z 1.23Although his power and authoritie extend so farre, that the countrie of India quaketh at his commandement: & although the far∣thest Island in the sea doth serue and obey him: yet if hee cannot bridle his owne af∣fections, his power is not worthie to be estee∣med.

Of the name of Emperour. Chap. 6.

THis name Emperour the Romanes first inuented, not for their Kings,

but for their warlike Generalles. Ser∣ranus, Camillus, Fabius Maximus, and Scipio the Affrican, as long as they go∣uerned the Romane hosts, were entitu∣led Emperours. But when they fini∣shed their warres, they were called by their owne proper names. Afterward, when Antonie was discomfi••ed by Au∣gustus Caesar, it chanced that the com∣mon-wealth came altogether into his hands. Whereupon the Romanes desi∣red that hee would not assume vnto himselfe the name of King, because it was odious vnto thē, but that he would vse another title, vnder which they would bee his loyall and obedient sub∣iects. Then Augustus being at that time Generall, and therefore named Empe∣rour, chose this title, to doe the Ro∣manes pleasure. So that Augustus Cae∣sar was the first, that called himselfe by the name of Emperour. The cause why they hated the name of King, was by reason that their forefathers in aunci∣ent times, hauing deposed their King Tarquin for his tyrannies and rapes, had forbidden by an edict and solemne othe, the name of King euer after to be

vsed among them. Augustus beeing dead, Tiberius succeeded him in the Empire of Rome; then Caligula, Clau∣dius, Nero, and foure and thirtie more, before the Empire was by Constan∣tine the great, in the yeere of our Lord 310. transferred to Constantinople, where it continued vnited vntill the yeere of our Lord seuen hundred nine∣tie and foure. At which time the Em∣pire was parted into the East and West, which lasted in that sort, vntill the yeere of our Lord a thousand, foure hundred, fiftie and three, Constantinople to the great disparagement of all Christian Princes, was taken by the great Turke, called Mahomet the second. Neuer∣thelesse, the Empire of the West, or rather of Germanie, since that time hath as yet remained with the house of Austria, Rodolph the second now raig∣ning.

Of the name of King. Chap. 7.

TOuching the title of King, it is to be noted, that according to the diuersi∣tie of Nations, so did they diuersly no∣minate their Princes: to wit, among the Egyptians they named them Pharaoes: among the Persians, Arsacides: among the Bythinians, Ptolomeyes: among the Latines, Siluii: among the Sicili∣ans, Tyraunts: among the Argiues, Kings: among the Sara••ens, Amiraes: and nowe of late among the Persians, Soldanes. In the beginning of the world all Princes were termed Tyrants: but when people beganne to perceiue, how great difference was betwixt the one and the other,s 1.24 they agreed among them∣selues, to call the good Princes Kings, and the wicked Tyrants. Whereby wee see, that this title of King is authorized only vnto iust Princes, and that doe well de∣serue to be so named.

In this Realme of England, there hath not at any time beene vsed a∣ny other generall authoritie, but one∣ly the most royall and kingly maiestie.

i 1.25Neither hath any King of this Realme, taken any inuestiture at the handes of the Emperour of Rome, or of any other forraine prince, but helde his kingdome of God to himselfe, and by his sword, his people and crowne, acknowledging no Prince in earth his superiour, and so it is kept and holden at this day.

Of a Gynecracie, or Womans raigne. Chap. 8.

WOmen by gouerning haue got no lesse renowne then men, as is eue∣dent by learned Histories. For which cause* 1.26 The Diuine Philosopher found great fault with his countrymē the Grae∣cians, because their Noblewomen were not instructed in matters of state & po∣licie. Likewise Iustinian the Emperour was highly displeased with the Arme∣nians, s 1.27For that most barbarously they prohibited women from enioying herita∣ges, and bearing rule, as though (quoth hee,) women were base and dishonoured, and not created of God.n 1.28 In the right

of succession the sisters sonne is equall to the brothers sonne. Whereby is vnderstood, that women are licensed to gouerne, as∣well as men.

Moreouer, there be two forcible rea∣sons, that conclude women to be most apt for Seignories. First,* 1.29 there is nei∣ther Iew, nor Graecian: there is neither bond nor free: there is neither male, nor female, for they are all one in Christ Iesus. The minds, and actions of men and women do depēd of the soule, in the which there is no distinction of sexe, whereby the soule of a man should bee called male, and the soule of a woman female. The sexe rather is the instrument or meanes of generation; and the soule ingendreth not a soule, but is alway permanent and the very same. Seeing therefore that a womans soule is perfect, why should she be debarred by any statute or salique law from raigning?* 1.30 The body is but lum∣pish, and a vassall to the soule, and for that respect not to be respected. Secondly,* 1.31 ver∣tue excludeth none, but receyueth all, regar∣ding neither substaunce nor sexe. What should I rippe vp the examples of sun∣dry nations,* 1.32 which preferred women be∣fore

themselues. And for that cause* 1.33 they did neyther reiect their counsels, nor set light by their answeres. Semiramis after the death of her husband Ninus, fea∣ring lest the late conquered Aethiopi∣ans would reuolt and rebell from her Sonne yet young of yeeres and igno∣rant of rule; tooke vpon her the prin∣cipality, and for the time of his nonage, ordered the kingdome so princely, that shee passed in feates of armes, in tri∣umphs, conquests, and wealth, all her predecessours. Nicocris defended her Empire against the Medes, (who then sought the Monarchy of the world) and wrought such a miracle in the great ri∣uer of Euphrates, as all men were asto∣nished at it; for shee made it contrary to mens expectation to leaue the anci∣ent course, & so to follow her deuice to and fro, to serue the citie most commo∣diously: insomuch that she did not one∣ly surpasse all men in wit, but ouercame the elements with power. Isis after the decease of her husband Osyris raigned ouer Egypt, and tooke care for so much prouision for the common wealth, that shee was after her death worshipped as

a Goddesse. Debora iudged Israel: Iu∣dith the Bethulians: Lauinia after the death of Eneas gouerned Italy: Dido Carthage: Olympias Pirrhus his daugh∣ter ruled ouer Epire: Aranea was queen of Scythia: Cleopatra of Egypt. Hele∣na after the death of Leo the Emperour raigned in Constantinople ouer all Asia as Empresse. Ioanna was queene of Na∣uarre, & marying with Philip Pulcher the French king, made him king of Na∣uarre in the yeere of our Lord 1243. Margaret ruled ouer Flaunders in the yeere of our Lord 1247. And another Princesse of that name y^e only daughter of Valdemare the 3. king of Dēmark & Norway gouerned those kingdoms after her fathers death; & in the yeere of our Lord 1389. she tooke Albert the king of Swethland captiue, & kept him in prison 7. yeeres. Ioanna was queene of Naples in the yeer 1415. Leonora Dutchesse of Aquitaine was maried to Henry Duke of Gaunt, and in despight of the French K. brought him Aquitaine & Poiteaux in the yeere 1552. Queene Mary raig∣ned here in Englād in the yeere 1553. What should I write of Elizabeth our

gratious Queene, that now is? which by her Diuine wisedome brought three ad∣mirable things to passe. First, her Ma∣iesty reformed religion, that by the Ro∣mish Antichrist was in her sisters time bespotted. Secondly, she maintayned her countrey in peace, whē all her neigh∣bour Princes were in an vprore. Third∣ly, she triumphed ouer all her foes, both domesticall and hostile, traiterous and outlandish. If a man respect her lear∣ning, it is miraculous, for shee can dis∣course of matters of state with the best Philosopher; she vnderstandeth sundry kinds of languages, and aunswereth for∣reine Ambassadours in their forreine tongues. If a man talke of the admini∣stration of iustice, all the nations vnder the heauens cannot shew her peere. In summe, her Princely breast is the recei∣uer, or rather the storehouse of all the vertues, aswell morall as intellectuall. For which causes England hath iust oc∣casion to reioyce, and to vaunt of such a gratious mother. To whome the Mo∣narch of Monarches long continue her highnesse, and strengthen her (as he hath done hitherto) to his perpetuall glory,

confusion of all her enemies, and to our euerlasting comfort.

Of Tyraunts. Chap. 9.

SIr Thomas Smith termeth hima 1.34 a Ty∣raunt, that by force commeth to the Mo∣narchy against the will of the people, brea∣keth lawes already made at his pleasure, and maketh other without the aduise and con∣sent of the people, and regardeth not the wealth of his commons, but the aduaunce∣mēt of himself, his faction, & kindred. Also, there be two sorts of Tyrants.b 1.35 The one in title, the other in exercise. He is in title Tyrant, that without any lawfull title vsur∣peth the gouernment. In exercise, he that hath good title to the principality, and com∣meth in with the good will of the people, but doth not rule wel and orderly, as he should. And so not onely they, which behaue themselues wickedly towards their sub∣iects, are called Tyraunts, as Edward the second of this realme in the yeere of our Lord 1319. and Alphonsus of Naples, that lawfully came to the crowne in the yeere 1489. but also they are named tyrants, which albeit they behaue them∣selues

well, yet they are to be called ty∣raunts, in that they had no title to the principality; as S••eno the King of Den∣mark, that vsurped this realme of Eng∣land in the yeere 1017. and Pope Cle∣ment the eight, that now is, who about two yeeres ago seysed on the Duke∣dome of Ferraria onely by pretence of a gift, which Constantine time out of mind bequeathed to the papacy. Fur∣thermore, there be sixe tokens to know a tyrant. The first, if hee sends abroad pickthanks, talebearers, and espies to hearken what men speake of him, as Ti∣berius the Emperour was woont to do. The second, if he abolisheth the study of learning, and* 1.36 burneth the monuments of most worthy wittes in the market place, and in the assembly of the people, least his subiects should attaine to the knowlege of wisedome. As Alaricus king of the Gothes did in Italy, in the yeere 313. and the great Turke in his Empire. The third, if hee maintaine schismes, diuisions, and factions in his kingdome, for feare that men should prie into his doings. As the Popes haue done alway from time to time: and of late daies the

Queene mother in Fraunce. The fourth, if hee trust straungers more then his owne naturall subiects; and continual∣ly goeth garded with a strong compa∣ny: As Vortiger sometime king of this Realme did, when he brought in Hen∣gist and the Saxons, and gaue them the countreys of Kent and Essex to inhabit. The fift, if he without cause cōmand his chiefest nobles to be cashiered & bran∣ded with ignominy, or to be imprisoned and put to death, for feare lest they should waxe too popular and ouermigh∣ty. Such a one was Frauncis Sfortia Duke of Millain, that caused Alphonsus king of Naples villanously at a banquet to murther Earle Iames sonne to Nicho∣las Picinio (whome he had sent Ambas∣sadour to the sayd Alphonsus) for no o∣ther cause, then for that hee feared his might, & because the Braciques in Italy, & some of his subiects highly esteemed him. The sixt token to know a tyrant, is, if he do away learned and wise men for no other intent, then that fearing they should reproue him, & write against his depraued & vngodly life. As Domitius Nero, that commaunded Seneca the

Philosopher, and the Poet Lucan to be slaine; and Domitian, that banished the Poet luuenal for the same cause. But of this matter I haue spoken* 1.37 in another booke.

Whether it be lawfull for subiects to rise against their Prince being a ty∣raunt or an heretique? Chap. 10.

EVen as the Prince ought to remoue the causes of mislike, which his sub∣iects haue conceiued against him, and to extinguish the flame, that being nouri∣shed in one seuerall house would breake into the next, and at last into the whole towne: so in like maner subiects ought to please their soueraigne, and to tolerat all rigour, yea, and to lay downe their neckes vpon the block, rather then to cōspire against his power, which he hath from God. It may be, that he is raised as another Nabuchodonozor of the Lord for a scourge to punish the transgressiōs and enormities of the inhabitants.* 1.38 The dishonourable things, which a Prince doth, ought to be accounted honourable. Men must patiētly (for they can do no other∣wise)

beare with an vnreasonable deàre yeere, with vnseasonable stormes, and with many blemishes and imperfections of nature. Therefore they ought to en∣dure with as constant courages the he∣resies and tyrannies of their soueraigne. But, thou wilt say, subiectes must obey only iust and vpright Princes. To which I answere, thata 1.39 parents are bound to their children with reciprocall and mutuall du∣ties. Yet, if parents depart from their duty, and prouoke their children to des∣peration: b 1.40it becommeth not children to be lesse obedient to their parents.c 1.41 But they are subiect both to euill parēts, and to such, as do not their duty. Further, if seruants must be obedient to their masters, as∣wel curteuos as curst, much more ought subiects to obey not onely their gentle, but also their cruell Princes.

This Didacus Couarruuias an excel∣lent Lawier confirmeth, saying:* 1.42 If a Prince, (whether by succession or election he was made, it skilleth not) doth exceed the limits of law and reason, he cannot bee deposed, nor put to death by any subiect; Yea,* 1.43 it is hereticall to hold that paradoxe. For* 1.44 God is he, which chaungeth the times

and seasons: he taketh away kings, and set∣teth vp Kings: to the intent, that liuing men might know, that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men, and giueth it to whomesoeuer hee will, and appointeth ouer it the most abiect among men. Hence is it, that we seldome heare of rebels, that euer prospered, but in the end they were bewrayed and brought to confusion. In the time of Henry the fourth there re∣belled at one time against him the Duke of Exceter, with the Dukes of Glouce∣ster, Surrey, Aumarle, & Salisburie: and at another time the Earle of Worcester, the Archbishop of Yorke, & Hēry Hot∣spurre sonne to the Earle of Northūber∣land; all which were either slaine or be∣headed. To come neerer the state of this question, we find, that Leonagildus an auncient king of the Gothes in Spaine, both a tyrant and an Arrian in the yeere of our Lord 568. pursued the true Chri∣stians, and exiled his own sonne, because he was of the true religion. Where∣upon this young Prince being moued at the persecution of the Christians in his countrey, did twise raise armes a∣gainst his Lord and Father. At the first

he was taken captiue and banished; at the second he was put to death on Easter day. By which example wee may note the effects of Gods iudgements, and re∣buke the rashnesse of this Prince, that rebelled against his soueraigne.

Wherefore, O yee that be subiect to cruell Princes, refraine your fury, learne to obey, & beware lest the same chance vnto you, which is faigned to haue chan∣ced vnto the frogs, who being importu∣nat on Iupiter to haue a king, a beame was giuen them: the fi••••t fall whereof did somwhat affright them, but when they saw it stil lie in the streame, they insulted theron with great disdain, & praied for a king of a quicker spirit: thē was sent vn∣to them a stork, which tyrānized & daily deuoured them. In a word, rebels in ta∣king care to auoid one calamity, do entā∣gle themselues in a whole peck of trou∣bles, as by this fable of y^e frogs is euident. And oftentimes it hapneth that the re∣medy is more dangerous then the mala∣dy it selfe; for of one tyraunt they make three Hydraes, or els in seeking to shun tyranny, they reduce their gouernment to a troublesome Democracy.

Of an Aristocracy. Chap. 11.

THe rule of a certain and prescribed number of noblemen & Gentlemē respecting the benefite of the common wealth, is termed an Aristocracy: & if a∣ny ambitiously preferre their priuat cō∣modity before the publick good, and by cōspiracies dispose of all matters apper∣taining to the cōmonwealth, as it please thē, it is named an Oligarchy. For as irō is consumed in time by rust, although it auoideth al incōueniēces; so some pecu∣liar dammage or other sticketh to euery commonwealth according to the nature therof; as for exāple, this* 1.45 Oligarchy en∣damageth an Aristocracy; Tyrāny is opposite to a Monarchy, & sedition to a Democracy. That Aristocracy is best allowed, where the gouernment is allotted to a few no∣ble & vertuous men, which bestow most in common seruices, and make lawes for the rest, directing their cogitations to no other scope, then the publick good of their countrey. The citizens of Venice do deliuer the discussing of their mat∣ters, aswell ordinary, as of importance, to the Senate, which are very fewe in

number, as not ignorant, how, few being made priuy of their matters, they should bee the more priuily managed. Neuer∣thelesse this kind of commonwealth be∣ing compared with a monarchy, will be found imperfect & farre inferiour. True it is, that siluer and tinne are good, but yet imperfect metals in comparison of gold, wherein the souerainety and per∣fection of all metals consist. In like ma∣ner an Aristocracy well tempered may be good, but seldome it so falleth out. This Realme of England, when it was diuided into prouinces, as Mercia, Nor∣thūberlād, & others, & ruled by the no∣bles, was soone surprized by the Danes: whereas if it had continued counted, they durst neuer aduenture to set foot in any one place of this realme. Briefly, an Aristocracy disagreeth with the law of natiōs, which all men held in great esti∣mation, fora 1.46 all nations had kingdomes di∣stinct, and Kings appointed for them. The Israelites required a king of the Pro∣phet Samuel: for, said they,b 1.47 Wee will be like all other nations, and our King shal iudge vs, and go out before vs, and fight our bat∣tels.

Obiection.

Mediocrity in al things is praise-wor∣thy, & extreames dispraised: an Aristo∣cracy is the mediocrity between a Mo∣narchy & a Democracy: therefore it is best.

Answere.

The mediocrity betweene a Monar∣chy & a Democracy is perfect & praise-worthy, if it could be equally diuided, & thereby the vertue drawne out; which is in a maner impossible.

Of a Democracy, Chap. 12.

A Democracy of all regiments is the very worst, as being a market where all things are sold, & fashioned by owles, whose sight the night lighteneth, & the day makes dim. What is more preposte∣rous, then to see the multitude (a mōster of many heads) void of discretion, deli∣berating and determining on wise mens deeds, yea, & now & then on their liues? are not they still shuffling the cardes and desirous of new cōmotions? are not they wauering & corrupt? wretched, I say, & miserable is that commonwealth, which wāts a head, & where the people raigne. * 1.48Sooner will a foole be brought to play vpō a harpe, then the vndiscreet multitude bee

made fit for magistracies. No mā is so foo∣lish, that hauing need of physicians wise & experienced, he will put his body into the hands of rude and raw Empiriques. Likewisea 1.49 as of a iudge incapable & vndis∣creet cā be no expectatiō of righteous iudge∣mēts: so in a popular state full of confusion & vanity, there is no hope, but at aduenture of deliberatiō, & resolution wise or reasona∣ble. Which caused Anacharsis the Phi∣losopher, when hee saw the Areopagites propoūding causes, & the people resol∣uing thē, to say, that wise men among the the Athenians moued matters, & fooles determined thē. How great troubles did the Florētines sustain by this sort of go∣uernment, vntil of late it was reduced by the Mediceis into a monarchy? In fine, y^e multitude cōpoūded of many & diuers spirits, of maners, & customes, can neuer distinguish between good & bad co sel, by reasō thatb 1.50 whatsoeuer is moderat, they esteeme a kind of slouthfull cowardize, and whatsoeuer is circūspectly forewarned, that they hold to be curiosity. But whatsoeuer is rash & hasty, that is thought by them to be couragiously deliberated.

The Democracy of the Switzers hath* 1.51

continued without troubles two hūdred yeeres and vpwards: therefore a Demo∣cracy well constituted may endure as long as an Aristocracy or Monarchy.

Answere.

Of the continuance of the Switzers popular gouernment, I find two causes. The first, they haue slaine all their no∣blemen, and they mistrust not one ano∣ther. The second, the most factious and seditious of them are commonly abroad as mercenary souldiers vnder the Frēch king and other potentates, and the rest at home more tractable regard not how the world goeth.

The second Plant.

The members of a Commonwealth. Chapt. 13.

ALl the people, which be in euery royall commonwealth, are gene∣rally either Gentlemen or of the commonaltie. Of Gentlemen there be three degrees. Vnder the first and chiefest is the Prince comprehen∣ded. Vnder the second, Dukes, Mar∣quesses,

Earles, Vicounts, Barons, and Knights of honour. Vnder the third and last are contained Knights, Graduates of law, Esquires, Masters of Arts, Cap∣taines, and they that beare the counte∣nance and port of Gentlemen. Where∣unto also might bee added a fourth de∣gree of Gentlemen, whome wee name Gentlemen of the first head: I meane them,r 1.52 to whome Heraldes for money doe giue armes, newly made and inuented, the title whereof shall pretend to haue beene found by the sayde Heralds, in perusing and viewing of olde Registers, where his an∣cestors in times past had beene recorded to beare the same. The Commonaltie like∣wise is diuided into Citizens, Artificers, Marchants, and Yeomen.

