The history of Great Britaine under the conquests of ye Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans Their originals, manners, warres, coines & seales: with ye successions, lives, acts & issues of the English monarchs from Iulius Cæsar, to our most gracious soueraigne King Iames. by Iohn Speed.

IOHN DVKE OF NORMANDIE * 1.1 * 1.2 GVYEN AND AQVITAINE, &c. THE FIRST, STILED LORD OF IRELAND, THE FORTIE-FIFTH MONARCH OF ENGLAND, HIS RAIGNE, ACTS, AND ISSVE. CHAPTER VIII.

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THe lustre of Diadems, and Soueraignety, so dazeleth the eyes, and bewitcheth the hearts of ambitious beholders, that whiles they fondlie * 1.3 deeme the greatest con∣tent to bee in highest Ti∣tles, running after a see∣ming Happines, they often cast themselues headlong, and whole Kingdoms, in∣to irrepairable ruine; as the calamities, which after the death of the noble Ceur-de-Lyon, lighted on the Pretenders to his Crowne, and on this miserably di∣stracted State, will yeeld vs too ruful a President. To the full acting of which Tragedy (for such it was, and so we must now present it in this our Theatre) con∣curred * 1.4 as principall Actors, the two (though these Patients rather, as the issue proued) vnfortunate Corriuals for the Crowne, Iohn Earle of Moreton Brother to the late King, and his Nephew Arthur, the a 1.5 Posthumous sonne of Geoffry Duke of Britaine, the Earles eldest Brother: their two Female (and there∣fore more emulous and restlesse) Solicitors, Queen Eleanor and Lady Constance, each ambitious of their owne, in their Sonnes aduancements: their two reuengefull Abettors, Otho the Emperour for Iohn, and Philip King of France for Arthur: thereupon, the two vniust Intruders on the Crowne; Lewis the * 1.6 French Kings Sonne, and Innocentius the Pope, the one by vnprincely forces, the other by vnpriestlie * 1.7 fraud: and lastly, their two sorts of treacherous In∣struments, of the Laitie for the one, and Clergie for the other; all which, like so many Tragicke fire∣breathing Furies, set this State in so horrible com∣bustion, as that the b 1.8 smoake is not as yet, so many ages after, quite allayed.

(2) Earle Iohn (the very Centre in which those * 1.9

calamities met,) had from his infancy beene fedde with high and royall hopes, as c 1.10 being his Fathers one∣ly darling, from whome hee had the d 1.11 possession of the Irish, and e 1.12 intendment also of the English King∣dom: and in his brothers time (f 1.13 whose return from the holy warres all men despaired) had by gracious deportment towards the Subiect, obtained an g 1.14 oath of Fealty to himselfe, in remainder, in case his brother should die childlesse: hauing now therefore the way to those his designs made smoother by the h 1.15 last Wil of King Richard, and i 1.16 allegiance of his Nobles then attending; (for these courses may facilitate, but not make a iust claime;) wee may not thinke, that either hee was cold now, for the accomplishment of * 1.17 that, which so hotely hee had before pursued, or so nice, as to neglect a Kingdome, vpon scrupulous points of Titles and Right. k 1.18 Propinquity of Bloud plea∣ded for Iohn, as l 1.19 Lineall descent for Arthur, the Kings Brother being neerer then his Brothers sonne; but Iohn, who knew that the weaker vse to argue their Titles, whiles the stronger hold the possession, re∣solued to trie the strength of his claime by no other Law then of Armes; and therefore, being at time of King Richards death in those forraine parts, hee * 1.20 makes it his first care to fasten to himselfe, by present m 1.21 largesse, and large promises of future fauours, (the vsuall Rhetoricke of Competitours) all the Stipen∣diary Souldiers, and other Seruitours of his deceased Bro∣ther. To winne himselfe the like assurance of loue at home, and n 1.22 to settle (it it might be) an vniuersall quiet, he o 1.23 forthwith despeeded into England (there to concurre with Queene Eleanor, his experienced mo∣ther) three of the choisest men of the State, Hubert Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, William Marshall a potent Peere, and Geoffry Fitz-Peter the great Iu∣sticiar, * 1.24 by whose seuerall interests, the three States of Clergy, Chiualry, and Commonalty, might best bee ey∣ther allured to him by fauours, or awed by feare; himselfe, the whiles p 1.25 posting to Chinon, where King Richards great Treasure was kept; as knowing that hee should hardly get or keepe a Crowne by Forces or Friends, if hee wanted Coine & Crowns, to winne and hold such needfull Ayders.

(3) The Treasurer, though q 1.26 himselfe with his Store, Castles, and Fidelity, thus assured to the Earle, * 1.27 had yet a powerfull * 1.28 Nephew, the Castellan of Angi∣ers, wholy r 1.29 deuoted to Duke Arthur, to whose vse hee yeelded vp that City and Castle, with whom also s 1.30 sided the Nobility of Aniou, Maine, and Turaine, surrendring those large Territories, as to t 1.31 their liege Lord, iointly auowing it to be the u 1.32 Law and Custom of those Signiories, that the heritage which was to accrew to the elder Brother, if hee had suruiued, should descend vnto his Sonne. But Constance Arthurs mother, no lesse x 1.33 desirous to be Regent to a King (for her son was but y 1.34 twelue yeeres young) then Queene Eleanor z 1.35 disdainefull to goe below a Dutchesse, did not dare to build her high hopes on so low grounds, for that such subordinate Princes as fauoured her cause, might easily be corrupted by faire meanes, or cru∣shed by foule: and therefore vpon newes of King Iohns successes in England (for with general applause and a 1.36 homages hee was now proclaimed King,) di∣stracted with violent and Woman-like Passions, Ambi∣tion of her sonnes Right, Rage for his Wrong, Feare of his Safety, and (not the least) Emulation that Queene Eleanor (whose Prudence and Grace with the English, had b 1.37 swayed exceedinglie) should effect more in a wrong, then her selfe in a iust cause; c 1.38 shee flies to Turon to the French King Philip, (to seeke a Wolfe to whom shee might commit her Lambe,) to whose Protection shee wholy surrenders his Person, his Cause, his Countries. Philip * 1.39 pretending (as Princes vse) atender care of his neighbour Princes state, but d 1.40 meaning indeede out of so wished a prize, to raise aduantage to his owne, forthwith (e 1.41 without regard of Truth, or Truce sworne to King Richard) reenfor∣ceth all Arthurs Cities and Castles with his French Garrisons; some of which had scarse put their foot into Maunz, but f 1.42 King Iohn was at their heeles, to prouide them their last lodging, sacking that Citie, and demolishing it to the ground, for a terror to all o∣thers, which after fealty once sworne vnto him, (as g 1.43 they had done) should dare to reuolt.

(4) Queene Eleanor, who hauing setled England in * 1.44 Peace, was now come ouer to forward her sonne in the Warres, and was h 1.45 present at the surprising of Maunz, is i 1.46 censured to haue too much sharpened his edge against her Nephew Arthur and his friends, out of her implacable disdaine, and Enuie towards Constance her Daughter in-Law, and appears no lesse; for the King passing thence into Aniou, left there his k 1.47 Captaines and Forces with his mother, who made An∣giers participate the Fortunes of Maunz, the City ruined, the Citizens captiuated; whiles himselfe comming to Roan, l 1.48 was there by the hands of Walter the Archbishop, in the Cathedrall Church with great pompe on Saint Marks Festiual, girt with the m 1.49 Ducall Sword of Normandy, and crowned n 1.50 with a Coronet of Golden Roses, (taking his Oath for faith∣full administration in that Dukedome) which was the pledge or earnest of his vnquestionable admit∣tance to the English Diademe, which euery day now expected him. Neither yet may wee thinke, albe∣it King Iohns l 1.51 mature & experienced age, his home∣bred, and well knowne education, his reannexing of Irelands Kingdom to Englands, made his person more gracious then Arthurs, that yet his Agents all this while in England found no rubbs in their way, before m 1.52 all the Earles, Barons, Burgesses & Free-holders could bee induced to disclaime Arthurs apparant Right, and to sweare fealty to King Iohn against al men liuing: yea, many of the * 1.53 English Peeres (who through their last Kings absence, and others conniuences, had habituated in them a conceit of vncontrouled Greatnes, which they miscalled Liberties and Rights, vnder vayle whereof, they after drew, not onely vndue restraints vpon the Regaltie, but also infinite calamities and massacres on the people, whose good they pretended,) in the great Assembly at Northam∣ton, yeelded onely to sweare a * 1.54 Conditionall Fealty, to keepe n 1.55 Faith and Peace to King Iohn, if hee would re∣store to euery of them their Rights: which was the first seed of disloyalties, which after grew to so great a height. Thus howsoeuer, all domesticke difficul∣ties ouerblowne, and Queene Eleanor o 1.56 left in A∣quitane to prouide against Forraigne, King Iohn ar∣riued at p 1.57 Shoreham, and the next day comes to Lon∣don, preparing for his Coronation to bee at West∣minster, the morrow following being Assention day.

(5) Strange it was to consider, (if ought bee strange in State-plots) how men, otherwise very pru∣dent, transported once with Wordly, and seeming∣politicke respects, can so wilfullie cloud their Rea∣son, as to attempt those things, which leaue both a present staine on their Soules, and a lasting disrepu∣tation both of their Integrity and Wisedome, wherein so much they glory. For what else did Hubert Archbishoppe of Canterbury, the man so q 1.58 famou∣sed as the r 1.59 Pillar of the Common-wealthes stabilitie, & s 1.60 incomparable for deepe-reaching Wisedome, when in that sacred and celebrious Assembly of t 1.61 all the States, addressing for the roiall Inauguration, hee ad∣ded to those Lay-Peeres Conditionals, his Clergy-So∣phismes, and u 1.62 second Seede-plot of Treasons; perswa∣ding them by a cunning, but disloyall speech (which yet x 1.63 some by transforming, haue more deformed) that the English Crowne was meerely Arbitrary and Electiue at the peoples deuotion? That y 1.64 they all in discretion were to know, how that no man hath Right or any other fore-Title to succeed another in a Kingdom, vnlesse first (with innocation for Grace and Guidance of Gods Holy Spirite) hee be by the Body of the Kingdome thereunto chosen, and be indeed some choice man, & pic∣ked out for eminencie of his vertues; by the President of Saul, the first Annointed King, whom God made Ruler ouer his owne people, though neither the Sonne of a King,

