The Spanish Mandeuile of miracles. Or The garden of curious flowers VVherin are handled sundry points of humanity, philosophy, diuinitie, and geography, beautified with many strange and pleasant histories. First written in Spanish, by Anthonio De Torquemeda, and out of that tongue translated into English. It was dedicated by the author, to the right honourable and reuerent prelate, Don Diego Sarmento de soto Maior, Bishop of Astorga. &c. It is deuided into sixe treatises, composed in manner of a dialogue, as in the next page shall appeare.

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Title
The Spanish Mandeuile of miracles. Or The garden of curious flowers VVherin are handled sundry points of humanity, philosophy, diuinitie, and geography, beautified with many strange and pleasant histories. First written in Spanish, by Anthonio De Torquemeda, and out of that tongue translated into English. It was dedicated by the author, to the right honourable and reuerent prelate, Don Diego Sarmento de soto Maior, Bishop of Astorga. &c. It is deuided into sixe treatises, composed in manner of a dialogue, as in the next page shall appeare.
Author
Torquemada, Antonio de, fl. 1553-1570.
Publication
At London :: Printed by I[ames] R[oberts] for Edmund Matts, and are to be solde at his shop, at the signe of the hand and Plow in Fleet-streete,
1600.
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Subject terms
Curiosities and wonders -- Early works to 1900.
Historical geography -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A13830.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The Spanish Mandeuile of miracles. Or The garden of curious flowers VVherin are handled sundry points of humanity, philosophy, diuinitie, and geography, beautified with many strange and pleasant histories. First written in Spanish, by Anthonio De Torquemeda, and out of that tongue translated into English. It was dedicated by the author, to the right honourable and reuerent prelate, Don Diego Sarmento de soto Maior, Bishop of Astorga. &c. It is deuided into sixe treatises, composed in manner of a dialogue, as in the next page shall appeare." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A13830.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 11, 2025.

Pages

Page 91

The fourth Discourse, in which is contayned, what Chaunce, Fortune, & Deste∣nie is, and the difference betweene them, withall, what lucke, felicity, and happines, doth signifie with their contraries; and what the influences of the heauenly bo∣dies import, and whether they are the causes of diuers mis∣chaunces that happen in the world: touching besides, manie other learned and curi∣ous poynts. (Book 4)

* Interlocutores. ANTHONIO. LVDOVICO. BERNARDO,
LV.

I Could neuer haue wished to haue come in a better time then now, seeing I finde the company together, which I so much desired, especially in this place and Gar∣den of Signior Bernardos, which contai∣neth so great a variety of pleasant Plants, Flowers, Hearbs, and other things worthy of admiration, that though we goe not this day out into the fields, we may find heere sufficient to re∣create and delight our selues.

AN.

I was saying the same, euen as you entred, and in truth the contemplation of so rare a diuersity of many beautifull things, placed in so due and ex∣cellent order, within so small a plot and compasse of ground, may leade vs to the contemplation of him which is the giuer of all beauty, and stirre in vs a zeale and desire to be thankfull for his gifts.

BER.

The greatest excellencie of my Garden, is this commendation which it hath pleased you to giue it, o∣therwise hauing in it no particuler matter, woorthy of such praise, for I am altogether vncurious, hauing onely endeuou∣red to place in it hearbs necessary and wholsome, and flowers that haue some pleasing freshnes & gaynesse of colour, wher∣with to recreate the sight, amongst which, somtimes when I am solitary, I vse to solace my selfe in entertaining time, which to the ende that at this present, we may the more commodi∣ously passe ouer: Let vs sitte downe in this seate, vnder this Arke of Iassemin, whose shadow will keepe vs from being en∣combred

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with the Sunne, for though the weather be tempe∣rate, yet it is good to auoide inconueniences.

AN.

It plea∣seth me well to follow your aduise, for though the heate ge∣nerally be comfortable vnto the body of man, yet the excesse thereof causeth great infirmities and diseases, as daily experi∣ence teacheth vs.

LU.

Seeing wee are nowe so at leasure, I pray you let vs knowe what the matter was betweene you and the Lycentiat Sorya, this morning, in comming out of the Church, I would gladly haue drawne neere to haue heard your difference, but I was deteined in talke by a Gentleman of my acquaintance, about a matter of som importance: If it be true which I haue heard say, the Licentiat presumeth much and vnderstandeth little.

AN.

He should loose nothing thereby, if he did vn∣derstand somewhat more, then he doth, yet in his owne con∣ceite, he imagineth, that he knoweth more then all the world besides, though truly he made little shew thereof, in the mat∣ter of which wee reasoned to day, concerning Fortune and Chaunce: I beleeue he had newly read the Chapter that Pe∣dro Mexias maketh thereof, in his Forrest of Collections, for he could say it all by roate, hee was so obstinate in affirming that there was no Fortune, but onely God, that hee would neyther heare reason, nor speake reason, nor vnderstand any thing that was sayd vnto him.

BER.

This is a matter that I haue long desired to vnderstand, for in all discourses, almost at euery word wee heare Fortune, Chaunce, good Lucke, ill Lucke, Hap, Mishap, and Desteny named, and when I sette my selfe to thinke what the effect of these wordes meaneth, I conceaue it not, but the farther I wade therein, the farther I finde my selfe in confusion.

AN.

The vnderstanding of these wordes is somewhat difficill, yet not so much as you make it, for they were not inuented without cause, or with∣out contayning vnder them a signification, which oftentimes is manifested vnto vs, by the effect and sequell of such ad∣uentures and chaunces as doe happen vnto vs.

LU.

It were not amisse in my opinion, seeing wee haue happened on a matter so subtile and disputable, if we endeuoured to vnder∣stand what might be sayde as concerning it; for wee cannot

Page 92

passe the conuersation of this euening in a matter more plea∣sant, or more necessary to be knowne then this: and there∣fore, sir, you cannot excuse your selfe to take the paines to sa∣tisfie vs in this, of which we are so ignorant, and contayneth therein so many doubts.

AN.

Though in respect of my small vnderstanding, I might iustly excuse my selfe, yet I will not refuse to satisfie you in this or any thing else, whereto my knowledge and ca∣pacity extendeth, on condition that you will not binde me any farther, or expect more at my handes: If I shall erre in any thing, lette it remaine onely amongst our selues, as in our former conuersations it hath doone, for this matter be∣ing so farre from my profession, I feare mee, I shall not bee able to say all that vvere necessarie and behoouefull for the good vnderstanding thereof.

BER.

Greater should bee our error, in leauing to reape the fruite of your learned con∣uersation, and therefore without losing any more time, I pray you deferre it no farther.

AN.

Well, to obey you then I will begin, according to the common order, with the definiti∣on of Fortune: which Aristotle writing in his second booke De Phisicis, Cap. 6. sayeth in this sort. It is a thing manifest, * 1.1 that Fortune is an accidentall cause in those things, which for some purpose are done to some end.

Vppon the woordes of this Definition, all the Phylo∣sophers that haue vvrytten Glosses vppon Aristotle, doe spende much time and many reasons, vvith great alterati∣ons and argumentes, the vvhich differing one from an o∣ther, I vvill forbeare to recite, least vvith the rehearsall of them, I shoulde confounde your vnderstanding, and be∣ginne an endlesse matter. I vvill therefore, onely say that, vvhich in my opinion, I iudge fittest for the purpose, and most materiall to satisfie your desire: for your better vn∣derstanding, I vvill therefore beginne vvith that vvhich in Humanitie is helde and vvritten, as concerning Fortune, and then vvhat in Phylosophie is thought thereof: and last∣lie, vvhat vvee that are Christians ought to thinke and e∣steeme in true Diuinitie in deede. Touching the first of the Gentiles, as they erred the groslyest that might be, without all

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reason and sence in all things concerning their Gods, so with∣out * 1.2 any foundation or ground, faigned they Fortune to be a Goddesse, dominating and hauing power ouer all things, as writeth Boetius, in his first booke of Consolation, so that as well in Rome as in other places, they builded and dedicated vnto her temples, in which she was worshipped and adored, of the which, and of the founders of them, many Authors make mention, as Titus Liuius, Pliny, Dionisius Halycarna∣seus, Plutarch, and Seneca. The Praenestins, a people of I∣taly, held and adored her for the chiefest Goddesse and Pro∣tectresse of their Common-wealth: but omitting this, as not making much to the purpose, I will tell you the diuers sorts and manners where-with they figured her forth in their tem∣ples: Some paynted her like a franticke vvoman, standing with both her feete vppon a rounde ball: others with great * 1.3 wings and no feete, giuing thereby to vnderstand, that shee neuer stoode firme: others fashioned her with a head tou∣ching the cloudes, and a Scepter in her hand, as though shee vniuersally gouerned all things in the world: Others sette in her hand Cornucopia, or the horne of aboundance, shewing thereby that from her we receaue all, both our good and euil: Some made her of glasse, because it is a mettall so easily cra∣zed and broken; but the most vsuall manner of painting her, was with a wheele in her hand, continually turning the same vp & downe, her eyes being blindfolded and mufled: wher∣by it might appeare, that hee which was in the height of all prosperity, with one turne of the wheele, might easily come vnder and be cast downe; and likewise those vnderneath, and of base estate, might easily be mounted vp into higher degree: Others thought it good to picture her like a man, and there∣fore made vnto him a particuler temple.

Diuers also paynted her sayling by Sea vpon the backe of a great fish, carrying the one end of a sayle puffed with a full winde in her hand, and the other vnder her feet, deciphering as it were thereby the fickle and dangerous estate of Saylers & seafarers; and hence as I take it, proceedeth that common phrase of speech, that when any man hath passed great tem∣pest and danger by sea, we say, Corrio fortuna, as though For∣tune

Page 93

had medled with the matter. Besides these, they deuised * 1.4 and figured her forth in many other shapes, with a thousand rediculous toyes and imaginations, the cause of which diuer∣sitie of formes attributed vnto her, was because shee vvas a thing onely imagined, and not knowne in the world, as vvas Ceres, Pallas, Venus, Diana, and their other Goddesses, so that they described her by gesse & imagination, according to the conceits & inuentions of their own fancies, some of which were passing grosse, ridiculous, and absurd.

LU.

I haue not seene any picture of Fortune that pleaseth mee better, then that in a table of your inuention, where you paynt her vvith the wheele of which you spake, in her hand, holding her eyes betweene open and shut, with a most strange and vncertaine aspect, placing vnder her feete Iustice and Reason, wearied and oppressed, in poore, ragged, and contemptible habites, lamenting in sorrowful gesture the iniury they receaue in be∣ing held in such captiuity & slauery: on the one side of For∣tune standeth Pleasure, and on the other Freewill, both bee∣ing pompously attired with rich and beautifull ornaments, each of them holding in her hand a sharpe Arming-sworde, seeming with angry gesture, to threaten them some great mischiefe, if they ceased not their complaints. I leaue the o∣ther particularities thereof, but it appeareth well that her ef∣fects are better knowne vnto you, then they were to diuers of those Auncients.