Of Noblemen. Chap. 14.

IF wee call to remembrance all things that wee haue seene, wee shal finde e∣uery one thing in particular to excel the rest of the same kind, in some perfection or other. Let vs looke vp into the Zo∣diake, and there wee shall see the sunne

to surpasse the minour•• starres. Among metals, gold, siluer, and brasse are best. Among stones, the marble, iuorie, and loadstone. Among pretious stones, the Diamond, the Smaragde, and Saphire. Among trees, the Pine, the Iuniper, the apple-tree. And so among liuing things, some exceede others. What maruaile therefore is it, if among men, the verie same order bee obserued? In the buying or selling of a horse, wee glorie & boast of his sire: and shall wee not respect, of what stocke and parentage a man is de∣scended? s 1.53Eueryman, I confesse, com∣meth of Noble seede, that is to say, from God; but afterwards he becommeth de∣generate and ignoble, by forsaking God his beginning, and by leaning vnto wic∣ked vices. For which cause there was a law in Rome termed Prosapia, that is, the law of discēt, by the which it was ordai∣ned, that whē cōtention did arise in the senate house, for the Cōsulship, that they which descēded from the Torquatians, Decians, and Fabricians, should obtaine the place before others.

Concerning Noblemens priuiledges, they be many, wherof we wil at this pre∣sent

recite onely 5. First, a Nobleman cānot be chalēged to the combat or lists, by any inferior man. Secondly, a Noble∣mā is sooner preferred to beare office in the Cōmon-wealth, to sit in commissiō, & to be an arbitrator betwixt partie and partie. Thirdly, by the ciuill law, the te∣stimonies of Noblemen are sooner ap∣prooued. And whereas inferior gentle∣mē must personally appeare in criminall causes, it is lawfull for Noblemen to bee absent, so that they substitute an attur∣ney or proctor for them. Fourthly, a No∣bleman hauing cōmitted an hainous of∣fence, as murther or treasō, is iudged by his peeres & equals:* 1.54 that is, The yeomā∣rie doth not go vpō him, but an enquest of the L. of the Parliamēt, & they giue their voices, not one for al, but each seuerally, as they doe in parliamēt, beginning at the yongest L. and for iudge, one L. sitteth, who is high steward of England for that day. And this punishmēt is beheading: but if an inferior Gent. of∣fend in this sort, then at the next sessions he hath twelue Godfathers on his life, and is condemned to bee hanged. Fiftly, Noblemen and their wiues are licensed to weare clothes of gold, but

Knights & Esquires are forbiddē them.

To hasten to an end, this honour of auncestrie as it doth adorne Noble∣men, so doth it greatly disgrace them if they liue not vertuously. For thereby they eclipse their genealogie, and be∣come themselues vtterly vnknowne. In consideration of which abuse, a notable law was enacted among the Rhodians, to wit, That those sonnes, which followed not their fathers vertues, but liued wicked∣ly, should be disinherited, & their reuenewes giuen to the most vertuous of that race, not admitting any vitious heyre whatsoeuer.

The properties of a Gentleman. Chap. 15.

THe meanes to discerne a Gentle∣man bee these. First, hee must bee affable and courteous in speech and be∣hauiour. Secondly, hee must haue an aduenturous heart to fight, and that but for verie iust quarrels. Thirdly, hee must bee endued with mercie to forgiue the trespasses of his friendes and seruants. Fourthly, hee must stretch his purse to giue liberally vnto souldiours, and vnto

them that haue neede: for a niggard is not worthie to bee called a Gentleman. These bee the properties of a Gentle∣man, which whosoeuer lacketh, deser∣ueth but the title of a clowne, or of a countrie boore. In breefe, it fareth with Gentlemen, as it doth with wine: which ought to haue foure good qualities, namely, it must not taste of the Caske: next, it must sauour of a good soyle. Thirdly, it must haue a good colour. Last of all, it must sauour of the goodnes of the grape, and not bee sophistically mingled with water and such like.

That Gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speake of them. Chap. 16.

THe common people groūd their ac∣tions vpō fallible expectations: they are stout when perils bee farre off, and very irresolute when they approach. Who therefore is so brainesicke, as to beleeue their assertions? What else is glorie, then a windie gale, neuer com∣ming

from the heart, but onely from the lungs?n 1.55 They that be praysed vnworthi∣ly, ought to bee ashamed of their praise. Ad∣mit they bee iustly praised, what thing more hath it augmented to the consci∣ence of a wise man, that measureth not his good, by the rumour of the common people, but by the trueth of the con∣science? For which cause the Romanes built two temples ioyning together; the one being dedicated to vertue, & the o∣ther to honour: but yet in such sort, that no man could enter into that of honour, except first hee passed through the tem∣ple of vertue.n 1.56 Honor (as the Philosopher sayth) is a reuerence giuen to another, for a testimonie of his vertue. Insomuch as ho∣nor is not attributed to vertue by digni∣tie, but rather it is attributed to dignity, by vertue of them that vse the dignitie.

Howbeit notwithstanding,e 1.57 I haue not such horny heart-strings, that I would not at al haue mē to be praysed; but my meaning is, that Gentlemen should obserue a meane and a limitation in their common applauses, and fine soothings. Fors 1.58 to bee altogether care∣lesse (as Stoykes & Cynicks would haue euerie one to be) what men think of thē, is

not onely a marke of arrogancy, but also a to∣ken of a loose life. Wherefore gentlemen must endeuour by al meanes, & without vain-glory, to keep a good name, especi∣ally among their neighbors, & to beare themselues such men indeede, as they would haue al men account thē. Wher∣to accordeth that saying of the Poet: Thou shalt liue well,* 1.59 if thou takest care to be such a one, as thou hearest how the people testifie of thee abroad.

Of Knights of honour. Chap. 17.

THose I call knights of honour, who, here in England, are named Knights of the Garter, and in France, Knights of the order of saint Michael. The original of the honorable order of the Garter, was first inuented after this maner. Whē K. Edward the third had, by the means of Edward the blacke Prince his sonne, taken captiues King Iohn of France, and King Dauid of Scotland, and had put them both in ward at London, and al∣so had expelled King Henrie the ba∣stard of Spaine, restoring the King∣dome to Peter the lawfull King, then

he, to honor and grace his victories, de∣uised an honourable fellowship, and made choyse of the most famous persons for vertue, and honoured them with this order, giuing thē a garter adorned with gold and pretious stones, together with a buckle of gold, to weare onely on the left legge.* 1.60 Of which order hee and his successors, Kings and Queenes of England should be soueraigne, and the rest, by cer∣taine lawes among themselues,* 1.61 should bee taken as brethren and fellowes in that order, to the number of sixe and twen∣tie. And this breefely touching the inuention and authour of the honoura∣ble order of Knights here in England. Now I will addresse my pen to write of the honourable order in France.

King Lewes the eleuenth of France, after he had made peace with his peeres, whom in the beginning of his raigne, he had excluded from his presence, inuen∣ted at Amboise, in the yeere of our Lord 1469. a societie of honour, consisting of sixe and thirtie Noblemen, and named Saint Michael Patron of them (euen as the English knights had deuoted them∣selues to the tuition of Saint George)

giuing ot each of them a golden chaine, of the value of two hundred pound, which they were bound to weare daily, & not to bestow, sell, or gage the same as long as they liued; & if any one of them chanced to die, forthwith there was an election to dubbe another in his roome, not by voyces, but by litle scrowles tur∣ned together in the forme of balles, the which they did cast into a bason, and the Lord Chauncelour was to reckon them. Then he, that had most balles on his side was admitted to the societie, the King speaking these words: The honourable so∣cietie do accept of thee as their brother, and in regard of their good wil to thee-wards, do bestow this golden chaine on thee: God grāt thou maist long weare it. When the King had spoken these words, hee gaue him a kisse on the right cheek. This is the cu∣stome of dubbing kinghts of the order of Saint Michael.

Also, there be other orders of knights in Christendome, as, the kinghts of the golden Fleece, knights, of the Bathe, knights of the patent deuised by y^e Pope, and knights of the Rhodes. But because the rehearfall of them are not much ap∣pertaining

to our purpose, I cease to treate further of them.

Of Citizens. Chap. 18.

* 1.62 HE that first inuented a citie, was the cause of much good. The which praise some attribute vnto eloquent men. Some to Saturne. And others to Orphe∣us and Amphion. For in the beginning of the world, people liued barbarously like vnto bruit beasts: and the nature of man was such, that they not hauing ey∣ther the law naturall or ciuill prescribed, rogued vp and downe dispersed in the world, & possessed nothing, except that, which by force they tooke away from o∣thers,* 1.63 til there arose some notable men both in wisedome and valour, who knowing, howe it was to instruct man, assembled all of them into one place, ordamed a Citie, and enuiro∣ned them round about with walles.

Further, Citizens in generall are they that liue vnder the same lawes and soue∣raigne magistrates. But Citizens parti∣cularly are they, that are free-men, & do dwel in Cities and boroughs, or corpo∣rated townes, Generally, in the shire

they be of no account, saue onely in the Parliament to make lawes.* 1.64 The aun∣cient Cities appoynted foure, and each borough two, (whome we call Burgesses of the Parliament) to haue voyces in it, and to giue their consent and dissent in the name of the Citie or borough, for which they be appoynted.

Whether out landish men ought to bee admit∣ted into a Citie. Chap. 19.

* 1.65 IT is commonly seene, that sedition often chanceth there, where the inhabitants be not all natiue borne. This Lycurgus the Lawgiuer of the Lacedemonians rightly noting,r 1.66 instituted, that no stranger should be admitted into his Common-wealth, but at a prefixed time. His reason was, because seldome it is seene, that the homeborne Citizens, and the outlandish doe agree together. In the yere of our Lord 1382. the Londiners made an insurrection, and slew all the Iewes that inhabited a∣mongst them. The Neapolitanes and Si∣cilians, in the yeere of our Lord 1168. rose against William their king, because

hee gaue certaine offices to French∣men, and killed them all in one night. The Citizens of Geneua repining at strangers, which resorted and dwelled among them, conspired together in the yeere 1556. to expell them; anda 1.67 if Cal∣uin had not thrust himselfe betweene the na∣ked swords to appease the tumult, doubtlesse there would haue beene a great slaughter. There is at this present day, a religious law in China and Cathaya, forbidding on paine of death, the accesse of stran∣gers into the country. What shall I say of the constitutions of Princes, where∣by strangers were vtterly extruded and excluded from bearing offices in the Common-wealthr 1.68 Arcadius and Honor∣us Empercurs of Rome decreed, that no man out of the parish, where a benefice fel voyde, should be admitted minister. Likewise, x 1.69Pope Innocent the third was woont to say, that hee could not with a safe conscience preferre any strangers to bee officers in the kingdome of Hungarie. King Charles the seuenth of France in the yeere of our Lord 1431. proclaimed, that no alien or stranger should be presented to any ec∣clesiasticall liuing liuing in his realme.

For which respects, Princes must haue great regard touching the admission of strangers, and especially to their num∣ber. For if they exceede the natiue in∣habitanes in number and strength, then through confidence in their own might, they will presently inuade and ouer∣throw their too too kind fosterers.

Of Marchants. Chap. 20.

FOrasmuch as there bee three sorts of Citizens: the first of Gentlemen, who are wont now and then for plea∣sure to dwell in Cities: the second, of Marchants: and the third of manuaries and Artificers: it is expedient, that I hauing alreadie declared the properties of Gentlemen, should now conse quent∣ly discourse some what of Marchants: and then of Artificers. By Marchants neces∣saries are transported frō strange coun∣tries, and from hence other superfluous things are conueyed to other places, where they traffick so commodiously, that the whole Commonwealth is bette∣red by them. Euerie countrie hath a se∣uerall

grace naturally giuen vnto it, as, Moscouie is plentifull of hony, waxe, Martin-skinnes, and good hides. The country of Molucca yeeldes cloues, sin∣namon, and pepper. In the East Indiaes grow the best oliues. Damascus aboun∣deth with prunes, reysins, pomegra∣nates, and quinces. From Fraunce we fetch our wines. From Francoford wee haue bookes brought vnto vs. So that whosoeuer considereth the generall cō∣mon-wealth of all the world, hee shall perceiue, that it cannot continue long in perfection, without traffique and diuer∣sities.

Of Artificers. Chap. 21.

x 1.70 AMongst occupations, those are most artificiall, where fortune is least estee∣med: those most vnseemely, whereby men do pollute their bodies: those most seruile, wher∣in there is most vse of bodily strength: and those most vile, wherein vertue is least required. And again, the gaines of tole∣gatherers and vsurers are odious: and so are the trades of Butchers, Cooks, Fish∣mongers, and Huxters. Pedlers like∣wise & Chaundlers are accounted base,

for that they buy of Marchants, to the end, they may presently vtter the same away. In vttering of which, they cog and cousen the simple buyers: thē which no∣thing is more impious or more hurtful to the conscience. These kind of mena 1.71 haue no voyee in the common-wealth, and no ac∣count is made of them, but onely to be ruled, and not to rule others.

Of Yeomen, and their oppression. Chap. 22.

A Yeoman is hee that tilleth the ground, getteth his liuing by selling of corne in markets, and can dispend yeerely fortie shillings sterling. There is no life more pleasant then a yeomans life: for where shall a man haue better prouision to keep his winter with fire e∣nough, then in the country? and where is there a more delightful dwelling,* 1.72 for good∣ly waters, gentle windes and shadowes, then in the coūtry? This life was so highly regar∣ded in ancient time, that euen Emperors and generals of war, haue not bin asha∣med to exercise it.c 1.73 Herehence descended

Remus, and Q. Cincinnatus, who, as he was earing his foure acres of land, was by a pur∣seuant called to the City of Rome, & created Dictator. Dioclesiā left his Empire at Sa∣lona, and became a yeoman. Let a man repaire at any time to a yeomans house, andh 1.74 there he shal find all manner of victu∣als, meath, and all of his owne, without buy∣ing or laying money out of his purse.

But now a dayes yeomanrie is decay∣ed, hospitalitie gone to wracke, and hus∣bandrie almost quite fallen. The reason is, because Landlords, not contented with such reuenewes, as their predeces∣sours receiued, nor yet satisfied, that they liue like swinish Epicures, quietly at their ease, doing no good to the Com∣monwealth,* 1.75 doe leaue no ground for tillage, but doe enclose for pasture ma∣ny thousand acres of ground within one hedge, the husbandmē are thrust out of their own, or else by deceit, constrained to sell all that they haue. And so either by hook or by crook, they must needes depart away poore seely soules, men, women, & children. And not this extre∣mity onely do our wicked Ahabs shew, but also with the losse of Naboths life

do they glut their ouergreedy minds. This is the cause, why corne in England is become dearer, then it was woont to bee; and yet notwithstanding all this, sheep & wool are nothing better cheap, but rather their price are much enhaun∣sed. Thus do our remorcelesse Puttocks lie lurking for the poore commons, to spoile them of their tenemēts,* 1.76 but they shall not long enioy them. And why? because they are oppressours of the poore, and not helpers, their bellies are neuer filled, there∣fore shall they soone perish in their couetous∣nesse.

The third Plant.

Of Counsell. Chap. 23.

COunsell is a sentence, which par∣ticularly is giuen by euery man for that purpose assembled. There be fiue rules to be noted in counsell. The first, to counsell wel, wherein is im∣plied, that whatsoeuer is proposed, should be honest, lawful, and profitable. The second, counsell must not be rash and headlong, but mature, deliberated,

and ripe, like vnto the barke of an old tree. Thirdly, to proceed according to examples touching things past, as, what shal chaūce to the Israelites, because they haue worshipped the goldē calf. Fourth∣ly, to giue counsel cōcerning the present time, & of those things, which are cōpre∣hended in the sences. So Christ said vnto the disciples of Iohn:a 1.77 Go, and shew Iohn what things yee heare & see. The blind re∣ceiue their sight, & the halt do walke: the le∣pers are clensed, & the deafe heare: the dead are raised vp, & the poore receyue the Gos∣pel. Fiftly, to foresee things to come, & to forewarne men of them; as,b 1.78 he, that shall offend, shall be bound hand and foote, and cast into vtter darkenesse, where shall be wee∣ping and gnashing of teeth.

Of Counsellours. Chap. 24.

SEuen things are required in a counsel∣lour; First, the feare of God, for he is the only authour of al good counsels. Se∣condly, experience in matters of policy. Thirdly, learning & knowledge in the lawves. For* 1.79 hardly will they bee infected with ••••••onious vi••es, whome learning hath purged. Fourthly, mildnesse. Fiftly, a coū∣sellour

must be naturally borne within that state, where he gouerneth. Sixtly, he must be secrete, lest he worke to himselfe the occasion of his owne death; as the bi∣shop of Setto did: who because he reuea∣led to the French king, that Cesar Bor∣gias his master brought with him a Bull authentike & ratified from the Pope his father, for a diuorcement to the French king, which hee dissembled, was by the said Duke eftsoone poisoned. Seuenth∣ly, a counsellour (if it be possible) ought to be of noble parētage, for* 1.80 they which haue more nobility, haue more right in a cō∣mōwealth, then the ignoble. And euery one esteemeth nobility in his countrey, as a thing very honourable, seeing it is like∣ly, that the best parents should beget the best children: and nobility is the vertue of the stock and race.

Of Parliaments. Chap. 25.

PArliaments are right necessary in a commonwealth, & without them the whole estate is mortified and sencelesse. For euen as a man cannot liue without a soule: so a commonwealth cannot liue

without Parliaments. By experience it is found out, that they haue saued com∣monwealths frō ruine & decay. Greece had neuer so long flourished, if the great counsell of the Amphictions, first insti∣tuted by Amphiction the sonne of Deu∣calion, had not beene holden twise a yeere, in spring time and in Autumne at Delphos in the temple of Apollo, which was seated in the heart of all Greece. The counsel of Nicene hindred the proceedings of the Arrians, and cau∣sed the true religion to be planted. The Parliamēts of Germany, where the Em∣perour and the seuen Electours meete, haue preserued the state thereof from the intrusions of the Turkes. So likewise the Aggregation of the Genowayes, the Iourney or Diet of the Switzers, the great councell of the Vene••ian Gentle∣men, the Diuan of the Turks, the assem∣bly of the states of Polonia, the 7. coun∣cels of Spaine, to wit, the councell of Spaine, of the low Countries, of the In∣quisition, of the Indians, of Italy, of the order of saint Iohn, & of warre: the mee∣ting of the states of Fraunce, and the par∣liament of England consisting of the

Prince, Baronrie, and commonalty haue maintained their commonwealths more securely aswell from hostile as from do∣mesticall enemies.

To hold a Parliament, is, when the Prince communicateth his affaires of importance with his subiects, demaun∣deth subsidies of them, taketh their ad∣uice, heareth their molestations, & pro∣uideth for them reasonably.* 1.81 The Iudges in our Parliament of Englād are the Prince, the Lords spirituall and temporall, and the commons represented by the Knights and Burgesses of euery shire and Borough towne. The officers are the speakers, the clarks, and the committies. The authour of this Parliament was king Henry the third, induced thereunto (as I suppose) by his Barons, who rebelling against him, made England tributary to Pādolph the legat in the Popes name. And doubt∣lesse the calling and holding of it is the chiefest meanes of all our welfares. For in times past it appeased ciuill warres, it deliuered the whole realme from the in∣cursions of forraine enemies, and main∣tained continuall warres abroad with the Scots and Frenchmen. In a word, this

holding of parliament is the anchor of our whole comonwealth, wherby it is set sure and stayed, as a ship in the water.

Of Iudgements. Chap. 26.

IVdgemēt is that, which is decreed by the Iudge, not altogether dissenting frō the tenor of the law. Of iudgements some be called ciuill, some criminall: but because our Ciuilians haue largely trea∣ted of them, I will proceed to another diuision, which makes most for our poli∣tique instruction. Iudgements againe are either priuat or publique: Ordinary or extraordinary: Priuat iudgemēts cō∣cerne testaments, successions, mariages, contracts, wardships, gardianships, bon∣dages, & prescriptions. Publique iudge∣ments are of grieuous offences against God and man: as, high treason, petie treason, murthers, rapes, felonies, riot, bribes, forgeries, and insurrections. Or∣dinary iudgements are those, which are executed by the Iudge, according to the prescription of the law.* 1.82 Extraordinary are called when the Iudge departing some∣what frō the rigour of the law, iudgeth more mercifully according to his owne conscience.

