A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie.

THE FIRST BOOKE, CONTEI∣NING MANY PRIVAT DOINGES OF M. Fekenham, the State of the Que••tiō, answer to M. Hornes oppositions out of holy scriptures both olde and newe, with a declara∣tion, who are the right Do∣natists, Protestants or Papistes. (Book 1)

M. Fekenham.

The declaration of such scruples and staies o•• ••••••sci∣ence, touching the Othe of Supremacy, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ken∣ham by writing did deliuer vnto the L. Bis••••op of Win∣chester, with his resolutions made thereun••••.

M. Horne.

The property of him that meaneth to declare rightly any matter done, is to set forth the trueth vvithout malice, to obserue the due circumstances of the matter, persones, and times: and to vse simple plainesse vvithout guileful am∣biguities (5.)* 1.1 This Title is so replenished vvith vntrue report, and ambiguous sleightes, vvithout the note of any necessary circumstance, that there is not al∣most one true vvorde therein: vvhereby you geue at the first a taste to the in∣different reader, vvhat he must looke for in the sequele.

You pretende, and vvould haue your frendes to thincke, that the first fovver chiefe pointes set foorth in your booke, vvere deuised by you, put in vvriting, and so deliured vnto me, as the matter and grounde vvherupon, the conferēce to be had betvvixt me and you should stande: And that I made thereunto none other but such resolutions, as it hath pleased you (.6.)* 1.2 vntruly to report. In the first parte, you conueigh an vntrueth vnder a coulorable and ambi∣guous meaning, in these vvoordes, as M. Iohn Feke••hā by vvriting did deliuer vnto the L.B. of VVinchester. In thother part (.7.)* 1.3 you make an vntrue report vvithout any colour at all. I doe graunt and vvill not deny, that you deliured to me a booke: vvhich, I thāke God, I haue to shevv, vvhere∣by

to disproue you. The same vvil declare the time vvhen, the place vvhere, the occasion vvherefore, the personnes to vvhome the booke vvas vvritē, and vvhat is the matter in generall therein conteyned: VVhereunto must be added, at vvhat time the same vvas deliuered vnto me, vpon vvhat occasiō, and to vvhat ••nde. Al vvhich circumstances you omitte in your booke published, least you shoulde haue bevvrayed your selfe, and haue appeared in your ovvne likenesse.

Stapleton. The First Chapter concerning the Title of M. Fekenhams declaration.

THIS was an happy happe for M. Horne, that it happed M. Fekenhā with the omit∣ting of suche slender circumstances to mi∣nister to him matter of such triflynge talke, wherein otherwise M. Horne should haue had nothing to haue sayde. For here is he very exacte and precise in circumstances to be kepte, with al dewe obseruation, in a by matter, which whether it be true or false, doth nothing either preiudicate or touche the principal questiō, that is, whether the resolutiōs were made before Maister Fekenham deliuered vp his matter in wri∣ting, or after. For this being true, that these resolutiōs were made to take away the scruples and stayes of M. Fekenhams conscience, whiche scruples rose and prycked his consciēce by and throughe such reasons and causes first vttered by talke and after by writing alleaged: wherein, I pray yow, hath M. Fekenham offended you M. Horne, so greuouslye, that therfore he should be noted of so vntrue reporte, that there is not almost one true worde in the title of his treatise: that he should be noted of ambiguouse sleights, yea and of malice to in prefixinge the sayed tytle to his Treatise?

And that he should conueigh vntrueth vnder coulorable and

ambiguouse meaning, as not obseruing the circumstance of time, place, and person. What inconuenience is it, I praie you, though M. Fekenham wrote in the Tower, that whi∣che he deliuered to M. Horne at Waltham? What incon∣uenience followeth, I praye you, if he minded first to de∣liuer the same to his examiners in the Tower, or els where, as occasion should serue? Is this sufficient to disproue him, to condemne him, to slaunder him of surmised vntruth? It is rather to be thought of such as are not malitiouse, to be plaine dealing: not to dissemble with you, but euen as he had penned the writing before, so without any alteration to deliuer it. Who neuerthelesse, afterward, hauing occasiō to exhibit and present the same writing to others, did sim∣plie without guile or deceipt, signifie it to be deliuered vn∣to you at Waltham. And was it not so? Denie it, if you can. Euerie Childe, by this may see, how fonde and foolish this your cauil is. But what is all this to the matter and thing now in hand? It is, as your selfe confesse, but a circumstance.* 1.4 But M. Horne now himselfe keepeth so lit∣tle his owne rules and precepts of circumstance, that beside the miserable and wretched peruerting and deprauing of his owne authors he doth so often and so malitiously omit and concele the due circumstances of things by him reported (necessary for the full illustration and opening of the whole and entiere matter) that concerning this fault which he vn∣iustly and triflingly obiecteth to M. Fekenham,* 1.5 he may most iustly haue the prick and price, as they say.

But now that I remember, and aduise my selfe a litle bet∣ter, I suppose I can not altogether excuse M. Fekenham for this title, but must race out therof foure words, and in steed of Lord Busshop of Winchester, set in M. Robert Horne: M.

Fekenham dissembling and winking at the common error, whereby in the estimation of many, ye are both called and taken for the Bishoppe of Winchester: whereas in deede ye are but an vsurper, and an intruder, as called thereto by no lawfull and ordinary vocation, nor canonicall consecra∣tion, of his great modestie and ciuilitie, willing the lesse to exasperate yowe and others, thowghe he well knewe ye were no right bysshop, yet after the vsuall sort calleth and termeth yow Lorde Bysshop of Winchester. But I must be so bolde by your leaue, as plainelye and bluntelye to goe to worke with yowe (as I haue done before with M. Grindall and M. Iewel yowr pewefellowes) and to remoue from you this glorious glittering Pecoks taile, and to call a figge a figge, and a horne a horne: and to saye (and that moste truely) that ye are no Lorde Byshoppe of Winche∣ster, nor els where, but onely M. Robert Horne. For al∣beit the Prince may make a Lorde at her gratious pleasure whome shee liketh, yet can shee not make you Lorde Bis∣shoppe of Winchester, considering yee are not Lorde but in respecte of some Baronage and temporalties belonging and annexed to the See of Winchester. But you vsurping the See, as you are no Bishoppe, so for the consideration a∣foresaid, yee are no Lorde, nor Prelate of the Garter. For yee can be no Prelate of the Garter,* 1.6 being no Prelate at al: that being a prerogatiue appropriate to the Prelate and Bishoppe of Winchester. Now that you are no true Bis∣shoppe, it is euident by that your vocation is direct contra∣rie to the Canons and Constitutions of the Catholik Chur∣che, and to the vniuersall custome and manner heretofore vsed and practised not onely in Englande, but in all other Catholique Countries and Churches deliuered to vs from

hande to hande, from age to age, euen from the firste graf∣fing and planting of the faith, especially in England. For the whiche I referre mee, to all autentique and aunciente recordes, as well of Englande as of other Nations, concer∣ning the ordinarie succession of Byshoppes, namelye in the foresayed See of Winchester. For there was not, no not one in that See, that did not acknoweledge the Supremacye of the See of Rome, and that was not con∣firmed by the same, vntil the late time of Maister Poynet: who otherwise also was but an vsurper, the true Byshop then liuing, and by no lawfull and Ecclesiasticall order remoued or depriued. Yee are therefore the firste Bis∣shoppe of this sewte and race, and so consequentlye,* 1.7 no Byshoppe at all: as not able to shewe, to whome yee did ordinarilie succede, or anye good and accustomable ey∣ther vocation, or consecration. Whiche point being ne∣cessarilie required in a Bishoppe, and in your Apostles Lu∣ther and Caluin, and other lacking, (as I haue otherwhere sufficientlye proued, though you by deepe silence thinke it more wisedome vtterlie to dissemble, then ones to an∣swere) they being therewith pressed, were so meshed and bewrapped therein, that they coulde not in this worlde wytte what to saye thereto, answering this and that, they wist nere what, nor at what point to holde them. Yea Beza was faine in the last assemblie at Poisy, with silence to cō∣fesse the inuincible truth.

But let it so be that your vocation was good and sound, yet haue you disabled your self to occupie that roome, and either ought not to be admitted, or forthwith ought ye to be remoued, for that ye are yoked (or as ye pretende) maried: and as wel for the maintenāce therof as of many other abho¦minable

errors (in case you stand obstinately in them) no doubt an Heretike. That ye liue in pretensed Matrimonie with your Madge al the worlde knoweth, colouring your fleshly pleasures vnder the name of an honorable Sacramēt, by this your incest wretchedly prophaned and vilained Ye keep now your said Madge, in the face of al the worlde without shame, whiche in King Henries daies ye kepte in hucker mucker and lusky lanes as many other did of your sort: especially M. Cranmer that occupied the See of Cāter∣burie: who caried about with him his prety conie in a chest full of holes, that his nobs might take the ayer.

* 1.8You wil perchance stande in defence of your pretensed mariage, and also of your other heresies, and say they are no heresies at all, and turne lecherie into wedlock, as some of your sorte haue of late daies turned, vppon good fridaie, a Pigge into a Pike, putting the said pigge in the water and saying: goe in pigge, and come out pike. But then I referre you to the olde Canons of the Fathers, to the writinges es∣pecially of S. Augustine, of Epiphanius, of Philaster and other, that among other heresies, recite some of those that you openly and your fellowes maintaine. Yf ye will reiect the poore Catholiques,* 1.9 S. Augustine and Epiphanius also, yet I trust you will not be against your owne famouse A∣pologie, whiche saith that Epiphanius nombreth fourscore Heresies (of the which it is one, for a man after the order of Priesthode to marie) and S. Augustine a greater nomber and so concludeth you and the residue to be heretikes. If ye wil denie ye mainteine any of those heresies, your preachings, your teachings and writings beare full and open testimony against you. What then haue you to iustifie your cause? You wil happely forsake and abandon S. Augustines autho∣ritie

withal the olde Canons and Councels, and flye vnder the defence of your brickle bulwarke of Actes of Parlia∣ment.

O poore and sely helpe: o miserable shift that our faith should hang vppon an acte of Parliamente, contrary as wel to all actes of Parliament euer holden in Englande before, as to the Canons and Fathers of the Catholike Churche. A strange and a wonderfull matter to heare in a Christian common welth, that matters of faith are Parliament cases. That ciuill and prophane matters, be conuerted into holie and Ecclesiasticall matters. Yea and that woorse is, that Laie men that are of the folde onely, not shepheards at all,* 1.10 and therefore bounde to learne of their Catholique Bis∣shoppes and Pastours, may alter the whole Catholique Religion, maugre the heades of all the Bishoppes and the whole Conuocation. This is to trouble all things: this is, as it were, to confounde togeather heauen and earth.

But yet let vs see the prouidence of God: These men,* 1.11 that relinquishing the Church, would hang only vpō a Par∣liament, are quite forsaken, yea euen there where they lo∣ked for their best helpe. For I praye you, what warrant is there by acte of Parliament to denie the Real presence of Christes bodie in the holie Eucharistia? Is it not for anye Parliament as well heresie nowe, as it was in Quene Maries, King Henries, or anye other Kinges dayes? What can be shewed to the contrarie? Doth not Luther your first Apostle and his schollers, defie you therefore, as detestable Heretiques? Nowe concerning Transubstan∣tiation and adoration, is it not well knowen, thinke you, that in King Edwardes dayes, there was a preaty leger∣demaine played, and a leafe putt in at the printing, which

was neuer proposed in the Parliamente? What Parlia∣mente haue your Preachers to denye free will, and the necessitie of baptizing children? Againe I pray you, is there any Acte to confirme your vnlawful mariage? Doth not in this point the Canonicall Lawe stande in force, as well nowe, as in King Henries daies? And so doth it not followe, that yee are no true Bishoppe? Beside, is it not notoriouse, that yee and your Colleages, were not ordei∣ned no not according to the prescripte, I wil not say of the Churche, but euen of the verye statutes? Howe then can yee challenge to your selfe the name of the Lord Bis∣shoppe of Winchester? Whereof bothe the Municipall and Ecclesiasticall Lawe dothe woorthelye spoyle you? Wherefore as I sayed, let vs dashe out these wordes, and then no reasonable man shall haue any great cause to qua∣rell against the Title of M. Fekenhams Treatise.

The .2. Diuision. M. Horne.

The booke by you deliuered vnto mee, touching the Othe, was writen in the Tovver of London (as you your selfe confessed, and the true title therof, doth plainly testifie) in the time of the Parliamēt holden Anno quinto of the Q. Maiestie Ianua. 12. at which time you litle thought to haue soiourned with me the winter follovving, and much lesse meant, to deliuer me the scruples and staies of your cōscience in writing, to be resolued at my hands. And although you would haue it seeme, by that you haue published abroade, that the cause why you wrot, was to be resolued my hande: yet the trueth is (as you your selfe reported) that you and your Tovver fellovves, hearing that the Statute moued for the assuraunce of the Queenes royall povver, would passe and be establissed, did conceiue that immediately after the same Session, Commis∣sioners shoulde be sente vnto you, to exact the Othe. VVhereuppon you to be in some readines, to withstande and refuse the duetie of a good sub∣iecte, (.8.)* 1.12 not without helpe of the reste (as may be gathered) deuised the matter conteyned in the booke, committed the same to writing, and pur∣posed to haue deliuered it for your ansvvere touching the Othe of the Supre∣macy

to the Cōmissioners, if they had come This may appere by the Title of that booke that you first deliuered to me, which is worde for worde as follovveth.

The answere made by M. Iohn Fekenham Priest, and pri∣soner in the Tower, to the Quenes highnes Commissioners, touching the Oth of the Supremacie.

In this Title there is no mencion of scruples and stayes deliuered to the Bisshoppe of VVinchester, but of aunsvveare to the Queenes Commissio∣ners. I am not once named in the ••itle, ne yet in the looke deliu•••••••• to mee: neither is there one worde as spoken to me: although in the 〈…〉〈…〉 abroad, you turne all as spoken to me. ••n your booke published a••e 〈…〉〈…〉 kinds of speaches: * 1.13To the L. Bishop of VVinchest••. VVhen you•• L. shalbe able &c. I shall ioyne this issue vvith your L. &c. But it is farre othervvise in your booke deliuered to me, namely. To the Queenes highnes cōmissioners. VVhen ye the Queenes high∣nes cōmissioners shalbe hable &c. I shal ioine this issue vvith you, that vvhen any one of you, the Queenes hignes cōmissio∣ners, &c. From October, at what time you were sent to me, vnto the end of Ianuarie, there was daily conference betvvixt vs in matters of Religion, but chiefly touching the foure pointes, which you terme scruples and stayes of conscience, and that by worde of mouth, and not by any writing. In all which points, ye vvere (.9.)* 1.14 so ansvvered, that ye had nothing to obiect, but seemed resolued, and in a maner fully satisfied. VVhervpon, I made aftervvard relation (of (.10.)* 1.15 good meaning tovvards you) to certain honorable persons of the good hope I had cōceiued of your conformity. At whiche time, a certaine friend of yours standing by, and hearing what I had declared then to the ho∣norable in your cōmedacion, did shortly after (.11.)* 1.16 reporte the same vnto you, which as it seemed, you did so much mislike (doubting that your confederates should vnderstand of your reuolt (.12.)* 1.17 which they euer feared, hauing expe∣rience of your shrinking frō them at (.13.)* 1.18 VVestminster in the cōference there, the first yere of the Q. Maiestie) that after that time I founde you alvvaies much more repugnāt, and cōtrary to that wherin ye before times seemed in maner throughly resolued: And also to goe from that you before agreed vnto. By reason vvhereof, vvhen in debating betvvixt vs, you vsinge manye shiftes, amongst other, did continuallie quarell in Sophistication of vvor∣des, I did vvill you, to the ende vve might certainlye goe forvvarde in

the pointes materiall, that you vvoulde vvryte your Positions or As∣sertions, in fourme of Propositions: vvhiche I coulde not cause you to doe in anye vvise, but yee vvoulde still stande vncertainelye in graunting and deniyng at your pleasure: yea, althoughe I for the better agreemente to be had, did dravve suche in fourme of Assertion, and gaue them in vvrittng vnto you, as I gathered of your ovvne mouthe to be your opi∣nion: yet vvoulde yee in no vvise stande too, and reste in any one cer∣tainelye, but vsed still your accustomed vvrangling and wādring at large. Vvhiche your behauiour so muche misliked mee, that I coulde not but earnestly charge you vvith inconstancie, in that yee woulde sometimes denie, that yee before had graunted: and also graunte, that yee before denyed. Then being so muche pressed herevvith, and perceiuing that your frovvarde qua∣relling vvith the plaine vvoordes of the Statute, coulde no lenger couer your euill meaning, at the length you did require, that I vvoulde put in vvri••ing the vvoordes of the Othe, vvith the sence or interpretation ad∣ded thereunto, as you considering thereuppon, might deuise the fourme of your Propositions, vvhereuppon we might afterwarde debate. By this it may appeare, bothe how vntrue it is, that you hitherto had deliuered vn∣to m••e any suche scruples of yours in writing, as you pretende in the Title (for then I needed not to haue sought any Propositions of your Assertions) and also how vntrue that is, that the interpretation of the Othe whiche I wrote at your requeste, before I euer sawe anye writing of yours, was to answere your scruples and staies deliuered to mee in writing.

The Seconde Chapiter: declaring by the way, the order of the late disputations at Westmynster.

HERE is no matter effectual, but that may seme already by our former answere sufficiently dis∣charged: sauing that it serueth to accumulate and increase the heap of M. Horns vntruths, as that this shedule should be made not without the helpe of the rest. How proue you that M Horn? As it may be gathered, ye

say. yea, but why haue you so sone forgottē your late lessō? Where be your circumstances that enforced yow so to ga∣ther? why were they not according to your owne rule spe∣cified? Againe ye say, M. Fekenham was so answered at your hands, that he had nothing to obiecte but semed to be resolued, and in a maner satisfied Syr, we cal vpon yow yet ons againe to remember your former rule, with the which ye so strait∣ly and vaynly charged M. Fekenham. But yet here ye seame to be somwhat better aduised, mollifying the matter with these wordes in a maner satisfied: other wise yt had passed al good maner and honesty to, so vntruly to make that re∣porte the cōtrary being so wel knowen, that he neuer yel∣ded vnto you in any one pointe of religiō, neither in courte nor yet in manour, nor else where.

Then haue we an heape of other vntruthes packed vp together: As that M. Horne should haue a good meaning tow∣ards M. Fekenham, making of him within six lines after an vntrue and a slanderouse report as to reuolte from the relli∣gion by him receiued and professed at baptisme, to reuolte from the fayth of Christes Catholike Churche▪ to reuolte from al the most blessed Sacraments, and from the vnity of the saide Churche, and thereby to become as starke a schis∣matike and an heretike as M. Horne him selfe ys: Was this M Horne, your good and frendly meaninge towards M. Fekenham? He thāketh yow for nawght he will none of it: he hath espyed yow: ye proferre him to muche wronge Of like sorte is your other saying of M. Fekenhams frende that should stande by, when yow made relation of the hope ye had of M. Fekenhams conformity, and that M. Fekenhā vpō your reporte to him by his, frend should be more repugnant then he was before. This seemeth to be made of your owne

head, to furnishe your own forged tale withal: Which if it had bene true, why did yow not according to your owne rule set forthe the truthe thereof, obseruing the dewe cir∣cumstances of the matter, person, tyme, and place? But this incomparably passeth and farre excedeth al your other for∣sayde vntruthes, that ye say M. Fekenham should so shrinke from his cōfederats (as yow terme them more maliciously thē truely) in the conferēce made at Westminster, that they should euer since conceiue a feare of his constancy in religion.

I beseach yow good Syr, in what one point of religion, did he shrinke from his company in that cōference at West∣minster? Was the matter wherin he dissented from them any other than this? That, whereas both they and he also hadde agreed vppon a booke towching the questions then in con∣trouersie betwene yow and thē, the right honorable Lord keaper of the great seale, commaunded them in the Quene her highnes name to beginne and to reade their booke first, which they refused to doe, and yet he for his parte thought it not good to disobey the Quenes highnes commaunde∣mente therein and thervppon offered himselfe to beginne the disputation, and the Lord keper would not permit him so to doe, what an offence I beseache yow hath M. Feken∣ham cōmitted herein, so great as worthy a dashe with your penne? What shrynkinge in religiō cal yow this, when in the defence thereof he did so openly proferre him self to put forthe the first argumente?

The booke that was set forth of the sayd conference for the disgracing and depressing of the Catholiks, dothe yet geue some commendation to M. Fekenham for the cause aboue sayde and nothing towcheth him with any suspicion of inconstancy, or mambring in religion, as ye most vniust∣ly

doe: This is your own fyne and singular inuention.

And now here ons againe we must plucke yow by the hornes, and cal yow home to your owne rule, and demaūde of yow: Sir how know yow that his Towre fellowes haue conceiued such a feare of him? What proufe are ye now able to make thereof? Ye haue spoken the words: ye haue writen them: ye haue set them forth in printe to the vewe and sight of the worlde. And that I trowe of a very good meaninge towardes M. Fekenhā. Yea forsothe. Who seeth it not, and withal what an honorable prelate yow are thus to stuff and farse your booke, with an heape of such ouer∣sights and open vntruthes?

I might now passe forth to the residewe of M. Hornes book sauing that the mētiō of the conferēce at Westmynster and the book thereof made, occasioneth me a litle to speake thereof, for that I perceiue many are slaundered therby, sur∣mifyng the Catholiks gaue ouer, for that they were not able to defende and mainteyne their side: But these mē shal vn∣derstāde that the very cause was, that they might not be suffred to reply to their aduersaries, but were commaunded straite to a new question the first vndetermined, and nothīg by them answered by reason their replication was cut of.

I speake nothing of the vneuen dealing and handling of the matter,* 1.19 as that the Catholiks being in possession of the truth frō time to time in the Churche continued and obser∣ued were yet notwithstanding disuantaged and put to the prouf with much more iniury, then if a man that had an hū∣dred years and more quietly enioyed his Lāds, should sodēly be disturbed ād dispossessed thereof, vnlesse he could proue his possessiō, to hī that had no right or interest to claime the same. Which I say not, for that the catholiks had not, or did

not shewe sufficient euidence, but for the maner of the or∣dering and dealing therein, the Catholiks being very much straited for shortnes of tyme: beside that it was a fruytlesse and a superfluose enterprise: For in so many great and weigh∣ty matters, as now stande in controuersie and debate, to what ende and purpose was yt to debate vppon these 3. matters only, whether the seruice may be in the mother tong: whether any one realme may alter and chaunge the rites and ceremonies in the Churche and make newe:* 1.20 whe∣ther the masse be a sacrifice propitiatory seing that the first, and the secōd question, be no questions of faith, and the .3. de∣pendeth vpon the questions of transsubstantiation, and the real presence, which ought first to haue bene discussed and then this, as accessory thereunto?

Againe, what presidente or example can be shewed of such kinde of disputation to be made before the Laye men as Iudges?* 1.21 Suerly howe daungerouse this matter is, beside many folde recordes of Antiquity, the miserable examples of our tyme doe sufficiently testifie: especially at Monster in Germany. Where by these meanes the Lutherans thrust oute the Catholiks, and where euen by the very same trade, ere the yeare wente abowte, the Lutherans them selues were thrust owte by the Anabaptistes. And then within a while after followed the pytiful tragedy plaied there by the sayd Anabaptists the worthy fruit of such disputatiōs. Now albeit these disputatiōs were nothing neadful at al, and much lesse for that in the parliamēt time, when this cōference was had, the whol clergy (whose iudgemēt should haue bene in this case of chieffest importāce) vniformly agreed, aswel vpō the real presēce as trāsubstantiatiō ād the sacrifice also, with the supremacy of the Pope, and made their hūble petitiōn (as

became their vocatiō) that the aūciēt relligion might not be altered in the parliamēt, although they could neuer obtaine that their petition might there be read, yet if they woulde nedes haue gonne forward with their disputations,* 1.22 reason had ben, that they should haue begonne with the chief and principal points, and not with the dependant and accesso∣ry mēbers, or matters nothing touching faith: and withal to haue suffred the Catholiks, to haue replied to their aduer∣saries, whiche they could not be suffered to doe, least their aduersaries weaknes shuld (as it would haue done in dede, and now daily doth, God be praised) euidently and openly haue b••ne disciphered and disclosed. Wherin whether the Catholiks were indifferently dealt withall,* 1.23 I reporte me to all indifferent men. Surely among all other things con∣cerning the supremacy of the prince in causes Ecclesiasti∣cal, the denial wherof is more extreamely punished by the law, then any other matter of religion now in controuersy, ther would haue ben much more mature deliberatiō, espe∣cially considering that aboue .x. hundred yeares past, in dis∣putations of matters of faith, whereto the Catholikes were prouoked in Aphrica, the said Catholikes required, that at the said disputations should be presente the Legates of the See of Rome, as the chief and principal See of Christēdom. But let vs now returne to M. Horne.

M. Horne. The .3. Diuision. pag. 3. a.

After this in February follovving, certaine persons of vvorship resorted to my hou••e▪ partly to see me, and partly to heare somevvhat betvvixt me and you. And after that vve had reasoned in certaine pointes touching Religion, vvherein ye seemed openly to haue little matter to stande in, but rather did yelde to the moste in substance that I had saied: neuer the lesse being after vvithdravven in some of their companies, although yee did seeme openlye to consent and agree vvith me in that I had said: Yet (said you) the matter

it selfe is grounded here (pointing to your breast) that shall neuer goe out. VVhiche being tolde me, I did vehemently then challenge you for your double dealing, and colourable behauiour: saying, that I thought you did not that you did, of any conscience at al: and therefore compted it but lost la∣bour further to trauaile vvith such a one as had neither conscience nor con∣stancy. But you, to shevv that ye did al of conscience, shevved me both vvhat yee had suffred for the same in diuers manners, and also hovv the same vvas grounded in you long before. For proufe vvhereof, ye offred to shevve me a booke of yours, that ye had deuised in the Tovver, and the same shortly after did deliuer vnto me, not as your scruples and doubtes to be resolued at my hande, vvherein ye seemed in our conference before had (.14.)* 1.24 resolued: but only to declare, that the matter had bene long before setled in you, and this vvas the only and mere occasion of the deliuery of the said booke vnto me, entituled as is before declared, and not othervvise.

But as you haue cast a mist before the eyes of the readers, vnder the speach of a deliuery in vvriting, vvithout noting of any circumstance that might make the matter cleere, vvherein you shevve your self to haue no good mea∣ning: euen so haue you set foorth resolutions of your ovvne deuise vnder my name, because you are ashamed to vtter mine, vvherevnto you yelded, and vvere not able to ansvvere.

Stapleton.

How vnlike a tale this is, that M. Fekenhā should either be resolued by M. Horn, or being resolued, should thē geue vp his matter in writing for none other cause thē M. Horn reporteth, I durst make any indifferent man iudge, yea a nū∣ber of M. Hornes own sect: there is no apparance, there is no colour in this matter. And therefore I wil be so bold, as to adde this to his other vntruthes: where vnto I might set an other more notable straight waies ensuing,* 1.25 that M. Fe∣kenham should set forth resolutions of his owne deuise vn∣der M. Hornes name, sauing that I leaue it to a place more appropriate, where the matter shal be more conueniently and more fully discussed.

The 4. Diuision. Pag. 3. b. M. Fekenham.

For asmuch as one chief purpose and intent of this Othe is, for a more saulfgard to be had of the Quenes royal per∣son, and of her highnes most quiet and prosperous reigne: I doe here presently therfore offer my selfe to receiue cor∣poral Othe vpon the Euangelistes, that I doe verely think and am so persuaded in my conscience, that the Queenes highnes is thonly suprem gouernour of this realme, and of al other her highnes Dominiōs and Countries according as thexpresse words are in the beginning of the said Othe. And further I shall presently sweare, that her highnes hath vnder God, the soueraignty and rule ouer al manner of persons borne within these her highnes realmes of what estate (either Ecclesiastical or Temporal) so euer thei be.

M. Horne.

Hovv so euer by vvords you vvoulde seme to tendre her Maiesties saulfty, quietnes, and prosperous reigne, your (.15.)* 1.26 dedes declare your meaning to be cleane contrary. VVhat saulfty meane you to her person, vvhen you bereue the same of a principal parte of the royal povver? vvhat quietnesse seeke you to her personne, vvhen one chiefe purpose and entent of your book published, is to stay and bring her subiects to an heretical misliking of her royal povver, vvhich is a preparation to rebellion against her person? Hovv much prosperity you vvish to her Maiesties reigne appeareth, vvhen that vvith (.16.)* 1.27 diepe sighes and grones you looke daily for a chaunge thereof, and (.17.)* 1.28 tharche Heretique of Rome, your (.18.) God in earthe, to (.19.) reigne in her place.

The third Chapter declaring the rebellion of Protestāts against their princes in diuerse Countres abrode, and the seditious writīgs of English Protestāts at Geneua and otherwhere.

THere haue bene many Kings in this realme be∣fore our time, that haue reigned vertuouslye, quietly, prosperouslye, most honorably, and most victoriouslye, which neuer dreamed of this kinde of supremacy: and yet men of suche knowledge that they coulde sone espye, wherein their au∣thority was impaired, and of such cowrage and stowtenes that they woulde not suffer at the Popes hands, or at any o∣ther, any thing done derogatory to their Royal powre. And albeit the Catholiks wishe to the Quenes maiesty, as quiet, as prosperouse, as longe, and as honorable an empire to the honour of God, as euer had prince in the worlde, and are as wel affected to her highnes, as euer were good subiects to their noble princes aforesayde: yet cā they not finde in their harts to take the Othe: not for any such synister affection as M. Horne moste maliciously ascribeth vnto them, but one∣ly for conscience sake, grounded vppon the Canons and lawes of the holy Churche, and the continual practise of al Christen and Catholike realmes, finally vppon holy Scrip∣ture,* 1.29 namely that saying of S. Peter. Oportet obedire Deo, ma∣gis quàm hominibus. God must be obeyed more then mē: So farre from al rebellion against her highnes person, and from suche sighthes and grones, as Master Horne most wickedly surmiseth (wherein he sheweth by the way his owne and other his complices affection towarde the princes not af∣fected in religion as they be) that they dayly most hartely praye for her highnes preseruation: So farre of I saye, that as they haue already for God and his Catholike faith, suffe∣red them selfe to be spoiled of all worldly estate, contente also yf God shall so appointe, to be spoyled also of theire lyfe, so is there none of them, whereof diuerse haue

faithfully and fruitfullie serued their Prince and Countrie, that is not willinge for the preseruation of the Prince and his countrie, to imploye, if the case so require, witte, body, and life also. And for my part, I pray God hartily the tryall woulde ones come.

But this is an olde practise, first of the Painimes, and Ie∣wes, then of the heretikes,* 1.30 falsly to obiect to the Christians and Catholiques, priuie conspiracies and sedition, the more to exasperate the Princes against them. And when truthe faileth, then with the Princes authoritie and lawes to feare them. Surely, this man bloweth his horne a wrong, with charging the Catholiques with sedition, which is the verie badge and peculiar fruit of all their Euangelicall broode.

I let passe the Donatists, and their horrible tragedies: I let passe the Boheames with their blinde Captaine both in Bo∣die and soule, Zischa (a meete Captaine for suche a caitife companie) with their detestable vprores, seditiō, and migh∣tie armie against their Prince and Countrie: I let passe how cruellie they handeled the Catholiques,* 1.31 casting .12. of their chiefe Doctours and Preachers, into a kill of hotte burning lyme: and how pitifully they murdered a noble Catholike Knight: first burning his feete, then his legges, then his knees, then his thyes, to force him to cōsent to their wic∣ked doctrine, which when he couragiously and valiauntlye refused, they consumed with fier the residue of his bodie.* 1.32 I let passe the traiterous poysoninge of that noble yonge Prince Ladislaus the King of Boheme and Hungarie, at the time of his mariage in Praga, by the meanes of Georgius Pogebratius a great Hussyte, for that the saied Ladislaus at his firste entrie into his Towne of Praga, gaue but heauie lookes to the Hussian Ministers, but lighting of his Horse

embraced moste louinglie the Catholique Priestes, saiyng: Hos Dei Ministros agnosco. These I acknowledge for the Mi∣ninisters of God. And to come nearer to our owne home,* 1.33 I let passe the great conspiracies of Syr Roger Acton and Syr Iohn Oldecastle with their complices against King Henrie the fift.

I referre me onely (to be shorte) to the tragicall enor∣mities yet freshe in remembraunce, of Luthers Schollers in Germanie, in Dennemarke, in Swethelande, and in our Countrie in the time of Queene Marie: of the Caluinistes in Fraunce, in Scotland, and presentlie in these low Coun∣tries, of Brabant, Hollande, Flanders, and Lukelande: Last of all, of the Anabaptistes in the Citie of Mounster in Westphalia. For these three noble Sectes issued of that poysoned roote of Luther and his strompette Cate, haue eche of them according to their hability, geuen forth suche euidente argumentes of their obedience (forsothe) to their Soueraines, that all the forenamed Countries, do well not onely remember the same, but feele yet presently the smarte thereof.

In Germanie the Lutherans bothe the commons vn∣der Thomas Muntzer their Captaine againste their No∣bles, and the Nobles them selues againste their Emperour, notoriouslie rebelled, and that vnder pretence of Religi∣on.* 1.34 The murder in one sommer of fiftie thousande men of the communaltie at the leaste (as Sleidan reporteth) and the famous captiuitie of the Duke of Saxonie and the Lantgraue of Hesse vnder Charles the fift (the late most renouned Emperour) who bothe stode in fielde againste him, will neuer suffer those bloudie practises to be for∣gotten. The insurrection of the people in Dennemarke

againste their Nobles, and of the Nobles in Swethelande againste their Prince (as witnesseth that learned Coun∣cellour of the late moste Catholique Emperour Ferdinan∣dus,* 1.35 Fridericus Staphylus) are knowen to all the worlde with the successe thereof. The open rebellion of Syr Tho∣mas Wiat in the raigne of Quene Marie (couering his he∣resie with a Spanish cloke) Charing Crosse and Tower hill will neuer forgette.

In Fraunce the Zwinglians not only by traiterous force bereauing the Prince of Piemont of his: Towne of Gene∣ua, and fixing there euer since the wicked Tabernacle of their loytering heresies, but also euen vnder the King that nowe liueth (as with my eyes I haue my selfe there be∣holded) first by vnlawfull assemblies against open Procla∣mations, and after by open rebellion withoute measure of bloudshedde, by taking vppe of the Kings rentes in Gas∣conie and the Prouince, by possessing by violence his prin∣cipal townes, Rhone, Orleans, Lions, and suche other, by murdering most traiterouslie his General Captaine the no∣ble Duke of Guise, haue shewed their godly obedience to their Soueraigne Princes.

For the better and more large deciphering of all these tragicall feates wrought by the Caluinistes in the Realme of Fraunce, I referre you, Maister Horne, to an Oration made of this matter expresselye, and pronounced here in Louaine, and translated eloquently and printed in our En∣glishe tongue. What loyall subiectes the Caluinistes in Scotland, haue shewed them selues towarde their Queene and Soueraigne, Knokes and his band, the flight of the No∣bles, ād the murdering also of her most dere Secretary, euē within her graces hearing, with other bloudy practises, yet

hot and fresh, beareth open witnesse before al the worlde. It is euident, that beside and against the Princes authority, your Religion (M. Horne) hath taken place there.

* 1.36To come to the outragious enormities of the low Coun∣tries here, what tongue can expresse, what penne can de∣ciphre sufficiently the extremity thereof? These men li∣uing vnder a most Catholique, moste clement, and moste mighty Prince, (the loyaltie of their profession is suche) they neither reuerence his Religion, nor consider his cle∣mencie, nor feare his power: but contrary to his open edi∣ctes and proclamations, abusing his rare clemencie in re∣mitting vnto them the rigour of the Inquisition, proceede daylie to ouerturne the Relligion by him defended, to prouoke his iuste indignation, and to contemne his Prin∣cely power. For, a graunte beinge made of the mollifi∣cation thereof for a season, vntill the Kings pleasure were farder knowen: at the humble suite of certaine Gentlemē, put vp to the Ladie Regent the .5. of April, in the yere .1566. which graunt also was expressely made,* 1.37 vpō conditiō that nothing should be innouated in matters of Religion in the meane while, these men yet, hauing an inche graūted them, tooke an elle, and the rodde being cast aside, fel streight to more vnthriftinesse then before. For sone after flocked downe into these lowe Countries, a number of rennegate preachers, some out of Geneua and Fraunce, some out of Germanie, some Sacramentaries, some Lutherās, and some Anabaptists. Who lacking not their vpholders and staies fel to open preaching, first in Flaunders and then next in Ant∣werp, the .24. of Iune of the said yeare .1566. After at Tour∣nay, and Valencenes, in Holland and Brabant, in al Townes wel nere, except onely this noble Vniuersitie of Louaine:

which (God only be praised therefore) hath continued in al these garboiles, troubles, and disorders, not only free from all spoiles of their Churches and Chappelles, yea and of all Monasteries round about, as few townes beside haue done, namely Bruxels, Bruges, Lyle, Mounts in Henaut, Arras, Douay, and no towne els of importance (as farre as I can remember) but also hath remained free from all schismatical sermons in or about the towne. Whiche of no great towne in all Brabant and Flanders beside can be said. God onely be praised therefore, for whose only glory I write it. For as this towne and vniuersitie, was aboue al other townes in al this. Land moste spyted and threatened of these rebellious Protestantes (by reason of the Doctours and Inquisitours here, whose rigour they pretended as a cause of their ma∣lice) so was it by Gods singular mercy, from their speciall malice, most singularly preserued. To him onely be the glorie and honour thereof. Els mans policie was no lesse, and the power of resistance was greater in other townes then in this. But God, I trust, hath shewed his singular mer∣cie vppon this place, to stoppe the gaping Rauens mouthes,* 1.38 the hereticall broode as well of this lande as otherwhere, which thirsted after the bloud of the learned Doctours, and Catholique Students of this place.