nor yet of any Regall descent. So after him likewise Da∣uid the Sonne of z 1.65 Ishai: the one for being valourous, and a Personage fitting royall dignity, the other, for being Holy and Humble minded. To a 1.66 shew that so he, whosoe∣uer in a Kingdome excelleth all in Valour and Vertue, ought to surmount all in Rule and Authority: yet so, as that, if any of the Ofspring of a deceased King surpasseth others, it is fitte iointly to consent in election of such a one. Thus hee spake (as hee professed) in fauour of Iohn, who then was present, whose most illustrious Bro∣ther King Richard dying without any Heire from him descending, Him they had all (first imploring the b 1.67 Holy Ghosts assistance) as being a Prouident, Valiant, and c 1.68 vn∣doubtedly-Noble Prince, vnanimiously Elected, as wel in regard of his Merites; as of his Royall Bloud. So vn∣iust a speech from so great a Person, could not but moue both Offence and Wonder to many, euen to Iohn himselfe, who doubtlesse meant to stand to d 1.69 his right of proximity by bloude: e 1.70 but they durst not then and there moue Questions thereof, as afterward f 1.71 some did, to whom he gaue a reason of it, as strange as the speech it selfe; saying, g 1.72 that he was assured by some diuining foresight, that King Iohn would work the ruine of the Kingdome, and that therefore, to h 1.73 bridle him from so doing, hee had affirmed his Admission was to be by Choice, and not Hereditary Succession: implying that as by Election he got the Crowne, so by E∣iection on demerite hee might as iustly loose it. But for that present, the Ceremonies all pompouslie accomplished, (where i 1.74 three Oaths were ministred to him; To loue Holy Church, and preserue it from all oppressors; To gouerne the State in Iustice, and abolish bad Lawes; Not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to performe that he had sworne:) the first act and bounty of his kingly Power, was to reward those, whose hands had lifted him to it, making William Marshall and Fitz-Peter, Earles of Pembrooke and Essex, and the Archbishoppe, Lord high Chan∣cellour; who seeming l 1.75 to glory in that addition of ho∣nour, was told by the Lord Bardolf, that the height of Archiepiscopall dignity was such, as it was euer reputed a great aduancement for a Chancelor to be * 1.76 made Archbishoppe, but none for an Archbishop to be made a Chancellour.

(6) The Kings Enemies, m 1.77 who kept their heads in, whiles hee was there in Armes, founde oppor∣tunities to impeach him, while hee was here setling his Peace: the n 1.78 French King in Normandy surpriseth the City Eureux, & recouers the County of Main; the Britaines regaine the City Angiers with other strong holds: the newes whereof caused King Iohn with all speed o 1.79 to passe the Seas, to giue stoppage to that current; where on his arriuall, his Army of p 1.80 Friends and Voluntaries was so encreased, that King Philip was soone content to take q 1.81 truce for fiftie dayes; on expiration whereof, an Enteruiew was a∣greed on to establish a lasting Peace. But Philip a r 1.82 long time noted of dubling, (ill beseeming any, but chiefly a Prince) the s 1.83 very day before the two Kings should meet, giuing Duke Arthur the t 1.84 Belt of Knighthood, and taking of him Homage for the Sig∣niories of Aniou, Poytou, Turaine, Mayne, Britanny, and Normandy, hee made him faithful vow, to yeeld him powerfull helpes, for acquiring those possessi∣ons. Neither was King Iohn behind him in that kind of preuention, when Philip Earle of Flanders, the French Philips professed Enemie, u 1.85 comming to Roan, and disswading King Iohn from trusting anie French friendship, did there sweare vnto him both * 1.86 faithfull Helpe and Homage. Yet the two Kings keeping touch for the day, though not for the pur∣pose of amitie (and yet making faire shew of that too) held Parley betwixt Butauant and y 1.87 Guletun, z 1.88 two dayes by Commissioners inter-current, the third by presence and priuatie, that not one of their Nobles or Attendants (who on each side lay farre aloofe for the space of an howre) vnderstood any passages betwixt them. This much yet came to notice by after re∣lation, that a 1.89 King Philip then required for Himselfe the large Country of b 1.90 Veulguessine, pretending that Geffry Earle of Aniou graunted it to Lews le Grosse, for aiding his Sonne King Henrie the second against King Stephen: and for Arthur, all Poictou, Aniou, Maine and Turayne: both which immoderate de∣maunds with others, King Iohn (conceiuing with l 1.91 Sa∣lomon, Why doth he not also aske for Adoniah the King∣dome?) m 1.92 neither would nor ought to graunt vnto him; whereby their amities intended, ended in more ho∣stile defiances. But Philips capitulating then for Arthur, was onely perfunctorie and complemen∣tall, as his owne words, (and afterward his actions) bewraied; when being questioned by his Fauou∣rites of his implacable n 1.93 hatred against King Iohn, who had neuer harmed him, professed it was onely, for that hee had (not, defeated Arthur, but) possessed himselfe of Normandie, and the other Demaines, without asking him leaue, or offering him Homage.

(7) The flames thus on all sides breaking forth the stronger, by how much the more they had been for a time kept in, o 1.94 many Earles and Barons of France (who formerly adhered to King Richard) be∣came Homagers to King Iohn, they swearing, neuer without his assent to reuert to Philip, and hee, ne∣uer to make Peace with Philip, but they therein to bee concluded. In the heate of which sidings (if not before) a p 1.95 chiefe adherent of the foresaid Earle of Flanders (now col-leagued with King Iohn) being the Bishop Elect of Cambray, fell into the hands of the French, at which time also q 1.96 Philip Bishop of Bea∣uois, (a great French Peer) was held in prison by King Iohn; and neither of them willing to forgoe their mi∣tred Champions, r 1.97 Petrus de Capua, the Legat, inter∣dicted France for the one, and Normandy for the o∣ther, till they, as persons sacred & inuiolable, should bee dismissed: yet King Iohn (whose Person and Title the Pope and Papals as yet much tendred) had the fauour to wring out of his prize, s 1.98 sixe thousand Markes for his release, and an Oth, neuer whiles he brea∣thed to beare Armes against any Christian. t 1.99 This Le∣gat in King Richards time, had made agreement with King Philip for a fiue yeeres Truce, which expiring with Richards last breath, hee still laboured to esta∣blish it betwixt the now Kings: but King Philips great heart would not so come downe, which was likely to haue cost him deere. For pursuing whi∣ther his Furie (a bad guide) did lead him, after his * 1.100 siege of Lauardin (u 1.101 Whence vpon King Iohns approach with his Army hee fled to Maunz, and thence again fled, King Iohn comming thither;) seized the Castle of Ba∣lun (which belonged to Arthur) and to preuent his enemy (as is likely) x 1.102 he leuelled it vnto the very ground; which fact Duke Arthurs y 1.103 Generall, William de Rupi∣bus wrathfully expostulating with King Philip, as hauing done therein contrarie to Couenants with his Lord Arthur, hee as scornfully answered, that hee * 1.104 would not for his Lord Arthures pleasure, forbeare his owne, in doing as himselfe listed, with such forts as hee tooke. The Generall seeing Arthur was but the outward maske, vnder which Philip reuelld for his hidden ends, z 1.105 seriously perswaded his Lord to reconcilement with his vncle King Iohn, and rather to hazard his hopes on the clemency of a Generous Foe, then on the guiles of a false hearted Friend: & so making his peace with King Iohn, hee presentlie yeelded vp to him both Maunz, & (with Lady Con∣stance) * 1.106 the young Duke also, the important matter of so great contentions. But Heauens were not so propitious to these Reconciliats, as so to hold them long: some Philippines buzzing such needlesse a 1.107 ter∣rors of Imprisonment into the Noble Childs eares, that the next night, Feare giuing wings to his flight, * 1.108 as Loue did to his Mothers, (for leauing her hus∣band b 1.109 Ranulph Earle of Chester, shee was amorous of, and married Guido a gallant Gentleman, who thē fled with her,) they escaped into Angiers. Arthur neither sure of K. Philip, nor sure to K. Iohn, had now cast himselfe betwixt two Milstones; but (howsoe∣uer) Philip ment the greist in the end should be his.

(8) The breach betwixt these two great Kings, * 1.110 was the more irreconcileable, by reason of the ha∣tred betwixt King Philip and the Emperour c 1.111 Otho, King Iohns Nephew, whose aduancement to the Empire (himselfe perhaps d 1.112 aiming to it) Philip still endeauoured to impeach, e 1.113 not regarding that the Pope (whose power Kings then regarded only, while it made for their purpose) had thundered his Anathe∣ma against all his Opposers: and Otho in f 1.114 gratitude to King Richard, who g 1.115 procured him the Diadem Imperi∣all, and in tender regard of his vncles honour, sent him aduise, h 1.116 not to hasten any finall attonement with the French King, for that himselfe would bring him his vtmost Imperiall assistance. Notwithstanding, by the Cardinall-Legates assiduous interceding, a Truce was concluded till the i 1.117 Feast of Saint Hilary: at which time, the Kings comming to a Treaty be∣twixt Wailun and Butauant Castles, k 1.118 it was agreed: that Lewis the Heyre of France should marry King Iohns Neece, Blanch, Daughter of Alfonsus King of Castile; that King Iohn should giue for Dowry the City and County of Eureux, with sundry Forts in Normandy, and thirty thousand Markes in siluer; vowing also not to aide his Nephew Otho with men or means to attain the Empire: & further, l 1.119 promising to leaue (if he died without Issue) vnto Lewis al the Terri∣tories he held in France; all which Articles were m 1.120 for∣merly engrossed, but finally cōcluded betwixt Buta∣uant, & Guletun (the * 1.121 one, K. Iohns, the other, King Philips Castle) the n 1.122 Octaues of Saint Iohn Baptist, when, these Counties were actually surrendred to Philip; the Lady Blanch o 1.123 espoused to Lewis his son; Duke Arthur (Philips once vowed, but now vnua∣lued charge,) yeelded ouer, and made p 1.124 Seruant and q 1.125 Homager to K. Iohn for his own Dukedom; whom yet his vncle was content to leaue with King Philip, who had now so left him, and erst had vpheld him, onely as the baite of his owne aduantage. If Princes can bee thus vnprincely degenerous, what trust can men repose in baser vassals? King Iohn hereupon proued much more stedfast to Philip, then either Philip was to him, or himselfe to Otho the Emperor, who sending his two Brethren Henry Duke of Saxo∣ny, and William (surnamed of r 1.126 Winton) to demand the Counties of s 1.127 Yorke and Poictou, with the Treasure and Iewels which t 1.128 King Richard bequeathed him: King Iohn denied to yeeld thereunto, u 1.129 only in regard of his Oath which hee had passed to Philip, to yeelde no kind of aide to the Emperour. And further to testifie, (yea further then he ought) his faithfull meaning to preserue intire this amity with Philip, x 1.130 by his ad∣uise he diuorced y 1.131 Hawisia his wife, as too z 1.132 neere of Bloud, by sentence of the Archbishop, and Bishops of Burdeaux, Poictoirs, and Xanton, and by the Arch∣bishops hands espoused Isabell, a 1.133 Heiretrice of Ail∣mar Earle of Angolisme, a faire yong Lady, but b 1.134 de∣destined to another bed.