The cōmon & vsuall forme of iudge∣ment, that is exercised here in England is by the great assise, or by a quest of 12. men necessarily of that shire, where the defendāt dwelleth. These mē the sherife warneth to appeare vpō pain of amerce∣ments. And appearing (vnlesse excepti∣ons be made against thē) they besworne to tell the truth of that issue or criminall cause, according to their conscience and euidence or writings authēticall laid be∣fore them. Then these 12. men are shut vp in some roome hard by, and kept by a bailiffe without any kind of sustenance, fire, or candle, vntil al of them agree vpō one verdict about the said issue or crimi∣nall cause. This is our common order of iudgement. There are likewise other formes, whereby iudgement is giuen, as by the parliament, by combat, and such like, which are absolute, and without ap∣peale; howbeit they be seldome vsed.

Of Iudges and their duty. Chap. 27.

IVdges must not goe astray from the right, but discharge themselues pure & innocent to God, the prince, & the law. * 1.83They must not be corrupted with bribes

and extorsion, nor by other mens bra ••les hunt for a pray. They must be men for their yeres, very ripe in prudence, iudge∣ment, and experience; for their counte∣nance, seuere and graue; for their paren∣tage, (if it be possible) renowmed aboue the residue of the people; for their credit, strong in opiniō with the common peo∣ple. * They must not pronounce sentence a∣gainst the statutes of the realme,* 1.84 or against the common law. Neither must they condemne any man vpon suspition: for better it is to suffer the guilty to escape vnpunished, then to condemne an inno∣cent. They must neither be too seuere, nor too remisse, but they must determine circumspectly, as the matter, and neces∣sities require. Howbeit, in light matters let them be somewhat addicted to leni∣ty, and in waighty affaires to seuerity be∣ing tēpered with a meeke countenance. And if they would needes remit penal∣ties, forfeits, or capitall punishments, let them first satisfie the agrieued parties.

Iudges may erre sixe maner of waies. First, when they be partial towards their friends and kinsmen. Secondly,* 1.85 when they haue no power ouer them, whome they

iudge. Thirdly, when for hatred they prosecute any man. Fourthly, when they repriue men for feare to displease some great personage. Fiftly, when being greased in the fist with the oyle of gold, they winke at enormities, and corrup∣tion. Sixtly, when being vnlearned they iudge rashly & without premeditation.

Of Bribes, and going to law. Chap. 28.

WOe be vnto you,* 1.86 that haue taken giftes to shead bloud, or haue receyued vsury, and the encrease, and that haue defrauded your neighbours by extortion. For you re∣spect not what the lawe decreeth, but what the mind affecteth: you consider not the life of the man, but the bribes of the butcher. When the rich man spea∣keth, he is attētiuely heard: but when the poore complaineth, no man giueth eare vnto him. Or if percase one of our fine-headed lawyers vouchsafe to take his cause in hand, he followeth it slowly, and in a dozen sheets not hauing eight lines on euery side he laieth downe such fri∣••olous and disguised contradictions and

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replications, that his suites shall hang seuen yeeres; yea, and perhaps a dozen yeeres, according to the number of those superfluous sheetes, before they bee brought to any perfection, & vntill the poore client become farre behind hand. Nowadaies the common fee of an attur∣ney is no lesse thē a brace of angels, not∣withstanding hee speake but once, and that (the Lord knows) very coldly to the right sence of the suit. And if a poore man should proffer him lesse, he wil aun∣swere him in this maner: Sir, behold my face and complexion, and you shall find, that it is all of gold, and not of siluer. Innume∣rable are the quirkes, quiddities, and starting holes of our English petifog∣gers: for sometimes when a definitiue sentence is pronounced, they forsooth will inuent some apish tricke, eyther to suspend it from execution vpon some smal cauillation or obiection, or els they call it into a new controuersie by a writ of errour or by a ciuill petition; or, to cō∣clude, they find out some shift or drift to reuerse and reuoke the sentence. Thus do they play the sophisters with their seely cliēts, or rather conies, whom

they haue catched and intrapped in their nettes. But these disorders would bee quickly reformed, if men will follow my counsell, which is, To forbeare awhile from going to law. Honest and well dis∣posed men might content themselues at home, and not gadde euery foote to the court of Common pleas, to the Chaun∣cery, to the Starchamber. Neighbours, Isay, and kinsfolkes ought to regard one another, and to end all doubts and quarrels among themselues: I do not meane by brutish combats and affraies, but by mediations, atonements, and intercessions. Man is by nature hu∣mane, that is, gentle and curteous: and good vsage will in time cause him to re∣lent from his former stubbernesse. Ma∣ny countries haue their Courts, Leetes, or Lawdaies, where men generally do meet together: there, me thinkes, light controuersies and iarres might assoone be taken vp and decided, aswell as in farre places. If this aduice of mine were obserued, we should haue fewer lawyers and lesse controuersies.

Of Magistrates. Chap. 29.

EVen as in the body of a liuing crea∣ture the organe of seeing is ascribed only to the eies, & al the other off••ces do obey them as their guides: so in like ma∣ner all offices in the commonwealth are cōmitted vnto wise magistrates, as to the eies of the realme, & the other members must be directed by thē. For which con∣sideration I require in a magistrate lear∣ning and vertue, without which he is not worthy to be termed the eye of a com∣mōwealth, but rather a blind bayard, as wanting both the eies of the body & the eies of the mind. Whē as we chuse a ra∣pier, we chuse it not, because the hilt is double-guilt, & the scabberd of veluet and beset with pearles: but because the point of it is sharp to enter well, and the blade strong & stiffe. So hapneth it in the electiō of magistrates, namely, that they be learned & vertuous, rather then hād∣somely and beautifully proportioned in body. Strength of body is required in a laborer; but policy in a magistrate. This is profitable to a twofold scope, that the wise & feeble may commaund, and the

strong obey. Next, magistrates must cō∣sider, why the sword of iustice both by the law of God and man is put into their hands; that is to say, they are the mini∣sters of God and the executioners of the law, to take vengeance on the wicked, & not to let offenders in any case wilfully to perseuer in their errours. In the be∣ginning, euery malady is easy to be cu∣red: but if it be let alone for a while, it groweth past remedy. Magistrates ther∣fore must in time prouide salues to re∣dresse abuses: otherwise they incurre the anger of God. They must haue lions harts, that they shrink not in iust causes. They must bee constant, lest by their friends intercessions they waxe partiall. Lastly, they must be both graue & ciuill: graue in commaunding, & ciuill in con∣uersation.

Of the great cares and troubles of Magistrates. Chap. 30.

O How greatly are mē deceyued, that perswade thēselues, that magistrates do lead the ioyfullest liues. Litle know they, how vnquiet bee their thoughts. They thinke not of their lōg watchings,

and that their nature is weakened, and through such distemperatures their bo∣dies languish. No man liueth exempt from some sorrow or other. Although ignorant men and fresh-water souldiers, to whome warre is pleasant, account it felicity to commaund: yet if they com∣pare in an euen balance the waight of such troubles, as daily happē in their ma∣gistracies, vnto the weakenesse of plea∣sure which proceedeth by cōmaunding, they shal perceiue, that far greater is the toyle of the one, then the toy of the o∣ther. How often are they cumbred with cōplaints? How long in perusing of in∣formations? So that in fine their offices will not permit them any contentation. * 1.87Poore men, that weary their bodies to get food for the sustentation of themselues, their wiues and children, and do pay subsidies to their Prince, should liue in too great discom∣fort and despayre, if great men and magi∣strates had nothing in this world but plea∣sure, and they on the contrary side but toyles and calamities. But God hath otherwise disposed of the case. For they languish in mind: whereas poore men do but weary their bodies, which easily might

be recouered againe. The consuming of the vitall spirites is in a maner irrecu∣perable; insomuch as the cares of the one exceed farre the labour of the o∣ther.

Whether magistrates may receyue presents sent vnto them? Chap. 31.

* 1.88 THey that walke in iustice, refusing gaine of oppression, and shaking their hands from taking of giftes, shall dwell on high, their defence shall be the munitions of rockes, and they shall see GOD in his glory. Forb 1.89 giftes do blind the eies, and peruert the words of the righteous. No magistrates therfore must presume to take gifts,* 1.90 vnlesse they be to be eaten or drunke vp within three dayes at the furthest: & that not of suters, for they giue them, to the intent they may corrupt their authority, and so speed of their owne pleas and pursuites. Let them rather imitate Cicero,* 1.91 who as long as he was Pretour of Cilicia, would neyther himselfe receyue, nor permit any of his company to take presentes, no, not that beneuolence, which by the law Iulia

was due vnto him.* 1.92 At Thebes the images of iudges were put up without hands: wher∣by is meant, that they ought not to re∣ceyue any rewards, that were offered them. There is at this present time a pu∣blique law amōg the Switzers, that ma∣gistrates vnder paine of death should not take any thing eyther directly or vndirectly for iudging.

The fourth Plant.

Of the Education of Gentlemen. Chap. 32.

* 1.93 MAn is by nature a gentle creature: who with his happy nature getting good education, becommeth diuinely dispo∣sed: but if hee lacke this education, he wax∣eth the most wicked of all creatures, that are borne vpon the earth. Many drops of water (as wee see) falling vpon the hard marble stone do pierce and make it hollow. And the ground being well til∣led and manured beareth goodly corne. So in like maner a man well brought vp acknowledgeth his duty towards his Maker, & knoweth how to conquer his

owne affections. Whereas contrariwise Gentlemen being euill nurtured, cā ne∣uer vnderstand how farre the power and abilitie extendeth, that God hath giuen them. For they neuer read it themselues, neither are they taught by them that know it; h 1.94 Nay, few that vnderstand it, are admitted to their presence: and if one bee, yet dare he not instruct them in it, for feare of displeasure; or if happily at any time hee put them in minde thereof, no man will abide him, or at least he shall be accounted but a foole; peraduenture also it may be ta∣ken in il part, and so turne to his harme. Howbeit, the vertuous must not abstain from their godly admonitions, seeing that n 1.95 they cannot benefite the common∣wealth more, then when they teach and in∣struct young mē, especially in those times, wherein they are so corrupted, that they must needes by all well disposed persons, bee refrained and restrained of libertie. One saith, I am an heire, borne to a thousand pound land. Another sayth;* 1.96 I haue a fat farme, and a house well furnished. What cause haue I to feare? Let the world chance as it will. Another a∣gaine craketh and breaketh his lungs

wel-nigh with windie bragges, because he is a Knights eldest sonne,s 1.97 fetching his pedegree by a thousand lines and branches, from some worthie Lord, and because some neere kinsman of his is made Censour, Ma∣ior, Iustice of peace, or Lieutenant of the Shire,* 1.98 to whom he may say, Good morrow, Cousin.

Infinite are the fooleries of youth, which by due correction, and diligent exhortation must bee rooted out. I will therefore comprehend their education vnder foure lessons.

The first is instruction, vnder which are cōtained foure rules. The 1. wherof is, to teach children the feare and loue of GOD, and to shew them, that they must not glorie too much in worldly goods. Secondly, to teach them, how to bridle their tongues, to bee modest, and to embrace vertue: for education properly, is nothing else but a bringing vp of youth in vertue. Thirdly, to shew them the facultie of exercise, which serueth to the maintenance of health and strength,z 1.99 by ordering the body with light and gentle exercises. Fourthly, fa∣miliarly to declare vnto them exam∣ples,

as well of good men, as of wicked men, that thereby they may learne how the good are rewarded, and the wic∣ked punished.

The second lesson appertaining to the instruction of youth, is prayse, that is, to commende them, when they doe well, that thereby they may bee incouraged the better to goe for∣wardes. For youth is like vnto moyst and soft clay, and for that respect, is to bee egged on to glorie in well do∣ing.

The third is counsell, which must bee giuen by their sage Vncles, or auncient men, concerning their dutie towards their parents, elders, and tea∣chers.

The fourth poynt of instruction is threatning and correction, which is to bee vsed, when they offend and neglect to follow the aduice of their teachers, and when they beginne to bee headie, stubborne, and selfe-wil∣led. This the diuine Philosopher ve∣rie well noted, saying: thats 1.100 a boy, not as yet hauing fully and absolutely gi∣uen himselfe to vertue, is a deceitfull,

cruell and a most proud beast. Wherefore he must be bound with a schoolemaster as it were with a strong bridle.

The causes why so fewe Gentlemen no we adaies be vertuously dispo∣sed. Chap. 33.

I Find that there bee foure causes, why so few Gentlemen in this age, attaine to the knowledge of vertue. The first is, the corruption of the whole world: for now ares 1.101 the abominations of desolation. These be dayes of vengeance to fulfil althings that are written.* 1.102 The minds of men are so peruerse and barren,* 1.103 that they will not receiue the seed of true wisedome.* 1.104 Their cogitations are too much bent to the pompes and follies of this transitorie world. The second cause proceedeth of counterfeit and vnsufficient teachers, whose onely occupation is couertly to woo yong scholers, that come guidelesse and headlesse into the Vniuersitie: and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gotten them into their nets, they afterward let them runne at randon. But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iudgement, such youths as suffer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be snatched vp for haukes

meate in this or the like maner, do ther∣in imitate sicke folkes, who refusing the good Phisician, by some braine-sicke mans counsell, doe commit themselues to the tuition of such a one, as by igno∣rance killeth them. The third cause is the niggardize of parents, who continu∣ally labour to gather the drossie and vn∣constant pelfe of this world, and in the meane time make no reckoning of their children, but permitte them to grow old in follie, which destroyeth them both bo∣die and soule. The fourth and last cause, is the indulgence and fond loue of the parents, who take their sonnes from the Vniuersitie, as fruite from a tree, before it is ripe, or rather as pullets without fea∣thers, to place them at the Innes of Court, where, as I haue written in my Commentarie vpon Persius,e 1.105 they gad to Stage-playes, & are seduced by flattering coni-catchers.

Whether youths ought to be corrected? Chap. 34.

A Good huswife knoweth how hard a thing it is, to keepe flesh sweete and sauorie, vnlesse it bee first poudred and put in brine. So likewise, it is impossible for parents to reape any ioye of their sonnes, except they bee first corrected. Roses must needes wither, when they be ouergrowne with briers and thornes: and children that are assailed and ouer∣taken by whole legions of affections, must at last fall, if they be not according∣ly succoured.* 1.106 * Hee that spareth the rod, spilleth the child. And euen as Phisicions and Chirurgeons are verie necessarie in a Citie for the healing of diseases and bloudie woundes, so are rods expedient for the chastisement of the corruptions of the soule. Whereunto agreeth the prouerbe: Many times the rodde is better for children then bread. This Xenophon considered, when hee brought in his youthc 1.107 Cyrus, complaining and telling his

mother, that hee was beaten by his master. •• Our Ciuilias also thought it expedient,* 1.108 that boyes should bee punished. And doe we not our selues see by daily expe∣rience, that those parents, who dandle and cocker vp their sonnes, and winke at their follies, bee most commonly a∣grieued and brought to heauinesse?* 1.109 An vntamed horse will be stubburne, and a wanton child will be wilfull. In like sort, suffer thy son to haue his will for a time, and he will become (do what thou canst) rude, inflexible, and wantonly disposed to all maner of vices. Waxe, as long as it is soft and clammie, receiueth any im∣pression or seale, but being hardened, it receiueth none. So likewise, chastise thy child, and imprint discipline in his heart, while hee is young and towardly, and thou shalt bow him to what instructi∣on thou wilt, but let him haue his owne scope, andn 1.110 hee will rather breake then bow.

Obiection.

Diuers youthes will performe more at a becke, then they would otherwise

at a blow. Also, it is slauish, as said Socra∣tes, to be beaten: therfore youths ought not to bee corrected.

Answere.

My meaning is not, that all youths should be corrected; for many there be, that naturally are inclined to liue ver∣tuously, and such I would haue rather incouraged by praises, then discouraged by threatnings. My question onely in∣cludeth sturdie and stubborne youthes, who being let alone, will become worse. And wheras you say with Socrates, that it is slauish to be beaten: I answere with the same Socrates, that it is slauish to de∣serue beating. If Socrates his free nature be not found, surely Socrates his slauish nature must be beaten, and that euen by Socrates his owne confession.

Of Schoolemasters and their duties. Chap. 35.

PRinces that in the frontiers of their enemies, keepe fortes and garrisons, doe choose wise and expert Captaines to ouersee them; otherwise it were better

to batter downe the Forts, and to re∣moue the garrisons, then it should come into the hands of the enemies. So in like maner parents, which tender the trai∣ning vp of their childrē, ought to choose out a good schoole-master, that will not onely instruct them in learning, but also informe them in the precepts of good maners. Else, they imitate horsecoursers, whose onely delight is, to pamper and fatne their horses, and not to manage them as they should: so that when such Iades come to trauell, they praunse gal∣lantly at the first, but in the midst of their trauelling, their grease melting a∣way, they founder and fall downe in the mire. Euen so young men hauing gotten but a taste of learning, become so headie with a fond fantasie of that little which they haue, that they tire and lie downe in the midst of their bookish pride. The consideration whereof, hath pro∣uoked mee principally to require in a schoole-master, morall and politique Philosophie, thereby to instruct his schollers in awe, obedience, and loue. For would it not grieue the Prince to see his subiects rebellious? the Father to

finde his sonnes disobedient to his will▪ Withall, a schoolemaster must be endu∣ed with these nine qualities. First, hee must be well skilled in Grammar, Rhe∣toricke, and Poetrie. Secondly, hee ought to haue discretion to iudge of his scholers nature and disposition. Third∣ly, courage to heartne and egge for∣ward a toward youth. Fourthly, perse∣uerance not to giue ouer his schoole vp∣on enuie or grudge of some particular person. Fiftly, hee must haue affabilitie and courtesie, least his schollers as apes taking example by his froward lookes, become rough and disobedient. Sixtly, hee must vse mediocritie in correcting, that is, hee must correct them according to the qualitie of their faults, and while hee is so occupied, hee must not re∣uile or nickname them. Seuenthly, hee must bee endued with some maiestie of countenance, and strength of bodie, o∣therwise hee will bee contemned, and made a iesting-stocke. Eightly, with con∣tinence, to abstaine from lecherie and excesse in drinking, apparrell, and such like. Ninthly, a schoole-master must not impose more labours on his scholers,

then they can well sustaine, least there∣by hee cloying them with too much at once, doe make them dull, and so daunt them from their bookes. For it is loue that maketh vs to take delight, and to profite in our studies. And this is the cause, why plants moderately watered doe grow, but being too much moyste∣ned, they are choaked and drowned.

That schoole-masters should haue large stipendes. Chap. 36.

IN vaine doe I treate of necessarie schoole-masters, vnlesse parents bee gratefull vnto them:a 1.111 Stipends doe nou∣rish Arts. Wherefore teachers are to bee stirred vp to benefite the Common-wealth, through the augmēting of their allowances.x 1.112 Constantine the Emperour enacted, that schoole-masters should haue large salaries payed them: whereby hee got him an immortall name. It was also

decreed by the councell of Laterane, thata 1.113 prebends should be giuen to schoole-masters. n 1.114The like was done by the councell of Trident. It is great pitie that euery se∣uerall parish in this realme of England, hath not a good schoole-master consti∣tuted in it, for the training vp of youth, and an indifferent liuing out of the same parish, for his trauell. For lacke whereof, some carefull parents now-a-dayes, are constrained to send their chil∣dren a hundred miles off, either to Ea∣ten colledge, Westminster, Winche∣ster, or other like places, where they pay much for their diet and tuition, and per∣aduenture so much, as being spared, might encourage them to kee•••• them the longer at the Vniuersitie. But per∣haps you will aske mee, at what time I would haue schoolemasters receiue their exhibition? To which I answere: either the one halfe aforehand, and the other halfe at the halfe yeeres end, or else quarterly, or ratherx 1.115 The one halfe at the halfe yeeres end, and the remnant at the tweluemonths end. This is my foundation, which being wel laid, I doubt not but to see youths more ciuill, & better lettered.