To returne to our matter, the sermons beginning at Ant∣werpe, (without the towne walles) at the first fewe, at the second, and thirde preachings and so foorth, greate num∣bers assembled. The more halfe alwayes as gasers on, and harkeners for newes, then zealous Gospellers as they call them selues. The number then bothe of the audience and preachers increasing, a proclamation came from the court, and was published in Antwerp the .vj. of Iulie, that none of

towne should repaire to suche forraine preachings vppon a paine. This was so well obeyed, that to the Kinges owne Proclamation, printed and fastened vpon the South doore of S. Maries Church in Antwerpe, it was in the ve∣ry paper of the Proclamation vnderwriten by a brother of your Gospell M. Horne, Syrs: To morow ye shall haue a Ser∣mon at suche a place and time. As who woulde saye: a figge for this Edicte, and as the traiterouse brethern in Ant∣werp haue not sticked openlie to saye: * 1.39 Schij••e op die Con∣ning, We will haue the woorde, what so euer oure Kinge saie or commaunde to the contrarye. How thinke you M. Horne? Doe these men acknowledge their Prince Supreame Gouernour in all Spirituall causes? But lette vs goe on. To let passe the continuance of their prea∣chings without the walles, whiche dured aboute six or se∣uen wekes, the Prince of Orenge gouernor of the towne, labouring in the meane season a greate while but in vaine, to cause them to surcease from their assemblies, vntill the Kinges pleasure with the accorde of the Generall States were knowen,* 1.40 they not admitting any suche delaie or ex∣pectation (as them selues in a frenche Pamphlet by them published in printe, without the name of the Author or place of the printing, doe confesse, foreseeing (as thei said) that no good would come thereof, and therefore obeying the Magistrat as much as them listed) found the meanes to bring their assemblies into the town it self, so farre without the Kings or the Regents authoritye, as if they had had no King at al out of the land, nor Regent in the land. But the meanes which they found to bring this feate to passe, was singular and notable.

Wheras the .19. of August the Prince of Orenge departed

frō Antwerp to Bruxels to the court, that being then in the Octaues of the Assūptiō of our Lady, a special solemnitie in the chief Church of Antwerp town,* 1.41 the brethren both for the Gouernors absence emboldened, and in despite of that solēnity more enkendeled, the .xx. of August beīg Tuesday toward euenīg, at the Antemne time betwene v. and .vj. of the clock, began first by certain boyes to play their Pageāt, mocking and striking by way of derision, the Image of our Lady thē especially visited and honored for the honorable memorial of her glorious Assūptiō. At this light behauiour of the boies som stirre being made, as wel by the Catholiks then in the Church, as by the factiō of the Caluinists there also thē assēbled, the Catholikes fearing a greater incōueni∣ence, began to depart the Churche, and the brethren at the rumour therof increased very much. Herevpō incontinēt∣ly the Margraue of the towne, the chief Officer in the Go∣uernours absence, being sone aduertised by the Catholikes of some tumult like to arise, drew in al hast to the Church. But the brethren by this time were become Lordes of the Church, and had shut the dores against the Margraue. Notwithstāding at length the Margraue going from doore to dore gat in, and approching to the assemblie of the Cal∣uinists, willed and cōmaūded thē in the Kings name whose Officer he was, to depart the Church, and not to interrupt Gods seruice as they had begun. Thei answered, thei came also to do God seruice, and to sing a few Psalmes in his ho∣nor, that being a place most cōueniēt therfore. Many wor∣des passing betwen the Margraue and them, their number being great and increasing stil, the Margraue departed the Church, nothing preuailing neither by faire wordes nor by foule. The Magistrate being thus reiected (as vnhable in

deede to withstande the faction of the Rebelles, as it ap∣peared well euen that night) the holy brotherhode went to their druggery. First they song Psalmes, pretending that only to be the cause of their meeting there at that time. At their Psalmodie rushed in great numbers of people, some to see and be gone againe, some to remaine and accompanie them. I was my self present at the beginning of this Tragedy (coming by chaunce to the towne that afternone) and I saw after the Margraue was gone out of the Churche, and their Psalmodie begonne, not past (I verely suppose) threescore persons assembled. Mary there rushed in continually greate numbers of such as taried still with them. All this was be∣fore six of the clock. From that time foreward, their me∣lodie sone ended, they proceeded to sacrilege, to breaking of Images, to throwing downe of Aulters, of Organes, and of all kind of Tabernacles, as well in that Churche, as in all other Churches, Monasteries and Chappelles of Ant∣werpe, to stealing of Chalices, to spoiling of Copes, to breaking vppe of seates, to robbing of the Churche War∣dens boxes as well for the Churche as for the poore. And heerein, I will reporte that whiche I sawe with myne eyes. In Sainte Iames Churche, the spoyle there being not so outragiouse, as in other Churches, al the settles, ben∣ches and seates, made aboute the Churche pillers and Aulters for folke to sitte and kneele in, were in maner left whole, one onelye excepted, placed at the west ende of the Churche, in the which were diuers little scobbes and boxes of gatherings for the poore. These scobbes lo, on∣lye, were broken vp, and the contents visited: for to them was their chiefe deuotion: All the reste remained whole, and vnspoyled.

To be shorte, al that night (which to him that had bene pre∣sent thereat, as I then was, might well seme Nox Siciliana) the Zelous brotherhood so folowed the chase, that they lefte not one Churche in Antwerpe greate or smal, where they hunted not vp good game, and caryed away fleshe good store. Chalices, patens and cruets of golde and of sil∣uer, copes and vestiments of silke and of veluet, fyne linnen and course, none came amisse: They tooke al in good parte, and tooke no more then they founde. What shal I speake of the very libraries spoiled and burned, namely of the grey fryers, and of the Abbye of S. Michael? To describe particu∣larly the horrible and outragious sacrileges of that night, an eternal documēt of the ghospellike zele, of this sacred bro∣therhood, woulde require a ful treatise of it selfe. Only this much I haue shorthly touched, that you may see ād palpably feele M. Horne, if any common sense remaine in you, what obedient subiects your brethern are, which with in .24. my∣les of their Princes Courte, which contrary to the expresse admonition of the Magistrat then present, contrary to all law, reason, right, or conscience, vnder pretence forsothe of your ghospels zele (the zele truly of Christes ghospell, was neuer such) feared not in great numbers to committe such open robbery, thefte, felony, sacrilege, and treason. But let vs procede.

This Noble Strategeme was a way to bringe their prea∣chinges within the towne walles: for now they had I trow, well deserued of the towne, and were right worthy of all fauour and libertye. Therefore the Thursdaye after, they preached openly in our lady Churche, and the Saterday in in the Burge Churche, and required to haue places in al the Churches to preache. But at the first two, and then fowre,

and at last all the Catholiks Churches being forebidden thē, they obtayned yet certain places in the new towne to build them new Churches: which they did with great spede. The Caluinists builded foure, and the Lutherans two. This much grounde they gotte, by one nightes worke.

But was it possible, that such a beastly beginning, should haue eyther long cōtinuance, or any good ending? We shal see by the issue. In this moneth of August not in Antwerp only, but in Gant, Ypres, Valencene and diuers other towns in Flādres, Hartoghēbuske, Lyre, and other in Brabant, in di¦uerse towns also of Hollād, in some in Zelād, and through∣out wel nere al these low coūtres, Churches wer robbed ād spoiled, though in few so outragiously or so vniuersally as in the town of Antwerp. The storme of this sodayne spoiles being somwhat asswaged ād stopped by policy ād spedy resi∣stāce, yet the new preachīgs took place about al towns: ōly Louain as I haue said excepted. this beīg the ōly maidē toun of any importance in al Brabāt and Flandres, for being free both within and many a myle aboute, no lesse from al schis∣matical preachings, then frō all sacrilegious spoiles. God on∣ly, as I haue said, be praised therefore. But to procede, soone after these sacrileges, thei fel to opē rebelliō. For whē al wēt not foreward as it liked the Ministres, by their persuasions, townes began to rebelle, and to shut their gates against the Kings souldiars, which to haue iustice don vpō Church rob∣bers, and to stay farder enormities the Prince cōmaūded to be admitted. Such were Tournay, Valencens, Hartoghen∣baske, ād Hassels in Lukelād. But Tournay being soone re∣couered, and the protestātical rebelles subdewed Valēcens held out euē to the battery of the wals: before which time all Catholiks being driuē out of the toune that opēly would shew thē selues for such, al monasteries being ouerthrowen,

the churches being turned into barns or storehouses for their corne, the brethern of Antwerp enuying at the ioly liberty and audacity of the Valēceners, attēpted diuers times to ob∣tayn the like in their town also. Witnesses hereof, the tumult made about the grey fryers Church the 19. of Septēber, the Prince of Orēge being present skāt able to stay it. The spoyl renewed in S. Maries Church in the moneth of Nouēbre, whereof six the next day were hāged by the Conte Hoch∣strat thē the Prince of Orenge his deputy. The burning of a great part of the grey fryers Church and cloister in the first Sōday of Lēt. And last of al the opē, manifest, and notorious rebelliō made by the caluinists in Antwerp, the 13. of March last whē thei possessed the artillery of the town, plāted their ordināce in the great Maire, a strete so called, stoode there in armes against their Prīce, required opēly the kayes of the gates, ād of the town house, the banishmēt of al religious per∣sons ād priests, ād brefly as the cry thē wēt about the stretes, des Coopmās goet, en Papē bloet: the goods of the Marchāts ād the blood of the Priests. These I say are manifest, clere ād eui¦dent witnesses that the Caluinistes of Antwerp attēpted no lesse rebelliō, thē the town of Valēcens practised in dede. But of this Notorious attēpt and of the whole maner, ende and beginning thereof toward the end of this book I shall more largely speak, to the which place I remitte the Reader.

Now what a great and sodayn ouerthrowe God hath ge∣uē to al these trayterous attēpts of ghospellīg protestāts, and how they haue wrought therein their own destructiō (for had they not attēpted the dominiō it self, their heresies (we feare) would longer haue ben winked at, and perhaps not repressed at al) how first the caluinists in Antwerp were by mayne force of the Catholiks, (the Lutherās ioyning in that

feate with thē, cōstrayned to lay downe their weapons, and to crye, Viue••e Roy, God saue the king, how sone after vpon palmesonday the towne of Valencenes was taken by the kings Captaynes, how straight after Easter the preachers were driuen to departe Antwerpe, and al other townes and Cyties of these lowe Countries, how their newe Churches are made a pray to the kings souldyars, briefely how al is re∣stored to the olde face and coūtenāce as nighe as in so short a time may be, how wonderfully, mercifullye, and miracu∣lously God hath wrought herein, neither my rude penne is able worthely to expresse it, nether my smal experience can sufficiently report it. I leaue it therefore to a better time and occasion, of some other more exactly and worthely to be chronicled.

This is lo M. Horne, the obedience of the Caluinistes in these low coūtres here, as we hear daily with our eares and see with our eyes. And truly experiēce hath to wel shewed, that Protestāts obey, vntil they haue power to resiste. Whē their faction is the stronger syde, as they resiste bothe Pre∣lats and Popes, so they laye at bothe Kinges and Keysars. And to this the law of their Gospel enforceth them, as their own Ministers persuade them. So by the persuasiō of Theo∣dore Beza (Caluins holy successour now at Geneua) the vil∣layne Poltrot slewe the Duke of Guise, his Princes Capitain General. By the Authority of Hermannus a knowen renna∣gate now in Englande, and a famous preacher here, as be∣fore in Italy for open baudery no lesse infamous, the towne of Hassels in Lukelande rebelled. By the encouragement and setting on of the Ministres (who for the time were the chiefe Magistrats there) the towne of Tournay for a season also rebelled, and sent out ayde to the rebelles of Valēcens,

who sped according to their desertes, being to the number of ij. M. or there aboute intercepted by the kings souldyars and slayne within the twelue dayes at Christmas laste. And it is wel knowen, namely by the first execution made after the taking of Valencenes, aboute witsontyde laste that the Ministers themselues were the chiefe Authours of the lōge and obstynat rebellion of that towne. Such supreme gou∣uerment of the Prince ouer causes Ecclesiastical your dere brethern here (M. Horne) the Caluinistes doe acknowledge and practise. Which that it renewe not to a farder rebelliō, we for the peace of Gods Churche, and for our owne safty doe pray, and you for sauing your poore honesty, had nede to praye. Except your harte also be with them (M. Horne) though your penne condemne them.

Nowe for the purgation of the Catholiks,* 1.42 against whom this man so falsly and maliciously bloweth his horne, yt may seame a good and a conueniente proufe, of their quietnes and obedience, that al this .8. years and more there hath not ben in the realme, no not one that I can heare of, that hath bene conuicted, of any disloyalty, for worde or dead, con∣cerning the Princes ciuil regiment: which they all wishe were as large and ample, and as honorable as euer was our noble countreymans the greate Constantines. And albeit I knowe quòd non sit tutum scribere contra eos, qui possunt praescribere,* 1.43 Yet for matters of conscience and relligion (wherein onely we stande) we poore Catholikes moste humblye vppon our knees desire her highnes, that we may with moste lowlye submission craue and require, to be borne withall, yf we can not vppon the sodayn, and with∣oute sure and substantial groundes abandon that faith, that we were baptized in, and (as we are assured) al our aunce∣tours,

and al her Maiesties own most noble progenitors, yea her owne most noble father King Henry the eight, yea that faith, which he in a clerkly booke hath most pythely defen∣ded, and therby atchieued to him and his, and transported as by hereditary succession,* 1.44 the worthy title and style yet re∣mayning in her highnes, of the defendour of the faith. Other disobedience then in these matters, (yf there be any thing in vs worthy that name) wherein as I haue said our first and principal obedience must wayt vpon God, and his Catho∣lik Church, I trust her highnes hath not, nor shal not find in any true Catholick.

Let vs nowe turne on the other syde, and consider the fruits of M. Horn his euangelical bretherne and their obe∣dience,* 1.45 that by woordes woulde seame to recognise the Quenes Maiesty as supreame gouernour in al causes eccle∣stical. Who are those then, I praye yow M. Horne, that re∣pine at the Quenes maiesties iniunctiōs and ordinances, for the decente and comly apparrel mete for such as occupie the roome of the clergy? Whence came those .16. Ministres to Paris, and what Ministres were they, but roundecappe Ministres of England, fleying the realme for disobedience? Who wrote and printed a booke at Rhone against the Queenes Maiesties expresse cōmaundment of priestly ap∣parel? Was it not Minister Barthelet, that published before the infamous libel against the vniuersall Churche of God, bothe that nowe is and euer hath bene? As fonde nowe and peuish against his owne congregation, as he was wic∣ked before and blasphemous against the whole Churche of God? Who are they that haue preached withe a chayne of golde abowte their neckes in steade of a typpet? Who are those that preache euen in her highnes presence, that

the Crucifixe her grace hathe in her chappelle is the Idoll withe the red face? Who are those I pray yow, that write: Sint sanè & ipsi magistratus membra & partes,* 1.46 & ciues Eccle∣siae Dei••imo vt ex toto corde sint, omnes precari decet. Flagrent quoque ipsi zelo pietatis: sed non sint Capita Ecclesiae, quia ipsis non competit iste primatus. Let the magistrates also be mem∣bers and partes, and cytizens of the Churche of God,* 1.47 yea and that they may be so, it behoueth vs al with al our harte to pray, let them be feruente in the godly zeale of religion, but they may not be heads of the Churche in no case: for this Supremacy doth not appertayne to them.

These are no Papistes, I trowe Maister Horne, but youre owne deare brethern of Magdeburge, in their newe storie ecclesiastical: by the which they would haue al the worlde directed, yea in that story, whereof one parcel Illiricus and his fellowes haue dedicated to the Quenes Maiesty:* 1.48 that beare the worlde hand, they are the true and zelouse schol∣lers of Luther.

In case ye thinke their testimony not to haue weight enowgh, then herkē to your and their Apostle Luther, who writeth, that it is not the office of Kings and princes to cōfirme,* 1.49 no not the true doctrine, but to be subiecte and serue the same. Perhaps ye wil refuse and reiecte bothe the Magdeburgen∣ses and Luther to, as your mortal enemies, (yow being a sa∣cramentarye) and such as take yow and your fellowes for stark heretiks. A hard and a straunge case, that now Luther cā take no place amōge a nōber of the euāgelical brethern.* 1.50 What say yow then to Andreas Modreuiu••? Surely one of the best lerned of al your sect. How lyke yow then him that saieth, there ought to be some one to be taken for the chiefe and Supreame head in the whole Churche in al causes ecclesiastical.

Wel, I suppose you wil challenge him to as a Lutherane. Yf it muste neades be so, I trust M. Caluin your greatest Apo∣stle shal beare some sway with yow. I know ye are not ig∣norante that he calleth those blasphemers,* 1.51 that did call kinge Henry the eight Supreme heade of the Churche of Englande: and handleth the kinge hī selfe with such vilany, and with so spitefull woords, as he neuer handled the Pope more spi∣tefully, and al for this title of Supremacy, which is the key of this your noble booke. Can ye now blame the Catho∣likes M. Horne, yf they deny this supremacy, which the heads of your owne religion, aswel Lutherans, as Zwingliās doe deny and refuse?

* 1.52O what a straunge kinde of religion is this in En∣glande, that not onely the Catholikes, but the very pa∣triarches of the new euangelical brotherhod doe reiecte and condemne? Perchaunce ye wil saye. Wel, for al this there is no Englishe man of this opinion. Mary that were wonderfull, that if as we be sequestred and as it were shut vp from other countres by the great Ocean sea that doth enuyrō vs, so we should be shut vp from the doctrine as wel of the Catholiks, as also the Protestants of other cō∣treis: and that with vs the Lutherans and Zwingliās should finde no frendes to accompany them, in this as wel, as in other points. But contente your self M. Horne, and thinke you if ye do not alredy, that either your self, or many other of your brethern like the quenes supremacy neuer a deale in hart, what so euer ye pretēd and dissemble in words. Think ye that Caluin is so slenderly frended in Englād, his bookes being in such high price and estimatiō there? No, no, it is not so to be thought. The cōtrary is to wel knowē: especially the thing being not only opēly preached, by one of your most

feruēt brethren there in England, euen since the Queenes maiesties reigne: but also before openly and sharply wri∣ten against, by your brethren of Geneua. Especially one Anthonie Gilbie. Whose wordes I wil as wel for my dis∣charge in this matter, somewhat at large recite, as also to shew his iudgement, of the whole Religion as well vnder King Henrie, as King Edward, and so consequently of the said Religion vnder our gracious Quene Elizabeth, nowe vsed and reuiued: that all the worlde may see that to be true, that I said of the Supremacie, as also that the feruent brethren, be not yet come to any fixe or stable Religion, and that they take this to be but simple as yet, ād vnperfit.

In the time (saith he) of King Henrie the eight,* 1.53 when by Tindall, Frith, Bilney, and other his faithfull seruauntes, God called England to dresse his vineyarde, many promised ful faire, whome I coulde name, but what fruite followed? Nothing but bitter grapes, yea bryers and brambles, the wormewood of a∣uarice, the gall of crueltie, the poyson of filthie fornication flo∣wing from head to fote, the contempt of God, and open defence of the cake Idole, by open proclamation to be read in the Chur∣ches in steede of Gods Scriptures. Thus was there no reforma∣tion, but a deformation, in the time of the * 1.54 Tyrant and leche∣rouse monster. The bore I graunt was busie, wrooting and digging in the earth, and all his pigges that followed him, but they sought onely for the pleasant fruites, that they winded with their long snoutes: and for their owne bellies sake, they wrooted vp many weeds: but they turned the ground so, min∣gling good and badde togeather, sweet and sower, medecine and poyson, they made, I saye, suche confusion of Religion and La∣wes, that no good thing could growe, but by great miracle, vn∣der suche Gardeners. And no maruaile, if it be rightlye consi∣dered.

For this Bore raged against God, against the Diuell, against Christe, and against Antichriste, as the some that he caste out againste Luther, the racing out of the name of the Pope. And yet allowing his lawes, and his murder of many Chri∣stian souldiars, and of many Papists, doe declare and euident∣lie testifie vnto vs, especially the burning of Barnes, Ierome, and Garrette their faithfull preachers of the truthe, and han∣ging the same daye for maintenaunce of the Pope, Poel, Abel, and Fetherstone, dothe clearelie painte his beastlines, that he cared for no Religion. This monsterous bore for all this, must needes be called the Heade of the Churche in paine of treason, displacing Christe our onely head, who ought alone to haue this title. Wherefore in this pointe, O Englande, ye were no bet∣ter then the Romishe Antichriste, who by the same title maketh him selfe a God, and sitteth in mens consciences, bani∣sheth the woorde of God, as did your King Henrie, whome ye so magnifie. For in his beste time nothing was hearde but the Kings Booke, the Kings Procedings, the Kings Homilies, in the Churches, where Gods woorde onelie should haue ben preached. So made you your King a God, beleuing nothing but that he allowed. I will not for shame name how he turned to his wonte: I will not write your other wickednesse of those times, your murders without measure, adulteries and incestes of your King, and his Lordes, and Commones. &c.

Loe Maister Horne, howe well your Protestante fellowe of the beste race, euen from Geneua, lyketh this Supremacie by plaine woordes, saiynge: that this title whiche you so stoutlye in all this your booke auouche, displaceth Christe, who owghte and that onely to enioye it. And whereas ye moste vntruely saye heere, that we make the Pope our God in earth: Maister Gilbie saieth, that

you make your Prince a God, in attributing to her this wrong title, wherin Christ wil haue no cōpartener: Surely, we make no God of the Pope, and sometimes perhappes, no good man neyther. And yet we reuerence him for his office and authoritie, that Christe so amplie and hono∣rablie gaue him for preseruation of vnitie and quietnes in his Church. Your wisedome with like truth also appeareth in that you call the Pope the Archeretike of Rome, naming no man. And so your woordes so liberallie and wantonly cast out, doe as wel comprehend S. Peter, S. Clement, and other holy Martyrs, and Bishops there, as anye other. I promise you a wel blowen blast and hansomly handeled. With like finenesse you call him Archeretike, that is the supreme Iudge ouer all Heretikes and heresies too, and that hath already iudged you and your Patriarches for Ar∣cheritikes. I wisse as well might the fellon at the barre in Westmynster hall to saue his life, if it mighte be, call the Iudge the strongest theef of all: and doubtles (had he a Prince on his side) his plea were as good as youres is: Now where ye say, we would haue the Pope to raigne here in the Quenes place, procedeth frō your lik truth ād wisedom. For albeit the Popes autority was euer chief for matters eccle∣astical, yet was there neuer any so much a noddie, to say ād beleue the Pope raigned here: The Pope and the King beīg euer two distinct persons, farre different the one from the other, in seueral functions and administrations: and yet wel concurrant and coincident togeather without any•• immi∣nution of the one or the others authoritie.

Wel, ye wil perhap say, that albeit M. Gilbie misliketh this title in the Prince, yet he liketh wel the religiō, especi∣ally such as now is, and such as was in King Edwards daies

which is all one. Herken then I pray you, what his cen∣sure and iudgement is therof. I will name (saith he) no par∣ticular thinges because I reuerence those dayes (meaninge of King Edwarde) sauing only the killing of both the Kings vn∣cles and the prisonment of Hoper for Popes garmentes.* 1.55 God graunt you al repentant hartes. For no order or state did anye parte of his duetie in those daies: but to speak of the best, wher∣of you vse to boast, your Religion was but an English Mattins patched foorth of the Popes Portesse: many things were in your great booke superstitious and foolish. All were driuen to a prescript seruice like the Papists, that they should think their dueties discharged, if the number were sayed, of Psalmes and Chapters. Finallye, their coulde no discipline be brought into the Churche, nor correction of manners.

I trust nowe, M. Horne, that you will somewhat the more beare with the Catholikes, if they can not wel beare the seruice and title which your companions so yll liketh. Yet because ye are so harde maister to M. Fekenham and his fellowes, to haue their doing a preparation to rebellion a∣gainst the Quenes person, for defēding Ecclesiastical autho∣rity, which nothīg toucheth her person or croun (as with∣out the which it hath most honorably continued and flori∣shed many hūdred yeres, and shal by Gods grace continew full well and full long againe, when it shall please God) let this title and iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall goe, which al good Princes haue euer forgon as nothing to them apertaining. Let vs come to the very temporall authoritie, and lette vs consider who make any preparation of rebellion, the Catho∣likes or the Protestants.

Who are they, I pray you, that haue set foorth deuises of their owne for the succession of the crowne withoute

the Princes knowledge? Surely no Catholikes, but the very Protestants them selues. Who blewe the first blast of the trompet I pray you? Who are those that haue set foorth in open printed bookes in the English tongue, that neither Queene Marie, nor this our gracious Quene were lawfull inheritours of the Croune? And finally that it is againste the Lawe of God and nature, that anye woman shoulde inherite anye principalitie or Kingdome? No Ca∣tholique I warrante you, but your holye brethren, so fer∣uente in the woorde of the Lorde. Yea amonge other M. Iohn Knoxe the new Apostle of Scotlande:* 1.56 It is not birth onely (saith he) or propinquitie of bloud that maketh a King lawfully to reigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ, and his eternal veritie, but in his election muste the ordināce which God hathe established in the election of inferiour Iud∣ges, be obserued. Loe this Apostle excludeth al succession as well of men, as women: and will haue the Kingdome to goe by election, that in case there be founde any Prince that fansieth not this newe Apostle, that then he may be lawfullye deposed, and a newe brother in his roome pla∣ced. And therefore I feare not (saith he) to affirme, that it had been the dutie of the Nobilitie, Iudges, Rulers, and peo∣ple of Englande, not onelie to haue resisted, and against stan∣ded Marie that Iesabell, whome they call their Queene, but also to haue punnished her to deathe, with all the sorte of her Idolatrous Priestes, togeather with all suche as shoulde haue assisted her.

Ye shall nowe heare the verdit of an other good man:* 1.57 a zealous brother of Caluins schole. I knowe (saieth he) ye will saie, the Croune is not entailed to the heires Males onelie, but appertaineth as well to the daughters. And

therefore by the lawes of the Realme yee coulde not otherwise doe. But if it be true, yet miserable is the answeare of suche, as hadde so longe time professed the Gospell, and the liuely word of God: If it had bene made of Paganes and Heathens whiche knewe not God by his woorde, it mighte better haue bene borne withall: but amonge them that bare the name of Gods people, with whome his lawes shoulde haue chiefe au∣thoritie, this answeare is not tolerable. And afterwarde. If shee had bene no bastarde, but the Kinges daughter as lau∣fullie begotten as was her Sister that godlie Ladie and meeke lambe, voide of all Spanisshe pride and straunge bloude, yet in the sicknes and at the deathe of our lawfull Prince of God∣lye memorie Kinge Edwarde the sixte, that shoulde not haue bene your firste counsell or question: who shoulde be your Queene, but firste and principallye, who had bene moste me∣test amonge your brethren, to haue hadde the gouernemente ouer you, and the whole gouernemente of the Realme to rule them carefullye in the feare of God.

After this he sheweth his minde more expresselye. A woman (saieth he) to reigne,* 1.58 Gods lawe forbiddeth, and nature abhorreth, whose reigne was neuer counted lawefull, by the woorde of God, but an expresse signe of Gods wrathe: and a notable plague for the sinnes of the people: As was the raigne of Iesabell, and vngodlie Athalia: especiall instru∣mentes of Sathan, and whippes to his people of Israell. I dooe here omitte a Sermon made by one of your Prelates,* 1.59 that bothe Queene Marie and our graciouse Queene Eli∣zabeth were bastardes. And they saye that your selfe (Maister Horne) did the same at Durham. Howe lyke yee this, Maister Horne? Is this a preparation of rebelli∣on againste the Queenes person, or no? Yee will per∣chaunce

to extenuate the matter, saye it is the priuate doinge of one or two, disanulled by the reste. Nay Syr, yee shall not so scape: I saye this was the commen con∣sente and iudgemente of all your holie brethren of Ge∣neua, as well Englishe as other, yea of Maister Caluin him selfe, as it may be gathered by Maister Whitingham his Preface, to the sayed booke of Maister Goodman.* 1.60 Maister Christopher Goodman (sayeth he) conferred his Articles and chiefe Propositions with the beste learned in these parties, who approued them, he consented to enlarge the sayd Sermō, and so to print it as a token of his duetie and good affection toward the Church of God. And thē if it were thought good to the iudgement of the godlie, to translate the same into other lāguages, that the profit therof might be more vniuersal.

Lo good M. Horne, a sermon made at Geneua to al the English brethren, not only to depriue the Quene of her ti∣tle of the Supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall, but euen in temporal too, and from al gouernmēt: the matter being cō∣municated beside to the best learned there. And then M. Caluin and M. Beza too, I trowe, gaue their verdict to this noble and clerkly worke. And so it seemeth to importe the consent of al the gehennical (I should haue said) the Gene∣uical Church. And who are those now that rule al the rost in England but this good brotherhod? Men no doubt well worthy, for whose sakes the Catholiks shold be thus hardly hādeled and to whome the Q. Maiesty is (who doubteth) depelye bounde, and they worthie to be so well cherished at her hands, as they are. These good brethren by their new broched Diuinitie haue found a prety deuise, at their plea∣sure not onelye to depose the Queenes Maiestye and the Quene of Scotland: but also the greatest parte of all other

Princes, such I meane as be women, or haue holden their gouernment by their discent from women. As did in our Countrie since the conquest Henrie the second, the sonne of Maude th'Empresse, daughter to King Henrie the firste. As did Phillipp, Charles the late Emperours Father, holde Burgundie, and Charles him selfe the Kingdom of Spaine. I here omit now Petronilla the Prince of the Arragones, Maude of Mantua, bothe Iones of Naples, Margaret of Norwey, and other women Princes els where, as in Na∣uarre, and in Loraine. But what speake I of women on∣ly, when Knoxe, as I haue shewed, will haue all Realmes to goe by election, and not by succession? So that now whereas the Catholiques, yea the starkest Papist of all (as these men terme them) can be well contente, yea with all their hartes to affirme, that the Quenes Maiestie may en∣ioye not onely this Realme, but euen the whole Empire, and wishe no lesse (if it pleased God) to her highnes, and finde no fault, but onely with that title, that is not compe∣tent for her highnes, and without the which shee may rei∣gne as nobly, as amply, as honorably, as euer did Prince in England, or els where, which neuer affected any such ti∣tle: these men, who pretēd to the world, to professe a wō∣derful sincere obseruatiō toward God and their Prince, do not only spoile her of that title, but of al her right and in∣terest to England, Fraunce, Ireland, or els where: making her incapable of al manner ciuile regiment. Which I trust the Quenes Maiestie ones wel considering, wil graciously beare with the Catholiks that do not enuy her the one or the other title: but only desire that their consciences may not be streyned for the one of them. Whiche they vppon great groūds, and as they verely think, without any impai∣ringe

of her worldlye estate can not by othe assuredlye a∣vouche: which thing thei truste they may doe, without any iuste suspition of seditiō or rebelliō. Wherewith M. Horne moste vniustly chargeth them: the sayd note and blame most iustly (for the causes by me rehersed) redounding vpon his owne good brethern.

Which thing as he can not truely lay to any Catholike: so of al men least to maister Fekēham. Whereof I trust,* 1.61 cer∣tayn right honorables, as the Lorde Erle of Lecester, the Lord Erle of Bedforde, yea the Quenes Maiestye her selfe wil defende and purge him against M. Horns most false ac∣cusation. Of whose doings in Quene Maries daies, the said right honorables with the right honorable my Lord Erle of Warwyke can, and wil (I truste) also reporte being then prisoners, and he by the Quenes appointmente sente vnto them. M. Secretary Cycil also cā testifie of his doings tow∣ching Sir Iohn Cheke knight, whose life, lāds, and goods by his trauail and humble suyte were saued. His hope is, that the Quenes highnes his soueraygne good Lady wil thus much reporte of him, how in the beginning of her highnes troble, her highnes then being imprisoned in the courte at Westmynster, and before her committy to the towre, his good happe was to preache a sermon before Quene Mary, and her honorable counsayle in the Courte, where he mo∣ued her Highnes and them also to mercy, and to haue cōsi∣deration of the Quenes highnes that now is, then in trou∣ble and newly entred in prison. What displeasure he su∣steyned therefore, I doe here omitte to expresse. But this I certaynlye knowe, that he hath reported, and hath most humb••y thanked almighty God and her highnes: that her highnes hadde the same in remembraunce, at the firste and

first and laste talke, that euer he had with her, in her palace at Westmyster not longe before her highnes Coronation: I trust these are sufficient personnages for M. Fekenhams purgation and discharge against your false accusation. Wel I beseache almighty God, that Maister Fekenham may now at the lengthe after seuen yeares imprisonmente, be made partaker of such deedes and doings, as he then shewed vnto other men: And now let vs procede on, to the residewe of your booke.

The .5. Diuision. M. Horne.

If I knevv you not right vvel, I should maruail, that you shame not to af∣firme, saying: I doe here presently therefore offer my selfe to re∣ceyue a corporal Othe: and further I shal presently sweare &c. Seing that you neuer made to me any motion of such an offer, neither did I at anytime require you to take any Othe.

You thinke and are so persuaded in conscience (if a man may trust you) that the Quenes highnes is the only supreme gouernour of this Realm, and of al her dominiōs and countries, and hath vnder God, the soueraignty and rule ouer al manner of persones, borne vvithin her dominions of vvhat estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so euer they be. VVhereunto I adde this consequent vvhich doth necessarily follovv, Ergo: Your holy father the Pope is not (as you think in your conscience) the supreme gouernour ouer her highnes domi∣nions, nor hath the soueraignty or rule vnder God ouer any personnes borne vvithin the same.

The Quenes maiesty must needs herein take you but for a dissembling flat∣terer, in that you vvil seeme somtime in general speach, to attribute vnto her the onely Supremacy vnder God, ouer her dominions and subiectes vvhich you meane not, for vvithin a vvhile after in plaine vvordes you deny the same. And your holy Father vvil geue you his curse, for that being his svvorne Aduo∣cate, at the first entry into the plea, you geue from him the vvhole title of his vniust claime, to vvit, the supreme gouernaunce ouer the Quenes highnes dominions and people. You must novv therefore make some shifte, and cal to remembraunce one sleight or other by some distinctiō, vvhereby to auoide your

holy Fathers curse, that you may continue vnder his blessing. You vvill ex∣pounde your meaning by restreyning the supreme gouernment of the Queenes maiesty onely in causes Temporal, and not in causes or things Ecclesiasticall. But th••s distinction commeth to late, and vvil doe you no ease, for that in both these kindes of causes you haue already graunted vnto her the only supreme gouernmēt: and that as you verily think, persuaded in conscience: vvheruppon you offer to receiue a corporal Othe vpon the Euangelistes. And this your graunt passed frō you by these vvords: Ouer al maner persones borne vvithin her dominions of vvhat estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so euer they be: In this that you graunt vnto her highnes thouly supreme rule ouer the Lay and Ecclesiastical personnes: you haue also concluded therevvith in all causes both Ecclesiastical and Temporal, vvhich is plainly and firmely proued by this argument follovving.

A supreme gouernour or ruler is one, vvho hath to ouersee, guyde, care, prouide, order and directe the things vnder his gouernment and rule, to that ende, and in (.20.)* 1.62 those actions vvhich are appointed and doe properly be∣longe to the subiect or thing gouerned. So that in euery gouernment and rule there are thre things necessarely cōcurrāt: the Gouernor, the Subiect, or mat∣tier gouerned, and the obiect or mattier vvherabout and vvherein the gouer∣nement is occupied and doth consiste. But the Quenes highnes, by your ovvne confession, is the only supreme gouernour ouer al manner persones Ecclesiasti∣cal borne vvithin her dominions: Ergo: Her highnes thonely supreme go∣uernour ouer such persones hath to ouersee, guyde, care, prouide, order, and di∣recte them to that ende and in those actiōs vvhich are appointed and doe (21.)* 1.63 properly belonge to Ecclesiastical persones. And so by good consequent you haue renounced al foreine gouernment. For this exclusiue, Onely, doth shut out all other from supreme gouernment ouer Ecclesiastical personnes: and also yee doe (.22)* 1.64 affirme the Quenes maiesty to be supreme gouernour in those ac∣tions vvhich are appointed, and that doe properly belong to Ecclesiastical per∣sones, vvhich are no other but things or causes Ecclesiastical.