(9) This Finall Concord (so c 1.135 called, but not prouing so) with Philip, who now acknowledged Iohn the d 1.136 rightfull Heire of King Richards Crowne, gaue him more leasur, to receiue peaceably all e 1.137 Sub∣mitties, and bring in forceably all f 1.138 out-standers of those his transmarine Dominions, and after to look home to the affaires of his Kingdome, from which hee had beene (and we there following him,) too long absent. Yet in the heate of those forrain im∣ploiments, hee on occasions had his recourses hither to settle his State-affaires, and g 1.139 Crowne-Reue∣newes; to enact wholesome h 1.140 lawes for forraine and domesticke Commerce; to collect an i 1.141 Ayde for his Neeces great Dowry, and Martiall vses; which later (being three shillinges on euery k 1.142 Carrucata,) though his first and onely Subsidie since his com∣ming to the Crowne, caused much heart-burning; especially by meanes of his l 1.143 owne brother Geffry Archbishoppe of Yorke (touching whom the King was m 1.144 forewarned, that hee would bring a Sword, & not Peace into England) who bearing himselfe too bold on his bloud and place, n 1.145 forbad the Collectours of that Aide in his precincts (though it were o 1.146 granted to the King generally for all England) and also being required by the King to attend him into France, to conclude the Peace, and his Neeces Espousall, he very vndutifully denied his seruice. The King p 1.147 iustly moued with those his disloyalties, caused all his Temporalities to bee seized on by his Sheriffe; whom therefore Geffry (adding fresh fuel to the fire) did solemnly excommunicate, caused the Kings Offi∣cers to beare blowes, and interdicted the whole Pro∣uince of Yorke. So partiall, and vnhistoricall, is the report of q 1.148 one; (a Stranger by birth, but more strange for bold vntruthes) who faines the onely in∣centiue of such indig nation in the King, was that Prelates reprehension of his Rapines on the people. For (to giue a further taste of that Authors r 1.149 vehe∣ment fond malice, iustly so taxed) what ancient Iudi∣cious Writers call an s 1.150 Aid necessarie for Warres, that he enstileth Rapines and Spoiles; where they make Iohn his Brothers Heyre by Will, hee makes Arthur; they say hee was a t 1.151 valiant man, hee saith he was a Coward; where they make him u 1.152 pursuing, and Philip flying, hee chargeth him to haue made on∣ly plaints, when he should haue drawne swords; where they charge the Peeres for x 1.153 drawing backe from his Warres, hee makes them the onely Hasteings, and Iohn the Hinderer; briefly, if a y 1.154 fire-shooting Mete∣or appeare aboue, it portends Heauens fury on Iohn; if the z 1.155 watry Element ouerflow, it bodes Iohns fury on his Land. But surely that part thereof, which fell on Geoffry, it was (you see) not vndeser∣ued: notwithstanding, vpon the Kings * 1.156 returne into England, and Geoffreys to his more loyall carriage & submission, his Peace was made, at the very time, & for the more celebrity, of Queen Isabels * 1.157 Coronati∣on, with whom the King himselfe was * 1.158 again crow∣ned at Westminster by Archbishop Hubert.

(10) The Pompe of that solemnitie ended, the King resolued of ending a long depending contro∣uersie with King William of Scotland, who formerlie * 1.159 (before Iohn was proclaimed King) had challenged, as a 1.160 his patrimoniall Right, the Counties of Northum∣berland, and Cumberland; and afterward seeing he got but words and delaies, was ready, (King Iohn being then in France) with an hotter and more forceable argument, to winne, what hee could not craue: but being in dark b 1.161 deuotion all Night at Saint Margarets Hearse, the still true c 1.162 English-hearted Queen per∣swaded him by a Dreame (for certainely it was no o∣ther) not to infest England her natiue soile; who ther∣upon sent backe his Army. But now he commeth with a more friendly traine, vpon King Iohns sen∣ding to him, in Honourable d 1.163 Embassage, the Earles of Huntingdon and Hereford, King Williams Brother and Nephew, his three Sonnes in Law, Lacy, Vescy and Ros with others, to desire him to giue him mee∣ting at e 1.164 Lincolne, where accordingly they both f 1.165 meet with kingly curtesies; and the next day, King Iohn to auspicate his Temporall affaires with Spirituall deuotions, (and yet to shew what hee thought of some superstitious follies of those times) went g 1.166 vn∣dauntedly into the Cathedrall Church, being much dis∣swaded by many, (for Monkish Impostures perswaded many it was very ominous for a King to enter that, and certaine h 1.167 other places) and there offered a gol∣den Chalice on Saint Iohns Altar, which i 1.168 no King be∣fore him durst doe. Where his Deuotions perfor∣med, the two Kings (in presence of * 1.169 three Archbi∣shops, thirteene Bishops, the King of South-Wales, with a multitude of English, Scottish, French, and I∣rish Princes and Peeres,) ascending the toppe of that conspicuous & high * 1.170 hill, on the North side of the Citie, did there in a glorious solemnity, sweare a∣mitie and faithfull loue, k 1.171 vpon the Crosier of Archbi∣shop Hubert.

(11) That Spectacle so roial to the beholders, was seconded with another no lesse Honourable to K. Iohn, (for Humility in such great ones is more glori∣ous then their glory,) when the King hauing latelie

left Hugh Bishoppe of Lincolne (called the Saint, for * 1.172 the opinion of vnfained integrity, though l 1.173 ble∣mished with some obstinacies, and surcharged with Legends of m 1.174 fained Miracles) at London very sicke, (where himselfe with gracious care n 1.175 went to visite him, and both confirmed his Testament and promised the like for other Bishoppes after,) now hea∣ring hee was * 1.176 dead, and his Corpes then bringing into the gates of Lincolne, hee, with all that prince∣ly Traine, went forth to meete it; the o 1.177 three Kings (though the Scottish was to depart that very day) with their roiall Allyes, carrying the Hearse on those shoulders, accustomed to vphold the weight of whole kingdomes: from whom the Great Peeres receiued the same, and bare it to the Church Porch, whence the three Archbishops and Bishops con∣uaied * 1.178 it to the Quier, and the next day (it there ly∣ing the meane time p 1.179 open faced, mitred, and in all Pontificall Ornamentes, with Gloues on his hands, and a Ring on his finger) interred it with all solemnities an∣swerable. Yet here the King rested not to giue proofe, in so great a height, of his lowly mind, and then benigne (how euer afterward auerted) to the Clergy; when twelue Abbots of the Cisteaux Habit (whose q 1.180 whole Order had displeased him, by refusing to giue Aid towardes his great payment of thirtie thousand pounds) r 1.181 came now to Lincolne, and all prostrate at his feet, craued his gracious fauour, for that his Forresters had driuen out (for so the King had giuen commaund) of his Pastures and Forrests all their Cattle, wherewith themselues, and Christs Poore were sustained. The King touched with remorse on * 1.182 so venerable a troope of Suppliants, (though so great offenders) commaunded them to rise, who were no sooner vp, but the King s 1.183 inspired with diuine Grace, fell flat on the ground before them, desiring pardon, ad∣ding, that hee not onely admitted them to his loue, & their * 1.184 beasts to his Pastures, (a speciall fauour which Kings had graunted that Order,) but would also build an Abbey for men of their sort, (if they would designe some choice seat) wherein himselfe meant to bee enshri∣ned. Neither did he promise then more then hee performed, nor were those wylie Humiliates regard∣lesse of choosing a delicate plotte for the purpose, where hee built a goodlie Abbey of their Order, de∣seruedly for the pleasance of the place, named t 1.185 Beau∣lieu, and of u 1.186 rich Reuenue, and excessiue Priuiledge; continuing long of great renowne, as a Castle of refuge inuiolable; our Auncestors thinking it most hainous sacrilege, thence to draw any, though wilfull Mur∣derers or Traitors: wherein the Founders of such vnsanctified x 1.187 Sanctuaries, & Temples of Mercy (so they called thē) throughout this Kingdom, seemed rather to take Romulus for their President, thē Moses, who granting fauor to casuall Manslaughters, yet y 1.188 commanded wilfull Murderers to bee drawn from the Altar to the slaughter.

(12) By what degrees, men not onely of such re∣puted-religious habit, but also of the Secular-Clergy, fell afterward more and more from such fauours of * 1.189 the King, and hee from theirs, a man that will not purposely winke, may easily behold, both sorts stan∣ding so stiffe on their persons, and their possessions Exemption from Regall commaund, that whiles the a 1.190 Pope could haue all for any superfluous im∣ploiment, * 1.191 the King could get nothing, though his Kingdome were in hazard, as you heard by the dis∣loyall obstinacies both of the Archbishop of Yorke, who denied the King his personall attendance, and those Cisteaux Monkes, whose Coffers were thus lockt against him. The like pretended Exemptions of their Clergie-Prelacies (as well as of their Persons and Purses) wrought also like offences, both with former Kinges, and now with King Iohn, who on the death of Bishop Hugh, resoluing to conferre by gift, (as his b 1.192 Ancestors did, and c 1.193 himselfe elsewhere lately had) that See, on some whom either merite or affection had endeared to him, (the rather, because d 1.194 men of those places, in those dayes, were vsually their Soueraignes bosom-Counsellors) e 1.195 hee was with peremptory affronts withstood by the Cannons there, who very bolde on the Popes vp bearing, reckt very slenderly their Princes displeasing. It is not vnlikely that Arch∣bishop * 1.196 Hubert (lest Canterbury might be thought in∣ferior to Yorke in daring boldnes,) as being Papal le∣gate, in secret bolstring them had a hand, though closely carried in a gloue: for that the man, who lately, f 1.197 gloried the King was wholy his, now finding hee had not the sway hee expected, and thought hee deserued (by obligement of his first Agency about the Crowne,) not onely studied to make vpp that by his Legatine Glory which hee wanted by his Princes countenance, but further, * 1.198 (as g 1.199 one who thinkes hee extolles his vertue, paints forth his disloyalty) hee repented now, more then any thing in all his life, that hee had so aduanced King Iohn to the Crowne. Certes, about this time, hee shewed slender respect to his Soueraigne, (for as God is in * 1.200 his, so are Kings dishonoured in their Ministers dis∣graces) when being prohibited by Fitz-Peter, the Kings great Iustitiar and Minister (in the Kings ab∣sence) of regall commaund, h 1.201 from holding a General Councell of his Prouince, (neuer vsed to bee held, but by Soueraigne permittance) his pleasure scornde to take any countermaund, but from him especiallie, who, in i 1.202 calling his inferior, by * 1.203 ioynt deserts to∣wards the King, but his Equall, was now, in neere∣nesse and fastnesse to the King, become farre his Superiour. But what speake I of confronting a subordinate power? did hee spare to out-beard his Soueraigne himselfe? It seemes no. For hauing notice, the Feast of the Natiuity now approaching, that the King intended with his Queene, at Guilford to keepe that feastiuity with great magnificence; he whose Pallace ordinarily, for Splendour, multitude of Attendants, and sumptuous intertainements did striue with the Kings (as one of his own k 1.204 Successors auows) thought this a fitting time, to shew, both his great state, and little regard of his Princes discountenance, by l 1.205 paraleling to the Kings, his owne sumptuous pre∣parations, m 1.206 with rich attires, and costly gifts for his At∣tendants at Canterbury. The King (as Kings brooke not to bee braued by Subiects, nor is it wisedome for dissauourites to doe it,) moued n 1.207 with great in∣dignation, thought the man had too much riches, & too little Discretion (which seldome lodgeth in the braine, where Pride dwels in the Heart,) and there∣fore to abate somewhat the one, and learne him more of the other, hauing first beene in the o 1.208 North parts to gather money for his better vses, hee meant not to lauish it in keeping his Easter, which he chose rather to doe at the cost of Hubert the p 1.209 Rich; & not to spare him, who spared not himselfe, he there in∣creast that great expense with a greater, of His, and his Queenes solemne q 1.210 crowning againe on Easter day, in the Cathedrall Church; where, in lieu of his expence, Hubert had the formall honour to set on their Crownes, but yet not the grace to sit neere the Kings Heart.