AN.

That liberty which they had in their imagination may I also haue to describe her properties and conditions, seeing she obserueth neither Reason nor Iustice in her actions, but oppresseth and banisheth them in a man∣ner out of the world, gouerning herselfe by her owne will & pleasure, without order or agreement, as Tully writeth in his booke of Diuination. There is nothing sayth he, so contrary to Reason & Constancie, as Fortune: and therefore the An∣cients termed her by so sundry Names, calling her blind, fran∣ticke, variable, vnconstant, cruell, changeable, traytresse, opi∣niatre, without iudgement, besides infinite other foule Epi∣thetes and ignominious names, alwaies accusing and con∣demning her as vvicked, light, inconstant, mutable, and in∣considerate.

Page [unnumbered]

BER.

This was a gentle Goddesse that would suffer her selfe to be so handled of mortall men, because shee did not whatsoeuer they desired, conforming herselfe wholy to their inclinations, humours, and appetites. They might by thys haue perceiued, that her power was not so great as that which was attributed vnto her.

AN.

When theyr affaires succee∣ded prosperously, then they praysed and adored her vvith great honours and thanksgiuings, and endeuoured to please her with great and sumptuous sacrifices: and so, as I sayd, they builded vnto her temples with sundry names and titles, accor∣ding to their good & ill successes, of which though the grea∣ter * 1.5 part was for the prosperous euent of theyr doings, yet di∣uers also were founded and entitled of euill and aduerse for∣tune, in which shee was worshipped with no lesse reuerence then in the others, especially of those which feared aduersitie or tribulation growing towards them, verily perswading thē∣selues, that the same proceeded frō her, and therfore through sacrifice and humble prayers, they endeuoured to appease, her, to the end she might alter & change her determination.

LV.

In this manner they made two seuerall Goddesses of prosperous and aduerse fortune, for otherwise, in allovving her to be but one, how being good could she be euill, or how being euill could shee be good? For that should be expreslie contrary to the opinion of all the old Philosophers, who held that the Gods were Gods through theyr vertue and good∣nesse, as Tully in his nature of the Gods, diuine Plato, and all the rest of the graue and learned sort.

BER.

They dyd in this, as diuers Gentils doe now adayes in sundry parts and prouinces of India Maior, who as you Signior Anthonio in our discourse three dayes since told vs, thought they know the deuill to be the worst and wickedst thing that euer was fra∣med by the hand of God, yet doe they make vnto him tem∣ples, adoring him with great deuotion and solemne sacrifice: being asked why they doe so, they aunswer, that therby they hope to please, win, and content him, to the end hee should not hurt or anoy them.

LU.

This is like that of the old wo∣man, which setting candles before all the Images in the church, set one also before the deuill which S. Bartholmewe

Page 94

held bound, and beeing asked why shee did so, she aunsvve∣red, because the Saints shoulde helpe her, and the deuill not hurt her.

AN.

Her meaning perchaunce was good and simple, deceaued onely through ignorance: but returning to our purpose, the Gentiles helde and worshipped good and euill Fortune, as the onely Goddesse and giuer of all good & euill, of all aduersity and prosperitie, of all successes, as vvell fortunate as vnfortunate, of riches, pouertie, glory and mise∣rie, and they esteemed of her, and named her according to the good and euill effects which she wrought, and finally, e∣uery one spake of her, according to the benefits and doma∣ges receaued from her hand. Of the one she was loued, and of the other feared. Emperours, Kinges, and Princes, helde her picture in theyr secrete chambers and withdrawing pla∣ces, recommending themselues and theyr affayres vnto her, hoping thereby that all things should betide them according to theyr owne will and desire: and lastly, as Pliny sayth, to onely Fortune gaue they thanks for all such benefites as they receaued, and onely Fortune was she that was blamed and of whom they complained, if any aduerse chaunce, miserie, or vexation hapned vnto thē.

LV.

I would faine aske of these Gentils how they knew, or wherby they had notice, that For∣tune was a Goddesse & not a God, and wherfore they pain∣ted her in that sexe, hauing neuer seene her, neyther yet vn∣derstood any assured certaintie of her.

AN.

I verily think that none of them could yeeld hereof any reason, but that frō the beginning of their Paganisme, when they assumpted her into the nūber of their Gods, they imagined her according to her name, to be of the feminine sex, & perchance also as Ga∣len saith, they painted her in this sort, the better to signifie her inconstancie, neither was the subtilty of the deuil wanting to confirme the foolish people in their conceaued opinion, for entring into the statues & idols of fortune, he gaue out of thē oftentimes his answers. Yet the greatest part of Philosophers did not account Fortune to be a Goddesse, but wrote verie differently of her, as Aristotle did in this definition which you haue heard; wherfore, sith we haue hetherto entreated of the vaine & erronious opinion of the old Gentils, & the grossnes

Page [unnumbered]

where-with the common people suffered themselues to be a∣bused: Let vs now see what the Philosophers thought there∣of: first, Aristotle, whom in this matter we will chiefely fol∣low, termeth Fortune to be an accidentall cause, differencing her from naturall & essentiall causes, which worketh in those things that are done with some purpose, and to some effect.

BER.

This definition is to me so obscure, that I vnderstand now as little thereof, as I did before you told it.

AN.

Haue patience and you shall vnderstand it better: First therfore for * 1.6 better declaration thereof, you must know that there is great difference betweene Fortune and Chaunce, for Chaunce is ampler and containeth more then Fortune doth, for all that is Fortune may bee called Chaunce, but all that is Chaunce may not be called Fortune, as according to the fore-said defi∣nition it followeth, that if Fortune must be in those thinges which are done for some purpose and to some end, they must needes be done with some vnderstanding, which beeing so, then there can be no Fortune in those things which want vn∣derstanding: so that whatsoeuer betideth to Creatures vnrea∣sonable and things sencelesse, cannot be termed Fortune, but Chaunce, for Fortune is only to be vnderstood in things per∣tayning vnto men, whence it commeth, that when we see any man in great prosperity, we say, that Fortune was fauorable vn∣to him, the which we say not of any sencelesse or vnreasona∣ble Creature: but rather that such a thing chanced, or that by Chaunce such a thing was done, the which very fame word, as I said, may be also applied vnto men, and the definition of Chaunce may be the very same which we said of Fortune, ta∣king only that clause away, for some purpose or to some end, and therfore we will say thus. Chaunce is an accidentall cause which worketh in things: for seeing this words purpose and * 1.7 end cannot be but in the vnderstanding, it is manifest that the definition of Chaunce is more generall then that of Fortune, because it comprehendeth all thinges that want vnderstan∣ding, which to the ende you may the better conceaue, I will vse some examples for the plainer and more euident demon∣stration thereof. If a man should goe from hence to Rome, with purpose and intention to prouide himselfe of some ho∣nest

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estate or office whereby to liue, and in comming thither, the Pope giueth him a Bishoprick or a Deanry, we may say that he had good Fortune, considering that his meaning on∣ly extended to the attaining of some meane office, sufficient for his maintenance, & contrary to his expectation, the Pope made him some Cardinall or great Prelate, so that wee may very well terme him Fortunate: the like may be said of one, that going with Horses or Oxen to tyl a peece of ground, tur∣neth vp a stone by Chaunce, vnder which he findeth hidden some great treasure, and there-with enricheth himselfe. This mans intention and purpose, was to tyll that ground, and not to seeke for any treasure, in finding of which, we may say, that he was fauoured of Fortune: But because the examples of such thinges as haue truly indeede passed, may be better vn∣derstoode, we may say, that the Emperour Claudius was very fortunate, because Caligula being slaine, and hee also fearing to be killed, in that fury and vprore of the people, for that he was his neere kindsman; as hee peeped out of a corner of the house, wherein he lay hidden, to see how the world went, was espied of a Souldiour, who knowing him, and running to∣wards him, Claudius cast himselfe downe at his feete, humbly beseeching him to saue his life: in which his miserable despe∣ration, * 1.8 the Souldiour bad him be of good courage and voide of feare, saluting him by the name of Emperour, and present∣ly being brought foorth before the other Souldiours, he was established and confirmed in his Predicessours roome, so that heerein was Fortune fauourable vnto him, for his peeping out of the corner wherein he lurked, quaking for feare, vvas with purpose to discouer if the coast were cleare, and to saue his life; & it happened thereby accidentally vnto him, that he was chosen and elected Emperour. The like may be vnder∣stood in matters of aduersity; as if one goe to the Court with purpose to serue the King, and by his seruice to obtaine such fauour at his hands, that he may thereby come to be rewarded with some rich estate or dignity, and it falleth out so vnhap∣pily with him, that hee come in a quarrell to kill a man, and thereby to loose all his substance; wee may say that Fortune was aduerse and contrary vnto him; or if a man walking wih

Page [unnumbered]

his friend in the streete, a tyle fall from the house and breake his head; hee may iustly say that his Fortune was ill, for both the one and the other happened by accident, and not accor∣ding to the purpose and meaning which they had. And if you would haue an example contrary to this former, see but what happened to Caligula, the Predicessour of Claudius, who going out of his house to solace himselfe in the Towne, * 1.9 and to see certaine youthfull tryumphs and pastimes of yong Gentlemen of Rome, was murdered by some that had con∣spired his death. The purpose hee had was to recreate him∣selfe, and to see those pastimes, or rather as Suetonius Tran∣quillus sayeth, to digest his last nights supper, hauing his sto∣macke somwhat ouercharged, and it happened accidentallie vnto him, when he thought least thereof, that he was slaine; so that his Fortune may well be termed aduerse and contrary. These matters also we may in generall call Chaunce, because they chaunced without any such purpose, meaning or inten∣tion, and likewise Fortune, because they happened to men, hauing reason & vnderstanding to make choise of one thing from another: but if a Grayhound running after a Hare, or any other Beast coursing vp and downe the fieldes, should strike his foote vpon a thorne, and become lame, this cannot be properly called Fortune, but Chaunce.

LU.