The 4. Chapter: how princes be supreme gouernours ouer al ecclesiastical persons (their subiects) and yet not in al Ecclesiastical matters.

HEre is first a worshipfull reason, and cause to marueyle at M. Fekenham, that he shoulde by writing presently offer him selfe to receiue an othe, because, he neuer made mention of anie suche Othe before, neither any suche was at anye tyme of him required. Surelye, this is as greate a cause to wonder at, as to see a gose goe barefote. But nowe will hee playe the worthye Logician and M. Fekenham, wil he nil he, shalbe driuen by fyne force of a Logical defi∣nition to graunte the Quene to be supreme head in al cau∣ses ecclesiasticall, for that he graunteth her to be supreame heade of al persons bothe ecclesiastical and temporal. Be∣cause (saieth he) the supreame gouernour or ruler is he, that ordereth and directeth al actions belonging and appointed to the subiects: ād therby inferreth, that the Quenes Maie∣sty is supreame and onely gouernour euen in those actions that belonge to ecclesiastical persons, which are causes ec∣clesiasticall. But as good skil as this man hath in Logike, (which is correspondent to his diuinity) he hath browght vs foorth a faulty and a viciouse definition.* 1.65 For a Supreame gouernour is he, that hath the chief gouermente of the thīg gouerned, not in those Actions that may any way properly belong to the Subiect or thing gouerned (as M. Horn saith) but in those Actions that belonge to the ende, whereunto the gouernour tendeth. Which may wel be, althowgh he haue not the chief gouerment in al the actions of the thing gouerned: but in suche actions as properly appertayne to him as a subiecte to that gouernour. For in one man many rulers may and doe dayly concurre, whiche in some sense may euery one be called his Supreame gouernours. As yf he be a seruant, the maister: and if he be a son in that respect

the Father: and yf his father and maister dwel in a city, the Maior also, is his Fathers and maisters, and so his cheif go∣uernour to, for things concerning the ciuil gouernment of the city. And of al these the prince chief and supreame go∣uernour, as they be subiects. Otherwise the prince doth not intermedle with the fathers office, in duetifulnes dewe vn∣to him by his son, nor with the maister, for that gouerment, he hath vppon his seruante:* 1.66 no more then with the schole-mayster for the gouerment of his schollers, and their actiōs, or the maister of the ship for the actions and doings of the mariners, otherwise then any of these offende the positiue Lawes of the realme: and so hath the prince to do with him as his subiecte, or when he shal haue nede to vse them for the commen welth, wherein as subiects and members of the said cōmen welth they must to hī obey. Much like it is with the Spiritual mē, which be also mēbers of the sayde cōmen welth, ād therfore in that respect subiect to the prīce ād his lawes: and so is it true, that the prīce is supream gouernour, of al persons aswel spiritual as tēporal: but that therfore he should also be Supreame gouernour in al their actions, wil no more follow thē of the actions of them before rehersed:

Yea much lesse. For the better vnderstanding whereof it is to be knowē, that before the comming of Christ, Kinges wer there many, but Christian Kinges none. Many cōmen welthes wer there, but no Christē cōmē welth,* 1.67 nor yet god∣ly cōmō welth properly to speke, sauīg amōg the Iewes, but ciuil and politik. The end and final respect of the which ciuil commēwelth was and is, vnder the regimēt of some one, or moe persons to whom the multitude cōmitteh thēself to be ordered and ruled by, to preserue thēselues from al inward and outwarde iniuries, oppressions and enimies: and further

to prouide not only for their saftie ād quietnes, but for their welth and abundance, and prosperouse maintenance also. To this ende tendeth and reacheth, and no further the ci∣uile gouernment: and to the preseruation, tuition and fur∣therance of this end, chiefly serueth the Prince, as the prin∣cipal and most honorable person of the whole state, which thing is common as wel to the heathenish, as to the Chri∣stian gouernment. But ouer and beside, yea and aboue this, is there an other gouernement instituted and ordeined by Christ, in a spiritual and a mystical bodie, of such as he gra∣ciously calleth to be of his kingdom, which is the kingdom of the faithful,* 1.68 and so consequently of heauen, whereunto Christian faith doth conduct vs. In the which spiritual bo∣die, commonly called Christes Catholike Churche, there are other heades and rulers then ciuill Princes: as Vicars, Persons, Bishops, Archebishops, Patriarches, and ouer them al the Pope. Whose gouernement chieflye serueth for the furtherance and encrease of this spiritual Kingdome, as the ciuil Princes do for the temporal. Now as the soule of man incomparably passeth the bodie: so doth this kingdom the other, and the rulers of these, the rulers of the other: And as the bodie is subiect to the soule, so is the ciuill kingdome to the spiritual. To the which kingdom as wel Princes as o∣ther are engraffed by baptisme, and become subiects to the same by spiritual generation, as we become subiects to our Princes, by course and order of natiuitie whiche is a terre∣strial generation. Further now, as euery man is naturallye bound, to defend, maintain, encrease, adorne, and amplifie, his natural countrie: so is euery man bounde, and muche more to employ himselfe to his possibilitie, toward the tui∣tion, and defence, furtherance and amplificatiō of this spiri∣tual

kingdome, and most of al Princes them selues,* 1.69 as suche which haue receiued of God more large helpe and faculty toward the same, by reason of their great authority and tē∣poral sworde, to ioyne the same, as the case requireth with the spiritual sword. And so al good Princes do ād haue don, aiding and assisting the Church decrees, made for the re∣pression of vice and errors, and for the maintenance of ver∣tue and true religion, not as supreame Gouernours them selues in all causes spirituall and temporall: but as faithfull Aduocates in aiding and assisting the spiritual power: that it may the soner and more effectually take place. For this supreame gouernement can he not haue, onlesse he were him selfe a spirituall man, no more then can a man be a ma∣ster of a shippe that neuer was mariner: a Maior that ne∣uer was Citizen. His principall gouernemente reasteth in ciuill matters, and in that respecte, as I haue sayed, he is supreame Gouernour of all persons in his Realme, but not of al their actions, but in suche sense as I haue speci∣fied, and least of all of the actions of Spirituall men, es∣pecially of those that are most appropriate to them, which can not be, onlesse he were him selfe a Spiritual mā. Wher∣fore we haue here two Vntruths: the one in an vntrue de∣finitiō, the other in saiyng that the Prince is the supreme go¦uernour in al causes spiritual, yea euē in those that be most peculiarly belonging to spiritual men, beside a plaine cōtra∣diction of M. Horne directly ouerthrowing his own asser∣tion here.* 1.70 The Bisshoply rule and gouernement of Gods Churche (saith M. Horne) consisteth in these three points: to feed the Church with Gods woord▪ to minister Christes Sacramēts, ād to bind and lose. To gouern the Church▪ saith he, after this sort, be∣lōgeth to the ōly office of Bishops ād Church ministers, ād not to

Kings, Quenes, and Princes. The lyke he hath after warde. Now then these being by his owne confession the actions that properly belōg to ecclesiastical persons, and the prīces by his said cōfessiō hauing nothing to do therwith: how is it thē true that the prince is the only supreme head ād gouer∣nor in causes ecclesiastical, ye in those that do properly be∣lōg to persons ecclesiastical? Or by what colour may it be defended, that this saying is not plain contradictory and re∣pugnante,* 1.71 to this Later saying which we haue alleaged, and whereof we shall speake more largelye when we come to the said place? Thus ye see, M. Horne walketh like a barefo∣ted man vpon thornes, not knowing where to tread.

The .6. Diuision. Pag. 5. a. M. Fekenham.

And of my part I shal sweare to obserue and perfourme my obediēce and subiectiō with no lesse loyalty and faith∣fulnes vnto her highnes, thē I did before vnto Quene Ma∣ry, her highnes Syster of famous memory, vnto whome I was a sworne Chaplaine and most bounden.

M. Horne.

Like an (.23.)* 1.72 vnfaithful subiect contrary to your Othe made to King Hē∣ry, and continued al the reigne of King Edvvarde, you helpt to spoile Quene Mary of famous memory of a (24.)* 1.73 principal parte of her royall povver, righte and dignity vvhich she at the beginning of her reigne had, enioyed, and put in vre The same obedience and subiection, vvith the like loyalty and faith∣fulnes, yee vvil svveare to obserue and perfourme to Quene Elizabeth: but she thāketh you for naught, she vvil none of it, she hath espied you, and thinketh, yee profer her to much vvronge.

Stapleton.

M. Horn would haue a mā ons bemired, to wallow there stil. Neither is it sin to break an vnlawful othe, but rather to cōtinew in the same, as wicked King Herod did: Now if M.

Horne can ones by any meanes proue this gouernemente to be a principall parte, or any parte at all of the Queenes royal power, I dare vndertake that not only M. Fekenham, but many mo, that now refuse, shal most gladly take the said Othe. He wer surely no good subiect, that would wissh her highnes any wrong: neither can the maintenāce of the Ca∣tholik faith wherof shee beareth the title of a Defendor, be coūted any iniury to her highnes. Nether is it to be thought but if there had ben any wrong or iniury herein done to the Croune, some Christiā Prince or other in the world would haue ere this, ones in this thousand yeares and more, espi∣ed it, and reformed it too.

M. Fekenham. The .7. Diuision. Pag. 5 a.

And touching the reste of the Othe, whereunto I am required presently to sweare, viz. That I doe vtterlie testifie and declare in my conscience, that the Queenes highnes is the only supreame Gouernour of this Realme, as well in al Spirituall or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as Temporal: I shal then of my parte be in like readines, to receiue the same, when your L. shalbe able to make de∣claration vnto me, how and by what meanes, I may swere thereunto, without commiting of a very plaine and ma∣nifest periurie: which of my part to be committed, it is damnable sinne, and against the expresse woord of God writen, Leuit. Cap. 9. Non periurabis in nomine meo, nec pollues nomen Dei tui. And of your parte to pro∣uoke mee or require the same, it is no lesse damnable of∣fence. S. Augustine in witnes thereof saith: Ille qui ho∣minem

prouocat ad iurationē, &c. He who doth prouoke an other man to swere, and knoweth that he shal forswere him selfe, he is worse then a murderer: because the mur∣derer sleeth but the body, and he sleeth the soule, and that not one soule, but two, as the soule of him whom he prouo∣keth to periurie, and his owne soule also by ministring the occasion therof. And the points of this Othe whereunto I can not presently swere without most plaine and manifest periurie, are these foure following.

M. Horne.

* 1.74As in that whiche goeth before, you couertlie vttered manie vntruthes, althoughe sometime yee stoumble on the trueth againste youre will: so in the rest you fal to plaine and manifest vntruths: least men shuld not perceiue what you are. You were neuer required by me to svvere, and therfore this is an impudent kind of dealing, to saie: vvherunto I am presently requi∣red to swere, &c. I had none authoritie nor cōmission to require the Othe of you, neither might I tender it vnto you without peril to mie selfe: you being cōmitted vnto me by the most honorable Coūcel, without whose order I could attempt no suche mattier. You haue alreadie shevved in plaine matter, al∣though not in plainnesse of speache, and that as you thinke, and are persvva∣ded in cōscience, that her highnes is the supreme gouernour, so well in causes Ecclesiastical as temporal. For hauing supremacie ouer the Ecclesiastical per∣son, the same being not othervvise person Ecclesiastical, but in respect of Eccle∣siastical functions, things and causes annexed and proprelie belōging to Eccle∣siastical persons: shee hath the Supremacie ouer the person in Ecclesiastical functions, things and causes, these being the only matter or obiect wherabout or wherein the rule ouer an Ecclesiasticall persone is occupied and dothe con∣siste.

This seemeth to be your glorie amongst your friendes, that you make mee an offer, to receiue this parte of the Othe, when I shall be able to declare by what meanes you maie svvere without committing plain and manifeste

periurie: * 1.75 Mine abilitie herein shal appeare in mine ansvvere to your foure points: God make you as readie to perform for duties sake, as ye wil seme readie to offer, wherbie to purchase to your selfe a glorious estimation. But wherfore did you not make this offer vnto me, either by woord or writing al the time of your aboad with mee? You pla••e novve after your returne into (.25.)* 1.76 your holde, as you did after the Parliament before you came oute of the Tovver to me. VVhen you savve the end of the Parliament, and vnder∣stood right well that the Othe was not like to be tendred vnto you, than sent you copies of the booke deuised for the aunsvvere touching the Othe, abroad to your friendes, to declare your constancie and readines, to refuse the Othe, wherebie thei might be the rather enduced, to continue their good opinion conceiued of you, and also paie your charges weekelie in the Tovver sent vn∣to you (.26.)* 1.77 euerie Saturdaie by your seruaunt, who wrote and deliuered the copies abroade, as you tolde me your selfe. Nowe you are returned a∣gaine into the Tower, and perceiuing that your friends (as you gaue thē iust cause) haue some (.27.)* 1.78 mistrust of your reuolte and wauering inconstan∣cie, whereby your estimation and fame, with their seruice to your God the bellie is decaied, you haue deuised to set abroade the selfe same booke a∣gaine that you did before, and to the selfe same ende, altering or chaun∣ging nothing at all, sauing that you haue geuen it a nevve name and Title, and seeme as in this place, as though yee spake to mee by these woordes: when your L. &c. VVhen as in very deed, there was neuer any suche woorde spoken or writen to mee: and in the booke you deliuered to mee, your speache is directed to the Commissioners, and not to me in these words, VVhen ye the Quenes highnes cōmissioners shalbe able, &c.

The fifth Chapter of other priuate doings betwene M. Fekenham and M. Horne.

YEt ones againe M. Horne taketh in hande M. Fekenhās graūt which may wel be graūted, ād by his great cūning and skilfulnes, wil thereof inferre as before, that, that may not be graun∣ted. But nowe he spitteth in his hande and taketh faster

holde, as he thinketh, and seing the lightnes of his former reason, would now geue greater weight to it with a newe fetch, but yet as light and as weake as the other, and em∣ploying manifest contradiction as before, and to be answe∣red as before. For albeit a man is not called an Ecclesia∣sticall person, but in respecte of some Churche cause and function, which we freely graunt to M. Horne, yet is he neuer a whit the nearer of his purpose,* 1.79 vnlesse he cā proue that there were also no other respecte, why he shoulde be vnder the Prince, but for causes Ecclesiastical. For as we haue said, he is a subiect also as other laie men are, and a member beside of the ciuil common welth, in considerati∣on whereof the Prince hath to doe with him, and not pro∣perlie as he is a Spirituall man, though bothe respectes be cōcurrant in one person and he be named of the worthyer. As if M. Robert Horne were a laie man and a Painter the Queene properlye hathe not to dooe with him as a Pain∣ter (vnlesse it were for some lawe or order concerninge Painters) but as Robert Horne her highnes subiecte, and borne vnder her obeisance. So should the Queene haue also to doe with you, yea in case yee were the true Bishop of Winchester, but not proprely as Bishop, or for your Bi∣shoply function, for the whiche ye are immediatlye vnder your Archebishop and the Pope, but considering you as a subiect otherwise, or as Bishop either touching your tem∣poralties and no farder. For the which the true Bishops also doe to their Prince their Homage. But what should I further reason with this man, which (as I haue saied) hathe remoued the Prince from all superioritie concerninge the mere Bishoply or Priestly function, and so with a notable contradiction hath full worshipfully cōcluded against him selfe,

eased M. Fekenham also for taking any othe, that the Quene is supreame head in al causes temporal and spiritual?

Here remayneth now for the residew nothing greatlye to be answered, but only to shew how M. Horn doth accu∣mulate a huge heap of vntruths, as in notīg in M. Fekēhā an impudent kind of dealing: for writing: whereunto I am pre∣sently required to sweare: which may be truely verefied, seing as M. Horne him self confesseth yt was so writē in that co∣py that should haue bene deliuered to the commissioners at such tyme as they should haue presently tendred M. Feken∣ham the othe: and in the same forme and fasshion delyue∣red to M. Horne:* 1.80 and nothing altred in the later copy but that this worde commissioners is turned into the Lorde bis∣shop of Winchester: neither doth M. Fekenham saye where∣unto I am required presently to sweare of your L. as he saieth afterward: when your L. shalbe able &c. And therefore there is no maner of impudency or vntruthe in the matter at all: how so euer yt be, this matter is nothing apperteyning to the state of the principal questiō, and of smal importaunce, nothing deseruing to be noted as an impudēt dealīg, but ra∣ther this kind of speach agreeth with M. Horns dealing here folowīg, who speaketh of M. Fekenhā, without any regarde so loosely and lewdely as to saye, he maketh his belly his God, that his frēds mistrusted his reuolting and wauering incōstācy, that he sent foorth copies of the book (as M. Horn termeth the shedule) when he sawe the othe should not be tendred him, and such lyke. Where are nowe in this your false tale, the dewe circūstāces that ye nedelessely required of M. Fekenhā most necessarie here to haue bene obserued of yow? Suerly the rest is as true, as that ye write of his seruante, and of his char∣ges wekely defrayde by his frēds, and brought in by his ser∣uāte

which is (as farre as I can vnderstande) stark false. Why doe ye not I pray you, in these and your other blinde, fonde, folishe, and false ghesses and surmises make your tale more apparāte and cowlorable, clothing it with some cōuenient and dew circumstances, that ye do so much harpe vppon a∣gainst M. Fekenham?

Ye be now again blindly and lewdly harping vpō his re∣volte, to slaunder and deface him. Ye say he sent out his co∣pies when he vnderstode right wel, that the othe was not like to be tendered him. How proue ye it good Sir? He and other Catholiks made their certain accompte that after the end of the parliament, the othe should haue ben offred thē: what was the cause it was not exacted, I certainly know not: were it for the great plague that immediatly reigned and raged at London (I pray God it were no plague to pu∣nish the straunge procedings in that parliament against his holy Church, and to put vs in remembraunce of a greater plague imminēte and hanging ouer vs, in this or in an other world onlesse we repent) or were it, by special order, good∣nes, and mercy of the Quenes Maiesty, I can not tel. But this well I wote,* 1.81 no gramercy to you sir, who so sore thir∣sted and lōged for the catholiks bloud. And therfore as sone as Gods plague ceased, thought to haue your self plaged the Catholiks, exactīg the Othe of M. Doctour Bonner, Bisshop of Lōdon. But lo here now began your, and your fellowes the protestant bisshops wonderful plague and scourge, that throwgh your own seking and calling this man to the othe, the matter so meruelously fel out, that ye and your felowes, as ye were no church bisshops whose authority ye had for∣saken and defied: so you were also no parliament bisshops. Vpō the which (a pitiful case) your state, your honour, your

worship, and bisshoply authority, yea faith and al now res∣tethe and dependeth. A meruelouse prouidence of God, that while ye could not be contente to spoile the true bis∣shops of their wordly estate and honor, but must nedes haue their poore lyfe and al, you your self were founde to be no bisshops, no not by the very statutes of the realme. But lette these thinges now passe, and herken we to Maister Hornes blaste.

The 8. Diuision. Pag. 6. b. M. Fekenham.

First is, that I must by a booke Othe vtterlye testifie, that the Queenes highnes is the onely supreme gouernour of this realme, and that aswell in all Spirituall or Eccle∣siasticall thinges or causes, as Temporall. But to testi∣fie any thinge vppon a booke Othe, no man may possiblye therein auoide periury, except he doe first know the thing which he doth testifie, and whereof he beareth witnesse and geueth testimonye. And touching this knowledge, that the Queenes maiesty, is the onely supreme gouernour aswell in Spirituall or Ecclesiastical causes as in Tēporal, besides that I haue no such knowledge, I know no way nor meane whereby I shoulde haue any knowledge thereof. And therefore of my part to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe, beinge without (as I am in deede) al know∣ledge, I cannot without committinge of plaine and mani∣fest periury. And herein I shal ioyne this issue with your L. that whē your L. shalbe able, either by such order of go∣uernment, as our Sauiour Christe left behinde him in his

Gospel and new testament, either by the writing of such learned Doctours both Olde and new, which haue from age to age witnessed the order of Ecclesiastical gouern∣mente in Christes Churche, either by the general Coun∣cels, wherein the righte order of Ecclesiastical gouerne∣ment in Christes Church, hath beene most faithfully de∣clared and shewed from time to time: or elles by the conti∣nual practise of the like Ecclesiasticall gouernment, in some one Church or part of all Christendom. VVhan your Lordshippe shal be able by any of these fower meanes, to make proufe vnto me, that any Emperour, or Empresse, King, or Quene, may claym or take vpon thē any such go∣uernmēt, in spiritual or ecclesiastical causes, I shal herein yelde, and with most humble thankes reken my selfe well satisfied, and shal take vppon me the knowledge thereof, and be ready to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe.

M. Horne.

The reason or argument that moueth you, not to testifie vpon a book Othe the Q. Supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, is this: No man may testifie by Othe that thing vvhereof he is ignorant and knovveth nothīg, vvithout committīg periury. But you neither knovv that the Q. highnes is the onely supreme go∣uernour asvvel in causes Ecclesiasticall▪ as Temporall: neither yet knovv you any vvay or meane vvhereby to haue any knovvledge thereof. Therefore to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe, you can not vvithout committing of plaine and manifest periury.

For ansvveare to the Minor or seconde Proposition of this argument: Although I might plainly deny, that you are vvithout all knovvledge, and vtterly ignoraunt both of the matter and the vvay or meane, hovv to come by knovvledge therof, and so put you to your prouf, vvherein I knovv, you must

needes faile: yet vvil I not so ansvveare by plain negatiue,* 1.82 but by distinctiō or diuisiō of ignorāce. And so for your better excuse, declare in vvhat sort you are ignoraūt and vvithout al knovvledge. There are three kinds of ignorātes, the one of simplicity, the other of vvilfulnes, and the thirde of malice. Of the first sort you cānot be, for you haue had longe time, good oportunity, much occasiō, and many vvaies vvhereby to come to the knovvledge hereof. Yea, you haue knovvē and profest openly by deede and vvorde the knovvledge hereof many yeers together. For you did (28.)* 1.83 knovv, acknovvledge, and confesse, this su∣preme authority in causes Ecclesiastical to be in King Hēry the eight and his heyres, vvhā your Abbay of Eueshā, by cōmō cōsent of you and the other Mōks there vnder your couent seale vvas of your ovvn good vvilles vvithout com∣pulsion surrendred into his handes, and you, by his authority, refourmed, for∣sooke your * 1.84 folishe vovve, and many (.29.)* 1.85 horrible errours, and superstitions of Monkery, and became a secular Priest, and Chaplaine to D. Bell, and af∣tervvarde to D. Bonner, and so duringe the life of King Henry the eight, did agnise, professe and teach opēly in your sermōs the kings Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical. This knovvledge remained stedfastly in you al the time of kinge Edvvard also. For although you vvere in the Tovver in his time, that vvas not for any doubt you made of his Supremacy, for that you stil agnised: but for o∣ther points of religiō (.30.)* 1.86 touchīg the ministratiō of the Sacramēts, vvher∣vnto you also agreed at the last, & promised to professe & preach the same in opē auditory whersoeuer you should be apointed (.31.)* 1.87 VVherupō a right vvor∣shipful gentleman procured your deliuerāce forth of the Tovver, and so vvere you at liberty, neuer mēcioning any dout in this matter: but agnising the Prī∣ces supremacy in causes ecclesiastical. VVherfore I may safly say, that the igno¦rāce and vvāt of knovvledge vvhich you pretend in your Minor Propositiō, is not of Sīplicity, and therfore must nedes be of vvilfulnes, or malice, or mixt of both. The vvay and meane vvherby to haue this ignoraūce remoued, you assigne vvith this issue, that vvhē I proue vnto you, by any of the fovver meanes, that any Emperour, or empresse, King or Quene may take vpō thē any such gouer∣nmēt in spiritual or ecclesiastical causes, thē you vvil yeelde, take vpō you the knovvledge thereof, and be ready to testifie the same by booke Othe. Truely, I haue often and many times proued this same that you require, and by the self same meanes in such sort vnto you, that you had (.32.) nothing to saye to the contrarie. And yet neuerthelesse you continue still in your vvilfull and

malicious ignorance,* 1.88 vvhich causeth me to feare that this sentence of the holy ghost vvilbe verified in you: In maleuolam animam non introibit sa∣pientia. Yet I vvil ones again proue after your desire, euen as it vvere by put∣ting you in remembraunce of those things vvhich by occasions in conference, I often and many times reported vnto you, vvhereof I knovv you are not sim∣ply ignoraunt.

The 6. Chapter, defending M. Fekenham and others of wilful and malitious ignorance for not taking the Othe.

NOw are M. Fekenham and M. Horne come to cople and ioyne together in the principal mat∣ter. M. Fekenham first saieth, he neither know∣eth this kīd of supremacy that M. Horn auow∣cheth, nor yet any way how to achiue or ob∣tain to any such knowledge. M. Horne saith he might well put M. Fekenham to his prouf that he is not ignorāt. But by the way, I trow of some meritoriouse supererogation, or as one fearing no ieberdy, he aduentureth the prouf himself that M. Fekenham is not ignorant of this supremacy, and further to binde M. Fekenham the deaper to him for his ex∣ceding kindnes,* 1.89 wil shew for M. Fekenhams better excuse (o gentle and louing hart) that M. Fekenham is not ignorāt of simplicity, but of wilfulnes and plain malice.

As touching this threfolde ignorance, by M. Horne al∣leaged out of the bookes of S. Thomas,* 1.90 as I wil not stycke with him for that distinction, so onlesse he can proue by S. Thomas or otherwise that the ignorāce of this surmised su∣premacy, includeth wilfulnes or malice in M. Fekenham or any such like parson, the distinction may be true, but the cause neuer a deale furthered. Suerly yf ther were any ig∣norance in this point, it were such as S. Thomas and other

cal inuincicle ignorance, by no study or diligence able to be put away, and therfore pardonable. But now the very au∣thour brought forth by M. Horn so fully and effectually dis∣chargeth M. Fekenham of al thre, and chargeth M. Horne with the worste of them three, that is wilfulnes and malice, as he shal winne smal worship, by alleaging of S. Thomas.* 1.91 For S. Thomas saieth plainly, that we are obliged and bound vpon paine of euerlasting damnation, to belieue that the Pope is the only supreme head of the whole Church. And leaste M. Horne may reiecte his authority (which he can not wel doe vsing yt himself) as a late Latin writer, and to much affectioned to the Pope, S. Thomas proueth his as∣sertion by Cyrill and Maximus two notable and auncient writers amonge the Grecians. Wherfore it foloweth, that neither M. Fekenham nor M. Horn, nor any other Christiā man can know the contrary: being such an euident and a daungerouse falshod, as importeth eternal damnation.

Nay, saith M. Horn, how can M. Fekenhā pretende igno∣rance herein, when aswel in King Henry, as King Edward his dayes, he set forth in his open sermons this supremacy? And so doe yow now, good M. Horne, and yet none more ignorant, and farder from knowledge than yow. For not∣withstāding al your great brags and this your clerkly booke, ye knowe not nor euer shall knowe, but that the Pope is the supreame head of the Churche. Wel ye may (as ye doe) most falsly, and to your poore wretched sowle, as well in this as in other pointes, most daungerouslye,* 1.92 be∣lieue the cōtrary, but knowe it you can not onlesse it were true. For knowledge is only of true things, and as the philoso∣pher saith: scire est per causas cognoscere: And ye doe no more knowe it, then the other matter that ye here also affirme

of M. Fekenhā, that he promised to professe and preache in open auditory in King Edwards dayes, certaine points, tou∣ching the ministration of the Sacraments, contrary to his former opinion: And vpon such promise was discharged out of the towre: which yet ye know not to be true, for it is starke false. And I pray yow how fortuned it, that his pro∣misse so made to recante was neuer required of him, being the onely thing that was sowght for at his handes?

The cause of his imprisonment then, as I vnderstande by such as wel knoweth the whole matter, was not abowte the ministration of the Sacraments, but towching the mat∣ter of Iustification, by onely faith and the fast of Lent: lyke as it doth appere in the Archbishoppe of Caunterburies re∣cordes,* 1.93 he being therfore in a solempne sessiō holdē at Lā∣beth hal conuented before M. Cranmer, then Archebis∣shop of Caunterbury, and other commissioners appointed for that matter. By the examination of the which recordes, yow shal be conuinced of your vntruthe and errour there∣in as in al the rest, I dowbt not by Gods helpe.

And touching the right worshipful gentleman ye meane of, that is Sir Philip Hobbey, which did as ye saye, vpon M. Fekenhams promise and submission procure his deliueraūce out of the towre: As it is very true he did so: So it is false and vntrue, that he did the same vppon any promise of re∣cantation or of preaching in open auditory, before made of his parte. But the verye intente of the borowing of M. Fe∣kenhā for a tyme out of the towre, lyke as he saide him self, was, that he should dispute, reason, and haue cōferēce, with certaine learned men touching matters of religion then in controuersie: And according therunto, the first day of dis∣putation, was betwixte thē and him, at the right honorable

my Lord erle of Bedfords house then lodged ouer the gate at the Sauoy.* 1.94 The seconde daie was at the house of Syr William Cicill Knight, Secretarie to the Quenes highnes, at Westminster in the canon rewe. The third daie was at the white Friers, in the house of Syr Iohn Cheke Knight. In al the which conferences and disputations with manie learned men, he was, the truth to confesse, muche made of, and most gently vsed. And this disputation so begunne at London, did finishe in Worcester shiere, where, he was borne and had also a Benefice, by the meane whereof, and by the special appointmēt of Syr Phillipp Hobbie, he came before M. Hooper, then taken as Bishoppe of Worcester: where he charginge M. Fekenham in the Kinges highnes name to answere him, he kept foure seueral and solempne disputations with him, beginning in his visitatiō at Parshor, and so finished the same in the Cathedral Church at Wor∣cester. Where amongs many other, he founde M. Iewell, who was one of his apponents. The said M. Hoper was so answered by M. Fekenham, that there was good cause why he should be satisfied, and M. Fekēham dismissed from his trouble. As he had cause also to be satisfied by the an∣sweres of M. Henrie Iolife Deane of Bristow,* 1.95 and M. Ro∣bert Iohnson: as may appeare by their answeres now ex∣tant in print. But the finall end of all the foresaid disputa∣tions with M. Fekenhā, was that by the foresaid Syr Phil∣lipp Hobbey he was sent backe againe to the Tower, and there remained prisoner vntill the firste yeare of Queene Marie. And here nowe may you perceiue and see, M. Horne, how ye are ouertaken, and with how many good witnesses in your vntruthe, concerning M. Fekenhams di∣missing out of the Tower.

A rablement of your vntruthes here I wil not, nor time will serue to discusse: as that Monasteries were surrende∣red with the Monks goodwil, whiche for the moste parte might sing volens nolo: that their vowes were foolishe, and that they had many horrible errors. Marie one thing you say, that M. Fekenham, I thinke, will not denie, that he set foorth this Supremacy, in his open sermons, in King Hen∣ries daies: which was not vpon knowledge (as you with∣out all good knowledge doe gather) for knoweledge can not matche with vntruth: but vpon very ignorance, and lacke of true knowledge and due consideratiō of the mat∣ter, being not so wel knowē to the best learned of the Re∣alme then, as it is now, to euery mā being but of mean lear∣ning. For this good, lo at the least, heresy worketh in the church, that it maketh the truth to be more certainly kno∣wen, ād more firmly and stedfastly afterward kept. So (as S. Austine saith) the matter of the B. Trinitie was neuer wel dis∣cussed,* 1.96 vntil Arriās barked against it: The Sacramēt of penāce was neuer throughly hādled, vntil the Nouatiās began to with∣stand it. Neither the cause of Baptism was wel discussed vntill the rebaptising Donatists arose and troubled the Church. And euē so this matter of the Popes Supremacy, ād of the Prin∣ces, was at the first euē to very learned mē a strāge matter, but is now to meanly learned, a well knowen and beaten matter. Syr Thomas More, whose incōparable vertue ād learning, al the Christian world hath in high estimatiō, and whose witte Erasmus iudged to haue ben such as England nor had, neither shal haue, the like: ād who for this quarrel which we now haue in hād suffred death, for the preserua¦tiō of the vnitie of Christes Church, which was neuer, nor shalbe preserued, but vnder this one head: as good a man,

ād as great a clerk, and as blessed a Martyr as he was,* 1.97 albeit he euer wel thought of this Primacy, and that it was at the least wise instituted by the corps of Christēdome for great vrgēt causes for auoiding of schismes: yet that this primacy was immediatly institute of God (which thing al Catholiks now, specially such as haue trauailed in these late cōtrouer∣ses do beleue) he did not mani yeres beleue, vntil (as he wri¦teth himself) he read in the mater those things that the Kīgs highnes had writē in his most famous booke against the he∣resies of Martin Luther: amōg other things he writeth thus. Surely after that I had read his graces boke therin, and so many other things as I haue sene in that point by the continuance of this seuē yeres sins ād more, I haue foūd in effect the substāce of al the holy Doctors,* 1.98 froe S. Ignatius Disciple of S. Iohn vnto our own daies both Latins ād Grekes, so cōsonāt and agreīg in that point, and the thing by such general Gouncels so confirmed also, that in good faith I neuer neither read nor heard anye thinge of suche effecte on the other side, that euer coulde lead mee to thinke that my conscience were well discharged, but rather in right great peril, if I should follow the other side, and denie the primacie to be prouided by God.

It is the lesse meruail therfore, if at the first, for lacke of mature and depe consideration, many good & wel learned men otherwise, being not resolued whether this Primacie were immediatly instituted by God, and so thīking the lesse dāger to relēt to the Kings title, especially so terrible a law enacted against the deniers of the same, wer ād amōg them also Maister Fekenham, caried away with the violence of this cōmon storm and tempest. And at the first many of the cōuocation grāted to agnise the Kings supremacy, but qua∣tenus de iure diuino, that is, as far as thei might by Gods law.

Which is now knowen clearly to stand against it.* 1.99 And al∣though the Popes Primacie were not groūded directly vp∣on Gods worde, but ordeined of the Churche, yet coulde it not be abrogated, by the priuate consente of any one or fewe Realmes: no more then the Citie of Londō can iust∣lye abrogate an act of Parliament. But whereas ye insult vpon M. Fekenham, for that he was ones entangled and wrapped in this common error, and would thereof enforce vpon him a knowledge of the said error, and woulde haue him perseuere in the same: and ones againe to fall quite o∣uer the eares into the dirtie dong of filthie schisme and he∣resie, ye worke with him both vnskilfully and vngodlye. And if good counsaile might finde any place in your harde stony hart, I would pray to God to mollifie it, and that ye would with M. Fekenham hartilie repēt, and for this your great offence, schisme, and heresie, as I doubt not he doth and hath done, followe S. Peter, who after he had denyed Christ:* 1.100 Exiuit & fleuit amarè, Went out and wepte ful bit∣terlie. For surely whereas ye imagine that ye haue in your cōference proued the matter to M. Fekenhā, so that he had nothing to saye to the contrarye, it is nothing but a lowde lewde lye vppon him: and that easelye appeareth, seeinge that after all this your long trauaile, wherein yee haue to the moste vttered all your skill, ye are so farre from full answering his scruples and staies,* 1.101 that they seeme plainlye to be vnaunswerable, and you your selfe quite ouerborne and ouerthrowen, and that by your owne arguments and inductions, as we shal hereafter euidently declare. So that nowe M. Fekenham may seeme to haue good cause much more then before, to rest in the sayed stayes and scruples. I may not here let passe M. Horne that you cal this saiyng:

In maleuolam animam non introibit sapientia,* 1.102 a sentence of the holy Ghost. That it is no lesse, we gladly confesse it. But how dare you so pronounce of that saiyng, being writ∣ten in the booke of wisedome? That booke, you wot wel, your brethern of Geneua accompt for no Canonical Scri∣pture at al, suche as onelye are the sentences of the holye Ghoste (to speake absolutely and proprely) but in the notes before that booke, and certaine other which they cal A∣pocrypha, doe call them onely,* 1.103 bookes proceedinge of godlye men, not otherwise of force, but as they agree with the Cano∣nicall Scriptures, or rather are grounded thereon. In whiche sence not onely those bookes, but the writings also of the Fathers, yea and of al other men, may be by your sentence, the sentence of the holy Ghoste. And Brentius likewise in his Prolegomenis,* 1.104 agreeth with the Geneuian notes against M. Horne. Thus these fellowes iarre alwayes amonge them selues, and in all their doctrines, fal into such points of discorde, that in place of vniforme tuninge, they ruffle vs vppe a blacke Sanctus, as the Prouerbe is: Quo teneam vultus mutantem Prothea nodo?

The .9. Diuision. Pag 8. a. M. Horne.

You require a proufe hereof, that an Emperoure or Empresse, King or Queene, maie claime or take vppon them anie suche gouernment (meaning as the Queenes Maiestie our Soueraigne doth novv chalenge and take vpon her) in Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes. (.33.)* 1.105 For ansvveare I say, thei ought to take vppon them suche gouernment, therefore thei maie laufullie doe it. The former part is found true by the whole discourse of the holie Scri∣ptures both of the olde and nevv Testament: by the testimonie of the Doctours in Christes Church: by the Generall Councels: and by the practise of Christes Catholique Churche throughout al Christendome.

The .7. Chapter opening a plaine Contradiction of M. Hornes.