(13) Such being the first ouertures of hart-bur nings betwixt the King and his Clergy, which after * 1.211 by additament of dayly fuelling, brast forth into a more fearefull flame; the Lay-Peeres were so farre from labouring to quench it, that they made it the fiercer: for these Bellowes of Rebellion, which be∣fore their Homages did condition for their Rights & Liberties, were not all this while sparing of their breath, to inflame other Nobles with the like heat of fury. Hell it selfe (whence al Rebellions spring, and thither fall againe) could not wish a fitter oc∣casion to broach and actuate such a mischiefe. For the r 1.212 Poyt•…•…ins with King Phillps conniuence, (taking aduantage of King Iohns absence, and Springs ap∣proach) were vp in Armes, dislodged his Garri∣sons, beleagured his Castles; tidings whereof recal∣led King Iohns thoughtes from his Domesticke Pompes, to his Transmarine Affaires; for the pre∣sent, he gaue commaund to his * 1.213 Seneschall of Nor∣mandy

to attempt on them some Counter-seruices, to withdraw the Seigers, (whom also King Philip, s 1.214 hearing King Iohn was in person comming ouer with an Army, forthwith recalled,) and published his gene∣rall t 1.215 summons, that his Earles, Barons, and all that held by Knights-seruice, should bee ready at Ports∣mouth with Horse and Armes, on Whitsonday then instant, to crosse the seas with him. The tumultu∣ous Earles knowing, that the King then needed * 1.216 their present helpes, and therefore might bee forced to any Capitulations, in a conuenticle held at Ley∣cester, by a u 1.217 ioint conspiring, sent an audacious mes∣sage to the King, that they would not attend him, vnlesse hee would first restore their rightes; with which disloiall refusall, the King iustly incensed, * 1.218 by some mens too praecipitate aduise, (considering the ha∣zardous time which needed a salue rather then a co∣rasiue) seized into his hands some of their Castles, to preuent their further attempts, of some he tooke their children for pledges, and others, whose Purses were likely to doe him truer seruice then their ow∣ners, hee x 1.219 released vpon payments. At which prefix∣ed time, he dispatched before him William Earle of Pembrooke, and Lord Roger Lacie with y 1.220 two regi∣ments to ioyne with Normandies Seneshall. What a * 1.221 graue Author iudged of those bold Barrons here, and other turbulent Great-ones then abroad, may bee gathered by this; that as soone as mention fell in of those refractary Lords, he streight fell off, to shew how in that very yeare, Pope Innocent then raigning in Rome, Saffadine the Turke in Ierusalem, * 1.222 A∣lexander the z 1.223 Fatricide in Constantinople, (for so he yo∣keth those three together, with some others follow∣ing them;) the great Doctors preached, that then was the time (a 1.224 prophesied by Saint Iohn) when after a thou∣sand yeers restraint, the Diuell was let loose, to seduce the Nations like a b 1.225 Serpent, and trouble the world like a c 1.226 Dragon: which how true it proued in this our Nation and little-World, (in whose Tragedy the Diuell also, amongst the d 1.227 first named Actors, comes now to play his part,) the Diabolicall ensuing pra∣ctises, both of fraud and fury, will hereafter demon∣strate.

(14) The King, though thus disfurnished of his principall home-helpes, yet e 1.228 entrusting the custo∣die of the land, especially those Southern parts, with f 1.229 Hubert de Burgo Lord Chamberlaine, and re∣ceiuing to g 1.230 full reconcilement (for more security of the Northerne,) Geffrey Archbishop of Yorke, whose h 1.231 Churches large Priuiledges then he ratified; with∣out delay at Portesmouth hee put forth to sea, with I∣sabel his Queene, though in sundry Bottomes, and with differing successe, a i 1.232 sudden gust disparting the Fleet, whereby the King was driuen backe on the Isle of Wight, but the Queene k 1.233 with much adoe, arriued safe in Normandy, whom soon after the King follow∣ed thither. Vpon whose arriuall, the French King l 1.234 perceiuing the power of his aduersary, presently con∣discended to another personall (but very m 1.235 priuate) Parley; wherein each gaue and receiued such reci∣procall satisfaction in their desires, that thereupon, not onely the former bonds of Amity seemed to cōtinue strong, butwere also more strengthned with a new knot of n 1.236 Association, wherein sundry great Lords of either side were by indentment of Wri∣ting, made suerties to the counter-part, with condi∣tion, that whither of the two Kings did first violate the Couenants, all his cautionary Lords should bee released of their alleagiance to him, and become Leegemen and Assistants to the Prince offended. And that the world might take more notice of their combined loues, they o 1.237 both agreede to contribute to the Holy-Warres, (which now beganne to bee on foot) the fortieth part of the whole Reuenewes of their Crownes; sending their p 1.238 letters abroad into their Dominions, to encourage all their Nobles & people, by their examples to doe the like. With which intercourses, & other cōplements, three daies being spent betwixt them, King Philip the deeper to serue himselfe into King Iohns good opinion, (the * 1.239 surest way to ouerreach another in any commerce) by intreaty obtained his company, first to S. Denises Pallace, q 1.240 where hee entred with a pompous Processi∣on of the Clergy, and lodged with royall entertain∣ment by the King; and the next day, to Paris, where hee was receiued with r 1.241 very rich Presents of the Ci∣ty, and great applause of all sorts, to see so noble ar∣guments of affection betwixt two so great princes, lately so mortall enemies: where the French King betaking himselfe to a more priuate mansion, left his owne pallace to accommodate and honor Eng∣lands King. After some dayes there bestowed in princely delights, and entertainements, King Iohn conducted forth of the City by King Philip, and par∣ting with mutuall attestations of loue neuer to bee parted, tooke his iourney towards Normandy, in ful hope to enioy thence forward the contentment of quiet to himselfe, and peace to his Dominions: but those windy hopes soone changed with his change of the aire.

(15) For whiles at Chinon hee was roially enter∣taining Queene Berengaria his a 1.242 sister (whom b 1.243 hee there also bounteously satisfied in performing the * 1.244 Ioynture promised her by King Richard, giuing her the ^cCity and Signiory of Baion, two Castles, and their Demaines in Aniou, with a thousand Markes yeerelie for tearme of life,) and at c 1.245 Argenton in Normandy, where hee kept his Christmas, was sola∣cing himselfe with his faire Queen Isabel; the Earle of March, Hugh, surnamed Le-Brun, a d 1.246 Peere of great power and alliance, to whom Isabel was first promi∣sed (though for her e 1.247 vnripe yeares he neuer bedded her) enflamed with loue of her, who was now thought worthy to bee a Queene, f 1.248 drew on other Poictouine Nobles, to thinke that hee was vnwor∣thy to bee a King, who wrongfully had taken her g 1.249 from him, and would, if not preuented, do the like in time with them. So, h 1.250 once againe young Ar∣thur, whose former hopes were all cold, is re-kindled by these fire-brands, and set vp by their malice, to supplant his vncle, but by Heauens Decree, to o∣uerthrow himselfe, howsoeuer the i 1.251 Britaines, then fascinated with his ominous Name, dreamed that the ancient Great Arthur was risen againe in him, and that the Translation of the English Kingdom was now * 1.252 by him to be effected. Neither was the k 1.253 French King, for all his late painted pretensions of loue, deafe to their suggestions, who laboured to incense his hatred against Iohn; whereto hee had these fur∣ther inducements; that King Iohn might quicklie waxe too potent a Neighbour in that Continent, if his quiet and power were not timely rebated; that now the meanes to worke it, were more then be∣fore, the l 1.254 English Peeres being alienated in affection from him, for denying their claimed Liberties; but chiefly, that the m 1.255 profite (such base ends can some propose of so Noble a Band) which hee hoped for by his amity (being the n 1.256 enioying of those Signiories in the Continent, if hee died sans Issue) was now in a manner cut off, Queene Isabel beginning to giue apparant hopes of some faire fruite from so faire a stemme. Thus whiles Earle Hugh out of his loue, Duke Arthur out of Ambition, King Philip out of Auarice, (ah that the noblest person should haue the basest end,) but all out of Hatred, were contriuing King Iohns ruine; hee was farthest from suspition, when neerest his danger, and yet they, who thus were forwardest to vndermine his Greatnes, were themselues formost to bee crusht with the weight thereof. * 1.257

(16) But these slie Serpents shrowded in secret their enuenomed heades, till the warmth of the o 1.258 Spring (a time suiting for martiall mischiefes) cal∣led them forth; when King Philip (hauing new∣ly cast his skinne, and as most able, so was p 1.259 most willing to break the way) desired another enteruiew with King Iohn: who comming thither (the q 1.260 place was twixt Vernon and Lisle Dandale) vvith expecta∣tion * 1.261

of some fruits of those louely courtesies which their last meeting seemed to haue engrafted; he there found that this last winter had nipt all those faire blossomes. For Philip, r 1.262 forgetfull of all former Com∣pacts, and s 1.263 pretending some imaginary wrongs, in outragious manner t 1.264 required him without delay to redeliuer into Arthurs hands, all his Transmarine do∣minions, Normandy, Turayne, Aniou, Poictou; or o∣therwise as Lord Paramount of those Countries, which Iohn held by Homage, he peremptorily u 1.265 cited him personally to appeare in * 1.266 Easter Terme at Pa∣ris, there to x 1.267 answere what should bee laide to his charge, and to abide the Arrest of his Court of Iustice. The colour on which hee thus did cite▪ him, was (say y 1.268 some) King Iohns sharpe repressing of some rebellious attempts of Hugh le brun the former yeer, whereof the Earle complained to King Philip, as to the chiefe Lord. King Iohn much amased to see, not onely hony so soone distempered into gall, but the French King also turned into an Apparatour, z 1.269 disdai∣ned both his Citation and Commaunds, as very vnno∣ble for Englands King to accept, or the French to of∣fer; neither indeed did Philip thus put the matter to daying, as intending any such legitimate proceeding, but onely to make his aduersary secure of any other assaults, then by Petty-foggers. For whether it be true or no, a 1.270 that King Iohn for his non-appearance, was by sentence of the French Peeres adiudged to loose all his Territories in the Continent: certaine it is, that * 1.271 no sooner was the Conference with indignation bro∣ken off, but Philip (hee had before prepared to ef∣fect what hee had proiected) with power and fury assailes Butauant Castle, whose Turrets (high-reared by * 1.272 King Richard) hee b 1.273 leuelled with the Foundati∣ons, and thence sodainely like a flash of lightning, be∣ganne to inuolue the c 1.274 neighbouring partes with ransakings and ruines, till giuing an assault, (which had held him eight dayes) to the Castle of Radepont, King Iohn comming to the rescue, forced him with shame to speed away. To repaire which dishonour, * 1.275 and to empaire the English forces by distraction of imploiments, returning to Paris, hee there e 1.276 ap∣points for Arthur (to * 1.277 whom hee had now affianced his yonger daughter) both certaine selected Nobles to bee protectors to secure and guard his person, & also bands of Souldiers to attend his commaund, a∣mongst which were 200. the f 1.278 choice Knightsof France; all which in g 1.279 very pompous Troupes followed him, (with Philips h 1.280 directions, and also supply of i 1.281 great summes of money) into Poictou, to reduce those partes to his Allegiance; which was no hard matter to ef∣fect; the greater part of Commaunders there (being fore-wrought) expecting nothing more, and the bet∣ter part suspecting nothing lesse, then these perfidi∣ous assaults.