Afore you passe any farther, I would faine know why you say, that these accidents are not to be termed Fortune in vnreasonable Cre∣atures, grounding your selfe therein, because they haue not reason or vnderstanding, to make election of one thing from another, seeing in many Beasts wee see by experience many times the contrary: as for example, the Grayhound in seeing the Hare, hath vnderstanding to follow her, and meaning to catch her; and I haue seene some, that if theyr Maisters bee not present, carry them vp and downe in theyr mouthes till they finde him: besides, the setting dogge, when he seeth the Patriches, standeth still; and some make a signe to their Mai∣sters with theyr foote, to the ende that hee should shoote at them, which they could neuer doe, vnlesse they had an vn∣derstanding and purpose to haue those Patriches killed: Be∣sides, what shall we say of those thinges which the Elephant

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doth, vnderstanding, obeying, and executing those thinges which his Gouernour commaundeth him. Marke also well the prankes and dooings of Apes, and you shall finde in them so strange an imitation of man, that they seeme by signes to manifest that they want nothing but speech: and therefore me thinks that the definition of Fortune, of which you spake, may as well be applied to these Beastes, as that of Chaunce, seeing they haue such vse of vnderstanding.

AN.

I confesse all that which you haue sayde to bee true, marry that which is in these Beasts, is not, nor may not be called reason or vnderstanding, but an instinct of Nature, which moueth and leadeth them to doe that which they doe: for all Beasts are not created for one effect, but as their effects are diuers, so are also their conditions and instincts, hauing * 1.10 causes that carry with them perpetually a certaine limitted or∣der & agreement; and this opinion is by all the Philosophers confirmed, particulerly Aristotle in his third booke De Ani∣ma, and all those that glosse vpon his text, affirmeth that the brute Beastes are led and guided by a naturall instinction and appetite, without hauing any reason or vnderstanding at all in those things which they doe.

LV.

Your aunswer hath not so satisfied me, but that I remaine as yet in some part doubt∣full: for howe can it be that the Elephant should so behaue himselfe in battaile, fighting and carrying a Tower of Armed men vpon his backe, wholy ruling and directing himselfe by his commaunders voyce, vnlesse he were endued with vnder∣standing, for the commaundement is no sooner out of his Gouernors mouth, but he presently executeth the same. Be∣sides, we see that Beares in many things which they doe seeme not to be without the vse of vnderstanding: they wrestle with men without hurting them, they leap & daunce conformably to the sound that is made vnto them, the experience of this we haue all seene: & I particulerly haue seene one play vpon a Flute, which though he could not distinguish the notes by * 1.11 measure, yet he made a cleare & distinct sound: but all this is nothing in respect of that which we see done by dogs. They aunswer to their names when they are called, & in all dangers they accompany & assist their Maisters: neither want they a

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kinde of pride, presumption, and disdaine, as Solinus writeth of those which are bred in the Country of Albania, who are so passing fierce and cruell, that, as he saith, two of them were * 1.12 presented by a King of that country to great Alexander, whē he passed thereby towards the conquest of India; who desi∣ring to make triall of theyr fiercenes, caused wilde Bores and Beares to be brought forth, and to be thrust into an inclosed yarde, where one of these dogs was turned loose, who neuer stirred at sight of them, but laying himselfe downe on the grounde, let them passe by quietly, so that Alexander think∣ing him to be but a fearefull and cowardly curre, caused him presently to be killed, which being vnderstood of those that had the charge to present them, they came vnto Alexander, telling him, that the dog disdained so base a conquest, as that of those beasts presented before him, for proofe wherof they desired that some fiercer beast might be brought before the other which remained, whereupon Alexander commaunded that a Lyon of exceeding cruelty shoulde be thrust in to him, which presently without any difficulty hee slew: then bring∣ing him an Elephant, he leapt and skipt, wagging his taile, & making the greatest ioy that might be, & set so fiercely vpon him, that at the first hee puld him ouer and ouer, and vvould haue kild him, but that they tooke him presently away.

King Lysimachus had also a dogge, which seeing the fire wherin his dead daughter was to be burned according to the * 1.13 custome of that time, after hauing accompanied the dead corps to the place where it was to be burnt, and seeing it throwne thereinto, cast himselfe also presently headlong into the midst therof, refusing, lothing, and despising life after the death of his Mistresse. Neither is that lesse wonderfull which hapned in Rome in the Consulship of Appius Iunius, and Publi{us} Silus, to a gentleman condemned to death for a gree∣uous crime by him committed, after whose execution, a dog which hee had nourished young, and that had borne him al∣waies companie in his imprisonment, seeing his deade bodie * 1.14 carried along the streete, followed after, with so pittifull cries and howlings, that he mooued all those which heard him to compassion: some of thē giuing him to eate, thinking therby

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to appease him, he tooke the bread and offred the same to his dead Maisters mouth, perswading him as it were to eate ther∣of, and lastly the body beeing according to the sentence of condemnation cast into the Riuer of Tyber, the dog plun∣ged himselfe into the water, and putting himselfe vnder the body, heaued it vp, and brought it to the shoare, not without exceeding wonder and admiration of all the beholders. But leauing apart these old matters, what shall wee thinke of that dogge called the little Lyon, which passed ouer with a Soul∣diour, * 1.15 when Colona began his discouery of the Occidentall Indies, who in theyr battailes accustomed to fight vvith such incredible fiercenes, that the Indians confessed theyr feare to be greater of the dogge, then of twentie Christians together: and which is more, if any Indian prisoner were broken loose and runne away, in telling the dogge thereof hee vnderstood * 1.16 presently theyr meaning, and followed after him as fast as he could by the track, neuer leauing till he had found him out, and which is strangest of all, he knewe him amongst a thou∣sand other Indians, & going directly to him, would take him by the bosom, & bring him along (if he resisted not) without hurting him at all, but if he striued to defend himselfe, do the other Indians what they could, he neuer left till he had torne him in peeces, but commonly hee found small resistance, for they were generally so terrified at his sight, that happy vvas he that had the best heeles.

BER.

Truly mee thinkes these * 1.17 thinges are such, that they could neuer be done without vn∣derstanding, for confirmation whereof, wee need not goe so farre to seeke examples, hauing had in this our towne one so notably strange as that of the Earle Don Alonsos dog, called Melchorico, which dyd many things almost vnpossible to be done of any vnreasonable creature, and scarcely credible, but that there are so many witnesses of them, so that the Earle tooke such exceeding pleasure in him, that hee would neuer suffer him to be out of his sight, giuing on his deathbed com∣maundement, that the dogge should bee well kept and nou∣rished, bequeathing to that effect a yeerely pension: but the dogge missing the Earle, after his death began to droupe in so strange and mourneful a sort, as though nothing had wan∣ted

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to expresse his extreame griefe, but only speech, & for the space of 3. dayes would neuer receaue any sustenaunce at all, till at last those of the house taking pittie of the silly dog, en∣deuoured by deceauing him, if it were possible to preserue his life. There was in the house a Iester, which counterfeited the Earle so in his speech and gesture, and resembled him so neere in fauour, that beeing attired in his apparrell, hee see∣med in a manner to be the Earle indeed: Vpon whose backe they put on a sute of apparrell which the Earle had been ac∣customed to weare, causing him therewith to enter into the Chamber, and to call the dogge by his name, and to whisle and cheere him vp as the Earle was wont to doe. The dogge beeing at the first sight deceaued, presentlie sprang vp, lea∣ping and fawning on him, making the greatest ioy that hee possibly might, and fell incontinent to his meate: but within awhile perceiuing the deceite, he returned to his former drou∣ping, refusing vtterly to eate, and continuing so a few dayes, at last died.

LU.

This is a matter verie large, & that yeeldeth manie arguments to perswade vs that there is also in other beasts some sparke of reason & vnderstanding: for what cō∣mon wealth of the world, can be better gouerned then that of the Bees, hauing one onely King their soueraigne and supe∣rior, * 1.18 whom they obey & folow, how strange is it to see the or∣der & agreement they hold, in gathering their hony & bring∣ing it to their hiues? And as Plinie writeth, there are some a∣mongst them, who serue onely for discouerers or skouts, gui∣ding the rest to those parts that are commodious for the ga∣thering of their hony. Besides, what artifice can be greater thē that which they vse in building their combs or little lodgings wherein they lay their hony, which when the cold winter com∣meth, when the flowers are faded & gone, serueth to them for for sustenance. The selfe same do the Emets, laying vp, while the somer endureth, in their caues & storehouses, prouision for * 1.19 the winter, which being for the most part corne & seeds, they knip & bite the graines in sunder, least otherwise through the moistnes of the earth, they might come to sprout and shoote forth. Neither is their art with which they stop & dresse their Cabbins, lesse exquisite, defending themselues thereby from

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the wind & water: infinit other things are written of them of which we may take example, yea & be ashamed, that we can∣not so wel gouerne & order our selues, as do those feeble and silly beastes. Let vs also marke the diligent vigilance of the Cranes, which for their security by night, while they sleepe, * 1.20 leaue by turne one alwaies waking, as their Sentinel or watch∣man, the which to auoyde sleeping, standeth vpon one foote only, lifting vp the other & holding therin a stone, the fall of which awaketh her if she should chance to sleep, so that sure∣ly in my iudgement, this warie and prouident carefulnesse of theirs to preserue themselues from such dangers as might o∣therwise at vnawares fal vpon them while they sleepe, can by no meanes be without some vse of reason or vnderstanding.

AN.

I confesse that all these things alleadged in your reply∣cation are true, but not that they do them with vnderstanding & election of good from euil, or of that which is hurtfull, and noisom, from that which is wholsom & profitable, as for rea∣son, it is more then manifest that they haue thereof no vse at al, for only man is a creature resonable: neither can that of theirs by any means be called vnderstanding, though they seeme in these operations which you haue said, to haue vse thereof: for vnderstanding is so conioyned & vnited with reason, that the one cannot be without the other. Nothing, I say, can vnder∣stand but that which hath the vse of reason, nor any thing * 1.21 haue reason, but that which vnderstandeth. This therefore in those beasts which seemeth to be reason & vnderstanding, is a liuely instinct, with which nature hath created them more thē others, that are more brutish, & haue the power of phantasie more grosse & dark, which is the vertue that worketh in them with that imaginatiō, by the which they are guided to put the same in effect, and this proceedeth as saith Albert{us} Magn{us} in * 1.22 his eyght chapter De animalibus, not that the wilines, sagacity and craft of brute beastes, is more in one then in another, be∣cause they haue reason or vnderstanding in those thinges which they do, but because their complexion is purer & bet∣ter, and theyr sences of more perfection, and because also the Caelestiall bodies haue better influence into them, through which theyr appetite is better guided by instinct and Nature:

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So that we may heereupon inferre, that all theyr workes are done by onely appetite, fancie, and the vertue imaginatiue, which mooueth them: so that seeing all this is doone with∣out reason, or vnderstanding, or purpose, or intention di∣rected to any ende, it cannot bee saide, that this definiton of Fortune is competent or appliable to brute beastes. Though many other reasons and arguments might be alleaged about this matter, yet this that is already sayd shall suffise, seeing we pretende no farder, then to knowe the difference betweene Chaunce and Fortune, the rest we will leaue to be debated of by the Phylosophers.