MAister Fekenham, as well at his abode with you, as sins his returne to the Tower, at such time as he enioyed the free liberty thereof, hath as I certaīly vnderstād, declared to som of his friends, that in your conference with him for a resolute answere to al the said scruples expressed in al the foure points, ye did much lament, that the right mea∣ning of the Othe,* 1.106 had not bene in ceason opened and declared vnto him. When the only lack of the right vnderstanding ther∣of, hath ben the cause of such staies. Wheras the Quenes Ma. meaning in that Oth is farre otherwise, then the expresse words are, as they lye verbatim: like as it dothe well appeare by her highnes interpretation made therof in her iniunctions. Of the whiche matter we shall be occasioned to entreate more at large herafter. But now after two yeres breathing ye frame an other answere quite iarring from the first, affirming that the Queene must take vpon her such kind of regiment,* 1.107 with∣out any mollifiyng or restraint. And this ye will, as ye say, auouch by Scriptures, Fathers, Coūcels, ād the cōtinual pra∣ctise of the Church. Both your saied answeres being so cō∣trary one to the other, what certaine and sure knowledge may M. Fekenham, by right reason take and gather thereof to his cōtentation and satisfaction of his mind in these mat∣ters, when by such diuersitie of answeres, what other thing els may he iustly thinke, then thus with him selfe? That if you after so manye and so faire promises, failed to open the very trueth vnto him, in your firste aunsweare: what better assurance should he conceiue, of your truth in this your second answere? For if by dissimulation the truthe of

the matter was couertly hidde frō him in the first answere, what better truth may he boldly look for in this your secōd answere: thei being not both one, but variable and diuerse? S. Gregory Nazianzene saith: Verū quod est, vnū est:* 1.108 mendatiū autē est multiplex..The thīg, saith he, which is true, is alwaies one, ād like vnto it self, wheras the lye, the cloked and coū∣terfait thing is in it selfe variable and diuers. By the which rule here geuē, by so learned & graue a Father: I am here in the begīning put to knowledge by the varietie of your an∣sweres, that thei cānot be both true. But if the one be true, the other must be false: and therof such a distrust iustly ga∣thered, that I may conclude none of them both to be true, but both of them to be deceiuable and false. For the proufe and trial of this my cōclusion, I refer me to your scriptures, Fathers, Councels, practise of the Churche, that ye woulde seme to rest vpon: whereby neuertheles you your self shall take a shameful foile and fall. Wherefore goe on a Gods name and bring foorth your euidences.

The .10. Diuision. Pag. ••. a.

The holy Scriptures describing the condicions, and propreties in a King, amongest other doth commaund, that he haue by him the booke of the lavv, (.34.)* 1.109 (.35.)* 1.110 and doe diligentlie occupie him selfe in reading therof, to the end he maie therby learne to feare the Lord his God (that is, to haue the feare of God planted within him selfe in his ovvne harte) to keepe al the wordes, and to accomplish in deed al the ordinaunces, or (as the olde translation hath it) al the ceremonies by Cod cōmaunded (that is) to gouerne in such sorte (.36.)* 1.111 That he cause by his princely authority, his subiects also to be∣come Israelites. To witte, men that see, knovv, and vnderstand the vvill of God. Redressing the peruersues of such as swerue from Gods ordinances or ceremonies. Wherupon it is, that God doth commaund the Magistrate, that he make (37)* 1.112 diligēt examinatiō of the doctrine taught by any, and that he do sharply punish both the teachers of false and supersti∣tious religion, with the folovvers, and also remoue quite out of the waye all maner of euill.

The .9. Chapter, concerning the Kings duetie ex∣pressed in the Deuteronomie.

GOE on I saie in Gods name, M. Horne, and prosequute your plea stoutlie: God send you good speed. And so he dothe, euen suche as ye, and the honestie of your cause deserue. And at the very first entrie of your plea cau∣seth you, and your clerkly and honest dealing, forth with to your high commendation so to appeare, that euen the first authoritie that ye handle of all the holy Scripture plainlye discouereth you, and causeth you to be espied: and ope∣neth as well your fidelity, as the weakenes of your whole cause: the which euen with your owne first blast is quite ouerblowen. Your infidelity appeareth in the curtalling of your text, and leauing out the wordes, that immediatly goe before, those that ye alleage: beside your vnskilfulnes (if it be not done rather of peruersitie and malice) concur∣rant with your infidelitie.* 1.113 Your vnskilfulnes whiche is the least matter, standeth in that ye saye the King is com∣maunded to haue by him the booke of the Lawe. Your texte saith not so Syr, but Describet sibi Deuteronomium le∣gis huius in volumine.* 1.114 He shal write out this second Lawe in a booke:* 1.115 As Edmund Beck, a man of your secte, truely hath translated. Wel, let the King read in Gods name, not onelye that booke, but all the whole Bible beside: It is a worthy and a commendable study for him. But let him be∣ware, that this sweete honie be not turned into poyson to him, and least vnder this pleasant baite of Gods worde, he be sodainly choked with the topicall and pestiferouse tran∣slation: wherewith ye haue rather peruerted, then transla∣ted the Bible printed at Geneua, and in other places: and

with your false daungerouse damnable gloses, where with you haue corrupted and watered the same, and made it as it were of pleasante wine most sowre vineger. The onely remedy and help to eschewe and auoyde this daunger is, to take this booke and other holy writings faithfully transla∣ted at the priests hands, as they from tyme to tyme haue re∣ceiued them, and after such order as your own texte ap∣pointeth, saying: When he is sette vpon the seate of his king∣dome, he shal write him out this seconde Law in a booke, taking a copy of the Priests, of the Leuiticall tribe. Which later woordes ye haue, because they make directly against you, quite leafte out. And then immediatly foloweth howe he shal busely read the sayde booke and so forth. If this order had of Late yeares ben kept, and that Princes and other had taken the Bible as it is, and euer hath ben, of the priestes of the Catholike Church (orderly and lawfully succeding one the other, as the Leuits did) reade, tawght, and expounded, as wel in Greke and Hebrewe, as in Latin, these errours and heresies should neuer haue taken so deape a roote , as they haue now cawght.

Neither is this place onely meant, that the King should take the bare lettre, but rather the exposition withal of the said Priests. For what were the King the better or any man else, for the bare lettre, if he had not also as ordinary a waye for his direction, in the vnderstanding, as he had prouided him, for to receiue a true and an incorrupted copy?* 1.116 Where of we may see the practise in al ages in the Catholik Chur∣che: whereof this place is the very shadowe and figure. For as the Protestantes them selues are forced by plaine wordes to confesse, that they know not the true worde or booke of God, but by the Churche: which from tyme to

tyme delyuered these bokes: euen so by al reason and lear∣ning, they should also cōfesse, that the Church can no more be deceiued in deliuering the sense of the saide word, then in deliuering the worde it self. Which seing they will not confesse (for then were we forthwith at a point and ende with al their errours and heresies) they must nedes conti∣new in the same. And so while euery man in the expositiō of scriptures foloweth his own head be it neuer so world∣ly wise or circumspect, yet his own propre and peculiar, se∣parated from the common aduise and iudgement of the whole Church: errours and heresies haue and doe daylie grow, and wil neuer cease more and more to encrease and multiply, onlesse we take forth the lessō I haue shewed you, into this huge and infinite nōber, where with the world is now most miserably ouerwhelmed. Whereof the best re∣medy were, the exact obseruation of this place, that ye haue so wilily and sleightly slipte ouer.

But most of al an other sentence in the very said chapter, and euen the next to this ye alleage, that the King as sone as he is chosen,* 1.117 shal bestow his study vpon the reading of the Deuteronomy. Where Moyses saieth, that in doubtful causes the people shoulde haue their recourse to the said priestes, and to the iudge for the tyme beinge, meaning the highe prieste, of whome they shoulde learne the truthe: and are commaunded to doe accordinglye, euen vnder payne of death. Which place wel weighed and cōsidered, serueth to declare that I haue said, that the King and others should receiue not only the letter which (as S. Paule saieth) doth kil, but the true and sincere meaning withal: wherein stan∣deth the life of the letter, as the life of mā with in his body, yea the eternal lyfe (wherof by folowing lewde lying expo∣sitions

of holy write, we are spoiled) at the priests handes. All which thinges serue directly for the primacy of them and not of Princes. Nowe therefore goe on M. Horne, and beinge at your first encountringe ouerblowen and dis∣comfyted euen with your owne blaste, thinke well whe∣ther it is lykely that ye shall hereafter bringe againste your aduersary any thīg, wherby he should, as ye haue falsly slaū∣dered him, in a maner yelde, and be resolued on your syde.

For as for the next place, it enforceth no supremacy. We frely graunte you,* 1.118 that princes may sharply punishe tea∣chers of false and superstitiouse religion and idolatry (being thereof by the Priestes instructed) which is the matter of your texte. But then take head to your selfe, Maister Horne. For I saye to you, that ye, and your fellowes teache false and superstitiouse religion,* 1.119 many and detestable here∣sies, and so withal plaine Idolatry. For heresie is called a very Idol, aswel by scripture, as in the exposition of the ho∣ly and learned fathers. And thē are ye no simple Idolatour, but one that mainteyneth a nomber of heresies: with no lesse offence towardes God, than was the offence of the Iewes that your place speaketh of, when they sette vppe afterwarde, their idolls. And so haue ye geuen sentence against your selfe and haue tolde the Magistrate his of∣fice. Neither thinck you that ye may illude your punish∣ment, by the cowlour of the late statutes of the realme, which though in manye thinges, serue for your worde∣lye indemnitye: yet that ye may kepe your Madge and bisshoprike withall, and maye not be punished for the ob∣stinate defence of suche fylthye mariage, and especiallye for the denyinge of the reall presence in the blessed Sa∣cramente of the aulter, and for many other things that your

sorte daily write and preach, I trowe it wil be hard for you to bring forth any acte of parliamente, or any other conue∣nient and sufficient plea. And as I graunt this authority to punishe, to the ciuil prince: so (that this inferreth a superio∣rity in al causes aswel ecclesiastical as temporal) I flatly de∣ny: and most of al that ye haue proued your assertion, that princes ought to take vpon them such pretensed regiment, whereof the very place by you induced, sheweth as I haue said, the plain contrary. Now that you bring out of Glosa or∣dinaria, that the Prince is commaūded by his Princely autho∣rity, to cause his subiects to become Israëlites, it may perhaps be in some ordinary Glose of Geneua his Notes, Bales, or some such like, but as for the olde ordinary Latin Glose, I am right sure (M. Horn) it hath no suche thinge. This therefore may wel stande for an other vntruthe. As also that which immediatly you alleage out of Deuteron. 13. For in al that chapter or any other of that booke, there is no such worde to be founde as you talke of. And thus with a ful messe of Notorious vntruthes, you haue furnished the first seruice brought yet to the table, cōcernīg the prīcipal matter. How be it perhaps though this be very course, yet you haue fyne dishes and dayntycates coming after. Let vs then procede.

The .11. Diuision. Pag. 8. b. M. Horne.

The beste and most Godly Princes that euer gouerned Gods people, did per∣ceiue and rightly vnderstande this to be Gods vvil, that they ought to haue an especiall * 1.120 regarde and care for the ordering and setting foorth of Gods true Religion, and therefore vsed great diligence vvith feruent zeale to perfourme and accomplishe the same. Moyses vvas the supreme gouernour o∣uer Gods people (and vvas (.38.)* 1.121 not chiefe Priest or Bisshop, for that vvas Aa∣ron) vvhose authority, zeale, and care in appointing and ordering Religion amongest Gods people, prescribing to al the people, yea to Aaron and the Le∣uits, vvhat, and after vvhat sorte, they should execute their functions, correc∣ting

and chastening the transgressours, is manifestly set foorthe in his booke called the Pentateuche.

The 9. Chapter: concerning the example of Moyses.

MAister Horne willing to seame orderly to pro∣cede, first bringeth in,* 1.122 what scripture commaū∣deth Princes to doe, and then what they did. But as his scripture towching the commaun∣demēt by him alleaged nothing reacheth home to his pretensed purpose, but rather infringeth and plainely marreth the same as I haue saide, and fully standeth on our syde: So I dowbte nothing yt wil fare with his examples, as of Moyses, Iosue, Dauid, Salomon, Iosaphat, Ezechias, Io∣sias, and that they al come to short, and are to weake to iu∣stifie his assertion. But here am I shrewdly encombred, and in a great doubte what to doe. For I coulde make a shorte but a true answere, that these examples are fully answered alredy, by M. Doctour Harding, and M. Dorman:* 1.123 and re∣ferre thee thither to thyne and myne ease (gentle reader) and to the sparing, not onely of penne, ynk, and paper, but of the tyme also, whiche of al things is most preciouse. But then I feare me, woulde steppe forth, yf not M. Horne (a good simple plain man in his dealings) yet some other iolye, fyne, freshe, pregnant, wytty fellowe, yea and bringe me to the straits which way so euer I did tread. Yf I shuld as I said, sende the reader to them, then should I heare, a foole, a dolte, an asse that can say nothing of his own. Then shoulde the cause be slaundered also, as so poore and weake, that it could beare no large and ample treatise, yea with all, that their answeres were such, as I was asshamed of them, and

therefore wilylye and wiselye forbeared them, with ma∣nye suche other triumphant trieflinge toyes. Againe yf I shoulde repete or inculcate their answeres, then woulde Maister Nowell or some other rushe in vppon me with his ruflynge rhetorike that he vseth againste Maister Dor∣man and Maister Doctour Hardinge withe a precise ac∣compte and calculation what either Maister Dorman or Maister Doctour Hardinge borowed of Hosius: or either of them two of the other. And what I haue nowe borowed of them bothe, or of either of them. And I shoulde be likewise insulted vppon, and our cause, as feble and very weake,* 1.124 slaundered also. But on the one syde leaste any of the good bretherne shoulde surmise vppon my silence anye suche distruste, I will compendiously as the matter shall require abridge their answeres: and that Maister Horne shall thinke that our stuff is not al spente, I shall on the other syde for a surplussage, adioyne some o∣ther thinges to owre opponent accommodate. So that I truste either answere shalbe sufficient to atchieue our pur∣pose againste Maister Horne. Then for Moyses I saye with Maister Doctour Hardinge, and Saint Augustyne, that he was a prieste aswell as a Prince, I say the same with Maister Dorman, with Philo Iudeus, with Saint Hierom, and with Saint Hieroms Maister Gregorie Nazianzene. And so consequently Maister Horne, that Moyses exam∣ple serueth not your turne (onlesse ye will kinge Henry the eight, and his sonne king Edward, yea and our gracious Quene to be a priest to) but rather quite ouerturneth your assertion. And thinke you Maister Horne, that the Quenes authority doth iumpe agree, with the authority of Moy∣ses in causes ecclesiastical? Then maye she preach to the

people as Moyses did. Thē may she offer sacrifices as Moy∣ses did. Then may she cōsecrate Priests, as Moyses did cōse∣crate Aaron and others.* 1.125 Then may it be said of the imposi∣tion of her hands as was said of Moyses. Iosua the son of Nun was ful of the sprite of wisedom: for Moyses hadde put his hand vpon him. It must nedes therfore follow, that Moyses was a priest, and that a high priest, which ye here ful peuishly de∣ny. I say now further with M. Dorman, that put the case, Moyses were no priest, yet this example frameth not so smothely and closely to your purpose as ye wene. For Moy¦ses was a prophet, and that such a prophet, as the like was not agayne.

Geue me nowe Maister Horn Princes Prophetes, geue me Princes, and Lawe makers by speciall order and ap∣pointmente ordeyned of God, to whose woordes God cer∣tainly woulde haue geuen as greate authority, as he wolde and commaunded to be geuen to Moyses: and then per∣chaunce I will say, that ye saye somewhat well to the pur∣pose.

Agayne Moyses was suche a speciall Prophet, and so singularlye chosen of God to be heard and obeyed in all thinges, that he is in the holy scripture euidentlye compa∣red to Christ him selfe: compared, I say, euen in the of∣fice of teaching and instructing. Moyses in the Deute∣ronom foretelling the Iewes of a Messias to come, saieth:* 1.126 The Lorde thy God wil rayse thee vp a Prophet from among thy own nation and of thy brethern such a one as my self, him thou shalt heare.

And this so spoken of Moyses in the olde Lawe, is in the new testamēt auouched ād repeted, first by S. Peter the chief Apostle, and next by S. Stephen the first Martir,* 1.127 and applied

to Christ. If thē Christ must so be heard and obeied of vs, as was Moyses of the Iewes, no doubt as Christ is a Kinge, a Prophet, a Priest and a Bisshop to vs, so was Moyses to thē a Prince, a Prophet, a Priest and a Bisshop. As Christ is of vs to be heard and obeyed as wel in al matters Ecclesiasticall as Temporal (for no temporal Lawe can haue force against the Law of Christ amonge Christen men) so was Moyses to be heard and obeyed of the Iewes in matters and causes as well temporall as spirituall. For why? The Scripture is plaine.* 1.128 Tanquam me ipsum audietis. You shall heare that Pro∣phet euen as my selfe. Shew vs M. Horne any Prince in the new testament so conditioned and endewed, and then make your argument on Gods name. Verely any Prince that now is (namely in Ecclesiasticall gouernment) compared with Moyses is as the poet saieth, Impar congressus Achilli, Troilus. And the lawier saieth,* 1.129 Legibus, non exemplis iudicatur. We must iudge according to the precise rule of the Law, and not by examples: Extraordinary doings enforce no ordina∣ry prescriptiō or rule. The ordinary rule of Priests iudgmēts without whies and whates, and such other triflinge impor∣tune instances, as ye are wont to make against it, by the law of Moyses and by your owne chapter before alleaged in dowbtful cases, must absolutelye vppon paine of deathe be obeyed. By this rule of the Law you must measure al the examples following, of Kings and Princes vnder this Law. You must square your examples, to the rule and not the rule to the examples, onlesse ye will make of the Lawe of God Lesbiam regulam, and both vnskilfully and vnorder∣ly worke therewith. And this one answere might wel serue for al the Kings doings now followīg: Sauing I wil particu∣larly discēde to euery one, and for euery one saye somwhat.

Here I wish to encounter with M. Nowel for his shifts that he maketh to maintain the matter by Moyses and the residue, but because it is M. Dormans special and peculiar matter, I will leaue it vnto him, and be also in the residue, as briefe as I maye.

M. Horne. The .12. Diuision. Pag. 8. b.

After the death of Moses, the people as yet not entred and settled in the promised land, the charge of chief gouernment ouer Gods people both in cau∣ses temporall and (.39.)* 1.130 Ecclesiasticall, was committed to Iosue, and not to Eleasar, for to him belonged (.40.)* 1.131 onelie the ministration of the things be∣longing to the Priestlie office. And to Iosue the Prince belonged the ouersight both ouer the priests and people, to gouerne, guide, order, appoint and direct eche estate, in all things that appertained to eche of their callings. Of the one ye seme to haue no doubt at all: the other is as plaine. For at the appointmēt of Iosue, the Priests remoued the Arke of couenant and placed the same. He did interprete vnto the people the spirituall meaninge of the tvvelue stones, which thei had taken by Gods cōmaundement forth of Iordan, to be as Sacra¦ments or signes. He circumcised the children of Israel at the seconde time of the great and solempne Circumcision. He calleth the Priestes, commaundeth some of them to take vppe the Lords Arke: other seuen of them to blovv seuē trompets before the Arke, and appointeth to them the order of proceding. He builded an Aulter vnto the Lord God of Israel, according to the Lavv of God: be sacrificeth theron, burnt sacrifices and burnte offerings: He wrote there vpon the stones, the Deuteronomie of Moses: He read all the blessings and cursings as thei are set forth in the booke of the Lavve: And he read al what so euer Moses had cōmaunded before al the congregation of ••srael, &c. Last of al Iosue, to shevv that causes of Religion did speciallie belong to his charge and care, maketh a long and a vehement Oration vnto the Israelits, wher∣in he exhorteth them to cleaue vnto the Lorde with a sure faith, a constant hope and a perfect loue, obeiyng and seruing him with such seruice as he hath appointed in his Lavve. And doth zelouslie and with great threates diswade them from al kind of Idolatrie and false Religion.

The .10. Chapter concerning the example of Iosue.

Stapleton.

* 1.132THE Apologie allegeth as wel the example of Moses, as of Iosue his doings with the residue by M. Horne here alleaged. M. D. Harding sheweth that allegatiō to import no chief rule in spiritual matters, as in deed it doth not. Which chiefe rule, did rest in the Prieste Eleazarus, at whose voice and worde Iosue was commaunded,* 1.133 to goe foorth, and come in, a place deaply dissembled by the Author of the Apologie. For the auoiding whereof M. Nowell is put to many shifts: first to glose, that this place concerning Eleazarus, may be restrained for going and comming to and froe the warres, whiche as it is true, so immediatlye before, it is generallye writen,* 1.134 Pro hoc si quid agendum erit, Eleazar sacerdos consulet Dominum For him (meaning Iosue) Eleazar shal ask coun∣sel of God when any thing is to be done. In which words we see euidently, that Iosue what so euer he did, touching the gouerning of the people in Ecclesiasticall matters, he did nothing of him self, but was in al such maters instructed of Eleazarus the high Priest: whose part therfore it was al∣waies to ask counsel of God, when Iosue had any thing to doe. And though this place shuld be restrained to warfare only, yet the authoritie geuen before by expresse wordes of the law, to the high Prieste, whose iudgement is cōmaunded in great doubts to be sought ād also followed, doth neuer the lesse take place.* 1.135 And thervpō foloweth that al the testimo∣nies of holy Scripture, brought forth by M. Nowel, and be∣fore him by M. Horne, can not, as they do not in deed, in∣duce supremacie in causes Ecclesiastical. But th'execution of the high Priests or lawes cōmādemēt, which in deed we

graūt to appertain to the Prince. And here I wil not quarel with M. Nowel, either for quoting .33.34. for .23.24. and not reformed, as he doth with M. Dorman for as smal a matter, as for the misquoting of S. Cyprian: or for treading M. Hor∣nes steppes, and borowing his allegations, which not with∣standing is a great obseruation with him as a worthy mat∣ter (ye may be assured) against M. Dorman and M. D. Har∣ding. This is but a childish and boyish rhetorike, not so con∣uenient, I wisse, for M. Nowel the scholemaister, as for the boyes his schollers, whose propretye is to accuse their fel∣lowes of borowing, and to borow them selues like truants. But for the doing of Iosue, I wil further note, that then the Priests toke vp the Arke of couenāt, ād went before the people.* 1.136 But I pray you M. Horne, howe was this obserued of late yeres, whē the lay men durst aduēture to take the guiding of the Arke, and goe before the Priestes, and not suffer the Priests to goe before thē? And durst alter the state of Chri∣stiā religiō, against the wil ād minde of the Bishops and the whole Clergy then at their cōuocation assēbled? Well, let this passe for this present. I say no further for Iosue his do∣ings, sauing that otherwise also they are not to be drawen into an ordinarie rule,* 1.137 for that the Spirite of God was cer∣tainelye in him: and for that he had parte of Moses glory, and the people commaunded to heare him. And those things that he did (wherof M. Nowell and Maister Horne woulde inferre a Soueraigntie in causes Spirituall) he did them by the expresse commaundemente of God. And from suche Princes to all Princes indifferentlie to gather the like praeeminence in al points, were no sure and sound gathering and collection.

Els if you wil haue your examples to proue and cōfirme,

then as Iosue circumcided, so let the Prince baptise, and as Iosue sacrificed vpon an Aulter, so let the Prince in Cope and Surplesse celebrate your holy Communion. Whiche two things as peculiar offices of Bisshops and Priestes, M. Nowel excludeth flatly al Princes from,* 1.138 yea and saith, they oughte to be vntouched of Prince or other person. Thus a∣gaine either ye iumble and iarre one from an other, or els your Argument falleth downe right. Choose whiche of both ye will.* 1.139

M. Horne. The .13. Diuision. Pag 9. a.

Dauid vvhom God appointed to be the pastour (that is, the King ouer Isra¦el) to feed his people, did vnderstand that to this pastoral office of a King, did belong of duetie, not onelie a charge to prouide that the people might be gouerned vvith iustice, and liue in ciuil honestie, peace, and tranquillitie, publique and priuate: but also to haue a speciall regarde and care to see them fedde vvith true doctrine, and to be fostered vp in the Religion appoin∣ted by God him selfe in his lavve. And therefore immediatlie after he vvas vvith some quietnes setled in his royall seat, the first thing that he began to refourme and restore to the right order, as a thing that appertained especi∣ally to his princelie charge and care, vvas Gods religion and seruice, vvhich had ben decayed and neglected long before in the time of King Saul. For the better perfourmance vvhereof, as the Supreme gouernour ouer al the estates both of the laitie and of the Clergie (.41.)* 1.140 in all maner of causes: after consultation had vvith his chiefe Counsailers, he calleth the Priestes and Le∣uites, and commaundeth, appointeth, and directeth them in all manner of things and causes, appertaining to their ecclesiasticall functions and offices. He prepareth a semelie place for the Arke in his ovvne Citie. He goeth vvith great solemnitie to fetch the Arke of the Lord. He cōmaūdeth Sad••c ād Abia∣thar the Priests, and the chief amōg the Leuites, to sanctifie them selues vvith their brethren, and than to carie the Arke vppon their shoulders vnto the place apointed He comptrolleth thē that the Arke was not caried before on their shoulders according to the lavv: and therfore laieth to their charge the breach that vvas made by the death of Vsa. He cōmādeth also the chief of the

Leuits, to apoint amōg their brethrē, Musiciās to play on diuers kinds of inst••u¦mēts, and to make melody vvith ioyfulnes. He sacrificeth burnt ād peace offe∣rings. He blessed the people in the name of the Lord. He appointeth certain of the Leuites, to minister continually before the Arke of the Lord, to reherse his great benefits, to the honour and praise of the Lord god of Israell. And for that present time he made a psalme of gods praise, and appointed Asaph ād his brethren to praise god thervvith. He ordained the priests, Leuites, sin∣gers, and porters, and in some he apointed and ordered al the officers and offi∣ces, required to be in the house of the Lord, for the setting foorth of his seruice and religion.

The .11. Chapter concerning the example of Dauid.

BOTH M. Dorman and M. Doctor Harding affirme that the proceedings of King Dauid are nothing preiudiciall to the Ecclesiasticall authoritie:* 1.141 in redressing of disorders before committed, or doing suche things as are here rehersed. No more, then the reformatiō of Religion made by Quene Marie, as M. D. Harding noteth, which ye wot wel, imployeth in her no such supremacie. Beside that, it is to be considered, as M. D. Harding toucheth, that he passed other Princes herein, because he had the gift of pro∣phecie. So that neither those thinges that the Apologie sheweth of Dauid, or those that yee and M. Nowell adde thereunto, for the fortification of the said superioritie, can by any meanes induce it. The scripture in the sayed place by you and M. Nowel alleaged, saith that Dauid did worke iuxta omnia quae scripta sunt in lege Domini:* 1.142 according to all things writen in the lawe of God. Wherevnto I adde a notable saying of the scripture, in the said booke by you al∣leaged, concerning Dauids doings by you brought foorth touching the Priestes and Leuites: vt ingrediantur domum

Dei iuxtaritum suum sub manu Aaron Patris eorum, sicut prae∣ceperat Dominus deus Israel. Kinge Dauids appointmente was,* 1.143 that the Leuites and Priestes shoulde enter in to the house of God, there to serue vnder the gouernment. Of whom, I pray you? Not of King Dauid, but vnder the Spi∣ritual gouernmēt of their spiritual father Aaron ād his suc∣cessours. The gouernour of them then, was Eleazarus. Where we haue to note: first, that Dauid appointed here to the Leuites nothing of him self: but sicut praeceperat Dominus Deus Israël: as the Lord God of Israel had before apointed. Secondlye, that King Dauid did make appointment vnto them, of no strange or new order to be taken in Religion, but that they should serue God in the Tēple, iuxta ritū suū: after their owne vsage, custome and maner, before time v∣sed. Thirdly and last, King Dauids appointment was, that they should serue in the house of God sub manu Aaron patris eorum, as vnder the spirituall gouernmente of their Father Aaron, and his successours the high Priests. The whiche wordes of the scripture doe so wel and clearly expres, that King Dauid did not take vpon him any spirituall gouerne∣ment in the house of God (namely such as you attribute to the Quenes Ma. to alter Religion▪ &c.) that I can not but very much muse and maruel, why ye shoulde alleage King Dauid, for any example or proufe in this matter. But most of al, that ye dare alleage the death of Oza. Whiche is so directly against our lay men, that haue not onely put their hands, to susteine and staye the fal of the Arke (as Oza did, for which attempt notwithstanding he was punished with present deathe) but haue also of their owne priuate autho∣ritie altered and chaunged the great and weightie pointes of Christes Catholike Religion: and in a māner haue quite

transformed and ouerthrowen the same, and so haue as a man may say, broken the very Arke it self al to fitters. Let them not dout, but that (except thei hartely repēt) they shal be plagued woorse then Oza was, if not in this worlde, yet more horribly in the world to come. As for that you al∣leage of Dauid, that he made Psalmes, ordeined Priests, Le∣uites, fingers, and porters &c. thinke you, he did al this and the rest of his owne authority, because he was King of the people? So you would your Reader to beleue. But the holy Ghost telleth vs plainly that Dauid did all this,* 1.144 because God had so commaunded by the hands of his Prophets. And thus you see, that by the declaration of the Prophetes, Gods Ministers then, as Priestes are now, the King did all those Ecclesiasticall matters, and not by his Princely authoritie. Againe the like you might haue alleaged of Carolus Mag∣nus:* 1.145 that he corrected most diligently the order of reading and singing in the Church, that he brought first into Fraunce Cantū Gregorianū, the order of singing left by S. Gregorie at Rome, ād appoynted singers therefore, and when they did not wel placed other in their romes, and many other such like maters of the Church, wherin that godly Emperor much busied himself,* 1.146 and yet exercised no supreme gouernmēt ouer the clergy, but was of al other Princes, moste farre from it: as it maye easely appeare to him that wil read in the Decrees, Dist. 19. In memoriam▪ where he protesteth obediēce to the See of Rome, yea though an importable charge should be laied vppon him by that holy See. Also in the Decrees. xj. q. j. which Iuo also alleageth, where he renueth out of the Code of The∣odosius a law binding al his subiects, of al nations, Prouinces, and Countries of what so euer qualitie or condition they were, and in all maner causes, if the defendante require an Eccle∣siasticall

iudgement, it be not lawfull from the Bisshops sentence to appeale any higher. And surely no Prince more recog∣nised their duetifull obedience to the Spirituall Magistrate, in spirituall causes, then such as were most ready and care∣full to aide, furder, and to their power directe all Spirituall matters. Al this therefore proueth wel, that Godly Prin∣ces doe furder and sette foorth Gods Religion, by meanes semely to their vocation. But here is no manner inckling, that Princes doe or did euer beare the supreme gouernmēt in all Ecclesiastical matters, to decide and determine, to al∣ter and change, to sette vppe and plucke doune what Re∣ligion liked them, by their Princelye authoritie, and mere Soueraigntie.

M. Horne. The .14. Diuision. Pag. 9. a.

Salomon (.42.)* 1.147 deposed Abiathar the high Prieste, and placed Sadoc in his roome And he builded the Temple, placed the Arke in the place appointed for the same. Hallovved or dedicated the Temple, offred sacrifices, blessed the people, directed the Priestes, Leuites, and other Churche officers in their functions, according to the order before taken by his Father Dauid. And neither the Priestes nor Leuites, swerued in anie thing (.43.)* 1.148 pertaining to their office) from that, that the King commaun∣ded them.

The .12. Chapter concerning the example of King Salomon.

THE weight of this obiectiō resteth in the de∣position of Abiathar the high Priest. Which thing M. Dorman and M. D. Harding say im∣ployeth no more superioritie, then if a man shoulde saye Q. Marie deposed M. Cranmer, and yet was not shee the chiefe, but an accessorie instrumente for the

furtherance of thexecution. But Lord how M. Nowel here besturreth him self? He fumeth and freateth with M. Dor∣man, who shal coole him wel inowghe I dowbt not. In the meane while, I wil aske M. Horne and M. Nowel to, one question. M. Horne saieth a litle before, that Iosue sacrificed burnte sacrifices and burnte offeringes, that King Dauid sacrifi∣ced burnte and peace offerings, that Salomon offered sacrifices. Were trow ye Iosue, Dauid, and Salomon priests? If so, thē how bring you their examples to proue any thing for kings and Quenes that are no priestes? If not, then this phrase is verefied, in that they caused the priests (to whome the mat∣ter perteyned) to offer sacrifices. And so whereas M. Horn saieth of Iosue, that he sacrificed burnte sacrifices whiche is agreable to the Latin: Obtuli•• holocausta,* 1.149 M. Nowel saieth he commaunded sacrifice to be offered. And why then I praye you M. Nowel, may not this phrase also be taken after the said sorte, that Salomon deposed Abiathar, in procuring him by some ordinary way to be deposed for his treason? As M. Crāmer might haue ben, though he were both deposed and burnt for his heresy. But now M. Horn,* 1.150 that Salomō was but a minister and an executour herein, the very words imme∣diatly folowing (the which because they serue plain against your purpose, you craftely dissembled) doe testifie. Which are these. And so Salomon put away Abiathar, from beinge priest vnto the Lorde, to fulfill the words of the Lorde whiche he spoke ouer the howse of Hely in Silo. And thus was Salomō but the minister and executour of Gods sentence published before by Samuel the Leuite. Beside that the deposing of Abiathar doth not imploye that Salomō was the chief ruler in all causes Ecclesiastical, which is the butte that ye muste shote at, and thē must ye prouide an other bow, for this wil

not shote home. Where you say farder that neither the Priests nor Leuites swerued in any thing (perteyning to their office) from that the King commaunded them, you haue swer∣ued very lewdly frō the text of holy Scripture, and haue ad∣ded to it those words (perteyning to their office) more then is expressed in the Scriptures, and haue printed them in a di∣stinct letter, as the expresse wordes of the Scripture. With such homly shiftes an euil cause must be furdered.

M. Horne. The 15. Diuision. Pag. 10. a.

Iosaphat hath no smal commendation in the Scriptures, for that he so stu∣diously vsed his (.44.)* 1.151 princely authority in the reformation of Religion, and matters apperteyning, therunto. He remoued at the first beginnīg of his reigne al maner of false Religiō, and what so euer might because of offēce to the faithful. He sent forth through his kingdom visitours, both of his Princes, and also of the Priests and Leuits, vvith the book of the Lavv of the Lord, to the end they should instruct, and teache the people, and refourme all maner abuses in ecclesiastical causes accordīg to that book. After a vvhyle he made a progresse in his ovvn person throughout al his countrey, and * 1.152 by his preachers reduced ād brought again his people from superstitiō, ād false religiō vnto the Lord the God of their fathers. He appointed in euery tovvn through∣out his kingdom, as it vvere Iustices of the peace, such as feared the Lord, and abhorred false religiō, to decide cōtrouersies in ciuil causes: and in like sort he appointed and ordeined the high Priests vvith other Priests, Leuits, and of the chief rulers amōg the Israelits, to be at Hierusalem to decide, and * 1.153 iudge cō∣trouersies of great vveight, that should a••ise about matters of religiō and the Lavv. He did cōmaunde and prescribe (45.)* 1.154 vnto the chief Priests and Leuits, vvhat fourme and order they should obserue in the ecclesiasticall causes and controuersies of religion, that vvere not so difficult and vveighty. And vvhen any tokē of Gods displeasure appeared, either by vvarres or other calamity, he gaue order to his subiects for commō praier, and enioyned to thē publike faste, vvith earnest preaching of repentaunce, and seeking after the vvil of the Lord to obey and folovve the same.

The 13. Chapter concerning the example of King Iosaphat.

YOV alleage for the supreame gouernement of King Iosaphat in spiritual matters (as the Apo∣logy doth) the 2. of Paralip. the 17. Chapter. And as M.D. Harding and M. Dorman haue writen, so say I, that ye are they, which fre∣quent priuate hylles, aulters, and darke groues, that the Scri∣pture speaketh of. Wherein you haue sette vp your Idolls, that is, your abhominable heresies. We also confesse, that there is nothing writen in holy Scripture of Iosaphat tou∣ching his Care and diligence aboute the directing of eccle∣siastical matters, but that godly Christiā Princes may at this day doe the same, doing it in such sorte as Iosaphat did. That is: to refourm religiō by the Priests, not to enacte a new reli¦giō which the priests of force shal sweare vnto. Itē to suffer the Priests to iudge in cōtrouersies of religion, not to make the decisiō of such things, a parliamēt matter. Itē not to pre∣scribe a new forme and order in ecclesiastical causes, but to see that accordīg to the lawes of the Church before made, the religiō be set forth, as Iosaphat procured the obseruatiō of the olde religiō appointed in the law of Moyses. Briefly that he doe al this as an Aduocat, defendour, and Son of the Churche, with the Authority and aduise of the Clergy (so Iosaphat furdered religiō not otherwise:) not as a Supreme absolute Gouernour, cōtrary to the vniforme cōsent of the whole Clergy in full cōuocation, yea and of al the Bisshops at once. Thus the example of Iosaphat fitteth wel Christiā Princes. But it is a world to see, how wretchedly and sham∣fully Maister Horne hath handled in this place the Holye Scriptures. First, promysing very sadly in his preface,

to cause his Authours sentences for the parte to be printed in Latin letters, here coursing ouer three seuerall chapters of the 2. of Paralip. he setteth not downe any one parte or worde of the whole text in any Latin or distinct lettre, but handleth the Scriptures, as pleaseth him, false translating, mā∣gling them, and belying them beyonde al shame. He telleth vs of the Kings visitours, of a progresse made in his own person, throughout all his contrey and of Iustices of the peace: whereas the texts alleaged haue no such wordes at al. Verely such a tale he telleth vs, that his ridiculous dealing herein (were it not in Gods cause, where the indignity of his demeanour is to be detested) were worthely to be laughed at. But from fonde coūterfeytīg, he procedeth to flatte lying. For where he saieth that Iosaphat commaunded and prescribed vnto the chief Priestes, what fourme and order they shoulde obserue in the Ecclesiastical causes and controuersies of religion &c. This is a lewde ād a horrible lye, flatly belying Gods holy word, thē which, in one that goeth for a bisshop, what can be don more abhominable? No No, M. Horne, it was for greate causes, that thus wickedly you concealed the text of holy Scriptures, which you knew, being faithfully sette down in your booke, had vtterly confounded you, and your whole matter now in hande.