(17) Queene Eleanor Regent of those prouinces, attended with a k 1.282 very slender guard, yet strong inough for daies of quiet, (which both her l 1.283 Age did now desire, and her m 1.284 Homage done to Philip, and Philips faire shewes to her did promise;) hauing no speedier notice of those incursions, then the vnpleasing ef∣fects thereof, (for on Arthurs good successes, n 1.285 K. Philip proclaimed him Lord of those Dominions) be∣tooke her selfe into Mirabeau, one of the most te∣nable townes in o 1.286 Poictou, sending to King Iohn, (whose force•…•… were then in p 1.287 Normandy and q 1.288 Mayne, repressing or preuenting Philips attempts) for pre∣sent aids. Which yet could not so speedily come, but Arthur (who knew that vpon seisure of such a prize as Eleanour, hee might draw her sonne to any conditions) had preuented them, besieged her, and r 1.289 possessed himselfe of her towne, though not of her person, as s 1.290 some by mis-understanding haue mis-re∣lated. For she t 1.291 retiring into the Castle, made it good against her Grandchilds incessant batterie; about which, whiles he, with his x 1.292 continuall supplies of Poi∣t•…•…ine * 1.293 and y 1.294 Anio•…•…ine princes, was z 1.295 indefatigably bu∣sied, King Iohns Army neere at hand (for his ex∣pedition both by day and night to his mothers res∣cue, is recorded as a 1.296 admirable) brought the newes of their owne approch; which caused b 1.297 the great Army of the Leagers so industrious before to im∣peach others, no lesse sollicitous now to de∣fend themselues. Both Armies c 1.298 martially ranged, & Arthurs Battalions not onely d 1.299 vndauntedly, but also very e 1.300 pompously comming on to the shocke, the fight proued f 1.301 most fierce and terrible, each side resoluing, by reason of both the Competitors presence in the field, that the End and vpshot of all their designes, depended on that dayes succese: which in the end by the fortunate g 1.302 prowesse of King Iohn and his English, fell disastrouslie on Arthur, his French, and other Assistants, who after a h 1.303 great slaughter made amongst them, i 1.304 turning their backs to him, from whom they had before turned their Faithes, tooke their flight k 1.305 towards the Towne, to shelter their liues within those walles, which so late the Seat of their triumphes, became now the cage of their cap∣tiuation, and the Toombe of all Arthurs ambitious hopes, though himselfe so vnhappy as to suruiue them: for l 1.306 together with the tumultuary flyers, the victorious King & his Armie entred, renued a m 1.307 most bloudy fight, repossessed the Town, freed his mother, enthralled his Enemies, and recouered all the prouin∣ces which had reuolted.

(18) This victory was so glorious to King Iohn, and so dreadful to his Enemies, (for King Philips two chiefe confederates, n 1.308 Arthur and Hugh Brun, o 1.309 Ray∣mund, Father to Guido the husband of Constancia, p 1.310 all the Peeres of Poictou and Aniou, q 1.311 aboue 200. French Knights and others of command, besides the vulgar multitudes were taken prisoners) that both then King Philip, though very hote in the siege of Argues in Normandy, presently cooled and r 1.312 con∣founded with newes thereof, brake vppe his fortnights fiege, and returned home; and since, the French fawning fauourites, and King Iohns malig∣ners haue sought to extenuate the matter, auerring against s 1.313 all truth of record, that it was exploited t 1.314 before the French were come to Arthurs aide, and u 1.315 when all his Souldiers were both vnarmed and vnor∣dered. But, as others highly extolling king Iohns valour herein, x 1.316 interprete those fore-doomes of Merlin to haue beene ment of him, y 1.317 that hee should hee crowned with the head of a Lion, should cut out the tongues of Bulles, and lay yron chaines on the backes of r•…•…ring Beasts (and indeed hee z 1.318 chained them hand and foot, and so conuayed them away in Carts, a kind of riding till then vnusuall with them,) so King Iohn him∣selfe, a 1.319 duely acknowledging the greatnesse of Gods goodnesse therein, sent his Letters to all his Barons wheresoeuer (thereby to encourage the loiall, and hold in awe the tomultuous) inciting them so ren∣der all prayse vnto God for so admirable a worke, and so gratious assistance: and soone after b 1.320 hee dispersed his noblest Captiues into sundrie Castles in Nor∣mandy and England; Arthurs sister Eleanor, called the Damosell of Britaine, being c 1.321 committed to Bri∣stow Castle, where shee d 1.322 long liued with e 1.323 very ho∣nour able vsage. And though the kings displeasure was iustly incensed against her brother Arthur, for so frequent wauering in his faith, yet meaning to trie all meanes of winning him who had thus lost himselfe, f 1.324 hee sent for him (being then at Falaise in the custody of g 1.325 Hubert L. Chamberlain) and entreated him very gently, promising him all honoura∣ble respects, if (as yet) he would resolue to forsake the French kings amity, and frame both his mind for hearty loue, and his Actions for peaceable obseruance towardes him, his vncle and Leege Lord. Which exceeding clemency, the ill-aduised young Gentleman (for what wisedome is it to shew pride where wee neede mercy, and to giue threates beyond possibility of performance?) h 1.326 requited onely with arrog•…•…nt and vndutifull language, furiously obraiding the king with violent and fraudulent detention of the English Crowne, which menacingly he there required of him, and allother King Richards Countries, as his lawfull in∣heritance,

affirming with an Oath, that vnlesse he did forthwith restore them, hee should not long line in peace. With which incorrigible pertinacy the King pro∣uoked, as seeing no place left to better hopes, i 1.327 com∣mitted him to stricter custody k 1.328 vnder Robert de Vey∣pont, in the Castle of Roan.

(19) The Britaines fury and conspiracies, which King Iohn hoped to abate by this their Princes du∣rance, l 1.329 were thereby much more augmented; like Serpents, most strugling with their traines, when they feele their head in pressure. Which moued the King, who was now returned into England, (and in triumph of his late victory, m 1.330 wore his crowne a∣gaine at Canterbury at the cost of his former host) to take aduise of his Councell touching his troubled affaires, whose sentence was (if wee will credite the o 1.331 reporter) that Arthur should loose his eyes. But the escaping of such tortures, is by p 1.332 some ascribed to the commiseration of Lord Hubert; by q 1.333 others, to the mediation of Queene Eleanor, who interceded with her Sonne for her Grandchild as long as she li∣ued, which was not long; Deathes vnpartiall hand (and r 1.334 griefe of heart, some say) laying that great & prudent Queen, (the wife of * 1.335 two mighty Kings, and mother of * 1.336 three) where Princes and Pesants are all equals. Her Nephew much behind her in age, soon ouertook her (if not s 1.337 outwent her) in destiny; whose death diuulged on King Iohns returne from Eng∣land, t 1.338 gaue his maligners fresh coloured occasion, both to molest his quiet, and to distaine his estimati∣on, as if hee had not onely beene the Causer, but also the executor of it with his owne hands.

(20) As the Tongues of Parasites are no true scales to weigh the worth and vertues of Great men; so nei∣ther * 1.339 ought we to iudge of their (or any mans) ble∣mishes, by the deforming pencils of Enuy or Rancour; with one of which, no eminency, either of place or of vertue, was euer vnattended. And that this bloo∣dy aspersion on the King, came from no other foun∣taine but malignity; such as then liued, and might therefore best know the truth, and were also (as Monkes gnerally were) his most bitter Taxers, and therefore farre from saluing his infamy with parti∣all falshood, can best witnesse. It was (saith u 1.340 one) by certaine persons auowed that Arthur attempting to escape secretly out of hold, was by casualty drowned in the Riuer Seyne (on which the Castle of Roan is seated;) and yet the Frenchmen, the Kings mortall enemies (and therefore plenary credite not to bee giuen them) giue it out, that hee was murthered by the Kings command, yea and by his owne hands: thus by the malice of slanderers, Englands King became not a little defamed. With whom other the approuedst Authors accord (thogh differing in the * 1.341 manner of his death) that this im∣putation sprang onely from the x 1.342 French emulation, as since it hath beene kept on foot, onely by y 1.343 French, or Italianate spirits; z 1.344 one of which hath not blushed to charge King Iohn with murdering of his owne Bro∣ther King Richard, and b 1.345 another with killing Arthurs sister, who yet outliued him 24. yeeres; so shame∣lesly will the penne blur the truth of Actions, where its once dipped in gall against the person. But sharper showers then of tongues (which being vndeserued, are * 1.346 to bee vnregarded) were sequels of Arthurs death: it seeming to giue new life to King Iohns troubles, & King Philips hatred, which yet once againe must go masked vnder the roabe of Iustice. For Philip cites Iohn as Duke of Normandy, to appeare at a set day, to bee tried vpon point of c 1.347 Treason by his Peeres; Con∣stance Arthurs mother (well brooking her name for her immutable hatred to King Iohn) is made the d 1.348 plantiffe, requiring iustice of Philip, as both their So∣ueraigne; King Iohn not appearing, is condemned e 1.349 of a traiterous outrage, for that carelesse of his oath made to the French, he though an vncle, had murthered his elder brothers sonne, being an Homager to the French, and that within the French Territories; without any le∣gall course, nor by cognizance of those to whom it apper∣tained; whereupon hee is adiudged to bee held an enemie to the French State, to forfeit all his Signories which by Homage he held of the French, and those to reuert to the Crowne of France, and a re-entry to bee made by force of Armes, if any deny possession. Thus now the se∣cond time, by solemne sentence the King & Peeres of France disherited and condemned King Iohn, though absent, vnheard, neither confessing, nor conuicted of the Action; albeit at that time f 1.350 hee sent them his royall promise to come, (if they would giue him publike faith and safe conduct for his comming & returning) and answere at Paris touching the death of Arthur, though hee was his Leegeman, had sworne him fealty, had violated the same, had raised a rebellion, and was taken in battle. Vpon which grounds, if King Iohn had caused the pretended execution on so ca∣pitall a Complotter both against his Life & Crown; and one, who had caused so much bloudshed of his people, and more would if he had escaped; in g 1.351 which cases Princes are and ought to be very iealous; what vnderstanding Statist can iustly condemne him, or iustifie the French iniustice? Especially it being questionable, and euen then h 1.352 much debated, Whe∣ther the Peeres of France were competent Iudges on a King annointed, and so their superiour, the King of Eng∣land and Duke of Normandy being but one person, & maior dignitas absorbet minorem, the greater dignity was to swallow vp the lesse. But when the will of a Ru∣ler, is a rule, or ruled-case to his Iudges, no other could bee expected then by these Peeres was per∣formed.