LVD.

I throughly vnderstand all that which you haue sayd, and the Phylosophers opinion also concerning the same: but I see that that these words are dai∣lie vsed farre wide from theyr definition and opinion, for in naming Fortune, we neuer marke whether the thing be done with any purpose, or to any end, but rather the contrary, for we vse this worde so generally, attributing thereunto all acci∣dents whatsoeuer, that we make no difference of one from an other, and therefore Tully in his Offices, Great, sayth hee, is the sway of Fortune in prosperity, & in aduersitie who know∣eth not her force? Whiles wee enioy her fauourable & pro∣sperous winde, wee attaine vnto the fruition of our desires, when otherwise, we are afflicted and full of miseries: so that he maketh no difference what is an accidentall cause & vvhat is not, neyther bindeth he her to things onely done contrarie to the purpose and pretended ende: as for example, when a Prince with a little Army, presenteth battel to another, whose Army and force is farre in number more puissant, it is mani∣fest that his meaning is to doe the best he can, and his intenti∣on firme to obtayne victory, otherwise, he would neuer put himselfe in so apparant a danger, which if hee, according to his hope obtayne, nothing hapneth therein vnto him contra∣rie to the purpose and meaning which he had, but hee attay∣neth the end for which hee hazarded the battaile: yet for all this we let not to say, that hee had good fortune to ouercome so mighty an Army with so slender forces: if one should goe to Rome with purpose to be made a Bishoppe, beeing of so small merrite that there were no reason at all, why hee should

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hope to obtaine so great a dignity; yet in comming to be one, we may well say that Fortune was fauourable vnto him ther∣in: and so when Iulius Caesar in his warres against Pompey, being in Durazo, where he attended a supply of Souldiours, without the which, his party was not strong enough to en∣counter with Pompey, seeing that they came not, without trusting any man else, determined himselfe in person disgui∣sed and vnknowne to goe fetch them, according to which re∣solution, putting himselfe into a Fisher-mans boate, thrust off from the shore, and began to passe the straight, but the water being rough, and the tempest violent, his Pilot the poore Fi∣sher-man feared drowning, & would faine haue turned back againe, and was therein very obstinate; which Caesar by no meanes permitting him to doe, after many perswasions and threatnings, seeing him still perseuer in his feare: at last, be of good courage man (quoth he) and passe on without feare, for thou carriest with thee the good Fortune of Caesar. It is ma∣nifest that his chiefe purpose and meaning in this ciuill warre, was, as the sequel shewed, to obtaine alone the Empire, which he afterwards did, and yet in common course of speech, wee let not to say, that his good Fortune aduaunced him to that estate: What shall we say of Caesar Augustus, who from that very instant that Iulius Caesar was slaine, had presently a mea∣ning to succeed him in the Empire, employing al his thought, care, and imagination, about the compassing thereof, and at last obtayned it indeede, according to his pretence from the first, without any contrary accident, vnexpected Lucke, or sodaine Chaunce; and yet for all that, neither was he forget∣full to giue thankes vnto Fortune, neither erre we in calling him Fortunate, for they were wont to say in an old Prouerb, that there was neuer any Emperour more vertuous then Tra∣iane, nor more Fortunate then Octauian, which was the same Augustus Caesar of whom we speake. And now daily wee see this name of Fortune so commonly vsed, that in a manner the rule and signeury of all worldly thinges, seemeth to be at∣tributed vnto her, as though it were in her power to guide & direct them at her pleasure; and so saith Salust, that Fortune dominateth ouer all thinges; and Ouid, that Fortune giueth

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and taketh away whatsoeuer pleaseth her: and Virgil attribu∣teth vnto her authority ouer all humaine matters, bee they wrought by accidentall causes, or fall they out aunswerable to our desire, according to that which we procure and seeke.

AN.

That which Aristotle saith, is in true Philosophy, which though we vnderstand, yet we apply not well, for For∣tune is not in those things which succeede vnto vs, according to our purpose and pretence; but in those that doe exceede our hope, or come vnlooked for, & vnthought of, and so we commonly mingle & confound Fortune with Chaunce, and Chaunce with Fortune, yea, & sometimes we attribute that to either of them, which is neither of both. But to tel you the ve∣ry truth, this definition of Fortune is so intricate, that I my selfe doe not throughly vnderstand his meaning, where hee saith, according to the purpose and to some end, which are two di∣uers words, & may be vnderstoode in sondry sence; as those doe which glosse vpon his text, whose diuersity of opinions maketh the glosse far more difficill then the text it selfe. But I will not meruaile hereat, because perchaunce Aristotle would doe therein, as he did in the selfe same books de Phisicis, which being finished, and Alexander telling him that it was great pitty, that so high & excellent a matter, should by the publi∣shing thereof, become vulgar and cōmon; he aunswered, that he had written them in such sort, that few or none should vn∣derstand thē: And in truth the old Writers in all their works, so delighted in compendious breuity of wordes, that they not being clearely vnderstoode of those that followed in the ages after, were the cause of an infinit variety of opinions, neither is there any one which glosseth vpon thē, who affirmeth not his interpretation to be the true sence & meaning of the Author, the same being perchaunce quite contrary. But leauing this. I say, that though in this mother speech of ours, we want fit and apt words to signifie the propriety of many things: yet in ex∣pressing the effects of Fortune, we haue more then either the Latine or Greeke, for besides prosperous & aduerse Fortune, we haue * 1.23 Hap & Mishap, good Luck & ill Luck, * 1.24 by the which we signifie all successes, both good and euill, accusto∣ming our selues more vsually to these words, then to that of

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Fortune: for what Chaunce soeuer happen to a man, we cō∣monly say, that he was * 1.25 Happy or Vnhappy, Lucky or Vn∣lucky.

LV.

Me thinks that Felicity and Infelicity signifieth also the same, & that we may very well vse them in such sence as we doe the others.

AN.

You are herein deceaued, for Hap, Mishap, good and euill Luck, prosperous & aduerse Fortune, are as we haue * 1.26 saide, when they come by accidentall causes, not keeping any order or limitation, & felicity, as saith S. Anthony of Florence, is in those things, which happen to a man for his merrite and vertue, & infelicity, in not happening to him which hath ver∣tue and merrite to deserue them: but these words we vse, not in ordinary matters, but in those that are of weight and mo∣ment: some Authors also affirme the same to be vnderstood of prosperous and aduerse Fortune, and that we ought not to vse this manner of speech, but in difficill matters, and such as are of substance and quality.

BER.

According to this rule, wee erre greatly in our common speech: for there are many that come to obtaine very principall estates and dignities, not by their vertues and merrites, but rather through their great vices and demerrites: yet wee commonly say, that such mens felicity is great, and that they are very fortunate.

AN.

You haue sayde the trueth, for indeede wee goe following our owne opinion without any foundation of reason, neither lea∣ning to those graue and auncient Phylosophers of tymes past; neyther to those which haue written, what in true and perfect Christianitie wee ought to thinke thereof, who af∣firme Fortune to bee that, which happeneth in worldly and exteriour matters, not thought on before, nor looked for, neyther of it selfe, but proceeding from a superiour cause, di∣rectly contrary to them, which hold that such accidents hap∣pen, without any cause superiour or inferiour, but that they all come at happe hazard: So that howsoeuer Fortune bee, it must bee accidentally, and not in thinges that come praeme∣ditated and hoped for: but seeing that the most sort of men obserueth heerein no order, attrybuting all successes both good and euill to Fortune, vvhether they happen or no in such sort as the Definition thereof requireth, euery manne

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speaking and applying as he listeth; I hold it for no error, if amongst the ignorant, wee followe the common vse: but a∣mongst the wise and learned, me thinkes it were good for a man to be able to yeeld a reason of those things he speaketh, and to speake of things rightly, according to their Nature and property, least otherwise hee be derided and held for a foole.

BER.

Greater in my iudgement is the error which witting∣lie and wilfully we commit, then that which is through igno∣rance onely: neyther can any vse or custome be sufficient to authorize or allow, that which in the iudgement of all wise and learned men is held for false and erronious. But afore you passe any farther, I pray you tell me what you meane in this your last definition, whereas you say, that Fortune is onely to be vnderstoode in exteriour things.

AN.

It is manifest of it selfe, that in thinges spirituall and interiour, there can be no * 1.27 Fortune, which who so list more at large to see, and more par∣ticulerly to satisfie himselfe therein, may reade S. Thomas, in his second booke De Phisicis, and in his third Contra Gentiles, and S. Anthony of Florence, in the second part of his Theo∣logiques.

LV.

As for the opinion of Philosophers, you haue sufficiently made vs vnderstand the same: now I would you would doe vs the fauour, to declare vnto vs, what the sacred Doctors of our holy Mother the Catholique Church doe teach and thinke therein.

AN.

Farre different are they from the before alleadged Philosophicall censure, for what good * 1.28 Christian soeuer you reason withall concerning Fortune; he will aunswer you with the authority of Esay, who saith: Woe be vnto you that set a table before Fortune, and erect Altars vnto her as to a Goddesse, for with my knife shall you be cut in peeces.

The Gentiles as they were passing blinde in all diuine things, pertayning vnto God and his omnipotencie, so not beeing able to comprehend & vnderstand his diuine vniuer∣sall prouidence in all thinges, they diuided the same frō God himselfe, and made thereof a Goddesse, attributing to her, gouernment, domination, power, and commaundement, all the exterior things of the world, which error of theirs herein committed, some of themselues doe confesse and acknow∣ledge,

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as Iuuenall where he sayth: Where Prudence is, thou hast no deitie, ô Fortune, but wee for want of wisedome doe make thee a Goddesse, and place thee in heauen. According to which, S. Hierome in an Epistle of his to Terentia sayth: Nothing is created of GOD without cause, neyther is any thing doone by chaunce as the Gentiles thinke, the temeritie of blinde Fortune hath no power at all: Whereby wee may * 1.29 see that Fortune is nothing else then a thing fained in the fan∣tasie of men, and that there is no other fortune then the will and prouidence of GOD, which ruleth and gouerneth all things: but when we will stretch our selues farther, vvee may say that Fortune cōsenting in Natura naturans, which is God himselfe, is part of Natura naturata, being his operations, I say part, because of the definition of Aristotle & others, who attribute no more to her then accidentall causes, so that Na∣ture working in all other naturall thinges, Fortune is more straightly limited in her workes, and is inferiour to Natura naturata, and the selfe same is to be vnderstood of that which wee call Chaunce.

BE.