For thus lo, saieth and reporteth the holy Scripture of King Iosaphat, touching his dealing with persons rather then with matters ecclesiastical. In Ierusalem also Iosaphat appointed Leuites and Priests,* 1.155 and the chief of the families of Israël, that they should iudge the iudgement and cause of God to the inhabitants thereof. How Iosaphat appointed the Le∣uites and priestes to these Ecclesiastical functiōs, it shal ap∣peare in the next Chapter by the example of Ezechias. Let

vs now forth with the Scripture. And Iosaphat commaunded them saying: Thus you shall doe in the feare of the Lorde faith∣fully and with a perfect harte. But howe? Did Iosaphat here [ 9] prescribe to the Priestes any fourme or order which they should obserue in controuersies of Religion, as M. Horne saieth he did, to make folcke wene that Religion proceded then by waye of Commission from the Prince onely? Nothinge lesse. For thus it foloweth immediatly in the text. Euery [ 10] cause that shall come vnto you, of your brethern dwelling in their Cyties, betwene kinred and kinred, wheresoeuer there is any question of the law, of the cōmaundement, of ceremonies, of Iustificatiōs, shewe vnto thē, that they syn not against God &c. Here is no fourme or order prescribed, to obserue in con∣trouersies of Religion: but here is a generall commaunde∣ment of the King to the Priests and Leuits, that they should doe now their duty and vocatiō faithfully and perfectly, as they had don before in the dayes of Asa and Abias his Fa∣ther and grandfather: like as many good and godly Princes among the Christians also haue charged their bisshops, and clergy to see diligently vnto their flockes and charges. And therefore Iosaphat charging here in this wise the Priestes and Leuites, doth it not with threates of his high displea∣sure, or by force of any his own Iniunctions, but only saith: So then doing, you shal not sinne or offende. The which very maner of speache, Christian Emperours and Kinges haue eftesones vsed in the lyke case, as we shall hereafter in the thirde booke by examples declare. But to make a short end of this matter euen out of this very Chapter, if you hadde M. Horne, layed forth, but the very next sentence and say∣ing of King Iosaphat, immediatly folowinge, you shoulde haue sene there, so plain a separation and distinction of the

spiritual and secular power (which in this place you labour to confounde) as a man can not wishe any plainer or more effectual.* 1.156 For thus saith king Iosaphat. Amarias the priest ād your bishop shal haue the gouernment of such things, as apper∣tayne to God. And Zabadias shal be ouer such works as apper∣tayne to the Kings office. Lo the Kings office, and diuine mat∣ters are of distinct functiōs.* 1.157 Ouer Gods matters is the priest, not as the Kings commissioner, but as the priestes alwaies were after the exāple of Moyses: But ouer the Kings works is the Kings Officier. And marke wel M. Horne this point. Zabadias is set ouer such works as belong to the Kings office. But such works, are no maner things pertayning to the Seruice of God. For ouer them Amarias the priest is president. Ergo the Kings office consisteth not aboute things pertayning to God, but is a distinct functiō concerning the cōmon weale. Ergo if the King intermedle in Gods matters,* 1.158 especially if he take vpon him the supreme gouernmēt thereof, euen ouer the priests themselues to whom that charge is committed, he passeth the bondes of his office, he breaketh the order appointed by God, and is become an open enemy to Gods holy ordinance. This place therefore, you depely dissem∣bled ād omitted M. Horne, lest you should haue discouered your own nakednesse, and haue brought to light the vtter cōfusion of you and your wretched doctrine. Except for a shift, you wil presse vs with the most wretched and trayte∣rous translatiō of this place in your common english bibles, printed in the yere 1562. Which for praesidebit, shal gouerne, doe turne, is amonge you. For your newe Geneuian bibles, which you take (I doubte not) for the more corrected, doe translate with vs: shalbe chief ouer you.

M. Horne. The 16. Diuision. Pag. 10. b.

Ezechias the king of Iuda, hath this testimony of the holy Ghost,* 1.159 that the like gouernour had not been, neither should bee after him amōgest the kings of ••uda. For he cleaued vnto the Lord, and svverued not from the preceptes vvhich the Lord gaue by Moyses. And to expresse, that the office, ••ule, and go∣uernment of a godly king consisteth, and is occupied according to Gods ordi∣naunce and precept, first of al in matters of Religion, and causes Ecclesiasti∣cal, the holy Ghost doth commende this king for his diligent care in refourmīg religion. He toke quite avvay (saith the holy ghost) al maner of Idolatry, su∣perstition, and false religion, yea, euen in the first yere of his reigne, and the first moneth he opened the doores of Gods house:* 1.160 He calleth as it vvere to a Sy∣node the Priestes, and Leuits, he maketh vnto them a long and pithy oration, declaring the horrible disorders and abuses that hath been in religion, the causes, and vvhat euils folovved to the vvhole realme thereupō: He declareth his ful determination to restore and refourme religiō according to Gods vvil. He commaundeth them therfore, that they laying aside al errours, ignoraūce, and negligence, do the partes of faithful ministers.

The Priestes and Leuits assembled together, did sanctifie themselues, and did purge the house of the Lorde from al vncleanes of false religion, at the commaundement of the King (.46.)* 1.161 concerning things of the Lord. That don, they came vnto the King, and made to him an accompt and report vvhat they had don, The King assembleth the chief rulers of the City, goeth to the Temple, be commaundeth the Priests and Leuits, to make obla∣tion and sacrifice for vvhole Israel. He appoin••eth the Leuits after their order in the house of the Lorde, ••o their musicall instruments, and of the Priestes to play on Shalmes, according as Dauid had disposed the order (47.)* 1.162 by the coū∣sell of the Prophetes. He and the Prince commaundeth the Leuites to praise the Lorde vvith that Psalme that Dauid made for the like purpose. He ap∣pointed a very solempne keaping and ministring of the Passeouer, vvhere∣unto be exhorteth al the Israelites, and to tourne from their Idolatrye and false religion vnto the Lorde God of Israel. He made solempne prayer for the people. The king vvith comfortable vvoordes encouraged the Leuites that vvere zelous, and hadde right iudgement of the Lorde, to off••e sacrifices of thankes geuing, and to prayse the Lorde the God of their Fathers, and assig∣ned the Priestes and Leuites to minister, and geue thankes, accordinge to

their offices in their courses and tournes. And for the better continuance of Gods true Religion, he caused a sufficient and liberall prouision to bee made from the people, for the Priests and Leuits, that they might vvholy, cheerfully, and constantly, serue the Lorde in their vocation. These doinges of the Kinge Ezechias touching matters of Religion, and the reformation thereof, saieth the holy ghost, vvas his acceptable seruice of the Lord, dutiful both to God and his people.

The 14. Chapter concerning the doinges of Ezechias.

HEre is nothing brought in by you, or before by the Apology (as M. Dorman, and M. Do∣ctour Harding doe wel answere) that forceth the surmised souerainty in King Ezechias, but that his powre and authority, was ready and seruiceable (as it ought to be in al Princes) for the executiō of things spiritual before determined, and not by him as su∣preame head newly establisshed: So in the place by you ci∣ted it is writen that he did,* 1.163 that which was good before the Lorde according to all things that Dauid his Father had done. So that as Dauid did al such matters, because the Prophets of God had so declared they should be done, so is Ezechias folowing his Father Dauid vnderstanded to haue done, not enactīg any religiō of his own, but settīg forthe that, which Gods Ministers had published. Likewise in your other place,* 1.164 according to the Kings and Gods cōmaundemēt. So other where,* 1.165 he did that which was good ād right before his Lord God, and he sowght God, with al his harte, after the Lawe and commaundemente, in al the works of the howse of God. And as your selfe shewe,* 1.166 he appointed the Leuits according as Da∣uid had disposed the order: And you adde by the councel of the

Prophetes, as though Dauid had firste done it by the aduise or counsell only of the Prophetes, and by his owne autho∣ritie. But the Scripture saith: Ezechias did thus according as Dauid had disposed, because it was the commaundement of God by the hande of his Prophetes. So that in al that Eze∣chias or before Iosaphat did, they did but as Dauid had don before: That is, they executed Gods commaundement de∣clared by the Prophetes. This is farre from enactinge a newe Religion by force of Supreme Authoritie, contrarie to the commaundement of God declared by the Bisshops and Priestes, the onely Ministers of God now in spirituall matters, as Prophetes were then in the like.

M. Horne. The .17. Diuision pag. 11 a.

Iosias had the like care for religion, and vsed in the same sort his princely authority, in reforming al abuses (48)* 1.167 in al maner causes Ecclesiastical These Godly Kings claimed and toke vpon them the supreme gouernment ouer the Ecclesiasticall persons of all degrees, and did rule, gouerne, and direct them in all their functions, and (.49.)* 1.168 in all manner causes belonging to Religion, and receiued thu witnes of their doings, to witte, that they did acceptable seruice, and nothing but that which was right in Gods sight. Therefore it follovveth well by good consequent, that Kings or Queenes may claime and take vpon them such gouernment in things or causes Ecclesiasticall. For that is right, saith the holy Ghost; they should than doe vvrong if they did it not.

The .15. Chapter of the doings of Iosias, with a con∣clusion of all the former examples.

Stapleton.

KING Iosias trauailed ful godly in suppressing Idolatrie by his Kingly authority.* 1.169 What then? So doe good Catholike Princes also, to plucke doune the Idols that ye and your brethrē haue of late sette vppe: and yet none of them, take them selues

for supreme heads in all causes Spirituall. And ye haue hi∣therto brought nothing effectuall to proue that the Kings of Israell did so: wherefore your conclusion, that they did rule, gouerne, and direct the Ecclesiasticall persons in all their functions, and in all maner causes of religion, is an open and a notorious lye: and the contrarye is by vs auouched and sufficiently proued by the authority of the old Testament, wherevppon ye haue hitherto rested and setled your selfe.

* 1.170But now that ye in all your exāples drawe nothing nigh the marke, but runne at rādon, and shoot al at rouers, is most euident to him that hath before his eye, the verye state of the question: whiche must be especially euer regarded of such as minde not to loosly and altogether vnfruitfully im∣ploye their laboure, and loose both their owne and their Readers labour. I pray you then good M. Horne bring [ 1] foorth that King that did not agnise one supreme head and chiefe iudge in all causes Ecclesiasticall among the Iewes, I meane the high Priest, wherein lieth all our chiefe que∣stion. Ye haue not yet done it, nor neuer shal doe it. And if ye could shew any, it were not worth the shewing. For ye should not shewe it in any good King, as being an open breache of Gods lawe geauen to him by Moyses: as these your doings are an open breach of Christ and his churches lawe, geuen to vs in the new Testament.

[ 2] Againe what president haue ye shewed of anye good King among the Iewes, that with his laitie, altered and a∣bandoned, the vsuall religion a thousande yeares and vp∣ward customablie from age to age receiued and embraced: and that, the High Priest and the whole Clergie resisting and gainsaiyng all such alterations? If ye haue not shewed this, ye haue straied farre from the marke.

What euidence haue ye brought forth to shewe that in [ 3] the olde Law, any King exacted of the Clergie in verbo sa∣cerdotij, that they shuld make none Ecclesiastical law with∣out his consent, as King Henrie did of the Clergie of Eng∣land? And so to make the Ciuil Magistrate the Supreame iudge for the finall determination of causes Ecclesiasti∣call?

What can ye bring forth out of the olde Testamente to [ 4] aide and relieue your doinges, who haue abandoned not onely the Pope, but Generall Councels also: and that by plaine acte of Parliament?* 1.171 I saye this partlye for a certaine clause of the Acte of Parliament, that for the determina∣tion of anye thinge to be adiudged to be heresie, reasteth only in the authoritie of the Canonicall Scriptures, and in the first foure General Councels, and other Councels general, wher∣in any thing is declared heresie by expresse wordes of scripture. By whiche rule it will be hard to conuince many froward obstinate heretikes to be heretikes: yea of such as euen by the saied fower first, and many other Councels general are condemned for heretikes. Partly, and most of al, I saye it, for an other clause in the acte of Parliament, enacting that no forraigne Prince Spirituall or temporal shall haue any au∣thoritie or Superioritie in this realme, in any Spirituall cause. And then I pray you, if any Generall Councell be made to reforme our misbelief, if we wil not receiue it, who shall force vs? And so ye see we be at libertie, to receiue or not receiue any general Councel. And yet might the Pope re∣forme vs wel inough for any thing before rehersed (for the Popes authority ecclesiastical is no more forraigne to this realme, then the Catholike faith is forraigne) sauing that he is by expresse wordes of the statute otherwise excluded.

[ 5] Now what can ye shewe that mere laie men should en∣ioye ecclesiastical liuings, as vsually they doe among you? [ 6] What good inductiō can ye bring from the doinges of the Kinges of the olde Lawe to iustifie, that Princes nowe may make Bishoppes by letters patents, and that for suche and so long time as should please them, as either for terme of yeares, moneths, weekes, or daies? What good motiue cā [ 7] ye gather by their regiment, that they did visit Bishops and Priestes, and by their lawes restrained them to exercise a∣ny iurisdiction ouer their flockes, to visite their flocks, to refourme them, to order or correcte them without their especiall authoritie and commission therevnto? Yea to restraine them by an inhibition from preaching,* 1.172 whiche ye confesse to be the peculiar function of the Clergie, exem∣pted [ 8] from all superioritie of the Prince? What? Thinke ye that yee can perswade vs also, that Bishops and Priestes paied their first fruits and tenthes to their Princes, yea and that both in one yeare, as they did for a while in Kinge Henrie his dayes?* 1.173 Verelye Ioseph would not suffer the very heathen Priestes (which onely had the bare names of Priests) to paye either tithes or fines to Pharao their Prince. Yea rather he found them in time of famine vpon the com∣mon store.

[ 9] Are ye able (suppose ye) to name vs any one King, that wrote him selfe Supreame head of the Iewish Church, and that in all causes as well Spirituall as Temporall: and that caused an Othe to the Priestes and people (the Nobilitie onelye exempted) to be tendred, that they in conscience did so beleue? and that in a woman Prince too, yea and that vnder paine of premunire and plaine treason too?

O M. Horne, your manifolde vntruthes are disciphired

and vnbuckled, ye are espied, ye are espied, I say, well e∣nough, that ye come not by a thousande yardes and more nigh the marke. Your bowe is to weake, your armes to feable, to shoot with any your cōmendation at this marke: yea if ye were as good an archer, as were that famous Ro∣bin Hood, or Litle Iohn. Wel shift your bowe, or at the least wise your string. Let the olde Testament goe, and pro∣cede to your other proufes, wherein we will nowe see if ye can shoote any streighter. For hitherto ye haue shotten al awrye, and as a man may saye, like a blinde man. See now to your selfe from henseforth that ye open your eies, and that ye haue a good eye and a good aime to the marke we haue set before you. If not, be ye assured we wil make no curtesie eftsones to put you in remembrance. For hi∣therto ye haue nothing proued that Princes ought, which ye promised to proue, or that they may take vppon them such gouernment, as I haue laid before you, and such as ye must in euery parte iustifie, if either ye will M. Fekenham shal take the Othe, or that ye entende to proue your selfe a true man of your worde.

M. Horne. The .18. Diuision. pag. 11. b.

You suppose, that ye haue escaped the force of all these and such like god∣ly Kings (which doe marueilously shake your holde) and that they may not be alleaged against you, neither any testimonie out of the olde testament, for that ye haue restrained the proufe for your contentation, to such order of go¦uernment as Christ hath assigned in the Ghospel, to be in the time of the nevv testament, wherein you haue sought a subtil shifte. For whiles ye seeke to cloke your errour vnder the shadovve of Christes Ghospel▪ you bevvray your secrete heresies, turning your self naked to be sene of al men, and your cause notvvithstanding, lest in the state it vvas before, nothing holpen by this your poore shift of restraint. So that vvhere your friendes tooke you be∣fore but onely for a Papist: novv haue you shevved your selfe to them plainly

herein to be a (.50.)* 1.174 Donatist also. VVhen the Donatists troubled the peace of Christes Catholique Church, and diuided them selues from the vnity ther∣of, as nor•• you doe: The godlie Fathers trauailed to confute their heresies by the Scriptures, both of the olde and nevve testament: and also craued aide and assistaunce of the Magistrates and Rulers to refourme them, to reduce them to the vnitie of the Churche, and to represse their heresies, vvith their authoritie and godlie lavves made for that purpose, to vvhome it belonged of duetie, and vvhose especial seruice to Christ is, to see, care, and prouide, that their subiectes be gouerned, defended, and mainteined in the true and sincere religion of Christ, vvithout al errours, superstitions and heresies, as S. Augu∣stine proueth at large in his Epistle against Vincentius a Rogatist, in his Epi∣stle to Bonifacius, and in his booke against Petilian, and Gaudentius letters. Against this Catholique Doctrine, your auncestours the Donatistes, arise vp and defend them selues vvith this colour or pretence, that they be of the Ca∣tholique faith, and that their church is the Catholique church: (VVhich shift for their defence against Gods truth, the Popish sectaries doe vse in this our time, being (.51.)* 1.175 no more of the one, or of the other, then vvere the Dona∣tists and such like, of vvhom they learned to couer their horrible heresies vnder the same faire cloke) that the secular Princes haue not to meddle in matters of religion or causes Ecclesiastiall. That God committed not the tea∣ching of his people to Kings, but to Prophetes Christ sent not souldiours but fishers, to bring in and further his religion, that there is no example of such order, found in the Gospell or nevv Testament, vvherby it may appeare, that to secular Princes it belongeth to haue care in matters of religion. And that (as it semeth by that S Augustine by preuention obiecteth against them) they subtilly refused all proufes or examples auouched out of the Olde testamente (as ye craftely doe also, in binding me onelie to the Nevv testament) vvhich S. Augustine calleth: an odious and vvicked guile of the Donatists. Let your friends novv, vvhome ye vvill seeme to please so much, vvhen you beguile them most of all, vveigh vvith aduisement, vvhat vvas the erro∣nious opinion touching the authoritie of Princes in causes Ecclesiastical of the Donatists (as it is here rightly gathered foorth of S. Augustine) and let them consider vvisely these foule shiftes they make for their defence: And then compare your opinion and guilefull defences thereof to theirs and they must needs clappe you on the backe, and saye to you Patrisas, (if there be any vp∣right

right iudgement in them) deming you so like your graundsier Donatus, as though he had spitte you out of his ovvne mouth.

The .16. Chapter declaring in howe many pointes Protestants are Donatists: and by the way of M. Foxes Martyrs.

Stapleton.

HITHERTO, good Reader, M. Horne al∣though vntruely, yet hath he somwhat order∣like proceeded. But in that which followeth vntill we come to the .20. leafe, beside moste impudent and shamelesse lyes,* 1.176 wherwith he would deface M. Fekenham, he prosequuteth his matter so confusely and vnorderly, leaping in and out, I can not tel howe, nor whi∣ther: that I verely thinke that his wits were not his owne, being perchance encombred with some his domestical af∣faires at home, that he could not gather them together, or that he the lesse passed, what an hodge potche he made of his doings, thinking which is like, that his fellowes Prote∣stantes woulde take all things in good gree, knowing that poore M. Fekenham was shut vp close inough, from al an∣swering. And thinking that no Catholique els woulde take vppon him to answere to his lewde booke. I had thought M. Horne, that from the olde Testament, ye woulde haue gone to the newe Testament: and woulde haue laboured to haue established your matters therby. Belike the world goeth very hard with you in that behalfe, that ye doe not so: sauing that here and there ye iumble in a testimonie or two, I can not tell how, but howe vnhandsomly and from the purpose, yea against your owne selfe, that I wot well, and ye shall anon heare of it also.

In the meane while it is worth the labour well to con∣sider the excellent pregnant witte and greate skill of this man, who hath in the former Treatise of M. Fekenham es∣pied out (which surely the wisest, and best learned of all the worlde I trowe, beside M. Horne, would neuer haue espied, such a special grace the man hath geuen him of his maister the Deuill of mere malice, ioyned with like follie) that M. Fekenham is an Heretike, and a Donatist. But yet M. Fekenham is somewhat beholding to him, that he saith M. Fekenham hath bewrayed his secrete heresies. Wherein he saith for the one part most truely. For if there be any heresie at all in this matter surmised vppon him, as certain∣ly there is none, it is so secrete and priuie, that Argus him∣selfe, with al his eyes shall neuer espye it: no nor M. Horne him selfe, let him prie neuer so narrowly: whereas on the other side, M. Horn and his fellowes, and his Maisters Lu∣thers and Caluins heresies, are no secrete nor simple here∣sies, but so manifolde and so open, that they haue no waye or shift to saue their good name and honestie, blotted and blemished for euer (without repentance) for the obstinate maintenance of the same. Where of many were, many hū∣dred yeares since, condemned, partly by the holy Fathers, partly by General Councels. You say M. Fekenham hath secrete heresies, and that Donatus is his great grandsi••, and the Donatists the Catholikes auncetours: but how truly, you shal vnderstād anon. In the meane while good Syr, may it please you fauourably to heare you and your maisters honorable pedegre; and of their worthy feares and prowes. You haue heard of them before perhaps,* 1.177 and that by mee. But suche things as may edifie the Catholike, ād can neuer be answe∣red by the Heretike, Decies repetita placebunt.

Howe say you then to the great heretik Aerius the Ar∣rian,* 1.178 that said there was no difference betwene priest and Bisshop, betwene him that fasted and that did not faste, and that the sacrifice for the deade was fruitlesse? How say you to Iouinian, that denied virginity to haue any excellencye aboue matrimony, or any special rewarde at Gods handes?* 1.179 To the Arrians that denied the miracles done at the saintes tōbes to be true miracles, and that the martyrs cā not caste out the diuels and relieue thē that be possessed? To the Bo∣gomyles that said the deuils sate at the saints tōbes and did wonders there, to illude and deceiue the people, to cause the people to worship them? To Berengarius condemned in diuers councels, first for denying of the real presence in the sacrament of the aulter, and then for denying the tran∣substantiatiō? To the Paulicians,* 1.180 that saied these wordes of Christe, Take, eate, this is my body, are not to be vnderstan∣ded of his bodye, or the breade and wine vsed at the cele∣bration of our Lordes maundy, but of the holy scriptures, which the Priests should take at Christes hand, and deliuer and distribute to the people? To Claudius and Vigilantius, that denied the inuocation of Saintes, and inueyed against the blessed reliques, and the vse of Lights and other cere∣monies in the Church? To the Massalians and other here∣tiks, saying that concupiscence as a sinne remayneth in vs after holy baptisme? And because ye shal not say I suppresse, conceile, or obscure, the chief and most notable persons of your auncetry: how say you to the Emperours Philippicus, Leo, Constantinus, condēned with their adherētes by the .7. general coūcel at Nice, that vilayned by defacing, breaking and burnīg, the Images of al the holy hallowes of Christ, ād Christes to? To whome for your more honour and glorye

I adioyne the Emperour Iulianus the Apostata. Who as ye doe in your books and pulpits,* 1.181 cried out vpon the Christiās. O ye wretched men, that worship the wood of the crosse, set∣ting vp the figure of it vppon your forehed and dores: you there∣fore that are of the wiseste sorte are worthy to be hated, and the residewe to be pityed, that treading after your steppes come to such a kinde of Wretchednes. To the Pelagians, affirming that children not baptized shalbe saued? And yet are your mai∣sters in this point worse then the Pelagians, as wel for that some of them haue said, that some Infants thowgh vnbapti∣zed shalbe damned, and some other though vnbaptized shal be saued: And some of them especially Caluin and other Sacramentaries say, that they shal come without Baptisme to the Kingdom of heauen: which the Pelagians durste not say, but that they should haue the life euerlasting, put∣ting a difference, but peuishly, betwixte those two. And if ye thinke the race of your worthye generation is not fet∣ched highe inoughe,* 1.182 we will mounte higher, and as high as maye be, euen to Simon Magus him selfe. Of whome Mar∣cion and Manicheus,* 1.183 and after long and honorable succes∣sion your Patriarches Luter and Caluin haue learned their goodly doctrine against free will. Yea to touche the verye foundatiō and wel spring of this your new gospel, which al∣together is grounded vpō iustificatiō without good works, in that also ye drawe very nigh to the said Simon Magus.* 1.184

I forbeare at this time to speake of the residewe of your noble progenitours, hauing in other places (as I noted be∣fore) spoken largely of the same. This shall suffice, at thys present, to make open to all the world, that they are no pe∣tit or secrete heresies that ye and your fellowes mainteine. Come foorthe once, and cleare your selfe of this onelye

obiection, if yow can, being so often pressed therewith. If you maintaine olde condēned heresies, what are yow lesse then heretiks your selues? If yow maintaine them not, or if they be not olde heresies which you maintaine, clere your self if you be able. I assure you M. Horn, you and al your fe∣lowes wil neuer be able to auoide this one onely obiectiō. And therfore you and al your fellowes must nedes remaine stark hereticks, and for such to be abhorred and abādonned (except you repēt) of al good Christiās.* 1.185 Now as I haue pro∣ued yow and your companions open and notable heretiks, so shal I straite way purge M. Fekenham to be no Donatist, or any heretik otherwise, for any thing yet by you layde to his charge. But now Maister Horne beware your self, leaste this vniuste accusation against Maister Fekenham and the Catholikes whome ye cōpare to the Donatistes causelesse,* 1.186 moste iustly and truely redounde vpon your and your fel∣lowes heades. Beware I say. For I suppose I will laye more pregnante matter in this behalfe to your and their charge, then ye haue or possible can doe to Maister Fekenham or any other Catholike, whereof I dare make any indifferent Reader iudge. If I should dilate and amplifie this matter at large, yt would rise to a prety volume: but I will purposely abridge yt, and giue the Reader as it were but a taste.* 1.187

They were al called first Donatistes: but as the first fell from the Churche Catholike: so fell they also afterwarde from their owne Churche and maister, into an horrible di∣uision, of the Maximianistes, Circumcellions, Rogatistes, Circenses and others. A lyuelye paterne of the sectes sprōg from your Apostle Luther, as in their pedegree in the Apo∣logy of Staphylus euery man may see.

The Donatistes would somtyme crake and bragge of

their multitude, and bring it as an argument that the truth was on their side, as doth your Apologie. Which being re∣strayned by the Emperours Lawes, and dayly diminishing, then they cried, the truthe resteth with the fewe elected and chosen parsons: then cried they: O lytle flocke feare not, as ye did, when ye were as yet but in corners, rotten barnes, and Luskye lanes.

* 1.188The Donatistes when they could not iustifie their own doctrine, nor disproue the Catholiks doctrine, leauing the doctrine, fel to rayling, against the vitiouse lyfe of the Ca∣tholiks. In this point, who be Donatists, I referre me to Lu∣thers and Caluins books, especially to M. Iewel, and to your owne Apologie.

* 1.189The Donatistes refused the open knowen Catholicke Churche, and sayde the Church remayned onely in those that were of their side in certayne corners of Afrike. And sing not ye the like songe, preferring your Geneua and Wit∣tenberge, before the whole Catholike Church beside?

The Donatistes corrupted the Fathers books wonder∣fully, and were so impudent in alleaging them, that in their publike conference at Carthage, they pressed much vppon Optatus wordes, and layde him forth as an author making for them,* 1.190 who yet wrote expressely against them, and in all his writings condemned them. Is not this I pray yow the vsuall practise of your Apostles Luther and Caluin, of M. Iewel, and your own to, in this booke? as I truste we haue and shal make it most euidēt. And here let M. Dawes beare you company to, in the crafty and false handling of his own deare brothers Sleydans story, where he leaueth out Alex∣ander Farnesius oration to the Emperour, wherein he she∣weth the Protestants dissensions.

The Donatists to get some credite to their doctrine pre∣tended many false visions and miracles, and they thowght that God spake to Donatus from heauen: And doth not M. Foxe in his donghil of stinckinge martyrs pretely followe them therein trowe you?* 1.191 Hathe not the lyke practise bene attempted of late in Hūgary, to authorise the new ghospell by pretēding to restore lyfe to an holy brother feyning him self to be dead, and by the great prouidence of God, found to be dead in dede?* 1.192 Did not your Apostle Luther boast himself of his visions and reuelations? Which how coelesti∣all they were doth sone appere, for that hī self writeth, that the deuil appered vnto him in the night, and disputed with him against priuate masse: by whose mightye and weightye reasons Luther being ouerthrowen yelded, and inconti∣nently wrote against priuate masse as ye cal it.* 1.193

Did not the Donatists preferre, and more exsteme one national erroniouse councel in Aphrica, then the great and general coūcel at Nice? kepe not ye also this trade prefer∣ring your forged Conuocation libell before the Generall Councel of Trident?

The Donatists said that al the world was in an apostasie at the cōming of their apostle Donatus: And is not Luther the same man to yow, that Donatus was to them? doth not one of your greatest clerks there with you now write, that Wyclyff begatte Husse, Husse begotte Luther: and thē addeth a shameful blasphemous note, this is the seconde Natiuitye of Christe?

The Donatists being charged and pressed by the Catho∣liks to shewe the beginning and continuance of their do∣ctrine, and the ordinary successiō of their Bisshops, were so encombred, that they could neuer make any conueniente

answer. And are not ye I pray you, with your felowes pro∣testāt bishops, fast, in the same myre? If not, answer then to my thirde demaunde in the Fortresse annexed to S. Bede.

* 1.194The Donatists fynding faulte with Constantine, Theo∣dosius, and other Catholik princes, ranne for succour to Iu∣lianus the renegate and highly commended him. And doth not M. Iewel, I pray you, take for his president against the Popes primacy Constantius the Arrian, against Images Philippicus, Leo, Cōstantinus and such like detestable here∣tiks by general councels condemned? Do not your self play the like parte in the Emperour Emanuel, as ye cal him, and in other as we shal hereafter declare?

Now who are, I pray you, Donatists, for the defacing and ouerthrowing of Aulters, for vilaining the holy Chrisme, and the holy Sacrament of the aulter? Which they cast vnto dogs: which straitwaies by the ordinance of God,* 1.195 fell vpon them, and being therin Gods ministers, made them fele the smart of their impietie. It were a tragical narration, to open the great and incredible crueltie that the Donatists vsed toward the Ca∣tholiks, and especially their horrible rauishment of religious Nonnes. And yet were they nothing so outragious, as your Hugonots haue bene of late in France, and the beggarly Guets here in Flandres, namely about Tournaye.

The Donatists said of the Catholiks: Illi portant multorū Imperatorum sacra. Nos sola portamus euangelia. They bring vs many of the Emperours letters, we bring the only ghos∣pels. And is not this the voyce of all Protestantes whatsoe∣uer? Only Scripture, only the gospel, only the word of God? And for the first parte, what is more common in the mou∣thes of the Germayn Lutherans, of the French Caluinistes, and now of the flemmish Guets, then this complaint, that we presse them with the Emperours Diets, with the Kings

proclamations, and with the Princes placarts? To the which they obey as much as the Donatists, when they haue pow∣er to resiste.

Wel, we wil nowe leaue of al other conference and cō∣parisons, and tarry a litle in one more.* 1.196 The Donatists though they were most wicked Murtherers of others and of them selues also, killing them selues moste wretchedly without any other outward violence don to them: yet were they takē of their confederats for Martyrs. Of whome thus wri∣teth S. Augustin. Viuebant vt Latrones, moriebantur vt Cir∣cumcelliones, honorabantur vt Martyres.* 1.197 They liued like rob∣bers by the high way, they died like Circumcellions (mea∣ning thei slew them selues) they were honored as Martyrs. And now where lerned M. Foxe the trade to make his holy canonisation, in his deuelish dirty donghil of his fowle here∣tical ād trayterous Martyrs, but of those ād such like schole∣maisters? As of the Montanists, that worshipped one Alex∣ander for a worshipful martyr, thowgh he suffred for no mat∣ter of religiō, but for myscheuous murther. And of the Ma∣niches, that kepte the day wherein their maister Manes was put to death, more solemply, then Easter day.

Haue ye not thē in M. Foxe, Sir Iohn Oldcastle, and Syr Roger Acton canonised for holy martyrs, though they died for high treason? yea their names al to be painted, dasshed, ād florished in the kalender with read letters, I thinke because we shoulde kepe their daye a double feaste? Whose and their confederates condemnation for conspiringe againste the Kinge, the nobilitye, and their countreye, appereth aswell by acte of parliament then made, as by the full testimony of all our English Cronicles. Is not dame Ellea∣nour Cobhā a stowte confessour in this madde martyrloge?

whose banishment was not for religion,* 1.198 but for conspiringe King Henry the sixts death by wytchrafte and sorcery, by the help and assistance of M. Roger Bolinbroke, and Mar∣garet Iordeman, commonly called the Witche of Aey? The which two were openly executed for the same. But nowe is it worth the hearing to know, how handsomly M. Foxe hath conceyued his matters: wherein he plaieth in dede the wily Foxe and springleth with his false wily tayle, his fylthy stale not into the doggs, but into his readers eies. And as the Foxe, as some hūters say, when he is sore driuen, wil crafte∣ly mount from the earth and kepe himself a while vpon the eather of a hedge, only to cause the howndes that drawe af∣ter him to leese the sente of the tracte: euen so for all the worlde hath our Foxe plaied with his reader. But I trust I shal trace him, and smel him out wel inoughe.

First then, though M. Foxes authority be very large and ample in this his canonisation, and such as neuer any Pope durste take vpon him, yea and though he hath authority to make martyrs,* 1.199 yet I dowbte whether he hath authority to make Knights to: for this Sir Roger Onley is neither a Sir, but of M. Foxes making, nor Onley neither: But M. Roger Bolinbroke only: put to death for the treason before speci∣fied, as not onely his owne authours Fabian and Harding, whome he doth alleage for the story of Dame Elleanour, but al other also doe testifie. Truthe it is that Harding wri∣ting in English meeter and speaking of this M. Bolinbroke endeth one of his staues with this worde Only, which is there to signifie no name, but to better and sweate the mee∣ter, and is as much to say, as chiefly and principally, meaning that Maister Roger was the principal worker in this nigro∣mancy. The meeters of Harding are these.

He waxed then strange eche day vnto the King, For cause she was foreiudged for sorcery,* 1.200 For enchantments that she was in working Against the Church and the King cursedly, By helpe of one M. Roger, only.

Whiche last woorde, some ignorant or Protestant Printer hath made Oonly. And then hath M. Fox added a Syr, and a Martyr too, and adorned him with no common inke, to set foorth and beutify his Martyr withal. And so of M. Ro∣ger Bolinbroke, sorcerer and traitour, by a cunning Meta∣morphosis he hath made, Syr Roger Onlye Knight and Martyr.

Wel, wil ye yet see further the craftie dubling of a Fox, walking on the eather of the hedge? Consider then that, for Margaret Iordaman that notable witch (least if he had named her and M. Bolinbroke by their own names, he had marred al the rost) he placeth an other woman, that by his owne rule died fortie yeares after.* 1.201 And yet can he not hit vpon her name neither, but is faine to call her, in steed of Ione Bowghton, the mother of the Ladie Yong, who in deed is one of his stinking hereticall and foolish Martyrs. For she craked ful stoutly that there was no fier, that could consume or hurt her. I could here name a rablemente of like holy Martyrs, as Richard Hune, that hong him selfe: King, Debnam, and Marsh, hanged for sacrilege. Beside a number of such notoriouse and detestable heretiques, that M. Foxe him selfe wil not I trowe, as great an heretike as he is, denie them to be heretiks. As Peter a Germain being an Anabaptist: as Anthonie Person an Heretike of the secte of the Paulicians, of whom we haue spoken.* 1.202 As D. Wesalian, that denied the holy Ghost to procede from the

Father and the sonne. And to conclude this matter, of the notable heretike Cowbridge, burnte at Oxford. Who ex∣pounded these wordes of Christ, Take eate this is my bodie that shalbe betrayed for you.* 1.203 thus: Take, eate, this is my body, in the which the peple shalbe deceiued. Who also affirmed that the name of Christ was a foule name, and therfore ra∣ced it out of his bookes, whersoeuer he foūd it. And would reade for Iesu Christ: Iesu, Iesu, saiyng that Christ was the deceiuer of the world, and that al were damned in hel, that beleued in the name of Christ. We wil now with this bles∣sed Martyr of M. Foxes canonisation ende this talke with the whole conference, leauing it to the indifferent Reader to consider whether the Catholiques, or the Protestantes, drawe nearer to the Donatists.