(21) Neither did they here stay; but (as in most * 1.353 States, the Acts and Decrees aduantageous to the Princes, are carefully pursued, though others sel∣dome or coldly executed) that heady sentence was i 1.354 seconded with as hasty force, on Philips part, and on Iohns (if some Authors say true) as much neglected. It is no rare thing to see Princes (because on their safety depends the State of their Kingdomes) often suspitious of dangers where there is no cause; but it is vnexcusable in them, vnder a shew of resolution to bee secure, where they see their Person or State may bee neere vnto hazard. An intelligent man would thinke, that whiles so vaste indignities were in hatching (yea and now on wing) by so insatiate e∣nemies, King Iohn had beene whetting his reuenge, leuying his forces, strengthning his confines, com∣bining his friends and Allies, so to regret their pride and malice, who thus proceeded to vnstate him of that k 1.355 goodliest portion of France, l 1.356 part wherof for a∣boue three hundred yeers had been the inheritance of his Ancestors. But whether it were the * 1.357 bewitch∣ing dalliances of his faire Isabel, with whom hee was in armes, when hee should haue been in Armes as m 1.358 some Authors taxe him; or his deceiued expe∣ctation of Aides from his Barons, as n 1.359 himselfe al∣leadged; or promised redresse by the Pope, as the o 1.360 sequele shewed: too true it seemeth, that beginning his Christmas at Cane in Normandy with festiuall pleasures not vnfitting the season, hee continued them so vnseasonably and vnreasonably too, that he gaue both to the p 1.361 French leasure to execute their Peeres sentence, and q 1.362 to the Brittons and Poytouins, an edge to prosecute their old rebellions, now new∣quickned with the losse of their young master: where∣by his strongest Towns and Castles dayly fell away, either by force of Assailants, or treachery in defen∣dants, or on dispaire of needfull aides.

(22) Treachery as it was formost (for it gaue be∣ginning and meanes to the rest) so did it most in vndermining King Iohns possessions, which stirred him to take sharpe reuenge r 1.363 by hanging vp all his Hostages of Poyton for their Countrimens treasons. But such a death (though of all other most disgrace∣full) is not so hatefull to a Spirit truly enobled, as is the staine of dishonour, especially for Treachery or Co∣wardize: from either of which I wish I could with truth acquite s 1.364 those two great Barons (whose names wee will here forget) to whom King Iohn entru∣sted the defence of the famous Castle called Vall-de

Ruill; who no sooner saw King Philip u 1.365 engirding it with his great hoast, and mounting his Engines of battery against it, but eftsoones, before one stone of the wals was shaken, or any one of their men had lost the least haire of their heads, they dishonourably surrendred the Fort (a matter of very great consequence) to King Philips pleasure: who though abundantly pleased with the deed, yet so x 1.366 contumeliously (but most iustly, and prince-like) recompensed the Doers, for Traytors al∣wayes become odious, though the Treason becom∣modious,) that, for so base a part he commanded them to be fettered in chaines, and basely intreated in close pri∣son, till they had deerely redeemed their liberty, though they could hardly their reputation. Another noble Baron, * 1.367 Captaine of Castle Galliard (which being built on a very high Rocke ouer Seyne, y 1.368 King Rich∣ard had made impregnable) by his vndaunted prow∣esse, and z 1.369 great slaughter made vpon Philips hoast, lying a 1.370 6. moneths in siege about him, was far from any suspition of dastardie; but yet b 1.371 escaped not the blemish both of ingratitude and infidelity, in that at length hee not onely yeelded vp that Castle to the enemies, but also c 1.372 secretly by night brought them into the Castle of Montfort, which hee betraied vnto them, not weighing his faith to his Leege Lord, who had bestowed on him that Castle, with all the honour and demaines thereto belonging. Otherwise for his first surrender, his case had beene more excusable, the fa∣mine (an vnresistable enemy) in the Castle being so great, that, as the d 1.373 French Recorders them∣selues confesse, when the Women and others of the vnseruiceable sort were put forth for sparing of pro∣uant, and being betwixt the Castle and the Enemies, found pitty and releefe of neither, in the sight of them all a Woman great with Child was deliuered, and her in∣fant presently eaten vp. Amongst those, and other of King Iohns reuolting Barons, like so many falling Starres, if we should pretermit that fixed and bright Starre of vnmoueable fidelity and resolution, the Lord * 1.374 Robert de Lacy, wee should bee guilty of high of∣fence against true honour; who hauing receiued of his Prince the custody of the goodly Castle Rocke-Andely (e 1.375 which was builded also by King Richard) f 1.376 did brauely beare of the siege and power of King Philip and his hoast almost a whole yeere; in which space, though by their continuall batteries and vn∣derminings g 1.377 a great part of the walles were flatted, yet they could neuer make entry vpon him, but were repulsed with slaughter, till his prouision of victuals being now spent to the last howre, he called

his Souldiers together, encouraging them, after so long proofe of their Manhood not to faint now in the last Act; but to consider, that though it were better for them to die by famine, then to liue with reproch of false or faint-hearttednesse, yet it is more noble for soul∣diers to die fighting, then famishing, and together with their owne liues, to sacrifice to their Countries honour the bloud of their slaughtered enemies.

Whereupon fiercely * 1.378 sallying forth with his Resolutes, after a bloody shambles made in the middest of his belea∣guers, hee was by multitude ouerborne and taken; but h 1.379 in regard of his exemplary faith and prowesse, in main∣taining his charge by King Philips expresse command, (a second princely and prudent fact, to discipline his Subiects by thus entreating his foes,) hee was ho∣nourably vsed, and * 1.380 without r•…•…int of a priso∣ner.

(23) But as the fact of this Peere was peerelesse, so was this Clemency in that King, but rare and vnac∣customed towards such Cheiftains as stifly out-stood his assaultes; i 1.381 some of whom formerly hee had caused to bee dispiteously dragged at horse-heeles, for the terrour of others. Of which indignities, & other irkesome extremities, (the inseparable com∣panions of warre) indured by his people, when King Iohn had notice by Messengers sent vnto him for re∣liefe and aides; no maruaile is it, if k 1.382 his griefe were aboue beleefe or measure, finding himselfe vtterly de∣stitute of meanes to relieue their wants, or his owne losses; albeit for the time hee bare it out with a manly shew, saying, l 1.383 that these were but the French pilferings, of which he meant in due time to exact an ac∣count with interest. For what else could hee doe? The Normans (to omit those others in open Re∣bellion) m 1.384 either wholy fallen away from him, or but dissemblingly adhering to him; his n 1.385 Barons from home, failing him at his need; his o 1.386 Nobles there about him, being vnder pretext of a speedy comming againe, retur∣ned into England: by which meanes the King p 1.387 was left very dispeopled, hauing onely a small traine, which could in so great a need doe him but very small ser∣uice: but that these important and vnportable mat∣ters q 1.388 did no whit moue him, nor could retriue him r 1.389 from the bosome of his too-dear Enchantresse, (which occasioned some to think him infatuated with * 1.390 sor∣cery) is a thing past capability of beleefe.

(24) The King thus disfurnished of all helps, In∣nocentius, the stirring Bishoppe of Rome, made fayre * 1.391 shew to salue these temporall wounds with a spirituall playster; which doubtlesse made King Iohn more secure then stood with his good: for, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in so great distresses, there was no forraine Prince fitter for the King to conbine with, then Otho the Emperor, his owne Nephew, and Philips professed enemy: so the Pope on the one side beginning to bee-iealous of O∣tho's greatnesse, mistrusted the concurrence of two such great friends, and therefore vndertooke to vm∣peere the debates betwixt those two great Enemies: and King Iohn on the other side, willing to make vse of the Popes fauour, durst not yet comply with any, whom his Sanctitude any whit disfauoured. His Le∣gates for this businesse, were the Abbots t 1.392 of Cafmer and Troisfons: his motiue, that u 1.393 these dissentions * 1.394 of Christendom weakned the wars against Turky: his colour, x 1.395 that this contention being a matter of faith∣breach (as of Leagues, Oath and Couenants) the cogni∣zance thereof did properly appertaine to his sacred iu∣dicature; whereof hee made so little doubt, as that the y 1.396 very letter then sent to the French Peeres, is to this day registred for z 1.397 a pontificall decree: and this audaci∣ous Law then by Innocentius first brought to the world for current, * 1.398 That whensoeuer one Prince is de∣linquent against another, the correction thereof apper∣taines to the Pope. Their Commission was, a 1.399 to call the Bishops and Princes of both Kingdoms, for setling a Peace; to inhibite all hostility; to reserue the further triall of the Right to the Pope as b 1.400 Soue∣raigne Iudge; c 1.401 to enioyne that all Religious places by the warres destroied, or empouerished, should be restored to their due State; d 1.402 if either of the Kinges should bee refractary, his whole Kingdom present∣ly to bee put vnder Interdict. Philip, albeit the Pope was then offended with him vpon other terms, (for that hee e 1.403 imposed towards his warres a taxe of cer∣taine Tenthes vpon his Clergy, (against the Popes will) alleadging it was necessary that out of their pri∣uate abundance, they should beare a charge in the common preseruation,) yet knowing the Pope had need of his friendship about setling the Empire, he ment so long to side with the Popes authority, as the Pope would stand with his commodity, & repining to haue so faire a prey taken out of his talents, made bold•…•… to despise both the commands and the curses: yet this hee did * 1.404 in smoother fashion then hee had done once before, when he rigodrously punished all the g 1.405 Bishops and Pre∣lates, whom, for consenting to such a Papall censure, hee turned out of their Sees and dignities; for now, he h 1.406 ap∣pealed from the sentence for a fashions sake, i 1.407 but yet violently proceeded with his warres, and k 1.408 did swimme with the full current▪ of his victories. The waues whereofso fast surrounded King 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that * 1.409 fearing also further treason of his owne men, hee thought good, till some better daies would shine vp∣on him, (especially winter season enforcing surceasse of warres) to abandon the place of his iniurious foes, to expostulate in England with his perfidious friends.