In this manner there is none other Chaunce nor Fortune, but onely the will and prouidence of God, seeing that thereon depend all successes and chaunces, as well prosperous as aduerse.

AN.

You haue said the truth, and so are the wordes of Lactantius to be vnderstood in his 3. booke De diuinis institutionibus, which are thus. Let not those enuie at vs to whom God manifested the truth, for as we well know Fortune to be nothing, &c. Comming therfore to the conclusion of this matter, I say that we imitate the Gentiles in vsing this name of Fortune & Chaunce, as they did, adding thereunto Hap, Mishap, Good luck, Bad luck, Felicity and Infaelicitie, in an inferiour degree as it were vnto them, when in pure truth, there is neither Chaunce nor Fortune in such sort as they vnderstoode them, and as yet many Christians thorough ignorance vnderstand them: but if any such Chri∣stian would set himselfe with Aristotle, to examine and sifte out the cleere reason of Chaunce and Fortune, I am assured he would come to confesse the same, as he which knewe and vnderstood, that there was a first cause, by which the vvorld was ruled and gouerned, that was the beginning and Ruler of

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all things, and that Fortune differed not from the will of the same, which is the very selfe from which we receaue all good and euill according to our deserts, God willing or permitting the same, as it best pleaseth his diuine Maiestie: so that the good Christian ought not to say in any prosperous successe of his: It was my good fortune, or Fortune did thys for me, but that God did this, or this was done by the will & permis∣sion of God. And therefore, though we speake vnproperlie, as conforming our selues to the common vse, in vsing the name of Fortune in our discourses and affayres, yet let vs al∣wayes thereby vnderstande the will of God, and that there is no other fortune.

BER.

I knowe that you coulde haue dis∣coursed more at large of this matter if it had pleased you, nei∣ther should we haue wanted arguments and replyes & mat∣ter to dispute on: but you haue done farre better, in leauing out those superfluous arguments, which woulde haue but troubled our wits, & in going so roundly to the matter, tou∣ching onely that which is requisite & fit for the purpose, with such breuity & compendiousnes, that we both vnderstand it distinctly, & beare it perfectly in our memory. Now therfore I pray you, if it be not troublesome vnto you, make vs vnder∣stand what thing is Desteny, & how, when, & for what cause we are to vse this word, in which I find no lesse obscurity, thē in those before discoursed of.

AN.

I was glad in thinking that I had made an end, & now me thinks you cause to begin * 1.30 anew: but I will refuse no paine, so that it please you to take the same in good part, & to haue patience in hearing mee. I will vse as much breuitie as I possibly may, because otherwise the matter is so ample, and so much thereof to be said, that I know you would be weary in hearing me, in summe therfore I will briefly alledge that which maketh most to the purpose, beginning first with the opinion of the ancient Philosophers hereof. The Stoyicks said, that Desteny was an agreement, & * 1.31 order of naturall causes working their effects with a forcible & vneuitable necessity, in such sort, that they affirmed al pro∣speritie and all misery, the beeing of a King, begger, or hang∣man, to proceed from the vnauoydable necessity of Desteny. Aul{us} Gelli{us} saith, that a Philosopher called Chrisipp{us}, main∣tained

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Desteny to be a perpetuall and inclinable order and * 1.32 chaine of things; of the selfe same opinion was Seneca, when he said, I verily beleeue, that Desteny is a strong and forcible necessity of all thinges and doings whatsoeuer, which by no means or force may be altred: so that all those of this sect at∣tributed to Desteny all successes good and bad that hapned, as though they must of force & necessitie so fall out, without any possibility to be auoyded or eschewed, to which opinion the Poet Virgill conforming himselfe, saith of Pallas. To e∣uery man is assigned a fixed time and desteny, not to be auoi∣ded. This vnineuitable order, according to many of their opi∣nions, proceedeth of the force which the starres and Planets haue through their influence and operation in humaine bo∣dies. Boetius in his 4. booke of Consolation, saith, that De∣stenie is a disposition fastned to the mooueable things, by which the Prouidence annexeth each of them with order and agreement: and according to S. Thomas, in his 3. booke Con∣tra Gentiles, by Disposition is vnderstood ordenance, which being considered with the beginning whence it proceedeth, which is God, may be called Desteny, alwaies referring it selfe to the diuine Prouidence; for otherwise we may say the same selfe of Desteny which we said of Fortune, that desteny is no∣thing, but only a thing fained in the imagination of the Gen∣tiles: for a good Christian ought by no means to attribute a∣ny inclination, successe in matters, or estate of his, to desteny, & truly: it is a wicked & Gentilicall kind of speech which we vse, in saying when any thing hapneth, our Desteny woulde haue it so, or it was his desteny, hee could not auoyde it: for though perchance the wiser sort knowe their error in saying so, only following the common vse, yet the common people think as they speak that Desteny is indeed a thing forcible, & not to be shunned, but must of necessity happen and fall out.

LV.

It is passing true that you haue said, and for confirmati∣on thereof, I will tell you a most true storie, which hapned to * 1.33 my selfe, in one of the cheefest Citties of this Kingdome. Ri∣ding one day with certain other gentlemen into the fields for recreations sake, towards the euening as we returned home∣wardes, we sawe by the Townes side three men setting vp a

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poast, vpon a little knap close by the high-way, for one that was condemned to be strangled there the next day, of which three, the one as a Gentleman in our company told me, poin∣ting to him, was the Hangman, adding withall, that it was pittie, that hee had vndertaken so infamous a condition, bee∣ing a young man otherwise well qualified, and a very good Scholler, of which desiring to know the truth, because it see∣med vnto me strange, I turned my horse, and riding neere to the place where the men were, after I had asked them for whom that poast was sette vp, and they with theyr aunswere satisfied mee, I narrowly markt and behelde the gesture and countenaunce of the young man, who was of a very good complexion, and of an honest face, hee seemed to be about the age of twentie or twenty & one yeeres, his garments were not costly, but cleanly and hansome, asking him if hee vvere the Hangman, he aunswered mee that hee was, demaunding of him in Latine, if euer he had beene a student, hee aunswe∣red me to that demaund and many others in the same tongue very eloquently, but at last asking him of what country and place he was, he aunswered me: that hauing confest himselfe to be a Hangman, he could with no honesty reueale vnto me, any thing touching his Country or Parentage, and therefore prayed me to hold him for excused; I perceauing his shame∣fastnes vrged him farther, saying: How is it possible, that ha∣uing such knowledge and vnderstanding, thou hast taken vp∣pon thee so base, infamous, and dishonest an office: Truly thou deseruest the greater blame and punishment, by howe much more carelesly thou vsest the excellent giftes which God hath endued thee withall, as comlines of fauour & pro∣portion, good capacity and vnderstanding, in vsing of which well, thou mightest doe God and thy Country seruice, wher∣as now thy talent lieth hidden and buried. He hauing a while attentiuely listened to that which I said vnto him, aunswered at length with many teares, that such was his hard Desteny, by which he was thereto forcibly compelled, against the sway of which, he was not able to preuaile; of whose error and igno∣rance taking pitty, I beganne to make vnto him a large dis∣course, causing him to vnderstand, that there was no Desteny

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able to force Free-will, but that euery man had liberty to dis∣pose of himselfe as he pleased, and to take what way he list, so that hee could not blame his Desteny, but himselfe onely, which hauing election of so many good wayes, had suffered himselfe to be guided so ill. Vsing these and many other such reprehensiue speeches vnto him, hee fell into such weeping, and shed so many teares, that I tooke compassion of him: vvithall, he told me, that he had falne into this misery, for want of good counsaile, hauing heeretofore neuer met with any that had told him so much, whereby to lighten him out of the error wherein he was: but seeing (quoth he) that which is past may be repented, but not vndone, I will by Gods grace here∣after take a new course, lesse dishonourable to my kindred, for you shall know sir, that I am borne of Parents of a very ho∣nest condition: beeing brought into this miserable estate in which you now see me through play only, but God be than∣ked, it is yet vnknowne to my friends, that I execute this de∣testable office, neither dooth any man of this Towne knowe whence I am, for the place where I was borne, is farre from this Country: so that I am fully resolued to change my man∣ner of life, and to follow your counsaile; and heere-with bit∣terly bewailing his vnfortunate course, I brought him home with me to my lodging, in which he remained that night, see∣ming to be exceeding sorrowfull, and the next morning de∣parted: vvhether hee went I knowe not, but from that time forward he was no more seene in those quarters: and truly by many signes I sawe in him, hee gaue me good hope that hee would doe as he said.

AN.

This fellowe had neuer seene the authority of S. Gregory, in his Homily of the Epiphany, where, God defend (saith he) the harts of those that are faithfull, from saying that there is any Destenie: this is vnderstoode, when they thinke or hold for a certainty, that such thinges as happen to them, proceede from the constellations or other superiour causes, as not any way to be auoided or declined: Therefore when∣soeuer this word Destenie is mentioned, we must vnderstand the same that we did of Fortune, that is, the will and proui∣dence of God. But the best is not to vse it at all, thereby to a∣uoyde

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the error, into which the common people doe fall, yea, and a much greater, which is the deniall of free-will; for if that Destenie were a thing indubitable, and the sway thereof not to be resisted, then should neyther reward, punishment, grace, nor glory be due vnto deserts: and so diuine Plato in his Gorgias, To say (saith hee) that there is any constrayning or vnineuitable Destenie, is a fable of vvomen, which vnder∣stand not what they say: so that all thinges are subiect to the free-will of man, not to doe any thing forcibly, but by con∣tentment of the same vvill, for being a Free-will there can be no Destenie. But because in plunging our selues farther in∣to this matter, we should fall vpon that of Prescience & Pre∣destination, engulfing my selfe in which, I should not be able to finde the way out: it is sufficient onely to declare, though it be but superficially, what belongeth to this word Destenie, still vnderstanding that all proceedeth and dependeth of the Diuine will and prouidence of God; and so sayth S. Austine, in his fifth booke De ciuitate Dei, If for this cause humaine thinges are attributed to Destenie, let him which calleth the will & power of GOD by the name of Destenie, take heede and correct his tongue. And so concluding, we may inferre, that there is no Desteny at all, at least in such sence as the com∣mon people vnderstandeth the same: but that by this word we ought to vnderstand the prouidence of GOD, and the fulfilling of his will, which alwayes leaueth vs in free liberty to choose that which is good, and to eschewe that which is e∣uill. For this word Destenie, is chiefely vnderstood and men∣tioned in matters of aduersity, which when they happen vn∣to vs, are eyther for that we seeke and procure them, or else that God permitteth them, because our sinnes and wicked life deserueth such chastisement: Let not him say, that is hanged, that his Destenie brought him there-vnto, but the small care he had to liue vertuously, to feare GOD and to flie vice, was the cause thereof: The like of him that murdereth or drow∣neth himselfe, for if such had liued well, and refrayned those vices and enormities, for punishment of vvhich, they vvere condemned by the Ministers of Iustice, or by theyr ovvne guilty desperate conscience to dye, they should neuer haue

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had any such cause to complaine. But there is so much here∣in to be sayde, that in seeking particulerly to discusse euery poynt thereof, it vvould be too tedious, especially to those, vvho desire no more then well to knowe the conclusion how it ought to bee vnderstoode, vvhich by this praecedent dis∣course, I hope you doe.

