Eight bookes of the Peloponnesian Warre written by Thucydides the sonne of Olorus. Interpreted with faith and diligence immediately out of the Greeke by Thomas Hobbes secretary to ye late Earle of Deuonshire
Thucydides., Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679., Cecil, Thomas, fl. 1630, engraver.
Page  [unnumbered] Page  [unnumbered]

[illustration]
[illustration]
ΕΝΔΟΞΟΤΑΤΗ ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΩΝ

[illustration]
ΕΛΛΑΣ

[illustration]
ΕΛΛΑΔΟΟΣ ΕΛΛΑΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΙ

[illustration]
ΑΡΧΙΔΑΜΟΣ

[illustration]
ΠΕΡΙΚΛΗΣ

[illustration]
ΟΙ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΙ

[illustration]
ΘΟΥΚΥΔΙΔΗΣ
[portrait of Thucydides]
ΚΤΗΜΑ ΕΣ ΑΕΙ

[illustration]
ΟΙ ΠΟΛΛΟΙ

Eight Bookes Of the PELOPONNESIAN WARRE Written by THVCYDIDES the sonne of OLORVS.
Interpreted with Faith and Diligence Immediately out of the Greeke By Thomas Hobbes Secretary to ye late Earle of Deuonshire
LONDON Imprinted for Hen: Seile, and are to be sold at the Tigres Head in Paules churchyard. 1629.
Cecill sculp.

Page  [unnumbered] Page  [unnumbered]

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE, SIR WILLIAM CAVENDYSSHE, Knight of the BATH, Baron of HARDVVICKE, and Earle of DEVONSHIRE.

Right Honourable,

I Take confidence from your Lordships goodnesse, in the very entrance of this Epistle, to professe, with Simplicitie, and according to the faith I owe my Master now in Heauen, That it is not vnto your selfe, but to your Lord∣ships Father, that I Dedicate this my Labour, such as it is. For neither am I at liberty to make choice of one, to whom I may present it as a vo∣luntary Oblation, being bound in duty to bring it in as an Account, to him, by whose Indulgence, I had both the time, and Ammunition to per∣forme it: Nor if such Obligation were remo∣ued, know I any to whom I ought to Dedicate it rather. For by the experience of many yeeres I had the honour to serue him, I know this, There was not any, who more really, and lesse for Glories sake, fauoured those that studi∣ed the Liberall Arts liberally, then My Lord, Page  [unnumbered] your Father did; nor in whose house a man should lesse need the Vniuersity, then in his. For his own studie, it was bestowed, for the most part, in that kind of Learning, which best deserueth the paines and houres of Great Persons, History, and Ciuill knowledge, and directed not to the Ostentation of his reading, but to the Gouernment of his Life, and the Publike good. For he so read, that the Lear∣ning he tooke in by study, by iudgement he dige∣sted, and conuerted into Wisdome, and ability to benefit his Countrey; to which also hee applyed himselfe with Zeale, but such as tooke no fire, either from Faction or Ambition. And as he was a most able man, for soundnesse of aduice, and cleere ex∣pression of himselfe, in matters of difficulty and consequence, both in publike and priuate; so also was he one whom no man was able either to draw, or iustle out of the straight path of Iustice▪ Of which vertue I know not whether hee deserued more, by his seuerity, in imposing it (as he did, to his last breath) on himselfe, or by his Magnani∣mity in not exacting it to himselfe from others. No man better discerned of Men; and therefore was he constant in his Friendships, because he re∣garded not the Fortune, nor Adhaerence, but the Men; with whom also he conuersed with an open∣nesse of heart, that had no other guard then his owne Integrity, and that Nil Conscire. To his Equalles hee carried himselfe equally; and to his inferiours familiarly; but maintaining his Respect fully, and onely, with the natiue splen∣dour of his worth. In summe, hee was one in whom might plainely bee perceiued, that Ho∣nour and Honesty are but the same thing, in Page  [unnumbered] the different degrees of persons. To him therefore, and to the memory of his worth, be consecrated this, though vnworthy Offering.

And now, imitating in this Ciuill Worship, the Religious worship of the Gentiles, who when they Dedicated any thing to their Gods, brought and presented the same to their Images; I bring & pre∣sent this Guift of mine, the History of THVCYDIDES translated into English, with much more diligence then elegance, to your Lordship, who are the I∣mage of your Father, (for neuer was a man more exactly coppied out, then he in you,) and who haue in you the seeds of his vertues already springing vp. Humbly intreating your Lordship to esteeme it amongst the Goods that descend vpon you, and in your due time to read it. I could recommend the Author vnto you, not impertinently, for that he had in his veynes the blood of Kings; but I chuse rather to recommend him for his writings, as hauing in them profitable instruction for Noble∣men, and such as may come to haue the mannaging of great and waighty actions. For I may confi∣dently say, that notwithstanding the excellent both Examples and Precepts of Heroique Vertue you haue at home, this Booke will conferre not a little to your institution; especially, when you come to the yeeres, to frame your life by your owne Obser∣uation. For in History, actions of honour and dis∣honour doe appeare plainely and distinctly, which are which; but in the present Age they are so dis∣guised, that few there bee, and those very care∣full, that bee not grossely mistaken in them. But this, I doubt not, is superfluously spoken by mee to your Lordship: Therefore I end with Page  [unnumbered] this prayer, That it will please God to giue you Vertues sutable to the faire dwelling he hath pre∣pared for them, and the happinesse that such Ver∣tues leade vnto, both in, and after this world.

Your Lordships most humble Seruant, THO. HOBBES.

Page  [unnumbered]

TO THE READERS.

THough this Translation haue already past the Cen∣sure of some, whose Iudgements I very much esteeme; yet, because there is something, I know not what, in the censure of a Multitude, more terrible then any single Iudgement, how seuere or exact soeuer, I haue thought it discretion in all men, that haue to doe with so many, and to me, in my want of perfection, necessary, to bespeake your Candor. Which that I may vpon the better reason hope for, I am willing to acquaint you briefly, vpon what grounds I vndertooke this Worke at first; and haue since, by publishing it, put my selfe vpon the hazard of your censure, with so small hope of glory, as from a thing of this nature can be expected. For I know, that meere Translations, haue in them this property, that they may much disgrace, if not well done; but if well, not much commend the doer.

It hath beene noted by diuers, that Homer in Poesie, Aristotle in Philosophy, Demosthenes in Eloquence, and others of the An∣cients, in other knowledge, doe still maintaine their Primacy, none of them exceeded, some not approached, by any, in these later Ages. And in the number of these, is iustly ranked also our Thucydides; a Workeman no lesse perfect in his worke, then any of the former; and in whom (I be∣leeue with many others) the Faculty of writing History is at the highest. For the principall and proper worke of History, being to instruct, and enable men, by the knowledge of Actions past, to beare themselues prudently in the present, and prouidently towards the Future, there is not extant any other (meerely humane) that doth more fully, and natural∣ly performe it, then this of my Author. It is true, that there be many excellent and profitable Histories written since; and in some of them, there be in∣serted very wise discourses, both of Manners and Policie. But being discourses inserted, and not of the contexture of the Narration, they in∣deed commend the knowledge of the Writer, but not the History it selfe, the nature whereof, is meerely narratiue. In others, there bee subtile coniectures, at the secret aymes, and inward cogitations of such as fall vn∣der their Penne; which is also none of the least vertues in a History, Page  [unnumbered] where the coniecture is throughly grounded, not forced to serue the pur∣pose of the Writer, in adorning his stile, or manifesting his subtilty in coniecturing. But these coniectures cannot often be certaine, vnlesse withall so euident, that the narration it selfe may be sufficient to suggest the same also to the Reader. But Thucydides is one, who, though he neuer digresse to reade a Lecture, Morall or Politicall, vpon his owne Text, nor enter into mens hearts, further then the actions them∣selues euidently guide him, is yet accounted the most Politique Historio∣grapher that euer writ. The reason whereof I take to bee this: He fil∣leth his Narrations with that choice of matter, and ordereth them with that Iudgement, and with such perspicuity and efficacy expresseth him∣selfe, that, as Plutarch saith, he maketh his Auditor a Spectator. For he settteh his Reader in the Assemblies of the People, and in the Senates, at their debating; in the Streets, at their Seditions; and in the Field at their Battels. So that looke how much a man of vnder∣standing, might haue added to his experience, if he had then liued, a be∣holder of their proceedings, and familiar with the men, and businesse of the time; so much almost may he profit now, by attentiue reading of the same here written. He may from the narrations draw out lessons to himselfe, and of himselfe be able, to trace the drifts and counsailes of the Actors to their seate.

These Vertues of my Author did so take my affection, that they begat in me a desire to communicate him further; which was the first occasion that moued mee to translate him. For it is an errour we easily fall into, to beleeue, that whatsoeuer pleaseth vs, will be, in like manner and de∣gree, acceptable to all; and to esteeme of one anothers Iudgement, as we agree in the liking, or dislike of the same things. And in this errour per∣aduenture was I, when I thought, that as many of the more iudicious, as I should communicate him to, would affect him as much as I my selfe did. I considered also, that he was exceedingly esteemed of the Italians and French in their owne Tongues; notwithstanding that he bee not very much beholding for it to his Interpreters. Of whom (to speake no more then becomes a Candidate of your good opinion in the same kinde) I may say this, That whereas the Author himselfe, so carrieth with him his owne light throughout, that the Reader may continually see his way be∣fore him, and by that which goeth before, expect what is to follow, I found it not so in them. The cause whereof, and their excuse may bee this: They followed the Latine of Laurentius Valla, which was not with∣out some errours, and he a Greeke Copie, not so correct as now is ex∣tant. Out of French hee was done into English, (for I neede not dissemble to haue seene him in English) in the time of King Edward the sixth; but so, as by multiplication of errour, hee became at length Page  [unnumbered] traduced, rather then translated into our Language. Hereupon I re∣solued to take him immediately from the Greeke, according to the Edi∣tion of Aemilius Porta; not refusing, or neglecting any version, Com∣ment, or other helpe I could come by. Knowing that when with Dili∣gence and Leasure I should haue done it, though some error might re¦maine, yet they would be errors but of one descent; of which neuerthelesse I can discouer none, and hope they bee not many. After I had finished it, it lay long by mee, and other reasons taking place, my desire to communi¦cate it ceased.

For I saw, that, for the greatest part, men came to the reading of Hi∣story, with an affection much like that of the People, in Rome, who came to the spectacle of the Gladiators, with more delight to behold their bloud, then their Skill in Fencing. For they be farre more in num∣ber, that loue to read of great Armies, bloudy Battels, and many thou∣sands slaine at once, then that minde the Art, by which, the Affaires, both of Armies, and Cities, be conducted to their ends. I obserued like∣wise, that there were not many, whose eares were well accustomed to the names of the places they shall meet with in this Histroy; without the knowledge whereof, it can neither patiently be read ouer, perfectly vnder∣stood, nor easily remembred; Especially being many, as heere it falleth out; because in that Age, almost euery City, both in Greece and Sicily, the two maine scenes of this Warre, was a distinct Common wealth by it selfe, and a party in the Quarrell.

Neuerthelesse I haue thought since, that the former of these conside¦rations ought not to be of any weight at all, to him that can content him∣selfe with the Few and better sort of Readers; who, as they onley iudge, so is their approbation onely considerable. And for the difficulty arising from the ignorance of places, I thought it not so insuperable, but that with conuenient pictures of the Countries it might be remoaed. To which purpose, I saw there would be necessary, especially two; a Generall Mappe of Greece, and a Generall Mappe of Sicily. The latter of these, I found already extant, exactly done, by Philip Cluuerius; which I haue caused to be cut, and you haue it at the beginning of the Sixth Booke. But for Mappes of Greece, sufficient for this purpose, I could light on none. For neither are the Tables of Ptolomie▪ and descripti∣ons of those that follow him, accommodate to the time of Thucydides; and therefore few of the Places by him mentioned, therein described: nor are those that bee, agreeing alwayes with the truth of History. Where∣fore I was constrained to draw one (as well as I could) my selfe. Which to doe, I was to rely, for the maine Figure of the Countrey, on the mo∣derne description now in reputation; and in that to set downe those Places especially (as many as the Volume was capable of) which occurre in the Page  [unnumbered] reading of this Author, and to assigne them that situation, which, by trauell in Strabo, Pausanias, Herodotus, and some other good Au∣thors, I saw belonged vnto them. And to shew you that I haue not played the Mountibanke in it, putting downe exactly some few of the Principall, and the rest at aduenture, without care, and without reason, I haue ioy∣ned with the Mappe an Index, that pointeth to the Authors which will iustifie me, where I differ from others. With these Mappes, and those few briefe notes in the Margine, vpon such passages, as I thought most required them, I supposed the History might be read with very much be∣nefit, by all men of good Iudgement and Education, (for whom also it was intended from the beginning by Thucydides) and haue therefore at length made my Labour publike, not without hope to haue it accepted. Which if I obtaine, though no otherwise then in vertue of the Authors excellent matter, it is sufficient.

T. H.

These errours of the Presse, I desire the Reader to correct with his Penne, thus.

  Error. Correct.
Pag. 32. l. 5. Maydonia, Mygdonia.
Pag. 39. l. 5. their, other.
Pag. 54▪ l. 33.34. Cyrus, Cyprus.
Pag. 71. l. 28. from, to.
Pag. 85. l. 41. affessed, assessed.
Pag. 129. l. 36. of Cyllene, to Cyllene.
Pag. 131. l. 19. act, art.
Pag. 133. l. 9. amazed. amused.
Pag. 142. l. 21. Oenia, Oenias.
Pag. 151. l. 36. liknesse, sicknesse.
Pag. 205. l. 31. encounter, encounter them.
Pag. 245. l. 12. necessities, necessaries.
Pag. 250. l. 35. first forth.
Pag. 254. l. 14. Phanocis, Phanotis.
Pag. 256. l. 1. Thessalonians, Thessalians.
Pag. 268. l. 40. this, his.
Pag. 278. l. 12. Gerastion, the month Gerastiō.
Pag. 282. l. 2. Arrhibaeans, Arrhiboeus.
l. 26. this for power. this power.
l. 27. and as these. and as for these.
p. 314. l. 4 which, with.
p. 334. l. 5. but, yet.
p. 416. l. 14. in, into.
p. 457. l. 4. whole, the whole.
p. 488. l. 40. Tissaphepnes, Theramenes.
In the Margine.
Error.Correct
P. 14.Now the Gulfe of Venice, called so from Iüs an Illy∣rian,So called from Iüs an Illyrian. Now the Gulfe of Ve∣nice.
P. 117.went,sent.
P. 364.desire,deterre.
In the Life of the Author.
Error.Correct.
P. 5. l. 34,affection,affectation.

Page  [unnumbered]

OF THE LIFE AND HISTORY OF THVCYDIDES.

WEe reade of diuers men that beare the name of Thucydides. There is Thucydides a Pharsalian, mentioned in the eighth Booke of this History; who was publike Hoste of the A∣thenians, in Pharsalus, and chancing to be at Athens, at the time that the gouernment of the 400 began to goe downe, by his interposition, and perswasion, kept asunder the Fa∣ctions then arming themselues, that they fought not in the City to the ruine of the Common-wealth. There is Thucy∣dides the son of Milesias, an Athenian, of the towne of Alope, of whom Plutarch speaketh in the Life of Pericles; and the same in all probabilitie, that in the first Book of this History, is said to haue had the charge of 40 Gallies, sent against Samos, about 24 yeeres before the beginning of this Warre. Another Thu∣cydides the sonne of Ariston, an Athenian also, of the Towne of Acherdus, was a Poet, though of his verses there be nothing extant. But Thucydides the writer of this History, an Athenian, of the Towne of Halimus, was the sonne of Olorus, (or Orolus) and Hegesipyle. His Fathers name is commonly written Olorus though in the Inscription on his Tombe, it was Orolus. Howsoeuer it be written, it is the same that was borne by diuers of the Kings of Thrace, and imposed on him, with respect vnto his descent from them. So that though our Author (as Cicero saith of him Lib. 2. De Oratore) had neuer written an History, yet had not his name not bin extant, in regard of his Honour and Nobility. And not onely Plutarch, in the Life of Cimon, but also almost all others that haue touched this point, affirme directly that he was descended from the Thracian Kings. Adducing this for proofe, that he was of the house of Miltiades, that famous Generall of the Athenians, against the Persians at Marathon; which they also proue by this, that his Tombe was a long time extant amongst the Monuments of that Family. For neere vnto the Gates of Athens, called Melirides, there was a place named Coela, and in it the Monu∣ments called Cintoniana, belonging to the Family of Miltiades, in which, none but such as were of that Family, might be buried. And amongst those was the Monu∣ment of Thucydides, with this inscription, Thucydides Oroli Halimusius. Now Miltiades is confessed by all, to haue descended from Olorus, King of Thrace, whose daughter another Miltiades, Grandfather to this, married, and had children by. And Miltiades, that wonne the memorable victory at Marathon, was heire to goodly possessions, and Cities in the Chersonnesus of Thrace, ouer which also hee raigne. In Thrace lay also the possessions of Thucydides and his wealthy Mines of Gold, as he himselfe professeth in his fourth Booke. And although those riches might come to him by a Wife (as is also by some affirmed) which he married in Scapte-Hyle, a City of Thrace, yet euen by that marriage, it appeareth, that his af∣faires had a relation to that Countrey, and that his Nobility was not there vn∣knowne. But in what degree of kindred Miltiades, and he, approached each o∣ther, is not any where made manifest. Some also haue coniectured that hee was of the house of the Pisistratides; the ground of whose coniecture hath beene onely this, that he maketh honourable mention of the gouernment of Pisistratus, and his sonnes, and extenuateth the glory of Harmodius and Aristogiton; prouing that the freeng of the State of Athens from the tyranny of the Pisistratides, was falsly ascribed to their fact (which proceeded from priuate reuenge, in a quarrel of Loue) by which the tyranny ceased not, but grew heauier to the State, till it was at last put Page  [unnumbered] downe by the Lacedaemoniaus. But this opinion, as it is not so well grounded, so neither is it so well receiued as the former.

Agreeable to his Nobility, was his institution in the study of Eloquence, and Phi∣losophy· For in Philosophy, he was the Scholler (as also was Pericles and Socrates) of Aa••goras, whose opinions, being of a straine aboue the apprehension of the vulgar procured him the estimation of an Atheist, which name they bestowed vp∣on all men that thought not as they did, of their ridiculous Religion, and in the end, cost him his life. And Socrates after him for the like causes, vnder▪ went the like fortune. It is not therefore much to be regarded, if this other disciple of his, were 〈◊〉 some reputed an Athiest to. For though he were none, yet it is not improba∣ble, but by the light of naturall reason, he might see enough in the Religion of these 〈◊〉, to make him thinke it vaine, and superstitious; which was enough to make him an Atheist, in the opinion of the People. In some places of his History, hee noteth the aequiuocation of the Oracles; and yet hee confirmeth an asser∣tion of his owne▪ touching the time this Warre lasted, by the Oracles predi∣ction. He taxth Nicias for being to punctuall in the obseruation of the Ceremo∣nies of their Religion▪ when he ouerthrew himselfe and his Army, and indeed the whole Dominion and liberty of his Countrey by it. Yet he commendeth him in another place for his worshipping of the Gods, and saith in that respect, hee least of all men deserued to come to so great a degree of Calamity as he did. So that in his writings our Authour appeareth to be, on the one side not superstitious, on the other side not an Athit.

In Rhetorique, he was the Disciple of Antiphon▪ one (by his discription in the eighth Booke of this History) for power of speech almost a miracle, and feared by the People, for his eloquence. Insomuch as in his latter dayes he liued retyred, but so as he gaue counsell to, and writ Orations for other men that resorted vnto him, to that purpose. It was he that contriued the deposing of the People, and the set∣ting vp of the gouernment of the 400. For which also he was put to death, when the P••pl againe recouered their authority; notwithstanding that he pleaded his owne cause, the best of any man to that day.

It need not be doubted, but from such a Master, Thucydides was sufficiently 〈◊〉, to haue become a great Demagogue, and of great authority with the People. But it seemeth he had no desire at all to meddle in the gouernment, because in those ti••s it was impossible for any man to giue good and profitable counsell for the Common-wealth and not incurre the displeasure of the People For their opinion was such of their owne power, and of the facility of atchieuing whatsoeuer acti∣on they vndertooke, that such men onely swayed the Assemblies, and were estee∣med wse and good Common-wealths men, as did put them vpon the most dange∣rous and desperate enterprizes. Whereas he that gaue them temperate, and dis∣creet aduice, was thought a Coward, or not to vnderstand, or else to maligne their power. And no maruell; for much prosperity (to which they had now for many yeeres been accustomed) maketh men in loue with themselues; and it is hard for any man to loue that counsell which maketh him loue himselfe the lesse. And it holdeth much more in a Multitude, then in one Man; For a man that reasoneth with himselfe, will not be ashamed to admit of timerous suggestions in his busi∣nesse, that he may the stronglyer prouide; but in publique deliberations before a Multitude, Feare, (which for the most part aduiseth well, though it execute not so) seldome or neuer sheweth it selfe, or is admitted. By this meanes it came to passe amongst the Athenians, who thought they were able to doe any thing, that wicked men and flatterers draue them headlong into those actions that were to ruine them; and the good men either durst not oppose, or if they did, vndid them∣selues. Thucydides therefore, that he might not be either of them that commit∣ted, or of them that suffered euill, forbore to come into the Assemblies, and pro∣pounded to himselfe, a priuate life as farre as the eminency of so wealthy a person, and the writing of the History he had vndertaken, would permit.

For his opinion touching the gouernment of the State, it is manifest that he least of all liked the Democracy. And vpon diuers occasions, hee noteth the emulation and contention of the Demagogues, for reputation, and glory of wit; with their crossing of each others counsels to the dammage of the Publique; the inconstancy Page  [unnumbered] of Resolutions, caused by the diuersity of ends, and power of Rhetorique in the O∣rators; and the desperate actions vndertaken vpon the flattering aduice of such as desired to attaine, or to hold what they had attained of authority and sway a∣mongst the common people. Nor doth it appeare, that he magnifieth any where the authority of the Few▪ amongst whom he saith euery one desireth to be chiefe, and they that are vnderualued, beare it with lesse patience then in a Democracy; whereupon sedition followeth, and dissolution of the gouernment. Hee prayseth the gouernment of Athens, when it was mixt of the Few and the Many; but more he commendeth it, both when Pisistratus raigned (sauing that it was an vsur∣ped power) and when in the beginning of this Warre, it was Democraticall in name, but in effect Monarchicall vnder Pericles. So that it seemeth that as he was of Regall descent, so he best approued of the Regall Gouernment. It is therefore no maruell, if he meddled as little as he could in the businesse of the Common-wealth, but gaue himselfe rather to the obseruation and recording of what was done by those that had the mannaging thereof. Which also he was no lesse prompt dili∣gent and faithfull by the disposition of his mind, then by his fortune, dignity, and wisedome, able to accomplish. How he was disposed to a worke of this nature, may be vnderstood by this, that when being a young man he heard Herodotus the Historiographer reciting his History in Publique, (for such was the fashion both of that, and many Ages after) he felt so great a sting of aemulation, that it drew teares from him, insomuch as Herodotus himselfe tooke notice how violently his mind was set on letters, and told his Father Olorus. When the Peloponnesian Warre began to breake out, he coniectured truely, that it would prooue an Argument worthy his labour; and no sooner it began, then he began his History; pursu∣ing the same, not in that perfect manner, in which we see it now, but by way of Commentary, or plaine Register of the Actions and passages thereof, as from time to time they fell out, and came to his knowledge. But such a Commentary it was, as might perhaps deserue to be preferr'd before a History written by another. For it is very probable that the eighth Booke is left the same it was when he first writ it, neither beautified with Orations, nor so well Cemented at the Transitions, as the former seuen Bookes are. And though he began to write as soone as euer the Warre was on foot, yet began he not to perfect and polish his History, till after he was banished.

For notwithstanding his retyred life vpon the Coast of Thrace, where his owne possessions lay, he could not auoyd a seruice of the State, which proued to him af∣terwards very vnfortunate. For whilest he resided in the Ile Thasus, it fell out that Brasidas the Lacedaemonian, besieged Amphipolis, a Citie belonging to the A∣thenians, on the Confines of Thrace, and Macedony, distant from Thasus, about halfe a dayes sayle. To relieue which, the Captaine thereof for the Athenians, sent to Tbucydides, to leuy a power and make haste vnto him, (for Thucydides was one of the Strategi, that is, had authority to raise forces in those parts, for the seruice of the Common-wealth.) And he did accordingly. But he came thither one night too late, and found the City already yeelded vp. And for this he was afterwards banished, as if he had let slip his time through negligence, or purposely put it off, vpon feare of the Enemy. Neuerthelesse he put himselfe into the Citie of Eion, and preserued it to the Athenians, with the repulse of Brasidas, which came downe from Amphipolis, the next morning, and assaulted it. The author of his banishment is supposed to haue been Gleon, a most violent Sycophant in those times, and thereby also a most acceptable Speaker amongst the people. For where affaires succeed amisse, though there want neither prouidence, nor cou∣rage in the Conduction, yet with those that iudge onely vpon euents, the way to calumny is alwayes open, and Enuy, in the likenesse of Zeale to the Publique good, easily findeth credit for an accusation.

After his Banishment he liued in Scapt-Hyle, a Citie of Thrace, before men∣tioned, as Plutarch writeth; but yet so as he went abroad; and was present at the Actions of the rest of the Warre as appeareth by his owne words in his fift Booke. Where he saith, that he was present at the Actions of both parts, and no lesse at those of the Peloponnesians, by reason of his exile, then those of the Athenians. During this time also, he perfected his History, so far as is now to be seene; nor doth Page  [unnumbered] it appeare that after his exile, he euer againe enioyed his Countrey. It is not cleere in any Author, where, or when, or in what yeere of his owne Age, he dyed. Most agree that he dyed in Banishment; yet there be that haue written, that after the defeat in Sicily, the Athenians decreed a generall reuocation of all banished persons, except those of the Family of Pisistratus; and that he then returned, and was afterwards put to death at Athens. But this is very vnlikely to be true, vn∣lesse by after the defeat in Sicily, he meant so long after, that it was also after the end of the Peloponnesian Warre, because Thucydides himselfe maketh no mention of such returne, though he out-liued the whole War, as is manifest by his words in the fift Booke. For he saith he liued in banishment twenty yeeres after his charge at Am∣phipolis; which happened in the eighth yeere of this Warre, which in the whole, la∣sted but 27 yeeres compleat. And in another place he maketh mention of the razing of the Long-walles betweene Peiraeus, and the Citie; which was the last stroke of this Warre. They that say he dyed at Athens, take their coniecture from his Monu∣ment which was there. But this is not a sufficient Argument; for he might bee buried there secretly, (as some haue written he was) though he dyed abroad; or his Monument might be there, and (as others haue affirmed) he not buried in it. In this variety of coniecture there is nothing more probable then that which is written by Pausanias, where he describeth the Monuments of the Athenian Citie, and saith thus. The worthy Act of Oenobius, in the behalfe of Thucydides, is not without honour (meaning that he had a Statue.) For Oenobius obtained to haue a De∣cree passed for his returne; who returning was slaine by treachery, and his Sepulchre is neere the Gates called Melirides. He dyed, as saith Marcellinus, after the seuen and fiftieth yeere of his Age. And if it be true that is written by A. Gellius, of the A∣ges of Hellanicus, Herodotus, and Thucydides, then died he not before the sixty eighth yeere. For if he were forty when the Warre began, and liued (as he did, certain∣ly) to see it ended he might be more when he dyed, but not lesse then sixty eight yeeres of Age. What children be left, is not manifest. Plato in Menone, maketh mention of Milesias and Stephanus, sonnes of a Thucydides, of a very Noble Fami∣ly; but it is cleere that they were of Thucydides, the Riuall of Pericles, both by the name Milesias, and because this Thucydides also, was of the Family of Milti∣ades, as Plutarchfieth in the Life of Cimon. That he had a sonne, is affirmed by Marcellinus, out of the authority of Polemon, but of his name there is no mention, saue that a learned man readeth there, in the place of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉... (which is in the imper∣fect Copie) Timotheus. Thus much of the person of Thucydides.

Now for his writings, two things are to bee considered in them, Truth, and Eloquution. For in Truth consisteth the Soule, and in Eloquution the Body of Hi∣story. The latter without the former, is but a picture of History; and the former without the latter, vnapt to instruct. But let vs see how our Author hath acquit∣ted himselfe in both. For the Faith of this History, I shall haue the lesse to say, in respect that no man hath euer yet called it into question. Nor indeed could any man iustly doubt of the truth of that Writer, in whom they had nothing at all to suspect of those things that could haue caused him either voluntarily to lie, or ig∣norantly to deliuer an vntruth. He ouertasked not himselfe by vndertaking an Hi∣story of things done long before his time, and of which he was not able to informe himselfe. He was a man that had as much meanes, in regard both of his dignity and wealth, to find the truth of what he relateth, as was needfull for a man to haue. He vsed as much diligence in search of the truth, (noting euery thing whilest it was fresh in memory, and laying out his wealth vpon intelligence,) as was possible for a man to vse. He affected least of any man the acclamations of Popular Audi∣tories, and wrote not his History to win present applause, as was the vse of that Age, but for a Monument to instruct the Ages to come. Which he professeth him∣selfe, and Entitleth his Booke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Possesion for euerlasting. He was farre from the necessity of seruile Writers, either to feare or flatter. And whereas he may peraduenture be thought to haue beene maleuolent towards his Countrey, because they deserued to haue him so, yet hath he not written any thing that discouereth any such passion. Nor is there any thing written of them that tendeth to their dishonour, as Athenians, but onely as People; and that by the necessity of the narration, not by any sought digression. So that no word of his, Page  [unnumbered] but their own actions do sometimes reproach them. In summe, if the truth of a Hi∣story did euer appeare by the manner of relating, it doth so in this History; So co∣haerent, perspicuous and perswasiue is the whole Narration, and euery part therof.

In the Eloquution also; Two things are considerable, Disposition or Method, and Stile. Of the Disposition here vsed by Thucydides, it will be sufficient in this place, briefly to obserue onely this. That in his first Booke, first he hath by way of Exor∣dium, deriued the State of Greece from the Cradle, to the vigorous stature it then was at, when he began to write; and next, declared the causes, both reall and pre∣tended of the Warre hee was to write of, In the rest, in which hee handleth the Warre it selfe, he followeth distinctly and purely the order of time throughout; relating what came to passe from yeere to yeere, and subdiuiding each yeere into a Summer and Winter. The grounds and motiues of euery action, he setteth down before the action it selfe, either Narratiuely, or else contriueth them into the forme of Deliberatiue Orations, in the persons of such as from time to time bare sway in the Common-wealth. After the actions, when there is iust occasion, he giueth his iudgement of them, shewing by what meanes the successe came either to be furthe∣red or hindered. Digressions for instructions cause, and other such open conuey∣ances of Precepts (which is the Philosophers part) he neuer vseth, as hauing so cleerely set before mens eyes, the wayes and euents, of good and euill counsels, that the Narration it selfe doth secretly instruct the Reader, and more effectually then possibly can be done by Precept.

For his Stile, I referre it to the iudgement of diuers antient and competent Iudges. Plutarch in his Booke▪ De gloria Atheniensium, saith of him thus. Thucy∣dides aymeth alwayes at this, to make his Auditor a Spectator, and to cast his Reader into the same passions that they were in, that were beholders. The manner how Demost∣henes aranged the Athenians on the rugged shore before Pylus. How Brasidas vrged the Steeresman to runne his Gally a ground; how he went to the Ladder, or place in the Gally for descent, how he was hurt, and swowned, and fell downe on the ledges of the Gally; how the Spartans fought after the manner of a Land-fight vpon the Sea, and the Atheni∣ans of a Sea-fight vpon Land. Againe, in the Sicilian Warre, how a battell was fought by Sea and Land, with equall fortune. These things, I say, are so described, and so euident∣ly set before our eyes, that the mind of the Reader is no lesse affected therewith, then if hee had beene present in the Actions. There is for his perspecuity. Cicero in his Booke entituled Orator, speaking of the affection of diuers Greeke Rhetoricians, saith thus. And therefore Herodotus and Thucydides are the more admirable. For though they liued in the same Age with those J haue before named, (meaning Thrasymachus, Gor∣gius, and Theodorus) yet were they farre from this kind of delicacy, or rather indeed folery. For the one without rubbe, gently glideth like a still River, and the other (mea∣ning Thucydides) runnes stronglier, and in matter of Warre, as it were, bloweth a trum∣pet of Warre. And in these two (as saith Theophrastus) History hath rowsed her selfe, and aduentured to speake, both more copiously, and with more ornament then in those that were before them. This commends the grauity, and the dignity of his language. Againe in his second Booke, De Oratore, thus. Thucydides in the Art of speaking, hath in my opinion far exceeded them all. For he is so full of matter, that the number of his sentences, doth almost reach to the number of his words; and in his words he is so apt, and so close, that it is hard to say, whether his words do more illustrate his sentences, or his sen∣tences his words. There is for the pithinesse and strength of his Stile. Lastly, for the purity, and propriety, I cite, Dionysius Halicarnassius, whose testimony is the stronger in this point, because he was a Greeke Rhetorician for his faculty, and for his affection, one that would no further commend him, then of necessity he must. His words are these. There is one vertue in Eloquence, the chiefest of all the rest, and without which there is no other goodnesse in speech. What is that? That the language be pure and retaine the propriety of the Greeke tongue. This they both obserue diligent∣ly. For Herodotus is the best rule of the Ionique, and Thucydides of the Attique Di∣alect. These testimonies are not needfull to him that hath read the History it selfe, nor at all, but that this same Dionysius hath taken so much paines, and applyed so much of his faculty in Rhetorique to the extenuating of the worth thereof; More∣ouer, I haue thought it necessary to take out the principall obiections he maketh against him, and without many words of mine owne, to leaue them to the consi∣deration Page  [unnumbered] of the Reader. And first Dionysius saith thus. The principall, and most ne∣cessary office of any man that intendeth to write a History, is to chuse a Noble Argument, and gratefull to such as shall reade it. And this, Herodotus, in my opinion, hath done bet∣ter then Thucydides. For Herodotus hath written the ioynt History, both of the Greekes and Barbarians, to saue from obliuion, &c. But Thucydides writeth one onely Warre, and that neither honourable, nor fortunate; which principally were to bee wished neuer to haue beene; and next, neuer to haue been remembred, nor knowne to posterity. And that he tooke an euill Argument in hand, he maketh it manifest in his proeme, saying, That many Cities were in that Warre made desolate, and vtterly destroyed, partly by Barbarians, partly by the Greekes themselues: so many banishments, and so much slaughter of men as neuer was the like before, &c. So that the hearers will abhorre it, at the first propounding. Now by how much it is better to write of the wonderfull acts both of the Barbarians, and Grecians, then of the pittifull and horrible calamities of the Grecians, so much wiser is Herodotus in the choyce of his Argument, then Thucy∣dides.

Now let any man consider whether it be not more reasonable to say. That the principall, & most necessary office of him that will write a History, is to take such an Ar∣gument, as is both within his power well to handle, and profitable to posterity that shall reade it. Which Thucydides, in the opinion of all men▪ hath done better then Herodo∣tus. For Herodotus vndertooke to write of those things, of which it was impossible for him to know the truth; and which delight more the eare with fabulous Narrations, then satisfie the mind with truth. But Thucydides writeth one Warre, which, how it was carried from the beginning to the end, he was able certainely to informe himselfe. And by propounding in his Proeme, the miseries that happened in the same, he sheweth that it was a great Warre, and worthy to be knowne, and not to be concealed from posterity, for the calamities that then fell vpon the Grecians; but the rather to be truely deliuered vnto them for that men profit more by looking on aduerse euents, then on prosperity. Therefore by how much mens miseries doe better instruct, then their good successe, by so much was Thucydides more happy in taking his Argument, then Herodotus was wise in chusing his.

Dionysius againe, saith thus. The next office of him that will write a History, is to know where to begin, and where to end. And in this point Herodotus seemeth to be farre more discrect then Thucydides. For in the first place he layeth downe the cause, for which the Barbarians began to iniure the Grecians; and going on, maketh an end at the punishment, and the reuenge taken on the Barbarians. But Thucydides begins at the good estate of the Grecians, which being a Grecian, and an Athenian, he ought not to haue done; nor ought he, being of that dignity amongst the Athenians, so euidently to haue laid the fault of the Warre vpon his owne City, when there were other occasions enough to which he might haue imputed it. Nor ought he to haue begun with the businesse of the Corcyraeans, but at the more Noble Acts of his Countrey, which they did immediately af∣ter the Persian Warre, (which afterward in conuenient place he mentioneth, but it is but cursorily, and not as he ought.) And when he had declared those, with much affection, as a louer of his Countrey, then he should haue brought in, how that the Lacedaemonians, through enuy and feare, but pretending other causes, began the Warre, and so haue descen∣ded to the Corcyraean businesse, and the Decree against the Megareans, or whatsoeuer else he had to put in. Then in the ending of his History, there be many errours committed. For though he professe he was present in the whole warre, and that he would write it all, yet he ends with the Nauall battell at Cynossema, which was fought in the 21 yeere of the warre; whereas it had beene better to haue gone through with it, and ended his Histo∣ry with that admirable, and gratefull returne of the banished Athenians from Phile, at which time the City recouered her liberty.

To this I say. That it was the duty of him that had vndertaken to write the History of the Peloponnesian VVarre, to begin his Narration no further of, then at the causes of the same, whether the Grecians were then in good, or in euill estate. And if the iniury, vpon which the warre arose, proceeded from the Athenians, then the writer, though an A∣thenian, and honoured in his Countrey, ought to declare the same, and not to seeke, nor take, though at hand, any other occasion to transferre the fault. And that the Acts done before the time comprehended in the warre he writ of, ought to haue been touched but cur∣sorily, and no more then may serue for the enlightning of the History to follow, how Noble Page  [unnumbered] soeuer those Acts haue beene. Which when he had thus touched, without affection to ei∣ther side, and not as a louer of his Countrey, but of truth, then to haue proceeded to the rest, with the like indifferency, And to haue made an end of writing, where the Warre ended, which he vndertooke to write; not producing his History beyond that period, though that which followed were neuer so admirable and acceptable. All this Thucydides hath obserued.

These two criminations, I haue therefore set downe at large, translated almost verbatim▪ that the iudgement of Dionysius Halicarnassius, may the better appeare, concerning the mayne and principall vertues of a History. I thinke there was ne∣uer written so much absurdity in so few lines. He is contrary to the opinion of all men that euer spake of this subiect besides himselfe, and to common sense. For he makes the scope of History not profit by writing truth, but delight of the hea∣rer▪ as if it were a Song. And the Argument of History, he would not by any meanes haue to containe the calamities and misery of his Countrey, (these he would haue buried in silence) but onely their glorious and splendid actions. Amongst the ver∣tues of an Historiographer, hee reckons affection to his Countrey; study to please the hearer; to write of more then his Argument leades him to; and to con∣ceale all actions that were not to the honour of his Countrey. Most manifest vi∣ces. He was a Rhetorician, and it seemeth he would haue nothing written, but that which was most capable of Rhetoricall ornament. Yet Lucian▪ a Rhetorician also, in a Treatise, entituled, How a History ought to be written, saith thus, That a writer of History, ought in his writings, to be a forraigner, without Countrey, liuing vnder his owne Law onely, subiect to no King, nor caring what any man will like, or dis∣like, but laying out the matter as it is.

The third fault he finds, is this That the method of his History is gouerned by the time rather then the periods of seuerall actions. For he declares in order what came to passe each Summer, and Winter, and is thereby forced sometimes, to leaue the Narration of a siege, or sedition, or a Warre, or other action, in the middest, and enter into a Relation of somewhat else▪ done at the same time, in another place, and to come to the former againe when the time requires it. This saith hee, causeth confusion in the mind of his hearer, so that he cannot comprehend distinctly the seuerall parts of the History.

Dionysius aymeth still at the delight of the present hearer; though Thucydides himselfe professe that his scope is not that, but to leaue his worke for a perpetuall possession to posterity. And then haue men leasure enough to comprehend him throughly. But indeed, whosoeuer shall reade him once attentiuely, shall more distinctly conceiue of euery action this way, then the other; and the method is more naturall; for as much as his purpose being to write of one Peloponnesian Warre, this way he hath incorporated all the parts thereof into one body, so that there is vni∣ty in the whole, and the seuerall Narrations are conceiued onely as parts of that; Whereas the other way, he had but sowed together many little Histories, and left the Peloponnesian Warre (which he tooke for his subiect) in a manner vnwrltten; for neither any part▪ nor the whole, could iustly haue carryed such a Title.

Fourthly, he accuseth him for the method of his first Booke, in that he deriueth Greece, from the infancy thereof to his owne time; and in that he setteth downe the Narration of the quarrels about Corcyra, and Potidaea, before he entreateth of the true cause of the Warre, which was the greatnesse of the Athenian dominion, fea∣red and enuyed by the Lacedaemonians.

For answer to this, I say thus. For the mentioning of the antient State of Greece, he doth it briefly▪ insisting no longer vpon it then is necessary for the well vnderstan∣ding of the following History. For without some generall notions of these first times, many places of the History are the lesse easie to be vnderstood, as depen∣ding vpon the knowledge of the originall of seuerall Cities and Customes, which could not be at all inserted into the History it selfe, but must be either supposed to before knowne by the reader, or else be deliuered to him in the beginning, as a ne∣cessary Preface And for his putting first the Narration of the Publique, and auowed cause of this Warre, and after that the true and inward motiue of the same, the re∣prehension is absurd. For it is plaine that a cause of Warre, divulged and auowed, how flight soeuer it be, comes within the taske of the Historiographer, no lesse then Page  [unnumbered] the Warre it selfe, for without a pretext, no Warre followes. This pretet is al∣wayes an iniury receiued, or pretended to be receiued. Whereas the inward mo∣tiue to hostility is but coniecturall, and not of that euidence, that a Historiographer should be alwayes bound to take notice of it; as enuy to the greatnesse of another State, or feare of an iniury to come. Now let any man iudge, whether a good wri∣ter of History, ought to handle, as the principall cause of Warre, proclaimed iniu∣ry, or concealed enuy. In a word the Image of the Method vsed by Thucydides in this point, is this. The Quarrell about Corcyra, passed on this manner; and the Quar∣rell about Potidaea, on this manner; (relating both at large) and in both, the Atheni∣ans were accused to haue done the iniury. Neuerthelesse the Lacedaemonians had not vpon this iniury entred into a Warre against them, but that they enuyed the greatnesse of their power, and feared the consequence of their ambition. I thinke a more cleare, and naturall order cannot possibly be deuised.

Againe he sayes, that he maketh a Funerall Oration (which was solemnely done on all occasions through the Warre) for 15 Horsemen onely, that were slaine at the Brookes called Rheiti; and that for this reason onely, that he might make it in the person of Pericles, who was then liuing, but before another the like occasion hap∣pened, was dead.

The manner of the Athenians was, that they that were slaine the first, in any Warre, should haue a solemne Funerall, in the suburbs of the Citie. During this Warre, they had many occasions to put this custome in practise. Seeing therefore it was fit to haue that custome, & the forme of it knowne, and that once for all, the manner being euer the same, it was fittest to relate it on the first occasion, what number soeuer they were that were then buried; which neuerthelesse is not likely to haue been so few as Dionysius saith. For the Funerall was not celebrated till the Winter after they were slaine, so that many more were slaine before this solemni∣ty, and may all be accounted amongst the first. And that Pericles performed the office of making their Funerall Oration, there is no reason alledged by him, why it should be doubted.

Another fault hee finds, is this; That he introduceth the Athenian Generals in a Dialogue, with the Inhabitants of the Ile of Melos, pretending openly, for the cause of their inuasion of that Ile, the power and will of the State of Athens, and reiecting vtterly, to enter into any disputation with them, concerning the e∣quity of their cause; which he saith, was contrary to the dignity of the State.

To this may be answered; That the Proceeding of these Generals was not vn∣like to diuers other Actions, that the people of Athens openly tooke vpon them; and therefore it is very likely they were allowed so to proceed. Howsoeuer, if the Athenian People gaue in charge to these their Captaines, to take in the Iland, by all meanes whatsoeuer, without power to report backe vnto them first, the equity of the Ilanders cause, as is most likely to be true, I see then no reason the Generals had to enter into disputation with them, whether they should performe their charge, or not, but onely whether they should doe it by faire, or foule meanes; which is the point treated of in this Dialogue. Other Cauils he hath, touching the matter, and order of this History, but not needfull to be answered.

Then for his phrase, he carpeth at it in infinite places, both for obscure and li∣centious. He that will see the particular places, he reprehendeth, let him read Dio∣nysius himselfe, if he will; for the matter is too tedious for this place. It is true, that there be some Sentences in him, somewhat long, not obscure to one that is at∣tentiue; and besides that, they are but few. Yet is this the most important fault he findeth. For the rest, the obscurity that is, proceedeth from the profoundnesse of the Sentences, containing contemplations of those humane passions, which either dissembled, or not commonly discoursed of, doe yet carry the greatest sway with men, in their publique conuersation. If then one cannot penetrate into them without much meditation, we are not to expect a man should vnderstand them at the first speaking. Marcellinus saith, he was obscure on purpose, that the Common people might not vnderstand him. And not vnlikely; for a wise man should so write (thogh in words vnderstood by all men) that wise men only should be able to com∣mend him. But this obscurity is not to be in the Narrations of things done, not in the descriptions of places, or of battels▪ in all wch, Thucydides is most perspicuous, Page  [unnumbered] as Plutarch in the words before cited▪ hath testified of him. But in the Characters of mens humours and manners, and applying them to affaires of consequence, it is impossible not to be obscure to ordinary capacities, in what words soeuer a man deliuer his mind; If therefore Thucydides in his Orations, or in the Description of a Sedition, or other thing of that kind, be not easily vnderstood, it is of those onely that cannot penetrate into the nature of such things, and proceedeth not from any intricacy of expression. Dionysius further findeth fault with his vsing to set word against word, which the Rhetoricians call Antitheta. Which, as it is in some kind of speech, a very great vice, so is it not vnproper in Characters; and of comparatiue discourses, it is almost the onely Stile.

And whereas he further taxeth him for licentiousnesse in turning Nownes into Verbes, and Verbes into Nownes, and altering of Genders, Cases, and Numbers, as hee doth sometimes for the more efficacy of his Stile, & without Soloecisme, I leaue him to the answer of Marcellinus; who sayes, That Dionysius findeth fault with this, as being ignorant (yet he was a professed Rhetorician) that this was the most excellent, and perfect kind of speaking.

Some man may peraduenture desire to know, what motiue Dionysius might haue, to extenuate the worth of him, whom he himselfe acknowledgeth to haue beene esteemed by all men, for the best by farre of all Historians that euer writ, and to haue been taken by all the Antient Orators▪ and Philosophers, for the measure and rule of writing History. What motiue he had to it, I know not; but what glory he might expect by it, is easily knowne. For hauing first preferred Herodotus, his Countreyman▪ a Halicarnassian, before Thucydides, who was accounted the best, and then conceiuing that his owne History might perhaps be thought not inferiour to that of Herodotus, by this computation he saw the honour of the best Historiogra∣pher falling on himselfe; Wherin (in the opinion of all men) he hath misreckoned. And thus much for the obiections of Denis of Halicarnasse.

It is written of Demosthenes, the famous Orator, that he wrote ouer the History of Thucydides with his owne hand, eight times. So much was this Worke estee∣med, euen for the eloquence. But yet was this his eloquence not at all fit for the barre, but proper for History, and rather to be read, then heard. For words that passe away (as in publike Orations they must) without pause, ought to be vnderstood with ease, and are lost else; though words that remaine in writing▪ for the Reader to meditate on, ought rather to be pithy, and full. Cicero therefore doth iustly set him a part, from the ranke of Pleaders, but withall, he continually giueth him his due for History. Lib. 2. De Oratore. What great Rhetorician euer borrowed any thing of Thu∣cydides? yet all men praise him, I confesse it, as a wise, seuere, graue Relator of things done. Not for a Pleader of Causes at the Barre, but a Reporter of Warre in History. So that he was neuer reckoned an Orator, nor if he had neuer written a History, had his name therefore not been extant, being a man of Honour and Nobility. Yet, none of them imitate the graity of his Words and Sentences; but when they haue vttered a kinde of lame and disioynted stuffe, they presently thinke themselues brothers of Thucydides. Againe, in his Booke, De optimo Oratore, he saith thus. But here will stand vp Thucydides; For his eloquence is by some admired; and iustly. But this is nothing to the Orator wee seeke; for it is one thing to vnfold a matter by way of Narration; another thing to ac∣cuse a man, or cleere him by Arguments. And in Narrations, one thing to stay the hea∣rer; another to stirre him. Lucian, in his Booke entituled, How a History ought to be written, doth continually exemplifie the vertues which he requires in an Hi∣storiographer, by Thucydides. And if a man consider well that whole Discourse of his, he shall plainely perceiue, that the Image of this present History, praeconceiued in Lucians minde, suggested vnto him all the Precepts he there deliuereth. Lastly, heare the most true and proper commendation of him, from Iustus Lipsius, in his Notes to his Booke, De Doctrina Ciuili, in these words. Thucydides, who hath writ∣ten, not many, nor very great matters, hath perhaps yet won the Garland from all that haue written of matters, both many and great. Euery where for Eloquution graue; short and thicke with sense; sound in his iudgements; euery where secretly instructing, and dire∣cting a mans life and actions. In his Orations and Excursions, almost Diuine. Whom the oftner you read, the more you shall carry away, yet neuer be dismissed without appetite. Next to him is Polybius, &c. And thus much concerning the Life and History of Thucydides.

Page  [unnumbered] Page  [unnumbered]

The names of the places of Greece occurring in Thucydides, or in the Mappe of Greece, briefly noted out of diuers Authors, for the better manifesting of their scituation, and enlightning of the History.