Whether it bee better for parents to keepe their sonnes at home with a priuate schoole-master, or to send them abroad to the pub∣like schoole. Chap. 37.

IN my iudgement this question is worth the deciding, to wit, whether Gentlemen should maintaine their chil∣dren at the free-schoole, or rather at their houses, where they themselues may ouersee their towardnesse? They that approoue this priuate teaching, al∣leadge three speciall reasons. First, chil∣dren are by nature weake, and quick∣ly surprized with infectious diseases, therefore they had rather haue them in sight, where they may be tendred and regarded; which is likewise confirmed by that common saying: namely, The masters eie fatneth his horse. Secondly, they will learne modestie and ciuilitie at home, whereas if they were abroad, they would become rude, impudent, aud vi∣cious. Thirdly, they being in number

few, will be more diligently taught and informed; which in a maner is impossi∣ble in a common schoole, by reason of the confusion of so many scholers. Howbeit notwithstanding these rea∣sons, publike teaching seemeth to bee of most force, and that for foure causes. First, becauseh 1.116 the wisest sort of men haue preferred the publike instruction be∣fore the priuate. Secondly, a childe will get wit and experience by conuersing with many. Thirdly, when hee misseth in his lesson, hee may in the common schoole speedily recouer that which is lost,* 1.117 by conferring with his mates. Fourthly, if hee bee by nature melan∣cholike, crabbed, or wicked, hee will in a free-schoole bee reformed, part∣ly for shame to bee beaten in the sight of many, and partly for feare, in seeing offenders punished. These bee all the reasons which I can coniec∣ture on the behalfe of the publike schole∣master.

To knit vp this question of priuate and publike teaching, this is my resoluti∣on, that children from the first time they bee put to schoole, vntill they bee

at least thirteene yeres of age, should be cloystered at home with a priuate tea∣cher, and then placed in the common schoole for two or three yeeres space, till they bee readie and fit for the Vni∣uersitie.

Of Tutours in the Vniuersitie. How to discerne a good Tutour. Chap. 38.

PArents in any case must not send their sonnes to the Vniuersitie, be∣fore they bee at least foureteene yeeres of age: whither being once come, they must curiouslie hearken (but not of vnlearned persons and boyes, for they measure mens sufficiencie by their owne fancie) after a good Tutour, that will not onelie furnish them with necessaries, but also reade him∣selfe vnto them: otherwise, the pa∣rents may one day repent them ••f their sonnes education. For many Tutours now-a-dayes will not sticke to receiue a marke or twentie shillings a quarter, for each of their scholers tuition,

and yet not vouchsafe once to reade themselues vnto them, but to substitute young Bachelers of Art, who, albeit some of them can reade tolerably, yet notwithstanding they cannot correct and prouoke the sluggish, as wanting both discretion to iudge, & seueritie to compell. It is therefore very prudently decreed, although not alwaies executed, by the Vniuersitie, that none should be a Tutour, vnder a Master of Arts, & yet not euery Master, but such a one, that for his integritie of life, and sufficiencie of learning, is admitted by the Vicechan∣celour, the Head of the house, whereof the Tutour & the scholers are, & by the consent of two Doctours, or two Bache∣lers of diuinitie, to be a Tutour.

The qualities of a good Tutour bee tenne: the first is, that hee bee godly and vertuously giuen. The second, that he be well seene in Humanitie and Philosophie. The third, it is requisite that he be no lesse then seuen & twentie yeeres of age, and no more then for∣tie, because the one lacks audacitie and grauitie to commaund, and the other most commōly is negligent. The fourth,

a Tutour must be sober aswell in words as in deeds. The fift, he must not (as ma∣ny nowadaies do) suffer his pupilles to be idle, and to haue their owne willes. The sixt, he must chastise them seuere∣ly, if they play at dice, sweare, fight, or such like. The seuenth, he must (if hee may possibly) haue them in his sight and chamber. The eight thing required in a Tutour is, that he be famous in the Vni∣uersity for his learning, and also well friended, that thereby he may both sup∣ply his scholers wantes, and looke that they be not iniuried. The ninth duty of a Tutour is, that hee haue an especiall care and respect to his scholers battles, lest that by permitting them to spend what they please, he incurre the displea∣sure of the parents, and so hazard his cre∣dit. The tenth and last duty of a Tutour is, that he keepe his scholers in awe and obedience; and not too familiarly insi∣nuate himselfe vnto them, seing that ac∣cording to the old adage, too much fa∣miliarity breeds contempt. And (in conclu∣sion) whosoeuer giueth his scholers but an inch, may be assured, that they will (do what he can) take a whole ell.

The fift Plant.

Of Grammar. Chap. 39.

GRammar is an Art that consisteth in speaking & enditing truly. It had the beginning, of noting what is more fit & vnfit in cōmu∣nication; which thing men imitating in their speech, in processe of time inuēted this Art. Although before Adams fall from Paradise, learning was natural, yet neuerthelesse no man can now of him∣selfe come to the knowledge of it, with∣out practize, exercise, and other mens inuention. Charondas the lawgiuer ex∣tolled Grammar aboue all other Artes: and that iustly, forast; 1.118 by meanes of it the chiefest things in the world are written; as lawes, constitutions, willes, and testaments, and such like, as concerne mans life. Whereby we see that* 1.119 Grammar is many wayes profitable to mans life.

But alas, the vse thereof is in these dayes not perfectly knowen. Albeit we haue many that profes it, yet for al that,

few there be that vnderstand it aright. The reason is, because nowadayes they thinke, that whosoeuer can prattle in Latine, make verses, or patch a decla∣mation, is a substanciall Grammarian (or, as they terme him, an Humanitian) which, God wot, they know not what it meanes. For a* 1.120 Grāmarian is he, that can speake the vsuall tongues elegantly, and ex∣poūd the mysteries of Poets with their tropes and figures, and that hath some smack in Philosophy, because sundry places in Poets are quoted out of the quintessēce of the Mathematikes.

Of Logick. Chap. 40.

LIke as they, that digge for metals, do strictly and diligently search the veines of the earth, and by earnest no∣ting the nature thereof, attaine at last to the perfect knowledge of the mine: so they, that will enioy learning, aswell for the common good, as for their owne profit, must narrowly study this Art of Logike,* 1.121 which is conuersant with vs in our daily conferences. And no doubt but

hauing studied it well, they shall find it expedient three maner of wayes.a 1.122 First, for exercise. Secondly, for disputations. And thirdly, for the knowledge of Philosophy. But thou wilt say, it is obscure, vnplea∣sant, and therfore in no wise profitable. Oh how weake is the connexion of this argument! Admit that it is at first rough and irksome: yet notwithstandingb 1.123 whē thou shalt enter farther into it, an insatia∣ble desire of learning it, foorthwith will cause thee to embrace it. For without doubtc 1.124 God himselfe reuealed the knowledge of Logike vnto vs. And if we neglect this worthy and magnificent gift of his, he will also for our ingratitude withdraw not onely this Art, but all other Artes whatsoeuer from vs: though wee haue both wit and learning together, yet shall they litle a∣uayle without Logicke. What maketh youths to speake so boldly & roundly? Logike. What maketh atturneyes to go so fast away with their words and pur∣suites? Logick. In al Artes therefore Lo∣gick is praise worthy. Logick is defined to be an Art, that knitteth well together all discourses formed by speeches, and all positions in them, according as they

depend one vpon another, & are groun∣ded vpon good reason. And euē as gold by seuen fires is tried and purified: so in like manera 1.125 the truth in despight of errours is by logicall disputations found out, and re∣stored to her former liberty. Forb 1.126 the end of Logick is to discerne in philosophy the truth from the false; as if a man should say, knowledge is the end of it. The duties of it are foure; namely, to define, to deuide, to compose true arguments, and to dis∣solue them that be false. The partes of Logick are two, to wit,* 1.127 The first intenti∣ons, anda 1.128 the second intentions. Howbeit for all this, the faigned Vtopians are re∣ported * 1.129neuer to haue been able to find out the second intentions: by reason that none of them all could see man himselfe in common, as they terme him, though he bee, as s••me know, bigger then euer was any Gyant, and pointed vnto vs euen with our finger. But I leaue the Vtopians to their nullibies.

Of Rhetoricke, and the abuse thereof. Chap. 41.

RHetorick is an Art, that teacheth a man to speake finely, smoothly, and

eloquently. And whereas Logick for∣meth speech as it were a bare picture, & hauing nothing but simple draughts, which serue to furnish it in respect of ech part and lineament thereof:a 1.130 Rheto∣rick beyng the offspring of Logick shapeth it not onely as a picture well varnished, but also enriched and polished with glo∣rious fields and medowes, and such like glozing shewes, that it may become faire to the eye, & pleasant to the eare. Being well applied,b 1.131 there is nothing so sacred to perswade as it. But nowadaies it is not much profitable, especially to preachers. For although Rhetorical speeches do de∣light their auditory; yet notwithstāding, they make not much for y^• soules health. c 1.132Simple & material speeches are best among friēds. Preachers therfore must labour to speak & vtter that, which the hearers vn∣derstand, & not go about the bush with their filing phrases.* 1.133 They must not (I say) come with excellency of wordes to shew the testimony of God vnto the people.* 1.134 Ney∣ther must their preaching consist in the en∣ticing speech of mans wisedome, but in the plaine euidence of the spirit and of power. Moses, when God commaunded him to

go downe to the Israelites, would haue excused himselfe, saying,* 1.135 O my Lord, I am not eloquent, neyther at any time haue beene: but I am slow of speech and slow of tongue. Then the Lord said vnto him, Who hath giuen the mouth to man? or who hath made the dumme, or the deafe, or him that seeth, or the blind? haue not I the Lord? Therefore go now, and I will bee with thy mouth, and will teach thee, what thou shalt say. Caluine that zealous Preacher had, as many men know, an impediment in his speach, and in his sermons neuer vsed any painted or rhetoricall termes.

What shall I write of our common lawyers, who with their glozing spee∣ches do as it were lay an ambush for iu∣stice, and* 1.136 with their hired tongues think it not vnhonest to defend the guilty, and to pa∣tronize vnlawfull pleas? Why will not they imitate Anacharsis the Philoso∣pher, who when the scholers of Athens laughed him to scorne, by reason hee could not pronounce Greeke distinct∣ly, and eloquently, answered them, that a speach was not to bee termed bad, as long as it contayned good counsels, and as long as honest deeds did follow

after his words? Constantine the Empe∣rour deserueth great praise, in that* 1.137 hee tooke away the forme of making deceitfull & fine phrazed libels? In like sort we read, that * 1.138the elegant solemnities of stipulations, and such like trifling words were laid aside. In briefe, it was decreed among the Areo∣pagites in Athēs, that no Orator should vse any proheme or forespeech, and di∣gression, nor perswade them eyther to mercy or to enuy.

Of Poetry, and of the excellency thereof. Chap. 42.

When* 1.139 the children of Israel were en∣thralled in the land of bondage: then GOD, who is alway the helper of the friendlesse, raised vp Moses his seruaunt, made him ruler of his distressed people, and deliuered them with a strong & out∣stretched arme frō their miserable cap∣tiuity. Whereupon* 1.140 Moses framed a song of thankesgiuing vnto the Lord in verse, which I take to be the most auncient of all. So that it is certaine, and (as they say) able to be felt with hands, that Poetry came first by inspiration from GOD.

Likewisea 1.141 Deborasung a Psalme of victo∣ry in meetre. Dauid also & the Prophets were Poets.

If wee prie into the liues of the hea∣then, we shall find that Poetrie was the chiefest cause of their ciuility. Whēb 1.142 be∣fore they remained scattered lawlesse, and barbarous, like vnto sauage beasts, Am∣phion and Orpheus two Poets of the first ages assembled th••se rude nations, and* 1.143 exhorted them to listen their eare vn∣to their wholesome counsels, and to lead their liues well and orderly. And as these two Poets, and Linus before them reclaimed the wildest sort of men: so by all likeli∣hood mo Poets did the same in other places.

Further, Poets were the first, that obserued the secrete operations of na∣ture, and especially the celestial courses, by reason of the perpetuall motion of the heauens, searching after the first mouer, and from thence proceeding by degrees to consider of the substaunces separate and abstract. They were the first, that offred oblations, sacrifices, and praiers. They liued chast, and by their exceeding continence came to receyue

visions and prophesies. So likewisea 1.144 Sa∣muel & the Prophets were named Seers.

Now sithence Poetry is so sanctified, it will not bee amisse, if I anatomize her parts, and compare her with other fa∣culties: which done, I doubt not but she wil deserue a more fauourable censure e∣uen of the Momistes themselues. The Prince of Philosophers writeth, that b 1.145Rhetorick had her first beginning from Poetry. The chiefe of the late Philoso∣phers doubted not to proue, thatc 1.146 Poetry was part of Logick, because it is wholy occu∣pied in deliuering the vse of examples, I do not meane that kind of example, which is v∣sed in common conferences; but I meane the maners, affections, and actions of men, which are brought as examples eyther to be imitated or shunned of the spectatours, or readers. In like maner, Poetry is more philosophicall and serious then history, because Poetry medleth with the ge∣nerall consideration of all things: wher∣as history treateth onely of the parti∣cular. And not onely history, but al∣so Philosophy, Law, and Phisicke are subiect to Poetry, for whatsoeuer na∣ture or policy, case or medicine they re∣hearse,

that may y^e Poet, if he please, with his forme or imitation make his owne.

But, mee thinks, I see a rout of criti∣call Pharisees comming towards mee, and discharging whole volees of can∣non shot against my breast, and exclay∣ming without reason, that I falsely erre, for prouing Poetry to bee deriued from Moses. The Gentiles (say they) were the first founders of Poetry, and therefore it ought to be reiected. Well do I deny this argument, demaunding of thē, whe∣ther philosophy be bad, because the Pai∣nims brought the knowlege thereof to light? whether Greeke letters be euill, because Cadmus inuented thē? whether the bookes of Resolution bee blame∣worthy, for that R. P. a fugitiue papist wrote thē? O mōstrous absurdity! What? wil they with the foolish Donatists vtter∣ly refuse the Sacraments, because the priests are vicious, that administer them? Or wil they with the Anabaptists forbid alsuites & going to law, because the law∣yers, that cōmence thē, are corrupt? Thē farewell quietnesse, farewel money, yea, farewell religion, & all: for each of them was, is, & will be abused for euermore.

Othersome there be, that iudge poe∣try vnlawfull, for that they themselues are not capable thereof. And againe there be some, that meane to kil the lion with a straw, and condemne Poetry for the fables that are contained therein. But if I should dash these enuious Syco∣phāts with a blurre of inke for euery of∣fence, which they commit against the truth, they would, I feare me, become blacker then Aethiopian Negroes.

As for Poetical Fabies and Parables what els should I retort, but that, which one of the ancient Fathers hath written on their behalfe? to wit,* 1.147 Poets do speake that which is most true, and by their mysticall fables do decipher profound matters. After which maner Dauid in his Psalmes saith, * 1.148Thou hast brought forth a vine out of Egypt: thou hast cast out the heathen, and planted it. What is vnderstood by this vine, & the plāting thereof, but the childrē of Israel, whom God by his Diuine prouidence brought out of Egypt, & gaue thē inhe∣ritance in the land of Chanaan? likewise we read of the steward, of the prodigall child, & such like in the new Testament. Whē Perseus, Dedalus, & Bellerophon

are faigned to fly: what els is meant by their flying, but their speedy iourney∣ing? what doth the trāsformatiō of Hal∣cione into a bird signifie? namely, that shee, after the death of her husband Ceix, mourned & sorowed like vnto that same bird. When Lycaon is reported to be metamorphozed into a woolfe: what other sence is vnderstood by the wolfe, then that this king was a tyrant & a raue∣nous theefe? By the painful trauell of V∣lisses is portrayed the liuely picture of mans miseries. Icarus had winges, and therewith mounted vp into the aire: but so soone as the sunne had melted his waxen wings, he fell downe into a riuer, and was drowned. Whereby is included that no man must rashly reach aboue his pitch. If men would speake & inueigh a∣gainst niggards, what better instance cā they make, then in Danae, Tantalus, and Midas? To blaze prodigality, and such as were giuē to pleasures, the Poets painted Acteon turned into a Hart, who was so much delighted in hunting, that in the end he was eaten vp of his dogs; that is, he spent all his goods in feeding of hounds. For an exāple of whoredome

they inferre Circe, who was so beauti∣full, that she rauished and enchaunted all such as beheld her. And so wee must iudge of the rest. Iupiter betokeneth the highest God: Phoebus the Sunne: Mars warre: Themis law: Minerua lear∣ning: Venus loue: Vulcan fire: Ceres corne: Bacchus wine: Neptune the sea: The Nymphes signifie riuers: and by destiny is declared the ineuitable will of God. There is no faculty of any ac∣count, but hath hard & obscure signifi∣cations; as for example, naturall philoso∣phy comprehendeth the first matter and the first mouer. Alchymy cōtaineth dark words: as, Saturne signifieth lead: Mer∣cury quicksiluer: Sol gold: Luna siluer: Venus copper: Iupiter tinne: Mars iron; with diuers words of Art a hūdred times more mysticall then these. I wil passe o∣uer the elixers, fixations, and such like names of the Chymists. Thus (gentle Reader) mayst thou see, that euery Sci∣ence hath other significations, then the plaine names do declare. Why then wil Dunces vpbraid Poets with their in∣tricated Fables, which none but Oedi∣pus can interpret? Only sonnes of Art,

to whome God hath imparted his bles∣sing, must attaine to the right knowlege of the Muses. Hearken what another saith,a 1.149 The faigned examples of the Poets are fit and conuenient for the amendement of maners. To bee short, I am verily of this opinion, thatb 1.150 all Poets are sworne enemies to lies, and do vtterly detest false∣hood: and among the rest Homer was the searcher and louer of truth and verity. Sundry times haue I beene conuersant with such, as blasphemed Poetry, by calling it mincing and lying Poetry. But it is no maruel, that they thus deride Poetry, sith they sticke not in this out∣worne age to abuse the ministers of GOD, by terming them bookish fel∣lowes and Puritanes, they themselues not knowing what they meane.

What more shall I write? Poets at all times haue beene preferred before all Artists, & highly esteemed of all Prin∣ces. Euripides was entertained of A∣mintas king of Macedon. Sophocles to∣gether with Pericles was cōstituted go∣uernour of Athens. Antimenides the Poet was Generall of an army. Likewise Tyrtaeus the Poet being lame on one

legge, was by the oracle of Apollo cho∣sen chieftaine of the Lacedemonians, & got the victory ouer his enemies. Lysan∣der king of Lacedemon, in reward of a few verses, gaue vnto the Poet Antio∣chus his hat full of siluer. The Sicili∣ans hauing ouercome the Athenians, spared many of them for Euripides his sake. And if they heard any verses like vnto his, they would haue thē by heart, and one would present them to ano∣ther with great ioy.* 1.151 Alexander the great left his Tutour liuing Aristotle behind him, but tooke the workes of dead Homer with him, & euery night he caused them to be laid vnder his pillow. And not only Ho∣mer was thus honoured, but also for his sake all other meane Poets, insomuch as Cherilus a simple Poet had for euery good verse, which he composed, a Phi∣lip noble of gold, amounting to the va∣lue of an Angel English. Theocritus the Poet was in estimation with Ptolome king of Egypt, and with Queene Be∣renice his wife. Ennius was highly fa∣uoured by that noble warriour Scipio: Virgil and Horace were aduaunced by Augustus the Emperour.

To come neerer our owne time, Hier∣nus an excellent Poet, and yet of base li∣nage, when Frotho K. of Denmark died without issue, and the Peeres of the realme had determined him to succeed, that best could honour the dead King: among the rest, hee knowing that Poe∣trie was the onely meanes to reuiue the memorial of the dead, made an Epitaph, which publikely repeated, hee was by generall consent elected King.