BER.

I vnderstand you very well, yet mee thinkes, vn∣der correction, that there are some things which happen for∣cibly * 1.34 to men, and not to be auoy ded: as for example, a man borne of Parentes that are bondslaues, of force must bee a bondslaue, and such a one, mee thinkes may with reason say, that his Destenie placed him in that seruitude and bondage, because hee came not there-vnto by his owne will, neyther could hee by any meanes auoy de the same, but would by any meanes seeke and procure his freedome, if there were anie possibility thereof.

AN.

This obiection may many wayes be aunswered, the one is, that it was no Accident or Chaunce that happened * 1.35 to this man, to serue as a bondslaue, because hee was begot∣ten and borne in seruitude: and besides, there is no impossi∣bility of recouering his liberty, for euery day wee see happen sondry newe occasions, whereby a slaue may be manumitted and sette free, if then it be possible, it followeth, that there is no forcible Desteny: if you will say that it was an accident in his Auncestors to fall into bondage, to the end that this man should be borne a slaue, I aunswere, that it was in their choise and free-will, because they might haue gone some whether else, and haue refrained that place in which they stood in dan∣ger & hazard to be made Captiues: so that he cannot lay the fault vpon his Destenie, but vpon those that might haue re∣medied the same and did not.

LU.

You leaue me not well satisfied heerein, for if I loose perforce my liberty, neyther e∣uer was it, neyther now is it in my hand to remedy the same: neyther am I hee that was any way the occasion thereof, I may well say, it vvas my Destenie, and consequently vvith reason complayne of the same, considering that it vvas not in my povver to auoy de it.

ANT.

All that vvhich is not vnpossible, may bee sayde auoy dable: and if at anie tyme

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while one remaineth in bondage, occasions may happen to * 1.36 recouer his freedome, he can by no meanes say, that his De∣stenie forcibly with-holdeth his liberty: for though he want it against his will, yet hee wanteth it not with impossibility of euer hauing it: if he vse such meanes and industry as is requi∣site for the obtaining thereof. For example, we see daily ma∣nie slaues runne from their Maisters, and set themselues at li∣berty, not onely heere with vs, but also such as are in captiui∣tie vnder the Mores and Turkes: and if the enterprize which any such one vndertaketh for his liberty, succeede not accor∣ding to his intent, it is because hee procured it not in such as was requisite, or because it pleased not God to permit his de∣liuerie, for his sinnes and demerrites, or some other cause to vs hidden and vnknowne.

BER.

Thinke not that you haue here made an end: for the principall poynt as yet remaineth. If you remember, you said that many of the Auncients held opinion, that the causes of Desteny working with such necessity, proceeded from the second superior caelestiall causes, as the influence of the Pla∣nets and starres. I pray you therefore make vs to vnderstand what is the force of the constellations, and in what sort theyr influence worketh as well in vs, as in other things, for the cō∣mon opinion is, that all things on the earth, are gouerned & maintained by the Caelestiall bodies, whence it commeth that the Astronomers by calculating Natiuities, casting figures, and other obseruations, come to foreknowe and vnderstand many thinges, not onely concerning men, but also tempests, earth-quakes, plagues, inundations, and other such like fu∣ture calamities.

AN.

It is a thing notorious, that the starres haue their influences, but not in such sort as the common o∣pinion * 1.37 maintaineth: first therfore you must vnderstand, that their influence hath no power or force to worke any operati∣on in the soules of men: but onely in their bodies, the reason whereof is, that the soules are farre more noble, and of more excellent perfection then the planets and starres, so that the constellations being vnto them inferiour in beeing and sub∣stance, are vnable to worke in them any effect at all. That the soules are more noble then the caelestiall bodies: S. Thomas

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proueth in this sort, in his Booke against the Gentiles: So much more noble, saith hee, is euery effect, as it is neerer in * 1.38 likenes to the cause whence it proceedeth, & so our soules be∣ing liker vnto God then the caelestiall bodies are, in beeing Spirits, as is the first cause which is God, must needs be more excellent then they, so that they can haue no influence vnto them, nor domination ouer thē, the soules remaining alwaies free: For though Dionisius sayd, that God hath so disposed the whole order of the Vniuerse, that all inferior thinges be∣neath * 1.39 should be gouerned by those that are superior and a∣boue, yet he presently addeth, and those that are lesse noble, by those that are more noble: and though by this reason the soules remaine free, yet the bodies doe not so, because they are lesse noble then the Sunne, the Moone, & the other hea∣uenly lights, and so are subiect to their influences, working in them diuers and contrary inclinations, some good, and some euill, which they that seeke to excuse theyr vices and vvicked life, call Destenies, as though it were not in their power to flie and auoyde them through the libertie of free-will? For if we say, that Mars doth praedominate in men, that are strong and valiant, we see that many borne vnder his Planet, are ti∣morous and of small courage. All those which are borne vn∣der Venus, are not luxurious, nor all vnder Iupiter Kings & great Princes, nor all vnder Mercurie cautelous and craftie, neither are all those which are borne vnder the signe of Piscis, fishermen, and so forth of all the other Signes and Planets, in manner that theyr effects are not of force and necessitie, but only causing an inclination to those things, the which by ma∣ny wayes and meanes may be disturned, altered, & auoyded, chiefely by the disposition and will of the first cause, which is * 1.40 God, who addeth, altereth, & taketh away at his pleasure, the force, vigor, and influence of those Planets and starres: re∣straining theyr vertue and force, or els mouing, directing and lightning our minds not to follow those naturall inclinations, if they tend to euill and sinister effects. The Angels & deuils also may doe the same, as beeing creatures more noble then the soule, the one moouing to good, and the other to euill: for oftentimes our good Angell is the cause that we refraine

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those vices to which by the constellation of those heauenly * 1.41 bodies, we are inclined, and that we follow for our soules pro∣fit such waies as are vertuous and good, and that wee auoyde those dangers which these influences doe threaten vnto vs. These also may a man of himselfe beware and eschew by dis∣cretion and reason: for as saith Ptolomie: The wise & pru∣dent man shall gouerne the starres.

LVD.

I confesse all this which you haue said to be true: but yet besides the inclinations & appetites of men, the starres and Planets worke also in another manner, as in aduauncing some men, and abating others, making some prosperous and rich, yea, and sometimes from low & base estate, enthroning them in kingdoms, as for example, King Gygas, and almost in our very time Tamberlaine the great: and deiecting others that were great and mighty, yea Kinges and Monarches into extreame calamitie & miserie infinite examples whereof may be seene in the Booke called The fall of Princes, and manie o∣thers, full of such tragicall disastres. And it is manifest that this proceedeth from the constellations vnder which they are borne, and the operations with which they worke, because many Mathematitians and Astronomers, knowing the day, * 1.42 howre, and moment wherin a man is borne, vse to giue their iudgement and censure, what shall betide vnto him so borne, according to the Signes and Planets, which then dominate in their force and vigure. And many of them doe fore-tell so trulie manie wonderfull thinges, that it seemeth scarcely pos∣sible to any man but God to knowe them, which seemeth to proceede through the will of God, whom it hath pleased to place that vertue in those Planets, wherby the future successe might be knowne of those persons that are borne vnder thē. And though I could here alleadge many examples of Em∣perours, Kings and Princes, whose successes to come vvere foretold them by Astronomers truly, & as indeed they hap∣ned, * 1.43 yet omitting them, because they are so cōmonly known, I will tell you one of Pope Marcellus, who came to be high Bishop, whose Father liuing in a place called Marca de An∣cona, where he was also borne, beeing a great Astronomer & at the birth of his sonne casting presently his natiuitie, sayde

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openly, that he had a sonne borne that day, which should in time to come be high Bishop, but yet in such sort, as though he were not: which came afterwards to be verified, for after he was elected in the Consistorie by the Cardinals, hee dyed within twentie daies, not beeing able to publish or determine any thing by reason of his short gouernment. I knewe also a man in Italie, called the Astronomer of Chary, who whatso∣euer he foretold, the same proued in successe commonlie to be true, so that he was held for a Prophet: truth it is that hee was also skilfull in Palmestrie and Phisiognomie, and thereby strangely foretold many things that were to come: and per∣ticulerly * 1.44 he warned a speciall friend of mine to looke wel vn∣to himselfe in the xxviij. yeere of his age, in which he should be in danger to receaue a wounde, whereby his life shoulde stand in great hazard, which fell out so iustly as might be, for in that yeere he receaued a wound of a Launce in his bodie, whereof he dyed. A certaine Souldiour also one day impor∣tunating him to tell his fortune, declaring vnto him the day and howre, wherein he was borne, and withall, shewing him the palme of his hand, and because he excused himselfe, growing into choller, and vrging him with threatnings to sa∣tisfie his demaund, he told him that he was loth to bring him so ill newes, but seeing you will needs haue it, quoth he, giue me but one crowne, and I will be bound to finde you meate and drinke as long as you liue. The Souldiour going away laughing and iesting at him, seeing presently two of his fel∣lowes fighting, went betweene to part them, and was by one of them thrust quite through the body, so that he fell downe dead in the place.

AN.