    A
  • ABas, a City of the Locrians of Opus, confining on Hi∣ampolis, which is a City of Phocis. Pausanias in Pho∣cicis.
  • Abdera, a City scituate next beyond the Riuer Nestus, towards the East▪ Strab. Epitome lib. 7. Nestus a Riuer of the territory of Abdera. Herodotus, lib. 7.
  • Abydus, a City on the entrance of Helle∣spont, betweene Lampsacus and Ilium, equal∣ly distant from both. In sight of Ilium, and is distant from the mouth of the Riuer Ae∣sepus by Sea 700 furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Acanthus, a City neere to the Jsthmus of Mount Athos, and (as in the Epitome of Straboes seuenth Booke) in the Bay of Sin∣gus. But it appeareth by Herodotus in his se∣uenth Booke, that it lyeth on the other side, in the Bay of Strymon; where he saith, that the Isthmus of Mount Athos is of twelue furlongs length, and reacheth from Acan∣thus to the Sea that lyeth before Torone. And in another place of the same Booke he saith, that the Fleete of Xerxes sayled through the Ditch (which Xerxes had cau∣sed to bee made through the said Isthmus) from Acanthus, into the Bay, in which are these Cities, Singus, &c.
  • Acarnania, a region in Greece, diuided from Epirus by the Bay of Ambracia. Pol. lib. 4. it reacheth from Ambracia to the Riuer Achelous; and is diuided from the Aetoli∣ans by Achelous. Srab. lib. 10.
  • Achaeum, a City of Troas, opposite to the Ile Tenedos. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Achaia, a Region of Peloponnesus, confi∣ning on Elis, Arcadia, and Sicyonia, bounded on one side with Elis, at the Promontory of Araxus, and on the other side with the Territory of Sicyon. Strab. lib. 8. It hath in it 12 Cities in this order, beginning at that part which confineth on Sicyonia. Pel∣lene, Aegirae, Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhy∣pes, Patrae, Pharae, Olenus, Dyme, Tritaea. He∣rodotus lib. 1. Strab. lib. 9. It is also a part of Thessaly, in which are the Phtiotae. Herod. lib. 7. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Acharnae, a Towne of Attica, distant from Athens about 60. Furlongs; Thucyd. lib. 2. and lyeth toward the North of it, as may be collected out of the narration of the iourney of Archidamus with his Armie, in the same Booke.
  • Achelous, a riuer that riseth in the Moun∣taine Pindus, and running through the Territories of Agraes, and Amphilocha, and by the City of Stratus, deuideth the mari∣time parts of Acarnania from Aetolia. Strabo lib. 10. Achelous riseth in Pindus, and run∣neth through Dolopia, Agraeis, Amphilochia, by the City of Stratus, and by the City Oe∣nias into the Sea. Thucyd. lib. 2. in the later end.
    • Acheron,
    • Acherusia,
    Acherusia is a Lake which issueth into the Sea, neere vnto Cheimerium, a Promontory of Thespro∣tis, and into this Lake falleth the Riuer Acheron. Thuc. lib. 1. Acheron commeth out of the Lake Acherusia, into the Hauen Gly∣cys. Strab. lib. 7. Acheron commeth out of Molossis, and falleth into the Lake Acheru∣sia, which Liuy calleth the Bay of Thesprotis: Liuy, lib. 8.
  • Acriae, a Citie of Laconia; betweene it and Gythium the riuer Eurotas goeth out in∣to the Sea. Strabo lib. 8. From Helos, which is at the mouth of Eurotas, it is 30 furlongs distant, and from the Promontory of Tae∣narus 230 furlongs. Pausan. in Laconicis.
  • Acritas, a Promontory ioyning to the Territory of Methone, and is the begin∣ning of the Bay of Messenia. Strabo. lib. 8.
    • Acrothoi,—
    • Acrothos prom.
    • Acrothoon,
    Acrothoi are the People of a City in the Territo∣rie of Acte, in which Acte is the Mountaine Athos. Thucyd. lib. 4. A∣crothos is a Promontory of Mount Athos, towards the Bay of Strymon. And Acro∣thoon a City in the same. Herodotus lib. 7. In stead of this Acrothos and Acrothoon, Pto∣lomie hath Athosa, a Citie and Promontory. Acroton, a Towne on the top of Mount A∣thos. Pliny, lib 4.
  • Acte is that Territory wherein standeth the Mountaine Athos, disioyned from the Continent by a Ditch made by the King of Persia, and hath in it these Cities, Sane, Dion, Thyssus, Cleonae, Acrothoi, Olophyxus. Thu∣cyd. lib. 4.
  • Actium, a Temple of Apollo, vpon the shore. It is scituate where the Bay of Am∣bracia is narrowest. Polybius. lib. 4. In the mouth of the Bay of Ambracia, not farre from Anactorium. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Adramyttium & sinus A∣dramyttenus,- The Bay of Adramyttium (taken in the greatest extent) beginneth at the Promontory of Lectus, and endeth at the Promontory of Canae, which is opposite to Mala of Lesbos. And the Bay of 〈◊〉 (properly so called) beginneth at the Promontory of Gargara, and endeth at the Promontory of Pyrrha. And the Citie of Adramyttium is within the Promontory of Pyrrha. Strabo lib. 13.
  • Aedepsa, a City of Euboea, ouer against Opus, a City of the Locrians. Strab. lib 9.
  • Aedessa, a City of Macedonia, in the way called by Strabo, Ignatia, from Apollonia and Dyrrachium (or Epidamnus) to Thessalonica (or Therme,) and lyeth betweene Thessalo∣nica and the Eordians. Strab. lib 7.
  • Aegae, a City of Euboea, opposite to the mouth of the Riuer Cephissus. Strab. libro 9. It is also the name of a Citie of Achaia in Peloponnesus, betweene Helice and Bura. He∣rodotus, lib. 1. Pausan. in Achaicis. It is the name also of another City in Aeolia, lying vp from the Sea behinde the Territory of Cyme. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Aegina, an Iland ouer against Epidaurus, in the Saronian Bay. Strab. lib. 8. Pausan. in Cor.
  • Aegirae, a City of Achaia, betweene Pelle∣ne and Aegae. Herod. lib. 1. Strab. lib. 9. Op∣posite to Parnassus. Polyb. lib. 4. Also a Ci∣ty of Lesbos, where the Iland is narrowest betweene the Bay of Pyrrha, and the other Sea. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Aegitium a Towne in Aetolia, amongst the Hils, 80 furlongs distant from the Sea. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Aegium, a City of Achaia, betweene He∣lice and Rhypes. Herodot. lib. 1. Strab. lib.. distant from Pa••ae 160 Furlongs. Pausan. in Achaicis.
  • Aegos potamos, a Riuer in the Thraci•• Chersonnesus, distant from Sestos 15 furlongs. Xenophon. Graecorum 2.
  • Aemathia, a Region of Macedonia, placed by Ptolomie betweene Thessaly and the Ri∣uer Axius.
  • Aemus, a Mountaine of Thrace, which diuideth it almost in the middest, and reacheth from the Pannonian Mountaines, to Pontus Euxinus. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Aenia, a City in the Bay of Therme, last in order from Poidaea towards Therme. He∣rodotus lib. 7. It is distant from Thessalonica, (which is the same with Therme) 120 Fur∣longs, and opposite to Pydna. Liuy lib. 44 in the beginning.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Aenus, a City between the Riuer Hebrus and the Bay of Melas▪ (.i. the Blacke Bay,) Herod. lib. 7. Appian. lib. 4. Ciuilium.
  • Aenianes, a Greeke Nation, inhabiting in Mount Octa, part of them aboue the Ae∣tolans, (that is, so as the Aetolians are be∣tween them and the Sea) They border on the Locri Epicnemides, in such manner, as the Aetolians doe on the Locri Ozlae, Strab. l. 9, 10.
  • Aeo••s, a Greeke Nation inhabiting by the Sea side in Asia from the Promontory of Lectus to the Riuer Hermus. Strabo. lib. 13.
  • Aesepus, a Riuer in Troas, rising out of Mount Ida, falling into Proponts, in that part which is neerest to Zelcia, about se∣uen hundred furlongs from Abydus by Sea. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Aethea, a City of Laconia, not farre from Thurium, as may be gathered out of Thucydides. lib. 1.
  • Aetolia, a Region diuided from the A∣carranians, on the parts toward the Sea, by the Riuer Achelous; confining on the East, with the Locrians called Ozolae. On the North it hath the Athamanes, and part of the Aenianes. Strab. lib. 10. Aetolia, Locris, Phois, and Boeotia are diuided from each other by paralell lines, drawne from the West Northwards. Idem. lib. 9.
  • Agra, a City neere to the Thracian Cher∣sonnesus. They that goe to it from Sestus, leaue Cardia on the left hand. Herod. lib. 7. where he describeth the way of the Persian Army.
  • Agraeis, a Region North of Acarnania. The riuer Achelous rising out of the Moun∣taine Pindus, passeth first through Dolo∣pia, then through Agraeis, and lastly, through Acarnania, by the City of Stratus, and the City of Oeneias, into the Sea. Strab. lib. 10. Thucydid. lib. 3. in the later end.
  • 〈◊〉, a Nation dwelling at the head of the Riuer Strymon, in the Mountaine 〈◊〉. Strab. in the Epitome of the end of 〈…〉 Book. Thucydides in his second Booke, seemeth to place them also there∣••outs
  • Aalcomene, a City of Macedonia by the Riuer Ergon. Strab. lib. 7. Also a City of 〈◊〉, neer the Lake Copais.
  • Aliacmon, a Riuer of Macedonia. It ri∣seth out of the Mountaines called Cana∣luuij, according to Ptolomie: Liuy hath 〈◊〉, a City by the Riuer Aliacmon, neere the Mountaines which hee calleth Cam∣bunij, which are likely to bee the same. Liu. lib. 42. It mixeth waters with Lydius, the confluent of which two Riuers diuide Bot∣tia from Macedonia. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • 〈◊〉, a Region of Macedonia, of whose scituation I finde nothing, but in Ptolo∣mies Tables, who putteth it betweene 46 and 47 Degrees of longitude, and be∣tweene 41 and 42 of latitude. Ptolomie in his tenth Table of Europe.
  • Alonness, a little Iland lying before Magnesia of Thessaly. Strab. lib. 9. Also a Ci¦ty in the Chersonnesus of Erythraea, betwene Casystus and the Promontory Argenum. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Alope, a City of the Locri Epicnemides, di∣stant from Elaea of Phocis 120 furlongs, from Cynus the Hauen of the Opuntians, 90 furlongs. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Alpheus, a Riuer of Pelponnesus, rising in the Territory of Megalopolis, neere vnto the Springs of Eurotas, Strab. lib. 8. deui∣deth Laconia from Megalopolis, and from Tegea. Pausanias in Arcadicis. It runnes by Heraea. Idem ibidem. and Polybius, libro 4. It goeth out into the Sea neere Olympia. Strab. lib. 8. Pausanias saith it goeth out aboue Cyllone, the Hauen of the Eleans; but it is contrary to all other, both antient and moderne Geographers.
  • Alyzea, a City on the Sea-coast of Acar∣nania, betweene the City Palyre, and the Promontory Crithota. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Ambracia, & sinus Ambracius, Ambracia is a City in the bottome of the Ambracian Bay, vpon the Riuer A∣racti••s, a little remote from the Sea. Strab. lib. 7. The Ambracian Bay deuideth Epirus from Acarnania. Polyb. lib. 4.
  • Amogos, an Iland, one of the Sporades. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Ampels, a Promontory of Torone. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Amphilochia, a Region lying North of Acarnania, South of Dolopia, through it run∣neth the Riuer Achelous, Strab. lib. 10.
  • Amphipolis, Called formerly the Nine-wayes, a City scituate on the Riuer Strymon, the Riuer running on both sides it: 25 furlongs from Eion. Herod. lib. 7. Thuc. lib. 4.
  • Amphissa, a City of the Locrians called Ozolae, confining on the Territory of Cris∣sa. Herodotus. lib. 8. Strab. lib. 9. Distant from Delphi one hundred and twenty fur∣longs. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Amyclae▪ a Citie of Laconia, twenty fur∣longs from Sparta towards the Sea. Pol. lib. 4.
  • Anactorium, a City of Acarnania, within the Gulfe of Ambracia, forty furlongs from Actium. Strab. lib. 10. in the mouth of the Ambracian Bay. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Anaea, a City in Asia, by the Sea-side ouer against the Ile Samos. Thucydid. lib. 4.
  • Anapus a Riuer of Acarnania, mentioned by Thucydides, lib. 2. it should seeme by the History (that it runneth betweene Stratus and Oeneias. Liuy mentioneth a Riuer there about also called Peletarus. lib. 43. it may bee it is ehe same.
  • Anaphe, an Iland not farre from Thera. Strab lib. 10.
  • Andania, a City of Messenia, on the con∣fines of Arcadia. Paus. in Messen.
  • Andros, an Iland, one of the Cyclades, Strab. lib. 10. vide Cyclades.
  • Antandrus, a City of Troas. Herod. lib. 5. in the Bay of Adramyttium, (properly so called.) Strab. lib 13. vnder Mount Jda. Thuydid. lib. 3.
  • Anthedon, a City of Boeotia, on the shore opposite to Euboea, the vtmost on that shore towards Locris. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Anthemus, a territory in Macedonia, not farre from Grestonia, as may bee gathered out of Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Anthena, a City of the Territory of Cy∣nuria. Thucyd. lib. 5. at the foot of the Hill Parnethus, Paus. in Corinthiacis.
  • Anticyra, a City of Phocis vpon the Sea-side, next after Crissa towards Boeotia. Strab. lib. 9. Also a City of the Melians, vpon the Riuer Spercheius. Idem.
  • Antirrhium, Which is called also Rhium Molychricū, is that Promontory which with the opposite Promontory of Achaia, cal∣led Rhium, comprehendeth the streight of the Crissaean (or Corinthian) Bay, of 5 fur∣longs breadth. Strab lib. 8. It is neere to the City Molycria, Strab. lib. 9. and to the East of it. Idem. lib. 10.
  • Antissa, a City of Lesbos, betweene the Promontory of Sigrium, and the City Me∣thymna. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Antitans, a Nation whom Strabo calleth Atintanes, and placeth in the Mountaines of Epirus. Strab. lib. 7. Appianus hath also Atintanes: and Liuy, lib. 45. maketh them as an addition to the fourth part of Ma∣cedonia, in the deuision of that Kingdome by Paulus Aemilius. So that it may bee ga∣thered that the Atintanes, whom Thucydides calleth Antitanes, and numbreth amongst Epiroticall Nations, are scituate on the con∣fines of Epirus and Macedonia.
  • Aous, a Riuer of Jllyris. After Epidam∣nus (saith Strabo, describing the Sea-coast towards Epirus) are the Riuers Apsus, and Aous. Strab. lib. 7. Neere to it stan∣deth Apollonia. Ibidem. Plutarch hath Ani∣us instead of it, in the life of Caesar. In this Riuer it was that he tooke Boat to crosse the Ionian Sea vnknowne, and was forced backe by Tempest.
  • Aphrodisia, a Towne of Laconia, neere the Sea side. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Aphytis, a City in Pallene, Herodot. lib. 7. Thucyd. lib. 1. betweene Potydaea and Men∣da. Strab. in the Epitome of the end of his seuenth Booke.
  • Apidanus, a Riuer of Achaia in Thessa∣lie. Herodotus. lib. 7. It falleth into Pene∣us. Idem. It runneth by Pharsalus. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Apodoti, a Nation, part of the Aetolians, neerest to the Sea. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Apollonia, a City of Illyris, in the Ionian Gulfe, Herodot. lib. 9. vpon the Riuer Ao∣us, threescore furlongs from the Sea. Strab. lib. 7. Also a City betweene Therme and Amphipolis. Itinerar. Peutinger. Itiner. Antonini. A Chalcidique Citty Athen. 8.
  • Apsus, a Riuer of Illyris, betweene Epi∣damnus and Apollonia. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Aracthus, a Riuer of Epirus, rising out of the Hill Stympha, in the Territory of the Paroraei, (peraduenture the same with Pa∣rauaei) and running by the Citty of Am∣bracia into the Ambracian Bay. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Araxus, a Promontory in the confines of Elis and Arcadia. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Arcadia, a Region of Peloponnesus, in the middest of it; bounded with Elis, Achaia, Argolica, Laconia and Messenia, Strab. lib. 8.
  • Argenum, a Promontory of Erythraea in Asia, lying out betweene Alonnesus and the Aty Erythrae, opposite to, and distant 60 furlongs from Posideum a Promontory of Chius. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Arginusae, are three Ilands lying neere to the Promontory of Cane in Aeolis, oppo∣site to Malea, a Promontory of Lesbos. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Argilus, a City by the Sea-side, West of the Riuer Strymon, Herod. lib. 7. not farre from Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 4.
    • Argos,
    • Argolica,
    Argos is a City of Argia, much celebrated in History; It stan∣deth from the Sea forty furlongs. Paus. in Corinthiacis. In all Mappes that I haue yet seene, it is placed vnreasonably farre from the Sea; but it appeares by the beginning of the first Booke of Herodotus, where hee speaketh of the women of Argos, that came downe to the Sea-side, to the Ships of the Phoenicians: and by Thucydides, lib. 5. where hee relateth, that the Argiues were building Walles to reach vnto the Sea from their City, that it cannot be farther from it then is by Pausanias set downe. Ar∣golica confineth on Laconia, Arcadia, Isthmus. Strab lib. 8.
  • Argos Amphilochicum, a City of Amhilochia, vpon the side of the Bay of Ambracia. Thuc. lib. 2.22 miles from Ambracia. Liuy. lib. 48.
  • Arnae, a City of the Chalcidaeans neere A∣canthus, as it seemeth by Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Arne, a City of Thessaly, Thucyd. lib. 1. in that part of Thessaly which is called Estio∣is. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Arrhianae, a place in the Thracian Cherson∣nesus, opposite to Abydus. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Arnissa, a City of Macedonia, on the con∣fines of Lyncus. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Artemisium, a Temple of Diana by the Sea-side, in Euboea, at the streights of it, not farre from Thermopilae, Herodot. lib. 7. Famous for a Battell by Sea, fought there betweene the Grecian and Persian Fleet.
  • Asine, a maritime City in Argolica, (or Argia) the first in the Bay of Hermione, Strab. lib. 8. Also a maritime City of Mes∣senia, and the first in the Bay of Messenia, Strab. lib. 8. betweene the Promontory A∣critas, and the City Colonides, forty furlongs from each. Pausan. in Messenicis. Also a City of Laconia, by the Sea-side, betweene Taenarus the Promontory, and Gythium. Strab. lib. 8. Also a City of Laconia, neere Cardamyle. Herod. lib. 8.
  • Asopus, a Riuer running betweene Pla∣taea and Thebes, Thucyd. lib. 2. It diuideth the Territory of the Plataeans from that of the Thebans, and runneth within tenne furlongs of Thebes. Pausan. in Boeoticis. According to Strabo, it runneth into the Sea by Tanagra, Strab. lib. 9. But accor∣ding to Ptolomle▪ Cephisus, and Asopus, and Ismenus meete all in Boeotia, and Asopus pas∣sing through Attica, entreth into the Sea by the Promontory Cynosura. Ptolom. Tab. 10. It is also the name of a Riuer rising about Phlius in Peloponnesus, and entring into the Sea neere Corinth. Pausanias in Co∣rinthiacis. It is also the name of a City in Laconia, by the Sea-side, distant from the Promontory Onugnathos two hundred fur∣longs, and from the City Acriae, three∣score furlongs. Pausanias in Laconicis.
  • Astacus, a maritime City of Acarnania, betweene the Promontory Crithota, and mouth of the Riuer Achelous. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Asteria, an Iland betweene Ithaca and Cephallenia. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Astypalaea, an Iland, one of the Sporades, lying farre within the maine Sea. Strabo, libro 10. Also a Promontory of the Territory of Mindus, in Asia. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Atalante, a little Iland in the Bay of Opus, betweene Euboea and Boeotia, ouer against the City of Opus, Strab. lib. 9. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Atarneus, a City of Aeolis, ouer against Lesbos. Herodot. lib. 1. betweene Pitane and Adramyttium. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Athamanes, a Nation inhabiting on the North of the Aetolians, the last of the Epi∣rotes. Strab. lib. 9. aboue the Aetolians (that is, more remote from the Sea then the Ae∣tolians) Idem. lib. 10.
  • Athens, Hellados Hellas, the most re∣nowned City of Greece, scituate in Attica, about 40 furlons from Piraeus, and the Sea. Strab. lib 9. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Athos, a famous Mountaine in the Cher∣sonnesus called Acte, abutting on the Ae∣gaean Sea. Thucyd. lib. 4. and beginning at the Ditch made by Xerxes, of twelue fur∣longs length, betweene Acanthus, and the Sea opposite to Torone. Herodotus, lib. 7.
  • Atrax, a City of Thessaly, by which Pe∣neus runneth, before it come to Larissa, Strab. lib. 9.
  • Attica, a famous Region of Greece, boun∣ding on the Territory of Megara, on the shore, ouer against Salami, Strab. lib. 9. and on the Territory of the Boeotans by Sea at Oropus. Idem. by Land at Panactum, Thucydid. lib. 5. at Oenoe, Thucyd. lib. 2. aHysiae, Idem. lib. 2.
  • Aulis, a Village in Boeotia, of the Territo∣rie of Tanagra, by the Sea side, thirty fur∣longs from Delium, Strab. lib. 9.
  • Aulon, a place neere the Sea side, in the Bay of Strymon, neere which the Lake Bolbe issueth into the Sea, and is some where betweene Arnae of Chalcidea, and Ar∣gilus, as may be gathered out of Thucy∣dides, lib. 4.
  • Axius, a Riuer of Macedonia, rising in the Mountaine Scardus. Ptolomie. It diuideth Bottia from Mygdonia, Herodot. lib. 7. it fal∣leth into the Bay of Therme, betweene Therme and Pella. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Azorus a Citty of Perhaebia. Liuy lib. 44.
    B
  • BErmius, a Mountaine of Macedonia, Herodot. libro 8. at the foote whereof standeth the Citie Berrhoea. Strab. Epitom. lib. 7.
  • Berrhoea, a City of Macedonia, betweene Pydna, from which it is distant seuenteene miles, and Thessalonica (or Therme,) from which it is distant one and fifty miles. I∣tiner. Antonini Pij.
  • Bisaltia, a Region of Macedonia, neere the Riuer Strymon, containing the Citie of Argilus, and the Countrey about it. He∣rodot. lib. 7.
  • Bistonis, a Lake in Thracia, close by the City Dicaea. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Boea, a City of Laconia, betweene the Promontories of Onugnathos and Malea. Strab. lib. 8. directly opposite to Cythera, in the vtmost part of the Bay of Boca, which begins at Onugnathos, and ends at Malea. The Territory of Boea ioyneth to that of Epidaurus Limera. Pausan. in La∣conics.
  • Bootia, a Region of Greece, betweene Attica and Phocis, reaching from Sea to Sea. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Boium, a City of Doris. Thuc. lib. 1. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Bolbe, a Lake in Myglonia, Thucyd. lib. 1. A Lake not far from Olynthus. Herodotus, lib. 8. It is called Bolyce by Athenaeus, lib. 8. It goeth out into the Sea by Aulon and Bromiscus, which are two places be∣tweene Arnae in Chalcidea, and Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Bolyssus, a place in Chius. Thucyd lib. 8.
  • Bome, a Towne of the Aetolians, towards the Melian Bay. Thucyd. lib. 3.
    • Bottia, or
    • Bottiaea, or
    • Bottiaeis,
    A Region of Macedonia, ly∣ing to the Sea, deuided from Mygdonia by the Riuer Axius, and from Macedonia by the confluent of the Riuers, Aliacmon and Lydius. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Branchidae, a Towne where there was a Temple of Apollo, on the Milesian shore.
  • Herodot. lib. 7. betweene the Promon∣tory of Posideum, and the City Miletus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Brauron, a Towne of Attica, betweene Prasiae and Marathon, on the Sea-side to∣wards Euboea. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Briessus, a Mountaine in Attica, be∣tweene Eleusis and Acharnae. Thuc. lib. 2.
  • Bromiscus, a Towne neere the Sea, be∣tweene Acanthus and Argilus. Thucyd. lib 4.
  • Budorus, a Promontory of the Iland Sa∣lamis, lying out towards Megara. Scholiastes ad Thuc. lib. 2.
  • Buphras, a Mountaine of Messenia, about Pylus. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Bura, a City of Achaia, betweene Helice and Aegirae, distant from Helice thirty fur∣longs, and from Aegirae, seuenty two fur∣longs. Paus. in Achaicis.
  • Byzantium, called now Constantinople, scituate at the entrance of the Bosphorus. Strab. lib. 12.
    C
  • CAcus, a Riuer of Asia, which passing by Pergamus, falleth into the Bay of Elaea, in Aeolis, betweene Elaea and Pitane. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Calauria, an Iland in the Bay of Hermione, lying iust before Troezen. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Calliae, a Towne of the Aetolians, towards the Melian Bay. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Calydon, a City of the Aetolians, neere the Sea, vpon the Riuer Euenus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Cambunij, Mountaines of Macedonia, be∣tweene it and Peroebia. Liuy, lib. 42, 44.
  • Cameiros, a City of the Dorians in Asia, Herod. lib. 1. It standeth in the Iland Rho∣dus. Strab. lib. 14. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Canae, a City and Promontory of Aeolis, distant from Elaea towards Jonia 100 fur∣longs, Page  [unnumbered] and as much from Malea, a Promon∣tory of Lesbos, to which it is opposite▪ Strab. lib. 13.
  • Canastraea, A Promontory of Pallene. He¦rd. lib. 7. Strab. Epit. lb. 7. Liuy, lib. 44.
  • Cahareus, a Hauen of Euboea, on the out side, not farre from Geraestus. Herodot. ib. 7.
  • Caphyae, a City of Arcadia, not farre from Orchomenus. Polyb. lib. 4. the Riuer Ladon runneth betweene it and Psophis. Paus. in 〈◊〉.
  • Cardamyle, a City of Laconia, betweene Phaae and Lectra, by the Sea side, in the Mssenia Bay. Strab. lib. 8. distant from the Promontory of Taenarus 400. Furlongs. Paus. in Laconicis. It is also a City in the Iland Chios. Thucyd lib. 8.
  • Cardya, a City in the Isthmus of the Thracian Chersonnesus, vpon the Sea-side in the black Bay [or Bay of Melas] Herod. lib. 6.
  • 〈◊〉▪ an Iland in that Sea, which called from it Mar Ca••athium, hath to the Noth, the Sea called carium, to the South, the 〈◊〉 Sea, to the West, the Cretik and African Seas. Strab. in the end of the tenth Booke.
  • Carye, a Towne in Arcadia, betweene 〈◊〉 and Pheeum, in the confines of both, distant from Pheneum threescore Furlongs. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • 〈◊〉, a City of Euboea, at the foot of the Mountaine Ocha▪ Strab. lib. 10. Marathō a City of Attica, is equally distant from it and Athens. Paus. in Atticis.
  • Casus, an Iland in the Capathian Sea, f••m Carpati••s 80 furlongs, and from 〈◊〉 a Promontory of Crete, 250. in quan∣tity 80 furlongs about. Strab. lib. 10.
  • 〈◊〉, a Hauen in the Chersonnesus of 〈◊〉▪ at the foot of the Mountaine Co∣ryus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • 〈◊〉, a mritime City of Lycia, subiect to the Rhodians, by the Riuer Calbis. Strab. 〈◊〉. 14.
  • 〈◊〉, a Riuer of Asia, falling into the Sa at phess, so as the mouth of it is the Hauen of the Ephesians, Strab. lib. 14. When 〈…〉 made a iourney against Sardes, they left their Fleet at Cor••sus, and then went vp by the Riuer Ca••trus, and then o∣uer the Mountaine 〈◊〉, and so to 〈◊〉. Herod. 〈◊〉. 5.
  • 〈◊〉, a Region of Attica, betweene the Hils 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉. Thucyd. lb..
  • 〈◊〉, a place mentioned in the first Booke of Thucydides. Plny hath the I∣land 〈◊〉, opposite to 〈◊〉, and istant from it 6 miles. The Scholiast. and 〈◊〉. put it in the West parts of Peloponne∣•••▪ falsely.
  • Cneum, a Promontory of Euboea, oppo∣site to the Promontory of nemides of the Locrians, and to Thermopylae, Strab. lb. 9.
  • Cnchreae, a Hauen of the Corinthians, on the side of the Isthmus that lyeth towards Athens. Thucyd. lib. 8. Cenchreae on one side, and ••chaeum on the other, containe the Isthmus. Paus in Corinthiacis.
  • Ceos, an Iland, one of the Cyclades, the neerest to the Iland Helena, Strab. lib. 10.
  • Cephallenia, an Iland ouer against Acarna∣nia, distant from Leucadia tenne furlongs, Strab. lib. 10. Tucyd. lib. 2. and hath in it 4 Cities, Pale, Same, Prone, Cranij, Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Cephissus, a Riuer, which rising about Li∣laea, a City of Phocis, and going by Elatea, Daulia and Phanotis, Cities of Phocis, and Chaeronea and Coronea, Cities of Boeotia, fal∣leth into, at Coronea, and filleth the Lake called Copais. Afterwards, an Earthquake opening the way, it went on to the Sea, and entred it at Larymna, a Towne of Boeo∣tia, opposite to Aegae of Euboea. Strab. lib. 9. Also a Riuer of Attica, rising in the Terri∣tory of Eleusis, and falling into the Sea by Piraeus. Paus. in Atticis.
  • Ceraunij, Mountaines of Epirus, on the Sea-side, in the entrance of the Jonian Gulfe. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Ceraunus, a Towne betweene Cnidus and Halicarnassus, from whence also the Bay there is called the Ceraunian Bay. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Cerdylium, a Hill of the Argilians, beyond Strymon, neere Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Cercine, a Mountaine betweene Thracia and Macedonia, the same deuideth the Pae∣onians from the Sintians. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Cestrine, a Region of Epirus, deuided from Thesprotis by the Riuer Thyanis. Thucyd. lib. 1. The Cha••ians and Thesprotians haue all the Sea coast from the mountaines cal∣led Cerauij, to the Ambracian Bay, (there∣fore Cestrine seemeth part of the Chaonians) Strab. lib. 7. called Cestrine from Cestrinus the sonne of Helenus. Paus. in Corinthiacis.
  • Chaeronea, a City of Boeotia, confining on Phocis, twenty furlongs distant from Pano∣peus or Panotis, and scituate vpon the Ri∣uer Cephissus. Pausan. in Phocicis. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Chalce, an Iland, one of the Sporades, di∣stant from Telos 80 Furlongs, and from Carpathus 400 Furlongs. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Chalcedon, a City of Bithynia, ouer against Byzantium▪ Strab. lib. 12. in the mouth of Pontus Euxinus. Ibid. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Chalcis, a City of Euboea, at the Euripus. Herodot. lib. 7. Strab. lib. 10▪ Also a Citie of Aetolia, vpon the Riuer Euenus, on the East side of it, Strab. lib. 10. beneath Caly∣don. Idem lib. 9.
  • Chalcidea, a Region ioyning to Thrace, containing most of the Townes vpon or neere the Sea, from the mouth of the Ri∣uer Strymon, to Potidaea in Palene. This may bee gathered out of Thucydides. It was so named, for that they were Colo∣nies of Chalcis in Euboea, either immediate or deriued.
  • Challaei, the people of a City of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Chaonia, a maritime Region of Epirus, beginning at the Mountaines called Ce∣raunij, and together with Thesprotis reach∣ing as farre as the Ambracian Bay. Strab. lib. 7. It is diuided from Thesprotis by the Riuer Thyanis. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Chedorus, a small Riuer of Macedonia, which rising in Grestonia, runneth into the Riuer Axius. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Cheimerium, a Promontory of Epirus, be∣tweene the Ilands called Sybota, and the the mouth of the Riuer Acheron. Strab. lib. 7. vide Acheron.
  • Chelonata, a Promontory of Elis, between the Promontories of Araxus and ••thys. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Chersonnesus signifieth any portion of Land that is almost enuironed with the Sea; but for the most part, when there is no word added to determine the significa∣tion, it is here that Territory of Thrace, which is included with these three Seas, Propontis, Hellespont, and the Blacke Bay, Melas. Strab. Epit. lib. 7. In the Isthmus of this Chersonnesus standeth the City Cardya, at the side toward the Blacke Bay, and Pactya on the part toward Propontis. Herod. lib. 6.
  • Chius, now called Scio, an Iland and Ci∣ty of the Ionians. Herod. lib. 1. distant from Lesbos about 400. Furlongs, and 900. fur∣longs in circuit. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Chrusis, a part of Mygdonia so called▪ Steph.
  • Chrysopolis, a Village of the Chalcedonians, in the mouth of Pontus. Strab. lib. 12.
  • Cimolis, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. vide Cyclades. It lyeth West of Sicinus, Pholegan∣dros, and Lagusa. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Cirrha, a City of Phocis, in the Corinthian Bay, ouer against Sicyon. Strab. lib. 9. di∣stant from Delphi threescore furlongs▪ from Delphi to Cirrha runnes the Riuer Plistus. It is the Hauen or Towne of shipping for Dlphi. It confineth vpon Locris. Pausan. in Phocicis. He maketh it the same with Cris∣sa. vide Crissa.
  • Citarius a Mountaine of Macedonia, ioy∣ning to Olympus, out of which riseth the Riuer Eurotas. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Cithaeron, a Mountaine of Attica. When the Persian Campe vnder Mardonius lay a∣bout Asopus in the Territory of Plataea, the Army of the Grecians that were encamped at the foot of Cithaeron, were opposite to them. Herod. lib. 9. Plataea is betweene Cithaeron and the City of Thebes. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Citium, a City of Cyprus.*
  • Claros, an Iland, one of the Sporades. Ex Ortelij thesauro. Also a City belonging to the Colophonians, Paus. in Achai. betweene the mouth of the Riuer Caystrus and the City of Colophon. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Clazomenae, an Ionique City in Lydia. He∣rodot. lib. 1. Scituate in the Chersonnesus of Erythrae, confining on the Erythraeans, these being within, the Clazomenians without the Chersonnesus. Betweene Clazomenae and Teos, acrosse the Isthmus it is but fifty Furlongs, but round about by Sea, a thousand Fur∣longs. Presently without the Isthmus, where it is narrowest, stands Clazomenae. Strab. lib. 13. Before it lye 8 little Ilands. Idem. lib. 14.
  • Cleitor, a City of Arcadia, betweene Pso∣phis and Caphyae. Polyb. lib. 4. It confineth on the Territory of Pheneum, towards the East. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Cleonae, a City of Argia, betweene Argos and Corinth, confining on the Phliasians. Paus. in Corinthiacis. Also a City in the ter∣ritory where Mount Athos standeth. Herod. lib. 7. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Cnemides, a Promontory of Locris, distant from Cynus, the Hauen of the Opuntians, to∣wards Thermopylae, 50 Furlongs. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Cnidus, a City of the Dorians in Asia, by the Sea called Triopium. Herod. lib. 1. On the North it hath the Ceraunian Bay; on the South, the Rhodian Sea. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Colonae, an vpland City of Hellespont, in the Territory of Lampsacus. Strab. lib. 13. Also a maritime City of Troas, 140 fur∣longs from Jum, betweene Hamaxitus and Larissa. Jd. lib. 13.
  • Colonides, a maritime Citie of Messenia, betweene Asine and the mouth of the Ri∣uer Pamisus, distant from Asine 40 Fur∣longs. Paus. in Messeniacis.
  • Colophon, an Ionique City in Lydia, Herod. lib. 1. betweene Ephesus and Lebedus: from Lbedus 120 furlongs: from Ephesus 70 fur∣longs. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Colohoniorum portus, a Hauen not farre from Torone. Thucyd. lib. 5.
  • Cop & Copais lacus. Cope is a City of Boe∣otia, scituate on the North part of the Lake Copais. Strab. lib. 9. Paus. in Boeoticis.
  • Corassie, Two little Ilands on the West of the Iland Patmus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Corcyra, now called Corfu, an Iland ouer against Epirus, whose East parts are oppo∣site to the Ilands called Syboa, and West parts, to the Hauen called Onchimus. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Coressus, a Towne of the Territory of E∣phesus, by the Sea side, neere to the mouth of the Riuer Caystrus. Herodotus. lib. 5.
  • Corinthus, a famous City, neere the Isth∣mus of Peloponnesus.
  • Coronea, a City of Boeotia, vpon the Riuer Cphisus, where it entreth into the Lake Copais, and not far from the Hill Helicon. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Corontae, a City of Acarnania. Thucydid. lib. 4.
  • Cortyta, a Towne neere the Sea in La∣conia. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Corycus, a Mountaine in the Chersonnesus of Erythrae, between Teos and Erythrae. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Coryphasium, a Promontory of Messenia, distant from Methone 100 furlongs: in this Promontory stood the Fort of Pylus. Paus. in Messeniacis.
  • Cos, a Iland with a City in it of the same name. It belonged to the Doriens of Asia. Herodot. lib. 1. called Cos Meropidis, Thucyd. lib. 8, because inhabited of old by the Mero∣pians. It lyeth in the Carpathian Sea, Strab. lib. 10. Opposite to Termerium, a Promon∣tory of the Mindians. Id. lib. 14.
  • Cranaon a City in the Champaigne of Thessaly, Strab. lib. 9. The same may be ga∣thered out of Liuy, lib. 42.
  • Cranij, a people of Cephallenia. Thucyd. lib. 2. About the straight of that Iland. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Crateei, a Hauen neere the City of Pho∣caea in Aeolis. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Crenae, Id est, the Welles▪ a place in Acarnania, not farre from Argos. Thucydid. lib. 3.
  • Creusa, a Sea-Towne of Boeotia, vpon the Bay of Crissa, belonging to the City Thes∣piae. Strab. lib. 9. Pausan. in Boeoticis.
  • Crissa, vnde sinus Crissaeus, a Sea Towne of Phocis, between Cirrha & Anticyra, frō which the Bay of Corinth is called also the Crissaean Bay, Strab. lib. 9. This Bay is called now the Bay of Lepanto.
  • Crithota, a Promontory of Acarnania, ly∣ing out into the Sea, betweene the City Alyzea, and the mouth of the Riuer Ache∣lous. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Crocylium, a Towne in Aetolia, of the Re∣gion inhabited by the Apodoti. Thuc. lib. 3.
  • Crommyon, a Towne in the Isthmus of Corinth, Thucyd. lib. 4. Paus. in Corinthiacis. betweene Schoenus and the Rockes called Scironides, and confineth on Megaris. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Cyclades, Ilands in the Aegaean Sea, so cal∣led, for that they lye round about the I∣land Delos. Their number and order, ac∣cording to Strabo, is this, Helena, Ceos, Cythnus, Seriphus, Melos, Siphnus, Cimolis, Pre∣pesinthus, Otearus, Naxus, Parus, Syrus, Myco∣nus, Tenus, Andrus, Gyarus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Cyllene, a Sea-towne of Elis in Peloponne∣sus, belonging to the City of Elis, and where their shipping lay, 60 furlongs di∣stant from Araxus. Strab. lib. 8. and from Elis 120 furlongs. Paus. in 2. Eliacorum. Al∣so a Mountaine, the highest in Peloponne∣sus, on the confines of Arcadia and Achaia, neere Pheneum. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Cyme, a City of Aeolis, on the Sea-coast, Her. l. 1. the last of the maritime Cities of Aeolis, towards Ionia, as may be gathered out of Strab. lib. 13.
  • Cynos-sema, a Promontory of the Thraci∣an Chersonnesus, not farre from Abydus. Thu∣cyd. lib. 8. ouer against the mouth of the Riuer Rhodius, which falleth into the Sea betweene Abydus and Dardanum. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Cynus, a Towne of Locris, vpon the Sea towards Euboea, belonging to the City of Opus, distant from the Promontory Cnemi∣des 50 furlongs, in the entrance of the Bay of Opus. Strab. lib. 9. Liuy lib. 28.
  • Cynuria, a territory on the border be∣tweene Argia and Laconia, toward the Sea-side, containing the Cities Thyrea and An∣thena. Thucyd lib. 5. Paus. in Corinthiacis.
  • Cyphanta, a maritime Towne of Laconia, distant from Zarex on one side 16. fur∣longs, from Prasiae on the other 200. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Cypsela, a Castle in Parrhasia, a Territory of Arcadia, neere to Sciritis of Laconia. Thuc. lib. 5.
  • Cyrrhus, a City of Macedonia, not farre from Pella. Thucyd. lib. 2. Cyrrhestae, that is, the people of Cyrrhus are placed there▪a∣bouts by Pliny, lib. 4.
  • Cytinium, a City of Doris on the side of Pernassus▪ Thuc. lib. 3. Strab lib. 9.
  • Cythera, an Iland opposite to Malea, a Promontory of Laconia and distant from it forty furlongs. Strab. lib. 8. opposite di∣rectly to the City Boea. Paus. in Laconicis. In it are two Cities, Cythera and Scandea. Thucyd. lib. 4. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Cythnus, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. vide Cyclades.
  • Cyzicus, an Iland and City in Propontis, Strab. lib. 12. distant from Zleia, which is a City neere the Sea, on the Riuer Aesepus 190 furlongs. Id. lib. 13.
    D
  • DArdanus & Dardanum. Dardanus is a Ci∣ty on the Sea side from Abydus, 70 fur∣longs, betweene it and Rhoetium. Strab. lib 13. It confineth on Abydus. Herodot. lib. 7. Dardanum, is a Promontory betweene A¦bydus and Dardanus. Strab. lb. 13.
  • Dasylis, a Region of Bithynia, lying vp••Propontis. Ptolomy and Strabo mention th Towne Dascyclos or Dasylium, which Strabo saith standeth vpon the Lake Dascylitis, by the Riuer Rhindcus, Strab. lib. 12. It was a Prouince subiect to the Persians in the time of Xerxes, and gouerned by Megabates, his Lieutenant. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Daulia, a Citie of Phocis, on the East of Delphi, vpon the Riuer Cephissus, and at the foot of Pernassus. Strab. lib. 9. Pausanias in Phocicis.
  • Decelea, a Towne in Attica, in the way betweene Oropus and Athens, distant from Athens 120 Furlongs, and not much more from Boeotia. Thuc. lib. 7.
  • Delium, a Temple of Apollo by the Sea-side in the Territory of Tanagra. Thucyd. lib. 4. Paus. in Boeoticis. opposite to Chalcis of Euboea. Herod. lib 6.
  • Delos, an Iland, and in it a City with a Temple consecrated to Apollo, Thucyd. lib. 3. It is distant from Andros 15 miles, and as many from Myconus. Plin. lib. 4.
  • Delphi, a City of Phocis, famous for the Temple and Oracle of Apollo. It standeth at the foot of the Hill Pernassus. Herod. lib. 8. on the South part of the hill. Strabo lib. 9. threescore furlongs from the Sea. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Delphinium, a Towne in the Ile Chius, not farre from the City Chius, and by the Sea-side, Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Dercaei, a people of Thrace.*
  • Dicaea, a City of Thrace, betweene Abde∣ra and Maronea, Herod. lib. 7.
  • Dictidij, a people in Mount Athos, Thuc. lib. 8.
  • Dion, a City, and in it a Temple of Iupi∣ter, standing at the Sea side, at the foot of Olympus, Thucid. lib. 4. Strab. Epit. lib. 7. Also a City in Mount Athos. Thuc. lib. 4.
  • Doberus, a City of Paeonia, at the foot of Cercine. Thuc. lib. 2.
  • Doliche, a Citie of the Perrhaebians, not far from the Mountaines called Cambunij. Liuy, lib. 44.
  • Dolopia, a Region on the South side of the hill Pindus, on the North of the Am∣philochians, and confining on Phthiotis of Thessaly. Strab. lib. 9, 10.
  • Doris, a Region confining on the Meli∣ans, and with a narrow corner running in betweene them and Phocis. Herod. lib. 8. It lyeth on the East part of Parnassus, and deuideth the Locrians called Ozolae, from the Locrians called Opuntians. It was called Tetra∣polis, because it contained these 4 Cities, Erineus, Boium, Cytinium, and Pindus. Strab. lib. 9. The Doriens are also a Nation in Asia, by the Sea side, ioyning to Caria, of Page  [unnumbered] which were numbred, the inhabitants of the Ilands Rhodes and Cos, and the Cities Cnidus and Hal. carnassus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Doriscus Campus, a large Champaigne by the side of the riuer Hebrus in Thrace, where Xerxes passing on towards Greece, mustred his mighty Armie. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Drabescus, a City of Edonia, beyond the Riuer Strymon. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Drecanum a Promontory of the Iland Cos, distant from the City Cos, 200 fur∣longs. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Dremyssa, an Iland lying before Clazome∣nae. Thucyd. lib. 8. Liuy, lib. 38. vide Clazo∣menae.
  • Droi, a people of Thrace.*
  • Dyme, a Citty of Achaia, the neerest to the confines of Elis. Strab. lib. 8. Pausan. in Achaicis.
    E
  • EChinades, Ilands, lying in and out before the mouth of the Riuer Achelous. Thuc. lib. 3. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Edonia, a Region of Thrace, lying to the Riuer Strymon, and the Sea; It had in it Amphipolis, Drabescus, and other Cities. Thuc. lib. 1. by which the scituation thereof may be sufficiently vnderstood.
  • Edmene, a City of Macedonia, not farre from Doberus. Thuc. lib. 2. Plin. lib. 4.
  • Eion, a City of Thrace, on the riuer Stry∣mon. Herod. lib. 7. In the mouth of Strymon, 25 furlongs from Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Elaea, a Sea-towne in Aeolis, belonging to the City of Pergamus, distant from the mouth of the Riuer Caicus towards Ionia, 12 furlongs: and from Canae 100 furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Elaaea, a City of Phocis, by the Riuer Ce∣phis•••, confining on the Locrians. Strab. lib. 9. Pausanias in Pho••cis. It standeth in the straights of the Phoccan Mountaines. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Elutherae, a Towne of Attica, betweene Elesis and Plataea, on the border of Attica. Paus. in Attic. Id. in Boeotic.
  • Eleus, a City of Chersonnesus to the North of Lemnos, Herod. lib 6.
  • Eleusis, a Sea-towne of Attica, Strab. lib. 8. on the confines of Megaris. Pausanias in Atticis.
  • Elis. Elis and Messenia are two Regions, that take vp the West part of Peloponnesus. Elis is bounded on the North by the Pro∣montory Araxus, and diuided from Messe∣nia in the parts towards the Sea, by the Ri∣uer Neda. Strab. lib. 8. Elis the principall City thereof is distant from the Sea 120 Furlongs, and from Olympia almost three hundred. Pausan. in fine secundi Eliacorum.
  • Ellomnus, a Towne in Neritum of the Territory of Leucadia, Thuc. lib. 3.
    • Elymioae,
    • Elimaea,
    a Nation of Macedonia, which Ptolomy placeth on the Sea-side vpon the Ionian Gulfe. Liuy hath the City Elimaea at the foot of the Mountaines Cambunij, and by the Riuer Alacmon, Liu. lib. 42.
  • Embatus, a Towne of rythraea. Thuc. lib. 3. on the part toward Lesbos, as may bee probably coniectured by the History.
  • Enipeus, a Riuer of Thessaly, which fal∣leth into the Riuer Peneus. Herodot. lib. 7. But first it receiueth into itselfe the water of Apidanus, that passeth by Pharsalus. Strab. lib. 8. It riseth in the Mountaine Othrys. Id. ibid.
  • Eorda, a Region of Macedonia, betweene the Lyncestians and Thessalonica (or Thera) in the way called Ignatia, that leadeth from Epidamnus to Thessalonica, Strab. lib. 7.
  • Ephesus, an Ionique City in Lydia. Herod. lib. 1. at the mouth of the Riuer Caistrus, on the side towards Mycale. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Ephyre, a City of Thesprotis, vpon the Ri∣uer Thyamis. Strab. lib. 7. Thuc. lib. 1. Also a City of Agraeis. Strab. lib. 7. & lib. 10.
  • Epidamnus, a City afterwards called Dyr∣rachium, now Durazzo, scituate on the Ioni∣an Gulfe, amongst the Taulantij, Illyrians. Thucyd. lib. 1. next without the Bay called Rhizicus. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Epidaurus, a City of Argia by the Sea-side, in the inmost part of the Saronian Bay. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Epidaurus Limera, a maritime City of Laconia, in the Bay of Argos, 300 furlongs from the Promontory of Malea. Pausan. in Laconicis.
  • Erae, a City in Erythraea, betweene Teos and Casystus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Eressus, a City in the Ile Lesbos, between Pyrrha, and the Promontory Sigrium. Strabo, libro 13.
  • Eretria, a City of Euboea, between Chal¦cis and Gerestus. Strab. lib. 10. opposite to Oropus in Attica Strab. lib. 9.
  • Erigon, a Riuer of Macedonia, arrising in Illyris, and falling into the Riuer Axius. Liu. lib. 39. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Erineus, a City of Doris. Thucyd. lib. 1. Strab. lib. 9. Also a Hauen in the Territo∣ry of Rhypes, in Achaia. Thuc. lib. 7. Pausan. in Achaicis.
  • Erythrae, an Ionique City. Herodot. lib. 1. It standeth in the middest of the Chersonne∣sus, betweene the Promontory Argenum and the Mountaine Mimas, and before it lye certaine Ilands called Hipi. Strab. lib. 13. Also a Towne in the confines of Atti∣ca, not farre from Plataea. Thucyd. lib. 3. Herod. lib. 9.
  • Estiotis, a Region of Thessaly, confining on the Mountaines Olympus and Ossa. He∣rodot. lib. 1. It is the West part of Thessaly, and lyeth betweene Mount Pindus and the vpper Macedonie. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Euboea, an Iland lying opposite to the Continent of Attica, and Boeotia, and Lo∣cris, extending from Sunium, as far as Thes∣saly. The length of it is reckoned from the Promontory Ceneum, to the Promon∣tory Geraestus. Concaua Euboeae is all that shore that is from the Euripus to Geraestus. Strab. lib. 10. Herodotus maketh it to bee on the other side of the Iland. Herod. lib. 7. It seemes therefore that Concaua Euboeae is not the proper name of a place, but an appellation signifying any hollow ben∣ding of the shore.
  • Euenus, a Riuer, which rising amongst the Boij, a Nation of Aetolia, runneth by Chalcis and Calydon, and then bending to∣ward the West, by Pleuron into the Sea. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Eurotas, a Riuer of Laconia, rising in the Territory of Megalopolis, and passing by the City of Lacedaemon, on the East side of it, falleth into the Sea neere Helos, be∣tweene Gythium and Acria. Strab. lib. 8. Al∣so a Riuer of Thessaly, rising out of the Hill Citarius, and falling into the Riuer Pene∣us. Strab. lib. 7. Epit.
  • Eurytanes, a Nation of Aetolians, one of the three. Apodoti being those that dwelt toward the Sea; Ophtonei, those toward the Melians, Thucyd. lib. 3. Eurytanes there∣fore must be those toward Agraeis and Atha∣mania.
    G
  • GAlepsus, a City not farre from Torone. The Fleet of Xerxes compassing the Pro∣montory of Ampelus, passed by these Cities, Torone, Galepsus, Sermyla, &c. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Gapsolus, a City of Thrace, not far from Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 4. Ortelius thinketh it the same with Galepsus: but it is more probable by the History to be another.
  • Gargara, a Promontory in Asia, 260 fur∣longs within the Promontory of Lectus, and is the beginning of the Bay of Adra∣myttium, properly so called. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Geraestus, a Promontory of Euboea. Ge∣raestus and Petalia are opposite to Sunium, a Promontory of Attica. Strab. lib. 10. Gerae∣stus is betweene the City Styra, and Eretria. Jdem. lib. 10.
  • Geranea, a Hill in Megaris, neere the en∣trance of the Isthmus. Thucyd. lib. 1. Paus. in Atticis.
  • Glauce, a City in Ionia, neere the Moun∣taine Mycale▪ Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Gigonus, a Promontory not farre from Potidaea. Thuc. lib. 2. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Gomphi, a City of Thessaly, in the Regi∣on called Estiotis. Strab. lib. 9. neere to the springs of Peneus. Plin. lib. 4. The neerest of the Thessalian Cities to Epirus. Liuy, lib. 32.
  • Gonnus, a City of the Perrhaebians in Thessa∣ly, at the foot of Olympus. Strab. lib. 9. in the entrance to Tempe. Polyb. lib. 17. Liuy, lib. 44. twenty miles distant from Larissa, Liu▪ lib. 36. Gonnus, is in the entrance out of Ma∣cedonia through the Perrhaebians into Thessa∣ly. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Gortynia, a City of Macedonia, not farre from the Hill Cercine. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Granicus, a Riuer in Hellespont, rising in Mount Ida, neere xnto Scepsis, and falling into Propontis betweene the City Priapus, and the mouth of the Riuer Aesepus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Grestonia, a Region of Macedonia, ioy∣ning to Mygdonia, in which riseth the Ri∣uer Chedorus. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Gyarus, a small Iland, one of the Cycla∣des. Vide Cyclades.
  • Gyrton, a City of Perrhaebia, at the foot of Olympus. Strab. lib. 9. before Gonnus to such as come out of Macedonia, by the Mountaines called Cambunij. Liuy, libro 44.
  • Gythium, a City of Laconia, the Harbour of the Lacedaemonian Shipping betweene Page  [unnumbered]Asine and Acriae. Strab. lib. 8. distant 230 furlongs from the Promontory of Taena∣rus. Paus. in Laconicis.
    H
    • HAlias Thucydidi,
    • Halieis Straboni,
    • Halice Pausaniae,
    A maritime Towne of Argia, in the Bay of Hermione. Strabo, lib. 8. betweene Asine and Hermione, two hundred and fifty furlongs from Asine. Paus. in Corinthiacis.
  • Haliartus, a citie of Boeotia, by the side of the Lake Copais, towards Helicon. Strab. lib. 9. It confineth on the Territory of Thes∣piae. Paus. in Boeoticis.
  • Halicarnassus, a City of the Doreans in Asia. Herod. lib. 1. In the bottome of the Craunian Bay. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Halimus, a Towne of Attica, next after Phaleron, towards the Promontory of Suni∣um. Strab. lib. 9. In this Towne was Thu∣cydides borne, the Author of this History.
  • Halisarna, a Towne in the Iland Cos, neere vnto the Promontory of Lacter. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Hamaxitus, a City of Troas, vnder the Promontory of Lectus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Harmatus, a City in the Continent, o∣uer against Methymna of Lesbos. Thuc. lib. 8.
  • Harpagium, a place on the confines of Priapus and Cyzicus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Hebrus, a Riuer of Thrace, falling into the Sea betweene Aenus and Doriscus. He∣rod. lib. 7.
  • Helena, an Iland, one of the Cyclades, ad∣iacent to the Continent of Attica, and extending from Sunium to Thoricus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Helice, a Citie of Achaia, on the Sea-side, betweene Aegium and Bura, distant from Aegium forty furlongs. Pausan. in A∣chaicis.
  • Helos, a Laconique City, by the side of the Riuer Eurotas, not farre from the Sea. Strab. lib. 8. distant from Gythium a hun∣dred furlongs, and from Acriae thirty, Paus. n Laconicis.
  • Heraea, a City of Arcadia, in the confines of Elis, vpon the Riuer Alpheus. Polyb. lib. 4. Paus. in Arcadicis. It confineth on Me∣galopolis; and the Riuer Ladon runneth within 15 furlongs of it. Pausan. in Ar∣cadicis.
  • Heraclea, a City of the Melians, built by the Lacedaemonians, within the straight of Thermopylae, distant from it forty furlongs, and from the Sea twenty. Thucyd. lib. 3. Strab. lib. 9. Also a City in the Bay of Lat∣mus, betweene Miletus and Pyrrha, distant from Pyrrha 100 furlongs. Strab. lib. 14. Also a City of the Sinti, a people of Macedonia, called Heraclea Sintica. Liu. lib. 45.
  • Hermione, a maritime City in Argia, be∣tweene Asine and Troezen. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in Corinthiacis. From it is named the Bay of Hermione, which hath in it in order these three Cities, Asine, Hermione, Troe∣zen. Strab. lib. 8. Pausanias in Corinthiacis. But Strabo seemeth to make the Bay of Hermione to begin at the Promontory Scyl∣laeum, and to end at Epidaurus. Quaere.
  • Hermus, a Riuer diuiding Aelis from Jonia,▪ Strab. lib. 14. It runneth through the Plaines that lye before the Citie Sar∣dis, and entreth the Sea by Phocaea. Herod. lib. 1.
  • Hessij, the people of a City of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Hestiaea, a City of uboea, not farre from the Promontory Ceneum. Strab. lib. 10. The Territory of Hestiaea is called Hestiotis, and is ouer against Thessaly, as may appeare out of Herod. lib. 7.
  • Hyaei, The people of a City of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Hyampolis, a City of Phocis, confining on Abas, a City of the Locrians of Opus. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Hysiae, a Towne of Attica, on the con∣fines of Plataeis. Herodot. lib. 9. Thucyd. lib. 3. Vide Oeno. Also a Towne of Argia, on the confines of Tegea, in the way be∣tweene Tegea and Argos. Pausanias in Corin∣thiacis.
    I
  • Iassus, a maritime City of Asia, scituate in an Iland, neere to the Continent. Strab. lib. 14. in that Bay which on the side towards Miletus hath Posideum for bound, and on the other side, the City Mindus. Polyb. lib. 16. The Bay is called inus Bargilcaticus. Jidem.
  • Icarus, or Icaria, an Iland on the West of the Ile Samos. Strab. lib. 10. distant from it 80 furlongs. Idem, lib. 14.
  • Icthys, a Promontory of Elis, neere the Citie of Phia. Thucyd. lib. 2. Vide Phia.
  • Icus, an Iland lying before Magnesia. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Ida, a Mountaine of Asia, extending from Lectus and the places on the Adra∣myttian Bay, to the City Zeleia by Propontis. Strab. lib. 12.
  • Idacus, a place in the Thracian Chersonne∣sus, opposite to Abydus and Dardanus. Thuc. lib. 8.
  • Idomenae, two Hill toppes so called, be∣tweene Ambracia and Argos Amphilochicum. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Ielysus, a City in the Iland of Rhodes, be∣tweene Cameirus and the City of Rhodes. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Jlium siue Troia, a famous City in Asia, 170 furlongs from Abydus, standing from the Sea towards the Mountaine Ida. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Imbros, an Iland not farre from the Thra∣cian Chersonnesus. Thucyd. lib. 8. It is distant from Lemnos two and twenty miles, and from the Ile Samothrace, that lyeth before the Riuer Hebrus, two and thirty miles. Plin. lib. 4.
  • Iolcus a maritime Towne of Thessaly, in the Pegasean Bay, not farre from Demetrias. Liu. lib. 4.
  • Ionia, a Region inhabited by the Greci∣ans in Asia, by the Sea-side, reaching from Posideum a Promontory of Miletus, on the South, to Phocaea, and the mouth of the Riuer Hermus, on the North, Strab. lb 14.
  • Ionian Gulfe. The Ionian Gulfe, or the Io¦nian Sea, is the vtmost part of the Adria¦tique Sea, beginning at the Ceraunia Mountaines. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Ios, an Iland on the Coast of Crete, equally distant from Therasia an Anaphe. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Ipnenses, The people of a City of the Lo∣cri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Ismaris, a Lake in Thrace, betweene Stry∣ma and Maronea. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Istone, a Hill in the Ile Corcyra. Thuc. lib. 3.
  • Ithaca, an Iland ouer against Cphallnia, and neere to it. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Ithome, a Hill in Messenia, neere the Sea, and on it a City, which was afterward the Cittadell of the City 〈◊〉, that was built after the Peloponnesian Warre, by Epa∣minondas. Paus. in Messenicis.
    L
  • LAconia, a Region of Peloponnesus, con∣fining on Messenia, Argia, and Arcadia. Strab. lib. 8. diuided from the Territory of Megalopolis of Arcadia, by the Riuer Al∣pheus. aus. in Arcadicis.
  • Lactr, the most Southerne Promonto∣rie of the Ile Cos. Strab. lib 14.
  • Lacedmon, the head City of Laconia, on the West side of the Riuer Eurotas, remote from the Sea, beneath the Mountaine Taygetus. Strab. lb. 8. Polyb. lib. 5.
  • ade, a small Iland, lying before the Ci∣ty Myletus. Herod. li. 6. Thucyd. lib. 8. Paus. in Attics
  • Ladon, a Riuer rising in the Territory of Cleitor in Arcada, passing by the border of Heraea, and falling into the Riuer Pne∣us in Elis, neere to Pyus. Paus in Arcadcis, & Eliacorum secundo.
  • Lagusa, an Iland on the West of the I∣land Ios. Strab. lib 10.
  • Lampsaus, a maritime City in Hellespont, from Abydus▪ towards Proponts, distant 170 furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Laodicea, a Towne of the Territory of Orestis in Arcadia. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Larissa, a City of Thessaly, on the Riuer Peneus. Strab. lib. 9. Also a City of Tra••▪ betweene Achaenni and Clonae. Strabo, lib. 13.
  • Latmus, and the Bay of Latmus.-Latmus, a Mountaine at the bottome of the Bay of Latmus, which Bay be∣ginneth at Posideum in the Territorie of Miletus, and endeth at the Promontorie of Pyrrha, betweene which places by the shore, it is two hundred furlongs▪ and streight ouer, but thirty. Strabo, libro 4. Latmus is also an Iland in those parts, as appeareth by Thucydides, lib. 2. but I can finde no mention of it in any other Au∣thor.
  • Laurium, a Mountaine and Towne in At∣tica, not far from S••ium, betweene SuniumPage  [unnumbered] and Athens. Paus. in Atticis. The Athenians had siluer Mines in this Mountaine. Thuc. Herod.
  • Leaei, a Nation dwelling on the Riuer Strymon, and the border betweene Thrace and Macedonie. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Lebedus, an Ionique City in Lydia. Herod. lib. 1. Scituate on the Sea-side, betweene Colophon and Teus, distant from each 120 furlongs. Strab. lb. 14.
  • Lechaeum, a Hauen of the Corinthians in the Crissaean or Corinthian Bay. Betweene echaeum and Cenchreae is contained the Co∣rinthian Isthmus. Paus. in Corinthiacis.
  • Lectus, a City and Promontory of Troas, the beginning of the Bay of Adramyttium, Strab. lib. 14.
  • Lennos, an Iland in the Aegean Sea, on the East of the Mountaine Athos, so as the shaddow of the Mountaine falleth some∣times vpon it. Plin. lib. 4. Strab. Epitom. lib. 7.
  • Lepreum, a City of Elis, forty furlongs from the Sea. Pas. Flaorum secundo. On the conines of Arcadia. Thucyd. lib. 5.
  • Lerus, an Iland, one of the Sporades, neere to Patos. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Lesbos, an Iland ouer against Aeolis in A∣sia, distant from emnos, Tenedos, and Chios almost equally; lesse then fiue hundred furlongs from the fathest of them. It reacheth in length betweene Lectus and Canae 560 furlongs, and is in compasse 1100 furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Leucas, a Peninula, distant from Actium 240 furlongs. Strab. lib. 10. now an I∣land, and called Santa Maura.
  • Leuctra, a Towne in Boeotia, betweene Plataea and Thespiae. Strab. lib. 9. Also a Towne of Laconia in the Messenian Bay, be∣tweene Turides and Cardamyle, distant f••m Cardamyle 60 furlongs▪ and from Taenarus three hundred and forty. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in aconicis.
  • Leucimna, the most Easterne Promonto∣ry of the Ile Corcyra, opposite to the I∣lands called Sybta, Strab. lib 7.
  • Lilaea, a City of Phocis, distant from Del∣phi by Pernassus 180 furlongs. Paus. in Pho∣cicis.
  • Limnaea, a City on the confines of A∣graeis, on the West to the Riuer Achelous, as may be gathered out of Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Linij, a City of the Iland Rhodes, scitu∣ate on the right hand to them that sayle from the City of Rhodes Southward. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Lissus, a small Riuer of Thrace, betweene Mesembria and Stryma. Herod lib. 7.
  • Locri, a Nation of Greece, whereof one part, called Locri Ozolae, inhabite on the West of Pernassus, and confine on Aetolia. Strab. lib. 9. And the other part, called Locri Opuntij, are diuided from the Ozolae by the Mountaines Pernassus and the Regi∣on of Doris. Idem, lib. 9. Part of the Opun∣tians are called Epicnemides, for that they dwell neere the Promontory called Cne∣mides.
  • Loryma, a City in the opposite Conti∣nent to Rhodes, betweene Cnidus and Phys∣cus, where the shore beginneth to turne Northward. Strab. lib. 14. distant twenty miles from Rhodes. Liuy, libro 45.
  • Lycaeum, a mountaine in Arcadia, neere to the confines of Laconia, and Megalopo∣lis. Paus. in Arcadicis. Not far from Tegea. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Lychnidus, a City of Illyris, on the Con∣fines of Macedonie, in the Ignatian way, that leadeth from Apollonia to Therme. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Lydius, a Riuer of Macedonie. Lydius and Aliacmon meeting in one, deuide Bottiaea from Macedonie. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Lyncus, a Region and City of the vpper Macedonia, the people are called Lynchesti by Thucyd. lib. 4, and placed by Strabo in the way betweene Epidamnus and Therme, which hee calles the Ignatian way. Strab. lib. 7.
    M
  • MAcedonia, a famous Kingdome, borde∣red with Thracia, Epirus, Illyris, and Thessaly
  • Madyus, a City in the Thracian Cherson∣nesus. Betweene Sestus amd Madytus, is the shortest cut ouer the Hellspont, of not a∣boue seuen furlongs. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Maeander, a Riuer of Caria. The mouth of it is fifty furlongs from Pyrrha, the be∣ginning of the Latmian Bay. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Maedi, a people of Thrace, bordering on Maceconie. Polyb. lib. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Moenalia, a Territory of Arcadia, be∣longing to the City Menalus, which City is about threescore and tenne furlongs from Megalopolis. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Magnesia, a City of Thessaly, the Territo∣rie whereof extendeth from the Moun∣taine Ossa and the Lake Boebeis, to the Mountaine Pelion. Strab. lib. 9. Before the Continent of Magnesia, lyeth the Iland Scyathus. Herodot. lib. 7. Also a City of Ionia called Magnesia on Maeander, a∣boue the Citie of Myus. Strabo, libro 14.
  • Mala, a Promontory of Laconia, be¦tweene which and Taenarus is comprehen∣ded the Laconian Bay. Strab. lib. 8. Also the most Southene Promontory of Lesbos, opposite to Canae. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Mantinea, a City of Arcadia, confining on Argia, Tegea, Methydrium, and Orchome∣nus. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Marathon, a Towne in Attica, ouer a∣gainst Eetria of Euboea. Herod. lib. 6. Be∣tweene Rhamnus and Brauron. Strab. lib. 9. Equally distant from Athens and from Ca∣rystus in Euboea. Paus, in Atticis.
  • Marathusa, an Iland lying before Clazo∣menae. Thucyd. lib. 8. Vide Clazomenae.
  • Maronea, a Citie of Thrace, lying to the Aegean Sea. Xerxes, after he had passed the Riuer Lissus, went on toward Greece by these Cities, Maronea, Dicaea, Abdera, &c. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Mecyberna, a maritime Towne in the Bay of Torone, seruing for the shipping of the City Olynthus. Strab. Epitom. lib. 7. The Fleet of Xerxes beeing come about Ampelus, (This is a Promontory neere To∣rone,) passed by these Cities, Torone, Ga∣lepsus, Sermyla, Mecyberna, &c. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Medeon, a Citie of Amphilochia, on the West of the Riuer Achelous. The Army of the Peloponnesians hauing passed the Riuer Achelous, out of Aetolia, went on into A∣graeis by these Cities in order, Phytia, Mede∣on, and Limnaea. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Megalopolis, a City of Arcadia, built after the Peloponnesian Warre, by Epaminondas. The Territory thereof confineth on La∣conia, Messenia, Heraea, Orchomenus, Manti∣nea, and Tegea. It standeth on the Riuer Helisson, not farre from Alpheus. Pausan. in Arcadicis.
  • Megara, a City confining with Attica at Eleusis▪ distant from the Sea 18 furlongs. Paus. in Atticis. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Melas, a Riuer, and a Bay into which it entreth, on the West of the Thraeian Cher∣sonnesus. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Melena, a Promontory of the Iland Chios, ouer against the Ile Psyra. Strabo, libro 15.
  • Melienses, and the Melian Bay. The Melienses are next to Thessaly Southward. Strab. lib. 8. The Melian Bay be∣ginneth at the Promontory Cnemides. Id. lib. 9.
  • Melitea, a City of Thessalie, neere the Ri∣uer Enipeus. Strab. lib. 9. betweene Pharsa∣lus and Heraclea. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Melos, an Iland, one of the Cyclades Vide Cyclades. Distant from the Promontorie Scyllaeum seuen hundred furlongs. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Mende, a Citie in the Chersonnesus of Pal∣lene. Herod. lib. 7. betweene Aphytis and Scione. Strab. Epit. lib 7.
  • Mesembria, a maritime City of Thrace, neere Doriscus, the last in the shore of Do∣riscus towards the West. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Messenia, a Region on the West part of Peloponnesus, confining on Elis, Arcadia, and Laconia, deuided from Elis on the parts to the Sea, by the Riuer Neda, and confi∣ning with Laconia at Thurides. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in Messenicis. Of the Messenian Bay, the first Towne is Asine, the last Thurides. Idem, lib. 8. The City of Messene was built after the Peloponnesian Warre, by Epami∣nondas, vnder the Hill Ithome. Paus. in Mes∣senicis. Vide Ithome.
  • Methone, a City of Macedonia, forty fur∣longs from Pydna. Strab. Epit. lib. 7. Also a City in Argia, betweene Epidaurus and Troezen. Strab. lib. 8. Scituate in a Cherson∣nasus belonging to the Troezenians. Paus. in Corinthiacis. Strabo calleth it Methana. Also a maritime City of Messenia, be∣tweene the Promontories Coryphasium and Acritas. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in Corinthiacis. Pausanias calleth it Mothone. It is now cal∣led Modeno.
  • Messapij, the people of a City of the Lo∣cri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Methydrium, a City of Arcadia, confi∣ning on Mantinea, distant from Megalopolis 170 furlongs. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Methymna, a City of Lesbos, betweene the Promontories Sigrium and Malea, di∣stant from Malea 340 furlongs, and from Sigrium 210. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Miletus, an Ionique City of Caria, the far∣thermost toward the South. Herodot. lib. 1. next to Posideu, in the Latmian ay. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Mimas, a Hill in the Chersonnesus of Ery∣thrae, betweene the Cities Erythrae and Cla∣zomenae, Strab. lib. 13.
  • Mindus, a maritime Citie of Caria, betweene the Promontorie of Asty∣palaea, and the City Iasus. Strabo. libro 14.
  • Minöe, an Iland, as Thucyd. a Promonto∣ry as Strabo saith, that maketh Nisaea a Ha∣uen. Strab. lib. 9. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Mitylene, the chiefe City of Lesbos, scitu∣ate betweene Methymna and Malea, distant from Malea threescore and ten furlongs, from 〈◊〉 one hundred and twenty fur∣longs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Melossians, a people of Epirus. Thucydid. lib. 1. dwelling by the Riuer Acheron. Liuy, lib. 8.
  • Molychria, a City of the Locri Ozolae, on the Sea side, next to Antirrhium, on the part toward Euenus. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Manychia, a Promontory of Attica, which with Piraeus made the Harbour of the A∣thenian shipping, with three faire Hauens within it. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Mycale, a Promontory ouer against the Ile Samos, Herodot. lib. 1. A Mountaine neere to Priene, opposite to Samos, which with Posideum a Promontory of Samos, ma∣keth the streight of seuen furlongs ouer. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Mycalessus, a City of Boeotia, betweene Thebes and Chalcis of Euboea. Paus. in Boeoti∣cis. Thucyd. lib. 7.
  • Mycenae, a City once the head of Ar∣gia, on the left hand to those that goe from Cleonae to Argos, distant from Ar∣gos fifty furlongs. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in Co∣rinthiacis.
  • Mycons, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Mygdonia, a Region of Macedonia, deui∣ded from Bottiaea by the Riuer Axius, and and reaching vnto Pallene. Herodot. libro 7.
  • Mylasa, an vpland City of Caria, neerest to the Sea at Physcus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Myonnesus, a maritime City of Ionia, be∣tweene Teos and Lebedus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Myrcinus, a City of the Edonians in Thrace, by the Riuer Strymon. Herodot. lib. 5.
  • Myus, an Ionique City, 30 furlongs aboue the mouth of the Riuer Maeander. Strabo, lib. 14. Also a City of the Locri Ozolae, neere Amphissa, and thirty furlongs more remote from the Sea. Paus. in Phocicis.
    N
  • NAupactus, a City of the Locri Ozolae, neer to Antirrhium, within the Crissaean Bay. Strab. lib. 9. and next to it is Oeanthea. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Nauplia, a City of Argia, in the Argiue Bay, next after Temenium, towards the Promontory Scyllaeum. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Naxus an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Neda, a Riuer of Peloponnesus, rising in the Mountaine Lycaeum. Pausanias in Ar∣cadicis. and passing through Messenia. J∣dem in Messenicis. It diuideth the mari∣time parts of Elis and Messenia. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Nemea, a Forrest and Towne, The For∣rest betweene Cleonae and Phlius. Strab. lib. 8. The Towne betweene Cleonae and Argos. Paus. in Corinth.
  • Neritum, The Chersonnesus of Leucas, since cut off and made an Iland by the Corinthi∣ans. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Nestus, a Riuer of Thrace, that goeth out into the Sea, neere to the City Abde∣ra. Herod. lib. 7. on the West side of Abde∣ra. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Nisaea the Hauen Towne to the City of Megara. Pegae and Nisaea comprehend the Isthmus, and are distant from each o∣ther 120 furlongs. Strab. lib. 8. On the East of the Iland Minoe. Id. lib. 9.
  • Nisyra, an Iland, one of the Sporades, 60 furlongs from the Ile Cos, and as many from the Ile Telos, in compasse 80. furlongs. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Non••ris, a City of Arcadia, to the West of Pheneum, and enclining to the right hand▪ Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Notium, a Towne on the Sea-side, be∣longing to the Colophonians, and distant from Colophon two miles. Liuy, lib. 37. Also a place in the Ile Chius, betweene the Promontory Melena and the Hauen Pha∣nae. Distant from the City Chius by Land threescore furlongs, by Sea 300. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Nympheum, a Promontory of Mount Aths, towards the Bay of Singus. Strab. Ep. lib. 7
    O
  • OChe, a Mountaine, the greatest of Eu∣boea, neere to the City Carystus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Odomanti, a people of Thrace, neere the Mountaine Pangaeum. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Odrysae, a people of Thrace. Thucyd. libro 2.
  • Oeanthi, a maritime City of the Locri O∣zolae. Paus. in Phocicis. Ouer against Aegirae of Achaia. Polyb. lib. 4.
  • Oenias, a Citie of Acarnania, by the Sea side, opposite to the Promontory Araxus, in Peloponnesus, and confining on Aetolia. Polyb. lib. 4. on the East side of the Ri∣uer Achelous, at the mouth of it. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Oeneon, a City of the Locri Ozolae, not far from Naupactus, as may be gathered out of Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Oenoe, a Towne on the border of Attica, towards Boeotia. Thucyd. lib. 2. Oenoe and Hysiae the last of the Townes of Attica, to∣wards Boeotia, on that part which is remo∣test from Chalcis and Euboea. Herodot. libro 5.
  • Oenophyta, a place in Boeotia. Thucyd. lib. 2. but whereabouts, I cannot finde.
  • Oenussae, certaine Ilands vpon the Coast of Chius. Herod. lib. 1. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Oeta, a Mountaine neere Thermopylae: that part which is neere Thermopylae, for a∣bout twenty furlongs, is properly called Octa, though the whole tract from Thermo∣pylae, as farre as the Bay of Ambracia, bee commonly also called Oeta. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Oezyme, a City of the Eidonians. Thucyd. lib. 4. Beyond the Riuer Strymon, and by the Sea-side, according to Ptolomie.
  • Olcarus, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Olenus▪ a city of Achaia, betweene Patrae and Dyme, at the mouth of the Riuer Pei∣rus. Paus. in Achaicis.
  • Olpae, a Castle by the side of the Bay of Ambracia, neere to Argos Ampalochicum. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Olpe, a city of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3. but whereabouts I know not.
  • Olophyxus, a city in Mount Athos. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Olympia, a place in Elis, with a Temple dedicate to Iupiter, vpon the side of the Ri∣uer Alpheus, distant from the Sea 80 fur∣longs. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Olympus, a Mountaine, which is the bound of Thessaly on the North, and of Macedonia on the South, betweene it and the Mountaine Ossa, in a narrow Valley, runneth the Riuer Peneus, Herod. lib. 7. Paus. Eliacoram secundo,
  • Olynthus, a city of the Bottiaeans driuen out of Bottiaea by the Macedonians. Herod. lib. 8. The Bottiaeans driuen out of Bottiaea, sea∣ted themselues on the borders of the Chal∣cideans towards Thrace. Thucyd. lib. 2. O∣lynthus standeth somewhat remote from the Sea, and about threescore furlongs from Potidaea. Id. lib. 2. Mecyberna, which standeth on the Bay of Torone, serued them for the place of their shipping. Strab. Epit. lib. 7▪
  • Onugnathos, a Promontory of Laconia, betweene which and Malea, is the city and Bay of Boca. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Ophionei, a people of Aetolia, toward the Melian Gulfe. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Opus, the chiefe city of the Locri Opun∣tij, distant from the Sea fifteene fur∣longs, opposite to Aedepsa in Euboea. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Orchomenus; a city of Boeotia, confining on Phocis, through the Territory whereof the Riuer Cephissus passeth from Chaeronea into the Lake Copais. Strab. lib. 9. Paus. in Boeoticis.
  • Also a city of Arcadia, confining on Mantinea and Pheneum. Pausanias in Arca∣dicis.
  • Orestis, a Region of Macedonia, confi∣on Epirus. Thucyd. lib. 2. not farre from E∣lymaea. Liu. lib. 31.
    • Orestium
    • or Orestasium
    A city of Arcadia, in the way betweene Sparta and the Jsthmus. Herodot. lib. 9. and betweene Megalopolis and Tegea. Paus. in Arcadibis.
  • Oreus, a citie of the Hestiaeans, in Eu∣boea. Thucydid. lib. 1. Strab. lib. 9. not Page  [unnumbered] farre from the Promontory of Ceneum. Id. lib. 9. the first City of Euboea on the left hand to them that come from the Bay of 〈◊〉, (or Pegasaean Bay) toward Chalcis. 〈◊〉, lib. 9.
  • Oneae, a City of Argia, on the borders of the Phliasian and Sicyonian Territories. Paus in Corinthiacis.
  • Orebiae, a City of Euboea, not farre from Aegae. Strab. lib▪ 9.
  • Oopas, a maritime towne in Attica, to∣wards Euboea, and opposite to Eretia. Strab. lib. 9. It is distant from Eretria 60 furlongs. Thucyd. lb. 8.
  • Ossa, a Mountaine of Thessaly. Betweene Ossa and 〈◊〉, in a narrow valley, run∣neth the Riuer Peneus. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Othrys, a Mountaine bounding Thessaly on the South. Herod. lib. 7. It hath on the North ide the Phhiotae, but reacheth also, to the Dolopians. Strab. lib. 9.
    P
  • PActolus, a Riuer of Asia the lesse, rising in the Mountaine Tinolus, and falling into the Riuer Hermus. Strab. lib. 13. It runneth through the Market-place of Sar∣••s. Herod. lib. 5.
  • 〈◊〉, a City standing in the Isthmus of the hracian Chersonnesus, toward Propon∣tis. Herod. lib. 6.
  • 〈◊〉, a Region of Macedonia, reaching on one side to the Riuer Strymon. Herodot. lib. 5. on the other side to the Riuer Axi∣us. Paus. Eliacorum primo, in the begin∣ning.
  • Pale, a City of Cephallenia, in the narrow part therof, neere to the Bay. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Payre, a maritime City of Acarnania, be∣tweene Leucas and Alyzea. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Par••sus, a Riuer of Messenia, rising be∣tweene Tharium and Arcadia, and falling into the Sea in the middest of the Messe∣nian Bay. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Pana••um, a Towne in Attica, on the con∣fines of Boeoia▪ Thucyd. lib. 5.
  • 〈◊〉, a People of Thrace. * Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Pangaeum, a Mountaine in Thrace, aboue the Region called the Pierian Bay. Thucyd. lib. 2. Vide Pierian Bay.
  • Panopeus, the same with Phanotis. Vide Phanotis.
  • Panormus, a Hauen of Achaia, neere to Rhium. Thucyd. lib. 2. opposite to Naupa∣ctus. Polyb. lib. 4. Distant from Rhium with∣in the Cissaean Bay 15 furlongs. Strab. lib. 9. Also a Towne in the Territory of Mi∣letus. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Parasia, a City of Thessaly. Thu. l. 1. Where abouts in Thessaly I find not.
  • Parauaei, a Nation of Epirus, neere to the Molossians. Thucyd. lib. 2. Plutarch. in quaest. Graecis. quaest. 13, 26.
  • Parium, a maritime City of Hellespont, between Lampsacus & Priapus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Parnassus, a Mountaine, on whose West part are the Locri Ozolae; East part, the Phe∣ceans and Doreans; and which extendeth to the Mountaines that runne along from Thermopylae to the Ambracian Bay, and mee∣teth with them at a right angle. Strab. lib. 9
  • Parnethus, a Hill in Peloponnesus, where∣in are the bounds of Argia, Tegeae, and La∣conia. Paus. in Corinthiacis. Also a Hill in At∣tica. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Paros, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Parrhasia, a City and Territory of Arca∣dia, bordering vpon Laconia. Thuc. lib. 5.
  • Patmus, an Iland, one of the Sporades, on the West of Icarus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Patrae, a maritime City of Achaia, distant from Rhium, fifty furlongs; from Olenus 80 furlongs. Paus. in Achaicis. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Pegae, a City in the Mountainous part of Megaris. Paus. in Achaicis. Pegae and Ni∣saea comprehend the Corinthian Isthmus. Stra. lib. 8.
  • Pegasaea, a City of Thessaly, in the Pegasae∣an Bay. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Peraice, a small Territory on the con∣fines of Attica and Boeotia, neere to Oropus. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Pelasgiotis, a Region of Thessaly, between Estiotis, and the Territory of Magnesia. Stra. lib 9.
  • Pele, an Iland lying before Clazomenae. Thucyd. lib. 8, vide Clazomenae.
  • Pelon, a Mountaine in the Territory of Magnesia in Thessaly, ioyned to the Mountaine Ossa. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Pella, a City of Macedonie, wherein Alex∣ander the Great was borne. It standeth in a Lake betweene the Riuers Axius and Lydi∣us. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Pellene, a City of Achaia, confining on Sicyonia and Pheneum, distant from the Sea threescore furlongs, and from Aegirae 120 furlongs. Paus. in Achaicis. Also a Peninsu∣la of Macedonie, betweene the Bay of To∣rone, and the Bay of Therme. Herod. libro 7. Thucyd▪ lib. 4.
  • Pelagonia, a Region of Macedonia, toward Illyris. Liuy. lib. 45.
  • Peloponnesus, that part of Greece within the Isthmus of Corinth, now called Morea.
  • Peneus, a Riuer of Thessaly, rising in the Mountain Pindus. neere to Macedonie. Stra. l. 7. running by Lariffa, and thence through Tempe into the Sea. Idem. lib. 9. It diuideth Ossa from Olympus with a narrow valey, and receiueth into it the Riuers Apidanus, Eni∣peus, and others. Herod. lib. 7. Also a Riuer of Peloponnesus, betweene the Promontory Chelonata, and the Towne Cyllene. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Peparethus, an Iland that lyeth before Magnesia. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Pergamus, a City of the Pierians of Thrace vnder the Mountaine Pangaeum. Herod. lib. 7. Also an Aeolique City, 120 furlongs from the Sea, by the side of the Riuer Ca∣icus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Perinthus, a maritime City of Thrace, on the side of Propontis.
  • Perrhaebi, a People of Thessaly, that inha∣bite the Mountainous Countrey about Olympus, from the City Atrax, as farre as to Tempe, and the City Gyrton. Strab. lib. 9. Out of Macedonie into Thessaly there lyeth a way through the Perrhaebi, by the City Gonnus. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Petalia, a Promontory of Euboea, against which, lye the Ilands called also Petaliae, op∣posite to the Promontory Sunim in Attica. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Placium, a City of Thessaly, betweene Pharsalus and Dion. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Phagres. Phagres in Thucydides, Niphagres in Herodotus, a City of the Pierians, betweene Pangaeum and the Sea, Thucyd. lib. 2. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Phaleron, a maritime Towne of Attica, betweene Piraeus and Halimus. Strab. lib. 8. It was heeretofore the Hauen of Athens. Paus. in Atticis. distant from Athens 20 fur∣longs. Idem in Arcadicis.
  • Phanae, a Hauen in the Ile Chios. Liuy, lib. 44. betweene the Promontory Posideum, and the shore called Notium. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Phanotis, a City of Phocis, vpon the Ri∣uer Cephissus. Strab. lib. 9. the same with Pa∣nopeus, distant 20 furlongs from Chaeronea in Boeotia. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Pharae, a City in the Messenian Bay, next after Cardamyle, Westward. Strab. lib. 8. a∣boue it, within the Land, are Thurium and Anthea, fourescore furlongs distant from it. Paus. in Laconicis. Also a City of Achaia, vpon the Riuer Peirus, distant from Patrae, 150 furlongs, from the Sea 70 furlongs, Paus. in Achaicis.
  • Pharsalus, a City of Thessaly, by the Riuer Apidanus, Strab. lib. 8.
  • Pharybus. Pharybus to Ptolomy, but in Liuy Baphyrus, a Riuer of Macedonia, falling into the Sea neere to the City Dion. Liu.
  • Pheia, a City of Elis, betweene the mouth of the Riuer Alpheius, and the Pro∣montory Icthys. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Pheneum, a City of Arcadia, confining on Pellene and Aegirae, Cities of Achaia, and on Stymphalus, Nonacris, and Cleitor, Cities of Arcadia. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Pherae, a City of Thessaly, neere the Lake Boebeis, and confining on Pelion, and the Territory of Magnesia. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Phile, a Towne of Attica, confining on Tanagra of Boeotia. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Phlius, a City neere the head of the Ri∣uer Asopus in Achaia, the Territory where∣of is inclosed as it were in a circle, with the Territories of Sicyon, Cleonae, and Stym∣phalus. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Phocaea, an Ionique City in Lydia, at the mouth of the Riuer Hermus. Herod. lib. 1. the bound of Jonia that way. Strab. libro 14.
  • Phocis, a Region of Greece, betweene the Locri Ozolae and Boeotia. Aetolia, Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, lye paralell one to another. The Phocaeans inhabite the East side of Pernassus, Strab. lib. 9. and extend by the Sea-side from Cirrha to Anticyra. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Phoenicus portus, a Hauen in Messenia, neere the Promontory Acritas, betweene it and the City Methone. Pausanias in Messe∣nicis. Also a hauen in the Peninsula Erythraea, vnder the Hill Mimas. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Phologandros, an Iland to the West of the Iland Ios. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Phrygij, a place in Attica, neere Acharnae. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Phygalca, a City of Arcadia, on the con∣fines of Messenia, Polyb. lib. 4. vpon the Ri∣uer Lymax, which falleth into the Riuer Neda. Paus. in Arcadicis.
  • Phyrcus, a Castle not farre from Lepreum in Elis. Thuc. lib. 5.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Physca, a City of Macedonia. Thucyd. lib. 2. Ptolomie placeth it about the Riuer Chedo∣rus, not farre from the Riuer Axius.
  • Physcus, a maritime City of Caria, be∣tweene Loryma and Caunus, opposite to Rhodes. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Phytia a City on the West side of the Ri∣uer Achelous, not farre out of the way from Stratus, into Agraeis, as may be gathered out of Thucydides, lib. 3.
  • Pieria, a maritime City of Macedonie, touching on one side the Riuer Peneus. Strab. lib 9. and on the other side the con∣fluent of the Riuers Lydius and Aliacmon, where begins Bottiaea, accordng to Hero∣dotus, lib. 7.
  • Pierius sins, a tract of Land betweene the Mountaine Pangaeum and the Sea, in which standeth the City Phagres. Thucydid. lib. 2. Pergamus and Niphagres, Townes of the Pierians, vnder the Hill Pangaeum, on the West of the Riuer Nestus. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Pindus, a Mountaine bounding Thessaly, on the West. Herodot. lib. 7. It hath on the South the Dolopians; on the North, Mace∣donie. Strab. lib. 9. Also a City of the Regi∣on called Doris, one of the foure for which it was called Tetrapolis, and standeth aboue Erinus, Strab. lib. 9.
  • Piraeus, a Towne and Hauen of Attica, seruing for the shipping of Athens, in the middest betweene Pegae and Sunium. Strab. lib. 8. distant from Athens 40 furlongs. Thu∣cyd. lib. 2. Also a desart Hauen in the Territory of Corinth, the vtmost towards Epidaurus. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Piresia, a City of Thessaly, neere the mouth of the Riuer Peneus. Ex interprete Orphei Ar∣gonaut.
  • Pitane, an Aeolique City in the shore of Asia. Herod. lib. 1. betweene Atarneus and the mouth of the Riuer Caicus. Strab. lib. 13. Also a City of Messnia, on the con∣fines of Elis. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Plaaea, a City of Boeotia, seuenty furlongs from Thebes. Betweene these Cities run∣neth the Riuer Asopus. Thucyd. lib. 2. Paus. in Boeoticis. It standeth betweene Mount Cithaeron and Thebes, neere the confines of Attica and Megaris. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Pleuron, a City of Aetolia, between Chal∣cis and Calydon, vpon the Riuer Euenus, on the Sea-side, West of Chalcis and the mouth of the Riuer. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Polichna, a Towne in the Continent of Asia, neere to Clazomenae. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Polis, a village of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Posideum, a Temple dedicated to Nep∣tune: and because those Temples were for the most part in Promontories, and pla∣ces open to the Sea, diuers Promontories haue beene so called. There is Posideum a Promontory of Chius, opposite to the Promontory of Argenum in Erythraea, and betweene the City Chius and the Hauen Phanae. Strab. lib. 14. Also a Promontory of the Milesians, the vtmost of Jonia South∣ward. Strab. lib. 14. Also a Promontory of Samos, which with Mycale in the Conti∣nent, make the straight there of seuen furlongs ouer. Strab. lib. 14. Also a Pro∣montory of Pellene, neere the City of Men∣da. Thuc. lib. 5. Of two Promontories that are in Pallene, (Canastraea being one) this is the leser. Liuy, lib. 44. Also a Temple in the Corinthian Isthmus, where were cele∣brated the Isthmian Games.
  • Potidea, a City in Pallene. Herodot. lib. 7. in the very Isthmus of it. Thuc. lib. 1. Cas∣sandea is a City in the streight that ioineth Pellene to Macedonie, enclosed on one side with the Toronaean Bay; on the other, with the Macedonian Sea. Liu. lib. 44. Cassandrea was formerly called Potidaea. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Potidania, a City of Aetolia, on the con∣fines of the Locri Ozolae. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Prasiae, a maritime City of Laconia, in the Bay of Argos. Strab. lib. 8. Pausan. in Laconi∣cis. the last Laconian City towards Argos, and distant from Cyphanta 200 furlongs. Paus. in Laconicis. Also a Towne in Attica, by the Sea side towards Euboea, betweene Thoricus and Brauron. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Preposinthus, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Priapus, a City lying vpon Propontis, be∣tweene Lampsacus and the Riuer Granicus, Strab. lib. 13.
  • Priene, an Ionique City in Caria. Herodot. lib. 1. betweene the mouth of Maeander, and the Mountaine Mycale. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Proconnesus, an Iland in Propontis, ouer a∣gainst the shore that is betweene Parium and Priapus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Prone, a City of Cephallenia. Thucyd. lib. 2. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Propontis, the Sea betweene Hellespont and Pontus Euxinus. Strab. lib. 2.
  • Proschion, a City of Aetolia, not far from Pleuron, but more remote from the Sea. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Prose, an Iland ouer against Messenia, not farre from Pylus. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Psyra, an Iland, distant fifty furlongs from Melaena a Promontory of Chius, Strab. lib. 44.
  • Psyttala, an Iland betweene the Conti∣nent of Attica, and the Ile Salamis. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Psophis, a City of Arcadia, in the West parts thereof, towards Achaia and Elis. Po∣lyb. lib. 4.
  • Ptleum, a Towne on the Sea side in E¦rythraea. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Phthiotis, the South part of Thessaly, rea∣ching in length to Mount Pindus, and in breadth as farre as Pharsalus. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Ptychia, a small Iland, neere to the City Corcyra. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Pydna, a Macedonian City in Pieria, Strab. Epit. lib. 7. opposite to Aenea. Liu.
  • Pylus, a City of Messenia, in the Promon¦tory Coryphasium, distant from Methone 100 furlongs. Paus. in Messenicis. Thucyd. lib. 4.5. Also a City of Elis, at the confluent of Peneus and Ladon. Paus. Eliacorum secun∣do.
  • Pydius, a Riuer betweene Abydus and Dardanus. Thucyd. lib. 8. It seemeth to bee the same which Strabo calleth Rhodius. Vide Rhodius.
  • Pyrrhae, a Promontory of Asia the lesse, which with Gargara (another Promontory) distant from it 120 furlongs, maketh the Bay of Adramyttium, properly so called. Strab. lib. 13. Alo a City of Lesbos, on the Sea-side towards Greece, distant from Mi∣tylene, which is on the other Sea, 80 fur∣longs. Strab. lib. 13. Also a City of Jonia, in the Latmian Bay. Strab. lib. 14.
    R
  • RHamnus, a maritime Towne of Attica, betweene Marathon and Oopus, distant from Marathon 60 furlongs. Pausan. in At∣ticis.
  • Rheiti, certaine Brookes of salt water, supposed to come from the Sea betweene Attica and Euboea, vnder ground, as from the hither Sea, and rising in Attica, to fall into the Saronian Bay, as a lower Sea, be∣tweene Piraeus and Eleusis. Pausan. in Atticis & Corinthiacis.
  • Rhenea, an Iland, foure furlongs distant from Delos. Strab. lib. 10. It lyeth before Delos, as Sphacteria before Pylus. Pau. in fine Messenicorum. Polycrates Tyrant of Samos, tyed it to Delos with a chaine. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Rhium, a Promontory of Achaia, between Patrae and Aegium, which with Antirrhium, maketh the straight of the Corinthian (or Crissaean) Bay, of fiue furlongs ouer. Strab. lib. 8. Rhium Achaicum, and Antirrhium, (which is also called Rhium Molychricum) are the iawes of the Corinthian Bay. Liuy, lib. 28.
  • Rhodope, a Mountaine of Thrace. *
  • Rhodius, a Riuer in the Hellespont, be∣tweene Abydus and Dardanus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Rhodus, an Iland in the Carpathian Sea, 920 furlongs in compasse, inhabited by the Doreans. Strab. lib.4.
  • Rhoetium, a City of Hellespont. Thucyd. lib. 8. on the Sea-side, between Dardanum and Sigeum. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Rhypes, a City of Achaia, thirty furlongs from Aegium. Paus. in Achaicis.
    S
  • SAla, a City of the Samothracians, in the shore of Doriscus. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Salamis, an Iland adiacent to Eleusis of Attica. Strab. lib. 8. Paus. in Atticis.
  • Same, a City in the Iland Cephallenia, at the passage betweene it and Ithaca. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Samia, a City of Elis, a little aboue Sa∣micum, betweene which Cities runneth the Riuer Anigrus. Paus. Eliacorum primo.
  • Samicum, a maritime City of Elis, the first beyond the Riuer Neda, at the mouth of the Riuer Anigrus. Paus. Eliacorum pri∣mo.
  • Saminthus, a Towne of Argia, in the plaines of Argos towards Nemea. Thucyd. lb. 5.
  • Samothracia, an Iland in the Aegean Sea, ouet against the mouth of the Riuer He∣brus. Plin. lib. 4.
  • Samus, an Ionique Iland, and City of the same name. The Iland is sixe hundred furlongs about, and Posideum a Promonto∣ry thereof, not aboue seuen furlongs from Page  [unnumbered] the Continent. The City standeth on the South part of it, at the Sea-side. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Sae, a City in Pallene. Herod. lb. 7. Strab. Epit. lib. 7. Also a City by the side of the Ditch made by Xerxes, in Mount 〈◊〉, without the same, and to the Bay of Sings. Herod. lib. 7. Thucyd. lib 4.
  • Sardes, the chiefe City of the Lydians, sci∣tuate vnder the Hill Tmolus. Strab lib. 13. Through it runneth the Riuer Pactolus. Herod. lib. 5.
  • Scamander, a Riuer of Troas, rising in Mount Jda. S••neis, and Scamander meete in a Fenne, and then goe out into the Sea by one Channell, at Sigeum. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Scandarium, a Promontory of the Iland Cos, neere the City Cos, opposite to Terme∣rum, a Promontory of the Continent. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Scandea, a City in the Iland Cythera. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Scepsis, a City of Troas, in the highest part of Mount Ida. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Scione, a City in Pallene. Herod. lib. 7. be∣tweene Mnde and Sane. Strab. Epit. lib. 7.
  • Sciritis, the territory of Scirus, a Laconian Towne on the confines of Parrhasia in Ar∣cadia, neere to Cypsela. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Schoe••s, a Hauen of the Territory of Corinth, at the narrowest part of the Isth∣mus, betweene enchreae and Crommyon. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Scous, a City of Chalcidea, not far from ••ynthus. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Scomius, a Mountaine in Thrace, out of which riseth the Riuer Strymon. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Scyathus, an Iland in the Aegean Sea, ly∣ing before the territory of Magnesia. Strab. lib. 9. Betweene Scyathus and the Con∣tinent of Magnesia, there is a narrow straight. Herod lb. 7.
  • Scyllaeum, a Promontory of Peloponnesus, the bound of the Bay of Argos, towards Co∣rinth. Strab lib. 8.
  • Scyrus, an Iland in the Aegean Sea, lying ouer against the Continent of Magnesia, Strab. lib. 9. betweene Euboea and Lesbos. Plin. lib. 4.
  • Sellasia, a Towne in Laconia, betweene Lacedaemon and the Hill Parnethus, which is the bound of Laconia and Argia. Paus. in. Laconiis.
  • Selymbria, a City of Thrace, by the side of Propntis.
  • Sepias, a Promontory of Magnesia. Herod. lib▪ 7. the beginning of the Pegasaean Bay. Ptolomie.
  • Seriphus, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Serrium, a Promontory; the vtmost Westward, of the shore of Doriscus in Thrace Herod. lib. 7.
  • Srmyla, a City of Chalcidea, vpon the Toronaean Bay. The Nauy of Xerxes beeing come about the Promontory Ampelus, passed by these Cities, Torone, Galepsus, Sermyla, &c. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Sestus a City of the Thracian Chersonnesus, thirty furlongs from Abydus, but neerer to Propontis then Abydus is. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Sicinus, an Iland not farre from Melos, on the West of the Iland Ios. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Scyon, a City of Peloponnesus, betweene Corinth and Achaia, distant a hundred fur∣longs from Phlius. Paus. in Corinth.
  • Sidussa, a Towne by the Sea-side in E∣rythraea. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Sigeum, a City and Promontory of Tro∣as, at the mouth of the Riuer Scamander. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Sigrium, the most northerne Promon∣tory of the Ile Lesbos, betweene Eressus and Antissa. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Simoeis, a Riuer of Troas, which running into a Fenne, ioyneth there with the Ri∣uer Scamander. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Singus, and the Bay of Singus. A Towne, and Bay taking name from it, betweene Mount Athos and Torone. Herodotus. lib. 7.
  • Sintij, a people about Amphipolis. Liu. lib. 44. deuided from Paeonia by the Moun∣taine Cercine. Thuc. lib. 2.
  • Siphae, a City of Boeotia, vpon the Crissaean Bay. Paus. in Boeticis.
  • Siphnus, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
  • Smyrna, a maritime City of Asia, in the Bay called from it the Bay of Smyrna, be∣yond Clazomenae towards Aeolis. Strab. l. 14.
  • Solium, a maritime Towne of Acarnania. Thucyd. Scholiast. ad lib. 2.
  • Sparta, the same with Lacedaemon. Strab. lib. 10. Vide Lacedaemon.
  • Spartolus, a City of the Bottiaeans, on the border of the Chalcideans. Thuc. lib. 2.
  • Spercheius, a Riuer that riseth in Dolpia, at a Mountaine called Tymphestus, and fal∣leth into the Melian Bay, tenne furlongs within Thermopylae. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Sphacteria, a little Iland lying before Pylus of Messenia. Thucyd. lib. 4. Pausan. in Messenicis.
  • Sporades, Ilands vpon the Coast of Caria, and of Creta. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Stagirus, a City in the Bay of Strymon, betweene Argilus and Acanthus. Herodot. lib. 7.
  • Stratus, a City of the Amphilochians in A∣carnania, vpon the Riuer Achelous. Thucyd. lib. 3. two hundred furlongs from the Ri∣uers mouth. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Strophades, Ilands ouer against Messenia, about 400 furlongs from the Continent. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Stryma, a City on the Coast of Thrace, next after Mesembria, towards Macedonia, Herod. lib. 7.
  • Strymon, a Riuer deuiding Thrace from Macedonie. It riseth in the Hill Scomius, Thucyd. lib. 2. It passeth by Amphipolis, on both sides of it, and falleth into the Sea at the City Eion. Herodot. lib. 7. It is said to rise out of the Mountaine Rhodope. Strb. Epit. lib. 7. But it is probable that the Hill Scomius is part of Rhodop.
  • Stymphalus, a City of Arcadia, confining on the Territory of Phlius. Paus. in Arcadi∣cis Strab. lib. 8.
  • Styra, a City in Euboea, neere to the Ci∣ty Carystus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Sunum, a Promontory and Towne in Attica, towards Euboea, betweene the Sa∣ronean Bay and the Sea towards Euboea. Strab. lib. 10. and distant from Euboea three hundred furlongs. Idem. lib. 9.
  • Sybota, Ilands betweene Leucimne, a Promontory of Corcyra, and the Conti∣nent. Strab. lib. 7. Thucyd. lib. 1. Also a Hauen by the Promontory of Cheimerium, in the same Continent. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Syme, an Iland ouer against the Conti∣nent of Caria, betweene Loryma and Cnidus. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Syros, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cyclades.
    T
  • TAenarus, a Promontory of Laconia, be∣tweene the Laconian and the Messenian Bayes. Paus. in Laconicis. Also a maritime City of Laconia, in the Messenian Bay, di∣stant from Taenarus the Promontory forty furlongs. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Tanagra, a City of Boeotia, confining on Attica, thirty furlongs from Aulis, a Hauen on the Euboean Sea. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Taulantij, a People of Illyris, about Dyrra∣chium (or Epidamnus) Strab. lib. 7. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Taigetus, a Mountaine of Laconia, be∣ginning at the Sea, aboue Thurides, and reaching vp towards Arcadia, as farre as Amyclae and Lacedaemon. Strab. lib. 8.
  • Tegea, a City of Arcadia, betweene Argos and Lacedaemon. Thucyd. lib. 5. Herodot. lib. 6. Polyb. lib. 4. the Territory thereof confi∣neth with the Argiues at Hysiae, with Laco∣nia at the Riuer Alpheus, and with the Ter∣ritory of Thyrea at the Hill Parnethus. Paus. in Arcad. These Cities of Peloponnesus, Argos, Tegea, and Mantinea, though much celebra∣ted in History, are placed with little con∣sideration of any History, in all the Maps that I haue hitherto seene.
  • Teichiussa, a Castle of the Milesians in the Bay of Iassus. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Telos, an Iland ouer against Triopium. Her. lib, 7. a narrow Iland, in circuit 140 fur∣longs, adiacent to Cnidus. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Temenium, a Towne in Argia, distant from Argos 26 furlongs. Strab. lib.. from Nauplia 50 furlongs. Paus. in Corinth.
  • Tempe, a pleasant Valley betweene the Mountaines Ossa and Olympus: through it runneth the Riuer Peneus. Herod. lib. 7. Strab. lib 9. Liu. lib. 44.
  • Tenedus, an Iland in circuit about 80 fur∣longs, opposite to the Continent of Troas, at Achaeum, betweene Sigeum and Larissa, and distant from it 40 furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Tenos, an Iland, one of the Cyclades. Vide Cylades.
  • Teos▪ a maritime City of Ionia, scituate in the very Isthmus of the Erythraean Chersonne∣sus, distant from Lebedus 120 furlongs. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Termerium, a Promontory of the Mindi∣ans, opposite to the Ile Cos. Strab. lib. 14.
  • Teuglussa, an Iland not farre from Hali∣carnassus. Thucyd. lib. 8.
  • Thassus, an Iland vpon the Coast of Thrace, halfe a dayes sayle from Amphipolis. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Page  [unnumbered]Thebae, the principall City of Boeotia, sci∣tuate neere the Riuers Ismenus and Asopus. Strab lib. 9. distant from Plataea 70. fur∣longs. Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Thera, an Iland on the Coast of Crete, distant from a Promontory thereof cal∣led Dion, seuenty furlongs, Strab. lib. 10.
  • Therasia, a small Iland neere to Thera. Strab. lib. 10.
  • Therme and the Thermaean Bay. Therme is a City in the bottome of the Ther∣maean Bay; and the Thermaean Bay is present∣ly within Pallene. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Thermopylae, the straight entrance into Greece out of Thessaly, of about halfe an A∣cres breadth, betweene the Mountaine Oeta and the Melian Bay. Called Thermopylae, from hot waters that rise there (which the Grecians call Thermae,) and from Gates made there by the Phoceans in old time, (which they call Pylae.) Herod. lib. 7. This streight is distant from Chalcis in Euboea 530. furlongs. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Thespiae, a City of Boeotia, vnder Mount Helicon, on the confines of the City Aliar∣tus. Paus. in Boeoticis. neere to the Crisaean Bay. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Thesprotis, a maritime Region of Epirus, bordering on the Ambraciotes and Leucadi∣ans. Herod. lib. 8. The Chaones and Thespro∣ti haue the whole coast, from the Ceraunian Mountaines to the Bay of Ambracia. Strab. lib. 7.
  • Thessalia, a Region of Greece, contained withn the Mountaines Olympus, Ossa, Peli∣on, (which is to the Sea,) Othrys and Pyndus. Herod. lib. 7. where hee layeth out the bounds of Thessaly exactly.
  • Thoricus, a maritime Towne of Attica, toward the Euboean Sea, next beyond the Promontory Sunium. Strab. l. 9. Vide Helena.
  • Thracia, a Kingdome bordering on Mace∣donie, at the Riuer Strymon, described at large by Thucyd. lib. 2.
  • Thrio, and Thriasij campi. Thria or Thrio, a Towne of Attica, between Athens and Eleusis, ouer against Salamis. The Fields belonging to it, are called Thriasij Campi, and the shore Thriasium litus. Strab. 9. Herod. lib. 8.
  • Thronium, a City of Locris, vpon the Me∣lian Bay, betweene the Promontory Cne∣mides, and Thermopylae. Strab. lib. 9.
  • Thurides, a City in the Messenian Bay, the first towards the East, distant from the Promontory Taenarus 70 furlongs. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Thurium, a City of Laconia, 80 furlongs aboue Pharae. Paus. in Messnicis.
  • Thyamis, a Riuer of Epirus, diuiding Thes∣protis from Cestrine. Thucyd. lib. 1.
  • Thyamus, a Hill on the consines of A∣graeis and Amphilochia, not farre from Argos Amphilochicum. Thucyd. lib. 3.
  • Thyrea, a maritime City, in the Bay of Argos, in the Territory called Cynuria, It confineth on Argia and Laconia. Thucyd. lib. 5. and on the Territory of Tegea. Paus. in Arcadicis,
  • Thyssus, a City in Mount Athos. Thuc. lib. 4. Herod. lib. 7.
  • Tichium, a City of Aetolia, in the part in∣habited by the Apodoti. Thuy. lib. 8.
  • Tithorea, a City in the top of Pernassus, called also Neon, 80 furlongs from Delphi. Paus. in Phocicis.
  • Tmolus, a Mountaine betweene the Ri∣uer Câystrus and the City of Sardes. Herod. lib. 5. Sardes standeth at the foote of Tmo∣lus, and out of this Hill riseth the Riuer Pactolus. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Tolophon, a City of the Locri Ozolae. Thuc. lib. 3.
  • Tomeus, a Hill neere to Pylus in Messenia. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Torone, and the Bay of Torone.—Torone is a Chalcidique City, betweene the Singitique and Toronaean Bayes, neere the Promontory Ampelus. Herod. lib. 7. The place of the Toronaean Bay is vnderstood out of Liuy, lib. 44. where he saith, that Cas∣sandrea (or Potidaea) standeth betweene the Macedonian Sea, and the Bay of Torone.
  • Traga, an Iland neere to Samos. Thuc. l. 1. Tragaeae, Ilands about Miletus. Strab lb. 14.
  • Triopium, a Promontory of the Cnidians. Thuc. lib. 8. Vide nidus.
  • Tripodiscus, a Village of Megaris. Thucyd. lib. 4.
  • Tritaea, a City of Achaia, remote from the Sea, distant from Pharae 120 furlongs. Paus. in Achaicis. Also a City of the Locri O∣zolae. Thucyd. lib, 3.
  • Troas, a Territory of Asia the lesse, vp∣on the side of the Aegaean Sa, betweene Aeolis and Hellespont. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Troezen, a maritime City of Argia, the vtmost in the Bay of Hermione. Strab. lib. 8. confining on Epidauria. Pausan. in Corin∣thiacis.
  • Troia. Vide Ilium.
  • Trogilium, a Promontory, and foot of the Mountaine Mycale, ouer against the Ile Samos, which with Posieum a Promon∣tory of that Ile, maketh the streight there of seuen furlongs ouer. Strab. lib. 14.
    Z
  • ZAcynthus, an Iland ouer against Pelo∣ponnesus. Strab. lib. 10. Now called Zane.
  • Zarex, a maritime City of Laconia, distant on one side from Epidaurus Limera 100 fur∣longs, and from Cyphanta on the other side, sixteene Furlongs. Paus. in Laconicis.
  • Zeleia, a City vnder Mount Ida▪ toward Propontis, distant from Cyzicus 190. fur∣longs, and from the Sea 80. furlongs. Strab. lib. 13.
  • Zona, a City on the shore of Doriscus in Thrace. Herod. lib. 7.
Page  [unnumbered] Page  1