Ieffery Chaucer, the English Poet, was in great account with King Richard the second, who gaue him in reward of his Poems, the Manour of Newelme in Oxford Shire. Neither will I passe o∣uer with silence, the fauor of the French Queene Anne, wife to Lewis the twelfe of France, extended to Poets. This Queen passing on a time from her lodg∣ing towards the Kings side, saw in a gal∣lerie Allen Chartier a learned Poet, leaning on a tables end fast asleepe, which this Princesse espying, shee stou∣ped downe to kisse him, vttering these words in all their hearings: Wee may not of Princely courtesie passe by, and not honour with our kisse the mouth,

from whence so many golden poems haue issued. Frauncis the first, French King in the yeere of our Lord 1532. made those famous Poets, Dampetrus and Macrinus, of his priuie Counsell. King Henrie the eight, her maiesties Father, for a few Psalmes of Dauid tur∣ned into English meeter by Sternhold, made him Groome of his priuie cham∣ber, and rewarded him with many great gifts besides. Moreouer, hee made Sir Thomas Moore Lord Chauncelour of this Realme, whose Poeticall works are as yet in great regard. Queene Marie for an Epithalamy composed by Ver∣zoza a Spanish Poet, at her marriage with King Philip in Winchester, gaue him during his life two hundred crowns pension. Her Maiestie that now is, made Doctour Haddon being a Poet, master of the Requests. In former times, Prin∣ces themselues were not ashamed to stu∣die Poetrie. As for example, Iulius Ce∣sar was a very good Poet. Augustus likewise was a Poet, as by his edict tou∣ching Virgils bookes appeareth. Euax King of Arbia wrote a booke of preti∣ous stones in verse. Cornelius Gallus

treasurer of Egypt, was a singular good Poet. Neither is our owne age altoge∣ther to bee disprayed. For the old Earle of Surrey composed bookes in verse. Sir Philip Sydney excelled all our English Poets, in rarenesse of stile and matter. King Iames the sixt of Scotland, that now raigneth, is a no∣table Poet, and daily setteth out most learned Poems, to the admiration of all his subiects.

Gladly I could goe forward in this subiect, which in my stripling yeeres pleased mee beyond all others, were it not I delight to bee briefe: and that Sir Philip Sydney hath so sufficiētly defen∣ded it in his Apologie of Poetrie; that if I should proceede further in the com∣mendation thereof, whatsoeuer I write would bee eclipsed with the glorie of his golden eloquence. Wherefore I stay my selfe in this place, earnestly beseeching all Gentlemen, of what qua∣litie soeuer they bee, to aduaunce Poe∣trie, or at least to admire it, and not to bee so hastie shamefully to abuse that, which they may honestly and lawfully obtaine.

Obiection.

The reading of Catullus, Propertius, Ouids loues, and the lasciuious rimes of our English Poets, doe discredite the Common-wealth, and are the chiefe oc∣casions of corruptions, & the spurres of lecherie: therefore Poetrie is blame∣worthie.

Answere.

In many things not the vse,n 1.152 but the ab∣use of him that vseth them, must bee bla∣med. The fault is not in the Art of Poe∣trie, but rather in the men that abuse it. Poets themselues may bee traitours and felons, and yet Poetrie honest and vnat∣tainted. Take away the abuse, which is meerely accidental, and let the substance of Poetrie stand still. Euerie thing that bringeth pleasure, may bring displea∣sure. i 1.153Nothing yeeldes profit, but the same may yeeld disprofit. What is more profita∣ble then fire? yet notwithstanding wee may abuse fire, and burne houses, and men in their beds.* 1.154 Phisicke is most commodious for mankind, yet wee may abuse it, by ad∣ministring of poysoned potions. To end this solution, I conclude, that many of our English rimers and ballet-makers

deserue for their baudy sonnets, and a∣morous allurements, to bee banished, or seuerely punished: and that Poetrie it selfe ought to bee honoured and made much of, as a precious lewell, and a di∣uine gift.

Of Philosophie. Chap. 43.

•• PHilosophie is the knowledge of all good things, both diuine and humane.* 1.155 It chal∣lengeth vnto it three things: first, con∣templation to know those things, which are subiect vnto it, asc 1.156 Natural Philosophy teacheth vs the knowledge of the world: Geo o••••trae of the triangle: the Metaphysick of God: and morall Philosophie, of vertue and felicitie. Secondly, Philosophie cha∣lengeth the execution and practise of precepts. Thirdly, the promotion of a good man;* 1.157 * Which three concurring toge∣ther in one man, do make him a wise Phi∣losopher. The Iewes diuided Philosophie into foure parts: namely, into Historical, Ciuill, Naturall of the contemplation of sacrifices, and into Diuine of the specu∣lation of Gods word. Of which I will at this time content my selfe with the na∣tural,

and the ciuillr 1.158 Naturall Philosophie is a science that is seene in bodyes, mag∣nitudes, and in their beginnings or ground workes, affections, and motions. Or, as others say,a 1.159 Naturall Philosophie is a contemplatiue science, which declareth the perfect knowledge of naturall bodyes, as farre foorth as they haue the beginning of motion within them.x 1.160 There bee seuen parts of it. The first is of the first causes of nature, and of naturall bodyes. The second of the world. The third, of the mutuall transmutation of the ele∣ments, and in generall, of generation and corruption. The fourth is, of the meteours. The fift, of the soule, and of liuing creatures. The sixt, of plants, The seuenth, of things perfectly mix∣ed, and of things without life, as, of Mi∣nerals and such like.

n 1.161 Ciuill Philosophie is a science compoun∣ding mans actions out of the inward moti∣on of Nature, and sprung vp from the ful∣nesse of a wise minde: insomuch that wee may in all degrees of life attaine to that which is honest.

This ciuill Philosophie is diuided into foure parts: Ethicke, Politicke, Oeco∣nomicke,

and Monastick. Ethick is the discipline of good maners. Of Oeco∣nomick and Politick, I haue discoursed before. Monastick is the institution of a priuate and a solitarie life. But of the worthinesse of this ciuill Philosophie, and by how much it goeth before the naturall, I haue expressed ini 1.162 another booke.

Of the Art Magick. Chap. 44.

THe auncient Magicians prophesied either by the starres, and then their Art was termed Astrologie: or by the flying and entrailes of birdes, and this they called Augurie: by the fire, and that they named Pyromancie: or by the lines and wrinckles of the hand, which was termed Chiromancie or Palmistrie: by the earth, called Geomancie: by the water, and that they termed Hydro∣mancie: or by the diuell, and this we call coniuring or bewitching. All which superstitious kindes of illusions (I feare mee) haue beene too often vsed heere

in England; witnesse of late yeeres the witches of Warboise: witnesse figure∣casters, & calculatours of natiuities: wit∣nesse also many of our counterfeit Bed∣lems, who take vpon thē to tell fortunes and such like. Now-a-dayes among the common people, he is not adiudged any scholer at all, vnlesse hee can tell mens Horoscopes, cast out diuels, or hath some skill in southsaying. Little do they know thats 1.163 this Art, (if it b••e lawfull to call it an Art) is the most deceitfull of all Arts, as hauing neither sure foundations to rest vpon, nor doing the students there∣of any good: but rather alluring them to throw themselues away vnto the diuel both body & soule. Wo be vnto thē that delight therein, for it were better for them that they had neuer beene borne. A man hauing in his furie killed one, may by the grace of God repent, and bee sorie for his offence; but for the con∣iurer or magician, it is almost impossible that hee should be conuerted, by reason that the Diuell is alwaies conuersant with him, and is present euen at his ve∣ry elbow, and will not once permit him to aske forgiuenesse. Experience where∣of

Doctour Faustus felt, who was at last torne in peeces by the diuell. Cor∣nelius Agrippa likewise, a man famous for his great skill in Magicke, and as yet fresh in some old mens memorie, went continually accompanied with a Diuell in the shape of a blacke dōgge•• and when at his death hee was vrged to repent and crie GOD mercie, hee pulled off the coller which was about the dogges necke, and sent him away with these words, Packe hence, thou cursed curre, which hast quite vndone mee. With that the dogge went away, and drowned himselfe in the riuer Arar▪ Within a little after Agrippa deceased, whose iudgement I leaue vnto the Lord.

As touching the deedes of coniu∣rers, I confesse, they bee wonderfull; forr 1.164 the charmers of Egypt turned roddes into serpents in the sight of Pharao. And there is nothing which good men doe, but Sorcerers like Apes will assay to do the like. Many of them (among whome I meane Pope Siluester the second, Pope Benedict the ninth, and Pope Alexander the sixt) were cunning in

the scriptures, professed holynesse of life, and gaue pardons and indulgen∣ces (as the Pope doth now) vnto them that would buy them. But in the end they were pitifully and openly tor∣mented and deuoured by the Diuell their schoole-master. My selfe haue seene about eleuen yeeres agoe, a coun∣terfeit dumbe fellow, that could by signes and tokens foretell diuers, things to come. Hee could signifie what mis∣fortunes a man hath suffered, what yeeres hee was off, what wife hee had maried, how many children he had; and which is most strange of all, hee would finde out any thing which was hidden of purpose. At last it was this yong Ma∣gicians happe to arriue at a zealous Gentlemans house, who hauing before heard of his miraculous deedes, eft∣soone suspected him and made no more adoe, but by violence and threatning enforced him to speake, and to declare his dissimulation procured, as hee him∣selfe confessed, by the Diuell, with whome hee had couenated to become dumbe, on condition that he might performe such miracles.

haue heard and read of many Con∣iurers, that wrought wonders, and things almost incredible: yet neuer haue I either heard or read of any that prospered, but at the last, they eyther came to the gallous or fagot, or else they were preuented, and mise∣rably taken by the Diuell. Which is the cause, that wise men haue vt∣terly detested this blacke Arte, as be∣ing admonished by other mens harmes, to beware of it. So that none but ma∣licious, simple, and grosse-headed per∣sons, who eyther for reuenge, or for couetousnesse are so seduced, doe en∣ter into league and confederacie with the Diuell.

To knit vp this discourse, I ad∣uise all persons, and especially olde women, to take heede of illusions and charmes▪ seeing principally,i 1.165 they bee damnable, and forbidden by the lawes of God. Secondarily,s 1.166 Magicke is infamous & abominable by the laws of man both ciuill and canon. Finally, men must ab∣stain from sorceries, coniurations, witch∣crafts, and such kind of wickednesse, for feare of punishment, because,c 1.167 if any

sayth the Lord, turne after such as worke with spirits, and after southsayers, to goe (spiritually) a whoring after them, then will I set my face against that person, and will cut him off from among his people. And in another place:n 1.168 Thou must not suffer a witch to liue. Looke therefore vnto your selues, and bee prepared, O simple wretches, lest otherwise the siend fin∣ding you vnreadie, will quickly surprize you, and so inueigle your weake and shallow mindes.

Of Phisicke. Chap. 45.

MAny confound Phisicke and Philo∣sophie together, because both of them doe alike respect naturall bodies. but ourr 1.169 Ciuilians haue distinguished the one from the other. For which cause I will at this time surcease the concor∣dance, and fall to the declaration of the goodnesse thereof. There is no facul∣tie, saue law and Diuinitie, comparable vnto Phisicke. Insomuch as mightie Potentates haue not disdained to exer∣cise

it. Gentius the King of Illyria, found out the vertuous qualities of the herbe called Gentian. Iuba King of Maurita∣nia and Lybia, found the herbe called Euphorbium. Sabor King of the Medes, Sabrel King of the Arabians, Mithri∣dates King of Pontus, and Auicenna King Corduba, were professed Phisi∣cious. The Angell Raphael caused blind Tobias with the gall of a fish to receiue his sight. Luke the Euangelist was a Phisicion: yea,* 1.170 and * GOD himselfe is called the supreme Phisicion both of body and soule. Wherefore see that you honour Phisicke, O yee that bee rich, and make much of the Phisici∣on for the Lord created him.

Of Law. Chap. 46.

THe law is the knowledge of things As wel Diuine as Humane,* 1.171 and of that which is iust and vniust. Of Ciuilians it is de∣clared tripartite: as it comprehendeth the law of nature, the law of nations, and the ciuill law. The law of nature is a feeling which euerie one hath in his

conscience, whereby hee discerneth betweene good and euill, as much as is sufficient to deliuer him from the clou∣die cloake of ignorance, in that hee is re∣prehended by himselfe.a 1.172 Hence commeth the coniunction of male and female: the Pro∣creation of children, and education. The law of Nations is a prescription, that all maner of people can claime: as, to resist violence was lawfull: to defraud the wi∣lie and subtill was no fraude: to hurt a Herauld was not tolerable: to pay eue∣ry man his owne was right: and in a ma∣ner all contracts were brought in by this law: as buying, selling, hiring, gaging, and infinite others. The Ci∣uill law is that, which is squared ac∣cording to honestie, and is termed eue∣ry priuate law, enacted by one peculi∣ar people.

There is also a Diuine law, which is three-fold: to witte, the morall law, the ceremoniall law, and the Iudiciall law. The morall law is that, which is constituted for all Nations, if they will obserue the commandements of GOD, The Ceremoniall law was an instructi∣on of infancie giuen to the Iewes, to bee

exercised vnder the obedience of God, vntill Christs comming. The Iudiciall law is that, which was giuen them for politicke gouernement, teaching them certaine Maximes of iustice, whereby they might liue quietly, without mole∣sting one another.

Of the Common Law in England. Chap. 47.

AS soone as Brutus came into this Realme, hee constituted the Tro∣ians lawes throughout all his dominions. But when diuisions and ciuill broyles hapned a little after his decease, those lawes decayed for a long time, vntill Malmutius reuiued them, enlarging them with many profitable more, and were named Malmutius lawes: vnto which Martia a Queene of this land, ad∣ded the decrees of her time, and were called Martiaes lawes. Besides these, King Lud is reported to amend them. Then in the succession of time, raig∣ned Saint Edward, a right vertuous

Prince, who selected and enacted ex∣cellent good lawes: but within a while after, the Normans conquered this land, and altered the estate thereof, appoyn∣ting new lawes in their owne language, as a people naturally inclined to sophi∣sticall and doubtful sence, whereby they wrested the lawes to all constructions. Yet notwithstanding, King Edward the third was enduced to abrogate many of the Norman lawes, and in their stead to inuest new and wholesome lawes. The method of which, is at this day put in practise among our Sergeants and vtter-Sarristers.

Obiection.

That law which is of no antiquitie, neither grounded vpon any good foun∣dations, nor vsed in any countrey but one, cannot bee good: such is the com∣mon law of England: therefore it is of no effect.

Answere.

Our Common law of England (I con∣fesse) is of no great antiquitie: yet grounded vpon the law of Nature, and approoued by the vniuersall consent of the Prince, Nobles, & Commons, in a

generall Parliament. In briefe, necessity hath no reason.

Whether alteration of lawes be good in a commonwealth. Chap. 48.

THere was a law amōg the Locren∣sians, that whosoeuer did intrude himself to make a new law, should come with a halter about his necke: insomuch that if his lawes were approued, he went away safe as he came: if reproued, hee was presently hanged. So in like maner, when we alter our vsuall diet, wee feele great innouations in our bodies, and do perhaps fall into some sicknesse or other: but when we be accustomed once vnto it, then we recouer, & waxe more lusty then before we were. Custome (as they say) is another nature. But yet this cu∣stome may bee reduced into a better. The alteration of lawes (I confesse) at the first seemeth rough and raw vnto our fraile and queizy natures. But with∣in a while they be better liked of. Which moued the Diuine Philosopher to say: that* 1.173 chaunge of lawes, excepting those that be bad, is perilous at all times. This

caused the Kentishmen to rise against king William the Conquerour of this land, and priuily to enclose him round about in the woods, that thereby hee might the sooner be compelled to cōdis∣cend to their petition, which was, that they might be suffered to enioy their an∣cient customes and liberties.

As for the deciding of this question, I thinke, that some lawes may bee alte∣red and reduced into better. Howbeit law-makers must aduise themselues wel in that behalfe, & take great heed there∣in for where there ariseth small good by innouations of lawes, it is an euill thing. Surely,* 1.174 It is better to beare with the imperfections of lawes: because the al∣teration of them will not do so much bene∣fit, as harme, by vsing men to disobey.

And againe, who is so dull-spiri∣ted, which will not graunt, that de∣fects of lawes ought now and then to be winked at and dissembled? Vpon which occasion* 1.175 all persons vnder the age of forty were heretofore forbidden to en∣quire whether lawes were well or ill made. Ripenesse of yeares is a great meane to conserue people in their obedience.

And for that cause* 1.176 young men are thought vnfit to deale in matters of state and morall Philosophy.

Of Diuinity. Chap. 49.

THe auncient Philosophers accoun∣ted three kinds of speculatiue or contemplatiue Sciences: to wit,* 1.177 na∣turall philosophy: the Mathematickes: and Diuinity, which is the first and chiefest beginning of all things, which is the cement that soddereth the peeces of the building of our estate, and the planke, wherewith our ship is fortified. Take away this beginning, and the world will seeme a confused Chaos. Take away this cement, and our building is ruinous. In a word, vncaske the plāks of a ship, & it wil leake & sinke into the sea. Plant ye ther∣fore religion in your kingdomes, and let not the heathen rise vp against you at the day of iudgement. The Romanes, we read, through the bare instinct of na∣ture, did so reuerētly thinke of Diuinity, that they sent their childrē into Hetruria to learne it there. And yet many of vs Christiās presume to iniure the ministers

God, albeit we know, that* 1.178 nothing is hidde from him, and that he is present, and still accompanieth vs in the midst of our se∣crete cogitations. God make cleane our hearts within vs, and cause vs to regard his ministers and word better then wee do. Otherwise, let vs expect for nothing, but fearfull alarums, warres, heresies, pestilence, and famine continually with∣out ceasing to annoy and destroy both vs and our countrey.

Whether two religions may be tolera∣ted in one kingdome? Chap. 50.

TWo religions cannot be suffered in one kingdome: for diuersities cause factions, garboiles, and ciuill warres, which neuer end but with the subuersiō of the commonwealth. The tranquillity of all estates consisteth in the vnion and consent of the inhabitants. Take away this vnion, and it is but a denne for ro∣uers and theeues. The first foundations of kingdomes were built vpon the rock of one religion; and the heathen them∣selues had neuer established their lawes,

if they had harboured pluralities of reli∣gions. He that displaceth this stone, sha∣keth all the building.* 1.179 No man can serue two masters, for eyther he must despise the one, or loue the other. Neither must Prin∣ces halt betweene two opinions.* 1.180 If the Lord be God, follow him, but if Baal be hee, then go after him. In religion there is no mediocrity, for a man must either be a Christian, or els, he must be an enemy of Christ, that is, an Antichristian, accor∣ding to our Sauiour Christes words:* 1.181 He that is not with mee, is against me: and he that gathereth not with me, scattereth.b 1.182 I am the Lord, saith God, this is my name, and my glory wil I not giue away to another: neyther my prayse to grauen images. Also, it is written,e 1.183 Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him onely shalt thou serue. But how is it possible to obserue this com∣maundement, as long as our Papists be∣leeue thath 1.184 the Pope is no man, but Gods vicar, and more expresly, that hee is God? Theodosius therefore is highly com∣mended, in thati 1.185 he made warre with the. Arrians, and proclaimed one true reli∣gion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be planted throughout all his Empire. in this likewise England may faithfully

glory, that beyng welnigh drowned in the sea of Popish superstition, she is now saued and restored to the true and Apo∣stolicall doctrine: the which God of his goodnesse maintaine from heresies and schismes.

Of Simony, one of the chiefest ouer∣throwes of religion. Chap. 51.

SImony is a deliberatiue will eyther of buying and selling, or els of posting ouer and exchaunging some spirituall thing, or some thing annexed to the spi∣rituality, as aduowsons, presentations, and such like. This vice is called after the name of Simon Magus, by reason that he* 1.186 offred the Apostles money, that they might giue him the power, that, on whomso∣euer he layd his hands, he should receyue the holy Ghost. For which his execrable proffer, hee had this answere of Peter: * 1.187Thy money perish with thee, because thou thinkest, that the gift of God may be obtai∣ned with money.