Let vs then procede foorth, and consider vppon what good motiues, ye charge M. Fekenham to be a Donatiste, which are, to say the truth, none other but falshod and fol∣lie. But, as ye surmise, the one is, because he craftelye and by a subtill shift refuseth the proufes of the olde Testamente, as the Donatists did. The other, because he with the said Donatists shoulde auouche, that secular Princes haue not to meddle in matters of Religion, or causes Ecclesiasticall: nor to punishe anye man for suche causes. Surely for your firste motiue so fine and subtile a blaste of an horne, a man shal not light∣lye find againe among al the horners in England I suppose. But yet by your leaue Syr, your horne hath a foule flawe. When M Fekenham offereth to yeld, if ye can proue this re∣giment either by the order that Christ left behinde him in the new Testament, either by the Doctours, either by Councels, or els by the cōtinual practise of any one Church, think you M. Horne that this is not a large and an ample offer? I wil not say, that

this is subtyle shift, but rather a very blind, bytle blonte shifte of yours, to charge him with any refusall of the olde Testament, either openly or couertly. There is not so much as anye coniecture apparente, to gather this vppon, yea the olde Testamente is not by this offerre, as ye blindlye and blontly gheasse, excluded, but verely included. For if the new Testament, which reherseth many things out of the olde, haue any thing out of the olde Testamente, that make for this regimente: yf any Doctour, olde or newe, yf any Councell haue any thinge oute of the olde Testa∣ment that serue for this regimente, then is Maister Feken∣ham concluded, yea by his owne graunte. For so the Do∣ctour or Councel hath yt, he is satisfied accordinge to his demaunde. Whereby it foloweth, that he doth not refuse, but rather alowe and affirme the proufes of the olde Testa∣mente. And surely wise men vse not greatly to shew that, that maketh against them, but most for them. Wherefore it is incredible, that Maister Fekenham shoulde ons imagyn any suche syftynge or shyftynge as ye dreame of, hauinge wonne his purpose againste you euen by the verye olde Testamente as we haue declared. And therfore it is spo∣ken but in your dreame, when ye say, ye haue thereby with meruelouse force shaken M. Fekenhams holde: which suerlye is so forcible, as wil not beate down a very paper wal. And meruayle were it, yf ye shoulde so batter his holde, when that these your great cannons come not nigh his holde by one thowsande myles.

Againe this accusation is incredible. For M. Fekenham him selfe is so farre of from this suspition, that he himselfe, bringeth in against you many and good testimonies of the old Law. (as fol. 109. and 123.) by the force whereof only he

may be thought to haue shaken and ouerthrowen to, your rotten weake holde vnderpropped with your great Samp∣sons postes as mighty as bulrushes. But I perceiue by your good Logike, your Law, and like Diuinity, silēce maketh a denial, and because M. Fekenham maketh no mention in this place of the matter to be proued by the old Testamēt, therfore he subtillie refuseth the proufes thereof. But yee should rather me thinketh induce the contrary, and that he consenteth to you for the olde Testament: Quia qui tacet, consentire videtur: (as the olde saiyng is) For he that hol∣deth his peace, seemeth to consent: and so ye might haue better forced vppon him that all was yours, presupposing that ye had proued the matter by the olde Testament.

But you will needes driue your reason an other waye. Let vs see then, what we Catholiques can saye to you for your Apologie by the like drifte. You and your Collea∣ges, seing your selues charged with many heresies, to wipe away that blotte if it be possible, and for your better pur∣gation, take vpon you, to shew your whole, ful, and entier belief. And therevpon you recite the Articles of the com∣mon Crede. But now good Syr, I aske you a questiō: What if by chaunce you had omitted any one of them, would ye gladly be measured by this rule, yee measure M. Fekenham by? Would ye be content, that the Catholiques should lay to your charge, that ye subtilly refuse that article, that you haue forslowen to reherse? If ye would not, thē must I say to you with Christe: Quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri non facias. Do you not to an other, that ye would not haue don to your selfe. If you say, that ye are content to stande to the very same lawe, as if ye be a reasonable and a constant man you must needes say: Loe then good Syr, you haue

concluded your selfe and all your companions plaine here∣tiques, for the refusal of the Article,* 1.204 Conceiued of the holye Ghost, whiche ye omitte in the rehearsall of your Creede, which Article I am assured, ye find not there. Then fur∣ther, seing that the Archeheretique Eutiches, and before him Appollinarius in the recitinge of the common Creede ranne in a maner the same race, you following them at the heeles, as fast as may be, pretermitting also these wordes: Incarnatus est de Spiritu sancto: here might we euen by your owne rule and exaumple, crye oute vppon you all as A∣pollinarians and Eutichians, and that with more colou∣rable matter, then you haue, eyther to make Maister Fe∣kenham a Donatiste, or that your Apologie hath to make the worthie and learned Cardinall Hosius a Zuenckfeldi∣an. Wherein your Rethorique is all togeather as good, as is this yours here against Maister Fekenham. Neither doe we greatly passe, howe the Donatistes in this pointe demeaned them selues, and whether they openly or priui∣lie shonned proufes brought and deduced out of the olde Testament. In deed the Manichees denied the authori∣tie of the bookes of the old Law and Testament: whiche I reade not of the Donatists.* 1.205 Yea in the very same boke and chapter by you alleaged, Petilian him self, taketh his proufe against the Catholikes out of the olde Testament, whiche you know could serue him in litle stede, if he him selfe did reiect such kind of euidences. This now shall suffice for this branche, to purge M. Fekenham that he is no Donatist, or Heretique otherwise.

Concerning the other, beside your falshood, your great follie doth also shew it sesfe too, as well as in the other, to imagin him to be a Donatist, and to think or say as you say

they did, that ciuile magistrates haue not to do with religiō, nor may not punish the trāsgressours of the same. M. Fekenhā saith no such thing, ād I suppose he thinketh no such thing: and furder I dare be as bold to say, that there is not so much as a light cōiecture to be groūded therof by any of M. Feken∣hās words, onlesse M. Horne become sodenly so subtil, that he thinketh no differēce to say: the Prince shuld not punish an honest true mā, in stede of a theef, ād to say he shuld not punish a theef. Or to say, there is no difference betwixt al∣things ād nothing. For though M. Fekenhā ād al other Ca∣tholiks do deny the ciuile Princes supreme gouernmēt in al causes ecclesiasticall, yet doth not M. Fekenhā or any Ca∣tholike deny but that ciuil Princes may deale in some mat∣ters ecclesiastical as aduocates and defendours of the chur∣che, namely in punishing of heretikes by sharp lawes, vnto the which lawes, heretikes are by the Church first geuē vp and deliuered by open excōmunication and condemnatiō.

As for S. Augustines testimonies they nothing touch M. Fekenham, and therefore we will say nothing to them, but kepe our accustomable tale with you, and beside all other score vp as an vntruth that ye say here also, that the Papists are no parte of the Catholique Churche, no more then the Donatistes.

M. Horne. The .19. Diuision. pag. 12. b.

But for that S. Augustines iudgemēt and mine in this controuersie is all one, as your opinion herein differeth nothing at al from the Donatists: I vvil vse no other confirmation of my proufes alleaged out of the olde testament, for the reproufe of your guilful restraint, then Christes Catholique Church, vttered by that Catholique Doctour S. Augustine, against all the sectes of Donatistes, vvhether they be Gaudentians, Petilians, Rogatists, * 1.206 Papists, or any other petit sectes sprōg out of his loines vvhat name so euer they haue.

S. Austine against Gaudētius, his second Epistle affirmeth, saiyng: I haue

(saith he) already hertofore made it manifest,* 1.207 that it apertained to the kings charge, that the Niniuites shoulde pacifye Gods wrath, which the Prophet had denoūced vnto thē. The kings which are of Christes Church, do iudge most rightly, that it ap∣pertaineth vnto their cure that you (Donatists) rebel not with∣out punishmēt agaīst the same, &c. God doth inspire into kīgs that they should procure the cōmaundement of the Lorde, to be performed or kept in their kingdom. For they to whom it is said: and now ye kings vnderstand, be ye learned ye Iudges of the earth, serue the Lord in feare: do perceiue that their auto∣riti ought so to serue the lord, that such as wil not obei his wil should be punished of that autority, &c. Yea saith the same S. Aug. Let the kings of the erth serue Christ, euē in making lawes for Christ. meaning for the furtherance of Christes religiō.* 1.208 How then doth kings (saith S. Aug. to Bonifacius,* 1.209 against the Donatists) serue the Lord with reuerēce, but in forbidding and punishing with a reli∣gious seuerity, such things as are don against the Lords com∣maūdements? For a king serueth one way in that he is a man, an other way, in respect that he is a king. Because in respecte that he is but a mā, he serueth the Lord in liuing faithfully: but in that he is also a king, he serueth in making lawes of cōue∣nient force to cōmaūd iust things, ād to forbid the cōtrary, &c. In this therfore kings serue the Lord, whē they do those things to serue him, which thei could not do were thei not kings. &c. But after that this begā to be fulfilled which is writē: and al the kings of the earth shal worship him, al the nations shal serue him, what mā being in his right wittes, may say to Kings: Care not you in your Kingdomes, who defēdeth or oppugneth the Church of your Lord? Let it not appertaine, or be any part of your care, who is religious in your kingdome, or a wicked de∣prauer of Religion.

This vvas the iudgemēt of S. Aug. or rather of Christes Catholike Church, vttered by him against the Donatists, touching the seruice, authority, povver, ād care, that Kings haue or ought to haue in causes spiritual or ecclesiastical, the vvhich is also the iudgemēt of Christes catholik church, novv in these dais

and defended, by the true ministers of the same Catholique Churche, against al Popish Donatists: vvith the force of Gods holy vvoorde, bothe of the old and nevv Testament, euen as S. Augustine did before. VVho to proue and confirme this his assertiō to be true against the Donatists, did auouch ma∣ny moe examples, then I haue cited out of the old Testament: as of the King of Niniue,* 1.210 of Darius, Nabuchodonozor, and others: affirming that the histo∣ries and other testimonies, cited out of the old Testament, are partely figures, and partly prophecies, of the povver, duety, and seruice that Kings shoulde ovve and perfourme in like sort, to the furtherance of Christes Religion in the time of the nevv Testament. The Donatists in the defence of their heresie, re∣strained S. Augustine, to the exāple and testimony, of such like order of Prin∣ces Seruice in matters of Religion, to be found in the Scriptures of the nevve Testament: meaning that it could not be found in any order that Christ lefte behind him, as you also fantasied vvhē you vvrote the same in your boke folo∣vving, yea, going euen cheke by cheke vvith thē. But S. Austine maketh an∣svvere to you al for him and me both: VVho, rehearsing the actes of the god∣ly Kings of the old Testament,* 1.211 taketh this for a thing not to be denied, to vvit, That the auncient actes of the godly kings mentioned in the Prophetical bokes, were figures of the like facts to be don by the godly Princes in the time of the new Testament.

And although there vvas not in the time of the Apostles, nor long time af∣ter,* 1.212 any Kings or Princes, that put the same ordinance of Christ in practise, al being infidels for the most part: Yet the seruice of kings was figured (as S. Augustine saith) in Nabuchodonozor and others, to be put in practise,* 1.213 whē this of .71. Psalm should be fulfilled: and al the kings of the earth shal worship Christ, and all nations shall serue him, &c. As yet in the Apostles time, this prophecy (saith he) was not fulfilled: and now ye Kings vnderstand, be learned ye that iudge the earth, and serue the Lorde in feare with re∣uerence.* 1.214 VVhen the Christian Emperours and Princes (saith this Catholique Father) shal heare that Nabuchodonozor, after he had seene the marueilouse power of almighty God, in sauing the three yong men, from the violence of the fire, walking therin without hurte, was so astonied at the miracle, that he him selfe beinge before this but a cruell Idolatour, beganne

forthwith vpon this wonderous sight, to vnderstand and serue the Lorde with reuerent feare: Doo not they vnderstande, that th••••e thinges, are therefore writen and recited in the Chri∣stian assemblies, that these should be exāples to themselues of faith in God, to the furtherance of Religion? These Christian rulers, therefore minding according to the admonition of the Psalme, to vnderstand, to be learned, and to serue the Lord with reuerent feare, do very attentiuely giue eare, and marke what Nabuchodonozor after said: for he, saieth the Prophet, made a decree or statute, for al the people that were vnder his obeis∣sāce: that who so euer should after the publicatiō therof, speak any blasphemy against the almighty, they should suffer death, ād their goods be cōfiscate. Now if the Christian Emperours, ād Kings, do know, that Nabuchodonozor made this decree agaīst the blasphemers of God, surely they cast in their mīdes, what they are boūde to decree in their kīgdoms, to wit, that the self same God, and his Sacramēts, be not lightly set by and cōtem∣ned. Thus farre S. Augustin: By vvhose iudgement,* 1.215 being also the iudge∣ment of the catholik Church, it is manifest, that the order, rule, and gouern∣ment, in Ecclesiastical causes, practised by the Kinges of the olde Testament, being figures and prophecies, of the lyke gouernment, and seruice, to be in the Kinges vnder the nevv Testament, is the order of gouernment, that Christ left behinde him in the Ghospel and nevv Testament: and so directly confuteth your (.52.)* 1.216 erroneous opinion.

Stapleton.

Lo, nowe haue we moe testimonies of S. Augustine to proue that, for the which he hath alleaged many things out of S. Augustin alredy and the which no man denieth. For what els proueth al this out of S. Augustine, both now and before alleaged, but that Christen Princes ought to make lawes and cōstitutions (euen as M. Horne him self expoun∣deth it fol. 12. b.) for the furtherance of Christes Religion? This thing no Catholike denieth. And for my parte M. Horne, that you may not thinke I haue now ben first so aduised vp∣pon

sight of your booke, I haue forced that argument with many Exāples of Godly Emperours and Princes in my de∣dicatory Epistle to the Quenes Maiesty, before the transla∣ted history of venerable Bede. Briefly al S. Augustins words force nothing els but that Christē Princes may make lawes to punish heretikes (for that in dede was the very occasion why S. Augustin wrote al this) and ought to fortifie the de∣crees of the Priests with the executiō of the secular power, when obstinat heretickes wil not otherwise obey. Thus it serueth our turne very wel. But nowe that Maister Horne may not vtterly leese all his labour herein, lette vs see, howe these matters doe truely and trimly serue against his deare brethern, and M. Foxes holy Martyrs to. We saye with S. Augustin, that Princes may punishe wicked depra∣uers of religion.* 1.217 And we further say, that ye are those. We say with saint Augustine, that Christian Princes may make a decree yea of death: as did Nabuchodonosor against the blasphe∣mers of God, and carefully prouide, that God and his sacramēts be not lightly cōtēned. We say ye are as great blasphemers, as e∣uer Christes Church had: we say ye be they, that haue con∣tēned Christes Sacramentes, making of seuē two, and vsing those two after such sorte,* 1.218 that the olde prouerbe may (the more pitye) in a maner take place, as good neuer a whit, as neuer the better. We say further that not onely the gene∣rall Councell of Trente, but that the whole Churche hath condemned your opinions, by general and national Coun∣celles manye hundred yeares synce. And that Christian Emperours, Christian Princes, as well in other countries, as in Englande, especiallye the noble and worthye Kinge Henrye the fyfte, haue made many sharpe lawes, yea of death against heresies. We do not, nor neuer did disalowe

these their doinges, as repugnante either to the olde or new Testamente. Why then cal you for this respecte the Catholykes, Popishe Donatistes? But will ye know Mai∣ster Horne, who be in this point in very dede the Dol∣tishe Deuelishe Donatists? Hearken on well, and ye shall heare.* 1.219

The Donatistes as S. Augustyne reporteth, sayde: It was free, to belieue, or not to belieue, and that faith shoulde not be forced. Was not this I pray you the cōmō song of the Lute∣rans in Germany, and Englande at their beginning? Was not this your Apostles Luthers opinion, that no man should be compelled to the faith? And as there are many dissen∣sions, diuisions, schismes betwixte you the Sacramentaries, and the Lutherans: so are you diuided also in this pointe. For your M. Caluin writeth, that a mā may laufully and by Gods law be put to death for heresie, as he practised himself also, burning Seruetus the Arrian at Geneua. But al Luthers schollers in Germany are not so forward. Yea some of your holy martyrs auouche, that the King cā make no law to pu∣nish any maner of crime by death, ād that al such lawes are contrary to the Gospel. This was the opiniō of Sir Thomas Hytton priest, and yet is he a blessed martyr in M. Foxe his holy Kalēder, ād we must kepe his feast the x. of March by M. Foxe. Yet in a book of praiers set foorth by the brother∣hod anon vpon his death, he is appointed to the .23. of Fe∣bruary, and so either M. Foxe or they misse the marke. Ex∣cept the one day be of his Martyrdom, and the other of his Translatiō. And whereas M. Fox saith, that there remaineth nothing of the saide Sir Thomas in writinge but onely his name, (which is a lye, and more to by a syllable) and that I heare saye he is busye to sette forthe a freshe in printe

yet ons againe, his huge monstruous martyrloge, I wil doe so much for him, as minister him plenty of good stuffe I warrante you, to set forthe and adorne at his next edition, this worthy chāpiō withal. I do therfore remit M. Foxe, to Sir Thomas Mores books.* 1.220 There lo is matter inough for M. Fox, ād to much to: for euē by your own cōfessiō he is no se∣cret but an opē dānable heretik, ād a Donatist: ād so I trowe no martyr, but yet good inowgh, ād as good as the residew of this worthy Kalēder. But now hath M. Foxe a far grea∣ter busines in hande, for he must scrape out S. Iohn Old∣castel knight,* 1.221 being not onely a traytour, but a detestable Donatiste also. Nowe al the weight resteth to proue this substancially to you and to M. Foxe, and to stoppe al your frowarde quarrelings and accustomable elusions agaīst our proufes. Wel, I wil bringe you (as I thinke) a substancial and and an ineuitable proufe, that is M. Foxe him selfe, and no worse man. For lo thus he writethe of this worthy cham∣pion, and that euen in his owne huge martyrologe, who doubteth but to the great exalting and amplification of his noble work, and of his noble holy Martyr? The tenth article, saieth M. Foxe,* 1.222 that manslawghter either by warre, or by any pretended law of Iustice, for any tēporal cause, or spiritual reue∣lation, is expressely contrary to the new Testament, which is the law of graceful of mercy. This worthy article, with a .11. other of lyke sewte and sorte, in a booke of reformatiō (beilke ve∣ry lyke to Captayn Keets tree of reformatiō in Norfolke) was exhibited in open parliament, yf we belieue M. Foxe.

Nowe you see M. Horn, where and vpō whome ye may truely vtter ād bestowe al this nedelesse treatise of yours a∣gainst M. Fekenhā. And therefore we may now procede to the remnāte of your book, sauīg that this in no wise must be

ouerhipped, that euē by your own words here ye purge M. Fekenhā, from this cryme, ye layde vnto him euen now, for refusing proufes taken out of the olde testamente. For yf,* 1.223 as ye say, the order and gouernment that Christ lefte behinde in the Gospel and new testament, is the order, rule, and gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes practised by the Kings of the olde Testa∣ment, then wil it follow, that M. Fekenham yelding to the gouernment of the new, doth not exclude, but rather com∣prehende the gouernment of the olde Testament also, both being especially, as ye say, alone.

M. Horne. The 20. Diuision. Pag. 14. a.

Novv I vvil conclude on this sorte, that vvhich I affirmed: namely that Kings, and Princes, ought to take vpō thē gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes.

VVhat gouernement, orde, and dutifulnes, so euer belonging to any, God hath figured and promised before hande by his Prophetes, in the holy Scriptu∣res of the old Testamēt, to be performed by Christ, ād those of his kingdome: that is the gouernmēt, order, ād dutifulnes, set forth, ād required in the Gos∣pel, or nevv testamēt. But that faithful Emperours, Kings, and Rulers, ought of duty, as belonging to their office, to claime and take vppon them * 1.224 the gouernement, authority, povver, care, and seruice, of God their Lorde, in matters of Religion, or * 1.225 causes Ecclesiastical, vvas an order and dutifulnes for them: prefigured and fore promised of God by his Prophets, in the Scrip¦tures of the olde Testament, as (.53.)* 1.226 S. Augustine hath sufficiently vvitnes∣sed: Ergo. Christian Emperours, Kings, and Rulers, ovve of duty, as belon∣ging to their office, to clayme, and take vpon them, the gouernment, autho∣rity, povver, care, and seruice of their Lord,* 1.227 in matters of Religion: or Spiri∣tual, or Ecclesiastical causes, is the gouernment, order, and dutifulnes, sette foorth, and required, in the Gospel or nevv Testament.

This that hath been already said, might satisfie any man that erreth of simple ignoraunce. But for that your vvilfulnes is suche, that you (.54.)* 1.228 de∣light only in vvrangling against the truthe, appeare it to you neuer so plaine, and that no vveight of good proufes, can presse you, you are so slippery, I vvil loade you vvith heapes, euē of such proufes, as ye vvil seeme desirous to haue.

The holy Ghost describīg by the Prophet Esay, vvhat shalbe the state of Christs Church in the time of the nevv testamēt,* 1.229 yea novv in these our daie, (for this our time is the time that the Prophet speaketh of, as S. Paul vvitnesseth to the Corinthiās) addeth many comfortable promises, and amongest other maketh this to Christes Catholike Churche, to vvitte, Kings shalbe Nourishing Fa∣thers,* 1.230 and Quenes shalbe thy nources. Nourishing Fathers saith the glose en∣terlined,* 1.231 In lacte verbi. In the mylke of the word, meaning Gods vvorde. Lyra addeth: This prophecy is manifestly fulfilled in ma∣ny Kinges and Quenes, who receiuing the Catholike Faith, did feede the poore faithful ones, &c. And this reuerence to be done by Kings (saith Lyra) was fulfilled in the time of Con∣stātine and other Christian Kings. Certainly, Constātin the Emperour, shevved himself to vnderstand his ovvn duety of nourishing Christes Church appointed by God in his Prophecy:* 1.232 for he like a good, tender, and faithfull Nource father, did keep, defend, maintein, vphold, and feed the poore faithful ones of Christ: he bare thē being as it vvere almost vveried and forhayed vvith the great persecutions of Goddes enemies, and maruelously shaken vvith the controuersies and contentions amongest themselues, euen as a nource Father in his ovvn bosome: he procured that they should be fedde vvith the svveete milke of Gods vvorde. Yea, he him selfe with his publike procla∣mations, did exhorte and allure his subiectes to the Christian Faith. As Eusebius doth reporte in many places, vvriting the life of Constā∣tine, He caused the Idolatrous religion to be suppressed, and vtterly banished, and the true knowledge and Religion of Christ, to be brought in and planted amōg his people. He made many holsome lawes, and Godly cōstitutions, wherewith he restrayned the people with threates, forbiddinge them the Sacrificing to Idols: to seeke after the Deuelish ād superstitious soth saiyngs: to set vp (55.)* 1.233 Images: that they shoulde not make any priuie Sacrifices: and to be brief, he refourmed al maner of abuses, about Gods seruice, ād prouided that the Church should be fedde with Gods worde. Yea, his diligent care in furthering and setting foorth the true knovvledge of Christe, vvherevvith he fedde the peo∣ple, vvas so vvatcheful, that Eusebius doth affirme him to be appointed of God, as it vvere the common or Vniuersal Bishop: And so Con∣stantine

tooke himself to be:* 1.234 and therefore said to the Bisshoppes assembled to∣gether vvith him at a feast, that God had appointed him to be a Bishoppe. But of this moste honorable Bishop and nourshing father, more shalbe saide hereafter, as of other also such like.

The .17. Chapter opening the weakenesse of M. Hornes Con∣clusion, and of other his proufes out of holy Scripture.

Stapleton.

NOw ye may conclude, that there is some regi∣ment that Princes may take vpon thē in causes ecclesiastical: but if ye meane of such regimēt as ye pretend, you make your recknyng with∣out your hoste as a man may say: and conclude before ye haue brought forth any prouf, that they ought or may take vpon them such gouernment. For though I graūt you al your examples ye haue alleaged, and that the doings of the olde Testament were figures of the new, and the saying of Esaye, that Kings shoulde be Nowrishinge Fathers to the Church: and al things else that ye here alleage, yet al wil not reache home, no not Constantines the great his example. Who being an Ethnike became a Christian, and to the vttermost of his power, set forth Christes religion in al the Empire. what then? your conclusion of supreame re∣giment, wil not necessarily folow thereof. And when Eu∣sebius calleth him, as it were, a common or vniuersal bishop, I suppose ye meane not, that he was a bisshop in dede. For your self cōfesse, that princes and Bisshops offices are far di∣stincted and disseuered,* 1.235 and that the one ought not to break in to the office of the other. And if ye did so meane, Euse∣bius himself would sone confounde yow, if ye reherse Con∣stantines whole sentence, that he spake to the Bisshopes.

For thus he saith to the bisshops. Vos quidem eorum quae intus sunt in Ecclesia agenda, ego verò eorum quae extra sunt Episco∣pus à Deo sum constitutus.* 1.236 You are bisshops saith he, of those things that are to be don within the Churche: I am bisshop of outwarde thinges. Which answere of his may satisfie any reasonable man, for all that ye bring in here of Con∣stantine, or al that ye shall afterward bring in: which decla∣reth him no supreme iudge or chief determinour of causes Ecclesiastical, but rather the contrary: and that he was the ouerseer in ciuile matters. And the most that may be enfer∣red therof, is that he had the procuration and execution of Church maters: which I am assured al Catholiks wil graūt.

But now whereas ye charge M. Fekenham partly with subtil, partly with fowle shiftes: this is in you surely, no sub∣tyle but a blonte and a fowle shamelesse shifte, to shifte the Idols into the Image of Christe and his saints: and whereas Constantine put doune the paynims Idols, to make the sim∣ple belieue, that the reformation which he made, was such as your reformation or rather deformation is. For to leaue other things, to say that Constantine forbadde to set vp Ima∣ges,* 1.237 is an open and a shamelesse lye: for he set vp the Crosse of Christe, that is so owtragiously and blasphemously vy∣layned by you euery where, in the steade of the idolles, he decked and adorned the Churches euery where with holy Images,* 1.238 the remembraunce of Christes incarnation, and for the worship of his saints, therby to sette forth the truth, and the worship of God, and to conuert al nations from Idola∣trie and deuelishe deceite.

M. Horne. The Diuision 21. Pag. 15.

Our sauiour Christ meante not to forbidde or destroy, touchinge the rule, seruice, and chardge of Princes in Church causes, that vvhich vvas figured in

the lavve, or prophecied by the Prophetes.* 1.239 For he came to fulfil or ac∣complish the lavve and the Prophetes, by remouing the shadovve and figure, and establishing the body and substance to be seene, and to appere clearly vvithout any mist or darke couer: yea, as the povver and authoritie of Princes vvas appointed in the Lavv and Prophets, as it is proued, to stretch it selfe, not only to ciuile causes, but also to the ouersight, maintenance, set∣ting foorth, and furtherance of Religion and matters Ecclesiastical:* 1.240 Euen so Christ our Sauiour (.56)* 1.241 confirmed this their authoritie, commaunding all men to attribute and geue vnto Caesar that vvhich belongeth vnto him ad∣monishing notvvithstanding al Princes and people, that Caesars authority is not infinit, or vvithout limits (for such authority belōgeth only to the King of al Kings▪) but bounded and circumscribed vvithin the boundes assigned in Gods vvorde, and so vvill I my vvorde; to be vnderstanded, vvhen so euer I speake of the povver of Princes.

Stapleton.

M. Horne goeth yet nedelessely foreward to proue that Christ did not destroy the rule of Princes in Churche cau∣ses, figured in the olde Lawe, and now at length catcheth he one testimonie out of the new Testament to proue his saiyng: which is, Geue vnto Caesar, that belongeth vnto him. Which place nothing at al serueth his turne, but rather de∣stroyeth, I will not say any figure of the old Testament, but M. Hornes foolish figuratiue Diuinitie. For it is so farre of (that of this place M. Horne may make any ground, for the Ecclesiasticall authoritye of Princes) that it doth not as much as inferre, that we ought to pay so much as tribute to our Princes, but only that we may paie it. For the questi∣on was framed of the captious Iewes, not whether they ought, but whether they might lawfully paie any tribute to Caesar. Whiche was then an externall and an infidell Prince. For if M. Horne will say those woordes importe a precise necessitie, he shall haue muche a doe to excuse

the Italians, Frenchmen, Spaniardes, and our Nation, which many hundred yeares haue paid no tribute to Caesar. But I pray you M. Horne, why haue you defalked and curtai∣led Christes aunswere? Why haue you not set forth his whole and entier sentence:* 1.242 Geue to Caesar that belongeth to Caesar, and to God that belongeth to God? which later clause I am assured, doth much more take away a supreme regi∣ment in al causes Ecclesiastical, then necessarily by force of any wordes binde vs to paie, yea any tribute to our Prince. And wil ye see how it happeneth, that Hosius a great lear∣ned and a godly Bishoppe of Spaine, as M. Horne him selfe calleth him, euen by this verye place proueth against the Emperour Constantius, and telleth it him to his face, that he had nothing to doe with matters Ecclesiasticall? Whose woordes we shall haue an occasion hereafter to rehearse. Yea S. Ambrose also vseth the same authoritie to represse the like vsurped authoritie of Valentinian the yonger.* 1.243 This ill happe hath M. Horne euen with his first authori∣tie of the new Testament, extraordinarie, and impertinent∣lie I can not tell howe chopped in, to cause the leaues of his boke, and his lies, to make the more mouster and shew. But nowe, whereas this place serueth nothing for any au∣thoritie Ecclesiasticall in the Prince, and least of all for his preeminent and peerlesse authoritie in all causes Ecclesiasti∣call, as M. Horne fansieth, Yet least any man (being borne doune with the great weight of so mightie a proufe) should thinke the Princes power infinite, M. Horne to amende this inconuenience, of his greate gentlenes, thought good to preuent this mischief, and to admonish the Reader ther∣of: and that his meaning is not by this place to geaue him an infinite authoritie, or without limites, but such onely as is

bounded and circumscribed within the boundes of Gods worde: and least ye should mistake him, he would himself so to be vnderstanded. Which is for al this solemnitie, but a foolish and a friuolous admonitiō, without any cause or groūd: ād groūded only vpō M. Horns fantistical imaginatiō, and not vpon Christ, as he surmiseth. Who willeth that to be geauen to Caesar that is Caesars, and to God that is Gods: but determi∣neth and expresseth nothing, that is to be geuen to Caesar, but only paiement of money. And yet if we consider, as I haue saied, what was the question demaunded, it doth not determine that neither: though the thing it selfe be moste true. Howe be it this admonition serueth Maister Horne and his brethren for manye and necessarye purpo∣ses, to rule and maister their Princes by, at their pleasure: that as often as their doings like them not, they may freely disobey, and say it is not▪ Gods word, wherof the interpre∣tation they referre to them selues. And so farre it serueth some of them, and the moste zealouse of them, that nowe their Prince, though Supreme gouernour and iudge in al cau∣ses Ecclesiastical, may not by Gods worde, appointe them as much as a Surplesse or Cope to be worne in the Churche, or Priestlike and decent apparell to be worne of thē other∣wise. Yea some of them, of whom we haue already spo∣ken, haue found a way, and that by Gods woorde, to depose the Quenes Maiesty from al manner of iurisdiction as well temporal as spiritual: and that by Gods holy worde. Whereof these men make a very Welshemans hose, to say the truth, and amonge other, M. Horne him selfe, for all his solemne admonition. For we plainly say, that this kind of suprema∣cie, is directly against Gods holy worde.

M. Horne. The .22. Diuision. pag. 15. b.

And this to be Christes order and meaning, that the Kings of the Nations should be the supreme gouernours ouer their people, not only us temporal, but also in Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes (.57.)* 1.244 the blessed Apostles Peter and Paule, doe plainly declare. The supremacie of Princes they set foorth, vvhen they commaund euery soule (that is, euery man, vvhether he be, as Chrysostome saith, an Apostle, Euangelist, Prophete, Prieste, Monke, or of vvhat so euer calling he be) to be subiect and obey the higher povvers, as Kings, and their Lieutenants, or gouernours vnder them. And they declare that this supreme gouernement is occupied and exercised in, or aboute the praysing, furthering, and aduauncing of vertue or vertuous actions, and cō∣trary vvise in correcting, staiyng, ād repressing al maner of vice or vicious a∣ctiōs,* 1.245 vvhich are the propre obiect or matter herof. Thus doth Basilius take the meaning of the Apostles, saiyng: This semeth to me to be the office of a Prince, to aide vertue, and to impugne vice. Neither S. Paule, neither the best learned among the aunciente Fathers, did restreine this povver of Princes, onely to vertues and vices, bidden or forbidden, in the second table of Gods commaundementes, vvherein are conteined the du∣ties one man ovveth to an other: But also did plainely declare them selues to meane, that the authority of Princes ought to stretche it selfe to the mainte∣naunce, praise and furtheraunce of the vertues of the firste table, and the suppression of the contrary, vvherein onely consisteth the true Religion, and spirituall Seruice, that is due from man to God. S Paule in his Epistle to Timothe,* 1.246 teacheth the Ephesians, that Kings and Rulers are constituted of God, for these two purposes: that their people may liue a peaceable life, thou∣rough their gouernmente and ministerie both in godlines, vvhich is (as S. (.58.)* 1.247 Augustine interpreth it) the true and chiefe or propre vvorshippe of God: and also in honestie or semelinesse: in vvhich tvvo vvoordes (Godli∣nes and Honestie) he conteined vvhat so euer is cōmaunded either in the first or second Table. S. Augustine also shevveth this to be his minde, vvhen de∣scribing the true vertues, vvhich shall cause princes to be blessed, novve in Hope, and aftervvard in deed, addeth this as one especiall condicion, required by reason of their chardge and callinge. If that (saith he) they make their power which they haue a seruaunt vnto Gods Maiestie, to enlarge most wide his worshippe, Seruice, or Religion. To this purpose also, serue all those testimonies, vvhiche I haue cited before

out of S. Aug. against the Donatists: vvho in his booke.* 1.248 De. 12. abusi••e num gradibus, teacheth that a Prince or Ruler must labour to be had in avve of his subiectes, for the seueritie against the traunsgressours of Goddes Lavve. Not meaning only the transgressours of the seconde table in tempo∣rall matters: But also against the offendours of the first table in (.59.)* 1.249 Spi∣rituall or Ecclesiasticall causes or matters. VVhich his meaning he decla∣reth plainely in another place, vvhere he auoucheth the saiyng of S. Paule: The Prince beareth not the sworde in vaine, to proue therevvith against Petilian the Donatist, that the povver or authority of Princes, vvhich the Apostle speaketh of in that sentence, is geuen vnto them to make sharpe Lavves, to further true Religion, and to suppresse Heresies and Schismes: and therefore in the same place, he calleth the Catholique Churche, that hathe such Princes to gouerne to this effect: A Church made strong, whole, or fastened together with Catholique princes: meaning that the Church is vveake, rent, and parted in sonder, vvhere Catholique Gouer∣nours are not, to maintaine the vnitie thereof in Churche matters, by their authoritie and povver.

Gaudentius the Donatist, found him selfe agreeued that Emperors shuld entremeddle, and vse their povver in matters of religion: affirming, that this vvas to restreine men of that freedome that God had set men on. That this vvas a great iniurie to God, if he meaning his religion) should be defended by men. And that this vvas nothing els, but to esteeme God to be one, that is not able to reuenge the iniuries done against him selfe. S. Augustine doth ansvvere and refute his obiections, vvith the authoritie of S. Pauls saiyng to the Romaines: Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers, &c. For he is Gods minister, to take vengeance on him that doth euill: interpreting the minde of the Apostle to be, that the authori∣tie and povver of Princes, hath to deale in Ecclesiastical causes, so (60)* 1.250 vvel as in Temporal. And therfore saith to Gaudentius, and to you al: Blotte out these saiyngs (of S. Paule. 13. Rom.) if you can, or if you can not, then set naught by them, as ye doe. Reteine a most wic∣ked meaning of al these saiyngs (of the Apostle) leaste you loose your freedome in iudging: or els truely for that as men, ye are ashamed to doe before men, crie out if you dare: Let murtherers be punished, let adulterers be punished, lette all

other faults,* 1.251 be they neuer so heinous or ful of mischief be pu∣nished (by the Magistrate) we wil that only wicked faultes a∣gainst religiō be exēpt from punishmēt by the lawes of kings or rulers. &c. Herken to the Apostles, and thou shalt haue a great aduantage that the kingly power cannot hurt thee, doe wel, and so shalt thou haue praise of the same power, &c. That thing that ye doe, is not only not good, but it is a great euill, to witte, to cut in sunder the vnity and peace of Christ, to rebelle against the promises of the Gospel, and to beare the Christian armes or badges, as in a ciuil warre, against the true and highe King of the Christians.