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF THVCYDIDES.

The principall Contents.

The estate of Greece, deriued from the remotest knowne Antiquity thereof, to the beginning of the Peloponnesian Warre. The Oc∣casion and Pretexts of this Warre, arising from the Controuersies of the Athenians with the Corinthians, concerning Corcyra and Potidaea. The Lacedaemonians, instigated by the Confe∣derates, vndertake the Warre; not so much at their instigation, as of enuie to the greatnesse of the Athenian Dominion. The degrees by which that Dominion was acquired. The Warre ge∣nerally decreed by the Confederates at Sparta. The Demands of the Lacedaemonians. The obstinacy of the Athenians; and their Answer, by the aduice of Pericles.

[ A] THVCYDIDES an Athenian, wrote the Warre of the Peloponnesians and the Athenians,* as they warred a∣gainst each other; beginning to write, as soone as the Warre was on foot, with expectation it should proue a great one, and most wor∣thy the relation, of all that had beene before it: Coniecturing so much, both from this, that they flourished on both sides Page  2 in all manner of prouision: and also because hee saw the [ A] rest of Greece, siding with the one or the other Facti∣on; some then presently, and some intending so to doe. For this was certainely the greatest Commotion that euer happened amongst the Grecians, reaching also to part of the *Barbarians, and, as a man may say, to most Nati∣ons. For the Actions that preceded this, and those againe that are yet more ancient, though the truth of them, through length of time, cannot by any meanes cleerely be discouered; yet for any Argument that (looking into times farre past) I haue yet light on to perswade me, I doe [ B] not thinke they haue beene very great, either for matter of Warre, or otherwise.

For it is euident, that that which now is called *Hellas, was not of old constantly inhabited; but that, at first, there were often remouals, euery one easily leauing the place of his abode, to the violence alwayes of some greater number. For whiles Trafficke was not, nor mutuall en∣tercourse, but with feare, neither by Sea nor Land; and euery man so husbanded the ground, as but barely to liue vpon it, without any * stocke of * Riches; and planted [ C] nothing, (because it was vncertaine when another should invade them, and carry all away, especially, not hauing the defence of Walls) but made account to be Masters in any place, of such necessary sustenance, as might serue them from day to day, they made little difficulty to change their habitations. And for this cause, they were of no a∣bility at all, eyther for greatnesse of Cities, or other pro∣uision. But the fattest Soyles were alwaies the most sub∣iect to these changes of Inhabitants; as that which is now called Thessalia, and Boeotia, and the greatest part of Pelo∣ponnesus, [ D] (except Arcadia) and of the rest of Greece, what∣soeuer was most fertile. For, the goodnesse of the Land increasing the power of some particular men, both caused Seditions, (whereby they were ruin'd at home) and with∣all, made them more obnoxious to the insidiation of stran∣gers. From hence it is, that *Attica, from great antiquity, for the sterility of the Soyle, free from Seditions, hath beene inhabited euer by the same * People. And it is none of the least euidences of what I haue said, That Greece, by reason of sundry transplantations, hath not in other parts [ E] receiued the like augmentation. For, such as by Warre, Page  3 [ A] or Sedition, were driuen out of other places, the most po∣tent of them, as to a place of stability, retired themselues to Athens; where receiuing the Freedome of the Citty, they long since so increased the same in number of People, as Attica, being incapable of them it selfe, they sent out Colonies into Ionia.

And to me, the imbecillity of ancient times, is not a lit∣tle demonstrated also by this [that followeth.] For before the Trojan Warre, nothing appeareth to haue beene done by Greece in Common; nor indeed was it, as I thinke, cal∣led [ B] all by that one name of Hellas; nor before the time of Hellen, the sonne of Deucalion, was there any such name at all. But Pelasgicum (which was the farthest extended) and the other parts, by Regions, receiued their names from their owne Inhabitants.* But Hellen and his Sonnes being strong in Phthiotis, and called in, for their ayde, into other Cities; these Cities, because of their conversing with them, began more particularly to be called Hellenes: and yet could not that name of a long time after prevaile vpon them all. This is coniectured principally out of Homer; for, though [ C] borne long after the Trojan Warre, yet he giues them not any where that * name in generall; nor indeed to any, but those, that with Achilles came out of Phthiotis, and were the first so called. But in his Poemes, he mentionenh Danaans, Argiues, and Achaeans; nor doth he likewise vse the word Bar∣barians; because the Grecians, as it seemeth vnto me, were not yet distinguished by one common name of Hellenes, op∣positely answerable vnto them. The Grecians then, ney∣ther as they had that Name in particular by mutuall en∣tercourse, nor after, vniversally so termed,* did euer before [ D] the Trojan Warre, for want of strength and correspon∣dence, enter into any Action, with their Forces ioyned. And to that Expedition they came together, by the meanes of Navigation, which the most part of Greece had now receiued.

For Minos was the most ancient of all,* that by report we know to haue built a Nauy: and he made himselfe Ma∣ster of the now *Grecian Sea; and both commanded the Iles called Cyclades, and also was the first that sent Colo∣nies into most of the same, expelling thence the Carians, [ E] and constituting his owne Sonnes there for Gouernours, and also freed the Seas of Pirates, as much as hee could, Page  4 for the better comming in (as is likely) of his owne Re∣uenue. [ A]

*For the Grecians in old time, and such Barbarians as, in the Continent, liued neere vnto the Sea, or else inhabited the Ilands, after once they beganne to crosse ouer one to another in Ships, became Theeues, and went a∣broad vnder the conduct of their most puissant men, both to enrich themselues, and to fetch in maintenance for the weake: and falling vpon Towns vnfortified, and scattering∣ly inhabited, rifled them, and made this the best meanes of their liuing;* Being a matter at that time no where in [ B] disgrace, but rather carrying with it something of glory. This is manifest by some that dwell on the Continent, a∣mongst whom, so it be performed Nobly, it is still estee∣med as an Ornament. The same also is prooued by some of the ancient Poets, who introduce men questioning of such as saile by, on all Coasts alike, whether they bee Theeues, or not; as a thing neyther scorned by such as were asked, nor vpbraided by those that were desirous to know. They also robbed one another within the maine Land: And much of Greece vseth that old custome, as the [ C] Locrians called Ozolae,* the Acarnanians, and those of the Continent in that quarter, vnto this day. Moreouer, the fashion of wearing Iron, remaineth yet with the people of that Continent, from their old Trade of Theeuing.

*For once they were wont throughout all Greece, to goe armed, because their Houses were vnfenced, and travailing was vnsafe, and accustomed themselues, like the Barba∣rians, to the ordinary wearing of their Armour. And the Nations of Greece that liue so yet, doe testifie, that the same manner of life was anciently vniversall to all the rest. [ D] Amongst whom,* the Athenians were the first that laid by their Armour, and growing ciuill, passed into a more ten∣der kinde of life. And such of the Rich as were any thing stepped into yeeres, layd away, vpon the same delicacie, not long after, the fashion of wearing linnen Coates, and * golden Grashoppers, which they were wont to binde vp in the lockes of their haire: from whence also the same Fashion, by reason of their affinity, remained a long time in vse amongst the ancient Ionians. But the moderate kind of Garment, and conformable to the wearing of these [ E] times, was first taken vp by the Lacedaemonians; amongst Page  5 [ A] whom also, both in other things, and especially in the cul∣ture of their bodies, the Nobility obserued the most equa∣lity with the Commons. The same were also the first, that when they were to contend in the *Olympicke Games, stript themselues * naked, and anoynted their bodies with oyntment: whereas in ancient times, the Champions did also in the Olympicke Games vse Breeches; nor is it many yeeres since this custome ceased. Also there are to this day amongst the Barbarians, especially those of Asia, Prizes propounded of fighting with Fists, and of Wrestling, and [ B] the Combattants, about their priuie parts, weare Breeches in the Exercise. It may likewise by many other things bee demonstrated, that the old Greekes vsed the same forme of life, that is now in force amongst the Barbarians of the present Age.

As for Cities, such as are of late Foundation,* and since the increase of Navigation, in as much as they haue had since, more plenty of riches, haue beene walled about, and built vpon the Shore; and haue taken vp Isthmi, [that is to say, neckes of Land between Sea and Sea] both for Mer∣chandise, [ C] and for the better strength against Confiners. But the old Cities, men hauing beene in those times, for the most part, infested by Theeues, are built farther vp, as well in the Ilands, as in the Continent. For others al∣so that dwelt on the Sea side, though not Sea-men, yet they molested one another with Robberies; and euen to these times, those people are planted vp high in the Countrey.

But these Robberies were the exercise especially of the Ilanders; namely, the Carians, and the Phoenicians:* for by [ D] them were the greatest part of the * Ilands inhabited. A testimony whereof, is this: The Athenians, when in this present * Warre they hallowed the Ile of Delos, and had digged vp the Sepulchers of the Dead, found that more then halfe of them were Carians,* knowne so to bee, both by the armour buried with them, and also by their manner of buriall at this day. And when Minos his Nauy was once afloat, Nauigators had the Sea more free: For hee expelled the Malefactors out of the Ilands, and in the most of them, planted Colonies of his owne. By which means, [ E] they who inhabited the Sea-coasts, becomming more ad∣dicted to Riches, grew more constant to their dwellings; Page  6 of whom, some growne now rich, compassed their [ A] Townes about with Walls. For out of desire of gaine, the meaner sort vnderwent servitude with the mighty; and the mighty with their wealth, brought the lesser Cities into subiection. And so it came to passe, that rising to po∣wer, they proceeded afterward to the Warre against Troy.

*And to mee it seemeth, that aAgamemnon got together that Fleet, not so much for that hee had with him the b Suters of Helena, bound thereto by oath to Tyndareus, as for this, that hee exceeded the rest in power. For they that by tradition of their Ancestours, know the most cer∣tainety [ B] of the Acts of the Peloponnesians, say, That first, Pelops, by the abundance of wealth which he brought with him out of Asia, to men in want, obtained such power a∣mongst them, as, though hee were a Stranger, yet the Countrey was called after his name. And that this power was also increased by his Posterity: For, Euristheus being slaine in Attica, by the cHeracleides, Atreus, that was his d Vncle by the Mother, (and was then abiding with him as an exiled person, for feare of his Father, for the * death of Chrysippus) and to whom Euristheus, when he vndertooke [ C] the Expedition, had committed Mycenae, and the gouern∣ment thereof, for that he was his Kinsman; when as Euri∣stheus came not backe, (the Mycenians being willing to it, for feare of the Heracleides, and because he was an able man, and made much of the Common people) obtained the Kingdome of Mycenae, and of whatsoeuer else was vnder Euristheus, for himselfe: And the power of the ePelopeides became greater then that of the fPerseides. To which greatnesse gAgamemnon succeeding, and also farre excelling the rest in Shipping, tooke that Warre in hand, as I con∣ceiue [ D] it, and assembled the said Forces, not so much vpon fauour, as by feare. For it is cleere, that he himselfe both conferred most Ships to that Action, and that some also hee lent to the Arcadians. And this is likewise declared by Homer (if any thinke his testimony sufficient) who, at the deliuery of the Scepter vnto him, calleth him, Of many Iles, and of all Argos King. Now he could not, liuing in the Continent, haue beene Lord of the Ilands, other then such as were adjacent, which cannot bee many, vnlesse hee had also had a Nauy. And by this Expedition, we are to esti∣mate [ E] what were those of the Ages before it.

Page  7 [ A] Now seeing Mycenae was but a small Citie,* or if any o∣ther of that Age seeme but of light regard, let not any man for that cause, on so weake an Argument, thinke that Fleet to haue beene lesse then the Poets haue said, and Fame reported it to bee. For, if the City of Lacedaemon were now desolate, and nothing of it left, but the Tem∣ples, and floores of the buildings, I thinke it would breed much vnbeliefe in posterity long hence, of their power, in comparison of the Fame. For although of * fiue parts of Peloponnesus, it possesse * two, and hath the leading of [ B] the rest, and also of many Confederates without; yet the Citie being not close built, and the Temples and other E∣difices not costly, and because it is but scatteringly inhabi∣ted, after the ancient manner of Greece,* their power would seeme inferiour to the report. Againe, the same things happening to Athens, one would coniecture by the sight of their Citie, that their power were double to what it is. Wee ought not therefore to bee incredulous, [concerning the Forces that went to Troy,] nor haue in regard so much the externall shew of a Citie, as the power: but we are [ C] to thinke, that that Expedition was indeed greater then those that went before it, but yet inferiour to those of the present Age; if in this also we may credit the Poetry of Homer, who being a Poet, was like to set it foorth to the vtmost. And yet euen thus it commeth short. For hee maketh it to consist of 1200. Vessels: those that were of Boeotians, carrying 120. men apiece,* and those which came with Philoctetes, 50. Setting forth, as I suppose, both the greatest sort, and the least, and therefore of the big∣nesse of any of the rest, hee maketh in his Catalogue, no [ D] mention at all: but declareth, that they who were in the Vessels of Philoctetes, serued both as Mariners and Souldi∣ers: for he writes, that they who were at the Oare, were all of them Archers. And for such as wrought not, it is not likely that many went along, except * Kings, and such as were in chiefe authority, especially being to passe the Sea with Munition of Warre,* and in Bottomes with∣out Deckes, built after the old and Peiraticall fashion. So then, if by the greatest and least, one estimate the meane of their Shipping, it will appeare, that the whole num∣ber [ E] of men considered, as sent ioyntly from all Greece, were not very many. And the cause heereof was not so much Page  8 want of men, as of wealth. For, for want of victuall, they [ A] carryed the lesser Army, and no greater then they hoped might both follow the Warre, and also maintaine it selfe. When vpon their arriuall, they had gotten the vpper hand in fight, (which is manifest; for else they could not haue fortified their Campe) it appeares, that from that time for∣ward, they employed not there their whole power, but that for want of victuall, they betooke themselues, part of them to the tillage of Chersonesus, and part to fetch in Booties: whereby diuided, the Trojans the more easily made that tenne yeeres resistance; as being euer a Match [ B] for so many as remained at the Siege. Whereas, if they had gone furnished with store of prouision, and with all their Forces, eased of Boothaling and Tillage, since they were Masters of the Field, they had also easily taken the Citie. But they stroue not with their whole power, but onely with such a portion of their Army, as at the seue∣rall occasions chanced to bee present: when as, if they had pressed the Siege, they had wonne the place, both in lesse time, and with lesse labour. But through want of money, not onely they were weake matters all that preceded this [ C] Enterprize;* but also this, (which is of greater name then any before it) appeareth to bee in fact beneath the Fame, and report, which, by meanes of the Poets, now goeth of it.

*For also after the Trojan Warre, the Grecians continued still their shiftings, and transplantations; insomuch as ne∣uer resting, they improued not their power. For the late returne of the Greekes from Ilium, caused not a little inno∣uation; and in most of the Cities there arose seditions; and those which were driven out, built Cities for them∣selues [ D] in other places. For those that are now called Boeo∣tians, in the sixtieth yeere after the taking of Troy, expelled Arne by the Thessalians, seated themselues in that Country, which now Boeotia, was then called Cadmeis. (But there was in the same,* a certaine portion of that Nation before, of whom also were they, that went to the Warfare of Troy.) And in the eightieth yeere, the Doreans, together with the Heracleides, seazed on Peloponnesus. And with much adoe, after long time, Greece had constant rest; and shifting their seates no longer, at length sent Colonies a∣broad.* [ E] And the Athenians planted Ionia, and most of the Page  9 [ A] Ilands; and the Peloponnesians, most of Italy, and Sicily, and also certaine parts of the rest of Greece. But these Colo¦nies were all planted after the Trojan Warre.

But when the power of Greece was now improoued, and the desire of money withall, their reuenues being enlarged, in most of the Cities there were erected Tyrannies: (for before that time,* Kingdomes with ho∣nours limited, were hereditary.) And the Grecians built Nauies, and became more seriously addicted to the af∣faires of the Sea. The Corinthians are said to haue been the [ B] first that changed the forme of shipping,* into the neerest to that which is now in vse; and at Corinth are reported to haue beene made the first Gallies of all Greece. Now it is well knowne, that Aminocles the Ship-wright of Corinth, built 4. Ships at Samos. And from the time that Aminocles went to Samos, vntill the end of this present Warre, are at the most but 300. yeeres. And the most ancient nauall Battaile that we know of, was fought betweene the *Co∣rinthians and the Corcyraeans, and from that Battaile to the same time, are but 260. yeeres.* For Corinth seated on an [ C] Isthmus, had beene alwaies a place of Traffique; because the Grecians of old, from within and without Peloponnesus, trading by Land more then by Sea, had no other inter∣course one to another, but thorow the Corinthians Territory.* And was also wealthy in money, as appeares by the Poets, who haue surnamed this Towne the Rich. And after the Grecians had cōmerce also by Sea,* then likewise hauing fur∣nished themselues with a Nauy, they scowred the Sea of Pirates, and affording Traffique both by Sea and Land, mightily increased their City in reuenue of money. After [ D] this, the Iönians in the times of Cyrus,* first King of the Persians, and of his Sonne Cambyses, got together a great Nauie, and making warre on Cyrus, obtained for a time the dominion of that part of the Sea that lyeth on their owne Coast. Also Polycrates, who in the time of Cambyses, Ty∣rannized in Samos, had a strong Nauy,* wherewith he sub∣dued divers of the Ilands; and amongst the rest, hauing wonne Rhenea, hee consecrated the same to Apollo of Delos. The *Phocaeans likewise, when they were building the Citty of Marseilles, ouercame the Carthagineans in a sight [ E] at Sea.

These were the greatest Nauies extant, and yet euen Page  10 these, though many Ages after the time of Troy, consisted [ A] is it seemes, but of a few Gallies, and were made vp with Vessels of fiftie Oares, and with long Boates, as well as those of former times. And it was but a little before the *Medan Warre, and death of Darius, successor of Cambyses in the Kingdome of Persia, that the Tyrants of Sicily, and the Corcyraeans had of Gallies any number. For these * last, were the onely Nauies worth speaking of, in all Greece, before the invasion of the Medes. And the People of Aegina,* and the Athenians, had but small ones, and the most of them consisting but of fifty Oares a piece; and that so lately, as but from the time, that the Athenians making [ B] Warre on Aegina, and withall expecting the comming of the Barbarian,* at the perswasion of Themistocles, built those Ships, which they vsed in that Warre; and these also, not all had Deckes.

Such were then the Nauies of the Greekes, both ancient and moderne. Neuerthelesse, such as applyed themselues to navall businesse, gained by them no small power, both in reuenue of money, and in dominion ouer other people. For with their Nauies (especially those men that had not sufficient Land, where they inhabited, to maintaine them∣selues) [ C] they subdued the Ilands. But as for Warre by Land, such as any State might acquire power by, there was none at all. And such as were, were onely betweene Borderer and Borderer.* For the Grecians had neuer yet gone out with any Army to conquer any Nation far from home; because the lesser Cities, neither brought in their Forces to the great ones, as Subiects, nor concurred as E∣quals, in any common Enterprize; but such as were neigh∣bours, warred against each other, hand to hand. For the Warre of old, betweene the Chalcideans and the Eretrians, [ D] was it, wherein the rest of Greece was most divided, and in league with either partie.

*As others by other meanes were kept backe from grow∣ing great, so also the Ionians by this, That the Persian Af∣faires prospering, Cyrus and the Persian Kingdome, after the defeat of Croesus, made warre vpon all that lyeth from the Riuer Halys to the Sea side, and so subdued all the Citties which they possessed in the Continent, & Darius afterward, when he had ouercome the Phoenissian Fleet, did the like [ E] vnto them in the Ilands.

Page  11 [ A] And as for the Tyrants that were in the Grecian Cities, who forecasted onely for themselues, how, with as much safety as was possible, to looke to their owne persons, and their owne Families, they resided for the most part in the Cities, and did no Action worthy of memory, vnlesse it were against their neighbours: for, as for the Tyrants of Sicily, they were already arrived at greater power. Thus was Greece for a long time hindred, that neither ioyntly it could doe any thing remarkable, nor the Cities singly be adventrous.

[ B] But after that the * Tyrants both of Athens, and of the rest of Greece, where Tyrannies were, were the most, and last of them (excepting those of Sicily,* put downe by the Lacedae∣monians, (for Lacedaemon, after it was built by the Doreans that inhabited the same, though it hath bin longer troubled with seditions, then any other Citie we know, yet hath it had for the longest time, good Laws, and bin also alwaies free from Tyrants. For it is vnto the end of this Warre, 400. yeeres, and somewhat more, that the Lacedaemonians haue vsed one and the same gouernment: and thereby be∣ing [ C] of power themselues, they also ordered the Affaires in the other Cities) [I say] after the dissolution of Ty∣rannies in Greece, it was not long before the Battaile was fought by the Medes, against the Athenians, in the Fields of Marathon. And in the tenth yeere againe after that, came the *Barbarian, with the * great Fleet into Greece, to subdue it. And Greece being now in great danger, the leading of the Grecians that leagued in that Warre, was giuen to the Lacedaemonians, as to the most potent State. And the Athenians, who had purposed so much before, and [ D] already stowed their necessaries, at the comming in of the Medes, went * a ship-boord, and became Sea-men. When they had ioyntly beaten backe the Barbarian, then did the Grecians, both such as were revolted from the King, and such as had in common made Warre vp∣on him, not long after, devide themselues into Leagues, one part with the Athenians▪ and the other with the La∣cedaemonians; these two Citties appearing to bee the mightiest; for this had the power by Land, and the other by Sea. But this Confederation lasted but a while: for af∣terwards, [ E] the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, being at * va∣riance, warred each on other, together with their seuerall Page  12 Confederates. And the rest of Greece, where any discord [ A] chanced to arise, had recourse presently to one of these. In so much, that from the Warre of the Medes to this present Warre, being continually [exercised▪] sometimes in peace, sometimes in Warre, either one against the other, or against revolted Confederates, they arrived at this Warre, both well furnished with Military provisions, and also expert, because their practice was with danger.

*The Lacedaemonians governed not their Confederates so, as to make them Tributaries, but onely drew them by faire meanes to embrace the *Oligarchy, convenient to their [ B] owne Policy. But the Athenians, having with time, taken into their hands the Gallies of all those that stood out, (except the Chians and Lesbians) * reigned over them, and ordained euery of them to pay a certaine tribute of money. By which meanes, their * owne particular provision was greater in the beginning of this Warre, then when in their flourishing time, the League betweene them and the rest of Greece remaining whole, it was at the most.

Such then I finde to haue beene the state of things past, hard to be beleeued, though one produce proofe for euery [ C] particular thereof. For Men receiue the report of things, though of their owne Countrey, if done before their owne time, all alike, from one as from another, without examination.

*For the vulgar sort of Athenians thinke, that Hipparchus was the Tyrant, and slaine by Harmodius and Aristogeiton; and know not that Hippias had the gouernment, as being the eldest sonne of Pisistratus, and that Hipparchus and Thessa∣lus were his brethren; and that Harmodius and Aristogeiton, suspecting that some of their Complices had that day, and at that instant, discouered vnto Hippias somewhat of their [ D] treason, did forbeare Hippias, as a man forewarned, and de∣sirous to effect somewhat, though with danger, before they should be apprehended, lighting on Hipparchus, slew him, neere the Temple called Leocorium, whilest he was setting forth the *Panathenaicall Show. And likewise divers other things now extant, and which Time hath not yet involued in oblivion, haue beene conceiued amisse by other Grecians; as that the Kings of Lacedaemon, in gi∣ving their suffrages, had not * single, but double Votes. And that *Pitanate was a band of Souldiers, so called [ E] there, whereas there was neuer any such. So impatient of Page  13 [ A] labour are the most men, in the search of truth, and embrace soon∣est, the things that are next to hand.

Now he, that by the Arguments heere adduced, shall frame a Iudgement of the things past, and not beleeue ra∣ther, that they were such as the Poets haue sung, or Prose-writers haue composed, more delightfully to the eare, then conformably to the truth, as being things not to bee dis∣prooued, and by length of time, turned for the most part into the nature of Fables without credit; but shall thinke them heere searched out, by the most euident signes [ B] that can be, and sufficiently too, considering their antiquity; hee, I say, shall not erre. And though men alwaies iudge the present Warre wherein they liue, to be greatest; and when it is past, admire more those that were before it; yet if they consider of this Warre, by the Acts done in the same, it will manifest it selfe to bee greater, then any of those before mentioned.

What particular persons haue spoken,* when they were about to enter into the Warre, or when they were in it, were hard for mee to remember exactly, whether they [ C] were speeches which I haue heard my selfe, or haue recei∣ued at the second hand. But as any man seemed, to mee, that knew what was neerest to the * summe of the truth, of all that hath beene vttered, to speake most agreeably to the matter still in hand, so haue I made it spoken heere. But of the Acts themselues done in the Warre, I thought not fit to write all that I heard from all Authors, nor such as I my selfe did but thinke to bee true; but onely those whereat I was my selfe present; and those of which with all diligence I had made particular enquirie. And [ D] yet euen of those things, it was hard to know the certainty, because such as were present at every Action, spake not all after the same manner, but as they were affected to the Parts, or as they could remember.

To heare this History rehearsed,* for that there bee in∣serted in it no Fables, shall bee perhaps not delightfull: But hee that desires to looke into the truth of things done, and which (according to the condition of humanity) may bee done againe, or at least, their like, hee shall finde e∣nough heerein, to make him thinke it profitable: And it [ E] is compiled rather for an * EVERLASTING POSSES∣SION, then to be * rehearsed for a Prize.

Page  14The greatest Action before this, was that against the [ A] *Medes, and yet that, by * two Battels by Sea, and as many by Land, was soone decided. But, as for this Warre, it both lasted long, and the harme it did to Greece▪ was such, as the like, in the like space, had never beene seene before. For nei∣ther had there euer bin so many Cities expugned, and made desolate, what by the Barbarians, and what by the Greekes warring on one another, (and some Cities there were, that when they were taken, changed their inhabitants;) nor so much banishing and slaughter, some by the Warre, some by sedition, as was in this. And those things which con∣cerning [ B] former time, there went a fame of, but in fact rarely confirmed,* were now made credible: As Earth∣quakes, generall to the greatest part of the World, and most violent withall; Eclipses of the Sunne, oftner then is reported of any former time; Great droughts in some places, and thereby Famine; and that which did none of the least hurt, but destroyed also its part, the Plague. All these Euils entred together with this Warre, which began from the time that the Athenians and Peloponnesians brake the League, which immediately after the Conquest of *Euboea,* had beene concluded betweene them for thir∣ty [ C] yeeres. The Causes why they brake the same, and their Quarrels, I haue therefore set downe first, because no man should bee to seeke, from what ground so great a Warre amongst the Grecians could arise. And the truest Quarrell, though least in speech, I conceiue to bee the growth of the Athenian power; which putting the Lacedae∣monians into feare,* necessitated the Warre. But the Causes of the breach of the League, publikely voyced, were these. [ D]

EPIDAMNVS is a Citie scituate on the right hand to such as enter into the Iönian Gulfe;* bordering vp∣on it, are the Taulantij, Barbarians, a people of Illyris. This was planted by the *Corcyraeans, but Captaine of the Colony, was one Phalius, the sonne of Heratoclidas a Corin∣thian, of the linage of Hercules, and according to an anci∣ent Custome, called to this charge out of the * Metropo∣litan Citie; besides that the Colony it selfe, consisted in part, of Corinthians, and others of the Dorique Nation. In [ E] processe of time, the Citie of Epidamnus, became great and Page  15 [ A] populous; and hauing for many yeeres together beene an∣noyed with sedition, was by a Warre, as is reported, made vpon them by the confining Barbarians, brought low, and deprived of the greatest part of their power. But that which was the last accident before this Warre, was, that the Nobility, forced by the Commons to fly the Cittie, went and ioyned with the Barbarians, and both by Land and Sea, robbed those that remained within. The Epidam∣nians that were in the Towne, oppressed in this manner, sent their Ambassadours to *Corcyra, as being their Mo∣ther [ B] Cittie, praying the Corcyraeans not to see them perish, but to reconcile vnto them, those whom they had driven forth, and to put an end to the Barbarian Warre. And this they intreated in the forme of *Suppliants, sitting downe in the Temple of Iuno. But the Corcyraeans, not admitting their upplication, sent them away againe, with∣out effect. The Epidamnians now despairing of reliefe from the Corcyraeans, and at a stand how to proceed in their pre∣sent affaires, sending to Delphi, enquired at the Oracle, whe∣ther it were not best to deliuer vp their Citie into the [ C] hands of the Corinthians, as of their Founders, and make tryall what ayde they should obtaine from thence. And when the Oracle had answered, That they should deliuer it, and take the Corinthians for their Leaders, they went to Co∣rinth, and according to the advice of the Oracle, gaue their Citie to them, and declared how the first Founder of it was a Corinthian, and what answer the Oracle had giuen them, intreating their helpe, and that they would not stand by, beholding their destruction. And the Corinthi¦ans vndertooke their defence, not onely for the equity of [ D] the cause, (as thinking them no lesse their owne, then the Corcyraeans Colonie) but also for hatred of the Corcyraeans, who being their Colony, yet contemned them, and al∣lowed them not their due honour in publique meetings, nor in the distribution of the Sacrifice, began at a Corin¦thian, as was the custome of other Colonies; but being e∣quall to the richest Graecians of their time, for store of mo∣ney, and strongly furnished with ammunition of Warre, had them in contempt. Also they sticked not some∣times to boast how much they excelled in shipping; and [ E] that Corcyra had beene once inhabited by the *Phaeace, who flourished in glory of nauall affaires; which was also Page  16 the cause, why they the rather prouided themselues of [ A] a Nauie; and they were indeed not without power that way; for when they began this Warre they had 120. Gal∣lies.* The Corinthians therefore hauing all these crimina∣tions, against them, relieued Epidamnus willingly, not only giuing leaue to whosoeuer would, to goe and dwell there, but also sent thither a Garrison of Ambraciotes, Leucadians, and of their owne Citizens; which succours, for feare the Corcyraeans should haue hindred their passage by Sea, march∣ed by Land to Apollonia. The Corcyraeans vnderstanding that new inhabitants, and a Garrison were gone to Epi∣damnus, and that the Colonie was deliuered to the Corinthi∣ans, [ B] were vexed extremely at the same; and sayling pre∣sently thither,* with 25. Gallies, and afterwards with an∣other Fleet, in an insolent manner cōmanded them, both to recall those whom they had banished, (for these * banish∣ed men of Epidamnus, had beene now at Corcyra, and poin∣ting to the Sepulchers of their Ancestors, and claiming kindred, had intreated the Corcyraeans to restore them) and to send away the Garrison and Inhabitants sent thither by the Corinthians. But the Epidamnians gaue no eare to their commandements. Whereupon, the Corcyraeans with forty [ C] Gallies, together with the banished men, (whom they pretended to reduce) and with the Illyrians, whom they had ioyned to their part, warred vpon them; and hauing laid Siege to the Citty, made Proclamation, that such of the Epidamnians as would, and all strangers, might depart safely, or otherwise, were to bee proceeded against as E∣nemies. But when this prevailed not, the place being an Isthmus,* they enclozed the Citty in on euery side. The Co∣rinthians, when newes was brought from Epidamnus, how it was besieged, presently made ready their Armie, and [ D] at the same time caused a Proclamation to bee made, for the sending thither of a Colony, and that such as would goe, should haue equall and like priuiledges, with those that were there before: and that such as desired to bee sharers in the same, and yet were vnwilling to goe along in person, at that present, if they would contribute 50. Co∣rinthian Drachmaes, might stay behind. And they were very many, both that went, and that laid downe their sil∣uer.* Moreouer, they sent to the Megareans, for feare of [ E] being stopped in their passage by the Corcyraeans, to ayde Page  17 [ A] them with some Gallies, who accordingly furnished out 8. the Citizens of Pale in Cephalonia, 4.* They also required Gal∣lies of the Epidaurians, who sent them 5. the Citizens of Her∣mione, 1. the Traezenians, 2. the Leucadians, 10. the Ambraciotes, 8. Of the Thebans and Phliasians they required money; of the Eleans, both money, & empty Gallies; and of the Corinthians themselues, there were ready 30. Gallies, and 3000. * men of Armes. The Corcyraeans, aduertised of this preparation, went to Corynth, in company of the Ambassadors of the La∣cedaemonians, & of the Sycionians, whom they took with them, [ B] and required the Corinthians to recall the Garrison and In¦habitants, which they had sent to Epidamnus, as being a City, they said, wherwith they had nothing to do; or if they had any thing to alledge,* they were content to haue the cause iudicially tryed, in such Citties of Peloponnesus, as they should both agree on, and they then should hold the Co∣lonie, to whom the same should be adiudged. They said also, That they were content to referre their cause to the Oracle at Delphi: that Warre they would make none, but if they must needes haue it, they should by the vio∣lence [ C] of them, be forced in their owne defence, to seeke out * better friends then those whom they already had. To this the Corinthians answered,* that if they would put off with their Fleet, and dismisse the Barbarians from be∣fore Epidamnus, they would then consult of the matter: for before they could not honestly doe it: Because whilest they should bee pleading the case, the Epidamnians should be suffering the misery of a Siege. The Corcyraeans reply∣ed to this, That if they would call backe those men of theirs already in Epidamnus, that then they also would [ D] doe, as the Corinthians had required them; or other∣wise, they were content to let the men on both sides stay where they were, and to suspend the Warre, till the cause should be decided. The Corinthians not assenting to any of these propositions,* since their Gallies were man∣ned, and their Confederates present, hauing defyed them first by a Herald, put to Sea with 75. Gallies, and * 2000. men of Armes, and set sayle for Epidamnus, against the Corcyraeans. Their Fleet was commanded by Aristaeus, the sonne of Pellicas, Callicrates, the sonne of Callias, and Tima∣nor [ E] the sonne of Timanthes: and the Land Forces by Arche∣timus, the sonne of Eurytimus, and Isarchidas the sonne of Page  18Isarchus. After they were come as farre as *Actium▪ in the [ A] Territory of Anactorium, (which is a Temple of Apollo, and ground consecrated vnto him in the mouth of the Gulfe of Ambracia) the Corcyraeans sent a Herauld to them, at Actium, to forbid their comming on, and in the meane time manned out their Fleet▪ and hauing repaired, and made fit for seruice their old Gallies, and furnished the rest with things necessary, shipped their Munition, and went aboard. The Herauld was no sooner returned from the Corinthians, with an answer not inclining to peace, but ha∣uing their Gallies already manned and furnished,* to the [ B] number of 80. Sayle, (for * forty attended alwayes the Siege of Epidamnus) they put to Sea, and arranging them∣selues, came to a Battell: In which the Corcyraeans were cleerely Victors; and on the part of the Corinthians, there perished 15. Gallies. And the same day it happened likewise, that they that besieged Epidamnus, had the same rendred vnto them, with Conditions, That the Strangers therein found, should be ransomed, and the Corinthians kept in bonds, till such time as they should be otherwise disposed of. The Battell being ended, the Corcyraeans, after they had set vp [ C] their * Trophie in Leucimna, a Promontory of Corcyra, slew their other prisoners, but kept the Corinthians still in bonds. After this, when the Corinthians with their van∣quished Fleet, were gone home to Corinth, the Corcyraeans, Masters now of the whole Sea in those parts, went first, and wasted the Territory of Leucas, a Corinthian Colonie, and then sayled to Cyllene,* which is the Arsenall of the Eleans, and burnt it, because they had, both with money and shipping, giuen ayde to the Corinthians.

*And they were Masters of those Seas, and infested the [ D] Confederates of Corinth, for the most part of that yeere; till such time as in the beginning of the Summer follow∣ing, the Corinthians sent a Fleet and Souldiers vnto Actium, the which for the more safe keeping of Leucas, and of o∣ther Citties their friends, encamped about Chimerium in Thesprotis: and the Corcyraeans, both with their Fleet and Land Souldiers,* lay ouer against them in Leucimna. But neither part stirred against the other, but after they had lyen quietly opposite all the Summer, they retyred in Winter, both the one side and the other to their Cities. [ E]

*All this yeere, as well before as after the Battaile, the Page  19 [ A] Corinthians being vexed at the Warre with the Corcyraeans, applyed themselues to the building of Gallies, and to the preparing of a Fleet, the strongest they were able to make, and to procure Mariners out of Peloponnesus, and all other parts of Greece.* The Corcyraeans hauing intelligence of their preparations, beganne to feare, and (because they had neuer beene in League with any Grecian Citty, nor were in the Roll of the Confederates, either of the Athe∣nians, or Lacedaemonians) thought it best now, to send to A∣thens, to see if they could procure any ayde from thence. [ B] This being perceiued by the Corinthians, they also sent their Ambassadours to Athens, lest the addition of the Athenian Nauy, to that of the Corcyraeans, might hinder them from carrying the Warre as they desired. And the Assembly at Athens being met, they came to pleade against each o∣ther; and the Corcyraeans spake to this effect.

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of CORCYRA.