Simony may be cōmitted three ma∣ner of wa••es. First, whosoeuer selleth or

buyeth the word of God, is a Simonist. Wherefore the Lord said vnto his disci∣ples, * 1.188Freely you haue receyued, freely giue. Secondly, hee that giueth, or ta∣keth any thing for a Bishopricke, Be∣nefice, Headship, or for a fellowes or Scholers roome, is guilty of Simony. Thirdly,* 1.189 The Minister that denieth to bury the dead, or say Diuine seruice, com∣mitteth Simony.

Now hauing declared how many waies Simony is committed, I wil shew, that it is the vtter ruine of the Clear∣gie, and consequently of the whole com∣monwealth. First,* 1.190 Simony is condemned with excommunication, the seuerest cen∣sure of the Church: and therfore odious. Secondly, Simony hindreth house-kee∣ping, so that ministers cannot distri∣bute almes. Thirdly, it breedeth the desolation and destruction of the state. For commonly* 1.191 there ensueth a dissolu∣tion of the commonwealth, when the fruits 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reuene••es therof are decreased. Fourth∣ly, Simony discourageth parents to send their sonnes to the Vniuersity: for what parents bee so foolish, as to bestow in maintenaunce of their sonnes at least

three hundred pound before they at∣tayne to perfection, and then to pay a∣gaine two hundred poūd for a benefice, or foure hundred pound for a Chaunce∣lorship? surely it is a lamentable case. I had rather, saith one, that my sonne be a colier then a scholer. For what shall I put my sonne to schoole, when he shall pay so much for a liuing? Better it is for me to leaue my sonne an ingram foole, then to buy him a li∣uing through vnlawfull meanes. Besides, who is so bluntish, that knoweth not the great & infinite labours of Scholers? that seeth not their eyes weakned, their bodies empaired, & which is worse, their spirites decaied? O stony hearts! O wic∣ked Simonists! Doubtlesse this abomi∣nation portends some great calamity to follow. Lastly,* 1.192 Simony is an heresie, and for that respect it ought to be reiected from all true Christians.

To wind this vp in a word, I wish all Pastours and patrons of benefices and Chancelourships to looke more narrow∣ly vnto themselues, and to stand in feare of God, who vndoubtedly is offended with their Simony, and will one day* 1.193 re∣quite the slacknes of their punishments with

the weight thereof, & wil cast them downe headlong into the bottomlesse and tor∣menting pit of hell, where euery sence of their bodies shall abide his peculiar punishment. Their eyes shall haue no other obiects then Diuels and Snakes: their eares shall bee afflicted with cla∣mours and howlings: their noses with brimstone and filthy smels: their tast with poison and gall: and their feeling shal be vexed continually with boyling lead and firy flames.

The sixt Plant.

Of the alteration of a common∣wealth. Chap. 52.

COmmonwealths, euen as mortall men, haue their infācy, childhood, stripling age, youth, virility, mid∣dle age, and old age: that is, they haue their beginning, vegetation, flou∣rishing, alteration, and ends. And like as diuers innouations, & maladies do hap∣pen to mē, according to the cōstitutiō of their bodies, or according to their diet and education: so in like maner it falleth

out with commonwealths, as being alte∣red eyther by domesticall & ciuill wars, or els by forreyne, or perhaps by both together, or by the death of the noblest inhabitaunts, or to bee briefe, by vices, which are suffred to creepe in. It is ne∣cessary that all things, which are in this world should waxe old, and* 1.194 hasten to the same end, some sooner, others later, accor∣ding to the will of God their Creatour, and by his permission through the in∣fluence of the heauenly bodies from which this mutuall succession of life and death issueth. Howbeit notwithstāding, I confesse that prodigious signes are not the causes of euents, but rather foreto∣kens of them. Like as an Iuy bush put forth at a vintrie, is not the cause of the wine, but a signe that wine is to be sold there: so likewise if wee see smoke ap∣pearing in a chimney, wee know that fire is there, albeit the smoke is not the cause of the fire.* 1.195 God onely chaungeth the tymes and seasons, hee discouereth the deepe and secret things, and the light is with him.

The effects of all the Cometes, and the chiefest Eclipses, which hapned in this last age. Chap. 53.

FOrasmuch as the alterations of com∣mōwealths are for the most part fore∣shewed vnto vs by heauenly signes: I iudge it more meet for mee to declare those, which chaunced within this last age, rather then in any other, especial∣ly for that they are neerer to our fa∣thers memories, and also more familiar vnto vs.

In the yeere of our Lord 1500. there appeared a Comet in the North,* 1.196 after the which followed many and straunge effects. For the Frenchmen assaulted the kingdome of Naples: & the Tartarians the kingdome of Polonia. Then was a great famine in Swethland, and a cruell plague throughout al Germany; besides ciuill warres amongst themselues, in ta∣king part with the Bauarians against the Bohemians. Thē died Pope Pius the 3. together with the Archbishop of Tre∣••ires, and diuers other famous wights.

In the yeere 1506.* 1.197 appeared another

Comet. Whereupon died Prince Philip the father of Charles the fift and Ferdi∣nand afterward Emperours. Maximilian the Emperour made warre with the Frenchmen and Venetians.

In the yeere 1514.* 1.198 was an Eclipse of the sunne. About which time George Duke of Saxony inuaded and spoyled Frizelād. King Lewis the 12. of Fraūce, and Vladislaus king of Hungary & Bo∣hemia departed out of this world.

In the yeere 1518.* 1.199 was seene another Eclipse of the sunne. Immediatly after the which died the Emperour Maximi∣lian the first. Christierne the 2. king of Denmarke fought a most bloudy battell with the Swethens: & within a while af∣ter he was deposed of his kingdome.

In the yeere 1527.* 1.200 appeared a great Comet: the operation wherof the poor•• Hungarians felt, as being barbarously▪ to the shame of all Christians, martyred & destroyed by the Turkes. The prodi∣gious disease of sweating was rife here in England. The riuer Tiber ouerflowed the citie of Rome. The sea also consumed away a great part of the low countries.* 1.201

In the yeere of our Lord 1533. wa••

seene another blazing starre: whereupō a litle while after, king H. y^• 8. was diuor∣ced frō his brothers wife. The sect of the Anabaptists begā to rise. Pope Clement the 7. departed out of this life: and Pope Paul the 3. was inuested in his roome.

In the yeere 1539.* 1.202 chaunced an E∣clipse of the sunne: & presently after ap∣peared a Comet: the effects wherof were many. For there was a great cōmotiō in Gaūt, which the Emperour not without much damage at lēgth appeased, & took away their priuileges frō them. Iohn the K. of Hungary ended his life. And so did Henry Duke of Saxony. The Duke of Brunswisk was by the young Duke of Saxony and by the Landgraue of Has∣sia driuen out of his countrey. The En∣glish ouercame the Scots.

In the yeere 1544.* 1.203 chaūced foure E∣clipses, one of the sunne, and three of the Moone. Wherupō the L. high Admiral of England arriued with a fleet of two hūdred saile in Scotland, where he spoi∣led Lieth, and burned Edinburgh. King Henry the eight went himselfe in person to Fraunce wiith a great army, & cōque∣red Boloigne. The Marques of Brande∣burge

died in his banishmēt. And before three yeeres after the fight of the said Eclipses were fully expired, king Henry the eight deceased. Likewise, the French kings sonne, the Duke of Bauarie, the Queene of Polonia, the Queene of Spaine, the Archbishop of Mogunce, & Martine Luther ended their liues.

In the yeere 1557.* 1.204 a blazing starre was seene at al times of the night, to wit, the sixt, the seuenth, eight, ninth, and tenth of March: when presently after, open war was proclaimed between Eng∣land and Fraunce; and a great army was sent by Q. Mary ouer to S. Quintaines. The Protestants were persecuted and cruelly dealt withall in this Realme. And Queene Mary, before a tweluemoneth came about, departed out of this life.

In the yeere 1572.* 1.205 was seene towards the North a straunge starre, in bignesse surpassing Iupiter, and seated aboue the moone. At which time succeeded the bloudy massacre and persecution of the Protestants in Fraunce. Many great per∣sonages ended their liues; as, King Charles the ninth of Fraunce, Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, and

sundry other. Pirats robbed and spoy∣led many of our marchants on the West seas. The sect of the family of loue begā to be discouered at London. Sebastian the king of Portingal, and Mule the king of Moroco were both slaine within lesse then sixe yeeres after.

In the yeere 1581.* 1.206 appeared a Comet bearding Eastward. Whereupon a little while after, certaine cōpanies of Italians & Spaniards sent by the Pope to streng∣then the Earle of Desmond in his rebel∣liō, landed on the west coast of Ireland, and there erected their Antichrists ban∣ner against her Maiesty. Campian and other Seminary priests returned to this Realme, and were attached.

In the yeere 1583.* 1.207 appeared another Comet, the bush wherof streamed south∣east. But the effects thereof followed in the death of Edmund Grindal Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, & Thomas Earle of Sussex: and in the apprehending of Ar∣den, Someruile, and other traitours in Warwickshire. Also within a while en∣sued a great dearth here in England.

In the yere 1596.* 1.208 appeared a Comet northward. At which time Hēry Carew

L. Hunsdon, & L. Chamberlaine of her Maiesties houshold, and Sir Frauncis Knowles ended their liues. Robert Earle of Essex, and Charles L. high Admiral of England Generalles of the English fleet burned the Spanish nauy, & sacked the towne of Cales. Moreouer, there conti∣nued here in England a great dearth of corne, with straunge inundations of wa∣ters, Graue Maurice got a famous victo∣ry ouer the Spaniards in the low coun∣treyes. Alphonsus Duke of Ferraria de∣parted out of this life. The Pope and the Bastard of Ferraia had diuers bicke∣rings about the Dukedome. Finally, be∣fore the yeere went about, died Gunilla the Queene mother of Swethland, and Gustaue Duke of Saxony her Nephew. Likewise Iohn Marquesse of Brādeburge one of the Electours, & Anne Queene of Polonia, daughter to Charles Arch∣duke of Austria, being great with child, ended their liues.

In the beginning of the yeere 1598. was seene a most fearfull Eclipse of the sunne,* 1.209 in the seuenteenth degree of Pis∣cis, neere to the Dragons head: the like whereof was seldome heard off at any

time before: for the sunne was darkened full eleuen poynts, which very neere is the whole compasse of his body. The ef∣fects of it are these following.

Sigismund Prince of Transyluania, not finding his power sufficient to en∣counter the Turks, voluntarily resigned his dominion to the Emperour Rodolph the second. The King of Swethland re∣turning into his Realme from Polonia, had diuers conflicts and skirmishes with his subiects. William Lord high Treasu∣rer of England deceased. And so did king Philip the second of Spaine, albeit after a more strange maner. For it is cre∣dibly enformed, that this tyrant was ea∣ten vp of lice and vermine. A punishmēt no doubt befitting his vsurping life. Rome was againe ouerflowne by the ri∣uer Tiber, whereby fifteene hundred houses perished, and in a maner all the Popes treasure was lost. Car∣dinall Albert sent Mendoza Admirall of Aragon, with his rascalitie, into the Low Countries, where, vpon his owne confederates of Cleueland, he hath ex∣ercised many bloudy tragedies. Theo∣dore Duke of Muscouie ended his life.

There was a great deluge of waters in Hungarie. The Turks had wonderfull bad lucke vpon the seas. The vnited States of the low Countries sent a huge fleete into Spaine, where they had verie good successe, to the vtter vndoing of many a Spaniard. What shall I write of the terrible rumours of warres, which were noysed throughout all England this last summer? Assuredly these enents were foreshewed vnto vs by the horrible Eclipse, which appeared now aboue two two yeeres agoe. Since which time I waited continually for some notable ef∣fect or other: neither could my mind o∣therwise presage, but that such things would come to passe, which now (GOD be thanked) are ouerpast. This after a sort, I communicated at that time to ma∣ster Ia. Pr. an auncient wise gentleman, and a deare kinsman of mine, at whose house, I as then being lately come into my countrey, after my fathers decease, soiourned. God grant vs better and hap∣pier successe in this new yeere.

Of the causes of sedition and ciuill broyles. Chap. 54.

THere be sixe causes of sedition. The first and chiefest is the contempt of religion. For if men loued God, which they cannot doe, except they loue their neighbour, doubtlesse no such effects would follow from their actions.a 1.210 The loue of religion breaketh swords into mattocks, and speares into sithes, and cau∣seth thati 1.211 nation shall not lift vp sword a∣gainst nation, neither learne to fight any more. The second cause of sedition is the factions of the subiects, which euer haue beene, and euer will bee the subuersion of estates. The third cause is riotous pro∣speritie: for ouer-great aboundance of wealth, is the prouocation of mischiefes,x 1.212 and maketh men to become diuels. The fourth is, when the Prince ouerchargeth his subiects with tributes, and when hee substituteth niggardly and deceit∣full Treasurers and Lieutenants to re∣ceiue the leuied money, that will not

sticke to detaine a part thereof for their owne priuate gaine. The first cause of Sedition is iniquitie:a 1.213 as, when that which is due by proportion, is not giuen to them that bee equall; and when the Prince be∣stoweth honour, which is the hire and guerdon of vertue, vpon raw and meane men. This was one of the originall cau∣ses of the late troubles in France, when the Queene mother, for the establish∣ment of her regencie, dubbed simple Gentlemen knights of the honourable order of Saint Michael, first instituted by King Lewis the eleuenth, and til that time held in great estimation. The sixt cause of sedition is, when the Prince winketh at the cosonages of magistrates and Lawyers, and permitteth some of the richer sort to enclose commons, and to rake their inferiors out of measure.

Of Treason. Chap. 55.

TReason bringeth no lesse danger and hurt to men,* 1.214 then Loyaltie doth profit and fe∣licitie: for it is farre easier to vanquish a knowne foe, then to subdue a traitour and a priuie conspiratour. This wicked

monster in time of warre, worketh more scath and damage, then all artilleries. Howbeit, hee neuer enioyeth his pro∣mised hire, but is at last cruelly punished. As for example, the great Turke in the yeere of our Lord 1400. hauing taken Constantinople through the treason of Iohn Iustinian a Genoway, whō after he had made King according to his pro∣mise, caused his head to bee chopt off within three dayes.

To approch neerer our owne time, let vs bethinke with our selues the mer∣cifull prouidence of God, in discouering the hainous treasons pretended against our dread soueraigne Queen Elizabeth. Of late yeeres, namely, in the yeere 1588. what befell to Tilney, Sauage, Babington, and the rest of their cursed complices? were they not all executed, & brought to confusion? Likewise Doc∣tour Lopouze, the Queenes Phisicion, who had poysoned sundry Noblemen of this Realme, and by the Spanish Kings procurement, went about to poyson the Queene her selfe, had he not in the yere 1594. his deserued punishment? Euen so the last yeere one Squire, by the in∣stigation

of a Spanish Frier, going about to do away her Maiestie, was surprized in his treason, and executed to the terrour of all such diuelish traitours.

Be therefore better admonished, yee wauering men, let the example of such as were executed, terrifie your minds from rebellious attempts, and suffer not wil∣fully the diuell to tempt and leade you into temptation.

Of Idlenesse. Chap. 56.

O You slouthfull men, why doe you miche, range, & turne your backs to vertuous labours, seeing that they, who ouercame the delites of this world, haue deserued heauen for their rewards? why doe you straggle & rogue from house to house? Beleeue me, there is no occupati∣on in the world, that bringeth with it lesse profit then yours.x 1.215 Goe to the emmet, yee slouthfull sluggards: consider her wayes, and learne to bee wise. She hath no guide, no teacher, no leader, yet in the summer shee prouideth her meate, and gathereth together her foode in the haruest. Oh why haue you forgotten the words of the Lord, name∣ly,z 1.216 In the sweate of thy face shalt thou eate

thy bread? Remember what penalties are imposed on runnagates and loyte∣ring droanes. In the primitiue Church it was decreed, that all men should liue of their owne labour, and not vnprofitably waste the fruits of the earth. Likewise the (faigned) Syphograuntes or officers of the Vtopians,r 1.217 tooke heede, that no man sate idle, but that each one should dili∣gently apply his owne craft and occupation. What shall I say of our owne constituti∣ons here in England? In the yeere of our Lord 1572. it was enacted in the par∣liament, that all persons aboue the age of foureteene yeeres, which were taken begging and roging abroade, should be apprehended, whipped, and burnt through the eare with a hot iron, for the first time so found; and the second time to be hanged. For which considerati∣on, looke vnto your selues yee care∣lesse caitifes, gette you masters, that may instruct you in some occupation or other; which done, labour continually: & that not onely for your selues, but for the reliefe also of such as are not a∣ble to helpe themselues. In so doing, Sa∣than the enemie of grace, who hitherto

like a wily foxe hath awaited for you, shall goe away in despaire, and (as they say) with a flea in his eare.

Of Dice-play. Chap. 57.

CHristians ought vtterly to forbeare Dice-play: first, becauser 1.218 The diuell inuented it. Secondly, because it is flat a∣gainst the commandement of GOD, namely,x 1.219 Thou shalt not couet any other mans goods. Thirdly, Dice-play is for the most part accompanied with swearing and blaspheming Gods holy name. Fourthly,i 1.220 the holy fathers of the church haue most vehemently written against it.* 1.221 Fiftly, all sports and recreations must haue respect to some profite, either of body or of mind,* 1.222 (otherwise it is but lost, for which wee must one day yeelde an account to God) but Dice-play, as wee know, is no exercise for the body; nei∣ther is it any pleasure for the minde: for the euent of the hazard or maine, driueth the players minde to a furious hope, and sometimes into a fearefull quanda∣rie: to wit, when hee doubteth the re∣couerie of his lost money. Sixtly, we

are charged,* 1.223 Not to consume our time in wicked and vnlawfull exercises. Seuenth∣ly, men must abstaine from Dice-play, that they might shew good example to their inferiours.* 1.224 For * if graue parents de∣light in wicked Dice-play, their sonnes will likewise be enduced thereunto. Eightly,a 1.225 Dice-play is condemned by the lawes and decrees of Princes. By the law Ros∣cia, all such as played at dice were bani∣shed from their countrey. It was also en∣acted in Rome, thats 1.226 Dice-players should bee amerced in foure times so much as they played for. King Edward the fourth of this Realme decreed, that euerie Dice-player should be imprisoned two yeres, and forfeit tenne pound. King Henrie the seuenth enacted, that Dice-players should bee imprisoned one day, and that the keeper of the gaming house should bee bound to his good be haui∣our, and be fined a Noble. King Hen∣rie the eight ordained, that euerie one which kept a dicing house, should pay fortie shillings, and the players them∣selues a Noble, for euerie time so occu∣pied. Ninthly, this kind of play is odi∣ous and reproachfull, as appeared in

Antonie, to whome Cicero obiected, that heex 1.227 not onely himselfe was a dicer but also hee fostered such men as were dicers, ⁱ Augustus the Emperour was noted, and ill thought of for his dicing. Lastly, the de∣spaire and aduersitie which Dice-players fall into, and their extraordinarie pu∣nishments be sufficient meanes, to re∣claime and terrifie men from it.

In the yeere of our Lord 1550. one Steckman of Holsatia hauing lost much money at dice, fell into despaire, and therewithall killed three of his children, and would haue hanged himselfe, if his wife had not preuented him. Likewise in the yere 1553. one Schetrerus playing at dice in an ale-house neere to Belisan, a towne in Heluetia, blasphemed God. Wherupon the diuell came in place, and carried him away. Also, my selfe haue knowne a wealthie yeoman, that was as great a dicer, as any other in that shire where he dwelt, and (I thinke) had got∣ten wel-nigh a thousand pound by that his occupation: but what became of him and his wealth? marrie, he bathing him∣selfe in a riuer, was sodainely drowned: and his sonne, to whom his goods after

his death did rightly appertaine, before 3. yeeres were expired, spent al at dice, and at this day is glad to stand at mens deuotion. In summe, do wee not com∣mōly see, that dice-players neuer thriue? and if perhaps one amongst a thousand chance to winne, notwithstanding at last he loseth all, & so may put his winnings in his ere, yea, and which is worse, hee hazardeth his soule, which hee ought to hold more deare then all the world. But because I haue largely confuted this vice inc 1.228 other places, I will proceed to the other cause of the alteration of com∣monwealths.

Of superfluitie of apparell, another cause Persi. of the alteration of Kingdomes. Chap. 58.