The .18. chapter declaring how Princes haue to gouerne in ca∣ses of the first Tables answering to certain places out of the Canonicall Epistles of the Apostles.

Stapleton.

HERE is nothinge M. Horne, that importeth youre surmised Supremacye. The effecte of your processe is, Princes haue authoritie to mainteine, praise and further the vertues of the first table, and to suppresse the contrary, wherein onely cōsisteth the true Religiō and spiritual Seruice that is due frō mā to God. And that he hath authority herein, not only in the vertues or vices bidden, or forbiddē in the second table of Gods cōmaunde∣ments, wherin are conteined the dueties one man oweth to an other. This is graūted M. Horn, both of the * 1.252Catholiks, and of the soberer sort of Protestants (for Carolostadius, Pelar∣gus, Struthius, with the whole rable of th' Anabaptists deny it) that Princes haue authority both to further the obserua∣tion, and to punish the breach of Gods cōmaundements as wel in the first table as in the second, that is, as well in such

actions as concerne our dutie to God him self, as in the du∣tie of one man to an other. But al this is (as not onely the Catholike writers, but Melāchthon him self and Caluin, do expoūd) quod ad externam disciplinam attinet,* 1.253 as much as ap¦perteineth to external discipline: and the Magistrate is the keper and defender of both tables (saith Melanchthon) but againe he addeth: quod ad externos mores attinet, as muche as belongeth to external maners, behauiour, and demea∣nour. For in the first table are cōteined many offences and breaches, of the which the Prince can not iudge, and much lesse are by him punishable. As are all suche crimes, whiche proprely belong to the Court of Conscience. To wit, mis∣belief in God, mistrust in his mercy, contempt of his com∣maundements, presumption of our selues, incredulitie, and such like: which al are offences against the first table, that is, against the loue we owe to God. Cōtrarywise, true be∣lief, confidence in God, the feare of God, and such like, are the vertues of the first table. And of these Melanchthon truely saith: Haec sunt vera opera primae tabulae,* 1.254 These are the true workes of the first table. The punishing, correcting, or iudging of these appertaine nothing to the authority of the Prince, or to any his lawes: but only are iudged, cor∣rected and punished by the spiritual sworde of excommu∣nication, of binding of sinnes, and embarring the vse of the holy Sacraments, by the order and authoritie of the Priest only and spiritual Magistrate. Which thing is euident not only by the confession, doctrine, and continuall practise of the Catholique Churche, but also by the very writinges of such as haue departed out of the Churche, and will seeme most to extolle the authoritie of Princes, yea of your selfe M. Horne, as we shall see hereafter.

Againe whereas, the chiefe vertue of the first table is to beleue in God, to knowe him, and to haue the true faithe of him and in him, in externall regimente (as to punishe open blasphemy, to make lawes against heretiques, to ho∣nour and mainteine the true seruice of God) Princes espe∣cially Christians, ought to further, aide, and mainteine the same: But to iudge of it, and to determine, whiche is the true faith in God, how and after what maner he ought to be serued, what doctrine ought to be published in that be∣halfe, the Prince hath no authoritie or power at all. There∣fore Melanchthō,* 1.255 who in his Cōmon places, wil haue Prin∣ces to looke vnto the true doctrine, to correct the Chur∣ches (when Bishops faile of their duetie) yea and to consi∣der the doctrine it selfe: yet afterward he so writeth of this matter, that either he recanteth as better aduised, or els writeth plaine contrary to him selfe. For thus he saieth of the Ciuile Magistrates:* 1.256 Non condant dogmata in Ecclesia, nec instituant cultus: vt fecit Nabuchodonozor. Et recens in scripto, cui titulus est Interim, potestas politica extra metas e∣gressa est.* 1.257 Sicut Imperatori Constātio dixit Episcopus Leōtius.〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nō sunt cōfundēdae fun∣ctiones &c. Let thē make no doctrines in the Church: nei∣ther appoint any worshipping of God, as did Nabuchodo∣nosor. And euen of late in that writing which is entituled, the Interim, the Ciuile power hath passed her bounds and limites. As ones Bishop Leontius said to Constantius the Emperour: Thou being set to gouerne in one matter, ta∣kest vpon thee an other matter. The functions (of both ma∣gistrates) are not to be confounded.

In these woordes you see M. Horne, Melanchthon ta∣keth away all authoritie from Princes in iudging or deter∣mining

of doctrine: and wil not haue the functions of both Magistrates Spiritual and temporal to be confounded.* 1.258 Yea M. Nowel himselfe with a great stomach biddeth vs shew, where they deny, that godly and learned Priestes might accor∣ding to Gods woorde iudge of the sincerity of doctrine. As though when the Prince and his successours are made su∣preme gouernours without any limitation, it fal not often out, that the bisshop, be he neuer so lerned or godly, shall not ones be admitted to iudge of true doctrine, except the doctrine please the Prince: As though there had not ben a statute made, declaring and enacting the Quenes Ma. yea and her highnes successours (without exception or limi∣tation of godly and vngodly, and yet I trowe no bisshops) to be the Supreme Gouernour in all thinges and causes as well spiritual as temporal. As though you M. Horne, had not writen, that in bothe the tables, the Prince hath autho∣rity, to erect and correct, to farther, and restrayne, to allow and punishe the vertues and vices thereto appertayning. As though the gouernour in al causes, is not also a iudge in all causes. Or as though it were not commonly so taken and vnderstanded of a thousand in Englande which haue ta∣ken that Othe to their g••eat damnation, but if they repēt. You therefore M. Horne, which talke so confusely and ge∣nerally of the Princes Authority in both tables, doe yet say nothing nor proue nothing this general and absolute Authority in al thinges and causes, as lustely without ex∣ception the Othe expresseth. And therefore you bring in dede nothīg to proue your principal purpose, to the which al your proufes should be directed.

Againe where you alleage S. Augustin, that the worde Godlynes mētioned in S. Paule to Timothe shoulde meane,

the true, chief, or proper worship of God (as though Princes hauing charg therof, should also haue authority to appoint such worship, when yet S. Paule speaketh there of no such or of any authority at al in Princes, but onely that by their peasible gouernmēt we might with the more quiet attēd to Gods seruice) you doe herein vntruly report S. Augustine, or at the leste missetake him.* 1.259 For the woorde (godlines) which S. Augustine will haue so to meane, is that which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gods seruice or religiō, as himself there expresseth: but the word of the Apostle to Timothee, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, godlynes. So aptly and truly you alleage your doctors. But wil you know M. Horn, why th'Apostles both S. Peter ād S. Paul so earnestly taught at that time obediēce to Prīces? This was the cause. In the beginnīg of the church som Christiās were of this opiniō: that, for that they were Christē mē,* 1.260 they were exēpted from the lawes of the In∣fidel Princes: and were not bound to pay thē any tribut, or otherwise to obey thē. To represse and reforme this wrōg iudgmēt of theirs, the Apostles Peter and Paule by you na∣med, diligētly employed thē selues. Whose sayings can not imply your pretensed gouernmēt: onlesse yow wil say, that Nero the wycked and heathennish Emperour was in his tyme the supreme head of al the church of Christ, through∣out the empire, aswel in causes spiritual as tēporal. And yet in tēporal and ciuil matters I graunt you, we ought to be subiect, not only to Christiās, but euē to infidels also, being our princes: without any exceptiō, of Apostle, euangeliste, prophet,* 1.261 priest or monk, as ye alleage out of S. Chrysostō. As contrary wise the Christian prince him self, is for eccle∣siastical and spiritual causes, subiect to his spiritual ruler. Which Chrysostom hīself, of al mē doth best declare. Alij

sunt termini &c. The bounds of a kingdome, and of priesthood (saith Chrysostō) are not al one: This kingdom passeth the o∣ther: This king is not knowē, by visible things, neither hath his estimatiō, either for precious stones he glistereth withal, or for his gay goldē, glistering apparel. The other king hath the orde∣ring of those worldly things: the authority of priesthod cometh frō heauē: what so euer thou shalt bind vpō earth,* 1.262 shalbe bound in heauē. To the king those things that are here in the worlde are cōmitted, but to me celestial things are cōmitted: whē I say to me, I vnderstāde to a priest. And anon after he saith: Regi corpora &c. The bodies are cōmitted to the King, the sowles to the Priest: the King pardoneth the faults of the body, the priest pardoneth the faultes of the sowle. The Kinge forcethe, the priest exhorteth: the one by necessity, the other by giuing coun∣sel: the one hath visible armour, the other spiritual. He war∣reth against the barbarous, I war against the Deuil. This prin∣cipality is the greater. And therfore the King doth put his head vnder the priestes hands, and euery where in the old scripture priestes did anoynt the Kings. Among al other bokes of the said Chrysostom, his book de Sacerdotio is freighted, with a nōber of lyke and more notable sentēces for the priests su∣periority aboue the Prince. Now thē M. Horn, I frame you such an argumēt. The Priest is the Prīces superiour in some causes ecclesiastical,* 1.263 Ergo the Prīce is not the Priests supe∣riour in al causes ecclesiastical. The Antecedēt is clerly {pro}∣ued out of the words of Chrysost. before alleged. Thus. The Priest is superiour to the prīce in remissiō of syns by Chry∣sostō: but remissiō of sins is a cause ecclesiastical or spiritual. Ergo the Priest is the Prīces superiour in some cause eccle∣siastical or spiritual. Which beīg most true, what thīg cā you cōclud of al ye haue or shal say to win your purpose, or that

ye here presently say? that the Prince hath the care aswell of the first, as of the seconde table of the commaundements: and that S. Paule willethe vs to pray for the Princes,* 1.264 that we may lyue a peaceable life in godlines ād honesty. In the which place he speaketh of the heathennishe princes, as appereth by that which foloweth, to pray for them that they may be cōuerted to the faith: Or of al ye bring in out of S. Augu∣stin either against the Donatists (whereof we haue alredy said inough) or that Princes must make their power a seruāte to Gods Maiesty to enlarge his worship, seruice and religion. Nowe as all this frameth full yllfauoredly to conclude your principle:* 1.265 so I say that if S. Augustine were aliue, he might truely and would say vnto you, as he sayd vnto Gau∣dentius: and as your self alleage against your selfe and your bretherne. That thing that ye doe, is not only not good, but it is a great euil: to witte, to cutte in sonder the vnity and peace of Christ, to rebell against the promises of the ghospell: or to beare the Christiā armes or badges as in a ciuil warre, against the true, and the high King of the Christians: he would say, yf he were aliue vnto you, that as the Donatistes, did not deny Christ the head, but Christ the body, that is his Catholike Churche, so doe you. He would say, that as the Donatistes secte was condemned by Constantin, Honorius, and other Em∣perours, the high Kings of the Christians: so are your here∣sies condemned not only by the Catholik Church, but also by the worthy and moste renowned King Henry the fifte: and other Kings, as wel in England as else where: also by the high Kings of the Christiās, that is themperours as well of our tyme, as many hundred yeares since. And therefore ye are they, that cutte in sonder the vnity ād peace of Christes Church, and rebell against the promises of the Gospel.

M. Horne. The 22. Diuision. Pag. 17. a.

Chrysostom shevveth this reason, vvhy S. Paule doth attribute this title of a minister vvorthely vnto the Kings, or ciuil Magistrates: because that through fraying of the wicked men, and commending the good, he prepareth the mindes of many to be made more ap∣pliable to the doctrine of the word.

Eusebius alluding to the sentence of S. Paule, vvhere he calleth the ciuill Magistrate, Goddes minister, and vnderstanding that Ministery of the ciui•• Magistrate to be about Religion, and Ecclesiastical causes, so (.61.)* 1.266 vvell as Temporal, doth cal Constantine the Emperour: The great light, and most shril preacher, or setter foorth of true godlines: The one and only God (saieth he) hath appointed Constantine to be his minister, and the teacher of Godlines to al countreis. And this same Cōstantin, like a faithful and good minister: did through∣ly set foorth this: and he did confesse him self manifestly to be the seruaunt and minister of the high King. He preached with his imperial decrees or proclamations his God, euen to the boundes of the whole worlde. Yea Constantine himselfe affir∣meth, as Eusebius reporteth: That by his ministery he did put away and ouerthrowe al the euilles that pressed the worlde, meanīg al superstition, Idolatry, and false Religion. In so much (saith this Godly Emperour) that there withal I both called again mankīde, taught by my ministery, to the Religion of the most holy Law (mea∣ning the vvorde of God) and also caused, that the most blessed faith should encrease and growe vnder a better gouernour (meaning than had beene before) for (saith he) I would not be vnthankeful to neglect namely the best ministery, which is the thankes I owe (vnto God) of duety.

This most Christian Emperour did rightly consider, as he had bene truelye taught of the most Christian Bisshops of that tyme, that as the Princes haue in charge the ministery and gouernment in (.62.)* 1.267 all manner causes either Temporal or Spiritual: euen so, the chiefest or beste parte of their Seruice or Ministery to consist in the vvel ordering of Church matters, and their diligēt rule and care therein, to be the moste thankefull, acceptable, and duetifull Seruice that they can doe or ovve vnto God.

The .19. Chapter. Answering to the sayinges of Eusebius and Nicephorus touching Constantin and Emanuel Emperours.

Stapleton.

I See you not M. Horne come as yet nere the matter. I see not yet, that Constantin changed Religion, plucked down aultars, deposed bis∣shops, &c. But that he was diligent in defen∣ding the old and former faith of the Christiās. If S. Paul cal the ciuil magistrat a minister, because through feare he cōstraineth the wicked to embrace the godly do∣ctrin, as by your saying S. Chrysostom cōstrueth it, we are wel cōtent therewith. And withal, that the best ministery and seruice of the great Constantin rested in the settinge forth of Christes true religion: and that he preached the same with his Imperiall decrees and proclamations, as ye oute of Eusebius recyte. Neither this that ye here al∣leage out of place, nor al the residewe which ye reherse of this Constantin (with whose doings ye furnishe hereafter six ful leaues) can importe this superiority, as we shal there more at large specifie. In the meane season, I say it is a stark and most impudēt lye, that ye say without any prouf, Cōstantin was taught of the bisshops, that Princes haue the gouernment in al maner causes, either tēporal or spirituall. You conclude after your maner, facingly and desperatlye without any proufe or halfe proufe in the worlde.

M. Horne. The Diuision .24. Pag. 17. b,

For this (.63.)* 1.268 cause also Nicephorus in his Preface before his Eccle∣siastical history, doth compare (.64.)* 1.269 Emanuel Paleologus the Empe∣rour, to Constantin, for that he did so neerly imitate his duetifulnes in ru∣ling, procuring, and reforming religiō to the purenesse thereof: VVhich a∣mong al vertues, belōging to an Emperor, is most seemely for

the imperial dignity, and doth expresse it most truely, as Nice∣phorus saieth: vvho maketh protestatiō, that he saith nothing in the commen∣datiō of this Emperour, for fauour or to flatter, but as it vvas true in deede in him. And so reherseth his (.65)* 1.270 noble vertues exercised in discharge of his imperial duety tovvards God in Church matters, saying to the Emperour, who hath glorified God more, and shewed more feruēt zele towards hī in pure religiō, without feyning, thā thou hast don? who hath with such feruēt zeale fought after the most sincere faith much endaungered, or clēsed again the holy Table? whē thou sawest our true religion brought into perill with newe deuises brought in by cōterfaict and naughty doctrines, thou diddest defende it most painfully and wisely.* 1.271 Thou diddest shew thy selfe, to be the mighty supreme, and very holy an∣chour and stay in so horrible wauering and errour, in matters beginning to fainte, and to perish as it were with shipwrak. Thou art the guid of the profession of our faith. Thou hast re∣stored the Catholik and Vniuersal Churche, being troubled with new matters or opinions, to the old state. Thou hast ba∣nished frō the Church al vnlawful and impure doctrin. Thou hast clēsed again with the vvord of trueth, the tēple frō chop∣pers and chaungers of the diuin doctrin, and frō heretical de∣prauers thereof. Thou hast been set on fier vvith a godly zeale for the diuine Table. Thou hast established the doctrin: thou hast made Cōstitutions for the same. Thou hast entrēched the true religion vvith mighty defenses. That vvhich vvas pulled dovvne, thou hast made vp againe, and haste made the same whole and sound again, vvith a conueniēt knitting togeather of al the partes and mēbers (to be shorte, thou haste, saith Nicephorus to the Emperour) established true Religion and godlines vvith spiritual buttresses, namely the doctrine and rules of the aū∣cient Father••.

Stapleton.

Where ye say, for this cause also &c. This is no cause at all: but it is vntrue, as of the other Emperour Cōstantinus: and much more vntrue, as ye shall good reader straight way

vnderstande. But firste we will dissipate and discusse the myste that M. Horne hath caste before thyne eies: and wherein him self walketh either ignorantly, or maliciously, or both. Ye shal then vnderstande, that among many o∣ther errours and heresies wherwith the Grecians were in∣fected and poysoned, they helde, cōtrary to the Catholike faith, that the holy ghost did not procede, from the father and the sonne,* 1.272 but from the father onely. In which heresie they dwelt many an hundred yeare. At the length abowte 300. yeares paste the Emperour of Grece called Michael Paleologus came to the generall Councell kepte at Lions. Where the Grecians with the Latin Church accorded, as∣wel in that point, as for the Popes supremacy, both in other matters, and cōcerning the deuoluing of matters frō Grece to Rome by way of appeale. This Michael being dead the Grecians reuolted to their olde heresie against the ho∣ly ghost: and for the maliciouse spyte they had, against the Catholike faith, their Bisshops would not suffer him to be buried.

The author of the homely agaist Idolatry, as it is entitu∣led, calleth this Emperour wrongfully Theodorum Lasca∣rim, and saieth most ignorantly and falsly, that he was de∣priued of his Empire, because in the Councel of Lions he relented, and set vp images in Grece. Whereas he was not put frō his Empire, but from his royal burial, as I haue said, neither any word was moued in the said councell of Ima∣ges, nor any Images of newe by him were set vppe, which had customably continued in the Greeke Churche manye hundred yeares before: and so reuerently afterwarde con∣tinued [ 1] euen till Constantinople was taken by the great [ 2] Turke. And yet this good antiquarye and chronographer

will nedes haue the Grecians, about a .700. yeares together with a most notorious lie, to haue bene Iconomaches, that is, Image breakers. Much other foolish blasphemouse bab∣ling is conteined in that Homilie. Yea many other shame∣lesse lies are there, to disgrace, deface, and destroy, the I∣mage of Christ and his Saints: especially one. Whereas he saith, that the Emperour Valens and Theodosius made a Proclamation, that no man shoulde painte or kerue the Crosse of Christ. And therevpon gaily and iolilye trium∣pheth vpon the Catholiques.* 1.273 Whereas the Proclamation neither is, nor was, to restreine all vse of the Crosse, but that it should not be painted or kerued vppon the ground. Which these good Emperours, not Valens (for he was the valiaunt Capitaine and defendour of the Arrians) but Va∣lentinianus and Theodosius, did of a great godly reuerence they had to the Crosse enact. And yet, as grosse, as foule, and as lowd liyng a fetche as this is, M. Iewel walketh euē in the very same steppes, putting Valens, for Valentinian: and alleaging this Edict, as generall against al Images of the Crosse. And yet these Homilies (the holy learned Homi∣lies of the olde Fathers, namely of Venerable Bede, our learned Countrie man, whose Homilies were read in our Countrie, in the Church Seruice, aboue .800. yeares past, as also in Fraunce and other where, reiected) are reade in M. Hornes and other his brethrens Diocesse: and are with M. Horne very good stuffe: as good perdie, as M. Hornes owne booke: and as clerkly, and faithfully handeled, as ye shall see plainly by the very selfe matter we haue in hande. Andronicus the elder, sonne to this Michaell, whome M. Horne calleth ignorantly Emanuel. (for this Emanuel was not the sonne of this Andronicus but of Caloioānes, sonne

to Andronicus the yōger, to whō our Andronicus was grā∣father) after his fathers death sūmoned a coūcel of the Greci¦ās, wherin he and they annulled ād reuoked that his Father had don at the Coūcel at Liōs, namely cōcerning the pro∣ceding of the holy Ghoste. And for the which Nicephorus M. Hornes Author, beīg also caried away with the cōmon errour, as with an huge raging tēpest, doth so highly auāce this Andronicus. And so withal ye see vpō how good a mā, and vpō how good a cause M. Horne buildeth his new su∣premacy to pluck doune the Popes old supremacy. For the infringing wherof the wicked working of wretched here∣tiks is with him, here and els where, as we shal in place cō∣uenient shew, a goodlye and godlye presidente, as it is also with M. Iewel for to mainteine the very same quarrel, as I haue at large in my Returne against his fourth Article de∣clared.

But nowe M. Horne, what if these hereticall doinges do nothing relieue your cause, nor necessarilye induce the chief Superiority in al causes, and perchāce in no cause Ec∣clesiastical, cōcerning the final discussing ād determination of the same? Verely without any perchāce, it is most plainly and certainly true it doth not. For euen in this schismatical Coūcel, and heretical Synagog, the Bishops plaid the chief part,* 1.274 and they gaue the final though a wrong and a wicked iudgemēt. Who also shewed their superiority, though vn∣godly vpon this mans Father, in that they would not suffer him to be interred Prīcelike: thē selues much more worthy to haue ben cast after their decease, to the dogs and rauēs, vpō a dirty donghil. What honor haue ye gotte, for al your crafty cooping or cūning ād smoth ioyning, for al your cō∣bining, ād as I may say incorporating a nūber of Nicephorus

sentences together, of the whiche yet some are one,* 1.275 some are two leaues a sunder, and the first placed after the second and the second before the firste, and yet not whole senten∣ces neither, but pieces and patches of sentences, here and there culled oute, and by you verye smoothlye ioyned in one continuall narration, in such sort that a man would thinke that the whole lay orderly in Nicephorus, and were not so artificially by you or your delegates patched vppe, what honor, haue you, I say, wōne by this, or by the whole thing it self? Litle or nothing, furthering your cause, ād yet otherwise plaine schismatical and heretical. For the which your hansome holy dealing, the author of the foresaid Ho∣milie, and you, yea and M. Iewel too, are worthy exceding thanks. But M. Horne wil not so leese his lōg allegatiō out of Nicephorus. He hath placed a Note in his Margin, suffi∣ciēt (I trow) to cōclude his principall purpose. And that is this. The Princes Supremacy in repairing religion decayed. This is in deed a ioly marginal note. But where findeth M. Horn the same in his text? Forsoth of this, that Nicephor{us} calleth th'Emperor, the mighty supreme, ād very holy Anchor, ād stay in so horrible wauering, &c. Of the word Supreme ancher, he cōcludeth a Supremacy. But ô more thē childish folly! could that crafty Cooper of this allegatiō, informe you no better M. Horn? Was he no better sene in Grāmer, or in the pro∣fessiō of a scholemaister, then thus fowly ād fondly to misse the true interpretatiō of the latine word? For what other is suprema anchora in good english, thē the last ancher, the last refuge, the extreme holde and staye to reste vppon? As suprema verba, doe signifye the last woordes of a man in his last will: as Summa dies, the last daye, Supremum in∣dicium, the last iudgemēt, with a nūber of the like phrases,

so Suprema Anchora, is the last Anchour, signifiyng the last holde and staie, as in the perill of tempest, the last refuge is to cast Ancher. In such a sense, Nicephorus called his Em∣perour the last, the mightie, and the holy Anchour or staie in so horrible wauering and errour: signifiyng that now by him they were staied frō the storme of schisme, as from a storm in the sea, by casting the Ancher, the shippe is stayed. But by the Metaphore of an Anchour, to conclude a Suprema∣cie: is as wise, as by the Metaphore of a Cowe to cōclude a sadle. For as well doth a saddle fitte a Cowe, as the qua∣litie of an Anchor resemble a Supremacie. But by suche beggarly shiftes a barren cause must be vpholded. First al is said by the way of Amplification to extolle the Emperour (as in the same sentence he calleth him the sixth Element,* 1.276 reaching aboue Aristotles fift body, ouer the foure elemēts with such like). Then all is but a Metaphore, which were it true, proueth not nor concludeth, but expresseth and lighteneth a truth. Thirdly the Metaphore is ill transla∣ted, and last of all, worse applied.

Now whereas in the beginning of your matter, the sub∣stance of your proufes hereafter standing in stories, ye haue demeaned your selfe, so clerkly and skilfully here, the Rea∣der may hereof haue a tast: and by the way of preuention and anticipation, haue also a certaine preiudicial vnderstā∣ding, what he shal looke for at your handes in the residue. Wherefore God be thanked, that at the beginning hath so deciphired you, whereby we may so much the more, yea the bolder without any feare of all your antiquitie hereaf∣ter to be shewed, cherefully procede on.

M. Horne. The .25. Diuision. pag. 18. a.

These and such like Christian Emperours, are not thus much commended

of the Ecclesiasticall vvriters,* 1.277 for their notable doings in the maintenaunce and furtheraunce of Religion, as for doings not necessarilie appertaining to their office or calling: but for that they vvere exaumples, spectacles, and glasses for others, vvherein to beholde vvhat they are bound vnto by the vvorde of God, and vvhat their subiectes may looke for at their handes, as matter of charge and duety, both to God and his people. VVhich S. Paule doth plainly expresse, vvhere he exhorteth the Christians to make earnest and continual praier for Kings, and for such as are in authori∣tie, to this ende and purpose, that by their rule, ministerie, and seruice, not only peace and tranquilitie, but also godlines and religion, should be (.67.)* 1.278 furthered and continued among men: attributing the furtherance and con∣tinuance of religion, and godlines, to the Magistrates, as an especial fruite and effect of their duety and seruice to God and his people. Chrysostome ex∣pounding this place of the Apostle, doth interprete his meaning to be vnder∣standed, of the outvvard peace and tranquilitie furthered, mainteined, and defended by the Magistrates, but chieflye of the invvarde peace of the minde and conscience, vvhich can not be atteined vvithout pure religion, as con∣trary vvise, godlines can not be had vvithout peace and tranquility of mind and conscience. * 1.279 This vvould be noted vvith good aduisement, that S. Paul him selfe shevveth plainly prosperitie, amongst Gods people, and true religi∣on, to be the benefites and fruits in general, that by Gods ordinance springeth from the rule and gouernment of Kings and Magistrates, vnto the vveale of the people. The vvhich tvvo, although diuers in them selues, yet are so combined and knitte together, and as it vvere incorporated in this one office of the Magistrate, that the nourishing of the one, is the feeding of the other, the decay of the one, destroyeth or (at the least) deadlye vveakeneth them both. So that one can not be in perfect and good estate vvithout the other. The vvhich knot and fastening together of religion, and prosperitie in com∣mon vveales, the most Christian and godly Emperours Theodosius and Va∣lentinianus, did vvisely (.68.)* 1.280 see, as it appeareth by this that they vvrote vnto Cyrill, saiying: The suertie of our common weale, depen∣deth vpon Gods Religion, and there is great kinred and socie∣tie betwixte these tweine, for they cleaue together, and the one groweth with the increase of the other, in such sorte, that true Religion holpen with the indeuour of Iustice, and the

common weale holpen of them both, florisheth. Seing there∣fore, that we are constituted of God to be the kings, and are the knitting together or iointure of Godlines and prosperitie in the subiects, we kepe the societie of these tweine, neuer to be sundred: and so farre forth as by our foresight, we procure peace vnto our subiects, we minister vnto the augmenting of the common weale: but as we might say, being seruaunts to our subiects in al things, that they may liue godly, and be of a religious conuersation as it becommeth godly ones , we gar∣nish the common weale with honour, hauing care as it is cō∣uenient for them both (for it can not be, that diligently proui∣ding for the one, we should not care, in like sorte also for the other) But we trauaile earnestly in this thing aboue the reast, that the Ecclesiasticall state may remaine sure, bothe in suche sort, as is seemely for Gods honour, and fitte for our times, that it may continue in tranquilitie by common consent without variaunce, that it may be quiete through agreemente in Ec∣clesiasticall matters, that the godlye Religion may be preser∣ued vnreprouable, and that the lyfe of such as are chosen into the Clergy, and the greate Priesthood maye be clere from all faulte.

Stapleton.

And shal we now M. Horne, your antecedent matter being so naught, greatly feare, the consequent and conclu∣sion ye will hereof inferre? Nay pardie. For lo straite waye, euen in the firste line, ye bewray either your great ignoraunce, or your like malice. Not for calling this Em∣perour as ye did before Emanuell (let that goe as a veniall sinne) but for calling him Christian Emperour, and willing him to be an example, a spectacle, a glasse for others, as one that (as yee sayed before) refourmed Relligion to the purenesse thereof: which saying in suche a personage as ye

counterfaite, can not be but a deadly and a mortall sinne. Surely M. Fox of al men is depely beholding vnto you: for if this be pure religion, thē may he be the bolder, after your solemne sentence once geauen, bearing the state of one of the chief Prelates in the realme: and of a Prelate of the gar∣ter withal: to kepe still his holy daye, that he hath dedica∣ted to the memorie of his blessed Martyr, M. D. Wesalian, of whom we spake before. And yet I wene it wil proue no great festiual daie, for that he was an heretike otherwise al∣so. Well I leaue this at your leasure, better to be debated vpon betwene you and M. Fox. In the meane while to re∣turne to the matter of your dealing, wherof I spake: yf ye knew not the state and truth of your Emperours doings, ye are a very poore sely Clerke, farre from the knowledge of the late reuerend fathers, Bishop White, and Bishop Gardi∣ner: and how mete to occupie such a roome,* 1.281 I leaue it to others their discrete and vpright iudgemēts. And now Sir, if this be pure religion, as ye say, then haue ye one heresie more, then any of your fellowes, as farre as I knowe, hath: onlesse perhappes M. Foxe wil not suffer you to walke all post alone.* 1.282 And then that I may a litle rolle in your railing rhetorike, wherein ye vniustly rore out against M. Feken∣ham, may I not for much better cause and grounde, saye to you, then ye did to him, to make him a Donatist: M. Horne let your friends now weigh with aduisemēt, what was the erronious opinion of the Grecians against the holy Ghoste: and let them cōpare your opiniō and guilful defences ther∣of to theirs. And they must nedes clap you on the back, and say to you Patrisas (if there be any vpright iudgmēt in thē) Deming you so like your great graunsiers the Grecians, as though they had spitte you out of their mouth.

Now for your conclusion, that you bring in vppon this Emperours and Constantines example, it is nedelesse and farre from the matter. Whereby by the place of S. Paule, before rehearsed,* 1.283 and nowe eftsone by you resumed, by Chrysostome in his expositions of the saied place, and by Cyrillus you would haue vs seriously admonished, that pro¦speritie of the common welth and true religion, springeth from the good regiment of Magistrates, whiche we denie not, and that the decaye of religion destroyeth or deadlye weakeneth the other: which is also true, as the vtter ruine of the Empire of Grece proceding from the manifolde he∣resies, especially that, whereof we haue discoursed, doth to wel and to plainly testifie. And therefore I would wish you and M. Foxe,* 1.284 with others, but you two aboue all o∣thers, with good aduisemente to note, that as the wicked Iewes that crucified Christ about the holy time of Easter, were at the very same time, or thereabout, besieged of the Romans, and shortly after brought to such desolation, and to suche miserable wretched state, as in a manner is incre∣dible, sauing that beside the foreseing and foresaiyng ther∣of by Christ, there is extant at this daie a true and faithfull reporte: Euen so, your dearlings the Grecians, whose er∣rour, but not alone, but accompanied with some other, that you at this daie stoutly defend, yet especially rested in this heresie against the holy Ghost, that ye terme with an vn∣cleane ād an impure mouth, pure religiō, were in their chief city of Cōstātinople, in the time of Cōstantinus son to Iohn, nephew to Andronicus your Emanuels father, euen about Whitsontide (at whiche time the Catholique Churche in true and sincere faith concerning the holy Ghost, kepeth a solemne festiuall daie of the holy Ghoste) sodenly by the

wicked Turks besieged, and shortly after the city and the whole Greke empire came into the Turks hands and pos∣session. Wherein God seameth as before to the Iewes, so afterwarde to the Grecians, as yt were with pointing and notyfying yt with his finger to shewe and to notifie to all the worlde, the cause of the finall destruction, as well of the one, as of the other people. But what speke I of Grece?* 1.285 we nede not ronne to so fare yeares or contries. The case toucheth vs much nearer: The realme of Boheame, and of late yeares of France and Scotlande, the noble contrey of Germany, with some other that I neade not name, be to to lyuely and pregnant examples, of this your true, but nead∣lesse and impertinente admonition. For the whiche not∣withstandinge seeinge ye deale so freelye and liberallye, I thowght good also to returne you an other: I suppose not neadlesse or impertinente for you, and such other as doe prayse and commende so highly this Andronicus doinges.

And nowe might I here breake of from this and goe further forth, sauing that I can not suffer you, to bleare the readers eies, as thowgh the Emperours Theodosius,* 1.286 and Valentinianus sayings or doings shoulde serue any thinge for your pretensed primacy: We (saith Valentinian to the Emperour Theodosius) owght to defende the faithe which we receiued of our auncetours withe all competente deuo∣tion: and in this our tyme preserue vnblemished the worthy reuerence dewe to the blessed Apostle Peter. So, that the most blessed bisshop of the cyty of Rome, to whome an∣tiquity, hath geuen the principality of priesthod aboue all other, may (O most blessed father and honorable Emperour) haue place and liberty, to geue iudgement in such matters as concer∣neth faith and priests. And for this cause the bisshop of Constā∣tinople,

hath according to the solemne order of councells, by his lybel appealed vnto hī. And this is writē M. Horne to Theo∣dosius him self, by a commō letter of Valentinian, and the Empresses Placidia and Eudoxia.* 1.287 Which Placidia writeth also a particular letter to her said sonne Theodosius, and altogether in the same sense. Harken good M. Horne, and geue good aduertisement: I walke not, and wander as ye doe, here alleaging this Emperour, in an obscure genera∣lity, whereof can not be enforced any certayne particula∣rity of the principal Question: I goe to worke with you plainly, trewlye and particularlye: I shewe you by your own Emperour and by playn words, the Popes supremacy and the practise withal of appeales frō Constantinople to Rome: that it is the lesse to be marueled at, yf Michael in the forsayde coūcel at Lions cōdescēded to the same. And your Andronicus with his Grecians the lesse to be borne withal for breaking and reuoking the said Emperours good and lawful doings. Neither is it to be thought, that Theo∣dosius thowght otherwise of this primacy. But because ye hereafter wring and wrest him to serue your turne, I will set him ouer to that as a more commodiouse place to de∣bate his doings therein.

M. Horne. The .26. Diuision. Pag. 19. a.

Hitherto I haue proued plainly by the holy Scriptures, and by some suche Doctours, as frō age to age, haue vvitnessed, th'order of ecclesiasticall gouern∣mēt in the Church of Christ: yea by the confession, testimony, and example of some of the most godly Emperours thēselues, that such (.69.)* 1.288 like gouern∣ment in Church causes, as the Queenes maiesty taketh vpō her, doth of duty belōg vnto the ciuil Magistrates and Rulers, and therfore they may yea, they ought to claim and take vpon them the same. Novv remayneth that I proue this same by the continual practise of the like gouernment in some one parte of Christendom, and by the general counsayles, vvherein (as ye affirme) the

right order of Ecclesiastical gouernment in Christ his Church, hath been most faithfully declared and shevved from tyme to tyme.

Stapleton.

Hitherto you haue not brought any one thing to the substantial prouf of your purpose worth a good strawe: nei∣ther scripture, nor Doctour, nor Emperour. Among your fowre emperours by you named ye haue iugled in one that was a stark heretik, but as subtily, as ye thought ye had hād∣led the matter, ye haue not so craftely cōueyed your galles, but that ye are espied. Yet for one thing are ye here to be cōmended, that now ye would seame to frame as a certain fixed state of the matter to be debated vpō, ād to the which ye would seme to direct your proufs, that ye wil bring. And therin you deale with vs better, thē hitherto ye haue done seaming to seke by dark generalities, as it were corners, to luske and lurke in. Neither yet here walke ye so plainly ād truely as ye woulde seme: but in great darknes with a scōse of dymme light, that the readers should not haue the clere vew and sight of the right way ye should walke in, whom with this your dark sconse ye leade farre awrie. For thus you frame vs the state of the Question.

M. Horne. The 27. Diuision. Pag. 19. b.

The gouernment that the Queenes maiesty taketh most iustly vppon her in Ecclesiastical causes, is the guiding, caring, prouiding, ordering, direc∣ting, and ayding, the Ecclesiastical state vvithin her dominions, to the furthe∣raunce, maintenaunce, and setting foorth of true religion, vnity, and quietnes of Christes Church, ouerseyng, visitīg, refourming, restrayning, amending, ād correcting, al maner persons, vvith al maner errours, superstitiōs, Heresies, Schismes, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities, in or about Christes Re∣ligiō vvhatsoeuer. This same authority, rule, and gouernmēt, vvas practised in the Catholik Church, by the most Christiā Kings and Emperours, approued, cōfirmed, and cōmended by the best counsailes, both general and national.