[ C] MEN of Athens, It is but Iustice, that such as come to im∣plore the ayde of their neighbours, (as now doe wee) and cannot pretend by any great benefit or League, some precedent merit, should before they goe any further, make it appeare, principally, that what they seeke conferreth profit, or if not so, yet is not prejudiciall at least, to those that are to grant it: and next, that they will bee constantly thankfull for the same. And if they cannot doe this, then not to take it ill, though their suite bee rejected. And the Corcyraeans being fully perswaded that they can make all this appeare on their owne parts, haue therefore sent vs hither, desiring you to a∣scribe [ D] them to the number of your Confederates. Now so it is, that we haue had a Custome, both vnreasonable in respect of our Suite to you, and also for the present vnprofitable to our owne estate. For, hauing euer till now, beene vnwilling to admit others into League with vs, we are now not onely suiters for League to others, but also left destitute by that meanes, of friends in this our Warre with the Corinthians. And that which before wee thought wisdome, namely, not to enter with others into League, because wee would not at the discretion of o∣thers enter into danger, wee now finde to haue beene our weaknesse, and imprudence. Wherefore, though alone wee repulsed the Corin∣thians, [ E] in the late Battell by Sea, yet since they are set to inuade vs with greater preparation, out of Peloponnesus, and the rest of Page  20Greece; and seeing with our owne single power we are not able to goe [ A] through; and since also the danger, in case they subdue vs, would bee very great to all Greece; it is both necessary that wee seeke the suc∣cours, both of you, and of whomsoeuer else wee can; and we are also to be pardoned, though we make bold to crosse our former custome of not hauing to doe with other men, proceeding not from malice, but error of iudgement. Now if you yeeld vnto vs, in what wee request, this co∣incidence (on our part) of need, will on your part bee honourable, for many reasons. First, in this respect, that you lend your helpe to such as haue suffered, and not to such as haue committed the iniustice. And next, considering that you receiue into League, such as haue at [ B] stake their whole fortune, you shall so place your benefit, as to haue a testimony of it, if euer any can be so indeleble. Besides this, the grea∣test Nauie but your owne, is ours: Consider then, what rarer hap, and of greater griefe to your enemies, can befall you, then that that power, which you would haue prized aboue any money, or other requi∣tall, should come voluntarily, and without all danger or cost, present it selfe to your hands; bringing with it reputation amongst most men; a gratefull minde from those you defend; and strength to your selues. All which haue not happened at once to many. And few there bee of those that sue for League, that come not rather to receiue strength, and reputation, then to conferre it. If any heere thinke, that the [ C] Warre wherein wee may doe you seruice, will not at all bee, hee is in an errour, and seeth not, how the Lacedaemonians, through feare of you, are already in labour of the Warre; and that the Corin∣thians, gracious with them, and enemies to you, making way for their Enterprize, assault vs now, in the way to the invasion of you heereafter, that wee may not stand amongst the rest of their common Enemies, but that they may be sure before-hand, either to weaken vs, or to strengthen their owne estate. It must therefore be your part, we offering, and you accepting the League, to beginne with them, and to [ D] anticipate plotting, rather then to counterplot against them. If they object injustice, in that you receiue their Colonie, henceforth let them learne, that all Colonies, so long as they receiue no wrong from their Mother Citie, so long they honour her; but when they suffer injurie from her, they then become alienate: for they are not sent out to be the Slaues of them that stay, but to be their equals. That they haue done vs the injurie, is manifest; for when wee offered them a judiciall tryall of the Controversie, touching Epidamnus, they chose to prosecute their quarrell, rather by Armes then Iudgement. Now let that which they haue done vnto vs, who are their kindred, serue you for some Ar∣gument, [ E] not to bee seduced by their demands, and made their instru∣ments Page  21 [ A] before you bee aware. For hee liues most secure, that hath fewest benefits bestowed by him vpon his Enemies, to repent of. As for the Ar∣ticles betweene you and the Lacedaemonians, they are not broken by receiuing vs into your League, because wee are in League with nei∣ther partie. For there, it is said, That whosoeuer is Confederate of nei∣ther party, may haue accesse lawfully to either. And sure it were ve∣ry vnreasonable▪ that the Corinthians should haue the libertie to man their Fleet out of the Cities cōprised in the League, and out of any other parts of Greece, and not the least out of * places in your Dominion; and wee bee denyed both the League now propounded, and also, all other helpe from whence soeuer. And if they impute it to you as a fault, that [ B] you grant our request; wee shall take it for a greater, that you grant it not. For therein you shall reject vs, that are invaded, and bee none of your Enemies; and them, who are your Enemies, and make the invasi∣on, you shall not onely not oppose, but also suffer to raise vnlawfull Forces in your Dominions; Whereas you ought in truth, either not to suffer them to take vp Mercenaries in your States, or else to send vs succours also; in such manner as you shall thinke good your selues; but especially by taking vs into your League, and so aiding vs. Many commodities, as wee said in the beginning, wee shew vnto you, but this for the greatest, that whereas they are your Enemies, (which is manifest [ C] enough) and not weake ones, but able to hurt those that stand vp a∣gainst them, wee offer you a Nauall, not a Terrestriall League; and the want of one of these, is not as the want of the other: Nay rather, your principall aime, if it could be done, should bee, to let none at all haue shipping but your selues; or at least, if that cannot bee, to make such your friends, as are best furnished therewith. If any man now thinke thus, that what we haue spoken, is indeed profitable, but feares if it were admitted, the League were thereby broken: let that man consider, that his feare ioyned with strength, will make his Enemies [ D] feare, and his confidence, hauing (if hee reject vs) so much the lesse strength, will so much the lesse be feared. Let him also remember, that hee is now in consultation, no lesse concerning Athens, then Corcy∣ra; wherein hee forecasteth none of the best, (considering the present estate of affaires) that makes a question, whether against a Warre at hand, and onely not already on foot, hee should ioyne vnto it, or not, that Citty which with most important advantages, or disadvantages, will be friend or enemie. For it lyeth so conveniently for sayling into Italy, and Sicily, that it can both prohibit any Fleet to come to Pe∣loponnesus from thence, and convoy any comming from Pelopon∣nesus [ E] thither▪ and is also for diuers other vses most commodious. And to comprehend all in briefe, consider whether wee bee to bee aban∣doned, Page  22 or not, by this. For Greece hauing but three Nauies of any [ A] account, yours, ours, and that of Corinth, if you suffer the other two to ioyne in one, by letting the Corinthians first seaze vs, you shall haue to fight by Sea at one time, both against the Corcyraeans and the Peloponnesians; whereas by making League with vs, you shall with your Fleet augmented, haue to deale against the Peloponnesi∣ans alone.

Thus spake the Corcyraeans, and after them, the Corinthi∣ans, thus.

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of CORINTH. [ B]

THe Corcyraeans in their Oration hauing made mention not onely of your taking them into League, but also, that they are wronged, and vniustly warred on; it is also necessarie for vs first to answer concerning both those points, and then afterwards to pro∣ceed to the rest of what we haue to say, to the end you may fore-know, that ours are the safest demands for you to embrace, and that you may vpon reason reject the needy estate of those others. Whereas they al∣leadge in defence of their refusing to enter League with other Cities, that the same hath proceeded from modesty, the truth is, that they tooke [ C] vp that Custome, not from any vertue, but meere wickednesse; as be∣ing vnwilling to call any Confederate for a witnesse of their euill acti∣ons, and to bee put to blush by calling them. Besides, their Citty be∣ing by the scituation sufficient within it selfe, giueth them this point, that when they doe any man a wrong, they themselues are the Iudges of the same, and not men appointed by consent. For going seldome forth a∣gainst other Nations, they intercept such, as by necessity are driven into their Harbour. And in this consisteth their goodly pretext, for not admitting Confederates, not because they would not bee content to accompany others in doing euill, but because they had rather doe it alone; [ D] that where they were too strong, they might oppresse; and when there should bee none to obserue them, the lesse of the profit might be shared from them, and that they might escape the shame when they tooke any thing. But if they had beene honest men, (as they themselues say they are) by how much the lesse they are obnoxious to accusation, so much the more meanes they haue, by giuing, and taking what is due to make their honesty appeare. But they are not such, neither towards others, nor towards vs. For being our Colony, they haue not onely beene euer in reuolt, but now they also make warre vpon vs, and say they were not [ E] sent out to be injured by vs; but we say againe, that wee did not send Page  23 [ A] them forth to bee scorned by them, but to haue the leading of them, and to bee regarded by them, as is fit. For our other Colonies both honour and loue vs much, which is an argument, seeing the rest are plea∣sed with our actions, that these haue no iust cause to bee offended a∣lone; and that without some manifest wrong, wee should not haue had colour to warre against them. But say wee had beene in an er∣rour, it had beene well done in them, to haue giuen way to our passi∣on, as it had beene also dishonourable in vs, to haue insulted ouer their modesty. But through pride and wealth, they haue done vs wrong, both in many other things, and also in this, that Epidam∣nus [ B] being ours, which whilest it was vexed with Warres, they ne∣uer claimed, assoone as wee came to relieue it, was forcibly seazed by them, and so holden. They say now, that before they tooke it, they offered to put the cause to tryall of Iudgement: But you are not to thinke, that such a one will stand to Iudgement, as hath ad∣vantage, and is sure already of what hee offereth to pleade for; but rather hee that before the tryall, will admit equality in the matter it selfe, as well as in the pleading: whereas contrarily these men, of∣fered not this specious pretence of a Iudiciall tryall, before they had besieged the Citty, but after, when they saw wee meant not to put it [ C] vp. And now hither they bee come, not content to haue beene faul∣ty in that businesse themselues, but to get in you, into their confede∣racy? no; but into their conspiracy; and to receiue them in this name, that they are enemies to vs. But they should haue come to you then, when they were most in safety; not now, when we haue the wrong, and they the danger; and when you, that never partaked of their power, must impart vnto them of your ayde; and hauing beene free from their faults, must haue an equall share from vs of the blame. They should communicate their power before-hand, that meane to make common the issue of the same; and they that share not in the [ D] crimes, ought also to haue no part in the sequele of them. Thus it appeares that wee come for our parts, with arguments of equity and right; whereas the proceedings of these other, are nothing else but violence and rapine. And now we shall shew you likewise, that you cannot receiue them in point of Iustice. For although it bee in the Articles, that the Cities written with neyther of the parties, may come in, to whether of them they please; yet it holds not for such as doe so, to the detriment of eyther; but onely for those that ha∣uing reuolted from neither part, want protection, and bring not a Warre with them in stead of peace to those (if they bee wise) that re∣ceiue [ E] them. For you shall not onely be Auxiliaries vnto these; but to vs, in stead of Confederates, Enemies. For if you goe with them, Page  24 it followes, they must defend themselues, not without you. You should [ A] doe most vprightly, to stand out of both our wayes; and if not that, then to take our parts against the Corcyraeans, (for betweene the Corinthians and you, there are Articles of peace, but with the Cor∣cyraeans you neuer had so much as a Truce) and not to constitute a new Law of receiving one anothers Rebels. For neither did we giue our votes against you, when the Samians revolted, though the rest of Peloponnesus was diuided in opinion: But plainely alledged, That it was reason, that euery one should haue liberty to proceed against their owne revolting Confederates. And if you shall once receiue and ayde the doers of wrong, it will bee seene, that they will come ouer as fast from you to vs; and you shall set vp a Law, not so much against vs, [ B] as against your selues. These are the points of Iustice wee had to shew you, conformable to the Law of the Grecians. And now wee come to matter of aduice, and claime of fauour; which (being not so much your enemies as to hurt you, nor such friends as to surcharge you) wee say, ought in the present occasion, to bee granted vs by way of requitall: For when you had want of Long Barques against the Aeginetae, a little before the Medan War, you had 20. lent vnto you by the Corinthi∣ans; which benefit of ours, and that other against the Samians, when by vs it was, that the Peloponnesians did not ayd them, was the cause both of your victory against the Aeginetae, and of the punishment of [ C] the Samians. And these things were done for you in a season, when men, going to fight against their enemies, neglect all respects, but of victory. For euen a mans Domesticke affaires are ordered the worse, through eagernesse of present contention. Which benefits considering, and the yonger sort taking notice of them from the elder, be you pleased to defend vs now in the like manner. And haue not this thought, that though in what wee haue spoken there bee equity; yet, if the Warre should arise, the profit would be found in the contrary. For vtility fol∣loweth those actions most, wherein we doe the least wrong; besides that the likelihood of the Warre, wherewith the Corcyraeans frighting [ D] you, goe about to draw you to iniustice, is yet obscure, and not worthy to moue you to a manifest and present hostility with the Corinthians; but it were rather fit for you indeed, to take away our former iealousies concerning the*Megareans. For the last good turne done in sea∣son, though but small, is able to cancell an accusation of much greater moment. Neither suffer your selues to be drawne on, by the greatnesse of the Nauy which now shall bee at your seruice by this League; for to doe no iniurie to our equals, is a firmer power, then that addition of strength, which (puft vp with present shewes) men are to acquire with [ E] danger. And since wee bee come to this, which once before wee said at Page  25 [ A] Lacedaemon, that euery one ought to proceed, as hee shall thinke good, against his owne Confederates, wee claime that liberty now of you; and that you that haue beene helped by our votes, will not hurt vs now by yours, but render like for like; remembring, that now is that occasion, wherein hee that aydeth vs, is our greatest friend; and hee that opposeth vs, our greatest enemy. And that you will not re∣ceiue these Corcyraeans into League against our wills, nor defend them in their iniuries. These things if you grant vs, you shall both doe as is fit, and also advise the best for the good of your owne af∣faires.

[ B] This was the effect of what was spoken by the Corin∣thians.

Both sides hauing beene heard, and the Athenian people twice assembled; in the former Assembly, they approued no lesse of the reasons of the Corinthians, (then of the Corcy∣raeans;) but in the latter, they changed their mindes; not so, as to make a League with the Corcyraeans, both offensiue and defensiue, that the Friends and Enemies of the one,* should be so of the other, (for then, if the Corcyraeans should haue required them to goe against Corinth, the Peace had [ C] beene broken with the Peloponnesians) but made it onely defensiue, that if any one should invade Corcyra or Athens, or any of their Confederates, they were then mutually to assist one another. For they expected, that euen thus, they should grow to Warre with the Peloponnesians, and were therefore vnwilling to let Corcyra, that had so great a Nauie, to fall into the hands of the Corinthians; but ra∣ther, as much as in them lay, desired to breake them one a∣gainst another; that if need required, they might haue to doe with the Corinthians, and others that had Shipping, [ D] when they should be weakned to their hands. And the Iland seemed also to lye conveniently for passing into Italy, and Sicily. With this minde the people of Athens receiued the Corcyraeans into League; and when the Corinthians were gone, sent tenne Gallies not long after to their ayde.* The Commanders of them were Lacedaemonius the sonne of Ci∣mon, Diotimus, the sonne of Strombichus, and Proteas, the Sonne of Epicles; and had order not to fight with the Co∣rinthians, vnlesse they invaded Corcyra, or offered to land there, or in some other place of theirs. Which if they [ E] did, then with all their might to oppose them. This they forbade, because they would not breake the Peace Page  26 concluded with the Peloponnesians. So these Gallies ar∣riued [ A] at Corcyra.

*The Corinthians, when they were ready, made towards Corcyra with 150. Saile; (viz.) of the Eleans, 10. of the Megareans, 12. of the Leucadians, 10. of the Ambraciotes, 27. of the Anactorians, 1. and 90. of their owne. The Com∣manders of these, were men chosen out of the said severall Cities, for the seueral parts of the Fleet which they sent in; & ouer those of Corinth, was Xenocleides, the son of Euthicles, with 4. others. After they were all come together, vpon the Coast of the Continent ouer against Corcyra, they say∣led [ B] from Leucas, and came to Cheim••ium, in the Countrey of Thesprotis. In this place is a 〈◊〉, and aboue it, further from the Sea, the Cittie of Ephyre, in that part of Thespro∣tis, which is called Eleatis; and neere vnto it, disbogueth into the Sea the Lake Acherusia, and into that (hauing first passed through Thesprotis) the Riuer Acheron, from which it taketh the Name. Also the Riuer Thyanis run∣neth heere, which divideth Thesprotis from *Cestrine, be∣twixt which two Riuers, ariseth this Promontory of Chei∣merium. To this part of the Continent came the Corinthi∣ans,* [ C] and encamped. The Corcyraeans vnderstanding that they made against them, hauing ready 110. Gallies vnder the conduct of Miciades, Aesimides, and Eurybatus, came and in∣camped in one of the Ilands called Sybota. And the tenne Gallies of Athens were also with them. But their Land-forces stayed in the Promontory of Leucimna, and with them 1000. men of Armes of the *Zacynthians that came to ayde them. The Corinthians also had in the Continent the aydes of many Barbarians, which in those quarters haue beene euermore their friends. The Corinthians, after they [ D] were ready, and had taken aboard three dayes prouision of victuall, put off by night from Cheimerium, with purpose to fight; and about breake of day, as they were sayling, descryed the Gallies of the Corcyraeans, which were also put off from Sybota, and comming on to fight with the Co∣rinthians. Assoone as they had sight one of another, they put themselues into order of Battaile. In the right * wing of the Corcyraeans were placed the Gallies of Athens; and the rest being their owne, were diuided into three Com∣mands, vnder the three Commanders, one vnder one. This [ E] was the order of the Corcyraeans. The Corinthians had in Page  27 [ A] their right wing the Gallies of Megara, and of Ambracia;* in the middle, other their Confederates in order, and oppo∣site to the Athenians, and right wing of the Corcyraeans, they were themselues placed, with such Gallies as were best of Sayle, in the left. The * Standard being on either side lift vp, they ioyned Battell; hauing on both parts, both many men of Armes, and many Archers and Slingers,* but after the old fashion, as yet somewhat vnskilfully appointed. The Battell was not so artificially as cruelly fought; neere vnto the maner of a fight at Land. For after they had [ B] once runne their Gallies vp close aboard one of another, they could not for the number and throng, be easily gotten asunder againe, but relyed for the victory, especially vpon their men of Armes, who fought where they stood, whilst the Gallies remained altogether without motion. Passa∣ges through each other they made none, but fought it out with courage and strength, rather then with skill: inso∣much as the Battell was in euery part, not without much tumult and disorder. In which the Athenian Gallies, being alwaies, where the Corcyraeans were oppressed, at hand, kept [ C] the enemies in feare, but yet began no assault, because their Commanders stood in awe of the prohibition of the Athe∣nian people. The right wing of the Corinthians was in the greatest distresse; for the Corcyraeans with twenty Gal∣lies, had made them turne their backes, and chased them dispersed, to the Continent; and sayling to their very Campe, went aland, burnt their abandoned Tents, and tooke away their Baggage; so that in this part the Corin∣thians and their Confederates were vanquished, and the Corcyraeans had the victory. But in the left wing, where [ D] the Corinthians were themselues, they were farre superiour;* because the Corcyraeans had twenty Gallies of their num∣ber, which was at first lesse then that of the Corin∣thians, absent in the chase of the Enemie. And the Athe∣nians, when they saw the Corcyraeans were in distresse, now ayded them manifestly, whereas before, they had abstai∣ned from making assault vpon any. But when once they fled out▪right, and that the Corinthians lay sore vpon them▪ then euery one fell to the businesse, without making dif∣ference any longer▪ and it came at last to this necessity, [ E] that they vndertooke one another, Corinthians, and Athe∣nians.*

Page  28The Corinthians, when their enemies fled, staid not to [ A] fasten the Hulles of the Gallies they had sunke, vnto their owne Gallies, that so they might tow them after; but made after the men, rowing vp and downe, to kill, ra∣ther then to take aliue; and through ignorance (not know∣ing that their right wing had beene discomfited) slew al∣so some of their owne friends. For the Gallies of eyther side being many, and taking vp a large space of Sea, after they were once in the medly, they could not easily dis∣cerne who were of the Victors, and who of the vanquish∣ed party. For this was the greatest Nauall Battell, for [ B] number of Ships, that euer had beene before, of Grecians against Grecians. When the Corinthians had chased the Cor∣cyraeans to the shore, they returned to take vp the broken Gallies, and bodies of their dead, which for the greatest part they recouered, and brought to Sybota, where also lay the Land-forces of the Barbarians, that were come to ayde them.* This Sybota is a desart Hauen of Thesprotis. When they had done, they re-vnited themselues, and made againe to the Corcyraeans; and they likewise, with such Gallies as they had fit for the Sea, remaining of the former Bat∣tell, [ C] together with those of Athens, put foorth to meete them, fearing lest they should attempt to land vpon their Territory. By this time the day was farre spent, and the *Song which they vsed to sing when they came to charge, was ended, when suddenly the Corinthians beganne to row a Sterne: for they had descried twenty Athenian Gallies, sent from Athens to second the former tenne;* for feare lest the Corcyraeans (as it also fell out) should bee ouercome, and those tenne Gallies of theirs bee too few to defend them.* When the Corinthians therefore had sight of these [ D] Gallies, suspecting that they were of Athens, and more in number then they were, by little and little they fell off. But the Corcyraeans (because the course of these Gallies was vnto them more * out of sight) descryed them not, but wondred why the Corinthians rowed a Sterne; till at last some that saw them, said they were Enemies; and then retired also the Corcyraeans. For by this time it was darke, and the Corinthians had turned about the heads of their Gallies, and dissolued themselues. And thus were they parted, and the Battell ended in night. [ E]

The Corcyraeans lying at Leucimna, these twenty AthenianPage  29 [ A] Gallies, vnder the command of Glaucon, the sonne of Lea¦grus, and Androcides, the sonne of Leogorus; passing through the middest of the floating Carkasses, and wrecke, soone after they were descryed, arriued at the Campe of the Cor∣cyraeans in Leucimna. The Corcyraeans at first, (being night) were afraid they had beene Enemies, but knew them af∣terwards; so they anchored there.

The next day, both the thirty Gallies of Athens,* and as many of Corcyra as were fit for seruice, went to the Ha∣uen in Sybota, where the Corinthians lay at Anchor, to see [ B] if they would fight. But the Corinthians, when they had put off from the Land, and arranged themselues in the wide Sea, stood quiet, not meaning of their owne accord to beginne the Battell▪ both for that they saw the supply of fresh Gallies from Athens, and for many difficulties that happened to them, both about the safe custody of their Prisoners aboard, and also for that beeing in a desart place, their Gallies were not yet repaired; but tooke thought rather how to goe home, for feare lest the Athenians, ha∣uing the Peace for already broken, in that they had fought [ C] against each other, should not suffer them to depart. They therefore thought good to send afore vnto the Athe∣nians, certaine men, without priviledge of Heraulds, for to ound them, and to say in this manner.

Men of Athens, You doe vniustly to beginne the Warre,*and vi∣olate the Articles: For whereas wee goe about to right vs on our Enemies, you stand in our way, and beare Armes against vs. If therefore you bee resolued to hinder our going against Corcyra, or whatsoeuer place else wee please, dissolue the Peace, and laying hands first vpon vs that are heere, vse vs as Enemies.

[ D] Thus said they: and the Corcyraeans, as many of the Armie as heard them, cryed out immediately, to take and kill them. But the Athenians made answer thus▪

Men of Peloponnesus, Neither doe wee beginne the Warre,*nor breake the Peace; but wee bring ayde to these our Confederates, the Corcyraeans: if you please therefore to goe any whither else, wee hinder you not; but if against Corcyra, or any place belonging vnto it, we will not suffer you.

When the Athenians had giuen them this answer, the Corinthians made ready to goe home,* and set vp a Trophie [ E] in Sybota of the Continent. And the Corcyraeans also, both tooke vp the wrecke, and bodies of the dead, which carried Page  30 euery way by the Waues, and the Wind that arose the [ A] night before, came driuing to their hands; and, as if they had had the victory▪ set vp a Trophie likewise in Sybota the Ilands. The victory was thus challenged on both sides, vpon these grounds: The Corinthians did set vp a Tro∣phie, because in the Battell they had the better all day, ha∣uing gotten more of the wrecke and dead bodies, then the other, and taken no lesse then 1000. Prisoners, and sunke about 70. of the Enemies Gallies. And the Corcyraeans set vp a Trophie, because they had sunke 30. Gallies of the Corinthians, and had, after the arriuall of the Athenians, re∣couered the wrecke and dead bodies, that droue to them, [ B] by reason of the Wind; and because the day before, vpon sight of the Athenians, the Corinthians had rowed a Sterne, and went away from them: and lastly, for that when they went to Sybota, the Corinthians came not out to en∣counter them. Thus each side claimed victory.

The Corinthians in their way homeward, tooke in A∣nactorium,* a Towne seated in the mouth of the Gulfe of Ambracia, by deceipt; (this Towne was common to them, and to the Corcyraeans) and hauing put into it Corinthians onely, departed, and went home. Of the Corcyraeans 800. [ C] that were seruants, they sold; and kept prisoners 250. whom they vsed with very much fauour, that they might bee a meanes, at their returne, to bring Corcyra into the power of the Corinthians▪ the greatest part of these, being principall men of the Citie. And thus was Corcyra deliue∣red of the Warre of Corinth, and the Athenian Gallies went from them. This was the first Cause, that the Corinthi∣ans had of Warre against the Athenians; namely, because they had taken part with the Corcyraeans in a Battell by Sea, against the Corinthians, with whom they were com∣prized [ D] in the same Articles of Peace.

PRESENTLY after this, it came to passe, that other differences arose betweene the Peloponnesians and the Athenians,* to induce the Warre. For whilest the Corinthians studied to bee reuenged,* the Athenians, who had their hatred in iealousie, cōmanded the Citizens of Potidaea, a Citie seated in the Isthmus of Pallene, a Colony of the Co∣rinthians,* but confederat and tributary to the Athenians, to [ E] pull downe that part of the Wall of their Citie, that Page  31 [ A] stood towards Pallene, and to giue them Hostages, and also to send away, and no more receiue the Epidemiurgi, (Ma¦gistrates so called) which were sent vnto them yeere by yeere, from Corinth; fearing lest through the perswasion of*Perdiccas, and of the Corinthians, they should reuolt, and draw to reuolt with them their other Confederates in Thrace. These things against the Potideans, the Athenians had precontriued, presently after the Nauall Battell fought at Corcyra. For the Corinthians and they were now ma∣nifestly at difference; and Perdiccas, who before had [ B] beene their Confederate and friend, now warred vpon them. And the cause why hee did so, was, that when his Brother Philip and Derdas ioyned in Armes against him, the Athenians had made a League with them. And therefore being afraid, hee both sent to Lacedaemon, to negotiate the Peloponnesian Warre, and also reconciled himselfe to the Corinthians, the better to procure the reuolt of Potidaea; and likewise he practised with the Chal∣cideans of Thrace, and with the Bottieans, to reuolt with them. For if hee could make these confining Cities his Confederates, with the helpe of them, hee thought his [ C] Warre would bee the easier. Which the Athenians per∣ceiuing, and intending to preuent the reuolt of these Cit∣ties, gaue order to the Commanders of the Fleet, (for they were now sending thirty Gallies,* with a thousand men of Armes, vnder the command of Archestratus, the sonne of Lycomedes, and tenne others into the Territories of Perdic∣cas) both to receiue Hostages of the Potideans, and to demolish their Walles; and also to haue an eye to the neighbouring Cities, that they reuolted not. The Po∣tidaeans [ D] hauing sent Ambassadours to Athens, to try if they could perswade the people not to make any alteratiō amongst them; by other Ambassadours, whom they sent along with the Ambassadours of Corinth to Lacedaemon,* dealt with the Lacedaemonians at the same time, if need re∣quired, to be ready to reuenge their quarrell. When after long sollicitation at Athens, and no good done, the Fleet was sent away against them, no lesse then against Macedonia; and when the Magistrates of Lacedaemon had promised them, if the Athenians went to Potidaea, to invade Attica, then [ E] at last they reuolted, and together with them,* the Chal∣cideans and Bottieans, all mutually sworne in the same Con∣spiracy. Page  32 For Perdiccas had also perswaded the Chalcideans, [ A] to abandon and pull downe their maritime Townes, and to goe vp and dwell at Olynthus, and that one City to make strong: And vnto those that remoued, gaue part of his owne, and part of the Territorie of Maydonia, about the Lake Bolbe, to liue on, so long as the Warre against the Athenians should continue. So when they had demolished their Cities, and were gone vp higher into the Countrey, they prepared themselues to the Warre.

*The Athenian Gallies, when they arriued in Thrace, found Potidaea and the other Cities, already reuolted. And the Commanders of the Fleet conceiuing it to be impossi∣ble, [ B] with their present forces, to make Warre both against Perdiccas and the Townes reuolted, set saile againe for Ma∣cedonia, against which they had beene at first sent out, and there staying, ioyned with Philip, and the brothers of Der∣das, that had invaded the Countrey from aboue.

In the meane time, after Potidaea was revolted, and whilest the Athenian Fleet lay on the Coast of Macedonia,* the Corinthians, fearing what might become of the Citie, and making the danger their owne, sent vnto it, both of their owne Citie, and of other Peloponnesians, which they [ C] hired, to the number of 1600. men of Armes, and 400. * light armed. The charge of these was giuen to Aristaeus, the sonne of Adimantus, for whose sake most of the Volun∣taries of Corinth went the Voyage: (for hee had beene euer a great Fauourer of the Potidaeans.) And they arriued in Thrace, after the reuolt of Potidaea, forty dayes.

The newes of the reuolt of these Cities, was likewise quickly brought to the Athenian people; who hearing withall of the Forces sent vnto them, vnder Aristaeus, sent forth against the places reuolted,* 2000. men of Armes, [ D] and 40. Gallies, vnder the Conduct of Callias, the Sonne of Calliades. These comming first into Macedonia▪ found there the former thousand,* (who by this time had taken Therme, and were now besieging the City of Pydna;) and staying, helped for a while to besiege it with the rest. But short∣ly after, they tooke composition; and hauing made a * ne∣cesary League with Perdiccas, (vrged thereto by the af∣faires of Potidaea, and the arriuall there of Aristaeus) departed from Macedonia.* Thence comming to Berrhoea, they at∣tempted [ E] to take it: but when they could not doe it, they Page  33 [ A] turned backe, and marched towards Potidaea by Land. They were of their owne number 3000. men of Armes, besides many of their Confederates; and of Macedonians that had serued with Philip and Pausanias 600. Horse-men. And their Gallies, 70. in number, sayling by them along the Coast, by moderate Iournies, came in three dayes to Gigonus, and there encamped.

The Potidaeans and the Peloponnesians vnder Aristaeus,* in expectation of the comming of the Athenians, lay now en∣camped in the Isthmus, neere vnto Olynthus, and had the [ B] Market kept for them without the Citie: and the leading of the Foot, the Confederates had assigned to Aristaeus, and of the Horse, to Perdiccas: (for hee fell off againe pre∣sently from the Athenians, and hauing left Iölaus Gouer∣nour in his place, tooke part with the Potidaeans.) The purpose of Aristaeus was, to haue the body of the Armie with himselfe within the *Isthmus, and therewith to at∣tend the comming on of the Athenians, and to haue the Chal∣cideans and their Confederates without the Isthmus, and also the 200. Horse vnder Perdiccas, to stay in Olynthus, and [ C] when the Athenians were past by, to come on their backs, and to encloze the Enemie betwixt them. But Callias the Athenian Generall, and the rest that were in Commission with him, sent out before them their Macedonian Horse∣men, and some few of their Confederates to Olynthus, to stop those within from making any sally from the Towne, and then dislodging, marched on towards Potidaea. When they were come on as far to as the Isthmus, and saw the Enemie make ready to fight, they also did the like, and not long af∣ter, they ioyned Battell. That wing wherein was Aristaeus [ D] himselfe, with the chosen men of the Corinthians and o∣thers, put to flight that part of their Enemies that stood opposite vnto them, and followed execution a great way. But the rest of the Army of the Potidaeans and Peloponnesi∣ans were by the Athenians defeated, and fled into the Citie.* And Aristaeus, when hee came backe from the Execution, was in doubt what way to take, to Olynthus, or to Potidaea. In the end, hee resolued of the shortest way, and with his Souldiers about him, ranne as hard as hee was able into Potidaea, and with much adoe got in at the Peere, through [ E] the Sea, cruelly shot at, and with the losse of a few, but safety of the greatest part of his company. Assoone as Page  34 the Battell beganne, they that should haue seconded the [ A] Potideans from Olynthus, (for it is at most but 60. Furlongs off, and in sight) aduanced a little way to haue ayded them; and the Macedonian Horse opposed themselues likewise in order of Battell, to keepe them backe. But the Athenians hauing quickly gotten the Victory, and the Standards being taken downe; they retyred againe, they of Olynthus, into that Citie; and the Macedonian Horsemen, into the Armie of the Athenians. So that neither side had their Cauallery at the Battell. After the Battell, the A∣thenians erected a Trophie, and gaue truce to the Potideans, [ B] for the taking vp of the bodies of their dead. Of the Po∣tideans and their friends, there dyed somewhat lesse then 300. and of the Athenians themselues 150. with Callias, one of their Commanders.

*Presently vpon this, the Athenians raised a Wall before the Citty, on the part towards the Isthmus, which they kept with a Garrison, but the part to Pallene-ward, they left vnwalled. For they thought themselues too small a number, both to keepe a guard in the Isthmus, and withall to goe ouer and fortifie in Pallene, fearing lest the Potidaeans [ C] and their Confederates should assault them when they were deuided. When the people of Athens vnderstood that Potidaea was vnwalled on the part toward Pallene, not long after they sent thither 1600. men of Armes, vnder the Conduct of Phormio,* the Sonne of Asopius: who arriuing in Pallene, left his Gallies at Aphytis, and march∣ing easily to Potidaea, wasted the Territory as hee passed through. And when none came out to bid him Battell, hee raised a Wall before the Citie, on that part also that looketh towards Pallene. Thus was Potidaea on both sides [ D] strongly besieged;* and also from the Sea, by the Athenian Gallies, that came vp and rode before it.

Aristeus, seeing the Citie enclosed on euery side, and without hope of safety, saue what might come from Pe∣loponnesus, or some other vnexpected way, gaue aduice to all but 500. taking the opportunity of a Wind,* to goe out by Sea, that the prouision might the longer hold out for the rest; and of them that should remaine within, offe∣red himselfe to bee one. But when his counsell tooke not place, beeing desirous to settle their businesse, and make [ E] the best of their affaires abroad,* hee got out by Sea, vn∣seene Page  35 [ A] of the Athenian Guard,* and staying amongst the Chal∣cideans, amongst other actions of the Warre, laid an Am∣bush before Sermyla, and slew many of that Citie, and sollicited the sending of ayd from Peloponnesus.* And Phor∣mio, after the Siege laid to Potidaea, hauing with him his 1600. men of Armes, wasted the Territories of the Chal∣cideans and Bottieans, and some small Townes he tooke in.

These were the Quarrels betweene the Peloponnesians and the Athenians. The Corinthians quarrelled the Ahenians, for besieging Potidaea, and in it, the men of Corinth and [ B] Peloponnesus. The Athenians quarrelled the Peloponnesians, for causing their confederate and tributary City to reuolt; and for that they had come thither, and openly fought a∣gainst them in the behalfe of Potidaea. Neuerthelesse the Warre brake not openly forth as yet, and they yet abstai∣ned from Armes; for this was but a particular action of the Corinthians.

BVT when Potidaea was once besieged,* both for their mens sakes that were within, and also for feare [ C] to lose the place, they could no longer hold. But out of hand, they procured of their Confederates to goe to La∣cedaemon; and thither also they went themselues, with clamours and accusations, against the Athenians, that they had broken the League, and wronged the Peloponnesians. The Aeginetae, though not openly by Ambassadours, for feare of the Athenians,* yet priuily instigated them to the Warre as much as any; alledging that they were not per∣mitted to gouerne themselues according to their owne Laws, as by the Articles they ought to haue beene So the [ D] Lacedaemonians hauing called together the Confederates, and whosoeuer else had any iniustice to lay to the charge of the Athenians, in the ordinary * Councell of their owne State commanded them to speake. Then presented euery one his accusation; and amongst the rest, the Megareans, besides many other their great differences, laid open this especial∣ly, That contrary to the Articles, they were forbidden the Athenian Markets and Hauens. Last of all, the Corin∣thians, when they had suffered the Lacedaemonians to be in∣censed first by the rest, came in, and said as followeth.

[ E]
Page  36 [ A]

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of CORINTH.

MEn of Lacedaemon, your own fidelity, both in matter of estate & conuersation, maketh you the lesse apt to beleeue vs, when we accuse others of the contrary. And heereby you gaine indeed a reputation of equity, but you haue lesse experience in the affaires of Forraine States. For although we haue oftentimes foretold you, that the Athenians would doe vs a mischiefe; yet from time to time when we told it you, you neuer would take informatiō of it; but haue suspected [ B] rather, that what we spake, hath proceeded from our owne priuate differences. And you haue therefore called hither these Confederates, not before wee had suffered, but now, when the euill is already vpon vs. Before whom, our speech must bee so much the longer, by how much our obiections are the greater, in that wee haue both by the A∣thenians beene iniured, and by you neglected. If the Athenians lurking in some obscure place, had done these wrongs vnto the Gre∣cians, wee should then haue needed to proue the same before you, as to men that knew it not. But now what cause haue wee to vse long discourse, when you see already that some are brought into seruitude, and that they are contriuing the like against others, and especially a∣gainst [ C] our Confederates, and are themselues, in case Warre should be made against them, long since prepared for it? For else they would ne∣uer haue taken Corcyra, and holden it from vs by force, nor haue besieged Potidaea, whereof the one was most commodious for any action against Thrace; and the other had brought vnto the Pelo∣ponnesians a most faire Nauie. And of all this, you are your selues the authors, in that you suffered them, vpon the end of the Persian Warre, to fortifie their Citie, and againe afterwards to raise their Long Walles, whereby you haue hitherto depriued of their liberty, not [ D] onely the States by them already subdued, but also your owne Confede∣rates. For not he that bringeth into slauery, but he that being able to hinder it, neglects the same, is most truely said to doe it; especially if they assume the honour to be the esteemed Deliuerers of Greece, [as you doe.] And for all that, we are hardly yet come together, and indeed not yet, with any certaine resolution what to doe. For the question should not haue beene put, Whether, or not, wee haue receiued iniurie, but rather, in what manner we are to repaire it. For they that doe the wrong, hauing consulted vpon it before-hand, vse no delay at all, but come vpon them whom they meane to oppresse, whilest they be yet irre∣solute. [ E] And we know, not onely that the Athenians haue incroached Page  37 [ A] vpon their neighbours, but also by what wayes they haue done it. And as long as they thinke they carry it closely, through your blindnesse, they are the lesse bold. But when they shall perceiue that you see, and will not see, they will then presse vs strongly indeed. For (Lace∣daemonians) you are the onely men of all Greece, that sitting still, defend others, not with your Forces, but with promises; and you are also the onely men, that loue to pull downe the power of the Enemie, not when it beginneth, but when it is doubled. You haue indeede a report to bee sure; but yet it is more in fame that, then in fact. For we our selues know, that the Persian came against Peloponnesus, from the [ B] vtmost parts of the Earth, before you encountred him, as became your State. And also now you conniue at the Athenians, who are not as the Medes, farre off, but hard at band; choosing rather to defend your selues from their inuasion, then to inuade them; and by hauing to doe with them when their strength is greater, to put your selues vpon the chance of Fortune. And yet wee know, that the Barbarians own errour, and (in our Warre against the Athenians) their owne ouer∣sights, more then your assistance, was the thing that gaue vs victory. For the hope of your ayde, hath beene the destruction of some, that re∣lying on you, made no preparation for themselues by other meanes. Yet [ C] let not any man thinke that we speak this out of malice, but only by way of expostulation: for expostulation is with friends that erre, but ac∣cusation, against enemies that haue done an iniurie. Besides, if there bee any that may challenge to exprobrate his neighbour, we thinke our selues may best doe it, especially on so great quarrels as these, whereof you neither seeme to haue any feeling, nor to consider what manner of men, and how different from you in euery kinde the Athenians bee, that you are to contend withall: For they loue innovation, and are swift to devise, and also to execute what they resolue on. But you on the contrary are onely apt to saue your owne; not devise any thing [ D] new, nor scarce to attaine what is necessary. They againe are bold beyond their strength, adventurous aboue their owne reason, and in danger hope still the best: Whereas your actions are euer beneath your power, and you distrust euen what your iudgement assures; and being in a danger, neuer thinke to bee deliuered. They are stirrers, you studiers: they loue to bee abroad, and you at home the most of any. For they make account by beeing abroad to adde to their estate; you, if you should goe forth against the State of another, would thinke to impayre your owne. They, when they ouercome their enemies, aduance the farthest, and when they are ouercome by [ E] their enemies, fall off the least; and as for their Bodies, they vse them in the seruice of the Common-wealth, as if they were none of their owne; Page  38 but their minds, when they would serue the State, are right their owne. [ A] Vnlesse they take in hand what they haue once aduised on, they account so much lost of their owne. And when they take it in hand, if they ob∣taine any thing, they thinke lightly of it, in respect of what they looke to winne by their prosecution. If they faile in any attempt, they doe what is necessary for the present, and enter presently into other hopes. For they alone, both haue and hope for at once, whatsoeuer they con∣ceiue, through their celerity in execution of what they once resolue on. And in this manner they labour and toyle, all the dayes of their liues. What they haue, they haue no leasure to enioy, for continuall getting of more. Nor Holiday esteeme they any, but whereon they effect some [ B] matter profitable; nor thinke they ease with nothing to doe, a lesse tor∣ment, than laborious businesse. So that, in a word, to say they are men, borne neither to rest themselues, nor suffer others, is to say the truth. Now notwithstanding, (men of Lacedaemon) that this Citie, your Aduersary, bee such, as wee haue said; yet you still delay time; not knowing, that those onely are they, to whom it may suffice for the most part of their time to sit still, who (though they vse not their power to doe iniustice) yet bewray a minde vnlikely to swallow injuries; but placing equity belike in this, that you neither doe any harme to others, nor receiue it, in defending of your selues. But this is a thing, you hardly could attaine, though the States about you were of [ C] the same condition. But (as we haue before declared) your Customes are in respect of theirs antiquated, and of necessity (as it happeneth in Artes) the new ones will preuaile. True it is, that for a City liuing for the most part in peace, vnchanged customes are the best; but for such as bee constrained to vndergoe many matters, many deuices will be needfull. Which is also the reason, why the Athenian Customes, through much experience, are more new to you, then yours are to them. Here therefore giue a Period to your slacknesse, and by a speedy inva∣sion of Attica, as you promised, relieue both Potidaea, and the rest: [ D] lest otherwise you betray your friends and kindred to their cruellest ene∣mies; and lest wee and others, be driuen through despaire, to seeke out some other League. Which to doe, were no iniustice, neither against the Gods, Iudges of mens Oathes, nor against Men, the hearers of them. For not they breake the League, who being abandoned, haue re∣course to others; but they that yeeld not their assistance, to whom they haue sworne it. But if you meane to follow the businesse seriously, wee will stay; for else, wee should doe irreligiously, neither should wee finde any other, more conformable to our manners, then your selues. Therefore deliberate well of these points, and take [ E] such a course, that Peloponnesus may not by your leading, Page  39 [ A] fall into worse estate, then it was left vnto you by your Pro∣genitors.

Thus spake the Corinthians.

The Athenian Ambassadours (who chanced to bee resi∣ding in Lacedaemon,* vpon their businesse) when they heard of this Oration, thought it fit to present themselues be∣fore the Lacedaemonians, not to make Apologie for what they were charged with by the other Citties, but to shew in generall, that it was not fit for them in this case to take any sudden resolution, but further time to consider. Also [ B] they desired to lay open the power of their Citty; to the elder sort, for a remembrance of what they knew already; and to the yonger, for an information of what they knew not: supposing, that when they should haue spoken, they would encline to quietnesse, rather then to Warre. And therefore they presented themselues before the Lacedaemo∣nians, saying, That they also, if they might haue leaue, desired to speake in the Assembly; who willed them to come in: And the Athenians went into the Assembly, and spake to this effect.

[ C]

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of ATHENS.

THough our Ambassage was not to this end, that wee should ar∣gue against our Confederates, but about such other Affaires as the Citie was pleased to employ vs in; yet hauing heard of the great exclamation against vs, wee came into the Court, not to make answer to the criminations of the Cities (for to pleade be∣fore you here, were not to pleade before the Iudges either of them [ D] or vs) but to the end you may not be drawne away, to take the worst resolution, at the perswasion of the Confederates, in matters of so great importance. And withall, touching the summe of the Oration made against vs, to informe you, that what wee possesse, wee haue it iustly, and that our Citie deserueth reputation. But what neede wee now to speake of matters long past, confirmed more by heare∣say; then by the eyes of those that are to heare vs relate them? But our actions against the Persian, and such as you your selues know as well as wee, those, though it bee tedious to heare them euer objected, wee must of necessity recite. For when wee did them, we [ E] hazarded our selues for some benefit, of which, you as had your parts in the substance, so must wee haue ours (if that be any benefit) in the Page  40 commemoration. And wee shall make recitall of them, not by way of de∣precation, [ A] but of protestation, and declaration of what a Citty (in case you take ill advice) you haue to enter the list withall. Wee therefore say, that wee not onely first and alone, hazarded Battell against the Barbarian in the Fields of Marathon, but also afterwards, when hee came againe, beeing vnable to resist him by Land, embarqued our selues, euery man that was able to beare Armes, and gaue him Battell amongst the rest, by Sea, at Salamis; which was the cause that kept him backe from sailing to Peloponnesus, and laying it waste Cittie after Cittie: for against so many Gallies, you were not able to giue each other mutuall succour. And the greatest proofe of this is the Persian himselfe, who when his Fleet was ouercome, and that hee [ B] had no more such Forces, went away in haste, with the greatest part of his Armie. Which being so, and euident, that the whole State of the Grecians, was embarqued in their Fleet, we conferred to the same, the three things of most aduantage; namely, the greatest number of Gallies, the most prudent Commander, and the most liuely courage. (For of 400. Gallies in the whole, our owne were few lesse then two thirds) and for Commander, Themistocles, who was the principall cause that the Battell was fought in the * streight, whereby he cleerely saued the whole businesse, and whom, though a Stranger, you your selues haue honoured for it, more then any man that came vnto you; [ C] and a forwardnesse wee shewed, more adventurous then any other, in this, that when none of them had ayded vs by Land before, and the rest of the Cities, as farre as to our owne, were brought into servitude, wee were neuerthelesse content, both to quit our Citie, and lose our goods, and euen in that estate, not to betray the Common Cause of the Confe∣derates, or diuided from them, to bee vnvsefull; but to put our selues into our Nauie, and vndergoe the danger with them, and that without passion against you, for not hauing formerly defended vs in the like manner. So that we may say, that wee haue no lesse conferred a benefit vpon you, then wee receiued it from you. You came indeed to [ D] ayde vs, but it was from Cities inhabited, and to the end you might still keepe them so; and when you were afraid, not of our danger, but your owne: whereas wee, comming from a Citty no more in * being, and putting our selues into danger, for a Citty, hopelesse euer to bee againe; saued both you (in part) and our selues. But if wee had ioyned with the Persian, fearing (as others did) to haue our Ter∣ritories wasted; or afterwards, as men lost, durst not haue put our selues into our Gallies, you must not haue fought with him by Sea, be∣cause your Fleet had beene too small; but his affaires had succeeded [ E] as hee would himselfe. Therefore (men of Lacedaemon) we deserue Page  41 [ A] not so great envie of the Grecians, for our courage at that time, and for our prudence, and for the dominion wee hold, as wee now vnder∣goe. Which dominion wee obtained not by violence, but because the Confederates, when your selues would not stay out the reliques of the Warre against the Barbarian, came in, and intreated vs to take the command, of their owne accord. So that at first wee were forced to aduance our Dominion to what it is, out of the nature of the thing it selfe; as chiefly for feare, next for honour, and lastly for profit. For when wee had the enuie of many, and had reconquered some that had already revolted, and seeing you were no more our friends, as you had [ B] beene, but suspected and quarelled vs, wee held it no longer a safe course, laying by our power, to put our selues into your danger. For the reuolts from vs, would all haue beene made to you. Now it is no fault for men in danger, to order their affaires to the best. For you al∣so (men of Lacedaemon) haue command ouer the Cities of Pelo∣ponnesus, and order them to your best advantage: and had you, * when the time was, by staying it out, beene envied in your Command, as wee know well, you would haue beene no lesse heauy to the Confede∣rates, then wee, you must haue beene constrained to rule imperiously; or to haue falne into danger. So that, though ouercome by three the [ C] greatest things, honour, feare, and profit, wee haue both accepted the dominion deliuered vs, and refuse againe to surrender it, wee haue therein done nothing to be wondered at, nor beside the manner of men. Nor haue wee beene the first in this kinde, but it hath beene euer a thing fixed, for the weaker to be kept vnder by the stronger. Besides; we tooke the gouernment vpon vs, as esteeming our selues worthy of the same; and of you also so esteemed, till hauing computed the commo∣dity, you now fall to allegation of equity; a thing which no man that had the occasion to atchieue anything by strength, euer so farre pre∣ferred, as to diuert him from his profit. Those men are worthy of [ D] commendation, who following the naturall inclination of man, in desi∣ring rule ouer others, are iuster, then for their power they need. And therefore if another had our power, we thinke it would best make ap∣peare our owne moderation; and yet our moderation hath vndeserued∣ly incurred contempt, rather then commendation. For though in pleas of Couenants with our Confederates, when in our owne Citty we haue allowed them triall, by Laws equall both to them and vs, the Iudgement hath beene giuen against vs, we haue then neuerthelesse beene reputed contentious. None of them considering that others, who in other places haue dominion, and are toward their subiect States lesse moderate [ E] then wee, yet are neuer vpbrayded for it. For they that haue the power to compell, need not at all to goe to Law. And yet these men hauing Page  42 beene vsed to converse with vs vpon equall termes, if they lose any [ A] thing which they thinke they should not, eyther by sentence, or by the power of our gouernment, they are not thankfull for the much they re∣taine, but take in worse part the little they forgoe, then if at first, lay∣ing Law aside, wee had openly taken their goods by violence. For in that kinde also, they themselues cannot deny, but the weaker must giue way to the stronger. And men, it seemes, are more passionate for in∣iustice, then for violence. For that, comming as from an equall, seemeth rapine; and the other, because from one stronger, but necessity. There∣fore when they suffered worse things vnder the Medes dominion, they bore it, but thinke ours to bee rigorous. And good reason; for to men in subiection, the present is euer the worst estate. Insomuch as you [ B] also, if you should put vs downe, and reigne your selues, you would soone finde a change of the loue, which they beare you now for feare of vs, if you should doe againe, as you * did for a while, when you were their Commanders against the Medes. For not onely your owne instituti∣ons are different from those of others, but also when any one of you comes abroad [with charge,] he neither vseth those of yours, nor yet those of the rest of Greece. Deliberate therfore of this a great while, as of a matter of great importance; and do not vpon the opinions and cri∣minations of others, procure your owne trouble. Consider before you enter, how vnexpected the chances of Warre bee: for a long Warre [ C] for the most part endeth in calamity, from which we are equally far off, and whether part it will light on, is to be tryed with vncertainety. And men when they goe to Warre, vse many times to fall first to action, the which ought to come behind, and when they haue already taken harme, then they fall to reasoning. But since we are neither in such errour our selues, nor doe finde that you are; wee advise you, whilest good counsell is in both our elections, not to breake the peace, nor violate your Oathes; but according to the Articles, let the controuersie bee decided by Iudge∣ment; or else wee call the Gods you haue sworne by to witnesse, that if you beginne the Warre, we will endeuour to reuenge our selues the same [ D] way that you shall walke in before vs.

Thus spake the Athenians.

After the Lacedaemonians had heard both the complaints of the Confederates against the Athenians, and the Athenians Answer,* they put them euery one out of the Court, and consulted of the businesse amongst themselues. And the opinions of the greatest part concurred in this, That the Athenians had done vniustly, & ought speedily to be warred on: But Archidamus their King, a man reputed both wise [ E] and temperate, spake as followeth.

Page  43 [ A]

THE ORATION OF ARCHIDAMVS.

MEN of Lacedaemon, both I my selfe haue the experience of many Warres, and I see you of the same age with mee, to haue the like; insomuch as you cannot desire this Warre, either through inexperience (as many doe) nor yet as apprehending it to bee profitable or safe. And whosoeuer shall temperately consider the Warre wee now deliberate of, will finde it to bee no small one. For though in respect of the Peloponnesians, and our neighbour States, [ B] wee haue equall strength, and can quickly bee vpon them; yet against men, whose Territory is remote, and are also expert Seamen, and with all other things excellently furnished, as money, both priuate and pub∣like, Shipping, Horses, Armes, and number, more then any one part of Greece besides; and that haue many Confederates, paying them Tri∣bute; against such, I say, why should we lightly vndertake the Warre? And since wee are vnfurnished, whereon relying, should we make such haste to it? On our Nauie? But therein we are too weake. And if we will prouide and prepare against them, it will require time. On our money? But therein also we are more too weake; for neither hath the [ C] State any, nor will priuate men readily contribute. But it may be, some rely on this, that wee exceed them in Armes, and multitude of Souldi∣ers, so that we may waste their Territories with incursions. But there is much other Land vnder their dominion, and by Sea they are able to bring in whatsoeuer they shall stand in need of. Againe, if wee assay to alienate their Confederates, wee must ayde them with Shipping, be∣cause the most of them are Ilanders. What a Warre then will this of ours bee? For vnlesse we haue the better of them in Shipping, or take from them their reuenue, whereby their Nauy is maintained, we shall doe the most hurt to our selues. And in this case to let fall the Warre a∣gaine, [ D] will be no honour for vs, when we are chiefly thought to haue be∣gun it. As for the hope, that if we waste their Countrey, the Warre will soone be at an end; let that neuer lift vs vp: for I feare we shall transmit it rather to our children. For it is likely the Athenians haue the spirit not to be slaues to their earth, nor as men without experience, to be astonished at the Warre. And yet I doe not aduise that wee should stupidly suffer our Confederates to bee wronged, and not apprehend the Athenians in their plots against them; but onely, not yet to take vp Armes, but to send and expostulate with them, making no [ E] great shew neither of war, nor of sufferance: and in this meane time to make our provisiō, and make friends, both of Greeks & Barbarians,Page  44 such as in any place wee can get, of power either in shipping or [ A] money (nor are they to be blamed, that being laid in wait for, as wee are by the Athenians, take vnto them, not Grecians only, but also Barbarians for their safety) and withall to set forth our owne. If they listen to our Ambassadours, best of all; if not, then two or three yeeres passing ouer our heads, being better ap∣pointed, wee may warre vpon them, if we will. And when they see our preparation, and heare words that import no lesse, they will perhaps relent the sooner; especially, hauing their grounds vnhurt, and consulting vpon commodities extant, and not yet spoiled. For wee must thinke their Territorie to bee nothing but [ B] an Hostage, and so much the more, by how much the better husbanded. The which wee ought therefore to spare as long as wee may, lest making them desperate, we make them also the har∣der to expugne. For if vnfurnished as wee bee, at the instiga∣tion of the Confederates, we waste their Territory, consider if in so doing, we doe not make the Warre both more dishonourable to the Peloponnesians, and also more difficult. For though accu∣sations, as well against Cities, as priuate men, may bee cleered againe, a warre for the pleasure of some, taken vp by all, the successe whereof cannot bee foreseene, can hardly with honour be [ C] letten fall againe. Now let no man thinke it cowardise, that be∣ing many Cities, we goe not presently, and invade that one City; for of Confederates that bring them in money, they haue more then wee; and Warre is not so much Warre of Armes, as Warre of Money, by meanes whereof Armes are vsefull; especially when it is a Warre of Land-men, against Sea-men. And there∣fore let vs first prouide our selues of money, and not first raise the Warre, vpon the perswasion of the Confederates. For wee that must be thought the causes of all euents, good or bad, haue also reason to take some leasure, in part to foresee them. As for the slacknesse and procrastination, wherewith wee are reproached by [ D] the Confederates, bee neuer ashamed of it; for the more haste you make to the Warre, you will bee the longer before you end it, for that you goe to it vnprouided. Besides, our Citie hath beene euer free, and well thought of. And this which they obiect, is ra∣ther to be called a Modesty proceeding vpon iudgement. For by that it is, that we alone, are neither arrogant vpon good successe, nor shrinke so much as others in aduersity. Nor are wee, when men prouoke vs to it with praise, through the delight thereof, moued to vndergoe danger, more then wee thinke fit our selues; [ E] nor when they sharpen vs with reprehension, doth the smart Page  45 [ A] thereof a iot the more preuaile vpon vs. And this modesty of ours▪ maketh vs both good Souldiers, and good Counsellours: good Souldi∣ers, because shame begetteth modesty, and valour is most sensible of shame; good Counsellours, in this, that wee are brought vp more simply, then to disesteeme the Lawes, and by seuerity, more modestly then to disobey them. And also in that, that wee doe not, like men ex∣ceeding wise in things needlesse, finde fault brauely with the prepara∣tion of the Enemie, and in effect not assault him accordingly; but doe thinke our neighbours cogitations like our owne, and that the euents of Fortune cannot be discerned by a speech; and doe therefore alwayes so [ B] furnish our selues really against the enemy, as against men well adui∣sed. For we are not to build our hopes vpon the ouersights of them, but vpon the safe foresight of our selues. Nor must wee thinke that there is much difference betweene man and man, but him onely to bee the best, that hath beene brought vp amongst the most difficulties. Let vs not therefore cast aside the institutions of our Ancestours, which wee haue so long retained to our profit; nor let vs, of many mens liues, of much money, of many Cities, and much honour, hastily resolue in so small a part of one day, but at leasure; the which wee haue better com∣modity then any other to doe, by reason of our power. Send to the A∣thenians, [ C] about the matter of Potidaea, send about that wherein the Confederates say they are iniured; and the rather, because they bee content to referre the cause to Iudgement: And one that offereth him∣selfe to Iudgement, may not lawfully be invaded, as a doer of iniurie, before the iudgement be giuen; and prepare withall for the Warre; so shall you take the most profitable counsell for your selues, and the most formidable to the Enemy.

Thus spake Archidamus.

But Sthenelaidas, then one of the Ephori, stood vp last of all, and spake to the Lacedaemonians in this manner: [ D]

THE ORATION OF STHENELAIDAS.

FOr my part, I vnderstand not the many words vsed by the A∣thenians; for though they haue beene much in their owne praises, yet they haue said nothing to the contrary, but that they haue done iniury to our Confederates, and to Peloponnesus. And if they car∣ried themselues well against the Medes, when time was, and now ill against vs, they deserue a double punishment, because they are not good [ E] as they were, and because they are euill, as they were not. Now are we the same we were, and meane not (if we be wise) either to conniue Page  46 at the wrongs done to our Confederates, or deferre to repaire [ A] them; for the harme they suffer, is not deferred. Others haue much money, many Gallies, and many Horses; and wee haue good Confederates, not to be betrayed to the Athenians, nor to bee de∣fended with words; (for they are not hurt in words) but to be ayded with all our power, and with speed. Let no man tell mee, that after wee haue once receiued the iniurie, wee ought to deliberate. No, it belongs rather to the doers of iniurie, to spend time in consultati∣on. Wherefore (men of Lacedaemon) decree the Warre, as be∣commeth the dignity of Sparta; and let not the Athenians grow yet greater, nor let vs betray our Confederates, but in the name of [ B] the Gods, proceed against the doers of iniustice.

Hauing thus spoken, being himselfe Ephore, hee put it to the question in the Assembly of the Lacedaemonians; and saying afterwards, that hee could not discerne whether was the greater cry (for they vsed there to giue their votes viua voce, and not with * Balles) and desiring that it might bee eui∣dent that their minds were enclined most to the Warre, he put it vnto them againe, and said, To whōsoeuer of you it seemeth that the Peace is broken, and that the Athenians haue done vn∣iustly, let him arise, and goe yonder. And withall he shewed them a certaine place: And to whomsoeuer it seemeth otherwise, [ C] let him goe to the other side.* So they arose, and the Roome was diuided, wherein farre the greater number were those, that held the Peace to bee broken.

Then calling in the Confederates, they told them, that for their owne parts, their sentence was, That the Athenians had done them wrong; But yet they desired to haue all their Confede∣rates called together, and then to put it to the question againe, that if they would, the Warre might bee decreed by Common consent. This done, their Confederates went home, and so did also [ D] afterwards the Athenians, when they had dispatched the businesse they came about. This Decree of the Assem∣bly, that the Peace was broken, was made in the foure∣teenth yeere of those thirty yeeres, for which a Peace had beene formerly concluded,* after the actions past in Euboea.

*THE LACEDAEMONIANS gaue Sentence, that the Peace was broken, and that Warre was to bee made, not so much for the words of the Con∣federates, as for feare the Athenian greatnesse should still [ E] encrease: For they saw that a great part of Greece was Page  47 [ A] falne already into their hands. Now the manner how the Athenians came to the administration of those affaires, by which they so raised themselues, was this:

After that the Medes, ouercome by Sea and Land,* were departed, and such of them as had escaped by Sea to *My∣cale, were there also vtterly ouerthrowne, Leotychides King of the Lacedaemonians, then Commander of the Grecians at Mycale, with their Confederates of Peloponnesus, went home: But the Athenians with their Confederates of Iönia, and the Hellespont, as many as were already reuolted from [ B] the * King, staid behinde, and besieged Sestus, holden then by the Medes, and when they had layne before it all the Winter, they tooke it, abandoned by the Barbarians; and after this they set sayle from the Hellespont, euery one to his owne Citie. And the * body of the Athenians, assoone as their Territory was cleere of the Barbarians, went home also, and fetcht thither their Wiues and Children, and such goods as they had, from the places where they had bin put out to keep, and went about the reparation of their City & Walles. For there were yet standing some pieces of the [ C] circuit of their Wall, and likewise a few houses, (though the most were downe) which the principall of the Persians had reserued for their owne lodgings. The Lacedaemonians hearing what they went about,* sent thither their Am∣bassadours, partly because they would themselues haue beene glad, that neyther the Athenians, nor any other had had Walles; but principally, as incited thereto by their Confederates, (who feared not only the greatnesse of their Nauie, which they had not before, but also their courage shewed against the Persians) and entreated them, not to [ D] build their Walles, but rather to ioyne with them, in pul∣ling downe the Walles of what Cities soeuer without Peloponnesus had them yet standing: Not discouering their meaning, and the iealousie they had of the Athenians; but pretending this, that if the Barbarian returned, hee might finde no fortified Citie, to make the Seate of his Warre, as hee did of Thebes: and that Peloponnesus was sufficient for thē all, whereinto to retire, and from whence to withstand the Warre. But the Athenians,* by the aduice of Themisto∣cles, when the Lacedaemonian Ambassadours had so said, [ E] dismissed them presently with this Answer, That they would presently send Ambassadours about the businesse Page  48 they spake of, to Lacedaemon. Now Themistocles willed [ A] them to send himselfe to Lacedaemon for one,* and that as speedily as they could; but such as were chosen Ambas∣sadours with him, not to send away presently, but to stay them till the Walles were so raysed, as to fight vpon them from a sufficient height; and that all the men in the Citie,* in the meane time, both they, and their Wiues and Children, sparing neither priuate nor publike edifice, that might aduance the worke: but pulling all downe what∣soeuer, should helpe to raise it. When hee had thus in∣structed them, adding, that hee would himselfe doe the [ B] rest at Lacedaemon,* he tooke his Iourney. And when hee came to Lacedaemon, he went not to the State, but delaying the time, excused himselfe; and when any of those that were in Office, asked him why hee did not present him∣selfe to the State, answered, That he stayed for his fellow-Am∣bassadours, who vpon some businesse that fell out, were left behind, but he expected them very shortly, and wondred they were not come already. Hearing this, they gaue credit to Themistocles, for the loue they bore him; but when others comming thence, averred plainely, that the Wall went vp, and that [ C] it was come to good height already, they could not then choose but belieue it.*Themistocles, when hee saw this, wished them not to bee led by reports, but rather to send thither some of their owne, such as were honest men, and hauing informed themselues, would relate the truth. Which they also did.* And Themistocles sendeth priuily to the Athenians, about the same men, to take order for their stay, with as little apparence of it as they could, and not to dismisse them, till their owne Ambassadours were retur∣ned. (For by this time were arriued those that were ioy∣ned [ D] with him, namely, Abronychus, the sonne of Lysicles, and Aristides, the sonne of Lysimachus, and brought him word that the Wall was of a sufficient height.) For hee feared lest the Lacedaemonians, when they knew the truth, would refuse to let them goe. The Athenians therefore kept there those Ambassadours, according as it was writ∣ten to them to doe.*Themistocles comming now to his au∣dience before the Lacedaemonians, said plainely, That the Citie of Athens was already walled, and that sufficiently, for the defence of those within: And that if it shall please the Lacedaemonians, [ E] vpon any occasion to send Ambassadours vnto them, they were to Page  49 [ A] send thenceforward, as to men that vnderstood what conduced both to their owne, and also to the common good of all Greece. For when they thought it best to quit their Citie▪ and put themselues into their Gallies, he said they were bold to doe it, without asking the aduice of them. And in Common Counsell, the aduice of the Athenians was as good as the aduice of them: And now at this time their opinion is, that it will bee best, both for themselues in particular, and for all the Confederates in common, that their Citie should bee walled. For that in strength vnequall, men cannot alike and equally aduise for the com∣mon benefit of Greece. Therefore (said hee) eyther must all the [ B] Confederate Cities bee vnwalled, or you must not thinke amisse of what is done by vs. The Lacedaemonians when they heard him,* though they made no shew of being angry with the Athe∣nians, (for they had not sent their Ambassadours to forbid them, but by way of aduice, to admonish them not to build the Wall; besides they bare them affection then, for their courage shewne against the Medes) yet they were inwardly offended, because they missed of their will. And the Ambassadours returned home of either side, without complaint.* Thus the Athenians quickly raised [ C] their Walles, the structure it selfe making manifest the haste vsed in the building. For the Foundation consisteth of stones of all sorts; and those in some places vnwrought, and as they were brought to the place. Many Pillars al∣so taken from * Sepulchers, and polished Stones were pi∣led together amongst the rest. For the circuit of the City was set euery way further out, and therefore hastening, they tooke alike whatsoeuer came next to hand. Themisto∣cles likewise perswaded them to build vp the rest of *Pei∣raeus, (for it was begun in the yeere that himselfe was *Ar∣chon [ D] of Athens) as conceiuing the place both beautifull, in that it had three naturall Hauens, and that beeing now Sea-men, it would very much conduce to the enlarge∣ment of their power. For hee was indeede the first man that durst tell them, that they ought to take vpon them the command of the Sea,* and withall presently helped them in the obtaining it. By his counsell also it was, that they built the Wall of that breadth about Piraeus, which is now to be seene. For two Carts carrying stones, met, and passed vpon it one by another. And yet within [ E] it, there was neither Rubbish nor Morter, [to fill it vp,] but it was made all of great stones, cut square, and bound Page  50 together with Iron and Lead. But for height, it was raised [ A] but to the halfe at the most of what he had intended. For hee would haue had it able to hold out the Enemie, both by the height and breadth; and that a few, and the lesse seruiceable men might haue sufficed to defend it, and the rest haue serued in the Nauie. For principally hee was addicted to the Sea, because (as I thinke) he had obserued, that the Forces of the King had easier accesse to invade them by Sea,* then by Land; and thought that Piraeus was more profitable then the City aboue. And often∣times hee would exhort the Athenians, that in case they [ B] were oppressed by Land, they should goe downe thither, and with their Gallies, make resistance against what Enemie soeuer. Thus the Athenians built their Walles, and fitted themselues in other kinds, immediately vpon the departure of the Persians.

*In the meane time was Pausanias the sonne of Cleombro∣tus, sent from Lacedaemon, Commander of the Grecians, with twenty Gallies out of Peloponnesus. With which went al∣so 30. Saile of Athens, besides a multitude of other Confe∣derates, and making Warre on Cyprus, subdued the greatest [ C] part of the same: and afterwards, vnder the same Com∣mander, came before *Byzantium, which they besieged, and wonne.