IN the beginning of the world, men were clothed with pelts and skins of beasts: wherby is to be noted, that they were become as beasts, by transgressing the cōmandement of God, touching the fruit in Paradise. Apparell was not giuen to delight mens wanton eies, but to preserue their bodies from the cold,

and to couer their shame. They had no Beuer hats sharpe on the top, like vnto the spire of a steeple, nor flatte crownde hats, resembling rose-cakes. They wore no embrodered shirtes, nor garments of cloth of gold. They knew not what meant our Italianated, Frenchified, nor Duch and Babilonian breeches. They bought no silken stockins, nor gaudie pantoffles. Their women could not tel how to frizle and lay out their haire on borders. They daubed not their fa∣ces with deceitfull drugs, wherewith, hi∣ding the handi-work of God, they might seeme to haue more beautie, then hee hath vouchsafed to giue them. They imi∣tated not Hermaphrodites, in wearing of mens doublets. They wore no chaines of gold, nor ouches, iewels, bracelets, nor such like. They went not clothed in veluet gownes, nor in chamlet peti∣cotes. They smelt not vnto pomanders, Ciuet, Muske, and such like trumperies. And yet for all that, they farre surpassed vs in humanitie, in kindnesse, in loue, and in vertue. Their onely cogitations were bent to decke the inward mind, & not the outward body, which is nothing

els, sauing a liuing sepulcher. They knew that if the mind were humble and lowly, the raiment for the body must bee euen so. Euerie seede bringeth forth herbes according to his kind: as time seed brin∣geth foorth time, and tare seede tare. Such as the heart is, such is the body; if the heart bee proude, the fruit thereof will be ill weedes, and proud attires. But why is the earth & ashes proud? to what end will our fine apparell serue, when death knocketh at out doores, and like a theefe in the night surprizeth vs vna∣wares? Our yong gallants, when they hire a chamber in London, looking dai∣ly to bee sent for home by their parents, will neuer trouble themselues with any charges or garnishing it, as otherwise they would doe, if they were assured longer to continue in it. And what, I pray you, is the body, but a chamber lent to the soule, wherehence it expecteth continually to bee sent for by God our heauenly father, and (as Saint Paul spea∣keth) to bee loosed, and to be with Christ? For what cause doe wee take such care to apparell the body, seeing within a while after it must putrifie, and returne

to the dust of the earth, from whence it came? what reason haue wee to neglect the soule, which neuer dieth? why do we not follow King Henrie the sixt of this Realme, who when the Earle of War∣wicke asked him wherefore hee went so meanely apparelled, answered, It behoo∣ueth a Prince to excel his subiects in vertue, and not in vesture? Let vs call to remem∣brance the wife of Philo, the Iewish Philosopher, who wisely answered one of her gossips, that demaunded of her, why she went not (as other matrons) at∣tired in pretious garmēts: Because (quoth shee) I thinke the vertues of my learned hus∣band sufficient ornaments for me. Where∣to consenteth that of the Comick:* 1.229 z In vaine doth a woman goe well attired, if shee be not also well manered. But what neede I spend time in producing of examples, when our Sauiour Christ scorned not to weare a coate without a seame? Which kinde of apparell if a man now-a-dayes vsed heere in England, presently,a 1.230 one of our fine Caualeers would laugh at him, and prize both him and his apparell, scant worth a hundred farthings. Oh, what a shame is it, that euerie seruing-man in

England, nay, euerie common Iacke, should flaunt in silkes and veluets, and surpasse Gentlemen of worship! I haue knowne diuers, who would bestow all the money they had in the world, on sumptuous garments; and when I asked them howe they would liue heereafter, they would answere: A good marriage will one day make amends for all; there∣by implying, that they hoped to inuei∣gle and deceiue some widow or other. Which pretence of theirs being fru∣strate, they will bee driuen to commit burglaries and murthers. In respect of which inconueniences, I exhort euerie man to liue according to his vocation, and to obserue her Maiesties decrees and proclamations, whereby Caualee∣ring groomes, and dunghilled knaues, are straightly prohibited to weare the same sutes and apparell as Gentlemen

Obiection.

God hath created al things which are in this world for mans vse: therefore any man may weare cloth of gold, siluer, or such like.

Answere.

True it is, that God made all things in this world to be vsed of mā; but herein I must distinguish men: some men be no∣ble, some ignoble. There is no reason, why cloth of gold, permitted onely to Noblemen, should be equally permitted to earth-creeping groomes. And again, God hath appoynted men not sole cō∣manders, but bailies of his goods & crea∣tures, with condition, that they giue an account of the vtmost farthing of the same. And in this regard Noblemē may gorgeously attire themselues, so long as they clothe the needie and distressed members of Christ. But if Noblemen on the contrary, clothe themselues sumptu∣ously, without reseruing meanes to fur∣nish the poore members of Christ, then will the Lord at the great day of iudge∣ment, pronounce this fearefull doome a∣gainst them,r 1.231 Depart frō me, ye cursed, in∣to eternal fire: for I was naked, & ye clothed me not. To knit vp this briefely, I say, that God created al things for his owne glorie, and to take occasion to extoll him, but not for our pride, to abuse them.

The seuenth Plant.

Of the conseruation of a common∣wealth. Chap. 59.

THere be many means to preserue a commonwealth; but aboue the rest these ten are of most efficacy. The first, and chiefest is to liue vprightly in the feare of God. The se∣cond, to make no delay in executing of attainted and condemned persons. The third, to suffer euery man to enioy his owne, and not lauishly to spend & rake the priuat inhabitants goods. The 4. to haue a great regard of mischiefs & euils at the first budding, how small soeuer it be, for* 1.232 the corruptiō, that creepeth in by lit∣tle & little, is no more perceyued, then small expenses be, the often disbursing wherof vn∣doeth the substance of a house. And as great rayne & horrible stormes proceed from vapours and exhalations, that are not seene: so alteration & changes breed in a commonwealth of light and trifling things, which no man would iudge to haue such an issue. The fift means is, that

Magistrates behaue themselues mildly and modestly towards their inferiours. The sixt, that Princes bee not partiall in their subiects factions. The seuenth, the Prince & his Coūcell must not giue care to euery tale and crafty deuice: for it may be, that the enemy hath his intelligence in the realme. The eight, to cast out Heretickes and Schismatickes frō amōg the people. The ninth, to mu∣ster & traine the people once a moneth in martiall affaires. The tenth is, to dis∣card stageplayes, vsury, extorsiō, bribes, and such like abominable vices.

Of Taxes and Subsidies. Chap. 60.

* 1.233 THe peace and tranquillity of a com∣monwealth can neuer be had without souldiours, nor souldiours without mainte∣nance & pay, not pay cā be purchased with∣out taxes and subsidies, which are the law∣full reuenewes of the Prince to main∣taine his Realme. But, thou wilt say, taxes and subsidies bee for the common good of the Realme, & not for the Prin∣ces maintenaunce. To which I answere, that* 1.234 the Prince may likewise vse taxes

and subsidies to his priuat royalty, which is after a maner conioyned with the honour of the Princely state, that hee beareth. How is it possible for a Prince to beare a stately port, vnlesse hee hath sufficient reuenewes? Let therefore all true hear∣ted subiectes* 1.235 giue vnto Cesar that which is Cesars:* 1.236 tribute to whome tribute belongeth: and custome to whome custome. Without this ground we had long since been a pray vnto our enemies. The Scots would haue swalowed vs vp. The Spa∣niards also would haue triūphed & cru∣elly massacred vs, as they did the poore Indians. None but wizards and niggards will seeke to be exempted from contri∣butions, & shake off the necessary yoke of obedience. Experience layeth downe before our eyes the successe of them, that grudge and rebelled against their Prince for taxing. The beginnings haue beene vngodly, and the ends mi∣serable.

In the yeere of our Lord 1381. the cōmons of Kent & Essex, to the number of threescore thousand, rebelled against king Richard the second beyng their Soueraigne: but they were discomfited,

and the most part of them sharply puni∣shed. Likewise in the yeere 1484. a great commotion was moued by the commons of the North, by reason of a taxe, which was imposed vpon them of the tēth peny of all their lands & goods. But their rash attempt was speedily bro∣ken, and their ringleaders hanged at Yorke.

By this wee see the miserable issue of all such rash reuoltings, and therewithall consider, how detestable they are in the sight of God, Let therfore al subiects pa∣tiently endure whatsoeuer subsidy is le∣uied, and night & day beseech the Lord to graunt thē peace, whereby their taxes will become shortned.

Remedies against sedition and priuy conspiracies. Chap. 61.

THe plaisters, that are to bee applied vnto sedition, be diuers, according to the causes therof. Yet notwithstāding, I will epitomize and draw some of them into a breuiary. First, the Prince must betimes forethinke to alay the seditions, which beginne to kindle. For euery mis∣chiefe

at first is soone cured, but being let alone, and taking farther roote, it ga∣thereth more strength. Secondly, the Prince must by espials know, who slaūder or speake euil of him. Howbeit, respect must be had, lest the innocent be iniuried. Thirdly, the Prince must pro∣claime rewards to the reuealers of con∣spiracies. Fourthly, the Prince must a∣forehand remoue munitions and artil∣leries out of the way, & put them in safe custody. In so doing he shall find the se∣ditious the more tractable. Fiftly, the Prince must seuerely punish the authors of sedition,* 1.237 lest they, that come after, go a∣bout to imitate such wickednesse. Sixtly, the seditious must be sundred by some poli∣cy or other. Seuenthly, the seditious must be allured with ambiguous & doubtfull promises. Eightly, the Prince must dili∣gently looke, that his loyall subiects cō∣municat not with the seditious, for* 1.238 such communing together at such times, and in such sort, is very daungerous, especially for the party, that is like to take the foile. Ninth∣ly,* 1.239 the Prince must * send men of honour and dignity vnto the rebels vnder pretence of reward, to the intent, that their Cap∣taines,

who desire innouations, may be withdrawen from them.

Of the felicity of a commonwealth. Chap. 62.

THe felicity of a commonwealth is, when by some Diuine prouidēce frō aboue, there meeteth in one person the right maiesty of a Prince, and the mind of a wise Philosopher. For then nee∣deth no cōpulsion, no rigour, no extre∣mity to bridle the subiects, what is more delightfull, then to see the true image of vertue in their visible Prince? then to heare the wise lessons and golden speeches issuing out of such a mouth? Happy, I say, is the Realme, where the Prince imitateth the order of an expert Phisicion, who whē the remedies, which he prepareth to cure the weakenesse of the inferiour members, encrease griefe in the head, he throweth away all infir∣mities most light, and with the fauour of time, hee proceedeth carefully to the cure of that, which necessarily impor∣teth the health of the patient or commō∣wealth.

The eight Plant.

Of warres. Chap. 63.

BEcause * a Prince ought to be proui∣ded against all chaūces as well of warre as of peace:* 1.240 it will not bee amisse, if I write somewhat of warrelike affaires. The original whereof in my opinion proceeded from* 1.241 Nemrod the iolly hunter before the Lord. The Graeci∣ans inuented first of all the vse of ar∣mour. And the Almaines deuised in the yeere of our Lord 1381. gunnes being the most terrible engines of al others.

Now touching the causes and effects of warre, doubtlesse, God seing that no benefits could fructifie, nor threatnings disswade vs from our disobedience, sen∣deth warre, as his fearefull instrument to rouse vs frō sluggishnes, & to plague vs for our manifold iniquities: accor∣ding to that dreadfull alarum, which long since hee sounded against vs.* 1.242 If, quoth he, you wil walke in my ordinances, I will send peace in the land: but if you will not obey me, but despise my cōmandements,

I will send a sword vpō you, that shall auenge the quarrell of my couenant, and you shall be deliuered into the hands of the enemy. This the Spaniards of the Island saint Maries knew & felt this last Summer, being the yeere of our Lord 1599. insomuch as when two English ships, and one ship of Amsterdame had taken the said Island, and the Generall had demaunded the Spanish Gouernour, wherefore hee yeelded so soone? Hee answered, that the sinnes of the inhabitants were great, and therefore it was bootlesse for them to resist.

As for the discommodities of warre, they be infinit: it treadeth vnder foot the lawes of God and man: it maketh the Church to be derided, and placeth ty∣rants in the throne of Iustice. In conclu∣sion, warre enduceth many malecontēts to follow the importunity of the time, and breedeth pestilence and dearth: for victuals spent, dearth must needs ensue. Whereupon sundry infectious diseases spring.

Whether it be lawfull for Christians to make warre? Chap. 64.

ALthough the Marcionists haue here∣tofore doubted, whether Christians might make warre? yet notwithstan∣ding, I wil by forcible reasons maintaine the contrary. First, it is written, that the Israelites should warre against their ene∣mies, anda 1.243 not faint, nor feare, nor be ama∣zed, nor a-dread of them. Secondly, law∣full warres are namedb 1.244 the battels of the Lord. Thirdly,c 1.245 the Lord himselfe is a mā of warre. Fourthly, Saint Iohn Baptist confirmeth the lawfulnesse of warre in these wordes, which he spoke vnto the souldiers:e 1.246 Do no violēce to any man, ney∣ther accuse any falsly, and be content with your wages. Fiftly, Cornelius a Captaine was so fauoured of God, thath 1.247 he recey∣ued the holy Ghost. Sixthly,i 1.248 the Magi∣strate carieth not the sword in vaine. Se∣uenthly, it is lawfull for any man to de∣fend himselfe. Forl 1.249 reason teacheth, that it is lawfull to repell force offred to our liues and to our persons, with force. To con∣clude, it is lawfull for one people to as∣sault

another, so that it it bee either to get their owne againe, or els to punish reuolters. Howbeit neuerthelesse, I counsell warre to be practized as a last and desperat medicine, which without very vrgent occasion ought neuer to be applied.

What warres be most lawfull. Chap. 65.

a 1.250 THose warres be most iust, whereto we are constrained; and with good cōsciēce may we take armes, when there is no safet•••• for vs, but in armes. To this an anciet Bi∣shop subscribeth, saying,b 1.251 That fortitude, which defendeth a mans countrey from forrayne enemies, or sustaineth the deso∣lat and oppressed, is perfect iustice. More∣ouer, c 1.252the holy Ghost by many testimonies of Scripture declareth such warres to bee lawfull.

The iniury, which is done to Am∣bassadours, ministreth lawfull cause for Princes to take armes in hand. There∣fore K. Dauid made war with the Am∣monits, for that they villanously misused the messengers,* 1.253 which he sent to comfort the yoūg king of Ammō for his fathers death.

Most iust likewise was that warre, which king Richard the first of this Realme made with the Infidels for the recouery of the holy land. And surely it is a me∣ritorious and religious deed, that Chri∣stian Princes should vnite their forces together, and proclaime warres against the Trukes, who to their great shame haue now welnigh conquered all Hun∣gary, & are at the very gates of Germa∣ny, and consequently or all Christen∣dome: this peril how long soeuer it is de••∣ferred, doubtles is like to happen. Sup∣pose our Christian Princes could do no other good, but keepe back the Turkes forces from further inuasions, would not this be a meanes to restore and reuiue the dismembred estate of Christēdome? Yea certainely. To that end I constant∣ly auerre, that it is lawfull to warre: pro∣uided still, that the determination be not to put to death any, that will be brought to the true knowledge of the Gospell. For it is not with swords, but with words, not with constraint, but with cōference, that misbeleeuers are become conuer∣ted.

That before we begin warres, prepara∣tion is to be made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging. Chap. 66.

a 1.254 TO the execution of warres three things are needfull: prouision, men, and ad∣nice. Vnder prouision I comprehend ar∣mour, money, & victuals. Touching ar∣mour, I would haue an indifferent com∣pany of weapōs prepared both for hors∣men and footmen: as, artillery, powder, bullets, billes, pikes, launces, bowes and arrowes, plated doublets, iackets of male, and such like. Next, money must be gotten,b 1.255 without the which nothing can be done, as it ought to be. And if they fight with siluer speares they will conquer all. Money being gotten, it is meete, that victuals be prouided, seeing* 1.256 through want thereof souldiers will bee ouercome without stroke. Against other euils there are cures, but there is no striuing against hunger. herehence proceed mutines, despaires, infectious sicknesses, and in∣numerable kinds of calamities.

Hauing forethought of prouision, it is

also necessary, that men should bee mu∣stered and chosen out. For* 1.257 if there be a mighty hoste of men in the field, what towne or countrey is not willing to welcome them? In like maner the Captaine generall must forecast, whether horsemen would serue his turne better then footemen?

This question being well discussed, the Generall must take aduice with his chiefe and wisest Lieftenaunts concer∣ning the successe of the warres. For * 1.258what King going to make warre with an∣other King, sitteth not downe first, and taketh counsell, whether he be able with ten thou∣sand to meete him, that cōmeth against him with twenty thousand? or els, while hee is yet a-great way off, he sendeth an ambassage, and desireth peace?

The dueties of a Generall. Chap. 67.

IN a Generall seuen things are requi∣red. First, that he be religious and de∣uout: for thē if he with Iosuah say,* 1.259 Sunne, stay thou in Gibeon: and thou Moone, in the valley of Aialon: the Sunne wil abide, and the Moone will stand still, vntill he

be auenged vpon his enemies. Second∣ly, a Generall must be a man of autho∣rity, by reason that* 1.260 nothing is more auail∣able in the ordering of battels, then authori∣ty. Thirdly, he ought to be temperate: for how can he gouerne others, that can∣not rule his owne affections? Fourth∣ly, he must be well experienced, that he may see how the enemy lieth, what way is best, eyther to prouoke the ene∣my, or to defend himselfe. Fiftly, a Ge∣nerall must be witty and well spoken, because souldiers minds will be sooner inflamed to fight by sweet exhortations, then by all the trumpets in the world. Sixtly, he must be couragious and vali∣ant, that he may* 1.261 giue the first onset, when any bickering is at hand, and shew the way to others. Lastly, a Generall ought to be very well seene in Philosophy, & speci∣ally in Geometry, otherwise he will ne∣uer be able either to incampe himselfe, to find out the enemy, or to cōceiue the scituation of places: as for example, how the champion fields are couched toge∣ther, how the valleys hang, how broad the marishes be, & how the mountaines are lift vp.

Of the choyse of Souldiers. Chap. 68.

THere be six notes to discerne a good souldiour. The first is, that he be an honest mā. The second, that he be strōg and valiant. The third, that he be con∣stant & patient. The fourth, that (if it be possible) he be a Gentle-man borne: the reason is, because most commonly he is more easily trained for the warres, and will scorne to yeeld himselfe vanquished to the enemy. The fift marke of a soul∣dier is, that he be nimble, actiue, and not of a fat or grosse body, lest like a carters iade he founder and fal downe. The sixt, a souldier ought to be chosen from seuē∣teene yeeres old to sixe and forty. But in my opinion elderly souldiers are more apt & fit to go to the warres, then young men, by reason that they are lesse muti∣nous, and better able to endure.

Whether the straunger or the home∣borne subiect ought to be pre∣ferred? Chap. 69.

IF we cōsider the cause, frō whēce pro∣ceeded the late destructiō of Italy, we

shall find, that the calling in of the Swit∣zers and Frenchmen to aide it, turned to the desolation of it. Lodowick Sfor∣tia Duke of Millaine sent for the Swit∣zers to succour him against the French∣men. But how sped he? Mary, hee was by his owne mercenaries deliuered pri∣soner ouer to Lewis the twelfe, French king. yea, we read, that the greatest mi∣sery, which euer hapned to the Brit∣tish nation diuided, was, when Vortiger mistrusting the peeres of his Realme, called in the Saxons to helpe him, who at last cōpelled him to deliuer the chie∣fest part of his kingdome vnto them. So that at length they droue away at the na∣turall inhabitants of the countrey. For which cause the natiue subiect is to be esteemed, who stādeth not so much vpō his valour & pay, as vpon his loyalty & reputation. Besides, no man is so barba∣rous & sauage, as to take part with strā∣gers against his owne countreymen.

How the enemy is to be vanquished. Chap. 70.