I cannot choose but confesse vnto you, that many Astronomers hit often right in their coniectures, but not so that they can assuredly affirme those thinges which they fore∣tell of force and necessity to fall out, there being so many cau∣ses * 1.45 and reasons to alter and change that which the signes and Planets doe seeme to portend: the first, is the will of God, as being the first cause of all things, who as he created and made the starres with that vertue and influence, so can he by his on∣ly will change and alter the same when it pleaseth him: Also

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all the starres are not knowne, nor the vertues which they haue, so that it may well be that the vertue of the one, doth hinder, make lesse, or cause an alteration in the effect of the o∣ther, and so an Astronomer may come to be deceaued in his calculations, as vvas the selfe same Astronomer of Chary, which you speake of, when he fore-told that Florence being besieged with an Army imperiall, & with the forces of Pope Clement, should be put to sackage and spoile of the Souldi∣ours. This Prophecie of his had like to haue cost him his life, if hee had not made the better shift with his heeles, for the Souldiours, by composition that the Towne made, finding themselues deluded, made frusttate, & deceaued of their pro∣phecied booty, would haue slaine him, if he had not with all possible diligence made away. Besides, if this were so, there must of necessity follow a great inconuenience, and such as is not to be aunswered: for if when so euer any one is borne vn∣der such a constellation, that of force the good or euill there∣by portended must happen vnto him: the selfe same then by consequence must needs happen to all those which are borne in that instant, vnder the same signe and Planet: for accor∣ding to the multitude of the people which is in the worlde, there is no houre nor moment, in which there are not many borne together, of which, some come to be Princes, and some to be Rogues: When Augustus Caesar was borne, it was vn∣possible but that there were others also borne in the very same poynt and moment, which for all that came not to be Empe∣rours, and to gouerne the whole worlde in so flourishing a peace as he did, yea, and perchaunce some of them, went af∣terwards begging from dore to dore. And thinke you that Alexander the great, had no companions at his birth? Yes without doubt had he, though they had no part of his good Fortune and prosperity. This matter is handled very copi∣ously by S. Austine, in his fifth booke De ciuitate Dei, aun∣swering the Mathematitians and Astronomers, which say, that the constellations and influences are momentary, where∣by it should ensue that euery part and member of the body, should haue a particuler constellation, because the whole bo∣dy together cannot be born in one moment, nor in many mo∣ments:

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to be short therefore, they are many times deceaued that giue such great credite to the abusiue coniectures of A∣stronomy, spending their whole time about the speculation and fore-knowledge of future things, pertaining not onely to the birth of men, fore-shewing their fortunes and successes, but also to those of plagues, earth-quakes, deluges, tempests, droughts, and such like things that are to happen.

BER.

If I vnderstand you well, your meaning is, that the influence of the Planets worketh not in men with any necessity or con∣straint, but onely as it were planting in them an inclination to follow the vertue of their operations, which may with great facility be euited in such thinges as are within the vse of free will and Lybre arbitrement: In the rest, they may sometimes fall out, according as by the vertue and property of the signes and planets may be coniectured and iudged, yea, and some∣times also otherwise, because it may please the first cause which imparted vnto them that vertue to change or alter their property, or that there may be diuers other causes in the way, which may hinder the effect of their influence.

AN.

You haue in few wordes briefly knit vp the very pith and substance of the whole.

BER.

Well then, let vs leaue this and come to Palmestrers, which are they that tell Fortunes by seeing the lines of the inside of the hand, whose diuinations they say prooue oftentimes true: I would faine therefore know, what credite we may giue them.

AN.

I haue great suspition of those, who confidently affirme their diui∣nations by Palmestry, that they deale also in Negromancy, & * 1.46 that the deuill being farre craftier and subtiler then man, and through his long experience, and by certaine coniectures, be∣ing able to knowe certaine thinges that are to come, doth re∣ueale vnto them the most part of those things: for otherwise, by the lines of the hand onely, it were not possible to diuine so right, though somtimes also the things simply thereby con∣iectured may proue true: neyther can the Phisiognomers af∣firme, that the same must needs be true, which by their Sci∣ence appeareth likely to happen: For Aristotle, which wrote a booke of Phisiognomy, entreating of all the signes & marks by which the conditions of men may be knowne, sayeth, that

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they are but casuall and by Chaunce. As for those that see∣ing the Phisiognomy of a man, doe iudge that he must come to be rich, or that his end must be the Gallowes, or that hee must be drowned, and such like: such must thinke that they be deceaued, and ought therefore to reserue the successes of all thinges to the will of God, whereby they may couer their error, and remaine excused, if the sequell fall otherwise out, then they coniectured it should.

LU.

This matter seemeth sufficiently debated of: onely out of the former discourse resulteth one doubt, which mee thinks were against reason, that it should remaine so smothe∣red vp, and that is of the speech of Signior Anthonios, where he sayd, that of the influence of the signes, planets, and starres, are engendered pestilences and new diseases, inundations, de∣stroying vvhole Countries, long drinesse vvhich causeth dearths, infirmities, scarsity of corne & fruit, with diuers other the like.

AN.

This is a question in which the Astronomers and Philosophers doe disagree, eyther holding of them their seuerall opinions. For the Astronomers in community doe hold and affirme that all this which you haue said proceedeth * 1.47 from the constellations, and that through their causes these domages do happen vnto men, & all the other euils also with the which we are afflicted, alleadging for the proofe thereof, the authority of Ptolome in his Centiloquium. The man, sayth he, that is skilfull in the Science of Astronomy, may fore see and auoide many euils to happen, according to that which the starres doe shew & portend: and also they alleadge Gal∣len, in his third book of Iudiciall daies, whose words are these. Let vs (saith hee) imagine that a man is borne, the good Pla∣nets being in Aries, and the euill in Taurus; there is no doubt to be made, but all thinges shall goe prosperously with this man, while the Moone shall be in Aries, Cancer, Libra or Capricornus: but when she shall possesse any signe, in Qua∣drat aspect or in Diameter, to the signe of Taurus, he shall be molested with many troubles and vexations: and hee goeth farther and sayth, that this man shall begin to be perplexed with many infirmities, when so euer the Moone shall be in the signes of Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, or Aquarius; and con∣trarily

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shall enioy perfect good health while the Moone shall be in the signes of Aries, Libra, Cancer, or Capricornus. They recite besides another authority of Auicenna in his fourth booke, where he saith, the configuration of the caelestiall bo∣dies, to be sometimes the cause of pestilentiall infirmities, as when Saturne and Mars are in coniunction. And so doth Gentil exemplifie it, alleaging the selfe same place: but what should I trouble my selfe in reciting their authorities, when finally there is no Astronomer or Phisition, which holdeth not the same: but the Philosophers, as I haue said, maintaine a contrary opinion, affirming that no domage or euil can pro∣ceede * 1.48 from the Planets, signes, or starres, into the inferiour bo∣dies: and so diuine Plato in his Epynomide, I surely thinke (saith he) the starres and all the caelestiall bodies to be a kinde * 1.49 of diuine creatures, of a very beautifull body, and constituted with a soule most perfect and blessed: and to these creatures, as farre as I vnderstand, must be attributed one of these two things; eyther that they and their motions are eternall, and without any domageable preiudice; or if not, yet at the least that their life is so long, that it is not necessary for them to haue any longer.

These are the words of Plato, by the which is vnderstood, that if the Caelestiall bodies haue no euill in them, as beeing diuine, pure, cleane, and sempiternall, without any preiudici∣all domage, and free from all corruption and euill, they can then by no means be causers of those domages & euils which happen in the world to the inferior bodies. Going on farther in the same booke, This is, sayth he, the nature of the stars, in sight most beautiful & goodly, & in their moouings obser∣uing a most magnificent order, imparting to inferiour crea∣tures such things as are profitable for them. By these authori∣ties they inferre, that seeing the starres are of such excellencie, and that from them are imparted to creatures things profita∣ble and wholesome, they can by no meanes be the occasion of harme or mischiefe, theyr nature & office which they con∣tinuallie vse, being contrarie thereunto. But farther the same Author goeth on, declaring the same more plainly. Finally, saith hee, of all these thinges we may inferre this as a true and

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conclusiue opinion, that it were vnpossible for the heauen, the Planets, the starres, and the caelestiall bodies which ap∣peare therein, vnlesse they had a soule, or vnlesse they dyd it through God by some exquisite reason, to be able to reuolue the yeeres, monthes & dayes beeing the cause of all our good, and so being of our good, they cannot be of our euill. And this explaneth Calcidi{us} vpon the same Plato in his Tymaeus, by these words, Either, sayth he, all the starres are diuine and good, without doing any euill, or some of thē onely are euill and domageable: But howe can this agree, or howe can it be * 1.50 said, that in a place so holy and so full of all bounty and good∣nes, there can be any euill? And the starres beeing repleni∣shed with caelestiall wisedome, euilnes and malice proceeding of the contrary which is folly, howe can wee then terme the starres to be malicious or causers of any euill, vnlesse we shold say that which is not lawfull, that they are at one time good, and at another time euill, and that they cannot mixtly be the cause both of good and euill, the which is not to be thought or beleeued, that all the starres haue not one selfe caelestiall substance, none of them separating themselues from theyr owne nature: so that all the starres beeing good, they may be the cause of good, but not of euill.

BE.

These authorities, me thinks, conclude not through∣lie the purpose of their intention, for there are manie thinges that can cause both good and euill, and therefore the caelesti∣all bodies also may doe the same.

AN.

This is when there * 1.51 is in any thing both good & euill, working effects according to the nature thereof; but there is no euill in the heauens, not in any thing therein contained, for according to Aristotle in * 1.52 his seconde Booke De Coelo, the motion thereof is life to all things, & in the ninth of his Metaphisickes also he affirmeth, that in those things which are sempiternall, there can be found no euill, error, or corruption. And Auerroes entreating of this matter, vseth these wordes: It is a thing manifest, saith he, that in those things which are Eternall, and whose essence is without beginning, there can be no euill, error, or corrup∣tion, the which cannot be in any thing but where euill is, and * 1.53 heereby may be knowne the impossibilitie of prouing that

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which the Astronomers say, that there are some of them luc∣kie, and others vnluckie: this only may be knowne of them, that there are som better then others. By these words we may vnderstand that the starres are all good, but not in equalitie: neither haue they all equall vertue & goodnes, and as in them there is no euill at all, so can they not be the cause of any harme at all, neither can wee say that their influences cause a∣ny contagious or pestilentiall infirmities, & so thinketh Mer∣curius Trismegistus in his Asclepius, Where, the heauen, saith * 1.54 he, is that which engendreth, and if the office thereof be to engender, it cannot be to corrupt. Proclus in his booke De Anima, holdeth the same. The Heauens, saith hee, founded with a harmony in reason, containe all worldly thinges, put∣ting them in perfection, accomodating them and benefiting them: which being so, how then can they damnifie, destroy or corrupt them.