*But Pausanias being now growne insolent, both the rest of the Grecians, and specially the Iönians, who had newly recouered their liberty from the King, offended with him, came vnto the Athenians, and requested them for * consan∣guinities sake to become their Leaders, and to protect them from the violence of Pausanias. The Athenians ac∣cepting the motion, applyed themselues both to the de∣fence of these, and also to the ordering of the rest of the [ D] affaires there, in such sort as it should seeme best vnto themselues. In the meane time the Lacedaemonians sent for Pausanias home,* to examine him of such things as they had heard against him. For great crimes had beene laid to his charge by the Grecians that came from thence; and his gouernment was rather an imitation of Tyranny, then a Command in Warre. And it was his hap to bee called home at the same time, that the Confederates, all but the Souldiers of Peloponnesus, out of hatred to him, had turned [ E] to the Athenians.* When he came to Lacedaemon, though Page  51 [ A] he were censured for some wrongs done to priuate men, yet of the greatest matters he was acquit, especially of Me∣dizing, the which seemed to bee the most euident of all. Him therefore they sent Generall no more, but Dorcis,* and some others with him, with no great Army; whose com∣mand the Confederates refused, and they finding that,* went their wayes likewise. And after that, the Lacedaemo∣nians sent no more; because they feared lest such as went out, would proue the worse for the State, (as they had seene by Pausanias,) and also because they desired to be rid of the Persian Warre, conceiuing the Athenians to bee suf∣ficient [ B] Leaders, and at that time, their friends.

When the Athenians had thus gotten the Command, by the Confederates owne accord, for the hatred they bare to Pausanias, they then set downe an order,* which Cities should contribute money for this Warre against the Bar∣barians, and which, Gallies. For they pretended to repaire the iniuries they had suffered, by laying waste the Territo∣ries of the King. And then first came vp amongst the Athe∣nians, the Office of *Treasurers of Greece, who were recei∣uers [ C] of the *Tribute, (for so they called this money contribu∣ted.) And the first Tribute that was taxed, came to * 460. Talents. The Treasurie was at *Delos, and their meet∣ings were kept there, in the * Temple.

Now vsing their authority at first, in such maner, as that the Confederates liued vnder their own Laws, and were ad∣mitted to Cōmon Councell; by the War, and administrati∣on of the common affaires of Greece, from the Persian War to this, what against the Barbarians, what against their own innouating Confederates, and what against such of the Pe∣loponnesians [ D] as chanced alwaies in euery Warre to fall in, they effected those great matters following; which also I haue therefore written, both because this place hath beene pretermitted by all that haue written before me. (For they haue either compiled the Grecian acts before the invasion of the Persians, or that invasion only.* Of which number is Hellanicus, who hath also touched them in his Attique Histo∣rie, but briefly, and without exact mention of the times;) and also because they carry with them a demonstration of how the Athenian Empire grew vp.

[ E] And first, vnder the Conduct of Cimon,* the sonne of Mil∣tiades, they tooke Eion, vpon the Riuer Strymon, from the Page  52Medes by siege, and carried away the Inhabitants Cap∣tiues.* [ A] Then the Ile Scyros, in the Aegean Sea, inhabited by the Dolopes, the Inhabitants whereof they also carried away Captiues, and planted therein a Colony of their owne.* Likewise they made Warre on the Caristians, (a∣lone, without the rest of the Euboeans) and those also after a time, came in by composition. After this they warred on the reuolted Naxians,* and brought them in by siege. And this was the first Confederate Citie, which contrary to the Ordinance▪ they depriued of their free estate; though afterwards, as it came to any of their turnes, they did the like by the rest. [ B]

*Amongst other causes of reuolts, the principall was their failing to bring in their Tribute, and Gallies, and their refusing (when they did so) to follow the Warres. For the Athenians exacted strictly, and were grieuous to them, by imposing a necessity of toyle, which they were neither accustomed nor willing to vndergoe. They were also otherwise not so gentle in their gouernment as they had beene, nor followed the Warre vpon equall termes, and could easily bring backe to their subiection, such as should revolt. And of this the Confederates themselues [ C] were the causes: for through this refusall to accompanie the Armie, the most of them, to the end they might stay at home, were ordered to excuse their Gallies with Mo∣ney, as much as it came to. By which meanes, the Nauy of the Athenians was increased at the cost of their Confede∣rates, and themselues vnprouided, and without meanes to make Warre, in case they should reuolt.

*After this, it came to passe, that the Athenians and their Confederates, fought against the Medes, both by Land and by Water, vpon the Riuer of Eurymedon, in Pamphylia; [ D] and in one and the same day, the Athenians had Victory in both; and tooke or sunke all the Phoenician Fleet, to the number of 200. Gallies. After this againe happened the revolt of Thasus,* vpon a difference about the places of Trade, and about the Mines they possessed in the opposite parts of Thrace. And the Athenians going thither with their Fleet, ouerthrew them in a Battell at Sea, and lan∣ded in the Iland; But hauing about the same time sent 10000. of their owne and of their Confederates people, [ E] into the Riuer of Strymon, for a Colonie to be planted in a Page  53 [ A] place called then the Nine-wayes, now Amphipolis.* They wonne the said Nine-wayes, which was held by the Eidoni∣ans; but advancing farther, towards the heart of the Countrey of Thrace, they were defeated at Drabescus, a Ci∣tie of the Eidonians, by the whole power of the Thracians, that were Enemies to this new-built Towne of the Nine-wayes. The Thasians in the meane time, being ouercome in diuers Battels, and besieged, sought ayde of the Lacedae∣monians, and entreated them to divert the Enemie by an in∣vasion of Attica: which, vnknowne to the Athenians, they [ B] promised to doe, and also had done it,* but by an Earth-quake that then happened, they were hindred. In which Earth-quake, their *Helotes, and of neighbouring Townes the Thuriatae, and Aetheans, reuolted, and seazed on Ithome. Most of these Helotes were the posterity of the ancient Messenians, brought into seruitude in former times; where∣by also it came to passe, that they were called all Messeni∣ans. Against these had the Lacedaemonians a Warre now at Ithome. The Thasians in the third yeere of the Siege, ren∣dred themselues to the Athenians, vpon condition to raze [ C] their Walles; to deliuer vp their Gallies; to pay both the money be∣hinde, and for the future, as much as they were wont; and to quit both the Mines and the Continent. The Lacedaemonians, when the Warre against those in Ithome grew long,* amongst o∣ther their Confederates, sent for aide to the Athenians; who also came with no small Forces, vnder the command of Cimon. They were sent for principally, for their reputa∣tion in murall assaults, the long continuance of the Siege, seeming to require men of ability in that kinde; whereby they might perhaps haue gotten the place by force. And [ D] vpon this Iourney,* grew the first manifest dissension be∣tweene the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians. For the La∣cedaemonians, when they could not take the place by assault, fearing lest the audacious and innovating humour of the Athenians, whom withall they esteemed of a * contrary Race, might, at the perswasion of those in Ithome, cause some alteration, if they staid; dismissed them alone of all the Confederates, not discouering their iealousie, but al∣ledging, that they had no further need of their Seruice. But the Athenians perceiuing that they were not sent away [ E] vpon good cause, but onely as men suspected,* made it a heynous matter; and conceiving that they had better de∣serued Page  54 at the Lacedaemonians hands, as soone as they were [ A] gone, left the League which they had made with the Lacedaemonians against the Persian, and became Confederates with their Enemies the Argiues; and then both Argiues and Athenians tooke the same Oath, and made the same League with the Thessalians.

*Those in Ithome, when they could no longer hold out, in the tenth yeere of the Siege, rendred the place to the Lacedaemonians, vpon condition of security to depart out of Pe∣loponnesus, and that they should no more returne; and whosoeuer should bee taken returning, to bee the Slaue of him that should take [ B] him. For the Lacedaemonians had before beene warned by a certaine answer of the Pythian Oracle, to let goe the Suppliant of Iupiter Ithometes. So they came forth, they, and their Wiues, and their Children. And the Athenians, for hatred they bore to the Lacedaemonians,* receiued them, and put them into *Naupactus, which Citie they had lately taken from the Locrians of Ozolae.* The Megareans also reuolted from the Lacedaemonians, and came to the League of the A∣thenians, because they were holden downe by the Corinthi∣ans, with a Warre about the limits of their Territories. Wherevpon Megara and Pegae were put into the hands of [ C] the Athenians; who built for the Megareans, the long Walles, from the Citie to *Nisaea, and maintained them with a Garrison of their owne. And from hence it was chiefly, that the vehement hatred grew of the Corinthians against the Athenians. Moreouer, Inarus, the sonne of Psam∣metticus,* an African, King of the Africans that confine on Ae∣gypt, making Warre from Marea, aboue Pharus, caused the greatest part of Aegypt to rebell against the King Arta∣xerxes; and when hee had taken the gouernment of them [ D] vpon himselfe, hee brought in the Athenians to assist him; who chancing to be then warring on Cyrus, with 200. Gal∣lies, part their owne, and part their Confederates, left Cyrus, and went to him. And going from the Sea, vp the Ri∣uer of Nilus, after they had made themselues Masters of the Riuer, and of two parts of the Citie of *Memphis, as∣saulted the third part, called the White-Wall. Within were of the Medes and Persians, such as had escaped, and of the Aegyptians, such as had not revolted amongst the rest. The Athenians came also with a Fleet to Halias,* and landing [ E] their Souldiers, fought by Land with the Corinthians and Page  55 [ A] Epidaurians, and the Corinthians had the Victory.* After this, the Athenians fought by Sea against the Fleet of the Peloponnesians at *Cecryphalea, and the Athenians had the Vi∣ctory. After this againe, the Warre being on foot of the Athenians, against the Aeginetae, a great Battell was fought betweene them by Sea, vpon the Coast of Aegina, the Con∣federates of both sides being at the same; in which the A∣thenians had the Victory; and hauing taken 70. Gallies, landed their Armie, and besieged the Citie, vnder the Con∣duct of Leocrates, the sonne of Straebus. After this,* the [ B] Peloponnesians desiring to ayde the Aeginetae, sent ouer into Aegina it selfe three hundred men of Armes, of the same that had before ayded the Corinthians and Epidaurians, and with other Forces, seazed on the top of *Geranea. And the Corinthians, and their Confederates, came downe from thence, into the Territory of Megara; supposing that the Athenians, hauing much of their Armie absent in Aegi∣na, and in Aegypt, would be vnable to ayde the Megareans, or if they did, would be forced to rise from before Aegina. But the Athenians stirred not from Aegina, but those that re∣mained [ C] at Athens, both yong and old, vnder the conduct of Myronides, went to Megara; and after they had fought with doubtfull victory, they parted asunder againe; with an o∣pinion in both sides, not to haue had the worse in the A∣ction. And the Athenians (who notwithstanding had rather the better) when the Corinthians were gone away, erected a Trophie. But the Corinthians hauing beene reviled at their returne, by the ancient men of the Citie, about 12. dayes after, came againe prepared, and set vp their Tro∣phie likewise, as if the Victorie had beene theirs. Heere∣vpon [ D] vpon the Athenians sallying out of Megara,* with a huge shout, both slew those that were setting vp the Trophie, and charging the rest, got the victory▪ The Corinthians be∣ing ouercome, went their way; but a good part of them, being hard followed, and missing their way, lighted into the inclosed ground of a priuate man, which fenced with a great Ditch, had no passage through: which the Athenians perceiuing, opposed them at the place by which they entred, with their men of Armes, and encompassing the ground with their light armed Souldiers, killed those that [ E] were entred, with stones. This was a great losse to the Corinthians; but the rest of their Armie got home againe. Page  56 About this time the Athenians began the building of their [ A] long Walles,* from the Citie downe to the Sea, the one reach∣ing to the Hauen called Phaleron, the other to Peiraeus. The Phoceans also making Warre vpon Bocum, Cytinium, and Erineus, Townes that belonged to the *Doreans, of whom the Lacedaemonians are descended, and hauing taken one of them, The Lacedaemonians, vnder the conduct of Ni∣comedes, the sonne of Cleombrotus, in the place of Pleistoa∣nactes, sonne of King Pausanias, who was yet in minority, sent vnto the ayde of the Doreans, 1500. men of Armes of their owne, and of their Confederates tenne thousand. [ B] And when they had forced the Phoceans vpon composi∣tion to surrender the Towne they had taken, they went their wayes againe. Now, if they would goe home by Sea through the *Crissaean Gulfe, the Athenians going about with their Fleet, would bee ready to stop them; and to passe ouer Geranea, they thought vnsafe, be∣cause the Athenians had in their hands Megara, and Pe∣gae: For Geranea was not onely a difficult passage of it selfe, but was also alwayes guarded by the Athenians. They thought good therefore to stay amongst the Boeotians, and [ C] to consider which way they might most safely goe through. Whilest they were there, there wanted not some Athenians, that priuily sollicited them to come to the Citie, hoping to haue put the people out of gouern∣ment, and to haue demolished the Long Walles, then in building.* But the Athenians, with the whole power of their Citie, and 1000. Argiues, and other Confederates, as they could be gotten together, in all 14000. men, went out to meet them: for there was suspition that they came thither to depose the Democracie. There also came to the [ D] Athenians certaine Horsemen out of Thessaly, which in the Battell turned to the Lacedaemonians. They fought at Tana∣gra of Boeotia, and the Lacedaemonians had the Victory, but the slaughter was great on both sides. Then the Lacedae∣monians entring into the Territories of Megara, and cutting downe the Woods before them, returned home by the way of Geranea and the Isthmus. Vpon the two and six∣tieth day after this Battell, the Athenians, vnder the conduct of Myronides,* made a Iourney against the Boeotians, and o∣uerthrew them at Oenophyta, and brought the Territories [ E] of Boeotia and Phocis vnder their obedience; and withall ra∣zed Page  57 [ A] the Walles of Tanagra, and tooke of the wealthiest of the Locrians of Opus, 100. Hostages; and finished also at the same time, their long Walles, at home. After this, Aegina also yeelded to the Athenians, on these conditions,*That they should haue their Walles pulled downe, and should deliuer vp their Gallies, and pay their taxed tribute for the time to come. Also the Athenians made a Voyage about Peloponnesus,* wherein they burnt the Arsenall of the Lacedaemonians Na∣uie, tooke *Chalcis, a Citie of the Corinthians; and landing their Forces in Sycionia, ouercame in fight those that made head against them. All this while the Athenians stayed [ B] still in Aegypt, and saw much variety of Warre. First the Athenians were Masters of Aegypt. And the King of Per∣sia sent one Megabazus, a Persian, with money to Lacedae∣mon, to procure the Peloponnesians to invade Attica, and by that meanes to draw the Athenians out of Aegypt. But when this tooke no effect, and money was spent to no purpose, Megabazus returned with the money he had left, into Asia. And then was Megabazus the sonne of Zopirus, a Persian, sent into Aegypt, with great Forces, and comming in by Land,* ouerthrew the Aegyptians and their Confede∣rates [ C] in a Battell, draue the Grecians out of Memphis, and finally inclosed them in the Ile of Prosopis; There hee be∣sieged them a yeere and a halfe, till such time as hauing dreined the Channell, and turned the Water another way, he made their Gallies lye aground, and the Iland for the most part Continent, and so came ouer, and wonne the Iland with Land-Souldiers. Thus was the Armie of the Grecians lost, after sixe yeeres Warre; and few of many passing through Africa, saued themselues in Cyrene: but [ D] the most perished. So Aegypt returned to the obedience of the King, except onely Amyrtaeus, that raigned in the Fennes, for him they could not bring in, both because the Fennes are great, and the people of the Fennes, of all the Aegypti∣ans the most warlike. But Inarus, King of the Africans, and Author of all this stirre in Aegypt, was taken by trea∣son, and crucified.* The Athenians moreouer had sent fifty Gallies more into Aegypt, for a supply of those that were there already; which putting in at Mendesium, one of the mouthes of Nilus, knew nothing of what had happened to [ E] the rest: and being assaulted from the Land by the Ar∣mie, and from the Sea by the Phoenician Fleet, lost the Page  58 greatest part of their Gallies, and escaped home againe [ A] with the lesser part. Thus ended the great expedition of the Athenians, and their Confederates into Aegypt.

Also Orestes the sonne of Echecratidas, King of the Thessa∣lians, driuen out of Thessaly, perswaded the Athenians to re∣store him:* And the Athenians, taking with them the Boeo∣tians and Phocaeans, their Confederates, made Warre against *Pharsalus, a Citie of Thessaly; and were Masters of the Field, as farre as they strayed not from the Armie, (for the Thssalian Horsemen kept them from straggling) but could not winne the Citie, nor yet performe any thing else [ B] of what they came for, but came backe againe without effect, and brought Orestes with them. Not long after this, a thousand Athenians went aboard the Gallies that lay at Pegae, (for Pegae was in the hands of the Athenians) vnder the command of Pericles the sonne of Xantippus, and sayled into Sicyonia, and landing, put to flight such of the Sicyoni∣ans as made head;* and then presently tooke vp forces in Achaea; and putting ouer, made Warre on Oenias, a Citie of Acarnania, which they besieged; neuerthelesse they tooke it not, but returned home. [ C]

*Three yeeres after this, was a Truce made betweene the Peloponnesians and Athenians for fiue yeeres; and the A∣thenians gaue ouer the Grecian Warre, and with 200. Gal∣lies, part their owne, and part their Confederates, vnder the conduct of Cimon, made Warre on Cyprus. Of these, there went 60. Sayle into Aegypt,* sent for by Amyrtaeus, that reigned in the Fennes, and the rest lay at the Siege of Ci∣tium.* But Cimon there dying, and a Famine arising in the Armie, they left Citium, and when they had passed Sala∣mine in Cyprus, fought at once both by Sea and Land, against [ D] the Phoenicians, Cyprians, & Cilicians and hauing gotten victory in both, returned home, and with them the rest of their Fleet,* now come backe from Aegypt. After this, the La∣cedaemonians tooke in hand the Warre, called the Holy Warre; and hauing wonne the Temple at Delphi, deliuered the possession thereof to the Delphians. But the Athenians af∣terward, when the Lacedaemonians were gone, came with their Armie, and regaining it, deliuered the possession to the Phocaeans. Some space of time after this, the Out∣lawes of Boeotia, being seazed of Orchomenus and Chaeronea, [ E] and certaine other places of Boeotia, the Athenians made Page  59 [ A] Warre vpon those places, being their Enemies,* with a thousand men of Armes of their owne, and as many of their Confederates as seuerally came in, vnder the conduct of Tolmidas, the sonne of Tolmaeus. And when they had ta∣ken Chaeronea, they carried away the Inhabitants Captiues, and leauing a Garrison in the Citie, departed. In their re∣turne, those Outlawes that were in Orchomenus, together with the Locrians of Opus, and the Euboean Outlawes, and others of the same Faction, set vpon them at Coronea,* and ouercomming the Athenians in Battell, some they slew, [ B] and some they tooke aliue. Wherevpon the Athenians re∣linquished all Boeotia, and made peace, with condition to haue their Prisoners released. So the Outlawes and the rest, returned, and liued againe vnder their owne Lawes.* Not long after, revolted Euboea from the Athenians; and when Pericles had already passed ouer into it with the A∣thenian Armie, there was brought him newes,* that Megara was likewise revolted, and that the Peloponnesians were a∣bout to invade Attica, and that the Megareans had slaine the Athenian Garrison, except onely such as fled into Nisaea. [ C] Now the Megareans, when they reuolted, had gotten to their ayd, the Corinthians, Epidaurians, and Sicyonians. Where∣fore Pericles forthwith withdrew his Armie from Euboea; and the Lacedaemonians afterward brake into Attica, and wa∣sted the Countrey about Eleusine, and Thriasium, vnder the conduct of Pleistoonax, the sonne of Pausanias, King of Lacedaemon, and came no further on, but so went away. After which the Athenians passed againe into Euboea, and totally subdued it; the Hestiaeans they put quite out,* taking their Territory into their owne hands; but ordered the rest of [ D] Euboea, according to composition made. Being returned from Euboea, within a while after, they made a Peace with the Lacedaemonians and their Confederates, for thirty yeeres,* & rendred Nisaea, Achaia, Pegae, and Troezene, (for these places the Athenians held of theirs) to the Peloponnesians. In the sixth yeere of this Peace, fell out the Warre betweene the Samians and Milesians, concerning Priene; and the Milesians being put to the worse, came to Athens, and exclaimed against the Samians; wherein also certaine priuate men of Samos it selfe, tooke part with the Milesians, out of desire [ E] to alter the forme of Gouernment. Wherevpon the Athe∣nians went to Samos with a Fleet of forty Gallies,* and set Page  60 vp the Democratie there, and tooke of the Samians 50. Boyes, [ A] and as many men, for Hostages; which when they had put into Lemnos,* and set a Guard vpon them, they came home. But certaine of the Samians (for some of them, not enduring the popular gouernment, were fled into the Con∣tinent) entring into a League with the mightiest of them in Samos, & with Pissuthnes, the sonne of Hystaspes, who then was Gouernour of Sardis, and leuying about 700. auxiliary Souldiers, passed ouer into Samos in the euening, and first set vpon the popular Faction, and brought most of them into their power, and then stealing their Hostages out of Lemnos, they reuolted, and deliuered the Athenian Guard, and [ B] such Captaines as were there, into the hands of Pissuthnes, and withall prepared to make Warre against Miletus. With these also reuolted the Byzantines. The Athenians, when they heard of these things, sent to Samos 60. Gallies, 16. whereof they did not vse, (for some of them went into Caria, to obserue the Fleet of the Phoenicians, and some to fetch in succours from Chius and Lesbos;) but with the 44. that remained, vnder the command of Pericles and 9. o∣thers, fought with 70. Gallies of the Samians, (whereof [ C] twenty were such as serued for transport of Souldiers,) as they were comming all together from Miletus; and the A∣thenians had the Victory. After this came a supply of forty Gallies more from Athens,* and from Chios and Lesbos 25. With these hauing landed their men, they ouerthrew the Samians in Battell, and besieged the City; which they enclosed with a triple Wall, and shut it vp by Sea with their Gallies. But Pericles taking with him 60. Gallies out of the Road, made haste towards Caunus and Caria, vpon intelligence of the comming against them of the Phoe∣nician Fleet. For Stesagoras with fiue Gallies, was already [ D] gone out of Samos, and others out of other places, to meete the Phoenicians. In the meane time, the Samians comming suddenly forth with their Fleet, and falling vpon the Harbour of the Athenians, which was vnfortified, sunke the Gallies that kept watch before it, and ouercame the rest in fight; insomuch as they became Masters of the Sea neere their Coast, for about foureteene dayes together, importing and exporting what they pleased. But Pericles returning, shut them vp againe with his Gallies; and [ E] after this, there came to him from Athens a supply of forty Page  61 [ A] Sayle, with *Thucydides, Agnon, and Phormio, and twenty with Tlepolemus and Anticles; and from Chios and Lesbos, forty more. And though the Samians fought against these a small battell at Sea, yet vnable to hold out any longer, in the ninth moneth of the Siege,* they rendred the Citie vpon composition: Namely, to demolish their Walles; to giue Hostages; to deliuer vp their Nauy; and to repay the money spent by the Athenians in the Warre, at dayes appointed. And the Byzantines also yeelded, with condition to remaine sub∣iect to them, in the same manner as they had beene before their re∣volt.

[ B]

Now not many yeeres after this,* happened the matters before related, of the Corcyraeans and the Potidaeans, and what∣soeuer other intervenient pretext of this Warre. These things done by the Graecians, one against another, or against the Barbarians, came to passe all within the compasse of fiftie yeeres, at most, from the time of the departure of Xerxes, to the beginning of this present Warre:* In which time, the Athenians both assured their Gouernment ouer the Confederates, and also much enlarged their own parti∣cular [ C] wealth. This the Lacedaemonians saw, & opposed not, saue now and then a little, but (as men that had euer before beene slow to Warre without necessity, and also for that they were hindred sometimes with domestique Warre) for the most part of the time stirred not against them; till now at last, when the power of the Athenians was ad∣vanced manifestly indeed, and that they had done iniury to their Confederates; they could forbeare no longer, but thought it necessary to goe in hand with the Warre with all diligence, and to pull downe, if they could, the Atheni∣an [ D] greatnesse. For which purpose, it was by the Lacedae∣monians themselues decreed, That the Peace was broken, and that the Athenians had done vniustly. And also hauing sent to Delphi, and enquired of Apollo, whether they should haue the better in the Warre, or not;* they receiued (as it is reported) this Answer: That if they warred with their whole power, they should haue victory, and that himselfe would be on their side, both called and vncalled.

Now when they had assembled their Confederates again, they were to put it to the question amongst them, Whether [ E] they should make Warre, or not.* And the Ambassadours of the seuerall Confederates comming in, and the Councell set, Page  62 aswell the rest spake what they thought fit, most of them [ A] accusing the Athenians of iniurie, and desiring the Warre; as also the Corinthians, who had before intreated the Cities, euery one seuerally to giue their Vote for the Warre, fea∣ring lest Potidaea should bee lost before helpe came, being then present, spake last of all to this effect.

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of CORINTH.

COnfederates, we can no longer accuse the Lacedaemonians, [ B] they hauing both decreed the Warre themselues, and also assem∣bled vs to doe the same. For it is fit for them who haue the com∣mand in a common League, as they are honoured of all before the rest, so also (administring their priuate affaires equally with others) to con∣sider before the rest, of the Common businesse. And though as many of vs as haue already had our turnes with the Athenians, need not bee taught to beware of them; yet it were good for those that dwell vp in the Land, and not as wee, in places of traffique on the Sea side, to know, that vnlesse they defend those below, they shall with a great deale the more difficulty, both carry to the Sea, the commodities of the [ C] seasons, and againe more hardly receiue the benefits afforded to the inland Countries from the Sea; and also not to mistake what is now spoken, as if it concerned them not; but to make account, that if they neglect those that dwell by the Sea, the calamity will also reach vn∣to themselues; and that this consultation concerneth them no lesse then vs, and therefore not to bee afraid to change their Peace for Warre. For though it bee the part of discreet men to be quiet, vnlesse they haue wrong, yet it is the part of valiant men, when they receiue iniury, to passe from Peace into Warre, and after successe, from Warre to come againe to composition: and neither to swell with the good successe of Warre, nor to suffer iniurie, through pleasure taken in [ D] the ease of Peace. For hee whom pleasure makes a Coward, if hee sit still, shall quickly lose the sweetnesse of the ease that made him so. And hee that in Warre, is made proud by successe, obserueth not, that his pride is grounded vpon vnfaithfull confidence. For though many things ill aduised, come to good effect, against Enemies worse aduised; yet more, thought well aduised, haue falne but badly out, a∣gainst well-aduised enemies. For no man comes to execute a thing, with the same confidence hee premeditates it▪ for we deliuer opinions in safety, whereas in the Action it selfe, wee faile through feare. [ E] As for the Warre at this time, wee raise it, both vpon iniuries done Page  63 [ A] vs, and vpon other sufficient allegations; and when we haue repaired our wrongs vpon the Athenians, we will also in due time lay it down. And it is for many reasons probable, that wee shall haue the victory. First, because wee exceed them in number: and next, because when wee goe to any action intimated, we shall be all of one *fashion. And as for a Nauie, wherein consisteth the strength of the Athenians, wee shall prouide it, both out of euery ones particular wealth, and with the money at Delphi and Olympia. For taking this at interest, wee shall bee able to draw from them their forraigne Mariners, by of∣fer of greater wages: for the Forces of the Athenians, are rather mercenarie then domesticke. Whereas our owne power is lesse obnoxi∣ous [ B] to such accidents, consisting more in the persons of men then in mo∣ney. And if wee ouercome them but in one Battell by Sea, in all pro∣bability they are totally vanquished. And if they hold out, wee also shall with longer time apply our selues to Nauall affaires. And when wee shall once haue made our skill equall to theirs, we shall surely o∣uermatch them in courage. For the valour that wee haue by nature, they shall neuer come vnto by teaching; but the experience which they exceed vs in, that must wee attaine vnto by industry. And the money wherewith to bring this to passe, it must be all our parts to contribute. For else it were a hard case, that the Confederates of the Athenians [ C] should not sticke to contribute to their owne seruitude; and wee should refuse to lay out our money, to bee reuenged of our enemies, and for our owne preseruation, and that the Athenians take not our money from vs, and euen with that doe vs mischiefe. Wee haue also many other wayes of Warre; as the reuolt of their Confederates, which is the principall meanes of lessening their reuenue; * the building of Forts in their Territorie, and many other things which one cannot now foresee. For the course of Warre is guided by nothing lesse then by the points of our account, but of it selfe contriueth most things vpon the occasion. [ D] VVherein, he that complies with it, with most temper, standeth the firmest; and hee that is most passionate, oftenest miscarries. Imagine wee had differences each of vs about the limits of our Territorie, with an equall Aduersary; wee must vndergoe them. But now the A∣thenians are a match for vs all at once, and one Citie after another, too strong for vs. Insomuch that vnlesse wee oppose them ioyntly, and euery Nation and City set to it vnanimously, they will ouercome vs asunder, without labour. And know, that to be vanquished (though it trouble you to heare it) brings with it no less then manifest serui∣tude: which, but to mention as a doubt, as if so many Cities could suf∣fer [ E] vnder one, were very dishonourable to Peloponnesus. For it must then bee thought, that wee are either punished vpon merit, or else Page  64 that wee endure it out of feare, and so appeare degenerate from our [ A] Ancestours; for by them the liberty of all Greece hath beene resto∣red; whereas wee for our parts, assure not so much as our owne; but claiming the reputation of hauing deposed Tyrants in the seuerall Ci∣ties, suffer a Tyrant Citie to be established amongst vs. Wherein we know not how we can auoyd one of these three great faults, Foolish∣nesse, Cowardise, or Negligence. For certainely, you auoyde them not, by imputing it to that which hath done most men hurt, Con∣tempt of the Enemie: for Contempt, because it hath made too many men miscarry, hath gotten the name of Foolishnesse. But to what end should wee obiect matters past, more then is necessary to the [ B] busines in hand? wee must now by helping the present, labour for the future. For it is peculiar to our Countrey to attaine honour by labour; and though you be now somewhat aduanced in honour and po∣wer, you must not therefore change the custome; for there is no reason that what was gotten in want, should be lost by wealth. But wee should confidently goe in hand with the Warre, as for many other cau∣ses, so also for this, that both the God hath by his Oracle aduised vs thereto, and promised to bee with vs himselfe: and also for that the rest of Greece some for feare, and some for profit, are ready to take our parts. Nor are you they that first breake the Peace, (which [ C] the God, in as much as hee doth encourage vs to the Warre, iudgeth violated by them) but you fight rather in defence of the same. For not hee breaketh the Peace, that taketh reuenge, but hee that is the first invader· So that, Seeing it will be euery way good to make the Warre, and since in common wee perswade the same; and seeing also that both to the Cities, and to priuate men, it will bee the most profita∣ble course, put off no longer, neither the defence of the Potidaeans, who are Doreans, and besieged (which was wont to bee contrary) by Iönians, nor the recouery of the liberty of the rest of the Grecians. For it is a case that admitteth not delay, when they are some of them [ D] already oppressed: and others (after it shall be knowne wee met, and durst not right our selues) shall shortly after vndergoe the like. But thinke (Confederates) you are now at a necessity, and that this is the best advice. And therefore giue your Votes for the Warre, not fearing the present danger, but coueting the long Peace proceeding from it. (For though by warre groweth the confirmation of Peace, yet for loue of ease to refuse the warre, doth not likewise auoyde the danger. But making account, that a Tyrant Citie set vp in Greece, is set vp alike ouer all, and reigneth ouer some already, and the rest in intention, we shall bring it againe into order by the warre; and not [ E] onely liue for the time to come out of danger our selues, but also deliuer Page  65 [ A] the already enthralled Grecians out of seruitude. Thus said the Corinthians.

The Lacedaemonians,* when they had heard the opinion of them all, brought the *Balles to all the Confederates present, in order, from the greatest State to the least; And the greatest part gaue their Votes for the Warre. Now after the War was decreed, though it were impossible for them to goe in hand with it presently, because they were vnpro∣uided, and euery State thought good without delay, seueral∣ly to furnish themselues of what was necessary, yet there passed not fully a yeere in this preparation, before Attica [ B] was invaded, and the Warre openly on foot.

IN THE MEANE TIME,* they sent Am∣bassadours to the Athenians, with certaine Criminations, to the end that if they would giue eare to nothing, they might haue all the pretext that could bee, for raising of the Warre. And first the Lacedaemonians, by their Am∣bassadours to the Athenians, required them to * banish such as were vnder curse of the Goddesse Minerua, for Pollution of Sanctuary. Which Pollution was thus. There had [ C] beene one Cylon an Athenian, a man that had beene Victor in the Olympian exercises, of much Nobility and power a∣mongst those of old time, and that had married the Daugh∣ter of Theagenes, a Megarean, in those dayes Tyrant of Me∣gara. To this Cylon, asking counsell at Delphi, the God an∣swered, That on the greatest Festiuall day, hee should seaze the Cittadell of Athens. Hee therefore hauing gotten Forces of Theagenes, and perswaded his Friends to the Enterprize, seazed on the Cittadell, at the time of the Olimpicke Holi∣dayes in Peloponnesus, with intention to take vpon him the [ D] Tyranny: Esteeming the Feast of Iupiter to bee the grea∣test; and to touch withall on his Particular, in that he had beene Victor in the Olympian exercises. But whether the Feast spoken of, were * meant to be the greatest in Attica, or in some other place, neither did hee himselfe consider, nor the Oracle make manifest. For there is also amongst the Athenians the Diasia, which is called the greatest Feast of Iupiter Meilichius, and is celebrated without the City; wherein, in the confluence of the whole people, many men offered Sacrifices▪ not of liuing Creatures, but [ E] * such as was the fashion of the Natiues of the place. But hee, supposing hee had rightly vnderstood the Oracle, laid Page  66 hand to the enterprise; and when the Athenians heard of [ A] it, they came with all their Forces out of the Fields, and lying before the Cittadell, besieged it. But the time growing long, the Athenians wearied with the Siege, went most of them away, and left both the Guard of the Cit∣tadell,* and the whole businesse to the nine Archontes, with absolute authority to order the same, as to them it should seeme good. For at that time, most of the af∣affaires of the Common-weale were administred by those 9. Archontes. Now those that were besieged with Cylon, were for want both of victuall and Water, in very euill e∣state; and therefore Cylon, and a Brother of his, fled priui∣ly [ B] out; but the rest, when they were pressed, and some of them dead with famine, sate downe as suppliants, by the * Altar that is in the Cittadell: And the Athenians, to whose charge was committed the guard of the place, ray∣sing them, vpon promise to doe them no harme, put them all to the Sword. * Also they had put to death some of those that had taken Sanctuary at the Altars of the *Se∣uere Goddesses, as they were going away. And from this, the Athenians, both themselues and their posterity, were [ C] called *accursed and sacrilegious persons. Heereupon the A∣thenians banished those that were vnder the curse: and Cle∣omenes, a Lacedaemonian, together with the Athenians, in a Sedition banished them afterwards againe: and not onely so, but dis-enterred and cast forth the bodies of such of them as were dead. Neuerthelesse there returned of them afterwards againe; and there are of their race in the Citie vnto this day. This Pollution therefore the Lacedaemonians required them to purge their Citie of. Principally for∣sooth, as taking part with the Gods; but knowing with∣all, [ D] that Pericles the sonne of Xantippus, was by the Mo∣thers side one of that Race. For they thought, if Pericles were banished, the Athenians would the more easily bee brought to yeeld to their desire. Neuerthelesse, they ho∣ped not so much, that hee should bee banished, as to bring him into the enuie of the Citie, as if the misfortune of him, were in part the cause of the Warre. For being the most powerfull of his time, and hauing the sway of the State, hee was in all things opposite to the Lacedaemonians, not suffering the Athenians to giue them the least way,* but [ E] inticing them to the Warre.

Page  67 [ A] Contrariwise the Athenians required the Lacedaemonians to banish such as were guilty of breach of Sanctuary at Toe∣narus. For the Lacedaemonians,* when they had caused their Helots▪ Suppliants in the Temple of Neptune at Toenarus, to forsake Sanctuary, slew them. For which cause, they themselues thinke it was, that the great Earthquake happened afterwards at Sparta.

Also they required them to purge their Citie of the pol∣lutiō of Sanctuary, in the Temple of Pallas Chalcioeca,* which was thus: After that Pausanias the Lacedaemonian was recal∣led [ B] by the Spartans from his charge in Hellespont, and hauing bin called in question by them, was absolued, though hee was no more sent abroad by the State, yet hee went againe into Hellespont, in a Gallie of Hermione, as a priuate man, without leaue of the Lacedaemonians, to the Grecian Warre, as hee gaue out, but in truth to negotiate with the King, as hee had before begunne, aspiring to the Principality of Greece. Now the benefit that hee had laid vp with the King, and the beginning of the whole businesse, was at first from this: When after his returne from Cyprus he had [ C] taken Byzantium, when he was there the first time, (which being holden by the Medes, there were taken in it, some neere to the King, and of his kindred) vnknowne to the rest of the Confederates, hee sent vnto the King those neere ones of his which hee had taken, and gaue out, they were runne away. This hee practised with one Gongylus,* and Eretrian, to whose charge hee had committed both the Towne of Byzantium, and the Prisoners. Also he sent Let∣ters vnto him, which Gongylus carried, wherein, as was afterwards knowne, was thus written.

[ D]

The Letter of Pausanias to the King.

PAVSANIAS, Generall of the Spartans, being de∣sirous to doe thee a courtesie, sendeth backe vnto thee these men, whom hee hath by Armes taken prisoners: And I haue a purpose, if the same seeme also good vnto thee, to take thy Daugh∣ter in marriage, and to bring Sparta and the rest of Greece, into thy subiection. These things I account my selfe able to bring to passe, if I may communicate my counsels with thee. If therefore any of [ E] these things doe like thee, send some trusty man to the Sea side, by whose mediation wee may conferre together.

Page  68These were the Contents of the Writing. Xerxes be∣ing [ A] pleased with the Letter, sends away Artabazus the sonne of Pharnaces, to the Sea side, with commandement to take the gouernment of the Prouince of Dascylis, and to dismisse Megabates, that was Gouernour there before: and withall, giues him a Letter to Pausanias, which hee com∣manded him to send ouer to him with speed to Byzantium, and to shew him the Seale, and well and faithfully to per∣forme, whatsoeuer in his affaires, he should by Pausanias be appointed to doe. Artabazus, after hee arriued, hauing in other things done as hee was commanded, sent ouer the Letter, wherein was written this answer. [ B]

The Letter of Xerxes to Pausanias.

THVS saith King Xerxes to Pausanias: For the men which thou hast saued, and sent ouer the Sea vnto mee, from By∣zantium, thy benefit is laid vp in our House, indelebly re∣gistred for euer: And I like also of what thou hast propounded: And let neither night nor day make thee remisse in the performance of what thou hast promised vnto mee. Neither bee thou hindred [ C] by the expence of Gold and Siluer, or multitude of Souldiers requi∣site, whithersoeuer it bee needfull to haue them come: But with Artabazus, a good man, whom I haue sent vnto thee, doe boldly both mine and thine owne businesse; as shall bee most fit, for the dignity and honour of vs both.

*Pausanias hauing receiued these Letters, whereas he was before in great authority, for his conduct at Plataea, became now many degrees more eleuated; and endured no more to liue after the accustomed manner of his Countrey, but [ D] went apparelled at Byzantium, after the fashion of Persia; and when hee went through Thrace, had a Guard of Medes and Aegyptians, and his Table likewise after the Persian manner. Nor was hee able to conceale his pur∣pose, but in trifles made apparant before-hand, the grea∣ter matters hee had conceiued of the future. Hee became moreouer difficult of accesse, and would bee in such cho∣lericke passions toward all men indifferently, that no man might indure to approch him; which was also none of the least causes why the Confederates turned from him to the [ E] Athenians. When the Lacedaemonians heard of it, they called Page  69 [ A] him home the first time. And when being gone out the second time without their command, in a Gallie of Hermione, it appeared that hee continued still in the same practices; and after hee was forced out of Byzantium by siege of the Athenians, returned not to Sparta, but newes came, that hee had seated himselfe at Colonae, in the Countrey of Troy, practising still with the Barbarians, and making his abode there for no good purpose: Then the Ephori forbore no longer, but sent vnto him a pub∣lique Officer, with the *Scytale, commanding him not to [ B] depart from the Officer; and in case hee refused, denoun∣ced Warre against him. But he, desiring as much as he could to decline suspition, and beleeuing that with money hee should bee able to discharge himselfe of his accusa∣tions, returned vnto Sparta the second time. And first he was by the Ephori commited to ward; (for the Ephori haue power to doe this to their King,) but afterwards pro∣curing his enlargement, hee came forth, and exhibited himselfe to Iustice, against such as had any thing to al∣ledge against him. And though the Spartans had against [ C] him no manifest proofe, neither his enemies, nor the whole Citie, whereupon to proceed to the punishment of a man, both of the Race of their Kings, and at that present in great authority: for Plistarchus the Sonne of Leonidas being King, and as yet in minority, Pausanias, who was his Cousin german, had the tuition of him: yet by his licentious behauiour, and affectation of the Barbarian customes, hee gaue much cause of suspicion, that hee meant not to liue in the equality of the present State. They considered also, that hee differed in manner of life, from the discipline established: amongst other thing, [ D] by this, that vpon the Tripode at Delphi,* which the Greci∣ans had dedicated, as the best of the spoile of the Medes, hee had caused to bee inscribed of himselfe in particular, this Elegiaque Verse:

PAVSANIAS, Greeke Generall,
Hauing the Medes defeated,
To Phoebus in record thereof,
[ E] This gift hath consecrated.

Page  70But the Lacedaemonians then presently defaced that in∣scription [ A] of the Tripode, and engraued thereon by name, all the Cities that had ioyned in the ouerthrow of the Medes, and dedicated it so, This therefore was num∣bred amongst the offences of Pausanias, and was thought to agree with his present designe, so much the rather, for the condition hee was now in. They had information fur∣ther,* that hee had in hand some practice with the Helotes: and so hee had: For hee promised them, not onely manu∣mission, but also freedome of the Citie, if they would rise with him, and cooperate in the whole businesse. But [ B] neither thus, vpon some appeachment of the Helotes, would they proceed against him, but kept the custome which they haue in their owne cases, not hastily to giue a peremptory Sentence against a Spartan, without vnquesti∣onable proofe. Till at length (as it is reported) purpo∣sing to send ouer to Artabazus his last Letters to the King, hee was bewrayed vnto them by a man of Argilus, in time past, his * Minion, and most faithfull to him: who be∣ing terrified with the cogitation, that not any of those which had beene formerly sent, had euer returned, got [ C] him a Seale like to the Seale of Pausanias, (to the end that if his iealousie were false, or that hee should need to alter any thing in the Letter, it might not bee discouered) and opened the Letter,* wherein (as he had suspected the addi∣tion of some such clause) hee found himselfe also written downe to bee murdered. The Ephori, when these Let∣ters were by him shewne vnto them, though they belee∣ued the matter much more then they did before, yet desi∣rous to heare somewhat themselues from Pausanias his owne mouth; (the man being vpon designe gone to Tae∣narus [ D] into Sanctuary, and hauing there built him a little Roome with a partition, in which hee hid the Ephori; and Pausanias comming to him, and asking the cause of his taking Sanctuary▪) they plainely heard the whole matter. For the man both expostulated with him, for what hee had written about him, and from point to point discoue∣red all the practice: saying, that though hee had neuer boasted vnto him these and these seruices concerning the King, hee must yet haue the honour, as well as many o∣ther of his seruants,* to bee slaine. And Pausanias himselfe [ E] both confessed the same things, and also bade the man not Page  71 [ A] to be troubled at what was past, and gaue him assurance to leaue Sanctuary, entreating him to goe on in his iour∣ney with all speed, and not to frustrate the businesse in hand.

Now the Ephori, when they had distinctly heard him, for that time went their way, and knowing now the cer∣taine truth, intended to apprehend him in the Citie. It is said, that when hee was to bee apprehended in the Street,* hee perceiued by the countenance of one of the Ephori comming towards him, what they came for: and when [ B] another of them had by a secret becke, signified the mat∣ter for good will, he ranne into the * Close of the Temple of Pallas Chalciaeca, and got in before they ouertooke him. Now the * Temple it selfe was hard by, and entring in∣to a House belonging to the Temple, to auoyd the iniurie of the open ayre, there staid. They that pursued him, could not then ouertake him: but afterwards they tooke off the roofe and the doores of the house, and watching a time when hee was within, beset the House, and mured him vp, and leauing a Guard there, famished him. When [ C] they perceiued him about to giue vp the Ghost, they car∣ried him as hee was, out of the House, yet breathing, and being out, hee dyed immediately. After hee was dead, they were about to throw him into the *Caeada, where they vse to cast in Malefactors: yet afterwards they thought good to bury him in some place thereabouts: But the Oracle of Delphi commanded the Lacedaemonians af∣terward, both to remoue the Sepulcher from the place where hee dyed, (so that he lyes now in the entry of the Temple, as is euident by the inscription of the Piller) [ D] and also (as hauing beene a Pollution of the Sanctuary,) to render two bodies to the Goddesse of Chalciaeca, for that one. Whereupon they set vp two brazen Statues, and de∣dicated the same vnto her for Pausanias. Now the Aheni∣ans (the God himselfe hauing iudged this a Pollution of Sanctuary) required the Lacedaemonians to banish out of their Citie, such as were touched with the same.

At the same time that Pausanias came to his end,* the Lacedaemonians by their Ambassadours to the Athenians, ac∣cused Themistocles, for that hee also had medized together [ E] with Pausanias, hauing discouered it by proofes against Pausanias, and desired that the same punishment might be Page  72 likewise inflicted vpon him. Whereunto consenting, (for [ A] he was at this time in banishment by * Ostracisme, and though his ordinary residence was at Argos, hee trauelled to and fro in other places of Peloponnesus,) they sent certaine men in company of the Lacedaemonians, who were willing to pursue him, with command to bring him in, whereso∣euer they could finde him. But Themistocles hauing had notice of it before-hand, flyeth out of Peloponnesus into Cor∣cyra, to the people of which Citie, he had formerly beene beneficiall. But the Corcyraeans alleaging that they durst not keep him there, for feare of displeasing both the Lace∣daemonians [ B] and the Athenians, conuey him into the opposite Continent: and being pursued by the men thereto appoin∣ted, asking continually which way hee went, hee was compelled at a streight, to turne in vnto Admetus, King of the Molossians,* his enemie. The King himselfe beeing then from home, hee became a suppliant to his Wife, and by her was instructed, to take their * Sonne with him, and sit downe at the Altar of the House. When Admetus not long after returned, hee made himselfe knowne to him, and desired him, that though hee had opposed him [ C] in some suite at Athens, not to reuenge it on him now, in the time of his flight: saying, that being now the wea∣ker, he must needes suffer vnder the stronger; whereas noble reuenge is of equals, vpon equall termes: and that hee had beene his Aduersary but in matter of profit, not of life; whereas, if hee deliuered him vp (telling him withall, for what, and by whom hee was followed) hee depriued him of all meanes of sauing his life. Admetus hauing heard him, bade him arise, together with his Sonne, whom he held as he sate: which is the most sub∣misse [ D] supplication that is.

Not long after came the Lacedaemonians and the Atheni∣ans, and though they alledged much to haue him, yet hee deliuered him not, but sent him away by Land to Pydna,* vpon the * other Sea (a City belonging to *Alexan∣der) because his purpose was to goe to the * King: where finding a Ship bound for Iönia, hee embarqued, and was carried by foule weather vpon the the Fleet of the Athenians, that besieged Naxus. Being afraid, hee disco∣uered to the Master (for hee was vnknowne) who hee [ E] was,* and for what hee fled, and said, that vnlesse hee Page  73 [ A] would saue him, hee meant to say, that hee had hired him to carry him away for money. And that to saue him, there needed no more but this, to let none goe out of the Ship, till the weather serued to bee gone. To which if hee consented, hee would not forget to requite him accor∣ding to his merit. The Master did so; and hauing lyen a day and a night at Sea, vpon the Fleet of the Ahenians, he arri∣ued afterward at Ephesus.* And Themistocles hauing liberally rewarded him with money, (for hee receiued there, both what was sent him from his friends at Athens, and also [ B] what he had put out at Argos,) hee tooke his iourney vp∣wards, in company of a certaine Persian of the * Low-Countries, and sent Letters to the King Artaxerxes, the Sonne of Xerxes newly come to the Kingdome, wherein was written to this purpose:

His Letter to Artaxerxes.

I THEMISTOCLES am comming vnto thee, who, of all the Grecians, as long as I was forced to resist thy Father [ C] that invaded mee, haue done your House the maniest damages; yet the benefits I did him, were more, after once I with safety, hee with danger was to make retreat. And both a good turne is already due vnto mee, (writing here, how hee had fore∣warned him of the Grecians departure out of Salamis, and ascribing the then not breaking of the Bridge, falsely vnto himselfe.) and at this time to doe thee many other good seruices, I present my selfe, persecuted by the Grecians for thy friendships sake. But I desire to haue a yeeres respite, that I may declare vnto thee the cause of my comming my selfe.

[ D]

The King, as is reported, wondred what his purpose might bee, and commanded him to doe as he had said. In this time of respite, hee learned as much as hee could of the Language and fashions of the place; and a yeere after comming to the Court, he was great with the King, more then euer had beene any Grecian before; both for his former dignity, and the hope of Greece, which hee promised to bring into his subiection; but especially for [ E] the tryall hee gaue of his wisdome.* For Themistocles was a man, in whom most truely was manifested the strength Page  74 of naturall iudgement, wherein hee had something wor∣thy [ A] admiration, different from other men. For by his naturall prudence, without the helpe of instruction before or after, he was both of extemporary matters, vpon short deliberation, the best discerner, and also of what for the most part would bee their issue, the best coniecturer. What hee was perfect in, hee was able also to explicate: and what hee was vnpractised in, he was not to seeke how to iudge of conueniently. Also hee foresaw, no man bet∣ter, what was best or worst in any case that was doubt∣full. And (to say all in few words) this man, by the na∣turall [ B] goodnesse of his wit, and quicknesse of deliberation, was the ablest of all men, to tell what was fit to bee done vpon a sudden.* But falling sicke, hee ended his life: some say hee dyed voluntarily by Poyson, because hee thought himselfe vnable to performe what hee had promised to the King. His monument is in *Magnesia in Asia, in the Market place: for hee had the gouernment of that Countrey, the King hauing bestowed vpon him Magnesia, which yeelded him fifty Talents by yeere for his * bread; and Lampsacus for his Wine, (for this City was in those [ C] dayes thought to haue store of Wine,) and the Citty of Myus for his meate. His bones are said, by his Kindred to haue beene brought home by his owne appointment, and buryed in Attica, vnknowne to the Athenians: for it was not lawfull to bury one there, that had fled for Treason. These were the ends of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, and Themistocles the Athenian, the most famous men of all the Grecians of their time. And this is that which the Lace∣daemonians did command, and were commanded, in their first Ambassage, touching the banishment of such as were [ D] vnder the curse.

AFTER THIS, they sent Ambassadours againe to Athens,* commanding them to leuy the Siege from before Potidaea, and to suffer Aegina to bee free; but principally, and most plainely telling them, that the Warre should not bee made, in case they would abrogate the Act concerning the Megareans. By which Act, they were forbidden both the Fayres of Attica, and all Ports within the Athenian dominion. But the Athenians would [ E] not obey them, neither in the rest of their Commands, Page  75 [ A] nor in the abrogation of that Act; but recriminated the Me∣gareans, for hauing tilled holy ground, and vnset-out with bounds: and for receiuing of their Slaues that reuolted. But at length, when the last Ambassadours from Lacedae∣mon were arriued, namely, Rhamphias, Melesippus, and Agesan∣der,* and spake nothing of that which formerly they were wont, but onely this, That the Lacedaemonians desire that there should be Peace, which may bee had, if you will suffer the Grecians to bee gouerned by their owne Lawes.* The Athenians called an Assembly, and propounding their opinions a∣mongst [ B] themselues, thought good, after they had debated the matter, to giue them an answer once for all. And many stood forth, and deliuered their mindes on eyther side, some for the Warre, and some, that this Act concer∣ning the Megareans, ought not to stand in their way to Peace, but to bee abrogated. And Pericles the sonne of Xantippus, the principall man, at that time, of all Athens, and most sufficient both for speech and action, gaue his aduice in such manner as followeth.

[ C] THE ORATION OF PERICLES.

MEN of Athens, I am still not onely of the same opinion, not to giue way to the Peloponnesians (notwithstanding, I know that men haue not the same passions in the Warre it selfe, which they haue when they are incited to it, but change their opinions with the events) but also I see, that I must now aduise the same things, or very neere to what I haue before deliuered. And I require of you, with whom my counsell shall take place, that [ D] if wee miscarry in ought, you will eyther make the best of it, as de∣creed by Common Consent, or if wee prosper, not to attribute it to your owne wisdome onely. For it falleth out with the euents of A∣ctions, no lesse then with the purposes of man, to proceed with vn∣certainety: which is also the cause, that when any thing happeneth contrary to our expectation, wee vse to lay the fault on Fortune. That the Lacedaemonians, both formerly, and especially now, take counsell how to doe vs mischiefe, is a thing manifest. For whereas it is said, [in the Articles] that in our mutuall controuersies, we shall giue and receiue trials of Iudgement, and in the meane time, eyther [ E] side hold what they possesse, they neuer yet sought any such try∣all themselues, nor will accept of the same offered by vs. They will Page  76 cleere themselues of their accusations, by Warre rather then by words: [ A] and come hither no more now to expostulate, but to command. For they command vs to arise from before Potidaea, and to restore the Aegi∣netae to the liberty of their owne Lawes, and to abrogate the Act con∣cerning the Megareans. And they that come last, command vs to restore all the Grecians to their liberty. Now let none of you con∣ceiue that wee shall goe to Warre for a trifle, by not abrogating the Act concerning Megara, (yet this by them is pretended most, and that for the abrogation of it, the Warre shall stay;) nor retaine a scru∣ple in your mindes, as if a small matter moued you to the Warre: for euen this small matter containeth the tryall and constancy of your re∣solution. [ B] Wherein if you giue them way, you shall hereafter bee com∣manded a greater matter, as men that for feare will obey them like∣wise in that. But by a stiffe-deniall, you shall teach them plainely, to come to you heereafter on termes of more equality. Resolue therefore from this occasion, eyther to yeeld them obedience, before you receiue damage; or if wee must haue Warre, (which for my part I thinke is best,) be the pretence weighty or light, not to giue way, nor keepe what wee possesse, in feare. For a great and a little claime, imposed by e∣quals vpon their neighbours, before Iudgement, by way of command, hath one and the same vertue to make subiect. As for the Warre, [ C] how both wee and they be furnished, and why wee are not like to haue the worse, by hearing the particulars, you shall now vnderstand. The Peloponnesians are * men that liue by their labour, without money, eyther in particular, or in common stocke. Besides, in long Warres, and by Sea, they are without experience; for that the Warres which they haue had one against another, haue beene but short, through po∣uerty; and *such men can neither man their Fleets, nor yet send out their Armies by Land very often; because they must bee farre from their owne wealth, and yet by that be maintained; and be besides bar∣red the vse of the Sea. It must bee a *stocke of money, not forced [ D] Contributions, that support the Warres, and such as liue by their labour, are more ready to serue the Warres with their bodies, then with their money. For they make account that their bodies will out∣liue the danger, but their money they thinke is sure to bee spent; espe∣cially if the Warre (as it is likely) should last. So that the Pelopon∣nesians and their Confederates, though for one Battell they bee able to stand out against all Greece besides, yet to maintaine a Warre a∣gainst such as haue their preparations of another kinde, they are not able; in as much as not hauing one and the same counsell, they can speedily performe nothing vpon the occasion; and hauing equality of [ E] vote, and being of seuerall* races, euery one will presse his particular Page  77 [ A] interest; whereby nothing is like to bee fully executed. For some will desire most to take reuenge on some enemie, and others to haue their estates least wasted; and being long before they can assemble, they take the lesser part of their time to debate the Common businesse, and the greater, to dispatch their owne priuate affaires. And euery one supposeth that his owne neglect of the Common estate, can doe little hurt, and that it will bee the care of some body else to looke to that, for his owne good: Not obseruing how by these thoughts of euery one in seuerall, the Common businesse is ioyntly ruined. But their greatest hindrance of all, will be their want of money, which being raised slow∣ly, [ B] their actions must bee full of delay, which the occasions of warre will not endure. As for their fortifying here, and their Nauie, they are matters not worthy feare. For it were a hard matter for a Citie equall to our owne, in time of peace to fortifie in that manner, much lesse in the Countrey of an Enemie, and wee no lesse fortified a∣gainst them. And if they had a Garrison here, though they might by excursions, and by the receiuing of our Fugitiues, annoy some part of our Territory; yet would not that bee enough both to besiege vs, and also to hinder vs from sayling into their Territories, and from taking reuenge with our Fleet, which is the thing wherein our strength lyeth. [ C] For wee haue more experience in Land-seruice, by vse of the Sea, then they haue in Sea-seruice, by vse of the Land. Nor shall they attaine the knowledge of nauall affaires easily. For your selues, though fal∣ling to it immediately vpon the Persian warre, yet haue not attained it fully. How then should husbandmen, not Sea-men, whom also wee will not suffer to apply themselues to it, by lying continually vpon them with so great Fleets, performe any matter of value? Indeed, if they should bee opposed but with a few Ships, they might aduenture, encouraging their want of knowledge, with store of men; but awed by many, they will not stirre that way; and not applying themselues to it, [ D] will bee yet more vnskilfull, and thereby more cowardly. For know∣ledge of Nauall matters, is an Art as well as any other, and not to be attended at idle times, and on the * by; but requiring rather, that whilest it is a learning, nothing else should bee done on the by. But say they should take the money at Olympia and Delphi, and there∣with, at greater wages, goe about to draw from vs the Strangers em∣ployed in our Fleet; this indeed, if going aboard both our selues, and those that dwell amongst vs, wee could not match them, were a dange∣rous matter. But now, wee can both doe this, and (which is the prin∣cipall thing) wee haue Steeresmen, and other necessary men for the [ E] seruice of a Ship, both more and better of our owne Citizens, then are in all the rest of Greece. Besides that, not any of these Strangers, Page  78 vpon tryall, would bee found content to fly his owne Countrey, and [ A] withall vpon lesse * hope of victory, for a few dayes increase of wa∣ges, take part with the other side. In this manner, or like to this, seemeth vnto mee to stand the case of the Peloponnesians: Whereas ours is both free from what in theirs I haue reprehended, and hath ma∣ny great aduantages besides. If they inuade our Territory by Land, wee shall inuade theirs by Sea. And when wee haue wasted part of Peloponnesus, and they all Attica, yet shall theirs bee the greater losse. For they, vnlesse by the sword, can get no other Territory in stead of that wee shall destroy: Whereas for vs, there is other Land, both in the Ilands, and Continent: For the dominion of the Sea is a great matter. Consider but this; If we dwelt in the Ilands, whether [ B] of vs then were more inexpugnable? Wee must therefore now, draw∣ing as neere as can bee to that imagination, lay aside the care of Fields and Villages, and not for the losse of them, out of passion, giue battell to the Peloponnesians, farre more in number then our selues; (for though wee giue them an ouerthrow, wee must fight againe with as many more: and if wee bee ouerthrowne, we shall lose the helpe of our Confederates, which are our strength; for when we cannot warre vp∣on them, they will revolt) nor bewaile yee the losse of Fields or Houses, but of mens bodies: for men may acquire these, but these cannot ac∣quire men. And if I thought I should preuaile, I would aduise you to [ C] goe out, and destroy them your selues, and shew the Peloponnesians, that you will neuer the sooner obey them for such things as these. There be many other things that giue hope of victory, (* in case you doe not, whilest you are in this Warre, striue to enlarge your dominion, and vn∣dergoe other voluntary dangers; for I am afraid of our owne errours, more then of their designes,) but they shall bee spoken of at another time, in prosecution of the warre it selfe. For the present, let vs send away these men with this Answer: That the Megareans shall haue the liberty of our Fayres and Ports, if the Lacedaemo∣nians [ D] will also make no banishment of vs nor of our Confe∣derates, as of Strangers. For neither our Act concerning Megara, nor their banishment of Strangers, is forbidden in the Articles. Also, that we will let the Grecian Cities be free, if they were so when the Peace was made; and if the Lacedaemonians will also giue leaue vnto their Confederates, to vse their freedome, not as shall serue the turne of the Lacedaemonians, but as they themselues shall euery one thinke good. Also, that wee will stand to Iudgement ac∣cording to the Articles, and will not beginne the Warre, [ E] but bee reuenged on those that shall. For this is both iust, Page  79 [ A] and for the dignity of the City to answer. Neuerthelesse, you must know, that of necessity Warre there will bee; and the more wil∣lingly wee embrace it, the lesse pressing we shall haue our enemies; and that out of greatest dangers, whether to Cities or priuate men, arise the greatest honours. For our Fathers, when they vndertooke the Medes, did from lesse beginnings, nay abandoning the little they had, by wisdome rather then Fortune, by courage rather then strength, both repell the Barbarian, and aduance this State to the height it now is at. Of whom wee ought not now to come short, but rather to reuenge vs by all meanes vpon our enemies, and doe [ B] our best to deliuer the State vnimpayred by vs, to posterity.

Thus spake Pericles.

The Athenians liking best of his aduice, decreed as hee would haue them, answering the Lacedaemonians according to his direction, both in particular as hee had spoken, and generally, That they would doe nothing on command,*but were ready to answer their accusations vpon equall termes, by way of arbitrement. So the Ambassadours went home, and after these, there came no more.

These were the Quarels and differences on eyther side, [ C] before the Warre: which Quarels beganne presently vp∣on the businesse of Epidamnus and Corcyra. Neuerthelesse, there was still commerce betwixt them, and they went to each other without any Herald, though not with∣out iealousie. For the things that had passed, were but the confusion of the Articles, and matter of the Warre to follow.

FINIS.
Page  [unnumbered] Page  81

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THVCYDIDES.

The principall Contents.

The entry of the Theban Souldiers into Plataea, by the Treason of some within. Their repulse and slaughter. The irruption of the Peloponnesians into Attica. The wasting of the Coast of Pe∣loponnesus by the Athenian Fleet. The Publike Funerall of the first slaine. The second inuasion of Attica. The Pestilence in the City of Athens. The Ambraciotes warre against the Am∣philochi. Plataea assaulted. Besieged. The Peloponnesian Fleet beaten by Phormio, before the Straight of the Gulfe of Crissa. The same Fleet repaired, and re-inforced and beaten againe by Phormio, before Naupactus. The attempt of the Peloponne∣sians on Salamis. The fruitlesse expedition of the Thracians against the Macedonians. This in the first 3. yeeres of the Warre.

THE Warre between the Athenians [ D] and the Peloponnesians beginneth now,* from the time they had no longer commerce one with ano∣ther without a Herald, and that hauing once begun it, they warred without intermission. And it is written in order by Summers and Winters, according as from time to time the seuerall matters came to passe.

[ E] The Peace, which after the winning of Euboea, was Page  82 concluded for thirty yeeres, lasted foureteene yeeres; but [ A] in the fifteenth yeere, being the forty eighth of the Priest∣hood of *Chrysis, in Argos: Aenesias being thEphore at Sparta, and Pythadorus Archon of Athens, hauing then * two moneths of his gouernment to come, in the sixth moneth after the Battell at Potidaea, and in the beginning of the Spring, three hundred and odde Thebans, led by Pythangelus the Sonne of Philides, and Diemporus, the sonne of Oenotoridas,*Boeotian Rulers, about the first Watch of the night, entred with their Armes into Plataea, a Citie of Boeotia, and Confederate of the Athenians. They were brought in, and the Gates opened vnto them, by Nauclides and his Complices, men [ B] of Plataea, that for their owne priuate ambition, intended both the destruction of such Citizens as were their ene∣mies, and the putting of the whole City vnder the sub∣iection of the Thebans. This they negotiated with one Eurymachus, the Sonne of Leontiadas, one of the most po∣tent men of Thebes. For the Thebans foreseeing the Warre, desired to praeoccupate Plataea, (which was alwayes at variance with them) whilest there was yet Peace, and the Warre not openly on foot. By which meanes, they more [ C] easily entred vndiscouered, there being no order taken be∣fore for a Watch. And * making a stand in their Armes in the Market place, did not (as they that gaue them en∣trance would haue had them) fall presently to the busi∣nesse, and enter the Houses of their Aduersaries, but re∣solued rather to make fauourable Proclamation, and to in∣duce the Cities to composition and friendship. And the Herald proclaimed,*That if any man, according to the ancient custome of all the Boeotians, would enter into the same league of Warre with them, hee should come, and bring his Armes to [ D] theirs: supposing the Citie by this meanes, would easily be drawne to their side. The Plataeans, when they perceiued that the Thebans were already entred,* and had surprized the Citie, through feare, and opinion that more were entred then indeed were, (for they could not see them in the night) came to composition, and accepting the condi∣tion, rested quiet, and the rather, for that they had yet done no man harme. But whilest that these things were treating,* they obserued that the Thebans were not many, and thought that if they should set vpon them, [ E] they might easily haue the victory. For the Plataean Com∣mons Page  83 [ A] were not willing to haue revolted from the Aheni∣ans. Wherefore it was thought fit to vndertake the mat∣ter; and they vnited themselues, by digging through the Common Walles, betweene house and house,* that they might not be discouered as they passed the Streets. They also placed Carts in the Streets (without the Cattell that drew them) to serue them in stead of a Wall; and euery other thing they put in readinesse, as they seuerally seem∣ed necessary for the present enterprize. When all things according to their meanes, were ready, they marched from [ B] their Houses, towards the enemies; taking their time whilest it was yet night, and a little before breake of day; because they would not haue to charge them, when they should bee emboldned by the light, and on equall termes, but when they should by night bee terrified, and inferiour to them in knowledge of the places of the Citie. So they forthwith set vpon them,* and came quickly vp to hand-stroakes. And the Thebans seeing this, and finding they were deceiued, cast themselues into a round figure, and beat them backe in that part where the assault was made: [ C] and twice or thrice they repulsed them: But at last, when both the Plataeans themselues charged them with a great clamour, and their Wiues also and Families shouted, and screeched from the Houses, and withall threw stones and Tyles amongst them; the night hauing beene also very wet, they were afraid, and turned their backes, and fled heere and there about the Cittie;* ig∣norant for the most part, in the darke and durt, of the wayes out, by which they should haue beene saued (for this accident fell out vpon the change of the Moone) [ D] and pursued by such as were well acquainted with the wayes to keepe them in; insomuch as the greatest part of them perished. The Gate by which they entred, and which onely was left open, a certaine Plataean shut vp againe, with the head of a Iaueline, which hee thrust into the Staple, in stead of a bolt: so that this way also their passage was stopped. As they were chased vp and downe the City, some climbed the Walles, and cast themselues out, and for the most part dyed; some came to a desart Gate of the City, and with a [ E] Hatchet giuen them by a Woman, cut the staple, and got forth vnseene: but these were not many: for the Page  84 thing was soone discouered: others againe were slaine, [ A] dispersed in seuerall parts of the Citie.* But the greatest part, and those especially who had cast themselues before into a Ring, happened into a great Edifice, adioyning to the Wall, the doores whereof being open, they thought had beene the Gates of the Citie, and that there had beene a direct way through to the other side. The Plataeans see∣ing them now pend vp, consulted whether they should burne them as they were, by firing the House, or else re∣solue of some other punishment. At length, both these, and all the rest of the Thebans that were straggling in the Citie,* agreed to yeeld themselues and their Armes to the [ B] Plataeans, at discretion. And this successe had they that entred into Plataea.