WE must obserue twelue rules, before we discomfit our enemies. Wherof

the first is, that wee aske forgiuenes of God for our misdeedes, and feruently beseech him to goe before our armie. The second is, that the Captaine Gene∣rall forbid all blasphemies, swearing, di∣cing, rioting, and such like impious do∣ings. The third, that none but wise men beare office in the campe. The fourth way to ouercome the enemie, is to bee well prouided of necessaries. The fift, Captaines must not enuie one another. The sixt, niggardly and corrupt offi∣cers must bee seuerely punished. The se∣uenth, our warriours must make no long delay in the enemies country: especial∣ly if the climat therof be contagious and noysome. The eight meanes to obtaine the victorie ouer our foes is, not to per∣mit any to straggle abroad and rob, lest meeting with ambushes, they bee vna∣wares surprized. The ninth, Marchants, on paine of death, must not transport a∣ny newes, prouision, or commodities in∣to the enemies coast. The tenth, valiant men must bee nobly recompenced for their aduenturous acts. The eleuenth rule, to haue a fresh supply alwaies at a becke; and for that purpose, some of the

best experienced Captaines must be left behind, to conduct the rawest sort, and to traine them vp in martiall discipline. The twelfe and last obseruation is, that all transgressors be rigorously chastised, to the terrour and ensample of others.

The Conclusion, of peace. Chap. 71.

LEst for treating of Martiall affaires, I bee either termed a fauourer of contention, or else a simple dizart, as hauingh 1.262 neuer as yet seene the enemie in the face, no not so much as their tents: heere voluntarily I resigne my crest, I lay downe mine ensigne. In regard whereof, I demaund an oliue branch, the onely true and vndoubted token of peace. The reason that thus moo∣ueth mee, is our owne safetie: for if wee should doe nothing but fight and enter into skirmishes, in the end,r 1.263 our fieldes would remaine without village, and the ashes of our burat houses as a graue would couer

our dead corps. Who knoweth not, that peace is the end of warre? peace there∣fore must bee established betimes.z 1.264 All things are sodered together through vnitie, but disseuered through discord. The Realme of France is a liuely spectacle hereof, which being of late yeeres hackt by the leaguers, as it were into mam∣mocks, became wel-nigh a pray vnto the Spanish king. But now being vnited againe, shee recouereth her former strength.

Wherefore, O Souldiour, lay downe thy Musket and Armour, and say not with the Poet:x 1.265 I haue as yet long speares, round shieldes, head-peeces, and glistering cuiraces. Oh, seeke not to defile thy handes in thy brothers bloud. Forgiue thine enemie, euen as GOD forgi∣ueth thee. Hearken (I pray thee) what the Apostle sayth,* 1.266 If it bee possi∣ble, as much as in you is, haue peace with all men. And againe,c 1.267 Let the peace of GOD rule in your hearts, to the which ye are cal∣led all in one body.

Finally, to end this discourse, and therewithall my booke, I conuert my speech vnto thee, O Lord of Hostes,

humbly from the bottome of my heart desiring thee to saue vs from the furie of our enemies, and to sende vs peace in Christ Iesus, to whom with thee and the holy ghost, for this which I haue writ∣ten, and for all other benefites re∣ceiued, I yeelde all praise, ho∣nour, and glorie. Amen.

If I haue done wel, & as the mat∣ter required,* 1.268 it is the thing that I would: if I haue spoken slenderly and barely, it is that I could.

FINIS.

Notes

• n 1.1

  Arist. li. 1. Politic cap. 2.
• r 1.2

  Accursi∣us ad l. 7. C. de Procurat.
• r 1.3

  Apo. 16.
• a 1.4

  Li. 6. de militari. Roman. disciplin.
• * 1.5

  Li. 2. de Repub. cap. 1.
• x 1.6

  Li. 4. Policit.
• r 1.7

  Arist. li. 1. Mete∣••rolog.
• n 1.8

  Isocrat. in oratiō. ad Nico.
• i 1.9

  Arist. li. 12. met∣aphys.
• r 1.10

  Iustin. ex lib. 1. Trog. Pompe.
• * 1.11

  Ari. li. 3 Topicor. cap. 1.
• n 1.12

  Plato. lib. 1. de. leg.
• * 1.13

  Math. 10.
• r 1.14

  Ibidem.
• n 1.15

  1. Pet. 2.
• i 1.16

  Math. cap. vlt.
• s 1.17

  Exo. 3. Deut. 31.
• s 1.18

  Rom. 13. Ibid.
• * 1.19

  Exod. 23.
• h 1.20

  Lipsius lib. 2. Po∣liticor. cap. 4.
• a 1.21

  Tacitus lib. 2. Histor.
• s 1.22

  Curtius lib. 4. histor.
• z 1.23

  Boetius lib. 3. de consola∣tion. phi∣losoph. metr. 5.
• s 1.24

  Plutar. lib. de Repub.
• i 1.25

  Smith. lib. 1. de Repub. Anglicā. cap. 9.
• * 1.26

  Plato li. 34. de legumlat.
• s 1.27

  Nouell 21. de Armen.
• n 1.28

  Iustiniā. in Nouel. 18. cap. 4. § ne∣que illo de c••ter.
• * 1.29

  Galat. 3.
• * 1.30

  Aristot. li. 1. Po∣lit. ca. 3.
• * 1.31

  Senec. in Epistol.
• * 1.32

  Lipsius li. 1. Po∣lit. cap. 3.
• * 1.33

  Tacitus li. de mo∣rib. Ger∣manor.
• a 1.34

  Lib. 1. de Repu. Anglic. cap. 7.
• b 1.35

  Bartol. in tract. de tyrān.
• * 1.36

  Tacit. in vita A∣gricolae.
• * 1.37

  In Com∣ment in Satyr. 3. Pers.
• * 1.38

  Plautus
• a 1.39

  Ephes. 6. & Coloss. 3.
• b 1.40

  Ibidem.
• c 1.41

  Calu. li. 4. Instit. cap. 20.
• * 1.42

  2. part. Decret. cap. 3. §. 4.
• * 1.43

  Soto li. 5. de iu∣stitia & ••re. q. 1. artic. 3.
• * 1.44

  Dan. 2. & 4.
• * 1.45

  Aristot. lib. 4. Po∣liticor.
• a 1.46

  L. ex hoc genere ff. de iu∣stitia, & iure.
• b 1.47

  I. Sam. 8.
• * 1.48

  Persius Satyr. 5.
• a 1.49

  Guicci∣ard. lib. 2 hist.
• b 1.50

  Thucid. lib. 3. histor.
• * 1.51

  Obiectiō
• r 1.52

  Smith. li. 1. de Re∣pub. An∣glic. cap. 20.
• s 1.53

  Boetius lib. 3. de Consola∣tion. Phi∣losoph. metr. 6.
• * 1.54

  Smith. li. 2. de Re∣public. Anglic. cap. 27.
• n 1.55

  Boetius li. 3. de Cō∣sol. Philo. pros. 6.
• n 1.56

  Ari. li. 4. Ethicor.
• e 1.57

  Persius satyr. 1.
• s 1.58

  Cicero. li. 1. Offici.
• * 1.59

  Horat. li. 1. Episto. 17.
• * 1.60

  Smith. li. 1. de Re∣public.
• * 1.61

  Anglic. cap. 18.
• * 1.62

  Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 2.
• * 1.63

  Cicero in Oratio. pro Sesti. & Plato li. 6. de legib.
• * 1.64

  Smith. de Repub Anglic.
• * 1.65

  Ari. li. 5 Polit. ca. 3.
• r 1.66

  Rhodigi∣nus li. 10 lection. antiquer. cap. 5.
• a 1.67

  Beza in Caluin. vita.
• r 1.68

  L. in Ec∣clesiis. 11 de Epis. & cleri∣cis C. sta∣tuerunt.
• x 1.69

  Cap. bo∣nae. 4. §. intel∣leximus, de postu∣lation. praelat.
• x 1.70

  Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 7.
• a 1.71

  Smith. 1. de Re∣public. Anglic.
• * 1.72

  Xenoph. in oecono∣mic.
• c 1.73

  Persius satyr. 1.
• h 1.74

  Horatius Epod. 2. & Cicer. desenect.
• * 1.75

  Morus lib. 1. V∣topi.
• * 1.76

  Iob 20.
• a 1.77

  Mat. 11
• b 1.78

  Mat. 22
• * 1.79

  Cassiod. lib. 8 E¦pistol. 18
• * 1.80

  Aristot. li. 3. Po∣lit. ca. 8.
• * 1.81

  Smith. lib. 2. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 2.
• * 1.82

  Cuiaci∣us in Pa∣ratit. ff. de extra∣ord. cri∣minib.
• * 1.83

  L. ••mne. C. ad leg. Iuli. repe∣tund. & l. 1. ff. ad leg. Corn. de sicar.
• * 1.84

  Iul. Paul. li. 5. sen∣tent. tit. 25. apud Cuiaciū.
• * 1.85

  Sotus li. 3. de iu∣stitia & iure.
• * 1.86

  Ezech. 22.
• * 1.87

  Comi∣naeus lib. cap. 13.
• * 1.88

  Esa. 33
• b 1.89

  Exo. 23 Deut. 16 & Eccl. 20.
• * 1.90

  Lib. 6. Decretal. tit. 3. ca. 11.
• * 1.91

  Cic. lib. 5. ad At∣ticum, E∣pist. 10. & 16.
• * 1.92

  Plutar••. de Iside.
• * 1.93

  Plato li. 6. de le∣gib.
• h 1.94

  Cōminae. lib. 5.
• n 1.95

  Cicero li. 3. de Di∣uinati.
• * 1.96

  Persius satyr. 3.
• s 1.97

  Persius ibid.
• * 1.98

  Persius ibid.
• z 1.99

  Arist. lib. 8. Politi∣cor. cap. 3 & 4.
• s 1.100

  Plato Di∣alog. 7 de legib.
• s 1.101

  Dan. 9.
• * 1.102

  Mat. 24
• * 1.103

  Luk. 21.
• * 1.104

  Mar. 13
• e 1.105

  In sin. satyr. 1.
• * 1.106

  Prou. 13.
• c 1.107

  Xenoph. ••i. 1 Paedi.
• * 1.108

  Lib. 9. & 19. ff. tit. 2.
• * 1.109

  Eccle. 30
• n 1.110

  Seneca in Thyest.
• a 1.111

  Cassiod. lib. 9. E∣pist. 21.
• x 1.112

  L. medi∣cos. §. C. de profeso soribus & medi∣cis.
• a 1.113

  In cap. de magi. li. 5. tit. 5
• n 1.114

  Concil. Trident. sessio. 5. dere∣form. c. 1 & sessio. 23. de reforma. c. 18.
• x 1.115

  Baldus ad leg. 1. de suf∣frag.
• h 1.116

  Ari. li. 8 Politic. cap. 1. Xenoph. li. 1. Paed. & Quin∣tiliā. li.
• * 1.117

  2. cap. 1.
• ast; 1.118

  Diodor. Sicul. lib. 12. ca. 4
• * 1.119

  Arist. lib. 8. Po∣lit. ca. 3.
• * 1.120

  Quin∣til. lib. 1. Institut. Oratori.
• * 1.121

  Iohan. Grāma∣tic. lib. 1. Prior. Analyt.
• a 1.122

  Arist. li. 1. Topic. cap. 2.
• b 1.123

  Gell. lib. 16. ca. 8
• c 1.124

  Iambli∣chus E∣pistol. ad Dexip∣pum.
• a 1.125

  L. fin. §. mixta muner. ff. de mune∣ribus & honorib.
• b 1.126

  Zaba∣rella li. 1. de natu∣ra logic. cap. 13.
• * 1.127

  De qui∣bus Ari∣sto. in prae∣dicamēt.
• a 1.128

  De qui∣bus Ari∣sto. in lib. de Inter∣pret. Pri∣or. Ana∣lyt. Poste∣rior. To∣pic. & E∣lench.
• * 1.129

  Morus lib. 2. Vtop.
• a 1.130

  Arist. lib. 7. Rhetoric. cap. 1. & 2.
• b 1.131

  Aristo∣ph. in Ra••∣nis.
• c 1.132

  Aeschy∣lus in Prometh.
• * 1.133

  1. Cor. 2
• * 1.134

  Ibid.
• * 1.135

  Exod. 4
• * 1.136

  Martia. lib. 1. E∣pigram.
• * 1.137

  L. 1. & 2. C. de formulis & impe∣trationis bus acti∣onū sub∣latis.
• * 1.138

  l. fin. C. de dona∣tionibus.
• * 1.139

  Exod. 1
• * 1.140

  Exo. 15
• a 1.141

  Iudic. cap. 5.
• b 1.142

  Cic. lib. 1. de Le∣gibus.
• * 1.143

  Hor. de Arte poetica.
• a 1.144

  1. Sam. 9.
• b 1.145

  Aristot. li. 3. Rhe∣toric.
• c 1.146

  Zabar. lib. 2. de natur. lo∣gic.
• * 1.147

  Lactan∣tius.
• * 1.148

  Psa. 80
• a 1.149

  Zabar. lib. 2. de natur. Lo∣gic. cap. 19.
• b 1.150

  Osor. li. 1. Ciuilis nobilitat.
• * 1.151

  Sydn••i. in Apol. Poet.
• n 1.152

  August. lib. 3. de Doctrin. Christiā. cap. 12.
• i 1.153

  Oui. li. 2 de tristib. Elegi. 1.
• * 1.154

  Ibid.
• * 1.155

  Cicero li. 3. de O∣ratore.
• c 1.156

  Arist. li. 2. meta∣phys. text 3.
• * 1.157

  Clemens Alexan∣drinus. li. 2. stro∣mat.
• r 1.158

  Ari. in initio lib. 1. de coe∣lo.
• a 1.159

  Zaba∣rel. lib. de Constitu∣tione na∣turalis scientiae. cap. 6.
• x 1.160

  Pereri∣us lib. 2. Physic. cap. 7.
• n 1.161

  Piccolo∣minaeus in intro∣duct. ad 10. gra∣dus Ciui∣lis Philo∣sophiae. cap. 7.
• i 1.162

  In Com∣mentar. in satyr. 5. Persi.
• s 1.163

  Plinius in initi. li. 30.
• r 1.164

  Exod. 7.
• i 1.165

  Exo. 22 Leuit. 19 Deut. 18
• s 1.166

  Tacitus li. 1. An∣nal. Vlpi∣anus lib. 7. de Of∣fic. pro∣cons. tit. de ma∣thematic. & Serut∣us in lib. 4. Encid. ac Canō. 1. caus. 24. q. 5. & can. 17. caus. 6. q. 1.
• c 1.167

  Leuit. 20.
• n 1.168

  Exo. 22.
• r 1.169

  L. 1. § medicorū ss••de va∣riis & ex∣tra••rd. cognition.
• * 1.170

  Clemens Alexan∣drinus li. 1. Paedag. cap. 2. Eccless. 38.
• * 1.171

  L. Institut. tit, de Iust. & iure. §. Iurispru∣dentia.
• a 1.172

  L. Iustitu. tit. de iu∣re. Natu. Gent. & Ciuil. §. ius natur.
• * 1.173

  Plato li. 7. de ••••∣gibus,
• * 1.174

  Arist. lib. 2. Po∣litic. ca. 6
• * 1.175

  Plato li. 1. de Le∣gibus.
• * 1.176

  Arist. lib. 1. E∣thic. ca. 3
• * 1.177

  Aristot, lib. 11. Metaph. cap. 1.
• * 1.178

  Sen. in Epist. 84
• * 1.179

  Matt.
• * 1.180

  3. Reg. 18.
• * 1.181

  Luc. 11
• b 1.182

  Esa. 42
• e 1.183

  Matt. 4.
• h 1.184

  Decret. Part. 1. lib. 6. tit. 6. de E∣lectione.
• i 1.185

  Socrat. li. 5. Ec∣cles. Hi∣stor. c. 10
• * 1.186

  Act. 8.
• * 1.187

  Ibid.
• * 1.188

  Mat. 10
• * 1.189

  13. q. 2 Can. que••sta est no∣bis. & cap. abo••lendae de sepult.
• * 1.190

  Sotus li. 9. q. 8. art. 1. & Nauarr. in manu••al. ca. 7.
• * 1.191

  Tacitus lib. 13. Annal.
• * 1.192

  l. q. 1. ca. Quis∣quis.
• * 1.193

  Valer. Maxim, lib. 1.
• * 1.194

  Ouid. li. 10. Me∣tamorph.
• * 1.195

  Dan. 2.
• * 1.196

  Anno 1500.
• * 1.197

  Anno 1506.
• * 1.198

  Anno 1514.
• * 1.199

  Anno 1518.
• * 1.200

  Anno 1527.
• * 1.201

  Anno 1533.
• * 1.202

  Anno 1539.
• * 1.203

  Anno 1544.
• * 1.204

  Anno 1557.
• * 1.205

  Anno 1572.
• * 1.206

  Anno 1581.
• * 1.207

  Anno 1583.
• * 1.208

  Anno 1596.
• * 1.209

  Anno 1598.
• a 1.210

  Esay. 2.
• i 1.211

  Micha. 4.
• x 1.212

  Ouid. lib. 1. Meta∣morph.
• a 1.213

  Arist. li. 5. Politic. cap. 1.
• * 1.214

  Valerius Maxim. lib. 9. ca. 6.
• x 1.215

  Prou. 6.
• z 1.216

  Gen. 3
• r 1.217

  Moru•• li. 2. Vtop.
• r 1.218

  Cypriā. lib. de A∣lea.
• x 1.219

  Exo. 20
• i 1.220

  August. in Epist. 64. ad Maced.
• * 1.221

  Ambros. lib. 1. Of∣fici. cap. 23.
• * 1.222

  Chrysost. homil. 6. in Matth. P. Marty. Commēt. in Iudic. cap. 14. & Danae∣us lib. de Alea.
• * 1.223

  Coloss. 4.
• * 1.224

  Iuuenal. satyr. 14.
• a 1.225

  C. lib. 3. tit. 43. L. Alear. v∣sus. &c. ff. 11. tit. 5.
• s 1.226

  Paedian. in. lib. 2. Diuinat. Ciceron.
• x 1.227

  Cicero Philip. 2. Sueton. cap. 71.
• c 1.228

  In Com∣mētar. in satyr. 3. & 5.
• * 1.229

  Plautus in Most∣ellar.
• a 1.230

  Persius in fin. satyr. 5.
• r 1.231

  Mat. 25.
• * 1.232

  Aristot. li. 5. Po∣lit. cap. 8
• * 1.233

  Tacitus lib. 4. Histor.
• * 1.234

  Caluin. lib. 4. In∣stit. c. 20
• * 1.235

  Mat. 22
• * 1.236

  Rom. 31
• * 1.237

  Cic. ad Brutū.
• * 1.238

  Comi•• naeus li. 1 cap. 9.
• * 1.239

  Lipsius li. 6. Polit. cap. vle.
• * 1.240

  Iustinian. in Prole∣gomen. Institut.
• * 1.241

  Gen. 10
• * 1.242

  Leuitic. 26.
• a 1.243

  Deu. 20
• b 1.244

  2. Paral. 20.
• c 1.245

  Exo. 15
• e 1.246

  Luc. 3.
• h 1.247

  Act. 10
• i 1.248

  Rom. 13
• l 1.249

  Cic. pro Milon.
• a 1.250

  Liuius lib. 9.
• b 1.251

  Ambr. li. 3. Of∣fic.
• c 1.252

  Caluin. lib. 4. In∣stitut, ca. 20.
• * 1.253

  2. Sam. 10.
• a 1.254

  Lipsius lib. 5. Po•• lit. cap. 6.
• b 1.255

  Demo∣••th••••. lib. 1. Olynt.
• * 1.256

  Vegetius lib. 3. de remilit. cap. 26.
• * 1.257

  Xenoph. li. 1. Pae∣dt. Cyr.
• * 1.258

  Luc. 14
• * 1.259

  Iosu. 10
• * 1.260

  Cic. pro lege Ma∣nili.
• * 1.261

  Silius I∣talicus lib. 1.
• h 1.262

  Cicero. lib. 2. de Orator.
• r 1.263

  Seneca in Hercule fureate.
• z 1.264

  Aeliā. li. de natur. animal. cap. 3.
• x 1.265

  Homer. lib. 3. I∣li••d.
• * 1.266

  Rom. 12.
• c 1.267

  Colos. 3.
• * 1.268

  2. Macc. 15.