(25) For that was the first worke hee did, alter

his arriuall, (l 1.410 which was at Portsmouth on Saint Ni∣cholas day in December) when m 1.411 laying to the charge of his Earles and Barons, that in his warres they suffe∣red him to be destitute of requisite aides, and n 1.412 had left him in the middest of his enemies, by which their defaults, hee was thus despoiled of his Castles and Countries; thereup∣pon, by o 1.413 aduise of Hubert Lord Archbishoppe, and Lord Fitz-Peter Chief Iustitiar (who knew these were no p 1.414 forged cauillations) he put them and other de∣linquents to their Fines, (for his Warres made him desire their mony more then their liues) wherein these two great Counsellors were q 1.415 ouerseers for the receits the one for the Clergy, the other for the Lai∣ty) of both whom they receiued no lesse summes of curses, then of Coine. The like repining among the people, (who iudge of the goodnesse of a King on∣ly * 1.416 by sparing their purses) ensued on the grant of a large Subsidie (two Marks and halfe of euerie Knights Fee) in a Parliament * 1.417 presently after held at Oxford, where the King & Peeres conuening about redresse of those remediles mischiefs, the issue (r 1.418 as seemeth) was, that Ambassages should bee addressed into France, two Prelates, Canterbury and Norwich, with two Earles Marshall and Leicester, to treat from the Body of the Kingdome, touching those Prouin∣ces, which being incorporated with Englands Soue∣raignety, could not without apparant iniustice▪ bee abstracted from a Nations common interest, vpon coloured pretences against any particular. Philip, ha∣uing s 1.419 vpon King Iohns departure thence vsed his whole Forces and wittes, to weary, or to winne di∣uers other Cities & Forts; which had till then stood faithfull (for which purpose hee also imployed sun∣dry t 1.420 instruments, themselues first corrupted, that they might corrupt others to defection, with great rewards and greater promises,) hee meant not now to re-commence Questions of Right, hauing alrea∣dy neere decided that point by the point of his sword: yet because hee was to deale with a migh∣ty Nation, hee would not abruptly refuse to capitu∣late, and yet againe by proposall of u 1.421 conditions exceeding either Reason of Possibility, hee dam∣med vp all passages to peaceable agreement: x 1.422 his * 1.423 demaunds were to haue either Arthur, whom hee knew to bee dead, redeliuered into his hands a∣liue, or else, his Sister Eleanor in marriage with all those Countries in that Continent: but those Statesmen easily perceiued that Philips heart, aimed farther then his tongue, and that with Eleanor hee hoped to purchase a higher dowry, euen the English Diadem, whose claim glided down from her bro∣ther to her; which perchance was the secret ground of his y 1.424 Oth, that he would neuer linne to pursue that quarrell, till hee had depriued King Iohn of his Kingdome.

(26) This Ambassage was not onely thus issue∣lesse, but produced also effects tending to further irritation: for this seemeth to bee the time when a 1.425 Philip sent a brauing Champion, to iustifie by Du∣el before the States here in England, what his Master had done in France against their King in open warre; and b 1.426 though it was not deemed expedient to ieo∣pard a Title of such weight on the Armes and For∣tune of one man; yet it was resolued the Challenger should not passe vnanswered, whereto none was held fitter then Iohn Curcy Earle of Vlster, (for c 1.427 re∣bellion and denying his homage to the King, condemned to perpetuall imprisonment in the Towre,) a man of Giantlike limme and strength, and of some dis∣positions not despicable, if they had not beene sa∣uaged with a too carelesse rudenesse: which appea∣red not onely in his d 1.428 wild speeches, touching the Kings misusage of his Nephew Arthur (which e 1.429 some by errour alledge as cause of his indurant durance,) but euen now, when the king demanding him, whe∣ther hee would combate in his quarrell? f 1.430 No, (quoth he) not in thy quarrell, nor for thy sake, but for the Kingdomes right I will fight to the death. Against which day, whiles hee repaired with large diet his impayred limmes and sinewes, the Frenchman hea∣ring of his excessiue feeding, and strength answera∣ble thereto, thereby fearing he had been some Mon∣ster of Nature, rather then a man, hee secretly snea∣ked away g 1.431 into Spaine ashamed to shew his face in France againe Curcy finding the King gracious, was hereupon released, and h 1.432 is said (if this bee not to digresse) to haue crossed the seas for Ireland fif∣teen times, and euermore beaten backe to the shore: l 1.433 (acknowledged himselfe herein iustly punished of God, neuer againe to see his owne seat, for displa∣cing God out of his, when he conuerted the Church of Prebendaries in Doan consecrated to the blessed Trinity, into an Abbey of Monkes, to the honour & name of Saint Patrick, k 1.434 whose Image was erected in a stately seat, wherein before the Trinitie was depor∣tracted, which was thence reiected into a priuate Chappell. The l 1.435 Irish relate, that the two Kinges being afterward together (belike when they made the next truce in Erance) King Philip hearing Cur∣cy to bee in the English Campe, intreated to see some experience of his so much feared and repor∣ted strength: where a Helmet of excellent proofe * 1.436 full farced with Mayle, being set vpon a great woo∣den blocke, the Earle lifting his trusty Skeyne, first louring round about him with a dreadfull aspect, cleft so deepe quite through the steely resistance, in∣to the knotty wood, that none there could draw it out but himselfe, who did it with ease, and being asked by the Kings, why hee frowned so irefully be∣fore the stroke; hee told them, that hee then inten∣ded if hee had failed of his blow, to haue killed them all, both Kings and others the lookers on.

(27) But what Philip could not in England by one Champion, he accomplished in Normandy by many; where hauing a m 1.437 mighty power attending him frō City to City, yet hee thought faire wordes would bee for himselfe both cheaper and safer, and with the Pro∣uincials more forceable then force it selfe; especial∣ly, where such troupes of armed Orators were at hand, and where golden preparatiues had made way with the chiefest. Philip tolde them, n 1.438 their late

Lord had quite forsaken them, and that therefore himselfe, as their supreme Liege came to prouide that his owne Countries might bee indemnified, desiring, them louingly to admit and embrace him as their Lord, sith now they had no o∣ther to protect them from skath; but menacing withall, that if they forced him to vse force, they should die no other death then hanging, or to be flead aliue:

with which fawnings and fears, though many well munified places were fetched off without any resistance, o 1.439 their Captaines violating their faith to curry fauour with the French; yet Roan, the p 1.440 place e∣uer honoured for fidelity to the English Crowne (and q 1.441 therefore worthily selected by King Richard to bee the Shrine of his Leonine Heart,) was better fortified both in affection and munition, then to wane vpon parties. Which neglect incensed Philip to turne his Oratory into Battery, (it being the chiefest City, and therefore of greatest consequence for consumating his victories,) which he continued in a most fierce & r 1.442 horrid manner of siege, the space of two monethes; but finding it to be with small aduantage, hee fell a∣gaine to * 1.443 golden Eloquence, attracting some in spe∣ciall with present pay, and all in generall with s 1.444 pro∣mises of future inioying all their wonted lawes, and li∣berties without impairement of any their commodities whatsoeuer: aduising them t 1.445 not to reiect those pro∣fered conditions, which ere long they would gladly get, when they should not be granted. The Roanists, seeing their dangers, feeling their wants, fearing their ru∣ines, yet desired respite till King Iohn might know their State: who finding himselfe at home as ill bestedde as theirs abroad, his Barons u 1.446 refusing to follow the warres, returned them answere, he could not presently releeue them. Whereupon the x 1.447 Great men who could sway the multitude with cheaper reasons, then Philips open hand had swayed with them, per∣swaded

them to weigh, that in truth they were all ori∣ginally Frenchmen, though now called Normans, of that * 1.448 noblest and richest part of all France, and the French king being Supreme Lord thereof, there was no cause at all of continuing this new hostility, but very many of renuing that antique amity.

(28) The y 1.449 Head, yea and Heart of all Norman∣dy thus fainting; who can expect that those few in∣feriour members, yet vntainted should so continue long? neither did they. So as eftsoones all that Dukedome, one of the goodliest gemmes in the * 1.450 English Diademe, and disbranched from France z 1.451 since the yeare eight hundred eighty fiue, was againe rent a∣way, ingloriously for them who lost it, iniustlie by them who got it, but perfidiously by such as should, and might haue kept it. For whatsoeuer necessity then, or malice since hath laid on the King; this Eu∣logie, and memoriall thereof, written by a 1.452 vnpartiall pennes, will stand indelible on his Subiects, A rege Angliae, Normannia fraudibus suorum alienata, Englands King lost Normandy by treachery of his owne people. And no lesse treacherously dealt Philip with them, when hee had caught them with the trappe of his glosing proffers (as such Princes more vsually then princely, square their promises to others liking, their perfor∣mances to their owne) causing without delay their Cities goodly wals b 1.453 to be vtterly demolished, and gi∣uing strict charge that they should neuer bee built vp a∣gaine. The other neighbouring Countries, Main, Turaine, Poictou, who were all forerunners in the rebellion, would not be now behind in the finall re∣uolt; Angiers in this more happy, that shee fell a∣way by others falshood, not her owne, when stan∣ding on her guard, c 1.454 William de Rupibus cladde his choice Souldiers vpon their armour in the habite and other furniture of market-men, who so getting accesse into the City gates, made easie entrance for a greater hoast; which soone after became absolute Lords of all Aniou.

(29) Wofull experience had now taught King Iohn a lesson fitte to be learned of all Princes, whom the fawning world enstyleth most Mighty, that this * 1.455 their might is not onely lyable to the checke and dis∣pose of that Highest all-ruling power, who vn∣thrones them at his will; but euen depends of the wauing humors, and wils of those * 1.456 inferiour vas∣sels, of whom they thinke themselues vnresistable Commaunders. But King Iohn was not vnsenfible eyther of his forraine dishonours, (though as^d often as hee endeauoured to redeeme it, by leuying any Army, suteable to so great a designe; so often was hee crossed by his own Nobles) or of those his do∣mesticke affronts; which notwithstanding, by coun∣sell and assistance of his better affected, & truer hear∣ted friendes and subiects: at length c 1.457 hee gathered a Royall Hoast and a mighty Nauy, (therein 14000. Mariners ^f some say) with full resolue to reuenge his wrongs, and repaire his losses. Which great enterprize managed with vnmoueable determina∣tion (for now with full sayles, and fuller heartes at Portsmouth they were ready to embarke) brought to the Kings further knowledge, and to the worlds, who had beene all this while the secret vndermi∣ners of his fortunes, and hinderers of his imploy∣ments. For Hubert g 1.458 the Archbishop, and Papall Legate with many others, (amongst whom, h 1.459 some find Wil∣liam Marshall Earle of Pembroke numbred) thither comes vnto the King, and flatly i 1.460 forbids him to pro∣ceede in the voyage. Some k 1.461 Writers haue laboured to coniect the true cause and reasons of this audaci∣ous Prohibition; but if wee consider on the one side the Popes vse of Philips Forces, to counter-ballance if need were Othes greatnesse; on the other, the interest which both the Pope and * 1.462 Philip had in Huberts affe∣ction: wee may without Huberts l 1.463 diuining Spirit prie into the mystery of his secret workings, as an Archbishop, and now open commaund as a Legate to hinder King Iohn, for feare of hindring King Phi∣lip.