*But the rest of the Thebans, that should with their whole power haue beene there before day, for feare the surprize should not succeed with those that were in, came so late with their ayde, that they heard the newes of what was done, by the way. Now Plataea is from Thebes, 70. Furlongs, and they marched the slowlier, for the raine which had falne the same night. For the Riuer A∣sopus [ C] was swolne so high, that it was not easily passable; so that what by the foulenesse of the way, and what by the difficulty of passing the Riuer, they arriued not, till their men were already some slaine, and some taken priso∣ners. When the Thebans vnderstood how things had gone, they lay in waite for such of the Plataeans as were without:* (for there were abroad in the Villages, both men, and houshold stuffe, as was not vnlikely, the euill happening vnexpectedly, and in time of peace;) desiring, if they could take any Prisoners, to keepe them for exchange for [ D] those of theirs within, which (if any were so) were saued aliue.* This was the Thebans purpose. But the Plataeans, whilest they were yet in Councell, suspecting that some such thing would bee done, and fearing their case without, sent a Herald vnto the Thebans, whom they commanded to say, That what they had already done, attempting to surprize their Citie in time of Peace, was done wickedly, and to forbid them to doe any iniury to those without, and that otherwise they would kill all those men of theirs that they had aliue; which, if they would withdraw their forces out of their Territory, they would [ E] againe restore vnto them. Thus the Thebans say, and that Page  85 [ A] the Plataeans did sweare it. But the Plataeans confesse not that they promised to deliuer them presently, but vpon treaty, if they should agree, and deny that they swore it. Vpon this the Thebans went out of their Territory;* and the Plataeans, when they had speedily taken in whatsoeuer they had in the Countrey, immediately slew their Priso∣ners. They that were taken were 180. and Eurymachus, with whom the Traytors had practised, was one. When they had done, they sent a Messenger to Athens, and gaue truce to the Thebans to fetch away the bodies of their dead, [ B] and ordered the City as was thought conuenient for the present occasion.

The newes of what was done, comming straightway to Athens, they instantly laid hands on all the Boeotians then in Attica, and sent an Officer to Plataea, to forbid their further proceeding with their Theban Prisoners,* till such time as they also should haue advised of the matter: for they were not yet aduertised of their putting to death. For the first Messenger was sent away when the Thebans first entred the Towne; and the second, when they were ouercome, [ C] and taken prisoners. But of what followed after, they knew nothing. So that the Athenians when they sent, knew not what was done, and the Officer arriuing, found that the men were already slaine. After this, the Athenians sending an Armie to Plataea, victualled it, and left a Gar∣rison in it, and tooke thence both the Women and Chil∣dren,* and also such men as were vnseruiceable for the Warre.

This action falling out at Plataea, & the Peace now cleer∣ly dissolued, the Athenians prepared themselues for Warre; [ D] so also did the Lacedaemonians and their Confederates; inten∣ding on either part to send Ambassadours to the * King, and to other Barbarians, wheresoeuer they had hope of suc∣cours; and contracting Leagues with such Cities as were not vnder their owne command. The *Lacedaemonians, be∣sides those Gallies which they had in Italy and Sicily, of the Cities that tooke part with them there, were or∣dered to furnish,* proportionably to the greatnesse of their seuerall Cities, so many more, as the whole number might amount to 500. Sayle, and to prouide a Summe of money [ E] attessed, and in other things not to stirre farther, but to receiue the Athenians, comming but with one Gally at Page  86 once, till such time as the same should be ready. The A∣thenians [ A] on the other side, suruayed their present Confede∣rates, and sent Ambassadours to those places that lay a∣bout Peloponnesus, as Corcyra, Cephalonia, Acarnania, and Za∣cynthus, knowing that as long as these were their friends, they might with the more security make Warre round a∣bout vpon the Coast of Peloponnesus.

Neither side conceiued small matters, but put their whole strength to the Warre. And not without reason. For all men in the beginnings of enterprises, are the most eager. Besides, there were then in Peloponnesus many young men, [ B] and many in Athens, who for want of experience, not vn∣willingly vndertooke the Warre. And not onely the rest of Greece stood at gaze, to behold the two principall States in Combate,* but many * Prophecies were told, and many * sung by the Priests of the Oracles, both in the Cities about to warre, and in others.

There was also a little before this, an Earthquake in Delos, which in the memory of the Grecians, neuer shooke before; and was interpreted for, and seemed to bee a signe of what was to come afterwards to passe.* And whatso∣euer [ C] thing then chanced of the same nature, it was all sure to bee enquired after. But mens affections for the most part went with the Lacedaemonians; and the rather, for that they gaue out, they would recouer the Grecians liberty. And euery man, both priuate and publike person, ende∣uoured as much as in them lay, both in word and deede to assist them; and thought the businesse so much hindred, as himself was not present at it. In such passiō were most men against the Athenians; some for desire to be deliuered from vnder their gouernment, and others for feare of falling into [ D] it. And these were the preparations and affections brought vnto the Warre.

*But the Confederates of either party, which they had when they began it, were these: The Lacedaemonians had all Peloponnesus within the Isthmus, except the Argiues and Achaeans: (for these were in amity with both, saue that the Pllenians at first, onely of all Achaia, tooke their part; but afterwards all the rest did so likewise) and without Pelo∣ponnesus, the Megareans, Locrians, Boeotians, Phocaeans, Ambra∣ciotes, Leucadians, and Anactorians. Of which the Corinthi∣ans, [ E] Megareans, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Eleans, Ambraciotes,Page  87 [ A] and Leucadians found Shipping. The Boeotians, Phocaeans, and Locrians, Horsemen; and the rest of the Cities, Footmen. And these were the Confederates of the Lacedaemonians. The Athenian Confederates were these: The Chians,*Les∣bians, Plataeans, the Messenians in Naupactus, most of the Acarnanians, the Corcyraeans, Zacynthians, and other Cities their Tributaries amongst those Nations. Also that part of Caria which is on the Sea Coast, and the Doreans adioy∣ning to them, Iönia, Hellespont, the Cities bordering on Thrace, all the Ilands from Peloponnesus to Crete on the East, [ B] and all the rest of the Cyclades, except Melos and Thera. Of these the Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyraeans found Gallies, the rest Footmen and money. These were their Confede∣rates▪ and the preparation for the Warre on both sides.

The Lacedaemonians, after the businesse of Plataea, sent Messengers presently vp and downe Peloponnesus, and to their Confederates without, to haue in readinesse their Forces, and such things as should bee necessary for a For∣raigne expedition, as intending the inuasion of Attica.* And when they were all ready, they came to the Rendez∣uous [ C] in the Isthmus, at a day appointed, two thirds of the Forces of euery Citie. When the whole Army was got∣ten together, Archidamus, King of the Lacedaemonians, Gene∣rall of the Expedition, called together the Commanders of the seuerall Cities, and such as were in authority, and most worthy to bee present, and spake vnto them as fol∣loweth.

THE ORATION OF ARCHIDAMVS.

[ D]

MEn of Peloponnesus, and Confederates,* not onely our Fathers haue had many Warres, both within and without Peloponnesus, but wee our selues also, such as are any thing in yeeres, haue beene sufficiently acquainted therewith; yet did wee neuer before set forth with so great a preparation as at this present. And now, not onely wee are a numerous and puissant Ar∣mie that inuade▪ but the State also is puissant, that is inuaded by vs. Wee haue reason therefore to shew our selues, neitheir worse then our Fathers, nor short of the opinion conceiued of our selues. For all [ E] Greece, is vp at this Commotion, obseruing vs: and through their hatred to the Athenians, doe wish that we may accomplish Page  88 whatsoeuer wee intend. And therefore though wee seeme to in∣vade [ A] them with a great Army, and to haue much assurance, that they will not come out against vs, to battell, yet wee ought not for this, to march the lesse carefully prepared, but of euery City, as well the Captaine, as the Souldier, to expect alwayes some danger or o∣ther, in that part wherein hee himselfe is placed. For the accidents of Warre are vncertaine; and for the most part the Onset begins from the lesser number, and vpon passion. And oftentimes the les∣ser number, being afraid, hath beaten backe the greater with the more ease, for that through contempt they haue gone vnprepared. And in the Land of an Enemie, though the Souldiers ought alwaies [ B] to haue bold hearts, yet for action, they ought to make their preparations, as if they were afraid. For that will giue them both more courage to goe vpon the enemy, and more safety in fight∣ing with him. But wee invade not now a Citie that cannot defend it selfe, but a City euery way well appointed. So that wee must by all meanes expect to be fought withall, though not now, because we be not yet there, yet hereafter, when they shall see vs in their Countrey, wasting and destroying their possessions: For all men, when in their owne fight, and on a sudden, they receiue any extraordinary hurt, fall presently into choler; and the lesse they consider, with the more [ C] stomach they assault. And this is likely to hold in the Athenians somewhat more then in others; for they thinke themselues worthy to haue the command of others, and to inuade and waste the territory of their neighbours, rather then to see their neighbours waste theirs. Wherefore, as being to Warre against a great Citie, and to procure, both to your Ancestours and your selues, a great fame, eyther good or bad, as shall bee the event; follow your Leaders in such sort, as aboue all things you esteeme of order and watchfulnesse. For there is nothing in the world more comely, nor more safe, then when many men are seene to obserue one and the same order. [ D]

Archidamus hauing thus spoken, and dismissed the Coun∣cell,* first sent Melesippus, the Sonne of Diacritus, a man of Sparta, to Athens, to try if the Athenians, seeing them now on their iourney, would yet in some degree remit of their obstinacy.* But the Athenians neither receiued him into their Citie, nor presented him to the State: for the opinion of Pericles had already taken place, not to receiue from the Lacedaemonians neither Herald nor Ambassadour, as long as their Armie was abroad. Therefore they sent him [ E] backe without audience, with commandment to be out of Page  89 [ A] their borders the selfe-same day; and that hereafter if they would any thing with them, they should returne e∣uery one to his home,* and send their Ambassadours from thence. They sent with him also certaine persons, to con∣uoy him out of the Countrey, to the end that no man should conferre with him: who when hee came to the limits, and was to bee dismissed, vttered these words: This day is the beginning of much euill vnto the Grecians: and so de∣parted.

When hee returned to the Campe,*Archidamus percei∣uing [ B] that they would not relent, dislodged, and marched on with his Armie into their Territory. The Boeotians with their appointed part, and with Horsemen, ayded the Peloponnesians; but with the rest of their Forces, went and wasted the Territorie of Plataea.

Whilest the Peloponnesians were comming together in the Isthmus, and when they were on their March, before they brake into Attica, Pericles the sonne of Xantippus, (who with nine others was Generall of the Athenians) when he saw they were about to breake in, suspecting that Archida∣mus, [ C] either of priuate courtesie,* or by command of the La∣cedaemonians, to bring him into iealousie (as they had before for his sake commanded the excommunication) might of∣tentimes leaue his Lands vntouched, told the Athenians before-hand in an Assembly,*That though Archidamus had beene his guest, it was for no ill to the State, and howsoeuer, if the Enemie did not waste his Lands and Houses, as well as the rest, that then hee gaue them to the Common-wealth. And therefore desired That for this hee might not bee suspected. Also hee ad∣uised them concerning the businesse in hand, the same [ D] things hee had done before, That they should make preparation for the Warre, and receiue their goods into the City; that they should not goe out to Battell, but come into the City, and guard it. That they should also furnish out their Nauy, wherein consisted their power, and hold a carefull hand ouer their Confederates, telling them, how that in the money that came from these, lay their strength, and that the Victory in Warre consisted wholly in Counsell, and store of money. Further, hee bade them bee confident,*in that there was yeerely comming in to the State, from the Confederates, for Tribute, besides other reuenue* 600. Talents, and remaining yet then in the Citadell [ E] * 6000. Talents of siluer coine. (for the greatest summe there had beene, was * 10000. Talents, wanting 300. out of Page  90 which was taken that which had beene expended vpon [ A] the Gate-houses of the Cittadell, and vpon other buil∣dings, and for the charges of Potidaea.) Besides the vncoyned gold and siluer of priuate and publike Offerings; and all the dedicated Vessels, belonging to the Shewes and Games, and the spoiles of the Per∣sian, and other things of that nature, which amounted to no lesse then* 500. Talents. Hee added further, that much money might bee had out of other Temples without the Citie, which they might vse; And if they were barred the vse of all these, they might yet vse the ornaments of gold about the*Goddesse her selfe; and said, that the I∣mage had about it, the weight of* 40. Talents of most pure Gold, and [ B] which might all bee taken off; but hauing made vse of it for their safety, hee said, they were to make restitution of the like quantity againe. Thus hee encouraged them, touching matter of money. Men of Armes he said they had 13000. besides the 16000. that were employed for the guard of the Citie, and vpon the Walles, (for so many at the first kept watch at the comming in of the Enemy, young and old together, and Strangers that dwelt amongst them, as many as could beare Armes.) For the length of the Phalerian Wall,* to that part of the cir∣cumference of the Wall of the City where it ioyned, was [ C] 35. Furlongs; and that part of the circumference which was guarded (for some of it was not kept with a Watch, namely the part betweene the Long Walles and the Phaleri∣an) was 43. Furlongs: and the length of the Long-Walles downe to Piraeus, (of which there was a Watch onely on the outmost) was 40. Furlongs: and the whole compasse of Piraeus, together with Munychia, was 60. Furlongs, (whereof that part that was watched, was but halfe.) He said further, they had of Horsemen, accounting Archers on horse∣backe,* 1200, and 1600. Archers, and of Gallies fit for the Sea, [ D] 300. All this and no lesse had the Athenians, when the in∣vasion of the Peloponnesians was first in hand, and when the warre beganne. These and other words spake Pericles, as hee vsed to doe, for demonstration, that they were likely to outlast this Warre.

*When the Athenians had heard him, they approued of his words, and fetcht into the Citie their Wiues and Chil∣dren, and the furniture of their houses, pulling downe the very Timber of the houses themselues. Their sheepe and Oxen they sent ouer into Euboea, and into the Ilands ouer [ E] against them. Neuerthelesse this remouall, in respect Page  91 [ A] they had most of them beene accustomed to the Countrey life, grieued them very much.

This custome was from great antiquity,* more familiar with the Athenians, then any other of the rest of Greece. For in the time of Cecrops, and the first Kings, downe to Theseus, the Inhabitants of Attica had their seuerall * Bourghes, and therein their * Common-Halles, and their Gouernours; and, vnlesse they were in feare of some danger, went not toge∣ther to the King for aduice, but euery City administred their owne affaires, and deliberated by themselues. And [ B] some of them had also their particular Warres, as the E∣leusinians, who ioyned with Eumolpus against *Erectheus. But after Theseus came to the Kingdome, one who besides his wisdome, was also a man of very great power; hee not onely set good order in the Countrey in other respects, but also dissolued the Councels and Magistracies of the rest of the Townes; and assigning them all one Hall, and one Councell-house, brought them all to cohabite in the Citie that now is; and constrained them, enioying their owne as before, to * vse this one for their Citie, which (now, [ C] when they all paide their duties to it) grew great, and was by Theseus so deliuered to posterity. And from that time to this day, the Athenians keepe a holiday at the publique charge to the * Goddesse, and call it *Synaecia. That which is now the Cittadell, and the part which is to the South of the Cittadell, was before this time the Citie. An argu∣ment whereof is this, That the Temples of the Gods are all set either in the Cittadell it selfe; or, if without, yet in that quarter. As, that of Iupiter Olympius, and of Apollo Py∣thius, and of Tellus, and of Bacchus in Lymnae, (in honour of [ D] whom, the old *Bacchanals were celebrated on the twelfth day of the moneth of*Anthesterion, according as the Iöni∣ans, who are deriued from Athens, doe still obserue them) besides other ancient Temples scituate in the same part. Moreouer, they serued themselues with water for the best vses, of the Fountaine, which, now the Nine-pipes, built so by the Tyrants, was formerly, when the Springs were open, called Calliröe, and was neere. And from the old custome, before Marriages, and other holy Rites, they ordaine the vse of the same water to this day. And the [ E] Cittadell, from the ancient habitation of it, is also by the Athenians still called the Citie.

Page  92*The Athenians therefore had liued a long time, gouerned [ A] by Lawes of their owne in the Countrey Townes; and after they were brought into one, were neuerthelesse (both for the custome which most had, as well of the ancient time, as since, till the Persian Warre, to liue in the Coun∣trey with their whole families; and also especially▪ for that since the Persian Warre, they had already repayred their Houses and furniture) vnwilling to remoue. It pres∣sed them likewise, and was heauily taken, besides their Houses, to leaue the a things that pertained to their Re∣ligion, (which, since their old forme of gouernment, were become patriall,) and to change their manner of life, and [ B] to bee no better then banished euery man his Citie.* After they came into Athens, there was habitation for a few, and place of retire, with some friends or kindred. But the greatest part seated themselues in the empty places of the City, and in Temples, and in all the Chappells of the bHeroes, (sauing in such as were in the Cittadell, and the cEleusinium, and other places strongly shut vp.) The dPe∣lasgicum also, vnder the Cittadell, though it were a thing accursed to dwell in it, and forbidden by the end of a verse in a Pythian Oracle, in these words,—Best is the Pelasgi∣con [ C] empty, was neuerthelesse for the present necessity in∣habited. And in my opinion, this Prophecie now fell out contrary to what was lookt for. For the vnlawfull dwel∣ling there, caused not the calamities that befell the Citie, but the Warre caused the necessity of dwelling there: which Warre the Oracle not naming, foretold onely, that it should one day bee inhabited vnfortunately. Many al∣so furnished the Turrets of the Walles, and whatsoeuer other place they could any of them get. For when they [ D] were come in, the Citie had not place for them all▪ But afterwards they had the Long-Walles diuided amongst them, and inhabited there, and in most parts of Piraeus. Withall they applyed themselues to the businesse of the Warre,* leuying their Confederates, and making ready a hundred Gallies to send about Peloponnesus. Thus were the Athenians preparing.

*The Armie of the Peloponnesians marching forward, came first to Oenoe, a Towne of Attica, the place where they intended to breake in; and encamping before it, pre∣pared [ E] with Engines, and by other meanes, to assault the Page  93 [ A] Wall. For Oenoe lying on the Confines betweene Attica and Boeotia, was walled about, and the Athenians kept a Garrison in it for defence of the Countrey, when at any time there should bee Warre. For which cause they made preparation for the assault of it, and also spent much time about it otherwise.

And Archidamus for this was not a little taxed,* as thought to haue bin both slow in gathering together the forces for the Warre, and also to haue fauoured the Athenians, in that he encouraged not the Army to a forwardnesse in it. And [ B] afterwards likewise, his stay in the Isthmus, and his slow∣nesse in the whole iourney, was laid to his charge, but e∣specially his delay at Oenoe. For in this time the Athenians retired into the Citie: whereas it was thought, that the Pe∣lopōnesians marching speedily, might but for his delay, haue taken them all without. So passionate was the Armie of Archidamus, for his stay before Oenoe. But expecting that the Athenians, whilest their Territory was yet vnhurt, would relent, and not endure to see it wasted, for that cause (as it is reported) hee held his hand. But after, when they had as∣saulted [ C] Oenoe, and tryed all meanes, but could not take it, and seeing the Athenians sent no Herald to them, then at length arising from thence, about 80. dayes after that which happened to the Thebans that entred Plataea, the Summer, and Corne being now at the highest, they fell into Attica; led by Archidamus, the sonne of Zeuxidamus,* King of the Lacedaemonians. And when they had pitched their Campe, they fell to wasting of the Countrey, first about Eleusis, and then in the plaine of Thriasia; and put to flight a few Athenian Horsemen, at the Brookes called [ D] Rheiti. After this, leauing the Aegaleon on the right hand, they passed through Cecropia, till they came vnto Acharnas,* which is the greatest towne in all Attica, of those that are called *Demoi; and pitching there, both fortified their Campe, and staid a great while wasting the Countrey thereabout.

Archidamus was said to haue staid so long at Acharnas,* with his Armie in Battell array, and not to haue come downe all the time of his invasion, into the Champaigne, with this intention. Hee hoped that the Athenians flou∣rishing [ E] in number of young men, and better furnished for Warre, then euer they were before would perhaps haue Page  94 come forth against him, and not endured to see their fields [ A] cut downe and wasted; and therefore seeing they met him not in Thriasia, hee thought good to try if they would come out against him lying now at Acharnas. Besides, the place seemed vnto him commodious for the Army to lye in; and it was thought also that the Acharnans beeing a great piece of the Citie (for they were 3000. men of Armes) would not haue suffered the spoiling of their Lands, but rather haue vrged all the rest to goe out and fight. And if they came not out against him at this inua∣sion, they might hereafter more boldly, both waste the [ B] Champaigne Countrey, and come downe euen to the Walles of the Citie. For the Acharnans, after they should haue lost their owne, would not bee so forward to hazard themselues for the goods of other men: But there would bee thoughts of Sedition in one towards another in the Citie. These were the cogitations of Archidamus, whilest he lay at Acharnas.

The Athenians, as long as the Armie of the Enemie lay about Eleusis, and the Fields of Thrius, and as long as they had any hope it would come on no further, (remembring [ C] that also Plistoanax the sonne of Pausanias, King of Lacedae∣mon, when 14. yeeres before this Warre, hee entred Attica with an Armie of the Peloponnesians, as farre as Eleusis, and Thriasia, retired againe, and came no further; for which hee was also banished Sparta, as thought to haue gone backe for money) they stirred not. But when they saw the Army now at Acharnas, but 60. Furlongs from the Citie, then they thought it no longer to bee endured; and when their Fields were wasted (as it was likely) in their sight, (which the yonger sort had neuer seene before, nor [ D] the elder, but in the Persian Warre) it was taken for a hor∣rible matter; and thought fit, by all, especially by the youth, to goe out, and not to endure it any longer. And holding Councels apart one from another,* they were at much contention, some to make a sally, and some to hinder it. And the Priests of the Oracles, giuing out Prophe∣cies of all kindes, euery one made the interpretation accor∣ding to the sway of his owne affection. But the Acharnans conceiuing themselues to bee no small part of the Athenians, were they that whilest their owne Lands were wasting, [ E] most of all vrged their going out. Insomuch as the Citie Page  95 [ A] was euery way in tumult, and in choler against Pericles, remembring nothing of what hee had formerly admoni∣shed them; but reuiled him, for that being their Generall, hee refused to leade them into the Field, and imputing vn∣to him the cause of all their euill: but Pericles seeing them in passion for their present losse, and ill aduised, and being confident hee was in the right touching not sallying, as∣sembled them not, nor called any Councell, for feare lest being together, they might vpon passion rather then iudgement commit some error: But looked to the guar∣ding [ B] of the Citie, and as much as hee could, to keepe it in quiet. Neuerthelesse he continually sent out Horse-men, to keepe the Scowts of the Armie from entring vpon, and doing hurt to the Fields neere the Citie. And there happened at Phrygij a small Skirmish, between one troope of Horse of the Athenians (with whom were also the Thes∣salians) and the Horsemen of the Boeotians;* wherein the A∣thenians and Thessalians had not the worse, till such time as the Boeotians were ayded by the comming in of their men of Armes, and then they were put to flight, and a few of [ C] the Athenians and Thessalians slaine; whose bodies notwith∣standing they fetcht off the same day, without leaue of the Enemie: and the Peloponnesians the next day erected a Trophie. This ayde of the Thessalians was vpon an anci∣ent League with the Athenians, and consisted of Larissaeans, Pharsalians, Parasians, Cranonians, Peirasians, Gyrtonians, Phe∣raeans. The Leaders of the Larissaeans, were Polymedes and Aristonus, men of contrary factions in their Citie. Of the Pharsalians, Meno. And of the rest, out of the seuerall Cities, seuerall Commanders.

[ D] The Peloponnesians seeing the Athenians would not come out to fight, dislodging from Acharnas,* wasted certaine other Villages, betweene the Hils Parnethus, and Brelissus.

Whilest these were in Attica,* the Athenians sent the hun∣dred Gallies which they had prouided, and in them 1000. men of Armes, and 400. Archers, about Peloponnesus; the Commanders whereof were Charcinus, the sonne of Xenoti∣mus; Proteus, the sonne of Epicles; and Socrates, the sonne of Antigenes: who thus furnished, weighed Anchor, and went their way.

[ E] The Peloponnesians,* when they had stayd in Attica as long as their prouision lasted, went home through Boeotia, not Page  96 the way they came in; but passing by Oropus, wasted the [ A] Countrey (called Peiraice which is of the tillage of the Oropians, Subiects to the People of Athens; and when they were come backe into Peloponnesus, they disbanded, and went euery man to his owne Citie.

*When they were gone, the Athenians ordained Watches both by Sea and Land, such as were to continue to the end of the Warre. And made a Decree, to take out a thousand Talents of the money in the Cittadell, and set it by, so as it might not bee spent, but the charges of the Warre bee borne out of other monies; and made it capitall for any [ B] man to moue, or giue his vote for the stirring of this mo∣ney, for any other vse, but onely (if the Enemie should come with an Armie by Sea to inuade the Citie) for ne∣cessity of that defence. Together with this money, they likewise set apart 100. Gallies, and those to be euery yeere the best; and Captaines to be appointed ouer them, which were to bee employed for no other vse then the money was, and for the same danger, if need should require.

The Athenians that were with the 100. Gallies about Peloponnesus, and with them the Corcyraeans with the ayde of 50. Sayle more, and certaine others of the Confederates [ C] thereabout, amongst other places which they infested in their course,* landed at Methone, a Towne of Laconia, and assaulted it, as being but weake, and few men within. But it chanced that Brasidas, the sonne of Tellis, a Spartan, had a Garrison in those parts, and hearing of it, succoured those of the Towne with 100. men of Armes: wherewith run∣ning through the Athenian Army, dispersed in the Fields, directly towards the Towne, hee put himselfe into Me∣thone;* and with the losse of few of his men in the passage, [ D] hee saued the place, and for this aduenture, was the first that was praised at Sparta, in this Warre. The Athenians putting off from thence, sailed along the Coast, and put in at Pheia, of Elis, where they spent two dayes in wasting the Countrey, and in a Skirmish ouerthrew 300. choice men of the lower Elis, together with other Eleans there∣abouts, that came forth to defend it. But the Wind ari∣sing, and their Gallies being tossed by the weather, in a harbourlesse place, the most of them imbarqued, and say∣led about the Promontory called Icthys, into the Hauen [ E] of Pheia.* But the Messenians and certaine others that could Page  97 [ A] not get aboard, went by Land to the Towne of Pheia, and rifled it: and when they had done, the Gallies that now were come about tooke them in, and leauing Pheia, put forth to Sea againe: by which time a great Army of E∣leans was come to succour it; but the Athenians were now gone away, and wasting some other Territory.

About the same time the Athenians sent likewise thirty Gallies about *Locris, which were to serue also for a Watch about Euboea. Of these, Cleopompus the sonne of Ci∣nias had the conduct, and landing his Souldiers in diuers [ B] parts▪ both wasted some places of the Sea-coast, and won the Towne of Thronium, of which hee tooke Hostages; and ouercame in fight at Alope, the Locrians that came out to ayde it.

The same Summer, the Athenians put the Aeginetae, man,* woman, and childe, out of Aegina, laying to their charge, that they were the principall cause of the present Warre. And it was also thought the safer course to hold Aegina, be∣ing adjacent to Peloponnesus, with a Colonie of their own people; and not long after they sent Inhabitants into the [ C] same. When the Aeginetae were thus banished, the Lace∣daemonians gaue them Thyraea to dwell in,* and the occupation of the Lands belonging vnto it, to liue on; both vpon ha∣tred to the Athenians, and for the benefits receiued at the hands of the Aeginetae, in the time of the Earthquake, and insurrection of their Helotes. This Territory of Thyraea, is in the border betweene Argolica and Laconica▪ and reach∣eth to the Sea side. So some of them were placed there, and the rest dispersed into other parts of Greece.

Also the same Summer,** on the first day of the Mo∣neth, [ D] according to the Moone, (at which time it seemes onely possible) in the afternoone, happened an Eclipse of the Sunne; the which after it had appeared in the forme of a crescent, and withall some Starres had been discerned, came afterwards againe to the former brightnesse.

The same Summer also the Athenians made Nymphodorus the sonne of Pythos, of the Citie of Abdera,* (whose Sister was married to Sitalces, and that was of great power with him) their * Host, though before they tooke him for an Enemie, and sent for him to Athens, hoping by his meanes [ E] to bring Sitalces the sonne of Teres, King of Thrace, into their League. This Teres, the Father of Sitalces, was the Page  98 first that aduanced the Kingdome of the Odrysians, aboue [ A] the power of the rest of Thrace. For much of Thrace con∣sisteth of free States; And *Tereus that tooke to wife (out of Athens) Procne the Daughter of Pandion, was no kinne to this Teres, nor of the same part of Thrace. But that Tereus was of the Citie of Daulia, in the Countrey now called Phocis, then inhabited by the Thracians. (And the fact of the Women concerning Its was done there; and by the Poets, where they mention the Nightingall, that Bird is also called Daulias. And it is more likely that Pan∣dion matched his Daughter with this man for vicinity, and [ B] mutuall succour, then with the other, that was so many dayes iourney off, as to Odrysae.) And Teres, which is al∣so another name, was the first that seazed on the King∣dome of Odrysae. Now Sitalces, this mans sonne, the Athe∣nians got into their League, that they might haue the Townes lying on Thrace, and *Perdiccas to bee of their party. Nymphodorus, when hee came to Athens, made this League betweene them and Sytalces, and caused Sadocus, the sonne of Sitalces,* to bee made free of Athens, and also vndertooke to end the Warre in *Thrace. For hee would [ C] perswade Sitalces to send vnto the Athenians, a Thracian Ar∣mie of Horsemen and Targettiers. Hee likewise reconci∣led Perdiccas to the Athenians, and procured of him the re∣stitution of Therme. And Perdiccas presently ayded the A∣thenians and Phormio▪ in the Warre against the Chalcideans. Thus were Sitalces, the sonne of Teres, King of Thrace, and Perdiccas the sonne of Alexander, King of Macedonia, made Confederates with the Athenians.

*The Athenians being yet with their hundred Gallies a∣bout Peloponnesus, tooke Solium, a Towne that belonged to [ D] the Corinthians, and put the Palirenses onely of all the Acar∣nanins, into the possession both of the Towne and Terri∣torie Hauing also by force taken Astacus, from the Ty∣rant Euarchus, they draue him thence, and ioyned the place to their League. From thence they sayled to Cephalonia, and subdued it without battell. This Cephalonia is an I∣land lying ouer against Acarnania, and Leucas, and hath in it these foure Cities, the Pallenses, Cranij, Samei, and Pronaei. And not long after returned with the Fleet to Athens.

About the end of the Autumne of this Summer, the [ E] Athenians,* both themselues, and the Strangers that dwelt Page  99 [ A] amongst them, with the whole power of the Citie, vnder the conduct of Pericles the sonne of Xantippus, inuaded the Territory of Megara. And those Athenians likewise that had beene with the hundred Gallies about Peloponnesus, in their returne (being now at Aegina) hearing that the whole power of the Citie was gone into *Megaris, went and ioy∣ned with them.* And this was the greatest Armie that e∣uer the Athenians had together in one place before; the Citie being now in her strength, and the Plague not yet a∣mongst them; (For the Athenians of themselues were no [ B] lesse then 10000. men of Armes, (besides the 3000. at Po∣tidaea) and the Strangers that dwelt amongst them, and ac∣companyed them in this inuasion, were no fewer then 3000. men of Armes more, besides other great numbers of light-armed Souldiers. And when they had wasted the greatest part of the Countrey, they went backe to Athens. And afterwards, yeere after yeere, during this Warre, the Athenians often inuaded Megaris,* sometimes with their Horsemen, and sometimes with their whole Armie, vntill such time as they had wonne *Nisaea.

[ C] Also in the end of this Summer, they fortified Atalante, an Iland lying vpon the Locrians of Opus, desolate till then, for a Garrison against Theeues, which passing ouer from Opus, and other parts of Locris, might annoy Euboea.* These were the things done this Summer, after the retreat of the Peloponnesians out of Attica.

The Winter following, Euarchus of Acarnania,* desirous to returne to Astacus, preuaileth with the Corinthians, to goe thither with 40. Gallies, and 1500. men of Armes, to re-establish him; to which he hired also certaine other [ D] Mercenaries for the same purpose. The Commanders of this Armie were Euphamidas the sonne of Aristonymus, Ti∣moxenes the sonne of Timocrates, and Eumachus the sonne of Chrysis. When they had re-established him, they ende∣uoured to draw to their party some other places on the the Sea-Coast of Arcanania, but missing their purpose, they set sayle homeward. As they passed by the Coast of Ce∣phalonia, they disbarqued in the Territory of the Cranij, where, vnder colour of Composition, they were deceiued, and lost some part of their Forces. For the assault made [ E] vpon them by the Cranij, being vnexpected, they got off, with much adoe, and went home.

Page  100The same Winter the Athenians, according to their an∣cient [ A] custome, solemnized a publike Funerall of the first slaine in this Warre,* in this manner: Hauing set vp a Tent, they put into it the * bones of the dead, three dayes before the Funerall, and euery one bringeth * whatsoeuer he thinkes good to his * owne. When the day comes of carrying them to their buriall, certaine Cypresse Coffins are carried along in Carts, for euery Tribe one, in which are the bones of the men of euery Tribe by themselues. There is likewise borne an empty Hearse couered ouer, for such as appeare not, nor were found amongst the rest [ B] when they were taken vp. The Funerall is accompanied by any that will, whether Citizen or Stranger; and the Women of their Kindred are also by at the buriall, la∣menting and mourning. Then they put them into a publique Monument, which standeth in the fairest * Sub∣urbs of the Citie, (in which place they haue euer inter∣red all that dyed in the Warres, except those that were slaine in the Fields of Marathon; who, because their vertue was thought extraordinary, were therefore buried there-right) and when the earth is throwne o∣uer [ C] them, some one, thought to exceede the rest in wis∣dome and dignity, chosen by the Citie, maketh an Ora∣tion, wherein hee giueth them such praises as are fit: which done, the Companie depart: And this is the forme of that Buriall; and for the * whole time of the Warre, whensoeuer there was occasion, they obserued the same. For these first, the man chosen to make the Oration, was Pericles, the sonne of Xantippus, who when the time serued, going out of the place of buriall into a high Pulpit▪ to be heard the further off by the multitude [ D] about him, spake vnto them in this manner:

THE FVNERALL ORATION made by PERICLES.

THough most that haue spoken formerly in this place, haue commended the man that added this Oration to the Law, as ho∣nourable for those that dye in the Warres; yet to mee it seemeth sufficient, that they who haue shewed their valour by action should also by an action haue their honour, as now you see they haue, in this [ E] their sepulture performed by the State; and not to haue the vertue of Page  101 [ A] many hazarded on one, to be beleeued as that one shall make a good or bad Oration. For, to speake of men in a iust measure, is a hard matter and though one do so, yet he shall hardly get the truth firmely beleeued. the fauourable hearer, and hee that knowes what was done, will per∣haps thinke what is spoken, short of what hee would haue it, and what it was; and hee that is ignorant, will finde somewhat on the o∣ther side▪ which hee will thinke too much extolled; especially if hee heare ought aboue the pitch of his owne nature. For to heare another man praised, findes patience so long onely, as each man shall thinke he could himselfe haue done somewhat of that hee heares. And if one ex∣ceed [ B] in their praises, the hearer presently through enuie thinkes it false. But since our Ancestors haue so thought good, I also, following the same ordinance, must endeuour to bee answerable to the desires and opinions of euery one of you, as farre forth as I can. I will beginne at our Ancestours, being a thing both iust and honest, that to them first bee giuen the honour of remembrance in this kinde: For they hauing beene alwayes the inhabitants of this Region, by their valour haue de∣liuered the same to succession of posterity, hitherto, in the state of li∣berty: For which they deserue commendation; but our Fathers de∣serue yet more; for that besides what descended on them, not [ C] without great labour of their owne, they haue purchased this our pre∣sent Dominion, and deliuered the same ouer to vs that now are. Which in a great part also, wee our selues, that are yet in the strength of our age here present, haue enlarged; and so furnished the Citie with eue∣ry thing, both for peace and warre, as it is now all suficient in it selfe. The actions of Warre, whereby all this was attained, and the deedes of Armes, both of our selues and our Fathers, in valiant opposition to the Barbarians, or Grecians, in their Warres against vs, amongst you that are well acquainted with the summe, to auoide prolixity, I will passe ouer. But by what institutions wee arriued at this▪ by what [ D] forme of gouernment, and by what meanes we haue aduanced the State to this greatnesse, when I shall haue laide open this, I will then descend to these mens praises. For I thinke they are things both fit for the pur∣pose in hand, and profitable to the whole company, both of Citizens and Strangers, to heare related. Wee haue a forme of gouernment, not fetched by imitation from the Lawes of our neighbouring States, (nay, wee are rather a patterne to others, then they to vs) which, because in the administration, it hath respect, not to a few, but to the multitude, is called a Democracie. Wherein though there bee an equality amongst all men in point of Law, for their priuate con∣trouersies; [ E] yet in conferring of dignities, one man is preferred before another to publique charge, and that according to the reputation, not Page  102 of his * House, but of his vertue, and is not put backe through pouer∣tie, [ A] for the obscurity of his person, as long as hee can doe good seruice to the Common wealth. And we liue not onely free in the administra∣tion of the State, but also one with another, voyd of iealousie, touching each others daily course of life; not offended at any man for following his owne humour, nor casting on any man * censorious lookes, which though they bee no punishment, yet they grieue. So that conuersing one with another for the priuate without offence, wee stand chiefly in feare to transgresse against the publique; and are obedient alwayes to those that gouerne, and to the Lawes, and principally to such Lawes as are written for protection against iniurie, and such vnwritten, as [ B] bring vndeniable shame to the transgressours. Wee haue also found out many wayes to giue our mindes recreation from labour, by publike institution of Games and Sacrifices for all the dayes of the yeere,* with a decent pompe and furniture of the same by priuate men; by the daily delight whereof, wee expell sadnesse. Wee haue this further, by the greatnesse of our City, that all things, from all parts of the Earth are imported hither; whereby we no lesse familiarly enioy the commodities of all other Nations, then our owne. Then in the studies of Warre, wee excell our Enemies in this: wee leaue aur Citie open to all men, nor was it euer seene, that by * banishing of strangers, we denyed them [ C] the learning or sight of any of those things, which if not hidden, an E∣nemie might reape aduantage by, not relying on secret preparation and deceipt, but vpon our owne courage in the action. They in their dis∣cipline hunt after valour, presently from their youth, with laborious exercise, and yet wee that liue remissely, vndertake as great dangers as they. For example, the Lacedaemonians inuade not our domi∣nion by themselues alone, but with the ayde of all the rest. But when wee inuade our neighbours, though wee fight in hostile ground, a∣gainst such as in their owne ground, fight in defence of their owne substance, yet for the most part wee get the victorie. [ D] Neuer Enemie yet fell into the hands of our whole Forces at once, both because wee apply our selues much to Nauigation, and by Land also send many of our men into diuers Countries abroad. But when fighting with a part of it, they chance to get the better, they boast they haue beaten the whole; and when they get the worse, they say they are beaten by the whole. And yet when from ease, rather then studious labour, and vpon naturall, rather then doctrinall valour, wee come to vndertake any danger, wee haue this oddes by it, that we shall not faint before-hand with the meditation of future trouble, and in the action wee shall appeare no lesse confident then they that are euer [ E] toyling, procuring admiration to our Citie, as well in this, as in Page  103 [ A] diuers other things. For we also giue our selues to brauery, and yet with thrift; and to Philosophy, and yet without mollification of the minde. And we vse riches rather for opportunities of action, then for verball ostentation: And hold it not ashame to confesse pouer∣ty, but not to haue auoided it. Moreouer there is in the same men, a care, both of their owne, and of the publique affaires, and a suffi∣cient * knowledge of State matters, euen in those that labour with their hands. For we onely, thinke one that is vtterly ignorant there∣in, to be a man not that meddles with nothing, but that is good for nothing. We likewise, weigh what we vndertake, and apprehend it [ B] perfectly in our mindes; not accounting words for a hindrance of action, but that it is rather a hindrance to action, to come to it with∣out instruction of words before. For also in this we excell others; daring to vndertake as much as any, and yet examining what wee vndertake; whereas with other men, ignorance makes them dare, and consideration, dastards; and they are most rightly reputed vali∣ant, who though they perfectly apprehend, both what is dangerous, and what is easie, are neuer the more thereby diuerted from aduen∣turing. Againe, we are contrary to most men in matter of bounty. For we purchase our friends, not by receiuing, but by bestowing bene∣fits. [ C] And he that bestoweth a good turne, is euer the most constant friend, because hee will not lose the thankes due vnto him, from him whom he bestowed it on. Whereas the friendship of him that ow∣eth a benefit is dull and flat, as knowing his benefit not to be taken for a fauor, but for a debt; So that we onely, doe good to others, not vpon computation of profit, but freenesse of trust. In summe, it may be said, both that the City is in generall a Schoole of the Gre∣cians▪ and that the men here, haue euery one in particular, his per∣son disposed to most diuersity of actions, and yet all with grace and decency. And that this is not now, rather a brauery of words, vpon [ D] the occasion, then reall truth, this power of the Citie, which by these institutions we haue obtained, maketh euident. For it is the onely power now found greater in proofe, then fame; and the onely power, that neither grieueth the invader when he miscarries, with the qua∣lity of those he was hurt by, nor giueth cause to the subiected States to murmure, as being in subiection to men vnworthy. For both with present and future Ages we shall be in admiration, for a power, not without testimony, but made euident by great arguments,* and which needeth not either a Homer to praise it, or any other such, whose Poems may indeed for the present, bring delight, but the trut [ E] will afterwards confute the opinion conceiued of the actions. For we haue opened vnto vs by our courage, all Seas, and Lands, and Page  104 set vp eternall Monuments on all sides, both of the euill we haue done [ A] to our enemies, and the good wee haue done to our friends. Such is the Citie for which these men (thinking it no reason to lose it) valiantly fighting, haue dyed. And it is fit that euery man of you that bee left, should bee like-minded, to vndergoe any trauell for the same. And I haue therefore spoken so much concerning the Citie in generall, as well to shew you, that the stakes betweene vs and them, whose Citie is not such; are not equall; as also to make knowne by effects, the worth of these men I am to speake of; the greatest part of their praises being therein already deliuered. For what I haue spoken of the Citie, hath by these and such as these beene atchieued: Neither would praises [ B] and actions appeare so leuelly concurrent in many other of the Greci∣ans, as they doe in these; the present revolution of these mens liues seeming vnto mee an argument of their vertues, noted in the first act thereof, and in the last confirmed. For euen such of them as were worse then the rest, doe neuerthelesse deserue that for their valour shewne in the Warres for defence of their Countrey, they should bee preferred before the rest. For hauing by their good actions abolished the memory of their euill, they haue profited the State thereby, more then they haue hurt it by their priuate behauiour. Yet there was none of these, that preferring the further fruition of his wealth, was there∣by [ C] growne cowardly, or that for hope to ouercome his pouerty at length, and to attaine to riches, did for that cause withdraw himselfe from the danger. For their principall desire was not wealth, but reuenge on their Enemies, which esteeming the most honourable cause of danger, they made account through it, both to accomplish their reuenge, and to purchase wealth withall; putting the vncertainety of successe, to the a count of their hope; but for that which was before their eyes, rely∣ing vpon themselues in the Action; and therein chusing rather to fight and dye, then to shrinke and bee saued. They fled from shame, but with their bodies, they stood out the Battell; and so in a moment, [ D] whilest Fortune inclineth neither way, left their liues not in feare, but in opinion of victory. Such were these men, worthy of their Country; and for you that remaine, you may pray for a safer furtune; but you ought not to bee lesse venturously minded against the enemie; not weighing the profit by an Oration onely, which any man amplifying, may recount, to you that know as well as hee, the many commodities that arise by fighting valiantly against your enemies, but contemplating the power of the Citie in the actions of the same from day to day per∣formed, and thereby becomming enamoured of it. And when this po∣wer of the Citie shall seeme great to you, consider then, that the same [ E] was purchased by valiant men, and by men that know their duty, and Page  105 [ A] by men that were sensible of dishonour when they were in fight; and by such men, as though they failed of their attempt, yet would not bee wanting to the Citie with their vertue, but made vnto it a most ho∣nourable contribution. For hauing euery one giuen his body to the Common-wealth, they receiue in place thereof, an vndecaying commen∣dation, and a most remarkeable Sepulcher, not wherein they are buri∣ed so much, as wherein their glory is laid vp, vpon all occasions, both of speech and action, to bee remembred for euer. For to famous men, all the earth is a Sepulcher: and their vertues shall bee testified, not onely by the inscription in stone at home, but by an vnwritten record of [ B] the minde, which more then of any Monument, will remaine with euery one for euer. In imitation therefore of these men, and placing hap∣pinesse in liberty, and liberty in valour, bee forward to encounter the dangers of Warre. For the miserable and desperate men, are not they that haue the most reason to bee prodigall of their liues, but rather such men, as if they liue, may expect a change of fortune, and whose losses are greatest, if they miscarry in ought. For to a man of any spirit, Death, which is without sense, arriuing whilest hee is in vigour, and common hope, is nothing so bitter, as after a tender life to bee brought into miserie. Wherefore I will not so much bewaile, as comfort you [ C] the parents, that are present, of these men. For you know that whilest they liued, they were obnoxious to manifold calamities, whereas whilest you are in griefe, they onely are happy, that dye honourably, as these haue done: and to whom it hath beene granted, not only to liue in prosperity, but to dye in it. Though it bee a hard matter to disswade you from sorrow, for the losse of that, which the * happinesse of others, wherein you also when time was, reioyced your selues, shall so often bring into your remembrance (for sorrow is not for the want of a good neuer tasted, but for the priuation of a good wee haue beene vsed to) yet such of you as are of the age to haue children, may beare the losse [ D] of these, in the hope of more. For the later children will both draw on with some the obliuion of those that are slaine, and also doubly conduce to the good of the Citie, by population and strength. For it is not like∣ly that they should equally giue good counsell to the State, that haue not children to bee equally exposed to danger in it. As for you that are past hauing of children, you are to put the former and greater part of your life, to the account of your gaine, and supposing the remainder of it will bee but short, you shall haue the glory of these for a consolation of the same. For the loue of honour neuer groweth old, nor doth that vnpro∣fitable part of our life take delight (as some haue said) in gathering of [ E] wealth, so much as it doth in being honoured. As for you that are the children or brethren of these men, I see you shall haue a difficult taske Page  106 of aemulation. For euery man vseth to praise the dead; so that [ A] with oddes of vertue, you will hardly get an equall reputation, but still be thought a little short. For men enuy their Competitors in glory, while they liue, but to stand out of their way, is a thing honou∣red with an affection free from opposition. And since I must say somewhat also of feminine vertue, for you that are now Widdowes: I shall expresse it all in this short admonition. It will bee much for your honour; not to recede from your Sexe, and to giue as little occa∣sion of rumour amongst the men, whether of good or euill, as you can. Thus also haue I, according to the prescript of the Law, deliuered in word what was expedient; and those that are here interred, haue in [ B] fact beene already honoured;* and further, their children shall bee maintained till they be at mans estate, at the charge of the Citie, which hath therein propounded both to these, and them that liue, a profitable Garland in their matches of valour. For where the re∣wards of vertue are greatest, there liue the worthiest men. So now hauing lamented euery one his owne, you may be gone. Such was the Funerall made this Winter, which ending, ended the first yeere of this Warre.

*In the very beginning of Summer, the Peloponnesians, and [ C] their Confederates, with two thirds of their forces, as before inuaded Attica,* vnder the conduct of Archidamus, the sonne of Zeuxidamas, King of Lacedaemon, and after they had en∣camped themselues, wasted the countrey about them.

They had not beene many dayes in Attica, when the plague first began amongst the Athenians,* said also to haue seazed formerly on diuers other parts, as about Lemnos, and elsewhere; but so great a plague, and mortality of men, was neuer remembred to haue hapned in any place before. For at first, neither were the Physicians able to cure it, [ D] through ignorance of what it was, but dyed fastest them∣selues, as being the men that most approached the sicke, nor any other art of man auailed whatsoeuer. All suppli∣cations to the Gods, and enquiries of Oracles, and whatsoeuer other meanes they vsed of that kind, proued all vnprofita∣ble; insomuch as subdued with the greatnesse of the euill, they gaue them all ouer. It began (by report) first, in that part of Aethiopia that lyeth vpon Aegypt,* and thence fell downe into Aegypt and Afrique, and into the greatest part of the Territories of the *King. It inuaded Athens on a [ E] sudden; and touched first vpon those that dwelt in Page  107 [ A] Pyraeus; insomuch as they reported that the Peloponnesians had cast poyson into their Welles,* for Springs there were not any in that place. But afterwards it came vp into the high City, and then they dyed a great deale faster. Now let euery man Physitian, or other, concerning the ground of this sickenesse, whence it sprung, and what causes hee thinkes able to produce so great an alteration, speake ac∣cording to his owne knowledge, for my owne part, I will deliuer but the manner of it, and lay open onely such things, as one may take his marke by, to discouer the same [ B] if it come againe, hauing beene both sicke of it my selfe,* and seene others sicke of the same. This yeere, by confessi∣on of all men, was of all other, for other diseases, most free and healthfull. If any man were sicke before,* his disease turned to this; if not, yet suddenly, without any apparant cause preceding, and being in perfect health, they were ta∣ken first with an extreame ache in their heads, rednesse and inflammation of the eyes; and then inwardly,* their throats and tongues, grew presently bloody,* and their breath noy∣some, and vnsauory. Vpon this, followed a sneezing and [ C] hoarsenesse, and not long after, the paine, together with a mighty cough, came downe into the breast. And when once it was settled in the * stomacke, it caused vomit,* and with great torment came vp all manner of bilious pur∣gation that Physitians euer named. Most of them had also the Hickeyexe, which brought with it a strong con∣vulsion, and in some ceased quickly,* but in others was long before it gaue ouer. Their bodies outwardly to the touch, were neither very hote nor pale, but reddish liuid,* and be∣flowred with little pimples and whelkes; but so burned in∣wardly, [ D] as not to endure any the lightest cloathes or linnen garment, to be vpon them, nor any thing but meere naked∣nesse, but rather, most willingly, to haue cast themselues into the cold water. And many of them that were not looked to, possessed with insatiate thirst, ranne vnto the Welles, and to drinke much, or little, was indifferent,* be∣ing still, from ease, and power to sleepe, as farre as euer. As long as the disease was at the height,* their bodies wa∣sted not, but resisted the torment beyond all expectation, insomuch, as the most of them either dyed of their inward [ E] burning, in nine or seuen dayes,* whilest they had yet strength, or if they escaped that, then the disease falling Page  108 downe into their bellies,* and causing there great exulcera∣tions,* [ A] and immoderate loosenesse, they dyed many of them afterwards through weakenesse. For the disease (which tooke first the head) began aboue, and came downe, and passed through the whole body; and he that ouer∣came the worst of it, was yet marked with the losse of his extreme parts;* for breaking out both at their priuy members, and at their fingers and toes, many with the losse of these escaped. There were also some that lost their eyes, and many that presently vpon their recoue∣ry,* were taken with such an obliuion of all things [ B] whatsoeuer, as they neither knew themselues, nor their ac∣quaintance. For this was a kind of sickenesse which farre surmounted all expression of words, and both exceeded hu∣mane nature, in the cruelty wherwith it handled each one, and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst vs, and that especially by this. For all both birds and beasts,* that vse to feed on humane flesh, though many men lay abroad vnburied, either came not at them, or tasting perished. An argument whereof as touching the birds, is the manifest defect of such fowle, [ C] which were not then seene, neither about the Carcasses, or any where else; But by the dogges, because they are fa∣miliar with men, this effect was seene much cleerer. So that this disease (to passe ouer many strange particulars, of the accidents, that some had differently, from others) was in generall such as I haue showne, and for other vsuall sickenesses, at that time, no man was troubled with any. Now they died,* some for want of attendance, and some againe with all the care and Physicke that could be vsed. Nor was there any, to say, certaine medicine, that applied [ D] must haue helped them; for if it did good to one, it did harme to another; nor any difference of body, for strength or weaknesse that was able to resist it; but it carried all away, what Physicke soeuer was administred. But the greatest misery of all was,* the deiection of mind, in such as found themselues beginning to be sicke (for they grew presently desperate, and gaue themselues ouer without making any resistance) as also their dying thus like sheepe, infected by mutuall visitation, for the greatest mortality proceeded that way. For if men forbore to vi∣site [ E] them, for feare, then they dyed forlorne, whereby ma∣ny Page  109 [ A] Families became empty, for want of such as should take care of them. If they forbore not, then they died themselues, and principally the honestest men. For out of shame, they would not spare themselues, but went in vnto their friends, especially after it was come to this passe, that euen their domestiques, wearied with the lamentations of them that died, and ouercome with the greatnesse of the calamity, were no longer moued therewith. But those that were recouered, had much compassion both on them that died, and on them that lay sicke, as hauing both knowne [ B] the misery themselues, and now no more subiect to the danger.* For this disease neuer tooke any man the second time, so as to be mortall. And these men were both by others counted happy, and they also themselues, through excesse of present ioy, conceiued a kind of light hope, ne∣uer to die of any other sickenesse hereafter. Besides the pre∣sent affliction, the reception of the countrey people, and of their substance into the Citie, oppressed both them, and much more the people themselues that so came in. For ha∣uing no houses, but dwelling at that time of the yeere in [ C] stifling boothes, the mortality was now without all forme;* and dying men lay tumbling one vpon another in the streetes, and men halfe dead, about euery Conduit through desire of water. The Temples also where they dwelt in Tents, were all full of the dead that died with∣in them; for oppressed with the violence of the Calami∣tie, and not knowing what to doe, men grew carelesse both of holy, and prophane things alike. And the Lawes which they formerly vsed touching Funerals, were all now broken; euery one burying where hee could finde [ D] roome. And many for want of things necessary, after so many deathes before, were forced to become impudent in the Funerals of their friends.* For when one had made a Fu∣neral * Pile, another getting before him, would throw on his dead, and giue it fire. And when one was in burning, ano∣ther would come, and hauing cast thereon him whom he carried, goe his way againe.* And the great licentious∣nesse, which also in other kindes was vsed in the Citie, be∣gan at first from this disease. For that which a man before would dissemble, and not acknowledge to be done for vo∣luptuousnesse, [ E] he durst now doe freely, seeing before his eyes such quicke reuolution▪ of the rich dying, and men Page  110 worth nothing, inheriting their estates; insomuch as they [ A] iustified a speedy fruition of their goods, euen for their pleasure; as men that thought they held their liues but by the day. As for paines, no man was forward in any action of honour, to take any, because they thought it vn∣certaine whether they should dye or not, before they at∣chieued it But what any man knew to bee delightfull, and to bee profitable to pleasure, that was made both pro∣fitable and honourable.* Neither the feare of the Gods, nor Lawes of men, awed any man. Not the former, be∣cause they concluded it was alike to worship or not wor∣ship, [ B] from seeing that alike they all perished: nor the lat∣ter, because no man expected that liues would last, till he receiued punishment of his crimes by iudgement. But they thought there was now ouer their heads, some farre greater Iudgement decreed against them; before which fell, they thought to enioy some little part of their liues. Such was the misery into which the Athenians being falne, were much oppressed; hauing not onely their men killed by the Disease within, but the enemy also laying waste their Fields and Villages without.* In this sicknesse also, [ C] (as it was not vnlikely they would) they called to minde this Verse, said also of the elder sort to haue beene vttered of old:

A Dorique Warre shall fall,
And a great * Plague withall.

*Now were men at variance about the word, some say∣ing it was not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (.i. the Plague) that was by the An∣cients, mentioned in that verse, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (.i. Famine.) But [ D] vpon the present occasion the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, deseruedly ob∣tained. For as men suffered, so they made the Verse to say. And I thinke, if after this, there shall euer come an∣other Dorique Warre, and with it a Famine, they are like to recite the Verse accordingly. There was also reported by such as knew, a certaine answer giuen by the Oracle to the Lacedaemonians, when they enquired whether they should make this Warre, or not, That if they warred with all their power, they should haue the Victorie, and that the*God him∣selfe would take their parts: and thereupon they thought [ E] the present misery to bee a fulfilling of that Prophecie. Page  111 [ A] The Peloponnesians were no sooner entred Attica, but the sicknesse presenlty began, and neuer came into Peloponnesus, to speake of, but raigned principally in Athens, and in such other places afterwards as were most populous. And thus much of this Disease.

After the Peloponnesians had wasted the Champaigne Countrey, they fell vpon the Territory called *Paralos, as farre as to the Mountaine Laurius, where the Athenians had Siluer Mines, and first wasted that part of it which looketh towards Peloponnesus, and then that also which ly∣eth [ B] toward Andros and Euboea: and Pericles, who was also then Generall, was still of the same minde hee was of in the former inuasion, that the Athenians ought not to goe out against them to battell.

Whilst they were yet in the Plaine,* & before they entred into the Maritime Country, he furnished an hundred Gal∣lies to goe about Peloponnesus, and as soone as they were ready, put to Sea. In these Gallies hee had foure thou∣sand men of Armes; and in Vessels then purposely first made to carry Horses, three hundred Horsemen. The Chi∣ans [ C] and Lesbians ioyned likewise with him with fiftie Gal∣lies. This Fleet of the Athenians, when it set foorth, left the Pelopōnesians still in Paralia, and comming before Epidau∣rus, a Citie of Peloponnesus, they wasted much of the Coun∣try therabout, and assaulting the Citie, had a hope to take it, though it succeeded not. Leauing Epidaurus, they wasted the Territories about, of Traezene, Halias, and Hermione, places all on the Sea-coast of Pelopōnesus. Putting off from hence, they came to Prasiae, a small maritime Citie of Laconica, and both wasted the Territory about it, and tooke and razed [ D] the Towne it selfe: and hauing done this, came home, and found the Peloponnesians not now in Attica, but gone backe.

All the while the Peloponnesians were in the Territorie of the Athenians, and the Athenians abroad with their Fleet,* the sicknesse, both in the Armie and Citie, destroyed ma∣ny, in so much as it was said, that the Peloponnesians, fea∣ring the sicknesse (which they knew to bee in the Citie, both by fugitiues, and by seeing the Athenians burying their dead) went the sooner away out of the Countrey. And yet they stayed there longer in this inuasion, then they [ E] had done any time before; and wasted euen the whole Territory: for they continued in Attica almost forty daies.

Page  112*The same Summer, Agnon the sonne of Nicias, and Cleo∣pompus [ A] the Sonne of Clinias, who were ioynt Commanders with Pericles, with that Armie which hee had employed before, went presently and made Warre vpon the Chalcid∣ans of Thrace, and against Potidaea, which was yet besieged. Arriuing, they presently applyed Engins, and tryed all meanes possible to take it; but neither the taking of the Citie, nor any thing else, succeeded worthy so great prepa∣ration. For the sickenesse comming amongst them, affli∣cted them mightily indeed, and euen deuoured the Army. And the Athenian Souldiers which were there before, and [ B] in health, catched the sickenesse from those that came with Agnon. As for Phormio, and his 1600. they were not now amongst the Chalcideans; and Agnon therefore came backe with his Fleet, hauing of 4000 men in lesse then 40. dayes, lost 1050. of the plague. But the Souldiers that were there before, staid vpon the place, and continued the siege of Potidaea.

After the second inuasion of the Peloponnesians, the Atheni∣ans (hauing their fields now the second time wasted,* and both the sickenesse, and warre, falling vpon them at once) [ C] changed their mindes, and accused Pericles, as if by his meanes they had been brought into these calamities, and desired earnestly to compound with the Lacedaemonians, to whom also they sent certaine Ambassadours, but they re∣turned without effect. And being then at their wits end, they kept a stirre at Pericles. And hee, seeing them vexed with their present calamity, and doing all those things which he had before expected, called an Assem∣bly (for he was yet Generall) with intention to put them againe into heart, and asswaging their passion, to reduce [ D] their mindes to a more calme, and lesse dismayed temper; and standing forth, he spake vnto them, in this manner.

THE ORATION OF PERICLES.

YOur anger towards me, commeth not vnlooked for, (for the causes of it I know) and I haue called this Assembly therefore, to remember you, and reprehend you for those things, wherin you haue either beene angry with me, or giuen way to your aduersity, with∣out [ E] reason. For I am of this opinion, that the publike prosperity of the Page  113 [ A] Citie, is better for priuate men, then if the priuate men themselues were in prosperity, and the publique wealth in decay. For a priuate man, though in good estate, if his Countrey come to ruine, must of ne∣cessity be ruined with it; whereas hee that miscarrieth, in a flourish∣ing Common-wealth, shall much more easily be preserued. Since then the Common-wealth is able to beare the calamities of priuate men, and euery one cannot support the calamities of the Common-wealth, why should not euery one striue to defend it? and not (as you now, astonished with domestique misfortune) forsake the common safety, and fall a censuring both me that counselled the Warre, and your selues, that de∣creed [ B] the same as well as I. And it is I you are angry withall, one, as I thinke my selfe, inferiour to none, either in knowing what is requisite, or in expressing what I know, and a louer of my Countrey, and superior to money. For he that hath good thoughts, and cannot cleerely expresse them, were as good to haue thought nothing at all. He that can do both, and is ill affected to his Countrey, will likewise not giue it faithfull counsell. And he that will doe that too, yet if he be superable by mony, will for that alone set all the rest to sale. Now if you followed my ad∣uice in making this Warre, as esteeming these vertues to bee in mee, somewhat aboue the rest, there is sure no reason I should now be accu∣sed [ C] of doing you wrong. For though to such as haue it in their owne ele∣ction (being otherwise in good estate) it were madnesse to make choice of Warre; yet when we must of necessitie, either giue way, and so with∣out more adoe, be subiect to our Neighbours, or else saue our selues from it by danger, he is more to be condemned that declineth the danger, then he that standeth to it. For mine owne part, I am the man I was, and of the minde I was, but you are changed, wonne to the Warre, when you were entire, but repenting it vpon the dammage, and condemning my counsell, in the weakenesse of your owne iudgement. The reason of this is, because you feele already euery one in particular, that which afflicts [ D] you, but the euidence of the profit to accrew to the Citie in generall, you see not yet. And your mindes deiected with the great and sudden alteratoin, cannot constantly maintaine what you haue before resolued. For that which is sodaine and vnexpected, and contrary to what one hath deliberated, enslaueth the spirit; which by this disease princi∣pally, in the necke of the other incommodities, is now come to passe in you. But you that are borne in a great Citie, and with education sute∣able, how great soeuer the affliction be, ought not to shrinke at it, and eclipse your reputation (for men doe no lesse condemne those that through cowardize lose the glory they haue, then hate those that [ E] through impudence, arrogate the glory they haue not) but to set aside the griefe of your priuate losses, and lay your hands to the common Page  114 safety. As for the toyle of the Warre, that it may perhaps be long, [ A] nd we in the end neuer the neerer to the victory; though that may suffice which I haue demonstrated at other times, touching your auselesse suspition that way; yet this I will tell you moreouer, tou∣ching the greatnesse of your meanes for dominion, which neither you your selues seeme to haue euer thought on, nor I touched in my for∣mer Orations; nor would I also haue spoken it now, but that I see your mindes deiected more then there is cause for. That though you take your dominion to extend onely to your Confederates, I affirme that of the two parts of the world of manifest vse, the Land and the Sea, you are of the one of them, entire Masters, both of as much of it, [ B] as you make vse of, and also of as much more as you shall thinke fit your selues. Neither is there any King or Nation whatsoeuer, of those that now are, that can impeach your Nauigation, with the Fleet and strength you now goe. So that you must not put the vse of Houses, and Lands, (wherein you now thinke your selues depriued of a mighty matter) into the ballance with such a power as this, nor take the losse of these things heauily in respect of it; but rather set lit∣tle by them, as but a light ornament and embellishment of wealth, and thinke, that our libertie, as long as we hold fast that, will easily reco∣uer vnto vs, these things againe; whereas subiected once to others, [ C] euen that which we possesse besides will be diminished. Shew not your selues both wayes inferiour to your Ancestors, who not onely held this (gotten by their owne labours, not left them) but haue also preserued, and deliuered the same vnto vs, (For it is more dishonour to lose what one possesseth, then to miscarrie in the acquisition of it) and encounter the enemie not onely with magnanimitie, but also with disdaine: for a coward may haue a high minde, vpon a prosperous ignorance, but he that is confident vpon iudgement to be superiour to his enemy, doth also disdaine him, which is now our case. And cou∣rage (in equall fortune) is the safer for our disdaine of the enemy, [ D] where a man knowes what he doth. For he trusteth lesse to hope, which is of force onely in vncertainties, and more to iudgement vpon certainties, wherein there is a more sure foresight. You haue reason besides to maintaine the dignitie the Citie hath gotten for her Domi∣nion, (in which you all triumph) and either not decline the paines, or not also pursue the honour. And you must not thinke the question is now of your liberty, and seruitude onely; Besides the losse of your rule ouer others, you must stand the danger you haue contracted, by offence giuen in the administration of it. Nor can you now giue it ouer (if any fearing at this present, that that may come to passe, en∣courage [ E] himselfe with the intention of not to meddle hereafter) for Page  115 [ A] already your gouernment is in the nature of a tyranny, which is both vn∣iust for you to take vp, and vnsafe to lay downe. And such men as these, if they could perswade others to it, or liued in a free Citie by themselues, would quickly ouerthrow it. For the quiet life can neuer be preserued, if it be not ranged with the actiue life; nor is it a life conducible to a Citie that reigneth, but to a subiect Citie, that it may safely serue. Be not therfore seduced by this sort of men, nor angry with me, to∣gether with whom your selues did decree this Warre, because the ene∣my inuading you hath done what was likely he would, if you obeyed him not. And as for the sickenesse (the onely thing that exceeded [ B] the imagination of all men) it was vnlooked for, and I know you hate me somewhat the more for that, but vniustly, vnlesse when any thing falleth out aboue your expectation fortunate, you will also dedicate vn∣to me that. Euils that come from heauen, you must beare necessarily, and such as proceed from your enemies valiantly; for so it hath beene the custome of this Citie to doe heretofore, which custome let it not bee your part to reuerse: Knowing that this Citie hath a great name amongst all people, for not yeelding to aduersity, and for the mighty power it yet hath, after the expence of so many liues, and so much la∣bour in the Warre; the memory whereof, though we should now at [ C] length miscarry (for all things are made with this Law, to decay againe) will remaine with posterity for euer. How that being Gre∣cians, most of the Grecians were our subiects; That we haue abidden the greatest Warres against them, both vniuersally and singly, And haue inhabited the greatest and wealthiest Citie, Now this, hee with the quiet life will condemne, the actiue man will aemulate, and they that haue not attained to the like, will enuy. But to be hated, and to displease, is a thing that happeneth for the time to whosoeuer hee be that hath the command of others; and he does well that vndergoeth hatred, for matters of great consequence. For the hatred lasteth not, [ D] and is recompenced both with a present splendor, and an immortall glo∣ry hereafter. Seing then you foresee both what is honourable for the fu∣ture, and not dishonourable for the present, procure both the one, and the other by your courage now. Send no more Heraulds to the Lace∣daemonians, nor let them know that the euill present does any way afflict you; for they whose mindes least feele, and whose actions most oppose a calamity, both amongst States, and priuate persons are the best.