Auerroes also alleadgeth another reason by the testimonie of Plato, who sayth, That euill is found in those things which * 1.55 haue no order nor agreement, and all diuine thinges are fra∣med and constituted in most excellent order, whereby it fol∣loweth, that the starres and other caelestiall bodies haue no e∣uill in them: and hauing none in them, they cannot worke or cause any. This opinion followeth Iamblicus in his Booke * 1.56 De Misterijs Egiptiorum, and Plotinus in his tenth Booke, where he demaundeth if the stars be the causes of any thing, iesting and scoffing at the Astronomers, who affirme that the Planets with their motions are not onely the causes of riches and pouertie, but also of vertue, vices, health and diseases, & that in diuers times, they worke vpon men diuers operations, And finally he will by no meanes permit that there are any e∣uill starres, or that they can be sometimes good and somtimes euill, which opinion is also maintained by Auerroes in his 3. booke of Heauen. Where, whosoeuer, sayth hee, beleeueth * 1.57 that Mars, or any other planet or starre howsoeuer set in con∣iunction or opposition can hurt or doe domage, he beleeueth that which is contrary to all Philosophy. Marcilius Ficinus * 1.58 in his Comentaries vpon the sixth Dialogue of Lawes, sayth thus: One thing we must vnderstande and beleeue, that all

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forces, and mouings of the superior Bodies, which discende into vs, are of their owne nature alwaies causers of our good, and guide vs thereunto: wee must not therefore iudge that viciousnes of ill conditioned men proceedeth of Saturne, or rashnes and crueltie of Mars, or craft and deceit of Mercury, or lasciuious wantonnes of Venus. Let vs see what reason thou hast, to attribute vnto Saturne that frowardnesse and vice, which thy euill custome, conuersation, exercise or dyet, hath engendred in thy body or minde, or to Mars that fierce∣nes and crueltie, which seemeth to resemble that magnanimi∣tie and greatnes to which he is enclined, or to Mercurie that subtiltie and craft, called by a better name industrie, or to Ve∣nus thy lasciuious loue and wantonnesse? Hapneth it not often that men loose their sight, yea and sometimes their liues vnder the flaming blasts of the Sunne-beames, which is ordai∣ned onely for our comfort, and to giue life and nourishment to things? And doe wee not see diuers that in open ayre re∣ceaue the warmenesse thereof to theyr comfort, who in en∣closed places are with a small heate smothered, sluft & choa∣ked? And euen as these men through the heate of the Sun, whose nature is to helpe, cherrish and comfort, doe receaue domage by theyr owne faulte, in not vsing the same as they shoulde doe: so may the successes of those which are borne vnder these planets, which by their nature are al good, throgh euil & vicious education proue naught, though the inclinati∣on of their planets be neuer so good and fauourable: So that by these wordes of Marsilius, the opinion of Astronomers, Mathematitians and Phisitions, seemeth not to be wel groun∣ded, * 1.59 but that how commonly held or allowed soeuer it be, he holdeth it to be reprouable by many and euident arguments.

LU.

The Philosophers are not a little beholding to you for strengthning their opinion with so many authorities & effec∣tual reasons, & no doubt, but if this matter were put to your arbytrement, they should finde of you a fauourable iudge.

AN.

I haue not so good opinion of my selfe, as to take vpō me the arbitrement of this matter, though it were of lesse sub∣stance then it is, especially so many wise & learned men main∣taining either side. I haue therfore onely rehearsed & touched

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some of their allegations on both sides, leauing you in your choyse to leane vnto that opinion which liketh you best, re∣ferring alwaies the iudgement therof to those that are of grea∣ter learning, deeper studie, and more grounded wisedome thē my selfe, though it seemeth vnto me to be a matter scarce∣lie determinable, considering the varietie of effectuall reasons that may be alleaged of either side.

LVD.

For all this I account you halfe partiall, and there∣fore * 1.60 I pray you aunswere mee to one obiection, which might be of the Astronomers side opposed, the which is thus: We see that there are diuers venomous and hurtfull hearbes, and manie other Wormes, Vermins and Serpents so contagious, that they are thorough theyr poysons and infections noisome vnto men, yea, and often causers of their death: And seeing that all inferiour bodies, are ruled, receauing their forces and vertues from the influence of the heauenly and superior bo∣dies, it then seemeth, that they should be cause of the domage which is wrought by the contagion of these inferior bodyes, and therfore the Philosophers party is not so freely & gene∣rally to be maintained, without exception of some particula∣rities: for if we will looke downe vnto the herbes, we shal find * 1.61 that the Hemlock, a kinde of weede, yeelded to our elders a iuyce, with the which they executed their sentence of death, constraining those whom they condemned to die, to drinke thereof, as Plato writeth in his Phaedon. The iuyce also of the Mandragora is knowne to be mortiferous and deadlie to those that drinke thereof.

AN.

Passe on no farther in this * 1.62 matter, for I confesse it to be as you say: yet Hemlocke was not created by God, neither doth the influence of the constel∣lations worke in it any effect, but for our profit & commodi∣tie: for if you read Dioscorides, you shal there find that there is nothing of greater efficacie to heale Saint Anthonies fire, it asswageth the raging of the Milke in women newly deliue∣red: and Plinie sayth, that it preserueth the teates from swel∣ling. Cornelius Celsus affirmeth, that it healeth watry eyes, and stauncheth the bleeding at the nose: and Galene sayth, that the grayne thereof is the naturall foode of many Byrdes, namelie Stares.

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Neither is the Mandragora lesse profitable and wholsome: * 1.63 for the roote thereof moystned and tempered with Vineger, healeth the woundes made by Serpents, dissolueth the Kings euill, and cureth the disease called the Wolfe, asswageth the paine of the Goute, causeth the flowers of women to come downe, and taketh spots out of the face. All this saith Aui∣cenne, thereof in his seconde Booke. Tryacle, Escamonia, Turbit, Agarico, and other Medicines made of herbes, wee notoriously know to contayne poyson in them, and yet wee see by daily experience how wholsome their operations are to * 1.64 those that are sicke, and the like is in all other herbes vvhich are venomous, of which there is not any one to be found that wanteth peculiar vertue, or that is not one way or other help∣ing and profitable. Neither is there lesse vertue to be found in lyuing things which are commonly held to be venomous, as for example, though the Snake be not without poyson, yet her skinne which she casteth, as sayth Dyoscorides, being sod in Wine, and some drops thereof let fall into the eare diseased, helpeth the paine thereof, and the same Wine beeing taken and held in ones mouth, cureth the tooth-ache, and the flesh thereof being made into a certaine preparatife & eaten, hea∣leth the Leprosie. The Viper is most venemous and full of poyson, yet are they no small vertues and commodities which * 1.65 she yeeldeth: for as Pliny sayth in his 29. booke, the ashes of her skinne beeing burned, is the best remedy that may be, to cause hayres falne of through infirmitie or disease to grow a∣gaine, and that shee herselfe beeing burned and beaten into powder, tempred with the iuyce of Fenell and certaine other things, cleereth the eye-sight, and driueth away Rhumes and Catarres. Dyoscorides also sayth, and Plinie affirmeth the same, that the payne of gowtie feete is taken away, by annoin∣ting them with her greace: and Galen in his sixth booke De virtute medicamentorum, affirmeth, that if a Viper be choked with a corde or string made of coloured Flaxe, and hanged a∣bout the neck of him which suffereth any passion, stuffing or choaking in the throat, it shall be an admirable remedie: the selfe same affirmeth Auicenne in his 3. booke, though there be many that regard not whether the string be of Flaxe, or of

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wooll, of what colour so euer, and for the most part they vse therein white: Besides, Aristotle sayth, in his third booke De Animalibus, that as the Vipers and Scorpions are knowne to be noysome and full of poyson, so haue they also many pro∣fitable and helping vertues, if wee could attaine to the know∣ledge and experience of them all: And lastly, that the Viper sod in vvine, healeth those that are infected with Leaprosie: which Gallen confirmeth by an example, alleadged in his e∣leuenth booke of simple Medicines, where he sayth, that cer∣taine * 1.66 Mowers brought with them into the field where they laboured, a little vessell of vvine, leauing the same vnder a hedge by forgetfulnes vncouered, within a while, returning to drinke thereof, as they poured out the vvine, there fell out of the vessell a dead Viper into their drinking boule, which hauing crept into the same, was therein drowned, so that they dared not to tast thereof: There was thereby by chaunce at that present in a little Hute or Cabbine, a man infected with a disease which they call Leaprosie, who through the loath∣some contagiousnes of his disease, was expelled the Towne, and forced to remaine in the fields, to the end that the infecti∣on of his disease, should scatter it selfe no farther. The Mow∣ers mooued with compassion, accounting the calamitous life of this poore man to be more miserable then death, gaue vn∣to him this impoysoned vvine to drinke, as a work of charity, thereby to deliuer him out of that languishing life so full of horror, loathsomnes, and calamity; which hauing done, the successe that followed was meruailous, for so soone as the sick Leaper had greedily swallowed in the wine, his disease and fil∣thines began by little and little to fall from him, and in short spacee he becam whole & sound: so that I say, that all hearbs, beasts, and stones, contayning in them any poyson or thing noysome, containe also in them many good and profitable vertues, neyther are we to attribute vnto the starres the blame of the domages which they doe, but vnto our selues, vvhich know not how to vse them as we ought, and should doc for our health and commodity. For the Sunne which with his comfortable heate conserueth and cheereth our life, would perchaunce be occasion of death to him, that in midst of a ra∣ging

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hot day, would lay himselfe naked vpon some high place to be scorched & parched with the beames thereof: And as a sword or dagger which is made for the defence of man, and to offend his enemy, may be the causer of his owne death, if he wil desperatly thrust it into his owne body: in like sort those men who vse not the before rehearsed things, and such like as they should doe, in receauing thereby the profit they may, & in auoyding the harme that through the vse of them ill em∣ployed, may ensue, can not iusty lay blame on any but them∣selues: Concluding therfore, I say that pestilentiall & conta∣gious diseases, are caused by matters of the earth it selfe infec∣ting * 1.67 the ayre, as dead carrions, corrupted carkasses, sinks, stan∣ding, & stopt waters that come to putrifie and stink, with ma∣ny such other filthy & infectious things: As for great inun∣dations, droughts, and famines, with the rest of such like acci∣dents that offend & anoy vs; they come and proceed, for our chastisement, from the wil of God, causing & permitting thē, without the which, neither can the starres haue any force or vertue at all, neither can they be the causers of any thing that may worke vs hurt, hinderance, domage, or preiudice.

BER.

Well then, seeing the Astronomers and Phisitions are of one opinion, & the Philosophers of another, & each of them armed with so many arguments & reasons to maintaine their party; let vs leaue them to beate their braines about the determination therof, contenting our selfe with this satisfacti∣on which you haue giuen vs. And seeing it now waxeth time to withdraw our selues, & you Signior Anthonio being weari∣ed with your long discourse, & our troublesome demaunds & interpositions; it is more then reason that we nowe giue you respite till another time, and that we accompany you to your lodging.

AN.

This courtesie is so great, that in accepting it, I should shew my selfe vnworthy therof, & therfore I will not put you to that paine: but seeing it is so late, we wil goe euery man his way, & there-vpon I betake you to the protection of th' Almighty.

LV.

Seeing you will haue it so, we also commit you to God, who guide you in the accomplishment of your good desires.

The end of the fourth Discourse.

Notes

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