The .20. Chapter: Declaring the state of the Question be∣twene M. Horne and Fekenhā, touching the Othe.

Stapleton.

HEre is a state framed of you (M. Horne) but farre square from the Question in hande. For the Question is not nowe betwene M. Fekē∣ham and you, whether the Prince may visit, refourme, and correcte all maner of persons, for al maner of heresies and schismes, and offences in Chri∣stian Religion, which perchaunce in some sense might somewhat be borne withal, if ye meane by this visitation and reformation the outward execution of the Churche lawes and decrees, confirmed by the ciuill magistrate, ro∣borated with his edictes, and executed with his sworde. For in such sorte many Emperours and Princes, haue for∣tified, and strenghthened the decrees of bisshops made in Councels both general and national, as we shal in the pro∣cesse see.* 1.289 And this in Christian Princes is not denied, but commended. But the Question is here now, whether the Prince or lay Magistrat, may of him selfe, and of his owne princely Authority, without any higher Ecclesiasticall power in the Churche, within or without the Realme vi∣sit, refourme and correct, and haue al maner of gouernmēt and Authority in al things and causes ecclesiastical, or no. As whether the Prince may by his own supreme Authori∣ty, depose and set vp bisshops and Priests, make Iniunctions of doctrine, prescribe order of Gods seruice, enact matters of religion, approue and disproue Articles of the faith, take order for administration of Sacraments, commaunde or put to silence preachers, determine doctrine, excommunicat

and absolue with such like, which all are causes ecclesia∣stical, and al apperteyning not to the inferiour ministerye, (which you graunt to Priestes and bisshops onely) but to the supreme iurisdiction and gouernment, which you doe annexe to the Prince onely. This I say, is the state of the Question, now present. For the present Question betwene you and M. Fekenham is grounded vppon the Othe com∣prised in the Statute: which Statute emplieth and conclu∣deth al these particulars.

For concealing whereof, you haue M. Horne in the framing of your ground according to the Statute,* 1.290 omitted cleane the ij. clauses of the Statute, folowing. The one at the beginning, where the Statute saith. That no forayn per∣son shall haue any maner of Authority in any spirituall cause within the Realme. By which wordes is flatly excluded all the Authority of the whole body of the Catholike Church without the Realme: As in a place more conuenient, to∣ward the end of the last book, it shal by Gods grace be eui∣dently proued. The other clause you omitte at the ende of the said Satute, which is this. That all maner Superio∣rities, that haue or maye lawfully be exercised, for the visitatiō of persons Ecclesiasticall, and correcting al maner of errours, heresies, and offences, shall be for euer vnited to the Crowne of the Realme of Englande. Wherein is employed, that yf (which God forbidde) a Turke, or any heretike whatso∣euer shoulde come to the Crowne of Englande, by ver∣tu of this Statute and of the Othe, al maner superioritye in visiting and correcting Ecclesiastical persones in al ma∣ner matters, should be vnited to him. Yea and euery sub∣iecte should sweare, that in his conscience he beleueth so. This kinde of regiment therefore so large and ample I am

right wel assured, ye haue not proued, nor euer shal be able to proue in the auncient Church, while ye liue. When I say, this kinde of regiment, I walke not in confuse, and ge∣neral words as ye doe, but I restrayne my self to the fore∣said particulars now rehersed, and to that platte forme, that I haue already drawen to your hand, and vnto the which Maister Fekenham must pray you to referre and apply your euidences. Otherwise, as he hath, so may he or any man els, the chiefe pointes of all being as yet on your side vnproued, still refuse the Othe. For the which do∣inges neither you, nor any man else, can iustly be greued with him.

* 1.291As neither with vs M. Horne ought you or any mā els be greued for declaring the Truth in this point, as yf we were discōtēted subiects, or repyning against the obediēce we owe to our Gracious Prince and our Countre. For be∣side that we ought absolutely more obey God then man, and preferre the Truth (which our Sauiour himself prote∣sted to be, encouraging al the faithful to professe the Truth, and geuing them to wit, that in defending that, they defen∣ded Christ himself) before al other worldly respects what∣soeuer, beside al this I say, whosoeuer wil but indifferent∣ly consider the matter, shal see, that M. Horne himselfe, in specifying here at large the Quenes Mai. gouernement, by the Statute intended, doth no lesse in effect abridge the same, by dissembling silence, then the Catholikes doe by open and plain contradiction. For whereas the Statute and the Othe (to the which all must swere) expresseth A su∣preme gouernment in al thinges and causes, without excep∣tion, Maister Horne taking vpon him to specifie the par∣ticulars of this general decree, and amplyfying that litle

which he geueth to the Quenes Maiesty, with copy of wordes, ful statutelyke, he leaueth yet out, and by that leauing out, taketh from the meaning of the Statute the principal cause ecclesiasticall, and most necessary, mete, and conuenient for a Supreme Gouernour Ecclesiasticall. What is that, you aske. Forsoth: Iudgement, determi∣ning and approuing of doctrine, which is true and good, and which is otherwise. For what is more necessary in the Churche, then that the Supreme gouernour thereof, should haue power in al doubtes and controuersies to de∣cide the Truthe, and to make ende of questioning? This in the Statute by Maister Hornes silence is not compri∣sed. And yet who doubteth, that of al thinges and cau∣ses Ecclesiastical, this is absolutelye the chiefest? Yea and who seeth not, that by the vertue of this Statute, the Quenes Maiesty hath iudged, determined, and enacted a new Religiō contrary to the iudgement of all the Bisshops and clergy (in the Conuocation represented) of her highnes dominions? Yea and that by vertue of the same Authority, in the last paliament the booke of Articles pre∣sented and put vp there by the consent of the whole con∣uocation of the newe pretended clergy of the Realme, and (one or ij. only excepted) of al the pretended Bisshops also, was yet reiected and not suffred to passe?

Agayne, preachinge the woorde, administration of the Sacramentes, binding and loosing, are they not thinges and causes mere Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall? And howe then are they here by you omitted, Maister Horne? Or howe make you the Supreme gouernment in al causes to rest in the Quenes Maiesty, yf these causes haue no place there?

Which is nowe better (I appeale to al good consciences) plainly to maintayne the Truthe, then dissemblinglye to vpholde a falshood? Plainly to refuse the Othe so generallye conceyued, then generally to sweare to it, beinge not generallye meaned? But now let vs see how M. Horne wil di∣rect his proufes to the scope appoin∣ted.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The 5. vn∣truthe in vvrong∣fully char¦ging M. Fekēham for the Title of his trea∣tise.
• * 1.2

  The 6. vn¦truthe, the reso∣lutiōs are truly re∣ported, as shal ap∣peare.
• * 1.3

  The 7 vn∣truthe Slaunde∣rous.
• * 1.4

  Hovv vvel M. ••orne k••peth his ovvn rule of circum∣stances.
• * 1.5

  In vvhat point the title of M. Fek. Treatise may be counted faulty.
• * 1.6

  M. Horne no Bis••h nor P••e∣late of the Gar∣ter.
• * 1.7

  M. Horn the firste B. of his race in the See of Vvinche∣ster.

  In the Fortresse of our first faith annexed to Ven. Bede. par. 2 cap. 1.3. & 8.

  The Pro∣testantes vvōder∣fully tro∣bled a∣bout the questiō of the con∣tinual suc¦cession of Bisshops.
• * 1.8

  Lecherie turned into the name of vvedlock
• * 1.9

  M. Horn and his fellovves accōpted heretikes by the Apologie of Eng∣land. Apologia Lati. in. 8. pag 33.
• * 1.10

  Religion ••••ered in ••ngland ••gaīst the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the vvhole Cl••rgie.
• * 1.11

  M. Horn can not defend and main¦teine his heresies nor him∣self to be a Bisshop by anie lavve of the Real∣me.

  See the Apologie of Sta¦philus Fol 81.
• * 1.12

  The .8. vn¦truth, slā∣derouse.
• * 1.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in d••••de the vv••orste kindes of speaches In all that book•• of M Feck.
• * 1.14

  The 9. vn¦truth. M. Fekenhā vvas ne∣uer so an∣svvered.
• * 1.15

  the 10. vn¦truth. In∣credible.
• * 1.16

  The .11. vntruth. There vvas no suche re∣porte made.
• * 1.17

  The .12. vntruth. slāderous
• * 1.18

  The .13. vntruth. notori∣ously slā∣derous.
• * 1.19

  Concer∣ning the conferēce at VVest¦mynster in the first yere of the Quenes Maiesties Reigne.
• * 1.20

  The que∣stiōs dis∣orderly put out.
• * 1.21

  At Mō∣ster by reason of Disputa∣tions, in one yere the Lu∣therans thrust out the Catho¦liks, the Anabap∣tists the Lutherās Sleiden lib. 10.

  The cler∣gies sute to the parliamēt
• * 1.22

  The Ca∣tholikes not suf∣fred to replie.
• * 1.23

  The Ca∣tholikes required in Aphri∣ca the Popes le∣gate to be present in disputati∣ons with the Ariās. Vict. lib. 2. de perseq-Vandal.
• * 1.24

  The .14. Vntruth. That M. Fekenhā shoulde geue vp his Trea∣tise in vvriting after he vvas re∣solued by M. Horn.
• * 1.25

  In the an∣svvere to the reso∣lutiōs, the 440, leaf.
• * 1.26

  The 15. vn¦truethe vilainou•• and slau••¦derous. M Feken∣hā by all his dedes hath all∣vvaies shevved himselfe a most o∣bedient subiect.
• * 1.27

  The 16. vntruthe Diuelish and spri∣tish.
• * 1.28

  The 17.18. and 19 vntruth•• blasphe∣mous hor¦rible and vilainous For nei∣ther is the pope any heretike, neither do Catho¦liks make him their God: Nei∣ther wish t••ei hī to reigne in the Que∣nes place, that is, to haue tēporal iurisdiction as the Quenes Ma••. hath.
• * 1.29

  Act. 5.
• * 1.30

  Act. 24. Vict de per seq. Vand. An olde practise of Infi∣dels, Ie∣vves, and heret••ks. Sedition the pecu∣iiar fruit•• of heresy.
• * 1.31

  Vide vvald doct. fidei. tom 2.

  Doctrina∣li, & Do∣cumento. 1
• * 1.32

  Aene. Pius in Praefaet. De orig. Bohemiae. Naucle∣rus gene∣rat. 49. pag. 48••.
• * 1.33

  Polidore. lib. 22. Hist. Ang.
• * 1.34

  Sleidan. lib 4. in sine.

  Idē. li. 17. &. 19.
• * 1.35

  In Apolog. hart. 3.
• * 1.36

  Of the late rebel¦lion in Flanders.
• * 1.37

  In Resp. Ducissae. 6. Aprilis.
• * 1.38

  Pulchrum est coruos deludere hiantes.
• * 1.39

  An vn∣manerlie talke meet for so clenly a Gospel.
• * 1.40

  Recueil de ••hoses ad∣uenues en Anuers. An. 1566.
• * 1.41

  By vvhat meanes the nevv prechīg•• entered first the tovvne of Ant∣vverp.
• * 1.42

  The Ca∣tholikes no sedi∣tious sub∣iects.
• * 1.43

  VVhye the catho¦liks shuld be borne vvithal.
• * 1.44

  The Queenes title De∣fender of the faith.
• * 1.45

  The obe∣dience of the Euā∣gelicall brethren in causes Ecclesia∣stical.
• * 1.46

  Magdeb. pref. cēt. 7
• * 1.47

  The Lu∣theraā in Germany deny this suprema∣cie.
• * 1.48

  Cent. ••.
• * 1.49

  Cōtra ar∣tic. Lou. Tom. 2.
• * 1.50

  Andreas Modreui∣us de Ec∣clesia lib. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.51

  The Zvvin∣glians de∣ny this suprema∣cy.

  Caluin c. 7. Amos.
• * 1.52

  A nevve secte in Engl••nd contrary to al the vvorlde beside, as vvel pa∣pistes as prote¦stants. They may be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Laicoce¦phali: as ye vvold say. Lay∣heads, or Laiehead makers.
• * 1.53

  Antonie Gilbie in his admo¦nition to England and Scot∣lād to call them to repētāce. Imprīted at Geneua by Iohn Cri••pine. 1558. p, 69
• * 1.54

  See how religiosly the Pro∣testantes speake of their Princes,
• * 1.55

  Ibidem. Fol. 70. Gilbies iudge∣mēt con∣cerninge the reli∣gion that novv is.
• * 1.56

  Iohn Knokes in his ap∣pellation and his exortatiō to the no¦bilitie of Scotland Fol. 77. Imprīted at Geneua An 1558. In his ap∣pellation to the Nobility the .36. leafe.
• * 1.57

  Christo∣pher Goodmā how Su∣periours ought to be obeied and im∣printed at Gene∣ua by Iohn Crispin. 15••8. c. 5. fol. 54.
• * 1.58

  Cap 8. fol. 96.
• * 1.59

  M. Sands
• * 1.60

  M. Vvhi∣tingam in the Preface.
• * 1.61

  A moste true de∣fence for M Fekē∣ham.
• * 1.62

  The 20. vntruthe For not in actiōs belongīg properly to the things go¦uerned, but belō∣ging pro∣perly to the gouer¦nour and to his end
• * 1.63

  The 21. vntruthe proued to be so by M. Horn him selfe▪ as it shall straight appere.
• * 1.64

  The 22. vntruthe M. Fekē∣ham affir¦med no such thīg
• * 1.65

  The defi∣nitiō of a Supreme Gouer∣nour.
• * 1.66

  How the prince is the Su∣preame head and gouer∣nour of al persōs.
• * 1.67

  Thende of the tē∣poral go∣uernmēt.
• * 1.68

  The ende of the spi∣ritual go∣uernmēt.
• * 1.69

  VVhy Princes are most bound to aide the ••pirituall povver.
• * 1.70

  Fol. 96.97
• * 1.71

  M. Horn contrary to him∣self.
• * 1.72

  The 23 vntruthe slāderous For M. Fe¦kenhā so did, not as an vn∣faithful subiect: but as a repentāt Catholik.
• * 1.73

  The 24. vntruth. This is no parte at al of the Prin∣ces royal povver
• * 1.74

  Mutato nomine, de te fa∣bula nar∣ratur.
• * 1.75

  If your abilitie be no better then here apeareth, it is none al all.
• * 1.76

  The .25. vntruth. The To∣vver is not M. Fekenhās hold: For it holdeth him, not he it.
• * 1.77

  The .26. vntruth. The Quenes highnes vvordes in the Tovver, can testi∣fie the contrary.
• * 1.78

  27. A heape of slaunde∣rous and railing vntrute.
• * 1.79

  Hovve a spirituall man is vnder∣neath the Prince ād hovv he is not,
• * 1.80

  An heap•• of vn∣truthes vvhere∣vvith M. Feken∣ham is falslie charged.
• * 1.81

  After Gods plague M. Horne beganne his plage.
• * 1.82

  Thom. Aquin. quaest. 1. de malo.
• * 1.83

  The 28. vntruthe For no man can knovv that vvhich is not true.
• * 1.84

  A rable¦ment of vntruth••
• * 1.85

  The 29. vntruth•• Slaunde∣rous and reproch∣ful.
• * 1.86

  The .30. vntruth, This was not the cause of his enpri∣sonment, as shall appeare.
• * 1.87

  The .31. vntruthe slāderous he vvas not deli∣uered vp∣on any promise of recan∣tatiō, but to be dis∣puted vvithal,
• * 1.88

  The 32. vntruthe mere slaū¦derous, as may vvel appere by this your booke. Sapien. 1.
• * 1.89

  The gētle and louīg ha••te of M. Horn.
• * 1.90

  Tho. aqui. de malo quast. 3.
• * 1.91

  In Opusc. contra er∣rores Grae¦corum.

  Ostēditur etiā, quòd subesse Ro¦mano Pō∣tifici sit de necessita∣te salutis.
• * 1.92

  No man cā know an vn∣truthe.
• * 1.93

  The cause of M. Fe¦kenhams imprison¦ment in K. Ed∣vvardes dayes.
• * 1.94

  Disputa∣tio•••• had vvith M. Fekenhā.
• * 1.95

  Vide dis∣puta: ve∣nerabiliū sacerdotū, & Ant∣uerp. im∣press. 1564.
• * 1.96

  August. in Psal. 54. super ver∣sum: Di∣uisi sunt praeira. &c.
• * 1.97

  See Syr Thomas More in a letter vvriten to Syr Thomas Cromwel fol. 1426. & 1427. Syr Tho. Mores first opi∣niō of the Popes primacy:
• * 1.98

  The Po∣pes pri∣macy in∣stituted by God.
• * 1.99

  Though the Pri∣macie vver no•• ordeined of God, yet could it not be reiected by anie one Re∣alme.
• * 1.100

  Luc. 22.
• * 1.101

  M. Fekē∣hā more cōfirmed then he vvas be∣fore, euen by M. Hornes booke.
• * 1.102

  Sap. 1.
• * 1.103

  In the Geneuiā Bible•• printed at Geneua An. 1562,
• * 1.104

  Vide Ho∣sium cōtr. Brent. li. 3
• * 1.105

  The .33. vntruth. imploy∣ing a cō∣tradictiō to your former ansvvere made to M. Fek. as shall appere.
• * 1.106

  The first ansvvere of M. Horne to M. Fe∣kenham.
• * 1.107

  M. Horns secōd an¦svvere cōtrarye to the first.
• * 1.108

  Truth is simple ād vniform.
• * 1.109

  The .34. and
• * 1.110

  .35. vntruth•• in false trāslatīg, and lea∣uing out a part of the sen∣tēce ma∣teriall.
• * 1.111

  The .36. vntruth. T••e gloss. ordinar. hathe no suche thing.
• * 1.112

  The .37. Vntruth. The place of the Deute∣ronomy flatly be∣lyed.
• * 1.113

  M. Hor∣nes vn∣skilfulnes
• * 1.114

  Deut. 17.
• * 1.115

  In the greate Bible de∣dicated to King Ed¦ward the 6 prin∣ted 1549.
• * 1.116

  Both, the boks of scripture and thex∣position must be taken at the priests hands.
• * 1.117

  An other sentence in the said chapter by M. Horn al∣leaged that ouer throvv∣eth all his boast
• * 1.118

  Deut. 13.
• * 1.119

  Heresie is Idolatry. Vinc. Lyr. aduersus prophan. nouit. Hieron. Zach. c. 13 Esai c. 2. & 8.

  Augu. de vera reli∣gion. c. 38.
• * 1.120

  Regarde and chief rule: Care and Su∣prem go∣uernmēt are ij. di∣uerse thī∣ges.
• * 1.121

  The 38. vntruth. For Moy¦ses vvas the chiefe prieste, as shal be proued.
• * 1.122

  Moy∣ses
• * 1.123

  All M. Hornes examples out of the old testa∣ment an∣svvered alredy by M. Doct. Harding and M. Dorman.
• * 1.124

  Psalm. 98 Hieron in Iouinianū lib. 1.

  Greg Na∣zian. in oration. de Moyse & Aaron. & in orat. ha¦bita in praesentia fratris Ba¦silij, &c. Philo Iu∣deus de vita Moysi lib. 3.

  Exod 24 Ibidem. Exod. 29. & 35.
• * 1.125

  Deut. 34.
• * 1.126

  Deut. 18.
• * 1.127

  Act. 3. et 7.
• * 1.128

  Act. 7.
• * 1.129

  Mē must iudge by Lavv and not by examples
• * 1.130

  The .39. vntruth. Iosue had not the Supreme gouerne∣ment in causes Ecclesia∣stical, but Eleaza∣rus had it
• * 1.131

  The .40. vntruth. For be∣side: In all things to be don of Iosue, Eleazar shoulde instruct him.

  Iosue. 3.4 5 6.8.23.24.
• * 1.132

  Iosue no Su∣preme Gouer∣nour in al Ecclesia∣sticall causes. Num 27
• * 1.133

  M. Nowel put to his shifts by M. Dor∣man.
• * 1.134

  Num. 27.
• * 1.135

  Iosue. 3 4.5.6.8.23.24
• * 1.136

  Iosue. 13.
• * 1.137

  Num. 17.
• * 1.138

  Fol 23. & 24.
• * 1.139

  2 Sam 5.
• * 1.140

  The .41. vntruth. Dauid vvas not Supreme gouernor in al man¦ner cau∣ses, but suffred the Le∣uites in Churche matters to liue vnder the rule of their high Priest. 1. Par. 13.15.16. Dauid in all these matters, determi∣mined no doctrine, nor alte∣red any religion agaīst the Priestes vvilles of his ovvn Supreme authori∣tye.
• * 1.141

  Da∣uid.
• * 1.142

  1 Par. 16.
• * 1.143

  1. Par. 24.
• * 1.144

  2. Par. 29.
• * 1.145

  Naueler. Generat. 29. pag 51 &. 52. Krantz. lib. 2. c 9.
• * 1.146

  Iuo Car∣not. lib. 5. Nec vlte∣rius liceat retractari per appel∣lationis negotium, quod epi∣scoporum iudicio re∣ciditur.
• * 1.147

  The .42. vntruth. For Salo∣mon of his ovvn authori∣tie (as your ar∣gument runneth) deposed not Abia∣thar: but executed only the sentence, pronoū∣ced be∣fore by Samuell Gods mi∣nister.
• * 1.148

  The .43. vntruth. Those vvordes are not in the scrip∣ture alle∣ged.
• * 1.149

  Novvel fol. 166. col. 1.
• * 1.150

  M. Horne ouerthro¦vven cō∣cerning the depo¦sition of Abiathar by the ve¦ry next line of his ovvne text guile¦fully by hī omit∣ted

  3. Reg. c. 2
• * 1.151

  The 44. vntruth. The Scri∣ptur•• ter¦met•• not any such Princely Autho••i¦ty.

  2 Par. 17. Gloss. o••d.
• * 1.152

  Not by his ovvn lavves e∣nacting a religion, vvhich preachers shoulde svveare vnto.

  2. Par. 19.
• * 1.153

  Yea the Priestes iudged, not the King.
• * 1.154

  The 45. vntruth. Thereap¦pereth not in Scripture any such prescrip∣tiō made vno the chiefe Priests 2. Par. 20.
• * 1.155

  2. Par. 19 8.
• * 1.156

  In his quae ad Deum per••inent, praesidebit.
• * 1.157

  Exod. 4. & 18.
• * 1.158

  M Horn confoun∣ded by his ovvne book and Chapter.
• * 1.159

  4. Reg. 18.
• * 1.160

  2. Par. 29.
• * 1.161

  The 46. vntruth. Those vvordes (concer∣ning thīgs of the Lord) are no vvor∣des of the text, but fa••sly ad∣ded to ho¦ly Scrip∣ture.
• * 1.162

  The 47, vn••ruth. Holy Scripture falsified, ād may ••ed. as it shal ap∣pere. 2. Par. 30.
• * 1.163

  4. Reg. 18.
• * 1.164

  2. Par. 29
• * 1.165

  2. Par. 31.
• * 1.166

  2. Par. 29.
• * 1.167

  The .48. vntruth. Boldly a∣uouched, but no vvay proued.
• * 1.168

  The 49. vntruth. as before, but som∣vvhat more im∣pudent.
• * 1.169

  Iosias
• * 1.170

  It is here declared, that M. Horne cōmeth nothing nigh the principal question.
• * 1.171

  Generall Coūcels abando∣ned out of Eng∣land by acte of Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.172

  Note.
• * 1.173

  Gen. 47.
• * 1.174

  The .50. vntruth. Moste slaunde∣rous. M. Horne him selfe and his fellovves are in ma¦ny poīts Donati∣stes, as shal ap∣peare.
• * 1.175

  The 51. vntruth. Answere the For∣tresse M. Horne, annexed to S. Bede, if you dare to defend this most sensible and most grosse lye.

  August. Epist. 43. & 50. Lib. 2. cont. lit. Pet. ca. 92 Lib 2. con. Ep. 2. Gaud. ca. 2••.
• * 1.176

  M. Horns disorder∣ly Trea∣tise.
• * 1.177

  M. Horns and his fellovves aūcetors.
• * 1.178

  August. et Epiphae. de haeres.
• * 1.179

  Hier. con. Iouinian. Ambro. li. 10. epi. 18 Ambros. serm. 91. Euth. in Panopl. tit. 33.
• * 1.180

  Euth. Zi∣gab. in Pa¦nop. tit. 21 Hiero. cōt. Vig. Ionas episcopus Aurelian. cōt. Clau∣dium.

  Euth. in Panop. tit. 22.

  August li. 1. cont. 2. epis. Pela. ad Bonif. cap. 13.

  Cyril li 6. cōt. Iulia.
• * 1.181

  Cyril lib. 6 contra Iulianū. Aug. lib. 2 cōtr. 2. epi. Pelag. c. 4. Caluin in his Insti∣tutions, cap. 18. in fine: Ar∣gētorati Impress. An. 1545
• * 1.182

  Epiph. & Philast. de haeres.
• * 1.183

  Clemens li. 3. recog. Iraeneus. li 1. ca. 20.
• * 1.184

  In the discourse annexed to Sta∣philus. fol. 161. & sequent.
• * 1.185

  Prote¦stants be Do¦natists
• * 1.186

  1. The dis∣sentiō of the Do∣natists.

  August. de haeres. & in Psal. 36 & lib. 4. contra Cresc. c. 6.
• * 1.187

  2. Aug. lib. 2 contra Iu∣lian. & lib 3. contra Cresco. c. 66. & lib. 2. contra aduers. Leg. c 12.
• * 1.188

  3. Aug. epis. 204. & cōt. Cresc.
• * 1.189

  4. Aug. lib. 1. euang. quaest. 4. cap. 38. The Do∣natists re∣fuse the knovven Church.
• * 1.190

  5. Vide Aug. in breuicu¦lo Collat. diei 3. & in lib. post Coll. ca. 31. See M. Davves in his 13. booke.
• * 1.191

  6. August. in Ioannem Tractat. 13 An. 1558.
• * 1.192

  in l. theut. ad Senatū Germa. In lib. de miss. An∣gul.
• * 1.193

  7. Thei pre∣ferre a na¦tionall councel before the general. Aug. lib. 2 de baptis. cap. 9.

  8. August. de agone Christi c. 29.

  The Au∣thour of the har∣borovve. 9.
• * 1.194

  Opt. lib. 2. Parte. 2 cap. 1. fol. 94.

  Aug. lib. 2 cont. Pe∣til. ca. 92. Optatus lib. 2. In his Replie a∣gainst M. D. Har∣ding.
• * 1.195

  Optatus. lib. 2.6. & 7.

  The Do∣natistes crueltie to the Catholiks Optatus. Lib. 6. Aug. con∣tra Dona. post Col∣lat. c. 31.
• * 1.196

  The Do∣natistes counted Martyrs. August. epist. 68.
• * 1.197

  M. Foxes stinking Martyrs: Euseb. li. 5 cap. 18. Niceph. li. 6. c. 32 Aug. con. epist. Ma∣ni. ca. 8. Syr Iohn Oldcastel Syr Ro∣ger Act∣on.

  Anno. 2. Henrici. 5 cap. 5. Polidor. Harding. Fabian. Haul. Cooper. Eleanour Cobham.
• * 1.198

  Sir Ro∣ger One∣ly. Maga∣ret lorde∣man. The vvitch of Aey.
• * 1.199

  See Har∣ding, Fa∣biā, Hall Cooper, grafton, the addi¦tion of Polichro¦nicon.
• * 1.200

  Harding. in Hen. 6 c. 232.
• * 1.201

  See M. Foxes Martyr, the 371. leafe. Alanus Copus. dialog. 6. cap. 16. Hune Debnam. King. Marsh.
• * 1.202

  D. VVe∣salian.
• * 1.203

  Covv∣bridge.
• * 1.204

  The A∣pologie of Eng∣land in reciting the com∣mō Crede leaueth out these vvoords Conceiued of the holy Ghost. Tom 1. Concil. pa. 752. M. Horne and his fellovve•• by M. Horn his rule are Apolli∣narians, and Eu∣tichians.
• * 1.205

  Lib. 2. contr. Pe∣til ca. 92.
• * 1.206

  you shoulde haue said Prote∣stantes. vvho in so many pointes (as hathe ben she∣vved) re∣semble the Do∣natists.
• * 1.207

  Lib. 2. cap. 26.
• * 1.208

  Epist. 48.
• * 1.209

  Epist. 50.
• * 1.210

  Epist. 48.
• * 1.211

  Epist. 41
• * 1.212

  Epist. 50.
• * 1.213

  Epist. 41.
• * 1.214

  Lib. 2. cont. lit. Petil. c. 92 Dan. 3.
• * 1.215

  Note, that now S. Augu∣stins Iud∣gemēt is also the iudgemēt of the Ca¦tholike Churche.
• * 1.216

  The 52. vntruthe M. Fekē∣hā hol∣deth no such opi∣nion.
• * 1.217

  Li. 2. cōt. Petilianū cap. 92. & Epist. 48.50.
• * 1.218

  Princes ād church lavves made a∣gainst the protestās
• * 1.219

  VVho be the true Donatists for sayīg princes may not punishe transgres∣sours in causes of religion. Episto. 50. Bonifacio Comiti. Fontanus li. 1. in hi∣stor. no. temp.

  Vide epist. Aug. 48. in edit. Ba¦sil. & an∣notationē margina∣lē ibidem. Sir Tho∣mas Hit∣ton priest M. Foxes martyr. A great Lye of M. Foxe.
• * 1.220

  S. Tho∣mas More in his pre¦face to Tyndal the 344. leafe. &c.
• * 1.221

  S. Iohn Oldcastle knight of the same opinion vvith S. Thomas Hytton priest.
• * 1.222

  Foxe in his En∣glish mar¦tyrol. the 139. leafe. Col. 2. M. Fekē∣hā pur∣ged by M. Horn himselfe of that he layeth to him.
• * 1.223

  Rom. 1.
• * 1.224

  Not such Su∣preme go¦uernmēt as the Othe pre¦scribeth.
• * 1.225

  Not in al causes ecclesia∣stical.
• * 1.226

  The 53. vntruth. S. Augu∣stin hath vvitnes∣sed no such lar∣ge and Su¦preme go¦uernmēt, as you at∣tribute novve to princes.
• * 1.227

  You cō∣clude not in al thīgs ād causes, and ther∣fore you conclude nothing agaīst vs.
• * 1.228

  The 54. vntruth. Slaunde∣rours.
• * 1.229

  2. Cor. 6.
• * 1.230

  Esa. 49.
• * 1.231

  Lyra in Esa. c. 49.
• * 1.232

  Al this of Constan∣tine is graunted and ma∣keth no∣thing for you.

  Euse. li. .3. de vita Constāt. Lib. 2.
• * 1.233

  The 55. vntruth. They vvere Idols, not Images, that Constan∣tin for∣badde his subiects to set vp. Lib 4. de vit. Cōst. Lib. 1.
• * 1.234

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.235

  M. Horne doth cur∣tal Euse∣bius sen∣tence.
• * 1.236

  Euse. lib. 4 de vitae Constant.
• * 1.237

  Euseb lib. 3. de vita Constant.
• * 1.238

  Nice. con. act. 2. Pa. 429. Col. 2.
• * 1.239

  Mat. ••.
• * 1.240

  Mat. 21.
• * 1.241

  The .56. vntruth. This pla∣ce of S. Matth. maketh nothing for the Princes supreme gouerne∣ment in Ecclesia∣sticall things. Matth. 22
• * 1.242

  The pla∣ce of Mat. 22. ma¦keth ra∣ther quite against M. Horn. Fol. 20.
• * 1.243

  Amb li. 5. Ep. 32.
• * 1.244

  The .57. vntruth. The apo∣stles ne∣uer de∣clared a∣ny suche matter. 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13.
• * 1.245

  Epist. 125.
• * 1.246

  1. Tim. 2.
• * 1.247

  The .58. vntruth. S. Aug. misse vn∣derstan∣ded.

  Lib 14. De Trin. cap 1

  Lib. 5. de Ciuit dei cap. 14.
• * 1.248

  Grad. 6. Rom. 13. Lib 2. cap. 83.
• * 1.249

  The .59. vntruth. S. Aug. meaneth not to teach such gouerne∣ment of Princes in Eccle∣siasticall matters, as you teach, but onely to punish heretikes by lawes, & by the same to maintein the Ca∣tholique faith de∣creed of the Cler∣gie, not by the Ciuile Magistrat Lib. 2. cōt 2 Epist. Gaud c. 11
• * 1.250

  The 60. vntruth. S. Augu∣stine ne∣uer wrot so.
• * 1.251

  VVhere is there in al this M. Horne, that the Princes hath to deale in Ecclesia∣stical cau¦ses, so vvel as in tēporall?
• * 1.252

  Hosius. lib. 2. & Soto cont. Brentiū. Melanch. in lo. com. Cap. de magistr. Ciuilib.
• * 1.253

  Melanch. vt suprà.
• * 1.254

  In Apolo∣logia Cō∣fess. Art. 18.
• * 1.255

  In locis com. vbi supra.
• * 1.256

  In exami¦ne ordinā∣dorum.
• * 1.257

  Suidas in ••eontio.
• * 1.258

  Novvel fol. 33.
• * 1.259

  August. lib. 14. cap. 1. De Trinit. 1. Tim. 2.
• * 1.260

  1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13.
• * 1.261

  Prieste∣hod is a∣boue a kingdom
• * 1.262

  Chrysost. homil. 4. de eo quod scripsit Esa.
• * 1.263

  Euidētly proued by S. Chrysost the Prīce not to be the Supe∣riour in causes ec∣clesiasti∣call.
• * 1.264

  1. Tim. 2.
• * 1.265

  ••. Augu∣stin ret••r¦ned vpō M. Horn and his felovves. Lib. 2. cōt. 2. epistol. Gaudentij cap. 11.
• * 1.266

  The 61. vntruth. Eusebius neuer vn∣derstood any such Ministery of the Ci∣uil Magi∣strat.

  Lib. 1. De vit. Const. Lib. 2. De vit. Const.
• * 1.267

  The 62. vntruth. Impudēt ād shame lesse. Cō∣cluded, but no vvhyt proued.
• * 1.268

  The 63. vntruth, a•• shal ap¦peare
• * 1.269

  The 64. vntruth: in puttīg Emanuel for An∣dronicus.
• * 1.270

  The 65. vntruth. For this Emperor vvas a stark he∣retike.
• * 1.271

  The (66.) Princes suprema∣cy in re∣payringe Religion decayed.

  The 66. vntruthe fond and foolish as shal ap∣peare.
• * 1.272

  The Gre∣cians at the Coū∣cel of Li∣ons, ac∣knovv∣ledged the Popes Primacy Blōd. dec. 2. lib. 8. Ioan. Bap. Egn. Rom. Prin. li 2. Nice. Gre¦gor. li. 4. & 5.

  Pachime∣rus lib. 5. Fyue no∣table lies concer∣ning Ima¦ges in the booke of homilies.
• * 1.273

  Li. 1. Cod. Iustiniani tit 8. alias 11.

  M Iewell also hath tvvo of the same fiue.

  In his Replie to the Ar∣ticle of Images. Nicephor. Greg. li. 6.

  Three notable vntruthe of M. Horne, in this one storie.

  Volater∣ran. li. 23 Sabell. & Blondus. Lib. 8. dec. 2.
• * 1.274

  O vvhat a craftie Coper ād smothe ioyner is M. Horn?
• * 1.275

  Vide Prae∣fationem. Nicephor in histo. suam ec∣clesiasticā.
• * 1.276

  Firma∣mentum sextum & sempiter∣uum.
• * 1.277

  1. Tim. 2.
• * 1.278

  The .67. vntruth. No suche vvordes in S. Paul
• * 1.279

  This vvouldd be noted, hovv ye racke S. Paule. He nameth not Reli∣giō at all. He doth not attri∣bute reli∣gion to the rule and go∣uernmēt of the ci∣uile Ma∣gistrate, but peace and tran∣quilitie onely in godlines.
• * 1.280

  The .68. vntruth. Thei saw no suche confoun∣ding of the tvvo functiōs spirituall and tem∣poral as you ima∣gine.

  Ciril. Ep. 17. to .4.
• * 1.281

  The great ignorāce or malice of M. Horne.
• * 1.282

  M Hor∣nes rhe∣torik vp∣on him∣selfe re∣turned.
• * 1.283

  1 Tim. 2. Chrysost. ibidem. Cyrill. li. 1. Epist. 17.Tom. 4.
• * 1.284

  A good aduertis∣ment for M. Horne to consi∣der the cause of the de∣struction of Con∣stanti∣nople. Iosephus de bello Iud. & Hegesip∣pus.

  In the yeare of our Lord 1453.
• * 1.285

  Heresies the destru¦ctions of common vveales.
• * 1.286

  The popes su∣premacy proued by the Emperor Valenti∣nian alle∣ged by M. Horn. Tom. 1 cō∣cil fo. 731 col. 1.
• * 1.287

  Dict. fol. 731. co. 2.
• * 1.288

  The 69. vntruth. Such like gouern∣mēt you haue not, nor euer shal be able to proue.
• * 1.289

  ••he state of the Question
• * 1.290

  M Horn•• dissem∣bling fals∣hod.
• * 1.291

  A reaso∣nable de∣fence of the Catho¦likes for refusing the Othe