In this speech did Pericles endeauour to appease the an¦ger [ E] of the Athenians towards himselfe, and withall to with∣draw their thoughts from the present affliction; But Page  116 they, though for the State in generall, they were won, and [ A] sent to the Lacedaemonians no more, but rather enclined to the Warre, yet they were euery one in particular, grieued for their seuerall losses. The poore, because entring the Warre with little, they lost that little, and the rich, be∣cause they had lost faire possessions, together with good∣ly houses, and costly furniture in them, in the Countrey; but the greatest matter of all was, that they had Warre in stead of Peace.* And altogether, they deposed not their anger, till they had first fined him in a summe of money. Neuerthelesse, not long after, (as is the fashion of the [ B] multitude) they made him Generall againe, and commit∣ted the whole State to his administration. For the sense of their domestique losses was now dulled, and for the need of the Common-wealth, they prised him more then any other whatsoeuer. For as long as he was in authority in the Citie, in time of Peace, he gouerned the same with moderation,* and was a faithfull watchman of it, and in his time it was at the greatest. And after the Warre was on foot, it is manifest that he therein also fore-saw what it could doe.* Hee liued after the Warre began, two yeeres [ C] and sixe moneths And his foresight in the Warre was best knowne after his * death. For he told them, that if they would be quiet, and looke to their Nauy, and during this Warre, seeke no further dominion, nor hazzard the Citie it selfe, they should then haue the vpper hand. But they did contrary in all, and in such other things besides, as seemed not to concerne the Warre, managed the State, according to their priuate ambition and couetousnesse, per∣nitiously both for themselues, and their Confederates. What succeeded well, the honour and profit of it, came [ D] most to priuate men; and what miscarried, was to the Cities detriment in the Warre. The reason whereof was this, that being a man of great power, both for his dignity and wisdome,* & for bribes, manifestly the most incorrupt, he freely controuled the multitude, and was not so much led by them, as he led them. Because (hauing gotten his power by no euill Artes) he would not humour them in his speeches, but out of his authority, durst anger them with contradiction. Therefore whensoeuer he saw them out of season insolently bold; he would with his Orations [ E] put them into a feare, and againe when they were afraid Page  117 [ A] without reason, he would likewise erect their spirits, and imbolden them. It was in name a State Democraticall, but in fact, A gouernment of the principall Man. But they that came after, being more equall amongst themselues, and af∣fecting euery one to be the chiefe, applyed themselues to the people, and let goe the care of the Common-wealth. From whence, amongst many other errours, as was like∣ly in a great and dominant Citie, proceeded also the voyage into Sicily, which was not so much vpon mistaking those whom they went against, as for want of knowledge in the [ B] senders, of what was necessary for those that went the voyage. For through priuate quarrels about, who should beare the greatest sway with the people, they both abated the vigour of the Armie, and then also first troubled the State at home with diuision. Being ouerthrowne in Sici∣ly, and hauing lost, besides other ammunition, the greatest part of their Nauy, and the Citie being then in sedition, yet they held out 3 yeeres, both against their first enemies, and the Sicilians with them, and against most of their reuol∣ted Confederates besides, and also afterwards against Cyrus [ C] the Kings sonne, who tooke part with, and sent money to the Peloponnesians, to maintaine their Fleet; and neuer shrunke till they had ouerthrowne themselues with pri∣uate dissentions. So much was in Pericles aboue other men at that time, that he could foresee by what meanes the Citie might easily haue out-lasted the Peloponnesians in this Warre.

The Lacedaemonians and their Confederates,* made Warre the same Summer with 100 Gallies, against Zacynthus, an Iland lying ouer against Elis.* The Inhabitants whereof [ D] were a Colony of the Achaeans of Peloponnesus, but Confede∣rates of the people of Athens. There went in this Fleet, 1000 men of Armes, and Cnemus a Spartan for Admirall, who landing, wasted the greatest part of the Territory. But they of the Iland not yeelding, they put off againe, and went home.

In the end of the same Summer, Aristaeus of Corinth,* and Anaristus, Nicolaus, Pratodemus, and Timagoras of Tegea, Am∣bassadours of the Lacedaemonians, and Polis of Argos, a pri∣uate man, as they were trauelling into Asia to the King, to [ E] get mony of him, and to draw him into their league, tooke Thrace in their way, and came vnto Sitalces the sonne of Page  118Teres, with a desire to get him also, if they could, to for∣sake [ A] the league with Athens, and to send his forces to Po∣tidaea, which the Athenian Army now besieged, and not to aide the Athenians any longer: and withall to get leaue to passe through his Countrey to the other side of Hellespont, to goe, as they intended, to Pharnabazus, the sonne of Phar∣naces, who would conuoy them to the King. But the Am∣bassadours of Athens, Learchus, the sonne of Callimachus, and Ameiniades the sonne of Philemon, then resident with Sital∣ces, perswaded Sadocus the sonne of Sitalces, who was now a Citizen of Athens, to put them into their hands, that they [ B] might not goe to the King, and doe hurt to the Citie, whereof hee himselfe was now a member. Whereunto condiscending, as they iourneyed thorow Thrace, to take ship to crosse the Hellespont,* he apprehended them before they got to the ship, by such others as he sent along with Learchus, and Ameiniades, with command to deliuer them in∣to their hands; And they, when they had them, sent them away to Athens. When they came thither, the Atheni∣ans fearing Aristaeus, lest escaping, he should doe them fur∣ther mischiefe, (for he was manifestly the authour of all [ C] the businesse of Potidaea, and about Thrace) the same day put them all to death,* vniudged, and desirous to haue spoken, and threw them into the Pits, thinking it but iust, to take reuenge of the Lacedaemonians that began it, and had slaine and throwne into Pits, the Merchants of the A∣thenians, and their Confederates, whom they tooke sayling in * Merchants ships, about the Coast of Peloponnesus. For in the beginning of the Warre, the Lacedaemonians slew, as enemies, whomsoeuer they tooke at Sea, whether Confe∣derates of the Athenians, or neutrall, all alike. [ D]

About the same time, in the end of Summer, the Ambraciotes,* both they themselues, and diuers Barbarian Nations by them raised, made Warre against Argos of Am∣philochia, and against the rest of that Territory. The quar∣rell betweene them and the Argiues, arose first from hence. This Argos and the rest of Amphilochia, was planted by Amphilochus the sonne of Amphiraus, after the Troian Warre; who at his returne, misliking the then State of Argos, built this Citie in the Gulfe of Ambracia, and called it Argos, af∣ter the name of his owne Countrey. And it was the grea∣test [ E] Citie, and had the most wealthy Inhabitants of all Am∣philochia.Page  119 [ A] But many generations after, being fallen into mi∣sery, they communicated their Citie with the Ambraciotes, bordering vpon Amphilochia. And then they first learned the Greeke language now vsed, from the Ambraciotes, that liued among them. For the rest of the Amphilochians, were Barbarians. Now the Ambraciotes in processe of time, draue out the Argiues, and held the Citie by themselues. Where∣upon the Amphilochians submitted themselues to the A∣carnanians, and both together called in the Athenians, who sent 30 Gallies to their aide, and Phormio for Generall. [ B] Phormio being arriued, tooke Argos by assault, and making slaues of the Ambraciotes, put the Towne into the ioynt possessions of the Amphilochians and Acarnanians; and this was the beginning of the League betweene the Athenians and Acarnanians. The Ambraciotes therefore deriuing their hatred to the Argiues from this their captiuity, came in with an Armie partly of their owne, and partly raised a∣mongst the Chaonians, and other neighbouring Barbarians now in this Warre. And comming to Argos, were masters of the field; but when they could not take the Citie by [ C] assault, they returned, and disbanding,* went euery Nation to his owne. These were the Acts of the Summer.

In the beginning of Winter, the Athenians sent 20 Gal∣lies about Peloponnesus, vnder the command of Phormio, who comming to lie at *Naupactus, guarded the passage that none might goe in, or out, from Corinth, and the Crissaean Gulfe. And other 6 Gallies, vnder the Conduct of Mele∣sander▪ they sent into Caria, and Lycia, as well to gather tri∣bute in those parts, as also to hinder the Peloponnesian Pi∣rates, lying on those Coasts from molesting the Nauigati∣on [ D] of such * Merchant-ships as they expected to come to them from Phaselis, Phoenicia, and that part of the Continent. But Melesander landing in Lycia, with such forces of the Athenians and their Confederates, as he had aboard, was ouercome in battaile, and slaine, with the losse of a part of his Army.

The same Winter,* the Potidaeans vnable any longer to endure the siege, seeing the inuasion of Attica by the Pelo∣ponnesians, could not make them rise, and seeing their victu∣all failed, and that they were forced, amongst diuers other [ E] things done by them, for necessity of food, to eate one ano∣ther, propounded at length to Xenophon the sonne of Page  120Euripedes, Hestiodorus, the sonne of Aristoclidas, and Phaeno∣machus, [ A] the sonne of Callimachus, the Athenian Commanders that lay before the Citie, to giue the same into their hands. And they, seeing both that the Armie was already affli∣cted by lying in that cold place, and that the State had already spent * 2000. Talents vpon the Siege, accepted of it. The conditions agreed on, were these: To depart, they and their Wiues and Children, and their auxiliar Souldiers, euery man with one sute of cloathes, and euery woman with two; and to take with them euery one a certaine summe of money for his charges by the way. Hereupon a Truce was granted them to depart▪ and [ B] they went, some to the Chalcideans, and others to other pla∣ces, as they could get to. But the people of Athens called the Commanders in question, for compounding without them; conceiuing that they might haue gotten the Citie to discretion. And sent afterwards a Colonie to Potidaea of their owne Citizens. These were the things done in this Winter. And so ended the second yeere of this War, written by Thucydides.

*The next Summer, the Peloponnesians and their Confe∣derates came not into Attica, but turned their Armes a∣gainst [ C] Plataea,* led by Archidamus the sonne of Zeuxidamus, King of the Lacedaemonians, who hauing pitched his Campe was about to waste the Territory thereof. But the Pla∣taeans sent Ambassadours presently vnto him, with words to this effect: Archidamus, and you Lacedaemonians, you doe neither iustly, nor worthy your selues and Ancestours, in ma∣king Warre vpon Plataea. For Pausanias of Lacedaemon, the sonne of Cleombrotus,*hauing (together with such Grecians as were content to vndergoe the danger of the battell that was fought in this our Territory) deliuered all Greece from the slauery of the [ D] Persians, when hee offered Sacrifice in the Market place of Plataea, to Iupiter the deliuerer, called together all the Confederates, and granted to the Plataeans this priuiledge; That their Citie and Territory should bee free: That none should make any vniust Warre against them, nor goe about to subiect them; and if any did, the Confederates then present, should to their vtmost ability, reuenge their quarell. These priuiledges your Fathers granted vs for our valour, and zeale in those dangers. But now doe you the cleane contrary; for you ioyne with our greatest enemies, the Thebans, to bring vs into subiection. There∣fore [ E] calling to witnesse the Gods then sworne by, and the Gods both of Page  121 [ A] your and our Countrey, we require you, that you doe no dammage to the Territory of Plataea, nor violate those Oathes; but that you suffer vs to enioy our libertie in such sort as was allowed vs by Pausanias.

The Plataeans hauing thus said, Archidamus replyed, and said thus. Men of Plataea, If you would doe as ye say,*you say what is iust. For as Pausanias hath granted to you, so also bee you free; and helpe to set free the rest, who hauing beene partakers of the same dangers then, and being comprized in the same oath with your selues, are now brought into subiection by the Athenians. And this so great preparation and Warre is only for the deliuerance of them, and others: [ B] of which if you will especially participate, keepe your oathes, at least (as we haue also aduised you formerly) be quiet, and enioy your owne, in neutrality; receiuing both sides in the way of friendship, neither side in the way of faction. Thus said Archidamus. And the Ambassa∣dours of Plataea, when they had heard him returned to the Citie, and hauing communicated his answer to the peo∣ple, brought word againe to Archidamus,*That what hee had aduised, was impossible for them to performe, without leaue of the Athenians, in whose keeping were their wiues and children; and that they feared also, for the whole Citie, lest when the Lacedaemo∣nians [ C] were gone, the Athenians should come and take the custody of it out of their hands; or that the Thebans comprehended in the oath of receiuing both sides, should againe attempt to surprize it. But Archidamus to encourage them, made this answer:*Deliuer you vnto vs Lacedaemonians, your Citie and your houses, shew vs the bounds of your Territory, giue vs your trees by tale, and whatso∣euer else can be numbred, and depart your selues whither you shall think good, as long as the Warre lasteth, and when it shall be ended, we will deliuer it all vnto you againe: in the meane time, we will keepe them as deposited, and will cultiuate your ground, and pay you rent for it, [ D] as much as shall suffice for your maintenance.

Hereupon the Ambassadours went againe into the Ci∣ty, and hauing consulted with the people, made answer, That they would first acquaint the Athenians with it,*and if they would consent, they would thē accept the condition: till then, they desired a suspension of armes, and not to haue their Territory wasted. Vpon this he granted them so many dayes truce as was requisite for their returne, and for so long, forbore to waste their Territory. When the Plataean Ambassadours were arri∣ued at Athens, and had aduised on the matter with the Athe∣nians, [ E] they returned to the City with this answer:*The A∣thenians say thus: That neither in former times, since wee were Page  122 their Confederates, did they eur abandon vs to the iniuries of any, [ A] nor will they now neglect vs, but giue vs their vtmost assistance. And they coniure vs by the oath of our Fathers, not to make any alienation touching the league.

When the Ambassadours had made this report, the Plataeans resolued in their councels, not to betray the Athe∣nians, but rather to endure, if it must bee, the wasting of their Territory before their eyes, and to suffer whatsoeuer misery could befall them; and no more to goe forth, but from the Walles to make this Answer:*That it was impossible for them to doe as the Lacedaemonians had required. [ B] When they had answered so, Archidamus the King, first made a protestation to the Gods and Heroes of the Coun∣trey,* saying thus: All ye Gods and Heroes, protectors of Plataeis, bee witnesses, that wee neither invade this Territory, wherein our Fa∣thers, after their vowes vnto you, ouercame the Medes, and which you made propitious for the Grecians to fight in, vniustly now in the beginning; because they haue first broken the League they had sworne: nor what wee shall further doe will bee any iniury, because, though we haue offered many and reasonable conditions, they haue yet beene all refused. Assent ye also to the punishment of the beginners of iniury, [ C] and to the reuenge of those that beare lawfull armes.

Hauing made this protestation to the Gods, hee made ready his Armie for the Warre. And first hauing felled Trees, he therewith made a Palizado about the Towne, that none might goe out.* That done, he raised a Mount against the Wall, hoping with so great an Armie all at worke at once, to haue quickly taken it. And hauing cut downe Wood in the Hill Cithaeron, they built a Frame of Timber, and watled it about on either side, to serue in stead of Walles, to keepe the Earth from falling too much [ D] away, and cast into it stones, and earth, and whatsoeuer else would serue to fill it vp. 70. dayes and nights conti∣nually they powred on, diuiding the worke betweene them for rest in such manner, as some might bee carrying, whilest others tooke their sleepe and foode. And they were vrged to labour, by the Lacedaemonians that comman∣ded the Mercenaries of the seuerall Cities, and had the charge of the worke.* The Plataeans seeing the Mount to rise, made the frame of a Wall with Wood, which ha∣uing placed on the Wall of the Citie, in the place where [ E] the Mount touched, they built it within full of Brickes, Page  123 [ A] taken from the adioyning Houses, for that purpose demo∣lished, the Timber seruing to binde them together, that the building might not bee weakned by the height. The same was also couered with Hides and Quilts, both to keepe the Timber from shot of wilde-fire, and those that wrought, from danger. So that the height of the Wall was great on one side, and the Mount went vp as fast on the other. The Plataeans vsed also this deuice; they brake a hole in their owne Wall, where the Mount ioyned,* and drew the earth from it into the Citie. But the Peloponne∣sians, [ B] when they found it out, tooke clay, and therewith daubing Hurdles of Reeds, cast the same into the chinke, which mouldring not, as did the earth, they could not draw it away. The Plataeans excluded heere,* gaue ouer that Plot, and digging a secret mine, which they carried vnder the mount from within the Citie by coniecture, fetched away the earth againe, and were a long time vndiscouered; so that still casting on, the Mount grew still lesse, the earth being drawne away below, and settling ouer the part where it was voyded. The Plataeans neuerthelesse, fearing [ C] that they should not be able euen thus to hold out, beeing few against many, deuised this further: they gaue ouer working at the high Wall, against the Mount,* and be∣ginning at both ends of it, where the Wall was low, built another Wall in forme of a Crescent, inward to the Citie, that if the great Wall were taken, this might resist, and put the Enemy to make another Mount; and by comming further in, to bee at double paines, and withall, more en∣compassable with shot. The Peloponnesians, together with the raising of their Mount,* brought to the Citie their En∣gines [ D] of battery; one of which, by helpe of the Mount, they applyed to the high Wall, wherewith they much shooke it, and put the Plataeans into great feare; and others to other parts of the Wall,* which the Plataeans partly tur∣ned aside, by casting Ropes about them, and partly with great beames, which being hung in long iron chaines, by either end vpon two other great beames, etting ouer, and enclining from aboue the Wall, like two hornes, they drew vp to them athwart, and where the Engine was a∣bout to light, slacking the chaines, and letting their hands [ E] goe, they let fall with violence, to breake the beake of it. After this, the Peloponnesians seeing their Engines a∣uailed Page  124 not, and thinking it hard to take the City by any [ A] present violence, prepared themselues to besiege it. But first they thought fit to attempt it by fire, being no great Citie, and when the Wind should rise, if they could, to burne it. For there was no way they did not thinke on, to haue gained it without expence and long siege.* Hauing therefore brought Faggots, they cast them from the Mount, into the space betweene it and their new Wall, which by so many hands was quickly filled; and then in∣to as much of the rest of the Citie, as at that distance they could reach: and throwing amongst them fire, together [ B] with Brimstone and Pitch, kindled the Wood, and raised such a flame,* as the like was neuer seene before, made by the hand of man. For as for the woods in the Mountaines, the trees haue indeed taken fire, but it hath bin by mutuall at∣trition, and haue flamed out of their own accord. But this fire was a great one, and the Plataeans that had escaped o∣ther mischiefes, wanted little of being consumed by this. For neere the Wall they could not get by a great way: and if the Wind had beene with it (as the enemy hoped it might) they could neuer haue escaped. It is also repor∣ted, [ C] that there fell much raine then, with great Thunder, and that the flame was extinguished, and the danger cea∣sed by that. The Peloponnesians, when they failed like∣wise of this, retayning a part of their Armie, and dismis∣sing the rest, enclosed the Citie about with a Wall; diui∣ding the circumference thereof to the charge of the seue∣rall Cities. There was a Ditch both within and without it, out of which they made their Brickes; and after it was finished, which was about the * rising of Arcturus, they left a guard for one halfe of the Wall, (for the other was [ D] guarded by the Boeotians) and departed with the rest of their Armie, and were dissolued according to their Cities. The Plataeans had before this, sent their Wiues and Chil∣dren, and all their vnseruiceable men to Athens. The rest were besieged, beeing in number, of the Plataeans them∣selues, 400. of Athenians, 80. and 100 Women to dresse their meate. These were all when the Siege was first laid, and not one more, neither free nor bond in the Citie. In this manner was the Citie besieged.

The same Summer, at the same time that this Iourney [ E] was made against Plataea, the Athenians with 2000. men of Page  125 [ A] Armes of their owne Citie, and 200. Horsemen,* made Warre vpon the Chalcideans of Thrace, and the Bottiaeans▪ when the Corne was at the highest, vnder the conduct of Xenophon the sonne of Eurypides, and two others. These comming before Spartolus in Bottiaea, destroyed the Corne, & expected that the Town should haue bin rendred by the practice of some within. But such as would not haue it so hauing sent for aid to Olynthus before, there came into the Citie for safegard thereof, a supply both of men of Armes, and other Souldiers from thence. And these issuing forth [ B] of Spartolus, the Athenians put themselues into order of Bat∣tell vnder the Towne it selfe. The men of Armes of the Chalcideans, and certaine auxiliaries with them, were ouer∣come by the Athenians, and retired within Spartolus. And the Horsemen of the Chalcideans,* and their light-armed Souldiers, ouercame the Horsemen, and light-armed of the Athenians; but they had some few Targettiers besides, of the Territory called Chrusis. When the Battell was now begun, came a supply of other Targettiers from O∣lynthus, which the light armed Souldiers of Spartolus per∣ceiuing, [ C] emboldned both by this addition of strength, and also as hauing had the better before, with the Chalcidean Horse, and this new supply, charged the Athenians afresh. The Athenians heereupon retired to two companies they had left with the Carriages; and as oft as the Athenians charged, the Chalcideans retired; and when the Athenians retired, the Chalcideans charged them with their shot. E∣specially the Chalcidean Horsemen rode vp, and charging them where they thought fit, forced the Athenians in ex∣treme affright, to turne their backes, and chased them a [ D] great way. The Athenians fled to Potidaea, and hauing af∣terwards fetched away the bodies of their dead vpon truce, returned with the remainder of their Armie, to Athens. Foure hundred and thirty men they lost, and their chiefe Commanders all three. And the Chalcideans and Bottiaeans,* when they had set vp a Trophie, and taken vp their dead bodies, disbanded and went euery one to his Citie.

Not long after this, the same Summer,* the Ambraciotes and Chaonians, desiring to subdue all Acarnania, and to make it reuolt from the Athenians, perswaded the Lacedaemonians [ E] to make ready a Fleet out of the Confederate Cities, and to send 1000. men of Armes into Acarnania; saying, that Page  126 if they ayded them both with a Fleet, and a Land Armie [ A] at once, the Acarnanians of the Sea-cost being thereby dis∣abled to assist the rest, hauing easily gained Acarnania, they might be Masters afterward both of Zacynthus and Cephalo∣nia, and the Athenians hereafter lesse able to make their voy∣ages about Peloponnesus; and that there was a hope besides to take Naupactus. The Peloponnesians assenting, sent thi∣ther Cnemus, who was yet Admirall, with his men of Armes, in a few Gallies immediately; and withall sent word to the Cities about, as soone as their Gallies were ready, to sayle with all speed to Leucas. Now the Corin∣thians [ B] were very zealous in the behalfe of the Ambraciotes, as being their owne Colony. And the Gallies which were to goe from Corinth, Sicyonia, and that part of the Coast, were now making ready; and those of the Leucadi∣ans, Anactorians, and Ambraciotes, were arriued before, and stayed at Leucas for their comming. Cnemus and his 1000. men of Armes, when they had crossed the Sea vndiscryed of Phormio, who commanded the 20. Athenian Gallies that kept watch at Naupactus,* presently prepared for the War by Land. He had in his Army, of Grecians, the Ambraci∣otes,* [ C] Leucadians, Anactorians, and the thousand Peloponnesi∣ans he brought with him; and of Barbarians, a thousand Chaonians, who haue no King, but were led by Photius and Nicanor, which two being of the Families eligible had now the annuall gouernment. With the Chaonians came also the Thesprotians, they also without a King. The Mo∣lossians, and Antitanians were led by Sabylinthus, protector of Tharups their King, who was yet in minority. The Para∣ueans were led by their King Oraedus; and vnder Oroedus, serued likewise, by permission of Antiochus their King, a [ D] thousand Orestians. Also Perdiccas sent thither, vn∣knowne to the Athenians, a thousand Macedonians; but these last were not yet arriued. With this Armie began Cnemus to march, without staying for the Fleet from Corinth. And passing through Argia, they destroyed Limnaea, a Towne vnwalled.* From thence they marched towards Stratus, the greatest Citie of Acarnania; conceiuing that if they could take this first, the rest would come easily in. The Acarnanians seeing a great Army by Land was entred their Countrey already, and expecting the enemy also by [ E] Sea, ioyned not to succour Stratus, but guarded euery one Page  127 [ A] his owne, and sent for ayde to Phormio. But he answered them, that since there was a Fleet to bee set forth from Corinth, he could not leaue Naupactus without a guard. The Peloponnesians and their Confederates, with their Ar∣mie diuided into three, marched on towards the Citie of the Stratians, to the end that being encamped neere it, if they yeelded not on parley, they might presently assault the Walles. So they went on, the Chaonians and other Barbarians in the middle; the Leucadians, and Anactonians; and such others as were with these, on the right hand▪ [ B] and Cnemus, with the Peloponnesians and Ambraciotes on the left; each Armie at great distance, and sometimes out of sight one of another. The Grecians in their march,* kept their order, and went warily on, till they had gotten a conuenient place to encampe in.* But the Chaonians confi∣dent of themselues, and by the inhabitants of that Conti∣nent accounted most warlike, had not the patience to take in any ground for a Campe, but carried furiously on, toge∣ther with the rest of the Barbarians; thought to haue taken the Towne by their clamour, and to haue the Action a∣scribed [ C] onely to themselues. But they of Stratus, aware of this, whilest they were yet in their way, and imagining,* if they could ouercome these, thus deuided from the other two Armies, that the Grecians also would be the lesse for∣ward to come on, placed diuers▪ Ambushes not farre from the Citie, and when the enemies approached, fell vpon them, both from the Citie, and from the Ambushes at once, and putting them into affright, slew many of the Chaonians vpon the place: And the rest of the Barbarians seeing these to shrinke, staid no longer, but fled outright. [ D] Neither of the Grecian Armies had knowledge of this Skirmish, because they were gone so farre before, to chuse (as they then thought) a commodious place to pitch in. But when the Barbarians came backe vpon them running, they receiued them, and ioyning both Campes together, stirred no more for that day. And the Stratians assaulted them not, for want of the ayde of the rest of the Acarnani∣ans, but vsed their slings against them, and troubled them much that way. For without their men of Armes, there was no stirring for them. And in this kinde the Acarnani∣ans [ E] are held excellent.

When night came, Cnemus withdrew his Armie to the Page  128 Riuer Anapus, from Stratus 80. Furlongs, and fetched off [ A] the dead bodies vpon truce, the next day. And, whereas the Citie Oeniades was come in of it selfe, he made his re∣treat thither, before the Acarnanians should assemble with their succours;* and from thence went euery one home. And the Stratians set vp a Trophie of the Skirmish against the Barbarians.

*In the meane time the Fleet of Corinth, and the other Confederates, that was to set out from the Crissaean Gulfe, and to ioyne with Cnemus, to hinder the lower Acarnani∣ans from ayding the vpper, came not at all; but were [ B] compelled to fight with Phormio, and those twenty Athe∣nian Gallies that kept watch at Naupactus, about the same time that the Skirmish was at Stratus. For as they sayled along the shore, Phormio waited on them till they were out of the streight, intending to set vpon them in the open Sea. And the Corinthians and their Confederates went not as to fight by Sea, but furnished rather for the Land-ser∣uice in Acarnania; and neuer thought that the Athenians with their twenty Gallies, durst fight with theirs, that were seuen and forty. Neuerthelesse, when they saw that [ C] the Athenians, as themselues sayled by one shore, kept ouer against them on the other, and that now when they went off from Patrae in Achaia, to goe ouer to Acarna∣nia in the opposite Continent, the Athenians came towards them from Chalcis, and the Riuer Euenus, and also knew that they had come to anchor there the night before, they found they were then to fight of necessity, directly against the mouth of the Straight. The Commanders of the Fleet were such as the Cities that set it foorth, had seuerally appointed; but of the Corinthians, these; Machon, Isocra∣tes,* [ D] and Agatharchidas. The Peloponnesians ordered their Fleet in such manner, as they made thereof a Circle, as great as, without leauing the spaces so wide as for the Athenians to passe through, they were possibly able; with the stemmes of their Gallies outward, and sternes inward, and into the middest thereof, receiued such small Vessels as came with them; and also fiue of their swiftest Gallies, the which were at narrow passages to come forth in what∣soeuer part the Enemy should charge.

*But the Athenians with their Gallies ordered one after [ E] one in file, went round them, and shrunke them vp toge∣ther, Page  129 [ A] by wiping them euer as they past, and putting them in expectation of present fight. But Phormio had before forbidden them to fight, till he himselfe had giuen them the signall. For he hoped that this order of theirs would not last long, as in an Army on Land, but that the Gallies would fall foule of one another, and be troubled also with the smaller vessels in the middest. And if the wind should also blow out of the Gulfe, in expectation whereof he so went round them, and which * vsually blew there euery morning, hee made account they would then instantly be [ B] disordered. As for giuing the onset, because his Gallies were more agile then the Gallies of the enemy, he thought it was in his owne election, and would bee most oppor∣tune on that occasion. When this wind was vp, and the Gallies of the Peloponnesians being already contracted into a narrow compasse, were both waies troubled, by the wind, and withall by their owne lesser vessels that encumbred them; and when one Gallie fell foule of another, and the Mariners laboured to set them cleere with their poles, and through the noyse they made, keeping off, and reuiling each other, heard nothing, neither of their charge, nor of [ C] the Gallies direction; and through want of skill, vnable to keepe vp their Oares in a troubled Sea, rendred the Gal∣lie vntractable to him that sate at the Helme, Then, and with this opportunity he gaue the signall. And the Athe∣nians charging, drowned first one of the Admirall Gallies, and diuers others after it, in the seuerall parts they assaul∣ted; and brought them to that passe at length, that not one applying himselfe to the fight,* they fled all towards Patrae and Dyme, Cities of Achaia. The Athenians, after they [ D] had chased them, and taken twelue Gallies, and slain most of the men that were in them, fell off, and went to Moly∣chrium; and when they had there set vp a Trophie, and consecrated one Gallie to Neptune, they returned with the rest to Naupactus. The Peloponnesians with the remainder of their Fleet, went presently along the Coast of Cyllene, the Arsenall of the Eleans; and thither, after the Battell at Stratus, came also Cnemus, from Leucas, and with him those Gallies that were there, and with which this other Fleet should haue beene ioyned.

[ E] After this,* the Lacedaemonians sent vnto Cnemus to the Fleet, Timocrates, Brasidas, and Lycophron to be of his Coun∣cell, Page  130 with command to prepare for another better fight, [ A] and not to suffer a few Gallies to depriue them of the vse of the Sea. For they thought this accident (especially being their first proofe by sea) very much against reason; and that it was not so much a defect of the Fleet, as of their courage neuer cōparing the long practice of the Athe∣nians, with their own short study in these businesses. And therefore they sent these men thither in passion: who be∣ing arriued with Cnemus, intimated to the Cities about, to prouide their Gallies, and caused those they had before, to be repayred. Phormio likewise sent to Athens, to make [ B] knowne both the Enemies preparation, and his owne for∣mer victory; and withall to will them to send speedily vnto him, as many Gallies as they could make ready; be∣cause they were euery day in expectation of a new fight. Heereupon they sent him twenty Gallies, but comman∣ded him that had the charge of them, to goe first into Crete.

*For Nicias a Cretan of Gortys, the publike Host of the A∣thenians, had perswaded them to a voyage against Cydonia, telling them they might take it in, being now their Ene∣mie. [ C] Which he did, to gratifie the Polichnitae, that bor∣dered vpon the Cydonians. Therefore with these Gallies hee sayled into Crete, and together with the Polichnitae, wa∣sted the Territory of the Cydonians; where also, by reason of the Winds, and weather vnfit to take Sea in, hee wa∣sted not a little of his time.

In the meane time, whilest these Athenians were Wind-bound in Crete,* the Peloponnesians that were in Cyllene, in or∣der of Battell sayled along the Coast to Panormus of Achaia, to which also were their Land-forces come to ayde them. [ D] Phormio likewise sayled by the shore to Rhium Molychricum, and anchored without it, with twenty Gallies, the same hee had vsed in the former Battell. Now this Rhium was of the Athenians side, and the other Rhium in Peloponnesus, lyes on the opposite shore, distant from it at the most but seuen furlongs of Sea; and these two make the mouth of the Crissaean Gulfe. The Peloponnesians therefore came to an anchor at Rhium of Achaia, with 77. Gallies, not farre from Panormus, where they left their Land Forces. After they saw the Athenians, and had lyen sixe or seuen daies one [ E] against the other, meditating and prouiding for the Battell, Page  131 [ A] the Peloponnesians not intending to put off without Rhium into the wide Sea, for feare of what they had sufferd by it before; nor the other to enter the Streight, because to fight within, they thought to be the Enemies aduantage. At last, Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Commanders of the Peloponnesians, desiring to fight speedily, before a new supply should arriue from Athens, called the Soldiers toge∣ther, and seeing the most of them to be fearefull through their former defeat, and not forward to fight againe, en∣couraged them first with words to this effect.

[ B]

THE ORATION OF CNEMVS.

MEn of Peloponnesus, If any of you be afraid of the Bat∣tell at hand, for the successe of the Battell past, his feare is without ground. For you know, wee were inferiour to them then in preparation, and set not forth as to a fight at Sea, but rather to an expedition by Land. Fortune likewise crossed vs in many things; and somewhat wee miscarried by vnskilfulnesse: so [ C] as the losse can no way be ascribed to cowardise. Nor is it iust, so long as we were not ouercome by meere force, but haue somewhat to alledge in our excuse, that the mind should bee deiected for the calamity of the euent. But we must thinke, that though Fortune may faile men, yet the courage of a valiant man can neuer faile: and not that we may iustifie cowardise in any thing, by pretending want of skill, and yet bee truely valiant. And yet you are not so much short of their skill, as you exceede them in valour. And though this knowledge of theirs, which you so much feare, ioyned with courage, will not bee without a memory also, to put what they [ D] know in execution, yet without courage, no act in the world is of any force in the time of danger. For feare confoundeth the memo∣ry, and skill without courage auaileth nothing. To their oddes therefore of skill, oppose your oddes of valour; and to the feare caused by your ouerthrow, oppose your being then vnprouided. You haue further now, a greater Fleet, and to fight on your owne shore; with your aydes at hand, of men of Armes: and for the most part, the greatest number, and best prouided, get the victory. So that wee can neither see any one cause in particular, why wee should miscarry; and whatsoeuer were our wants in the former Battell, [ E] supplyed in this, will now turne to our instruction. With cou∣rage therefore, both Masters and Mariners, follow euery man in Page  132 his order, not forsaking the place assigned him. And for vs, wee [ A] shall order the battaile as well as the former Commanders; and leaue no excuse to any man of his cowardize. And if any will needes be a coward, hee shall receiue condigne punishment, and the valiant shall be rewarded according to their merit. Thus did the Com∣manders encourage the Peloponnesians.

*And Phormio, he likewise doubting that his Souldiers were but faint-hearted, and obseruing they had con∣sultations apart, and were afraid of the multitude of the enemies Gallies, thought good, hauing called them toge∣ther, [ B] to encourage, and admonish them vpon the pre∣sent occasion. For though he had alwayes before told them, and predisposed their mindes to an opinion, that there was no number of Gallies so great, which setting vpon them, they ought not to vndertake, and also most of the Souldiers had of long time assumed a conceit of them∣selues,* that being Athenians, they ought not to decline, any number of Gallies whatsoeuer, of the Peloponnesians; yet when he saw that the sight of the enemy present had de∣iected them, he thought fit to reuiue their courage, and [ C] hauing assembled the Athenians, said thus.

THE ORATION OF PHORMIO.

SOuldiers, hauing obserued your feare of the enemies number, I haue called you together, not enduring to see you terrified with things that are not terrible. For first, they haue prepared this great number, and oddes of Gallies, for that they were ouercome before, and because they are euen in their owne opinions too weake for vs. And [ D] next, their present boldnesse proceeds onely from their knowledge in Land-seruice, in confidence whereof (as if to be valiant, were peculiar vnto them) they are now come vp; wherin hauing for the most part pro∣spered, they thinke to doe the same in seruice by Sea. But in reason the oddes must be ours in this, as well as it is theirs in the other kinde. For in courage they exceed vs not, and as touching the aduantage of either side, we may better be bold now, then they. And the Lacedae∣monians, who are the leaders of the Confederates, bring them to fight, for the greatest part (in respect of the opinion they haue of vs) a∣gainst their wills. For else they would neuer haue vndertaken a new [ E] battaile, after they were once so cleerely ouerthrowne. Feare not there∣fore Page  133 [ A] any great boldnesse on their part. But the feare which they haue of you, is farre, both greater, and more certaine, not onely for that you haue ouercome them before, but also for this, that they would neuer be∣leeue you would goe about to resist, vnlesse you had some notable thing to put in practice vpon them. For when the enemy is the greater number as these are now, they invade chiefly vpon confidence of their strength. But they that are much the fewer must haue some great and sure designe when they dare fight vnconstrained. Wherewith these men now amazed, feare vs more for our vnlikely preparation, then they would if it were more proportionable. Besides, many great [ B] Armies haue beene ouercome by the lesser, through vnskilfulnesse, and some also by timorousnesse, both which we our selues are free from. As for the battaile, I will not willingly fight it in the Gulfe, nor goe in thither; seeing that to a few Gallies with nimblenesse and art, against many without art, streightnesse of roome is disaduantage. For neither can one charge with the beake of the Gallie as is fit, vnlesse hee haue sight of the enemy a farre off, or if he be himselfe ouer-pressed, againe get cleere. Nor is there any getting through them, or turning to and fro, at ones pleasure, which are all the workes of such Gallies, as haue their aduantage in agility; but the Sea-fight would of necessitie be the [ C] same with a battaile by Land, wherein the greater number must haue the better. But of this, I shall my selfe take the best care I am able. In the meane time keepe you your order well in the Gallies, and euery man receiue his charge readily; and the rather because the enemy is at Anchor so neere vs. In the fight, haue in great estimation, order and silence, as things of great force in most Military actions, especially in a fight by Sea; and charge these your enemies according to the worth of your former Acts. You are to fight for a great wager, ei∣ther to destroy the hope of the Peloponnesian Nauies, or to bring the feare of the Sea neerer home to the Athenians. Againe, let mee [ D] tell you, you haue beaten them once already; and men once ouercome, will not come againe to the danger so well resolued as before. Thus did Phormio also encourage his Souldiers.

The Peloponnesians,* when they saw the Athenians would not enter the Gulfe▪ and Streight, desiring to draw them in against their willes, weighed Anchor, and betime in the morning hauing arranged their Gallies by foure and foure in a ranke, sayled along their owne Coast, within the Gulfe, leading the way, in the same order as they had lien [ E] at Anchor with their right wing. In this wing they had placed 20 of their swiftest Gallies, to the end that if Phor∣mio,Page  134 thinking them going to Naupactus, should for safegard [ A] of the Towne, sayle along his owne Coast likewise, with∣in the Straight, the Athenians might not be able to get be∣yond that wing of theirs, and auoyd the impression, but be enclosed by their Gallies on both sides. Phormio, fea∣ring (as they expected) what might become of the Towne now without guard, as soone as he saw them from Anchor, against his will, and in extreme haste, went a∣boord, and sayled along the Shoare, with the Land forces of the Messenians,* marching by to ayde him. The Pelo∣ponnesians, when they saw them sayle in one long File, [ B] Gally after Gally, and that they were now in the Gulfe, and by the Shoare, (which they most desired) vpon one signe giuen, turned suddenly, euery one as fast as he could vpon the Athenians, hoping to haue intercepted them eue∣ry Gallie. But of those, the eleuen formost, auoyding that wing, and the turne made by the Peloponnesians, got out in∣to the open Sea. The rest they intercepted, and driuing them to the Shoare, sunke them.

The men, as many as swamme not out, they slew, and the Gallies, some they tyed to their owne, and towed [ C] them away empty, and one with the men and all in her they had already taken. But the Messenian succours on Land, entring the Sea with their Armes, got aboord of some of them, and fighting from the Deckes, recouered them againe, after they were already towing away. And in this part, the Peloponnesians had the victory, and ouer∣came the Gallies of the Athenians. Now the 20 Gallies that were their right wing, gaue chase to those eleuen Athenian Gallies, which had auoyded them when they turned, and were gotten into the open Sea. These flying [ D] toward Naupactus, arriued there before the enemies, all saue one, and when they came vnder the Temple of Apollo, turned their beake heads, and put themselues in readinesse for defence, in cse the enemy should follow them to the Land. But the Peloponnesians as they came after, were * Paeanizing, as if they had already had the victory; and one Gallie which was of Leucas, being farre before the rest, gaue chase to one Athenian Gallie, that was behind the rest of the Athenians. Now it chanced that there lay out into the Sea, a certaine Ship at Anchor, to which the Athenian [ E] Gally first comming, fetcht a compasse about her, and Page  135 [ A] came backe full butt against the Leucadian Gallie that gaue her chase, and sunke her. Vpon this vnexpected and vnlikely accident they began to feare, and hauing also fol∣lowed the chase, as being victors, disorderly, some of them let downe their Oares into the water, and hindred the way of their Gallies (a matter of very ill consequence, seeing the enemy was so neere) and staid for more company. And some of them through ignorance of the Coast, ranne vpon the Shelues. The Athenians seeing this, tooke heart againe, and together with one clamour, set vpon them; [ B] who resisted not long,* because of their present errours committed, and their disarray; but turned, and fled to Pa∣normus▪ from whence at first they set forth. The Atheni∣ans followed, and tooke from them sixe Gallies, that were hindmost, and recouered their own which the Peloponnesi∣ans had sunke by the Shoare, and tyed a sterne of theirs. Of the men, some they slew, and some also they tooke aliue. In the Leucadian Gally that was sunke neere the ship, was Timocrates, a Lacedaemonian, who,* when the Gally was lost, runne himselfe thorow with his sword, and his [ C] body draue into the Hauen of Naupactus. The Athenians falling off, erected a Trophy in the place from whence they set forth to this victory, & took vp their dead, and the wracke, as much as was on their own shore, and gaue truce to the enemy to doe the like. The Peloponnesians also set vp a Trophy, as if they also had had the victory, in re∣spect of the flight of those Gallies which they sunke by the Shoare; and the Gally which they had taken, they consecrated to Neptune, in Rhium of Achaia, hard by their Trophy. After this, fearing the supply which was ex∣pected [ D] from Athens, they sayled by night into the Crissaean Gulfe, and to Corinth, all but the Leucadians. And those Athenians, with twenty Gallies out of Crete, that should haue beene with Phormio before the battaile, not long af∣ter the going away of the Gallies of Peloponnesus, arriued at Naupactus; And the Summer ended.*

But before, the Fleet gone into the Crissaean Gulfe, and to Corinth, was dispersed. Cnemus, and Brasidas, and the rest of the Commanders of the Peloponnesians,* in the beginning of Winter, instructed by the Megareans, thought good to [ E] make an attempt vpon Piraeus, the Hauen of the Atheni∣ans. Now it was without guard, or barre, and that vpon Page  136 very good cause, considering how much they exceeded o∣thers [ A] in the power of their Nauy. And it was resolued, that euery Mariner with *his Oare, his Cushion, and * one Thong for his Oare to turne in, should take his way by Land from Corinth, to the other Sea, that lyeth to Athens, and going with all speed to Megara, lanch forty Gallies out of Nisaea, the Arsenall of the Megareans, which then were there, and sayle presently into Piraeus. For at that time, there neither stood any Gallies for a watch before it, nor was there any imagination, that the enemies would on such a sudden come vpon them. For they durst not haue [ B] attempted it openly, though with leasure; nor if they had had any such intention, could it but haue been discouered. As soone as it was resolued on; they set presently for∣ward, and arriuing by night, lanched the said Gallies of Ni∣saea, and set Sayle, not now towards Piraeus, as they inten∣ded,* fearing the danger, and a wind was also said to haue risen, that hindred them, but toward a Promontory of Sala∣mis, lying out towards Megara.

Now, there was in it, a little Fort, and vnderneath in the Sea, lay three Gallies that kept watch, to hinder the im∣poration and exportation of any thing, to or from the [ C] Megareans. This Fort they assaulted, and the Gallies they towed empty away after them. And being come vpon the Salaminians vnawares, wasted also other parts of the Iland.

By this time the fires * signifying the comming of enemies, were lifted vp towards Athens, and affrighted them more then any thing that had happened in all this Warre. For they in the Citie thought the enemies had been already in Piraeus. And they in Piraeus thought the Citie of the Salaminians had been already taken, and that the enemy would instantly come into Piraeus. Which, had [ D] they not been afraid, nor been hindred by the wind, they might also easily haue done. But the Athenians, as soone as it was day, came with the whole strength of the Citie, in∣to Piraeus, and lanched their Gallies, and imbarking in haste, and tumult, set sayle toward Salamis, leauing for the guard of Piraeus, an Army of Foot. The Peloponnesians vp∣on notice of those succours, hauing now ouer-runne most of Salamis, and taken many prisoners, and much other boo∣ty, [ E] besides the three Gallies from the Fort of Budorus,Page  137 [ A] went backe in all haste to Nisaea. And somewhat they feared the more, for that their Gallies had lyen long in the water, and were subiect to leaking. And when they came to Megara, they went thence to Corinth againe by Land. The Athenians likewise, when they found not the Enemy at Salamis, went home; and from that time for∣ward, looked better to Piraeus, both for the shutting of the Ports, and for their diligence otherwaies.

About the same time,* in the beginning of the same Winter, Sytalces an Odrysian, the sonne of Teres, King of [ B] Thrace, made Warre vpon Perdiccas the sonne of Alexander King of Macedonia, and vpon the Chalcideans bordering on Thrace; vpon two promises; one of which hee required to be performed to him, and the other hee was to per∣forme himselfe. For Perdiccas had promised somewhat vnto him, for reconciling him to the Athenians, who had formerly oppressed him with Warre, and for not resto∣ring his Brother Philip to the Kingdome, that was his Ene∣mie, which hee neuer paid him; And Sytalces himselfe had couenanted with the Athenians, when he made League [ C] with them, that he would end the Warre which they had against the Chalcideans of Thrace. For these causes therefore hee made this Expedition; and tooke with him both Amyntas, the sonne of Philip, (with purpose to make him King of Macedonia) and also the Athenian Am∣bassadours then with him for that businesse, and Agnon the Athenian Commander. For the Athenians ought also to haue ioyned with him against the Chalcideans, both with a Fleet, and with as great Land-forces as they could prouide.

[ D] Beginning therefore with the Odrysians, he leuied first those Thracians that inhabite on this side the Mountaines Aemus and Rhodope, as many as were of his owne dominion, downe to the shore of the Euxine Sea, and the Hellespont. Then beyond Aemus he leuied the Getes, and all the Nati∣ons betweene Ister and the Euxine Sea. The Getes, and people of those parts, are borderers vpon the Scythians, and furnished as the Scythians are, all Archers on Horsebacke. He also drew forth many of those Scythians that inhabite the Mountaines, and are free-States, all Sword-men, and [ E] are called Dij, the greatest part of which are on the Moun∣taine Rhodope; whereof some he hyred, and some went as Page  138 Voluntaries. He leuied also the Agrianes, and Leaeans, and [ A] all other the Nations of Paeonia, in his owne Dominion. These are the vtmost bounds of his Dominion, extending to the Graeans and Leaeans, Nations of Paeonia, and to the Ri∣uer Strymon; which rising out of the Mountaine Scomius, pas∣seth through the Territories of the Graeans and Leaeans* who make the bounds of his Kingdome toward Paeonia, and are subiect onely to their owne Lawes. But on the part that lyeth to the Triballians, who are also a free peo∣ple, the Treres make the bound of his Dominion, and the Tilataeans. These dwell on the North side of the [ B] Mountaine Scomius, and reach Westward, as farre as to the Riuer Oscius, which commeth out of the same Hill Nestus and Hebrus doth; a great and desart Hill adioyning to Rhodope.

The Dimension of the Dominion of the Odrysians by the Sea side, is from the Citie of the Abderites, to the mouth of Ister in the Euxine Sea; and is, the neerest way, foure dayes, and as many nights Sayle for a * round Ship, with a continuall fore-wind. By Land likewise, the neerest way, it is from the Citie Abdera, to the mouth of Ister, [ C] eleuen dayes iourney for an expedite Footman. Thus it lay in respect of the Sea.

Now for the Continent; from Byzantium to the Leaeans, and to the Riuer Strymon (for it reacheth this way farthest into the maine Land) it is for the like Footman, thirteene dayes iourney. The Tribute they receiued from all the Barbarian Nations, and from the Cities of Greece, in the reigne of Seuthes, (who reigned after Sitalces, and made the most of it) was in gold and siluer, by estimation, * 400. Talents by yeere. And Presents of gold and siluer came [ D] to as much more. Besides Vestures, both wrought and plaine, and other furniture, presented not onely to him, but also to all the men of authority, and Odrysian Nobility about him. For they had a custome, which also was ge∣nerall to all Thrace, contrary to that of the Kingdome of Persia, to receiue rather then to giue: and it was there a greater shame to be asked and deny, then to aske and goe without. Neuerthelesse they held this custome long, by reason of their power: for without gifts, there was no∣thing to be gotten done amongst them. So that this King∣dome [ E] arriued thereby to great power: for of all the Na∣tions Page  139 [ A] of Europe, that lye betweene the *Ionian Gulfe, and the Euxine Sea, it was, for reuenue of money,* and other wealth, the mightiest; though indeed for strength of an Army, and multitudes of Souldiers, the same be farre short of the Scythians: For there is no Nation,* not to say of Europe, but neither of Asia, that are comparable to this, or that as long as they agree, are able, one Nation to one, to stand against the Scythians: and yet in matter of counsell and wisdome in the present occasions of life, they are not like to other men.

[ B] Sitalces therefore, King of this great Countrey, prepa∣red his Armie, and when all was ready, set forward, and marched towards Macedonia. First, through his owne Dominion; then ouer Cercine, a desart Mountaine diuiding the Sintians from the Paeonians, ouer which he marched the same way himselfe had formerly made with Timber, when he made Warre against the Paeonians. Passing this Mountaine, out of the Countrey of the Odrysians, they had on their right hand the Paeonians, and on the left, the Sinti∣ans and Maedes, and beyond it, they came to the Citie of Do∣berus [ C] in Paeonia. His Army, as hee marched, diminished not any way, except by sicknesse, but encreased, by the ac∣cession of many free Nations of Thrace, that came in vncal∣led, in hope of Booty. Insomuch as the whole number is said to haue amoūted to no lesse then 150000. men. Wherof the most were foot, the Horse being a third part, or there∣abouts. And of the Horse, the greatest part were the O∣drysians themselues, and the next most, the Getes. And of the Foot, those Sword-men, a free Nation, that came downe to him out of the Mountaine Rhodope, were most [ D] warlike. The rest of the promiscuous multitude, were formidable onely for their number. Being all together at Doberus, they made ready to fall in, from the Hilles side, into the lower Macedonia, the dominion of Perdiccas. For there are in Macedonia, the Lyncestians, and the Helimio∣tes, and other High-land Nations, who though they bee Confederates, and in subiection to the other, yet haue their seuerall Kingdomes by themselues. But of that part of the now Macedonia which lyeth toward the Sea, Alexander,* the Father of this Perdiccas, and his Ancestors, the Temenidae, [ E] who came out of Argos, were the first possessors, and raig∣ned in the same; hauing first driuen out of Pieria the Pieri∣ans,Page  140 (which afterwards seated themselues in Phagres, and o∣ther [ A] Townes beyond Strymon, at the foot of Pangeum; From which cause, that Countrey is called the Gulfe of Pieria to this day, which lyeth at the foot of Pangeum, and bendeth toward the Sea) and out of that which is called Bottia, the Bottiaeans, that now border vpon the Chalcideans. They possessed besides a certaine narrow portion of Paeo∣nia, neere vnto the Riuer of Axius, reaching from aboue downe to Pella, and to the Sea. Beyond Axius they pos∣sesse the Countrey called Mygdonia, as farre as to Strymon, from whence they haue driuen out the Eidonians. Further∣more [ B] they draue the Eordians out of the Territory, now called Eorda, (of whom the greatest part perished, but there dwell a few of them yet about Physca) and the Al∣mopians out of Almopia. The same Macedonians subdued also other Nations, and hold them yet, as Anthemus, Gre∣stonia, and Bisaltia, and a great part of the Macedonians themselues. But the whole is called Macedonia, and was the Kingdome of Perdiccas the sonne of Alexander, when Sitalces came to inuade it.* The Macedonians vnable to stand in the Field against so huge an Armie, retired all within [ C] their strong Holds, and walled Townes, as many as the Countrey afforded; which were not many then; but were built afterwards by Archelaus the sonne of Perdiccas, when he came to the kingdome,* who then also laid out the high wayes straight, and tooke order both for matter of Warre, as Horses and Armes, and for other prouision, better then all the other 8. Kings that were before him. The Thraci∣an Army arising from Doberus, invaded that Territory first, which had beene the Principality of Philip, and tooke Ei∣domene by force; but Gortynia, Atalanta, and some other [ D] Townes he had yeelded to him, for the loue of Amyntas the sonne of Philip, who was then in the Armie. They also assaulted Europus, but could not take it. Then they went on further into Macedonia, on the part that lyes on the right hand of Pella, and Cyrrhus; but within these, into Bottiaea and Pieria they entred not, but wasted Mygdonia, Grestonia, and Anthemus. Now the Macedonians had neuer any intention to make head against them with their Foot, but sending out their Horsemen, which they had procu∣red from their Allyes of the higher Macedonia, they assaul∣ted [ E] the Thracian Armie, in such places, where few against Page  141 [ A] many, they thought they might doe it with most conue∣nience; and where they charged, none was able to resist them, being both good Horsemen, and well armed with Brestplates; but enclosed by the multitude of the Ene∣mies, they fought against manifold oddes of number: so that in the end they gaue it ouer, esteeming themselues too weake to hazard Battell against so many.

After this,*Sitalces gaue way to a conference with Per∣diccas, touching the motiues of this Warre. And foras∣much as the Athenians were not arriued with their Fleet, [ B] (for they thought not that Sitalces would haue made the Iourney) but had sent Ambassadours to him with Pre∣sents, he sent a part of his Army against the Chalcideans and Bottiaeans, wherewith hauing compelled them within their walled Townes, he wasted and destroyed their Territory. Whilest he stayed in these parts,* the Thessalians South∣ward, and the Magnetians, and the rest of the Nations sub∣iect to the Thessalians, and all the Grecians as far as to Ther∣mopylae, were afraid he would haue turned his Forces vpon them, and stood vpon their guard. And Northward those [ C] Thracians rhat inhabite the Champaigne Countrey beyond Strymon, namely the Panaeans, Odomantians, Droans, and Der∣saeans, all of them free-States, were afraid of the same. He gaue occasion also to a rumour, that hee meant to leade his Army against all those Grecians that were enemies to the Athenians, as called in by them to that purpose, by ver∣tue of their League. But whilest hee stayed, hee wasted the Chalcidean, Bottiaean, and Macedonian Territories; and when hee could not effect what he came for, and his Ar∣my both wanted victuall, and was afflicted wtih the cold∣nesse [ D] of the season; Seuthes the sonne of Spardocus, his cou∣sin German, and of greatest authority next himselfe, per∣swaded him to make haste away.* Now Perdiccas had dealt secretly with Seuthes, and promised him his Sister in mar∣riage, and money with her: and Sitalces at the perswasion of him, after the stay of full thirty dayes, wherof he spent eight in Chalcidea▪ retyred with his Army, with all speed, into his owne Kingdome. And Perdiccas shortly after gaue to Seuthes his Sister Stratonica in marriage, as hee had promised. This was the issue of this Expedition of Si∣talces.

[ E]

The same Winter,* after the Fleet of the PeloponnesiansPage  142 was dissolued, the Athenians that were at Naupactus, vnder [ A] the conduct of Phormio, sayled along the Coast to Astacus, and disbarking, marched into the inner parts of Acarnania. Hee had in his Army, 400. men of Armes that hee brought with him in his Gallies, and 400. more Messeni∣ans. With these he put out of Stratus, Corontae, and other places, all those whose fidelity hee thought doubtfull. And when he had restored Cynes the sonne of Theolytus to Corontae, they returned againe to their Gallies. For they thought they should not be able to make Warre a∣gainst the Oeniades, (who onely of all Acarnania are the A∣thenians [ B] Enemies) in respect of the Winter. For the Ri∣uer Achelous,* springing out of the Mountaine Pindus, and running through Dolopia, and through the Territories of the Agraeans, and the Amphilochians, and through most part of the Champaigne of Acarnania, passing aboue by the Ci∣ty of Stratus, and falling into the Sea by the Citie of the Oeniades, which also it moateth about with Fens, by the abundance of Water, maketh it hard lying there for an Army in time of Winter. Also most of the Ilands Echi∣nades lye iust ouer against Oenia, hard by the mouth of Achelous▪ And the Riuer being a great one, continually [ C] heapeth together the grauell; insomuch that some of those Ilands are become Continent already, and the like in short time is expected by the rest. For not onely the streame of the Riuer is swift, broad, and turbidous, but also the Ilands themselues stand thicke, and because the Grauell cannot passe, are ioyned one to another, lying in and out, not in a direct line, nor so much as to giue the Water his course directly forward into the Sea. These I∣lands are all Desart,* and but small ones. It is reported, that Apollo by his Oracle did assigne this place for an ha∣bitation to Alcmaeon the sonne of Amphiraus, at such time as [ D] he wandred vp and downe for the killing of his Mother; telling him, That he should neuer be free from the terrours that haunted him, till he had found out, and seated himselfe in such a Land, as when he slew his Mother, the Sunne had neuer seene, nor was then Land, because all other Lands were polluted by him. Hereupon being at a Non-plus, as they say, with much adoe hee obserued this ground congested by the Ri∣uer Achelöus, and thought there was enough cast vp to [ E] serue his turne, already, since the time of the slaughter of Page  143 [ A] his Mother, after which it was now a long time that hee had beene a Wanderer. Therefore seating himselfe in the places about the Oeniades, hee reigned there, and named the Countrey after the name of his sonne Acarnas.* Thus goes the report, as we haue heard it concerning Alcmaeon. But Phormio and the Athenians leauing Acarnania, and re∣turning to Naupactus, in the very beginning of the Spring, came backe to Athens, and brought with them such Gal∣lies as they had taken, and the Free-men they had taken Prisoners, in their fights at Sea, who were againe set at [ B] liberty by exchange of man for man.* So ended that Winter, and the third Yeere of the Warre written by THVCYDIDES.

[ C] [ D] [ E] Page  [unnumbered] Page  145 [ A]

THE THIRD BOOKE [ B] OF THE HISTORY OF THVCYDIDES.

The principall Contents.

Attica inuaded by the Peloponnesians. The Mitylenians re∣uolt, and are receiued by the Peloponnesians at Olympia, into their league. The Athenians send Paches to Mity∣lene to besiege it. Part of the besieged Plataeans escape [ C] through the fortifications of the enemie. The Commons of Mitylene, armed by the Nobility for a sally on the enemy, deli∣uer the towne to the Athenians. The residue of the Platae∣ans yeeld to the besiegers, and are put to the sword. The procee∣dings vpon the Mitylenians, and their punishment. The se∣dition in Corcyra. Laches is sent by the Athenians in∣to Sicily. And Nicias into Melos. Demosthenes fighteth against the Aetolians vnfortunately; and afterwards against the Ambraciotes fortunately. Pythadorus is sent into Si∣cily, to receiue the Fleet from Laches. This in other three [ D] yeeres of this Warre.

THe Summer following,* the Pelo∣ponnesians, and their Confederates at the time when Corne was at the highest,* entred with their Army into Attica, vnder the Conduct of Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, King of the Lacedaemonians, & there set them downe, and wasted the [ E] Territory about. And the Athenian horsemen, as they were wont, fell vpon the enemy where Page  146 they thought fit, and kept backe the multitude of [ A] light-armed Souldiers, from going out before the men of Armes, and infesting the places neere the Citie. And when they had stayed as long as their victuall lasted, they returned, and were dissolued according to their Cities.

*After the Peloponnesians were entred Attica, Lebsos immediately, all but Methymne, reuolted from the A∣thenians; which though they would haue done before the Warre, and the Lacedaemonians would not then re∣ceiue them, yet euen now they were forced to re∣uolt [ B] sooner then they had intended to doe. For they stayed to haue first straightened the mouth of their Hauen with Dammes of Earth, to haue finished their Walles, and their Gallies then in building, and to haue gotten in all that was to come out of Pontus, as Archers, and Victuall, and whatsoeuer else they had sent for.

*But the Tenedians, with whom they were at oddes, and the Methymnians, and of the Mitylenians them∣selues, certaine particular men, vpon Faction, beeing [ C] Hostes to the Athenians, made knowne vnto them, that the Lesbians were forced to goe all into Mitylene; that by the helpe of the Lacedaemonians, and their Kindred the Boeotians, they hastned all manner of prouision necessary for a Reuolt, and that vnlesse it were presently preuented, all Lesbos would be lost.

The Athenians (afflicted with the Disease, and with the Warre now on foot, and at the hottest) thought it a dangerous matter, that Lesbos, which had a Nauie, and was of strength entire, should thus bee [ D] added to the rest of their Enemies; and at first re∣ceiued not the accusations, holding them therefore the rather feigned, because they would not haue had them true.

But after, when they had sent Ambassadours to Mity∣lene, and could not perswade them to dissolue themselues, and vndoe their preparation, they then feared the worst, and would haue preuented them.* And to that purpose, suddenly sent out the 40. Gallies made ready for Pelopōnesus with Cleippedes and 2. other Commanders. For they had bin [ E] aduertised, that there was a Holiday of Apollo Maloeis to be Page  147 [ A] kept without the Citie, and that to the celebration thereof the Mitylenians were accustomed to come all out of the Towne; and they hoped, making haste, to take them there vnawares. And if the attempt succeeded, it was well; if not, they might command the Mitylenians to deliuer vp their Gallies, and to demollish their Walles; or they might make Warre against them, if they refused. So these Gallies went their way. And tenne Gallies of Mitylene which then chanced to be at Athens,* by vertue of their League to ayde them, the Athenians stayed, and cast [ B] into prison the men that were in them. In the meane time a certaine man went from Athens into Euboea by Sea, and then by Land to Geraestus, and finding there a Ship ready to put off, hauing the Wind fauourable, arriued in Mity∣lene, three dayes after he set forth from Athens, and gaue them notice of the comming of the Fleet. Hereupon they not onely went not out to Malo••s, as was expected, but also stopped the gappes of their Walles and Ports, where they were left vnfinished, and placed guards to de∣fend them.

[ C] When the Athenians, not long after, arriued, and saw this, the Commanders of the Fleet deliuered to the Mityle∣nians what they had in charge, which not harkened vnto, they presently fell to the Warre. The Mitylenians vnpro∣uided, and compelled to a Warre on such a sudden, put out some few Gallies before the Hauen to fight: but being driuen in againe by the Gallies of Athens, they cal∣led to the Athenian Commanders to parly; desiring, if they could, vpon reasonable conditions, to get the Gallies for the present sent away.

[ D] And the Athenian Commander allowed the Conditi∣ons,* hee also fearing they should bee too weake to make Warre against the whole Iland.

When a cessation of Armes was granted, the Mity∣lenians amongst others, sent to Athens▪ one of those that had giuen inteligence there of their Designe, and had re∣pented him after of the same, to try if they could per∣swade them to withdrawe their Fleet from them, as not intending any innouation.* Withall they sent Ambassadours at the same time to Lacedaemon, vndis∣couered [ E] of the Fleete of the Athenians, which was riding at Anchor in *Malea, to the North of the Citie; Page  148 being without any confidence of their successe at Athens. [ A] And these men after an ill voyage, through the wide Sea, arriuing at Lacedaemon, negotiated the sending of aide from thence.* But when their Ambassadours were come backe from Athens, without effect, the Mitylenians, and the rest of Lesbos, saue only Methymne, (for these, together with the Im∣brians, Lemnians, and some few other their Confederates, ay∣ded the Athenians) prepared themselues for the Warre. And the Mitylenians with the whole strength of the City, made a sally vpon the Athenian Campe,* and came to a Bat∣tell; wherein though the Mitylenians had not the worse, yet [ B] they lay not that night without the Walles, nor durst trust to their strength, but retyring into the Towne, lay quiet there, expecting to try their fortune, with the acces∣sion of such forces, as (if any came) they were to haue from Peloponnesus.* For there were now come into the Ci∣tie, one Meleas a Laconian, and Hermiondas a Theban, who hauing bin sent out before the reuolt, but vnable to arriue before the comming of the Athenian Fleet, secretly, after the end of the Battel, entred the Hauen in a Gally, and perswa∣ded them to send another Gally along with them, with o∣ther Ambassadors to Sparta;* which they did. But the Athe∣nians [ C] much confirmed by this the Mitylenians cessation, cal∣led in their Confederates, who because they saw no assu∣rance on the part of the Lesbians, came much sooner in then it was thought they would haue done; & riding at Anchor to the South of the Citie, fortified two Camps, on either side one, and brought their Gallies before both the Ports, and so quite excluded the Mitylenians from the vse of the Sea. As for the Land, the Athenians held so much onely as lay neere their Campes, which was not much; And the Mitylenians and other Lesbians, that were now come to ayde them, were Masters of the rest. For Malea serued the Athe∣nians [ D] for a station onely for their Gallies, and to keepe their Market in. And thus proceeded the Warre before Mitylene.

*About the same time of the same Summer, the Athenians sent likewise thirty Gallies into Peloponnesus, vnder the conduct of Asopius the sonne of Phormio. For the Acarnanians had desired them to send some sonne or kinsman of Phormio for Generall into those parts. These, as they sayled by, [ E] wasted the maritime Countrey of Laconia, and then sen∣ding Page  149 [ A] backe the greatest part of his Fleet to Athens, Asopius himselfe with twelue Gallies went on to *Naupactus. And afterwards hauing raised the whole power of Acarnania, he made Warre vpon the Oeniades, and both entred with his Gallies into the Riuer of Achelous, and with his Land-forces wasted the Territory. But when the Oeniades would not yeeld, hee disbanded his Land-forces, and say∣led with his Gallies to Leucas, and landed his Souldiers on the Territory of Neritum; but in going off, was by those of the Countrey that came out to defend it, and by [ B] some few of the Garrison Souldiers there,* both himselfe and part of his Company slaine. And hauing vpon truce receiued from the Leucadians their dead bodies, they went their wayes.

Now the Ambassadours of the Mitylenians,* that went out in the first Gally, hauing beene referred by the Lace∣daemonians to the generall meeting of the Grecians at Olym∣pia, to the end they might determine of them, together with the rest of the Confederates, went to Olympia accor∣dingly. It was that *Olympiade wherein Dorieus of Rhodes [ C] was the second time Victor. And when after the solem∣nity, they were set in Councell, the Ambassadours spake vnto them in this manner.

THE ORATION OF THE Ambassadours of MITYLENE.

MEN of Lacedaemon, and Confederates, We know the receiued custome of the Grecians: For they that take into League such as reuolt in the Warres, and relinquish a [ D] former League, though they like them as long as they haue profit by them, yet accounting them but Traitours to their former Friends, they esteeme the worse of them in their iudgement. And to say the truth, this iudgement is not without good reason, when they that reuolt, and they from whom the reuolt is made, are mutually like-minded and affected, and equall in prouision and strength, and no iust cause of their reuolt giuen. But now betweene vs and the A∣thenians it is not so. Nor let any man thinke the worse of vs, for that hauing beene honoured by them in time of peace, we haue now reuolted in time of danger. For the first point of our speech, espe∣cially [ E] now we seeke to come into League with you, shall bee to make good the iustice and honesty of our reuolt. For we know there can Page  150 bee neither firme friendship betweene man and man, nor any commu∣nion [ A] betweene Citie and Citie to any purpose whatsoeuer, without a mutuall opinion of each others honesty, and also a similitude of customes otherwayes. For in the difference of mindes is grounded the diuersity of actions. As for our League with the Athenians, it was first made, when you gaue ouer the Medan Warre, and they re∣mained to prosecute the reliques of that businesse: Yet wee entred not such a League, as to be their helpers in bringing the Grecians into the seruitude of the Athenians; but to set free the Grecians from the seruitude of the Medes. And as long as they led vs as e∣quals, wee followed them with much zeale; but when wee saw they [ B] remitted their enmity against the Medes, and led vs to the subiuga∣tion of the Confederates, we could not then but bee afraid. And the Confederates through the multitude of distinct Councels, vnable to vnite themselues for resistance, fell all but our selues and the Chians into their subiection; and wee hauing still our owne Lawes, and being in name a free State, followed them to the Warres; but so, as by the examples of their former actions, we held them not any longer for faithfull Leaders. For it was not probable, when they had subdued those, whom together with vs they tooke into league, but that, when they should bee able, they would doe the like also by the rest. It is true that if we were now in liberty all, wee might bee the better assured, [ C] that they would forbeare to innouate; but since they haue vnder them the greatest part already, in all likelihood they will take it ill, to deale on equall termes with vs alone; and the rest yeelding, to let vs onely stand vp as their equals. Especially when by how much they are be∣come stronger by the subiection of their Confederates, by so much the more are wee become desolate. But the equality of mutuall feare, is the onely band of faith in Leagues. For hee that hath the will to trans∣gresse, yet when he hath not the oddes of strength, will abstaine from comming on. Now the reason why they haue left vs yet free, is no [ D] other, but that they may haue a faire colour to lay vpon their domina∣tion ouer the rest; and because it hath seemed vnto them more expe∣dient to take vs in by policy, then by force. For therein they made vse of vs, for an argument, that hauing equall vote with them, wee would neuer haue followed them to the Warres, if those against whom they led vs, had not done the iniury. And thereby also they brought the stronger against the weaker, and reseruing the strongest to the last, made them the weaker, by remouing the rest. Whereas if they had begunne with vs▪ when the Confederates had had both their owne strength, and a side to adhere to, they had neuer subdued them so easi∣ly. [ E] Likewise our Nauy kept them in some feare, lest vnited and Page  151 [ A] added to yours, or to any other, it might haue created them some dan∣ger. Partly also we escaped by our obseruance toward their Commons and most eminent men▪ from time to time. But yet we still thought we could not doe so long, considering the examples they haue shewed vs in the rest, if this Warre should not haue fallen out. What friendship then or assurance of liberty was this, when we receiued each other with alienated affections? when whilst they had Warres, they for feare courted vs, and when they had Peace, we for feare courted them? and whereas in others, good will assureth loyalty, in vs it was the effect of feare? So it was more for feare then loue, that we remained their [ B] Confederates; and whomsoeuer security should first embolden, he was first likely by one meanes or other to breake the league. Now if any man thinke we did vniustly, to reuolt vpon the expectation of euill in∣tended, without staying to be certaine, whether they would doe it or not, he weigheth not the matter aright. For if we were as able to contriue euill against them, and againe to deferre it, as they can against vs, being thus equall, what needed vs to be at their discretion? But seeing it is in their hands to inuade at pleasure, it ought to be in ours to anticipate. Vpon these pretentions therefore, and causes, Men of Lacedaemon & Confederates, we haue reuolted; the which are both [ C] cleare enough for the hearers to iudge vpon, that we had reason for it, and weighty enough to affright, and compell vs to take some course for our owne safety; which we would haue done before, when before the Warre, we sent Ambassadours to you about our reuolt, but could not, be∣cause you would not then admit vs into your league. And now when the Boeotians inuited vs to it, we presently obeyed. Wherein wee thought we made a double reuolt, one from the Grecians, in ceasing to doe them mischiefe with the Athenians, and helping to set them free; and another from the Athenians, in breaking first, and not staying to be destroyed by them hereafter. But this reuolt of ours hath [ D] beene sooner then was fit, and before we were prouided for it. For which cause also the Confederates ought so much the sooner to admit vs into the league, and send vs the speedier aide, thereby the better, at once, both to defend those you ought to defend, and to annoy your ene∣mies. Whereof there was neuer better opportunity then at this pre∣sent. For the Athenians being both with the likenesse, and their great expences consumed, and their Nauy diuided, part vpon your own Coasts, and part vpon ours, it is not likely they should haue many Gal∣lies spare, in case you againe this Summer inuade them, both by Sea and Land; but that they should either be vnable to resist the inuasion [ E] of your Fleet or be forced to come off from both our Coastes. And let not any man conceiue that you shall herein, at your owne danger Page  152 defend the Territory of another. For though Lesbos seeme remote, [ A] the profit of it will be neere you. For the Warre will not be, as a man would thinke, in Attica, but there, from whence commeth the profit to Attica. This profit is the reuenue they haue from their Confede∣rates; which if they subdue vs, will still be greater. For neither will any other reuolt, and all that is ours will accrew vnto them; and wee shall be worse handled besides, then those that were vnder them be∣fore. But aiding vs with diligence you shall both adde to your league a Citie, that hath a great Nauy (the thing you most stand in need of) and also easily ouerthrow the Athenians by subduction of their Confederates; because euery one will then be more confident to come [ B] in▪ and you shall auoyd the imputation of not assisting such as reuolt vnto you. And if it appeare that your endeuour is to make them free, your strength in this Warre will be much the more confirmed. In re∣uerence therefore of the hopes which the Grecians haue reposed in you, and of the presence of Iupiter Olympius, in whose Temple here, we are in a manner suppliants to you, receiue the Mitylenians into league, and ayde vs. And doe not cast vs off, who, (though, as to the ex∣posing of our persons, the danger be our owne) shall bring a common profit to all Greece, if we prosper, and a more common detriment to all the Grecians, if through your inflexiblenesse we miscarry. Be you therefore men, such as the Grecians esteeme you, and our feares re∣quire [ C] you to be. In this manner spake the Mitylenians,

*And the Lacedaemonians, and their Confederates, when they had heard, and allowed their reasons, decreed not one∣ly a League with the Lesbians, but also againe to make an inuasion into Attica. And to that purpose, the Lacedaemo∣nians appointed their Confederates there present, to make as much speed as they could with two parts of their for∣ces, into the Isthmus; And they themselues being first there,* prepared Engines in the Isthmus for the drawing vp of Gallies, with intention to carry the Nauy from Corinth [ D] to the other Sea that lyeth towards Athens, and to set vp∣on them both by Sea and Land. And these things di∣ligently did they. But the rest of the Confederates assem∣bled but slowly, being busied in the gathering in of their fruits, and weary of Warfare.

The Athenians perceiuing all this preparation to bee made, vpon an opinion of their weaknesse, and desirous to let them see they were deceiued, as being able without [ E] stirring the Fleet at Lesbos, easily to master one Fleet that Page  153 [ A] should come against them out of Peloponnesus,* manned out 100 Gallies, and imbarked therein generally, both Citizens (except those of the degree of *Pentacosiomedimni, and *Horsemen) and also strangers that dwelt amongst them; And sayling to the Isthmus, made a shew of their strength, and landed their Souldiers in such parts of Peloponnesus, as they thought fit. When the Lacedaemonians saw things so contrary to their expectation, they thought it false, which was spoken by the Lesbian Ambassadors; and esteeming the action difficult, seeing their Confederates [ B] were not arriued, and that newes was brought of the wa∣sting of the Territory neere their City, by the 30 Gallies formerly sent about Peloponnesus by the Athenians, went home againe; and afterwards prepared to send a Fleet to Lesbos, and intimated to the Cities rateably to furnish 40 Gallies, and appointed Alcidas, who was to goe thither with them, for Admirall. And the Athenians, when they saw the Peloponnesians gone, went likewise home with their hundred Gallies.

About the time that this Fleet was out,* they had surely [ C] the most Gallies (besides the beauty of them) together in action in these employments; yet in the beginning of the War, they had both as good, and more in number. For 100 attended the guard of Attica, Euboea, and Salamis, and another 100 were about Peloponnesus▪ besides those that were at Po∣tidaea and in other places. So that in one Summer, they had in all, 250 Sayle. And this, together with Potidaea, was it, that most exhausted their treasure. For the * men of Armes that besieged the Citie, had each of them two drachmaes a day, one for himselfe, and another for his man, [ D] & were 3000 in number that were sent thither at first, and remained to the end of the Siege; besides 1600 more, that went with Phormio and came away before the Town was won. And the Gallies had all the same pay. In this ma∣ner was their money consumed, and so many Gallies em∣ployed, the most indeed that euer they had manned at once.

About the same time that the Lacedaemonians were in the Isthmus, the Mitylenians marched by Land,* both they and their auxiliaries, against Methymne, in hope to haue had it betrayed vnto them; and hauing assaulted the Citie, when [ E] it succeeded not the way they looked for, they went thence to Antissa, Pyrrha, and Eressus; and after they had settled the Page  154 affaires of those places, and made strong their wals, returned [ A] speedily home. When these were gone, the Methymneans likewise made War vpon Antissa, but beaten by the Antissi∣ans▪ and some auxiliaries that were with them, they made haste againe to Methymne, with the losse of many of their Souldiers. But the Athenians being aduertized hereof, and vn∣derstanding that the Mitylenians were masters of the Land, and that their own Soldiers there were not enough to keep them in, sent thither, about the beginning of Autumne, Paches,*the sonne of Epicurus, with 1000 men of Armes, of their owne Citie, who supplying the place of Rowers [ B] themselues, arriued at Mitylene, and ingirt it with a single wall. Saue that in some places, stronger by Nature then the rest, they onely built Turrets, and placed guards in them. So that the Citie was euery way strongly besieged, both by Sea and Land; And the Winter began.

*The Athenians standing in need of mony for the Siege, both contributed themselues, and sent thither * 200 Ta∣lents of this their first contribution, & also dispatched Lysi∣cles, and 4 others with 42 Gallies, to leuie money amongst the Confederates. But Lysicles, after he had beene to and [ C] fro and gathered money in diuers places, as he was going vp from Myus, thorow the Plaines of Maeander in Caria, as farre as to the hill Sandius, was set vpon there by the Carians and Anaetians, and himselfe with a great part of his Souldiers, slaine.

*The same Winter the Plataeans (for they were yet be∣sieged by the Peloponnesians, and Boeotians) pressed now with want of Victuall, and hopelesse of reliefe from Athens, and no other meanes of safety appearing, tooke Counsell, both they, and the Athenians that were besieged with [ D] them, at first all to goe out, and, if they could, to passe ouer the wall of the enemy by force. The Authors of this attempt, were The••etus the sonne of Timidas, a Soothsayer, and Eupolpidas the sonne of Daemachus, one of their Comman∣ders. But halfe of them afterwards, by one meanes or other, for the greatnesse of the danger, shrunke from it againe. But 220 or thereabouts, voluntarily persisted, to goe out,* in this manner. They made them Ladders, fit for the height of the enemies wall; the wall they measured by the Layes of Bricke, on the part toward the Towne. [ E] where it was not Plaistered ouer; and diuers men at Page  [unnumbered]

[illustration] Page  [unnumbered]
Plataea

A. the mount of earth Cast up by the Peloponnesians. B. The wall built inwards by the Plataeans to frustrate the effect of the mount C. The worke of the Peloponnesians. D. The place wher the Plataean go ouer. E. The ditch wth out, full of water
Page  155 [ A] once numbred the layes of Bricke, whereof though some missed, yet the greatest part tooke the reckoning iust; e∣specially, numbring them often, and at no great distance, but where they might easily see the part, to which their Ladders were to bee applyed; and so by guesse of the thicknesse of one Bricke, tooke the measure of their Lad∣ders.

As for the Wall of the Peloponnesians, it was thus built.* It consisted of a double Circle, one towards Plataea, and another outward, in case of an assault from Athens. [ B] These two Walles were distant one from the other about sixteene foot; and that sixteene foot of space which was betwixt them, was disposed and built into Cabines for the Watchmen, which were so ioyned and continued one to another, that the whole appeared to be one thicke Wall, with Battlements on either side. At euery tenne Battle∣ments, stood a great Tower of a iust breadth, to compre∣hend both Walles▪ and reach from the outmost to the in∣most front of the whole, so that there was no passage by the side of a Towre, but through the middest of it. And [ C] such nights as there happened any storme of Raine, they vsed to quit the Battlements of the Wall, and to watch vnder the Towres, as being not farre asunder, and couered beside ouer▪head. Such was the forme of the Wall wherein the Peloponnesians kept their Watch.* The Pla∣taeans, after they were ready, and had attended a tempestu∣ous night, and withall Moonelesse, went out of the Citie, and were conducted by the same men that were the Au∣thors of the Attempt. And first they passed the Ditch that was about the Towne, and then came vp close to the [ D] Wall of the Enemy, who, because it was darke, could not see them comming; and the noyse they made as they went could not be heard for the blustering of the wind. And they came on besides at a good distance one from the o∣ther, that they might not bee betrayed by the clashing of their Armes; and were but lightly armed, and not shod but on the left foot, for the more steddinesse in the wet. They came thus to the Battlements, in one of the spaces betweene Towre and Towre, knowing that there was now no Watch kept there. And first came they that car∣ried [ E] the Ladders, and placed them to the Wall; then 12. lightly armed, onely with a Dagger and a Brestplate, went Page  156 vp, led by Ammeas, the sonne of Coraebus, who was the [ A] first that mounted; and they that followed him, went vp into either Towre 6. To these succeeded others lightly-armed, that carryed the Darts, for whom they that came after, carried Targets at their backes, that they might bee the more expedite to get vp, which Targets they were to deliuer to them, when they came to the Enemy. At length, when most of them were ascended, they were heard by the Watchmen that were in the Towres; for one of the Plataeans taking hold of the Battlements, threw downe a Tyle, which made a noyse in the fall; and pre∣sently [ B] there was an Alarme. And the Armie ran to the Wall; for in the darke and stormie night, they knew not what the danger was. And the Plataeans that were left in the Citie, came forth withall, and assaulted the Wall of the Peloponnesians, on the opposite part to that where their men went ouer. So that though they were all in a tumult in their seuerall places, yet not any of them that watched, durst stirre to the ayde of the rest, nor were able to conie∣cture what had happened. But * those three hundred that were appointed to assist the Watch vpon all occasions of [ C] neede, went without the Wall, and made towards the place of the clamor. They also held vp the fires, by which they vsed to make knowne the approach of Enemies, to∣wards Thebes. But then the Plataeans likewise, held out many other fires from the Wall of the Citie, which for that purpose they had before prepared, to render the fires of the Enemie insignificant, and that the Thebans appre∣hending the matter otherwise then it was, might forbeare to send help, till their men were ouer, and had recouered some place of safety. [ D]

In the meane time, those Plataeans, which hauing scaled the Wall first, and slaine the Watch, were now masters of both the Towres, not onely guarded the passages, by standing themselues in the entries, but also applying Ladders from the Wall to the Towres, and conueying many men to the toppe, kept the enemies off with shot, both from aboue and below. In the meane space, the greatest number of them hauing reared to the Wall many Ladders at once, and beaten downe the Battlements, pas∣sed quite ouer betweene the Towres, and euer as any of [ E] them got to the other side, they stood still vpon the brinke Page  157 [ A] of the Ditch without, and with Arrowes and Darts, kept off those that came by the outside of the Wall to hinder their passage. And when the rest were ouer, then last of all, and with much adoe, came they also downe to the Ditch, which were in the two Towres. And by this time, the three hundred that were to assist the Watch, came and set vpon them, and had lights with them; by which meanes the Plataeans that were on the further brinke of the Ditch, discerned them the better from out of the darke, and aimed their Arrowes and Darts at their most [ B] disarmed parts. For, standing in the darke, the lights of the Enemie made the Plataeans the lesse discernable. Inso∣much as these last passed the Ditch, though with diffi∣culty and force. For the Water in it was frozen ouer, though not so hard as to beare, but watrie, and such as when the Wind is at East, rather then at North: and the Snow which fell that night, together with so great a Wind as that was, had very much increased the Water, which they waded thorow, with scarce their heads aboue. But yet the greatnesse of the storme was the principall [ C] meanes of their escape.

From the Ditch, the Plataeans, in troope, tooke the way towards Thebes, leauing on the left hand the Temple of Iuno, built by Androcrates, both for that they supposed, they would least suspect the way that led to their Enemies, and also because they saw the Peloponnesians with their lights pursue that way, which by Mount Cithaeron, and the Oake-heads, led to Athens. The Plataeans, when they had gone 6. or 7. Furlongs, forsooke the Theban way, and tur∣ned into that which led towards the Mountaine, to Ery∣thrae, [ D] and Hysiae, and hauing gotten the Hilles, escaped through to Athens, being 212. persons of a greater num∣ber: for some of them returned into the Citie, before the rest went ouer; and one of their Archers was taken vpon the Ditch without. And so the Peloponnesians gaue ouer the pursuite, and returned to their places. But the Platae∣ans that were within the City, knowing nothing of the e∣uent, and those that turned backe hauing told them, that not a man escaped, as soone as it was day, sent a Herald to entreat a Truce, for the taking vp of their dead bodies; [ E] but when they knew the truth, they gaue it ouer. And thus these men of Plataea passed through the Page  158 Fortification of their Enemies, and were saued. [ A]

*About the end of the same Winter, Salaethus a Lacedaemo∣nian, was sent in a Gallie to Mitylene, and comming, first to Pyrrha, and thence going to Mitylene by Land, entred the Citie by the dry channell of a certaine Torrent, which had a passage through the Wall of the Athenians, vndiscouered. And hee told the Magistrates, that Attica should againe be inuaded, and that the 40. Gallies which were to aide them, were comming; and that himselfe was sent afore, both to let them know it, and withall to giue order in the rest of their affaires. Heereupon the [ B] Mitylenians grew confident, and hearkned lesse to composi∣tion with the Athenians. And the Winter ended, and the fourth yeere of this Warre written by Thucydides.

*In the beginning of the Summer, after they had sent Alcidas away with the * 42. Gallies, whereof he was Ad∣mirall, vnto Mitylene, both they and their Confederates inuaded Attica; to the end, that the Athenians troubled on both sides, might the lesse send supply against the Fleet now gone to Mitylene. In this Expedition, Cleomenes was Generall, in stead of Pausanias the sonne of Plistoanax, who being King,* was yet in minority, and Cleomenes was his [ C] Vncle by the Father. And they now cut downe, both what they had before wasted and began to grow againe, and also whatsoeuer else they had before praetermitted. And this was the sharpest inuasion of all but the second. For whilest they stayed to heare newes from their Fleet at Lesbos, which by this time they supposed to haue beene arriued, they went abroad, and destroyed most part of the Countrey. But when nothing succeeded according to their hopes, and seeing their Corne failed, they re∣tyred againe, and were dissolued according to their [ D] Cities.

The Mitylenians in the meane time, seeing the Fleet came not from Peloponnesus, but delayed the time, and their victuals failed, were constrained to make their compositi∣on with the Athenians,* vpon this occasion. Salaethus, when hee also expected these Gallies no longer, armed the Commons of the Citie, who were before vnarmed, with intention to haue made a Sally vpon the Athenians; but they, as soone as they had gotten Armes, no longer obey∣ed [ E] the Magistrates, but holding Assemblies by them∣selues, Page  159 [ A] required the rich men, either to bring their Corne to light, and diuide it amongst them all, or else they said, they would make their composition by deliuering vp the Citie to the Athenians.

Those that managed the State, perceiuing this, and vna∣ble to hinder it, knowing also their owne danger, in case they were excluded out of the composition, they all ioynt∣ly agreed to yeeld the Citie to Paches, and his Army; with these conditions, To be proceeded withall at the pleasure of the people of Athens; and to receiue the Armie into the [ B] Citie, and that the Mitylenians should send Ambassadors to A∣thens, about their owne businesse: And that Paches till their returne, should neither put in bonds, nor make Slaue of, nor slay any Mitylenian. This was the effect of that composition. But such of the Mitylenians as had principally practized with the Lacedaemonians, being afraid of themselues,* when the Army was entred the Citie, durst not trust to the Con∣ditions agreed on, but tooke Sanctuary at the Altars. But Paches hauing raised them,* vpon promise to doe them no iniury, sent them to Tenedos, to be in custody there, till the [ C] people of Athens should haue resolued what to doe. After this, he sent some Gallies to Antissa, and tooke in that Towne, and ordered the affaires of his Armie as he thought conuenient.

In the meane time,* those 40 Gallies of Peloponnesus which should haue made all possible haste, trifled away the time about Peloponnesus▪ and making small speed in the rest of their Nauigation, arriued at Delos, vnknowne to the Athenians at Athens. From thence sayling to Icarus and Myconum, they got first intelligence of the losse of Mitylene. [ D] But to know the truth more certainly,* they went thence to Embatus in Erythraea. It was about the seuenth day after the taking of Mitylene, that they arriued at Embatus, where vn∣derstanding the certainty, they went to counsell, about what they were to doe vpon the present occasion and Teu∣tiaplus an Elean, deliuered his opinion to this effect.

Alcidas,*and the rest that haue command of the Peloponnesi∣ans in this Army, it were not amisse, in my opinion, to goe to Mity∣lene, as we are, before aduice be giuen of our arriuall. (For in all probability, we shall find the City, in respect they haue but lately won [ E] it, very weakly guarded) and to the Sea, (where they expect no ene∣my, and we are chiefly strong) not guarded at all. It is also likely that Page  160 their land Souldiers are dispersed, some in one house, and some in an∣other, [ A] carelesly as victors. Therefore if we fall vpon them sudden∣ly, and by night, I thinke, with the helpe of those within (if any bee left there that will take our part) we may be able to possesse our selues of the Citie. And we shall neuer feare the danger, if we but thinke this, that all Stratagems of Warre whatsoeuer, are no more, but such occasions as this, which if a Commander auoid in himselfe, and take the aduantage of them, in the enemy, he shall for the most part haue good successe. Thus said he, but preuailed not with Alcidas.* And some others, Fugitiues of Ionia, and those Lesbians that were with him in the Fleet, gaue him [ B] counsell, That seeing he feared the danger of this, he should seaze some Citie of Ionia, or Cume in Aeolia, that hauing some Towne for the seat of the Warre, they might from thence, force Ionia to re∣uolt, whereof there was hope, because the Ionians would not be vn∣willing to see him there. And if they could withdraw from the Athenians this their great reuenue, and withall put them to maintaine a Fleet against them, it would be a great exhausting of their treasure. They said besides, that they thought they should be able to get Pissuthnes, to ioyne with them in the Warre.

*But Alcidas reiected this aduice likewise, inclining rather [ C] to this opinion, that since they were come too late to Mity∣lene, they were best to returne speedily into Peloponnesus. Whereupon putting off from Embatus, he sayled by the Shoare to Myonnesus of the Teians, and there slew most of the prisoners he had taken by the way.* After this hee put in at Ephesus, and thither came Ambassadours to him from the Samians of Anaea,* and told him, that it was but an ill manner of setting the Grecians at liberty, to kill such as had not lift vp their hands against him, nor were indeed enemies to the Peloponnesians, but Confederates to [ D] the Athenians by constraint. And that vnlesse he gaue ouer that course, he would make few of the enemies, his friends; but many now friends, to become his enemies. Wherefore vpon these words of the Ambassadours, he set the Chians, and some others, all that he had left aliue, at liberty. For when men saw their Fleet, they neuer fled from it, but came vnto them as to Athenians; little imagining that the Athenians being masters of the Sea, the Peloponnesians durst haue put ouer to Ionia.

From Ephesus, Alcidas went away in haste, indeed fled; [ E] for he had bin descried by the *Salaminia, and the *Paralus,Page  161 [ A] (which by chance were then in their course for Athens,) whilest he lay at Anchor about Claros, and fearing to bee chased, kept the wide Sea, meaning by his good will, to touch no Land, till hee came into Peloponnesus. But the newes of them came to Paches from diuers places, especial∣ly from Erythraea: for the Cities of Ionia being vnwalled, were afraid extremely, lest the Peloponnesians sayling by, without intention to stay, should haue pillaged them as they passed. But the Salaminia and the Paralus hauing seene him at Claros, brought the newes themselues.* And [ B] Paches thereupon made great haste after, and followed him as farre as Latmos* the Iland: but when he saw hee could not reach him, he came backe againe; and thought he had a good turne, seeing hee could not ouertake those Gallies vpon the wide Sea, that the same were not com∣pelled, by being taken in some place neere Land, to forti∣fie themselues, and so to giue him occasion with guards and Gallies, to attend them.

As hee came by, in his returne, hee put in at Notium,* a City of the Colophonians, into which the Colophonians came [ C] and inhabited, after the * Towne aboue, through their owne sedition, was taken by Itamanes and the Barbarians. (This Towne was taken at the time when Attica was the second time inuaded by the Peloponnesians.) They then that came downe, and dwelt in Notium, falling againe into sedition, the one part hauing procured some forces, Arca∣dians and Barbarians of Pissuthnes, kept them in a part of the Towne, which they had seuered from the rest with a Wall, and there, with such of the Colophonians of the high Towne, as being of the Medan faction, entred with them, [ D] they gouerned the Citie at their pleasure: and the other part which went out from these, and were the Fugitiues, brought in Paches. He, when he had called out Hippias, Cap∣taine of the Arcadians that were within the said wall,* with promise, if they should not agree, to set him safe and sound within the Wall againe; and Hippias was there-vpon come to him; committed him to cu∣stody, but without bonds; and withall assaulting the Wall on a sudden, when they expected not, tooke it, and slew as many of the Arcadians and Barbarians [ E] as were within. And when hee had done, brought Hippias in againe, according as hee had promised. Page  162 But after he had him there,* laid hold on him, and caused [ A] him to bee shot to death; and restored Notium to the Colo∣phonians, excluding onely such as had Medized. After∣wards the Athenians sent Gouernours to Notium of their owne, and hauing gathered together the Colophonians out of all Cities whatsoeuer, seated them there vnder the Law of the Athenians.

Paches, when he came backe to Mieylene, tooke in Pyr∣rha and Eressus;* and hauing found Salaethus the Lacedaemo∣nian hidden in Mitylene, apprehended him, and sent him, together with those men he had put in custody at Tenedos, [ B] and whomsoeuer else he thought Author of the Reuolt, to Athens. Hee likewise sent away the greatest part of his Armie, and with the rest stayed, and settled the State of Mitylene, and the rest of Lesbos as he thought conuenient.

*These men, and Salaethus with them, being arriued at A∣thens, the Athenians slew Salaethus presently, though hee made them many offers, and amongst other, to get the Armie of the Peloponnesians to rise from before Plataea, (for it was yet besieged) but vpon the rest they went to Coun∣cell; and in their passion decreed to put them to death; [ C] not onely those men there present, but also all the men of Mitylene that were of age, and to make slaues of the Wo∣men and children:* laying to their charge the Reuolt it selfe, in that they reuolted not, being in subiection as o∣thers were: And withall the Peloponnesian Fleet, which durst enter into Ionia to their ayde, had not a little aggra∣uated that Commotion. For by that, it seemed that the Reuolt was not made without much premeditation. They therefore sent a Gally to enforme Paches of their Decree, with command to put the Mitylenians presently to death. [ D] But the next day they felt a kind of repentance in them∣selues,* and began to consider what a great and cruell De∣cree it was, that not the Authors onely, but the whole Citie should be destroyed. Which when the Ambassadors of the Mitylenians, that were there present, & such Athenians as fauoured them vnderstood, they wrought with those that bare office, to bring the matter again into debate; wher∣in they easily preuailed, forasmuch as to them also it was well knowne, that the most of the Citie were desirous to haue meanes to consult of the same anew. The Assem∣bly [ E] beeing presently met, amongst the opinions of diuers Page  163 [ A] others, Cleon also, the sonne of Cleaenetus,* who in the for∣mer Assembly had won to haue them killed, being of all the Citizens most violent, and with the people at that time farre the most powerfull, stood forth, and said in this manner.

THE ORATION OF CLEON.

I Haue often on other occasions thought a Democratie vnca∣pable [ B] of dominion ouer others; but most of all now, for this your repentance concerning the Mitylenians. For through your owne mutuall security and opennesse, you imagine the same also in your Confederates, and consider not, that when at their perswasion you commit an errour, or relent vpon compassion, you are softned thus, to the danger of the Common-wealth, not to the winning of the affections of your Confederates. Nor doe you consider, that your gouernment is a Tyranny, and those that be subiect to it, are against their willes so, and are plotting continually against you, and obey you not for any good turne, which to your owne detriment you shall [ C] doe them, but onely for that you exceed them in strength, and for no good will. But the worst mischiefe of all is this, that nothing wee decree shall stand firme, and that we will not know, that a City with the worse Lawes, if immoueable, is better then one with good Lawes, when they bee not binding; and that a plaine wit accompa∣nied with modesty, is more profitable to the State, then dexterity with arrogance; and that the more ignorant sort of men, doe for the most part better regulate a Common-wealth, then they that are wiser. For these loue to appeare wiser then the Lawes, and in all publike debatings to carry the victory, as the worthiest things [ D] wherein to shew their wisdome; from whence most commonly pro∣ceedeth the ruine of the States they liue in. Whereas the other sort, mistrusting their owne wits, are content to be esteemed not so wise as the Lawes, and not able to carpe at what is well spoken by another; and so making themselues equall Iudges, rather then con∣tenders for mastery, gouerne a State for the most part well. Wee therefore should doe the like, and not be carried away with combates of eloquence and wit, to giue such counsell to your multitude, as in our owne iudgements wee thinke not good. For my owne part, I am of the opinion I was before; and I wonder at these men, that [ E] haue brought this matter of the Mitylenians in question againe, and thereby cause delay, which is the aduantage onely of them that Page  164 doe the iniury. For the sufferer by this meanes comes vpon the doer [ A] with his anger dulled, whereas reuenge, the opposite of iniurie, is then greatest, when it followes presently. I doe wonder also, what he is that shall stand vp now to contradict mee, and shall thinke to proue, that the iniuries done vs by the Mitylenians, are good for vs, or that our calamities are any dammage to our Confederates. For certainely he must either trust in his eloquence, to make you beleeue, that that which was decreed, was not decreed, or moued with lucre, must with some elaborate speech endeuour to seduce you. Now of such matches [of eloquence] as these, the Citie giueth the prizes to o∣thers, but the danger that thence proceedeth, she her selfe sustaineth. [ B] And of all this,* you your selues are the cause, by the euill institution of these matches, in that you vse to bee spectators of words, and hea∣rers of actions, beholding future actions in the words of them that speake well, as possible to come to passe; and actions already past, in the Orations of such as make the most of them, and that with such as∣surance, as if what you saw with your eyes, were not more certaine, then what you heare related. You are excellent men for one to deceiue with a speech of a new straine, but backward to follow any tryed ad∣uice: slaues to strange things, contemners of things vsuall. You would euery one chiefly giue the best aduice, but if you cannot, then you will [ C] contradict those that doe. You would not be thought to come after with your opinion; but rather if any thing bee acutely spoken, to ap∣plaud it first, and to appeare ready apprehenders of what is spoken, euen before it be out; but slow to preconceiue the sequell of the same. You would heare, as one may say, somewhat else then what our life is conuersant in; and yet you sufficiently vnderstand not that, that is be∣fore your eyes. And to speake plainely, ouercome with the delight of the eare, you are rather like vnto spectators, sitting to heare the con∣tentions of Sophisters, then to men that deliberate of the state of a Common-wealth. To put you out of this humour, I say vnto you, that [ D] the Mitylenians haue done vs more iniury, then euer did any one Citie.* For those that haue reuolted through the ouer-hard pressure of our gouernment, or that haue beene compelled to it by the enemy, I par∣don them; but they that were Ilanders, and had their Citie walled, so as they needed not feare our Enemies, but onely by Sea; in which case also they were armed for them with sufficient prouision of Gallies; and they that were permitted to haue their owne Lawes, and whom wee principally honoured, and yet haue done thus; what haue they done but conspired against vs, and rather warred vpon vs, then re∣uolted from vs, (for a reuolt is onely of such as suffer violence) and [ E] ioyned with our bitterest Enemies to destroy vs? This is farre worse Page  165 [ A] then if they had warred against vs for encreasing of their owne power. But these men would neyther take example by their neighbours calamity, who are, all that reuolted, already subdued 〈◊〉, nor could their owne present felicity, make them afraid of changing it into misery. But being bold against future euents, and ayming at matters aboue their strength, though below their desires, haue taken Armes against vs, and preferred force before iustice. For no sooner they thought they might get the victory, but immediately, though without iniury done them, they rose a∣gainst vs. But with Cities that come to great and vnexpected [ B] prosperity, it is vsuall to turne insolent. Whereas most common∣ly that prosperity which is attained according to the course of reason, is more firme then that which commeth nhoped for. And such Cities, as one may say, doe more easily keepe off an aduerse, then maintaine a happy fortune. Indeed we should not formerly haue done any honour, more to the Mitylenians, then to the rest of our Confederates; for then they had neuer come to this degree of insolence. For it is naturall to men to contemne those that obserue them, and to haue in admiration such as will not giue them way. Now therefore let them be punished accor∣ding [ C] to their wicked dealing; and let not the fault be laid vp∣on a few, and the people bee absolued; for they haue all alike taken Armes against vs. And the Commons, if they had beene constrained to it, might haue fled hither▪ and haue recouered their Citie afterwards againe. But they, esteeming it the safer aduenture, to ioyne with the Few, are alike with them cul∣pable of the Reuolt. Haue also in consideration, your Confede∣rates; And if you inflict the same punishment on them that reuolt vpon compulsion of the Enemie, that you doe on them that reuolt of their owne accord, who thinke you will not reuolt, though [ D] on light pretence; seeing that speeding they winne their liber∣ty, and failing, their case is not incurable? Besides▪ that against euery City wee must bee at a new hazard both of our persons and fortunes. Wherein with the best successe, wee recouer but an exhausted Citie, and lose that, wherein our strength lyeth, the reuenue of it; but miscarrying, wee adde these Enemies to our former; and must spend that time in warring against our owne Confederates, which wee needed to employ against the Enemies, we haue already. Wee must not therefore giue our Confederates hope of pardon, either impetrable by words, or [ E] purchaseable by money, as if their errours were but such as are commonly incident to humanity. For these did vs not an iniury Page  166 vnwillingly, but wittingly conspired against vs; whereas it [ A] ought to bee inuoluntary, whatsoeuer is pardonable. Therefore both then at first, and now againe I maintaine, that you ought not to alter your former Decree, nor to offend in any of these three most disaduantagious things to Empire, Pittie, Delight in plau∣sible speeches, and Lenity. As for Pitty, it is iust to shew it on them that are like vs, and will haue pitty againe; but not vpon such as not onely would not haue had pitty vpon vs, but must also of necessity haue beene our enemies for euer hereafter. And for the Rhetoricians that delight you with their Orations, let them play their prizes in matters of lesse weight, and not in such [ B] wherein the City for a little pleasure, must suffer a great dam∣mage, but they for their well speaking, must well * haue. Lastly for Lenity, it is to be vsed towards those that will be our friends hereafter, rather then towards such, as being suffered to liue, will still be as they are, not a iot the lesse our enemies. In summe I say onely this, that if you follow my aduice, you shall doe that, which is both iust in respect of the Mitylenians, and profitable for your selues; whereas if you decree otherwise, you doe not gra∣tifie them, but condemne your selues. For if these haue iustly reuolted, you must vniustly haue had dominion ouer them. Nay [ C] though your dominion be against reason, yet if you resolue to hold it, you must also, as a matter conducing thereunto, against rea∣son punish them; or else you must giue your dominion ouer, that you may be good without danger. But if you consider what was likely they would haue done to you, if they had preuailed, you cannot but thinke them worthy the same punishment; nor be lesse sensible you that haue escaped, then they that haue conspired; especially they hauing done the iniurie first. For such as doe an iniury without precedent cause, persecute most, and euen to the death, him they haue done it to; as iealous of the danger his re∣maining [ D] Enemy may create him. For hee that is wronged with∣out cause, and escapeth, will commonly bee more cruell, then if it were against any Enemy on equall quarell. Let vs not there∣fore betray our selues, but in contemplation of what you were neere suffering, and how you once prized aboue all things else, to haue them in your power, requite them now accordingly. Bee not softned at the sight of their present estate, nor forget the danger that hung ouer our own heads so lately: Giue not onely vnto these their deserued punishment, but also vnto the rest of our Confederates a cleere example, that death is their sentence, [ E] whensoeuer they shall rebell. Which when they know, you shall Page  167 [ A] the lesse often haue occasion to neglect your Enemies, and fight against your owne Confederates. To this purpose spake Cleon.

After him, Diodotus the sonne of Eucrates, who also in the former Assembly opposed most the putting of the Mitylenians to death, stood forth, and spake as followeth.

THE ORATION OF DIODOTVS.

I Will neither blame those who haue propounded the businesse of the [ B] Mitylenians, to be againe debated, nor commend those that find fault with often consulting in affaires of great importance. But I am of opinion that nothing is so contrary to good counsell as these two, haste and anger: whereof the one is euer accompanied with mad∣nesse, and the other with want of iudgement. And whosoeuer main∣taineth, that words are not instructers to deeds, either hee is not wise, or doth it vpon some priuate interest of his owne. Not wise, if hee thinke that future and not apparent things, may bee demonstrated otherwise then by words: Interessed, if desiring to carry an ill matter, and knowing that a bad cause will not beare a good speech, hee goe a∣bout [ C] to deterre his opposers and hearers by a good calumniation. But they, of all others, are most intolerable, that when men giue publike aduice, will accuse them also of bribery. For if they charged a man with no more, but ignorance, when he had spoken in vaine, hee might yet depart with the opinion of a foole. But when they impute corrupti∣on also, if his counsell take place, he is still suspected, and if it doe not take place, he shall be held not onely a foole, but also voide of honesty. The Common-wealth gets no good by such courses; for through feare heereof, it will want counsellours, and the State would doe their busi∣nesse for the most part well, if this kinde of Citizens were they that [ D] had least ability in speaking; for they should then perswade the City to the fewer errours. For a good Statesman should not goe about to terrifie those that contradict him, but rather to make good his counsell vpon liberty of speech. And a wise State ought not, either to adde vn∣to, or on the other side, to derogate from the honour of him that giueth good aduice; nor yet punish, nay nor disgrace the man whose counsell they receiue not. And then, neither would hee that lighteth on good aduice, deliuer any thing against his owne conscience, out of ambition of further honour, and to please the Auditory; nor hee that doth not, couet thereupon, by gratifying the people some way or other, that hee [ E] also may endeere them. But wee doe here the contrary, and besides, if any man be suspected of corruption, though hee giue the best counsell Page  168 that can be giuen, yet through enuy, for this vncertaine opinion of his [ A] gaine, we lose a certaine benefit to the Common-wealth. And our custome is to hold good counsell, giuen suddenly, no lesse suspect, then bad. By which meanes, as he that giues the most dangerous counsell, must get the same receiued, by fraud; so also he that giues the most sound aduice, is forced by lying to get himselfe beleeued. So that, the Common-wealth is it alone, which by reason of these suspitious imagi∣nations, no man can possibly benefit, by the plaine and open way, with∣out artifice. For if any man shall doe a manifest good vnto the Com∣mon-wealth, he shall presently be suspected of some secret gaine vnto himselfe in particular. We therefore, that in the most important af∣faires, [ B] and amidst these iealousies doe giue our aduice, haue need to foresee farther then you, that looke not farre, and the rather, because we stand accountable for our counsell, and you are to render no account of your hearing it. For if the perswader, and the perswaded, had e∣quall harme, you would be the more moderate Iudges. But now, accor∣ding to the passion that takes you, when at any time your affaires mis∣cary you punish the sentence of that one onely that gaue the counsell, not the many sentences of your owne, that were in fault as well as his. For my owne part, I stood not forth with any purpose of contradiction, in the businesse of the Mitylenians, nor to accuse any man. For wee [ C] contend not now, if we be wise, about the iniury done by them, but about the wisest counsell for our selues. For how great soeuer be their fault, yet I would neuer aduise to haue them put to death, vnlesse it bee for our profit; nor yet would I pardon them, though they were pardon∣able, vnlesse it be good for the Common-wealth. And in my opinion, our deliberation now is of the future, rather then of the present. And whereas Cleon contendeth, that it will be profitable for the future, to put them to death, in that it will keepe the rest from rebelling, I, con∣tending likewise for the future, affirme the contrary. And I desire you not to reiect the profit of my aduice, for the faire pretexts of his, [ D] which agreeing more with your present anger against the Mityleni∣ans, may quickly perhaps win your consent. We pleade not iudicially with the Mitylenians, so as to need arguments of equity, but we con∣sult of them, which way we may serue our selues of them to our most aduantage hereafter. I say therefore, that death hath been in States, ordained for a punishment of many offences, and those not so great, but farre lesse then this. Yet encouraged by hope, men hazzard themselues. Nor did any man euer yet enter into a practice, which he knew he could not goe through with. And a Citie when it reuolueth, supposeth it selfe to be better furnished, either of themselues, or by their Confederates, [ E] then it is, or else it would neuer take the enterprise in hand. They haue Page  169 [ A] it by nature, both men and Cities to commit offences; nor is there any Law that can preuent it. For men haue gone ouer all degrees of pu∣nishment, augmenting them still, in hope to be lesse annoyed by Male∣factors; and it is likely that gentler punishments were inflicted of old, euen vpon the most haynous crimes; but that in tract of time, men continuing to transgresse, they were extended afterwards, to the ta∣king away of life; and yet they still transgresse. And therefore either some greater terrour then death must be deuised, or death will not bee enough for coertion. For pouerty will alwayes adde boldnesse to neces∣sity; and wealth, couetousnesse to pride and contempt. And the other. [ B] [middle] fortunes, they also through humane passion, according as they are seuerally subiect to some insuperable one or other, impell men to danger. But Hope and Desire, worke this effect in all estates. And this as the Leader▪ that as the companion; this contriuing the enterprize, that suggesting the successe, are the cause of most crimes that are committed. And being least discerned, are more mischieuous, then euils seene. Besides these two, Fortune also puts men forward as much as any thing else. For presenting her selfe sometimes vnlookt for, she prouoketh some to aduenture, though not prouided, as they ought for the purpose; and specially Cities; because they venture [ C] for the greatest matters, as liberty and dominion ouer others; and amongst a generality, euery one, though without reason, somewhat the more magnifies himselfe in particular. In a word, it is a thing impossi∣ble, and of great simplicitie to beleeue, when humane nature is earnest∣ly bent to doe a thing▪ that by force of Law, or any other danger, it can be diuerted. We must not therefore, relying on the security of capitall punishment, decree the worst against them, nor make them desperate, as if there were no place to repent, and as soone as they can, to cancell their offence. For obserue; if a Citie reuolted▪ should know it could not hold out, it would now compound, whilst it were able, both to pay [ D] vs our charges for the present, and our tribute for the time to come. But the way that Cleon prescribeth, what Citie, thinke you, would not prouide it selfe better, then this did; and endure the siege to the very last, if to compound late, and soone be all one? And how can it be but detriment to vs, to be at charge of long sieges, through their obstinacy, and when we haue taken a Citie, to finde it exhau∣sted, and to lose the reuenue of it for the future? And this reuenue is the onely strength we haue against our enemies. Wee are not then to be exact Iudges in the punition of offenders, but to looke rather how by their moderate punishment, we may haue our Confederate Ci∣ties, [ E] such as they may be able to pay vs tribute; and not thinke to keepe them in awe by the rigour of Lawes, but by the prouidence of Page  170 our owne actions. But wee to the contrary, when wecouer a [ A] Citie, which hauing beene free, and held vnder our obedience by force, hath reuolted iustly, thinke now, that we ought to inflict some cruell punishment vpon them; whereas we ought rather, not mighti∣ly to punish a free Citie reuolted, but mightily to looke to it before it reuolt; and to preuent the intention of it; but when we haue ouer∣come them, to lay the fault vpon as few as we can. Consider also, if you follow the aduice of Cleon, how much you shall offend likewise in this other point. For in all your Cities, the Commonalty are now your friends, and either reuolt not with the few, or if they be compel∣led to it by force, they presently turne enemies to them that caused [ B] the reuolt; whereby when you goe to Warre, you haue the Commons of the aduerse Citie on your side. But if you shall destroy the Commonalty of the Mitylenians, which did neither partake of the reuolt, and as soone as they were armed, presently deliuered the Citie into your hands, you shall first doe vniustly to kill such as haue done you seruice, and you shall effect a worke besides, which the great men doe euery where most desire. For when they haue made a Citie to reuolt, they shall haue the people presently on their side; you hauing foreshewne them by the example, that both the guilty and not guilty must vndergoe the same punish∣ment. [ C]

Whereas indeed, though they were guilty, yet wee ought to dissemble it, to the end that the onely party, now our friend, may not become our enemie. And for the assuring of our do∣minion, I thinke it farre more profitable, voluntarily to put vp an iniurie, then iustly to destroy such as wee should not. And that same, both Iustice and profit of reuenge, al∣ledged by Cleon, can neuer possibly bee found together in the same thing.

You therefore, vpon knowledge that this is the best course, [ D] not vpon Compassion, or Lenitie (for neither would I, haue you wonne by that) but vpon consideration of what hth beene aduised, bee ruled by mee, and proceede to iudgement at your owne leasure, against those whom Paches hath sent hither as guilty, and suffer the rest to enioy their Citie. For that will bee both good for the future, and also of present ter∣rour to the enemie. For hee that consulteth wisely, is a sorer enemie, then hee that assaulteth with the strength of action vn∣aduisedly.

Thus spake Diodotus. [ E]

Page  171 [ A] After these two opinions were deliuered, the one most opposite to the other, the Athenians were at contention which they should decree; and at the holding vp of hands, they were both sides almost equall:* but yet the sentence of Diodotus preuailed. Whereupon they presently in haste sent away another Gallie, lest not arriuing before the for∣mer, they should finde the Citie already destroyed. The first Gallie set forth before the second, a day and a night. But the Mitylenian Ambassadours hauing furnished this latter with Wine and Barley Cakes, and promised [ B] them great rewards, if they ouertooke the other Gal∣lie, they rowed diligently, at one and the same time both plying their Oares, and taking their refection of the said Barley Cakes steeped in Wine and Oyle; and by turnes part of them slept, and the other part rowed. It happened also that there blew no Winde against them; And the former Gallie making no great haste, as going in so sad an errand,* whereas the former proceeded in the manner before mentioned, arriued indeed first, but onely so much, as Paches had read the Sentence, and prepa∣red [ C] to execute what they had decreed. But presently after came in the other Gallie, and saued the Citie from being destroyed. So neere were the Mitylenians to the danger.

But those whom Paches had sent home, as most cul∣pable of the Reuolt, the Athenians, as Cleon had aduised,* put to death; beeing in number somewhat aboue a thou∣sand.

They also razed the Walles of Mitylene▪ and tooke from them all their Gallies. After which they imposed on [ D] the Lesbians no more Tribute, but hauing diuided their land, (all but that of the Methymnaeans) into 3000 parts, 300 of those parts, of the choisest Land, they consecrated to the Gods. And for the rest, they sent men by lot out of their owne Citie to possesse it, of whom the Lesbians at the rent of * two Minae of Siluer yeerely, vpon a Lot, had the Land againe to bee husbanded by themselues. The Athenians tooke in all such Townes also, as the Mityle∣nians were Masters of in the Continent; which were after∣wards made Subiects to the People of Athens. Thus en∣ded [ E] the businesse touching Lesbos.

The same Summer, after the recouery of Lesbos,* the Page  172Athenians, vnder the conduct of Nicias, the sonne of Ni∣ceratus, [ A] made Warre on Minoa, an Iland adiacent to Me∣gara. For the Megareans had built a Tower in it, and ser∣ued themselues of the Iland for a place of Garrison. But Nicias desired that the Athenians might keepe their Watch vpon Megara, in that Iland, as beeing neerer, and no more at Budorus and Salamis; to the end that the Peloponnesians might not goe out thence with their Gallies, vndiscryed, nor send out Pirates, as they had formerly done, and to prohibit the importation of all things to the Megareans by Sea. Wherefore when he had first taken two Towres [ B] that stood out from Nisaea, with Engines applyed from the Sea, and so made a free entrance for his Gallies, be∣tweene the Iland and the firme Land, he tooke it in with a Wall also from the Continent, in that part where it might receiue ayde by a bridge ouer the Marishes; for it was not farre distant from the maine Land. And, that being in few dayes finished, hee built a Fort in the Iland it selfe, and leauing there a Garrison, carried the rest of his Armie backe.

*It happened also about the same time of this Summer, [ C] that the Plataeans hauing spent their Victuall, and beeing vnable longer to hold out, yeelded their Citie in this man∣ner to the Peloponnesians. The Peloponnesians assaulted the Walles, but they within were vnable to fight. Where∣vpon the Lacedaemonian Commander, perceiuing their weaknesse,* would not take the place by force, (for he had command to that purpose from Lacedaemon, to the end that if they should euer make peace with the Athenians, with conditions of mutuall restitution of such Cities as on ey∣ther side had beene taken by Warre, Plataea, as hauing [ D] come in of its own accord, might not be thereby recouera∣ble;) but sent a Herald to them, who demanded whether or no they would giue vp their City voluntarily into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, and take them for their Iudges, with power to punish the offenders, but none without forme of Iustice. So said the Herald: and they (for they were now at the weakest) deliuered vp the Citie accor∣dingly. So the Peloponnesians gaue the Plataeans food for certaine dayes, till the Iudges, which were fiue, should arriue from Lacedaemon. And when they were come, no [ E] accusation was exhibited, but calling them man by man, Page  173 [ A] they asked of euery one, onely this question:*Whether they had done to the Lacedaemonians, and their Confederates in this Warre, any good seruice? But the Plataeans hauing sued to make their answer more at large, and hauing appointed Astymachus the sonne of Asopolaus, and Lacon the sonne of Adim∣nestus (who had been heretofore the Hoste of the Lacedaemo∣nians) for their Speakers, said as followeth.

THE ORATION OF THE PLATAEANS.

[ B]

MEn of Lacedaemon, relying vpon you, we yeelded vp our Citie, not expecting to vndergoe this, but some more Legall manner of proceeding, and we agreed not to stand to the iudgement of others, (as now we doe) but of your selues onely; con∣ceiuing we should so obtaine the better iustice. But now we feare we haue beene deceiued in both. For we haue reason to suspect, both that the tryall is capitall, and you the Iudges partiall. Gathe∣ring so much, both from that, that there hath not been presented any accusation, to which we might answer, and also from this, that the [ C] interrogatory is short, and such, as if we answer to it with truth, we shall speake against our selues; and be easily conuinced, if we lie. But since we are on all hands, in a straight, we are forced (and it seemes our safest way) to try what we can obtaine by pleading. For, for men in our case, the speech not spoken, may giue occasion to some to thinke, that spoken, it had preserued vs. But besides other incon∣ueniences, the meanes also of perswasion, goe ill on our side. For if we had not knowne one another, we might haue helped our selues by producing testimony in things you knew not. Whereas now, all that we shall say, will be before men that know already what it is. And we [ D] feare, not that you meane, because you know vs inferiour in vertue to your selues, to make that a crime, but lest you bring vs to a iudgement already iudged, to gratifie some body else. Neuerthelesse, we will pro∣duce our reasons of equity, against the quarrell of the Thebans, and withall make mention of our seruices done, both to you, and to the rest of Greece, and make tryall, if by any meanes we can perswade you. As to that short interrogatory, Whether we haue any way done good in this present Warre to the Lacedaemonians and their Confederates, or not? If you aske vs as enemies, wee say, that if we haue done them no good, we haue also done them no wrong. [ E] If you aske vs as friends, then we say, that they rather haue done vs the iniury, in that they made Warre vpon vs. But in the time of the Page  174Peace, and in the Warre against the Medes, we behaued our selues [ A] well▪ for the one, we brake not first, and in the other, we were the onely Boeotians that ioyned with you for the deliuery of Greece. For though we dwell vp in the land▪ yet we fought by Sea at Artemi∣sium, and in the battell, fought in this our own territory we were with you; and whatsoeuer dangers the Grecians in those times vnder∣went, we were partakers of all, euen beyond our strength. And vnto you Lacedaemonians, in particular, when Sparta was in greatest affright, after the Earthquake, vpon the Rebellion of the Helotes, and seazing of Ithome, we sent the third part of our power to assist you, which you haue no reason to forget. Such then wee shewed our [ B] selues in those ancient and most important affaires. It is true, wee haue beene your enemies since, but for that you are to blame your selues. For when oppressed by the Thebans, we sought league of you, you re∣iected vs, and bade ws goe to the Athenians that were neerer hand, your selues being farre off. Neuerthelesse, you neither haue in this Warre, nor were to haue suffered at our hands any thing that mis be∣came vs. And if we denyed to reuolt from the Athenians, when you bade vs, we did you no iniury in it. For they both ayded vs against the Thebans, when you shrunke from vs; and it was now no more any honesty to betray them. Especially hauing beene well vsed by them, and we our selues hauing sought their league, and been made denizens [ C] also of their Citie. Nay, we ought rather to haue followed them in all their commands with alacrity. When You, or the Athenians haue the leading of the Confederates, if euill be done, not they that follow are culpable, but you that lead to the euill. The Thebans haue done vs many other iniuries; but this last, which is the cause of what wee now suffer, you your selues know what it was. For we auenged vs but iustly of those that in time of Peace, and vpon the day of our Noui∣luniall Sacrifice, had surprized our Citie; and by the Law of all Nations it is lawfull to repell an assailing enemy; and therefore [ D] there is no reason you should punish vs now for them. For if you shall measure Iustice by your, and their present benefit in the Warre, it will manifestly appeare, that you are not Iudges of the Truth, but re∣specters onely of your profit. And yet if the Thebans seeme pro∣fitable to you now, we, and the rest of the Grecians were more profi∣table to you then, when you were in greater danger. For though the Thebans are now on your side, when you inuade others; yet at that time when the Barbarian came in to impose seruitude on all, they were on his. It is but Iustice, that with our present offence (if wee haue committed any) you compare our forwardnesse then; which you [ E] will finde both greater then our fault, and augmented also by the cir∣cumstance Page  175 [ A] of such a season, when it was rare to find any Grecian that durst oppose his valour to Xerxes power; and when they were most commended, not that with safety helped to further his inuasion▪ but that aduentured to doe what was most honest, though with danger. But we being of that number, and honoured for it amongst the first, are afraid lest the same shall be now a cause of our destruction, as hauing chosen rather to follow the Athenians iustly, then you profitably. But you should euer haue the same opinion, in the same case; And thinke this onely to be profitable, that doing what is vsefull for the present oc∣casion, you reserue withall a constant acknowledgement of the vertue of [ B] your good Confederates. Consider also, that you are an example of * honest dealing, to the most of the Grecians. Now if you shall decree otherwise then is iust, (for this iudgement of yours is conspicuous) you that be praised, against vs, that be not blamed, take heed that they doe not dislike, that good men should vndergoe an vniust sentence though at the hands of better men; or that the spoyle of vs that haue done the Grecians seruice, should be dedicated in their Temples. For it will be thought a horrible matter, that Plataea should be destroyed by Lacedaemonians, and that you, wheras your Fathers in honour of our valour, inscribed the name of our Citie, on the Tripode [ C] at Delphi, should now blot it out of all Greece, to gratifie the The∣bans. For we haue proceeded to such a degree of calamity, that if the Medes had preuailed, we must haue perished then; and now the Thebans haue ouercome vs againe in you, who were before our greatest friends▪ and haue put vs to two great hazzards, one before, of fami∣shing if we yeelded not, and another now, of a Capitall sentence. And we Plataeans, who euen beyond our strength haue been zealous in the defence of the Grecians, are now abandoned and left vnreleeued by them all. But we beseech you for those gods sakes, in whose names once we made mutuall league, and for our valours sake shewne in the [ D] behalfe of the Grecians, to be moued toward vs, and (if at the perswa∣sion of the Thebans, you haue determined ought against vs,) to change your mindes, and reciprocally to require at the hands of the Thebans, this courtesie, that whom you ought to spare, they would be contented not to kill, and so receiue an honest benefit, in recompence of a wicked one, and not to bestow pleasure vpon others, and receiue wicked∣nesse vpon your selues in exchange. For though to take away our liues be a matter quickely done yet to make the infamy of it cease, will be worke enough. For being none of your enemies, but welwillers, and such as haue entred into the Warre vpon constraint, you cannot put [ E] vs to death with Iustice. Therefore if you will iudge vncorruptly, you ought to secure our persons, and to remember that you receiued vs by Page  176 our owne voluntary submission, and with hands vpheld (and it is [ A] the Law among Grecians, not to put such to death) besides that, we haue from time to time been beneficiall to you. For looke vpon the sepulchres of your Fathers, whom slaine by the Medes, and buried in this Territory of ours, we haue yeerely honoured at the publike charge, both with Vestments and other Rites; and of such things as our Land hath produced, we haue offered vnto them the first fruits of it all, as friends in an amicable Land, and Confederats vse to doe, to those that haue formerly been their fellowes in Armes. But now by a wrong sentence, you shall doe the contrary of this. For consider this: Pausanias, as he thought, enterred these men in ami∣cable [ B] ground, and amongst their friends. But you, if you slay vs, and of Plataeis, make Thebais, what doe you but leaue your Fa∣thers and kinred depriued of the honours they now haue, in an ho∣stile Territory, and amongst the very men that slew them? And moreouer, put into seruitude that soyle whereon the Grecians were put into liberty? and make desolate the Temples wherein they prayed, when they preuailed against the Medes? and destroy the Patriall sacrifices which were instituted by the Builders and Foun∣ders of the same?

These things are not for your glory, men of Lacedaemon, nor [ C] to violate the common institutions of Greece, and wrong your pro∣genitors, nor to destroy vs that haue done you seruice, for the ha∣tred of another, when you haue receiued no iniury from vs your selues. But to spare our liues, to relent, to haue a moderate compas∣sion, in contemplation, not onely of the greatnesse of the punishment, but also of who we are, that must suffer, and of the vncertainty where calamity may light, and that vndeseruedly; which wee, (as becommeth vs, and our need compelleth vs to doe) cry aloud vnto the common gods of Greece to perswade you vnto; producing the oath sworne by your Fathers, to put you in minde; and also wee [ D] become here, Sanctuary men, at the sepulchres of your Fathers, crying out vpon the dead, not to suffer themselues to be in the power of the Thebans, nor to let their greatest friends be betrayed into the hands of their greatest enemies; remembring thē of that day, vpon which, though we haue done glorious acts in their company, yet wee are in danger at this day of most miserable suffering. But to make an end of speaking (which is, as necessary, so most bitter to men in our case, because the hazzard of our liues commeth so soone after,) for a conclusion we say, that it was not to the Thebans that we rendred our Citie (for we would rather haue dyed of Famine, the most [ E] base perdition of all other) but we came out on trust in you. And it Page  177 [ A] is but iustice, that if wee cannot perswade you, you should set vs againe in the estate we were in, and let vs vndergoe the danger at our owne election. Also we require you, Men of Lacedae∣mon, not onely, not to deliuer vs Plataeans, who haue beene most zealous in the seruice of the Grecians, especially being Sanctuary men, out of your owne hands, and your owne trust, into the hands of our most mortall Enemies the Thebans, but also to be our sauiours, and not to destroy vs vtterly, you that set at liberty all other Grecians. Thus spake the Plataeans.

[ B] But the Thebans, fearing lest the Lacedaemonians might re∣lent at their Oration, stood forth, and said, that since the Plataeans had had the liberty of a longer speech (which they thought they should not) then for answer to the que∣stion was necessary, they also desired to speake, and being commanded to say on, spake to this effect.

THE ORATION OF THE THEBANS.

[ C] IF these men had answered briefly to the question, and not both turned against vs with an accusation, and also out of the purpose, and wherein they were not charged, made much apologie and com∣mendation of themselues in things vnquestioned, wee had neuer asked leaue to speake; but as it is, we are to the one point to answer, and to confute the other, that neither the faults of vs, nor their owne reputation may doe them good, but your Sentence may bee guided, by hearing of the truth of both. The quarell betweene vs and them, arose at first from this, that when wee had built Plataea last of all the Cities of Boeotia, together with some o∣ther [ D] places, which, hauing driuen out the promiscuous Nations, wee had then in our dominion, they would not (as was ordained at first) allow vs to be their Leaders, but beeing the onely men of all the Boeotians, that transgressed the common ordinance of the Coun∣trey, when they should haue beene compelled to their duty, they tur∣ned vnto the Athenians, and together with them did vs many euils, for which they likewise suffered as many from vs. But when the Barbarian inuaded Greece, then, say they, that they of all the Boeotians onely also, Medized not. And this is the thing wherein they both glory most themselues, and most detract [ E] from vs. Now wee confesse they Medized not, because also the A∣thenians did not. Neuerthelesse when the Athenians afterwards Page  178 inuaded the rest of the Grecians, in the same kinde then [ A] of all the Boeotians, they onely Atticized. But take now into your consideration withall, what forme of gouernment we were in both the one and the other, when wee did this. For then had wee our Citie gouerned, neither by an Oligarchy, with Lawes common to all, nor by a Democratie, but the State was mannaged by a Few with authority absolute, then which there is nothing more contrary to Lawes, and mo∣deration, nor more approaching vnto Tyranny. And these Few, ho∣ping yet further, if the Medes preuailed, to increase their owne power, kept the people vnder, and furthered the comming in of the Barbarian. And so did the whole Citie; but it was not then Master [ B] of it self; nor doth it deserue to bee vpbraided with what it did when they had no Lawes, [but were at the will of others.] But when the Medes were gone, and our City had Lawes, consider now, when the Athenians attempted to subdue all Greece, and this Territory of ours with the rest, wherein through sedition they had gotten many places already, whether by giuing them Battell at Coro∣nea, and defeating them, we deliuered not Boeotia from seruitude then, and doe not also now with much zeale assist you in the asserting of the rest, and finde not more Horses, and more prouision of Warre, then any of the Confederates besides. And so much bee spoken by [ C] way of Apologie to our Medizing. And wee will endeuour to proue now, that the Grecians haue beene rather wronged by you, and that you are more worthy of all manner of punishment. You became, you say, Confederates and Denizens of Athens, for to bee righ∣ted against vs; against vs then onely the Athenians should haue come with you, and not you with them haue gone to the inuasion of the rest; especially, when if the Athenians would haue led you whither you would not, you had the League of the Lacedaemoni∣ans, made with you against the Medes, which you so often obiect, to haue resorted vnto; which was sufficient not onely to haue prote∣cted [ D] you from vs, but which is the maine matter, to haue secured you to take what course you had pleased. But voluntarily, and without constraint, you rather chose to follow the Athenians. And you say it had beene a dishonest thing, to haue betrayed your benefactors. But it is more dishonest, and more vniust by farre, to betray the