(30) But whatsoeuer was the reason, Hubert was the Instrument that so resolute proiects, so m 1.464 inesti∣mable charges, so necessary an action fell sodainely to the ground, whereby, besides the selfe mischiefe which therewith fell on the King, many fresh grud∣gings accrewed vnto him, for suffering himselfe to bee thus violently repulsed from so behouefull a purpose. The Archbishoppe and Marshall as prin∣cipals were rewarded with the n 1.465 curses of the dismis∣sed multitudes, as the iust fee for their vniust coun∣sell; and the King himselfe was so little pleased with so vnexpected a countermaund, that albeit at the present, (either awed with the authority of the Pa∣pall Legate, or with the weight of his coloured motiues, or with hazard which hee might leaue be∣hind him) hee durst notwithstand it; yet o 1.466 the very next day, checking himselfe for ouerprizing the commaund of any man, aboue the value of his king∣ly honour and state, hee p 1.467 resolued to recollect his disparkeled troupes, and to * 1.468 put forth to Sea. To which end, taking order for his Nobles to follow, they gaue him leaue q 1.469 with a small company to waffe vp and downe two daies in expectance of their at∣tendance, till seeing them more obsequious to Hu∣berts commaund then his, (r 1.470 the Archbishoppe also sending his Inhibition after them on the sea) hee was forced to come againe to land. How a King of any royall sparkle, could brooke such Sea-and land-Tempests, without disgorging his Kingdom of the causers therof, I cannot conceiue; and yet so vne∣uenly doth some mens iudgement poyse, whose af∣fection guides the Beame, that this defeating of the Kings weightiest affaires, is censured as s 1.471 too light to deserue the punishment which insued, when the King put many of his Earles, Barons, Knights, yea and Clergy men to a grieuous pecuniary redemption for thus refusing to follow him for recouerie of his Inheri∣tance.

(31) The Archbishop though their Ringleader, * 1.472 might well haue beene exempted from this iudge∣ment, by his passage to a higher, dying, (if t 1.473 some erre not) the very same weeke, eyther of u 1.474 griefe, or of a x 1.475 feuer, which killed him in foure dayes: but the y 1.476 king forthwith in person at Canterbury seized vpon all his wealth and possessions, shewing himselfe z 1.477 right ioy∣full, that now hee was rid of him, whom men suspe∣cted of too familiar practising with the French King; & saying, a 1.478 hee was neuer a King till now, by reason of Huberts too presumptuous daring to crosse his royall re∣solutions as late hee did. But this ioy and hope of hap∣pier * 1.479 daies, was soone choked and buried in the same Toombe with Hubert; out of whose Ashes sprang * 1.480 vp a roote yeelding more, and more bitter fruites, then King Iohn had as yet tasted, by how much more lamentable are the wounds which are in the bow∣els and heart of a State, then those which onely light on the skirtes or more remot members. The first seedes of which fast growing mischiefes, were to the eye, (as are the beginnings of all Kingdomes ruine) very small and contemptible, and the Sowers of little better regard, being but Cloistered monkes, who craf∣tily * 1.481 factious to aduance a priuat friend, (which once mounted into Hubers chaire, might befriend them againe,) they gaue a deadly blow, both to themselues; their Soueraigne, and the State in generall. The * 1.482 yon∣ger heads amongst them (whose vnexperience makes them in acts of Societies more foreward and daring) hauing secret notice of Huberts death, c 1.483 meant by a slight (whereunto they doubted not to find the Popes furtherance) to defeat their Soueraignes in∣terest in that Election, (and perchance in all other, euer after) of a Primate for the See of Canterburie, the most important place of his Kingdome. * 1.484 Regi∣nald, the Sub-prior of their Couent, One (as you shall heare) fitter for their proiects, then for that place, was the man they chose, and that at d 1.485 mid∣night, when singing Te Deum, they lifted him first vpon the High Altar, and after into the Metropoli∣tan chaire. They ought to haue first obtained the

Kings assent, and leaue to elect, and therefore to pre∣uent both his e 1.486 interposing and displeasure, till it were too late for him to redresse the wrong; the same night they caused their Elect to enter * 1.487 caution by oath, neuer to carry himselfe as Archbishop, nor to make it knowne to any man liuing, till he had fur∣ther especiall warrant from them, vpon proofe of the successe it might find at Rome, whither forthwith they sent him for his dispatch.

(31) Reginald taking Flaunders in his way, was both so f 1.488 proud, g 1.489 periurious, and h 1.490 impudent, (the ver∣tues of their most choice man) that he could neuer conceale the purpose of his iourney, and boast of his dignity from any mans Eares, nor from their Eyes the Conuentuall letters ratifying the same. Wherof when the Couent had notice, vehemently incensed a∣gainst him who had thus diuulged their secret, and pro∣uidently casting how to euade the Kings offence, i 1.491 out of hand they despeeded certaine of their Crue, to craue both k 1.492 pardon of their fact, and licence for choice of some worthier Primate. There was then in high grace and imploiment about the King, Iohn Gray Bishoppe of Norwich, a l 1.493 man of great wisdom, learning, and Integrity, (qualities truely befitting that high place) whom the King much desired to ad∣uance, commending him, as one m 1.494 most deare vnto him, and of his secretest Counsels (of n 1.495 which, some say, hee was President) most behouefull for the Common-wealth, for Himselfe, and them: which message from the King faithfully deliuered, o 1.496 all of them glad thus to redeeme the fauour, which they had hazarded, with vnanimous consent elected him; and sending for him from Yorke (where hee was in the Kings affaires) the p 1.497 King himselfe graced his entrance into Canterbury with his presence in great pompe; and the next day, the King with a multitude of People assembling in the Metropolitane Church, the Prior did there publish his Election solemnly, and in due forme performed; where the Monkes carrying him with Te Deum to the high Altar, did forthwith enthronize him in the Chaire of his Primacie; The King there in presence of them all, giue∣ing him actuall possession of his Temporalities. This louing correspondence betwixt the King and his Clergy, gaue great hope of more blissefull fortunes henceforward vnto them both; but the Infernall Author of debate, and his chiefe Agent, tooke a hint hereby to intrude a Tyranny both vpon Clergy, King and all.

(32) Little thought false Reyner what was doing at Canterbury, whiles hee was trotting to Rome; whi∣ther when hee came, and shewed his letters of Ratifi cation to his Holinesse and his Cardinals, q 1.498 hee re∣ceiued this short answere, that it was a busines which as∣ked mature deliberation and better informations; the Pope soon finding, that the Sub-prior was too sleight an instrument for him to worke with, and for King Iohn to bee wrought with, and therefore bethought him of some fitter hammer for so hard an Anuile. But sundry stoppes were in the way, which wisely and by degrees were to bee remoued. The first was (which Reginald in likehood had imparted to hasten his owne dispatch) that the Bishoppes of the Prouince claimed a ioint interest with the Monkes, in choice of their Primate: a point which could no way suite with the Popes aduantage, because Bishoppes were generally much obliged to their Soueraignes, and so likely still to Elect a Royalist, whereas Cloyster∣men, professing ignorance of worldly affaires, and o∣bedience to one Superior, might more facilly bee swayed to bend as the Pope would bow them, in preferring his creatures. Which was the Motiue (we may suppose) of the Popes * 1.499 letters, soone after sent to the Suffragane Bishops, exhorting them by r 1.500 sacred example, and precept of filiall obedience, to desist from vexing, like vndutifull sonnes, their Mother Church with such vnd•…•… claimes. The Bishops notwith∣standing, who knew themselues in sacred writ to be styled Fathers, would not thus acknowledge the Monkes for their Mothers, till I•…•…centius to his light Reasons added the weight of his Keyes, and by his power swept both that and other rubs out of his intended way. For the King keeping his Christmas * 1.501 at Oxford, (attended as it seemeth by his Bishoppes) * 1.502 meaning not to pretermit any faire means to worke the Popes inclination towards the new Elect, he sent for t 1.503 twelue of the Monkes, whom with some other of his owne Clerks (which carried his letters to the Pope) he put in trust for transacting this businesse at Rome; allotting them very bountifull expenses out of his Exchequer for their whole iourney. They to leaue with the King (who knew well the traines of Rome, and the ouer-reaching fetches of Innocentius,) a pledge of their duty, and assurance of his hopes, u 1.504 entred with him x 1.505 a couenant by oath, that no man, nor meanes should remoue them from him, whom the King & themselues had already appointed. The Bishops sent y 1.506 the same time their Procurators also, to plead their right of Co-election; so as, foure ob∣stacles stood at once in the Popes way, (the two ele∣ctions of the Monkes, and the two claims of the King and Prelates, hee for his Royall assent, they for their ioynt consent, in the choice) which all must be done and voided before the Pope can haue his full forth.

But because these will aske long time for contriu∣ing, (which moued his Holinesse to adiourne the hearing to the very z 1.507 end of the yeare,) wee will see the while how the King and State of England is im∣ployed.

(33) The dorre, which deceased Hubert did put vpon K. Iohn and his late design, gaue both K. Philip aduantage, to take surer footing in his new posses∣sions, and King Iohn greater stomacke and edge to recouer his old. The last taske (almost) of the one, and hold of the other, was Chinon a place of great strength, but in nothing more, then in the euer-tru∣sty valour of her Captain, Roger Lacy; who (if a 1.508 some mistake him not in steed of b 1.509 Hubert de Burgo) being redeemed from the French, resolued here to giue Philip another taste of his prowesse, and King Iohn of his fidelitie; had not others faithlesse feare de∣feated his braue resolution. For the besieged ha∣uing c 1.510 no rest night or day, from a long and inces∣sant batterie, their Commanders inuinceable con∣stancy against yeelding, which enheartned the bet∣ter sort, dismayed the baser, as more prizing their ease, then their faith or fame; some of which by night slipping ouer the walles, so instructed the e∣nemy of all secret aduantages to possesse the towne, that by a sodaine assault, both it and Lacy (more worth then it,) was againe surprized. Here see∣med to haue beene the Garland of Philips conquest; had not newes beene thither brought vnto him of some new risings in Brittaine, where Guido, the hus∣band of Constantia, Arthurs Mother, (sensible be∣like * 1.511 of the false-grounded wronges offered to King Iohn, vnder pretence of Arthur,) d 1.512 returned gladly both into Amity and a strong league with the English: and with him also Sauary Malleon, and Almerick Lu∣signian, e 1.513 two Peeres of heroicke valour and great commaund, whom King Iohn of his * 1.514 prisoners, had made by prudent and louely vsage his trusty friends. The French King fuming to see his vniust intrusions thus preiudiced, (especially by Arthurs owne father in law) was hastning from Chinon into Britaine, to worke reuenge on them, whose exemplar equitie should haue beene his mirrour of amendment; Englands King on the other side, was no f 1.515 lesse heart∣ned with this new confideration, g 1.516 leuying once again a puissant Army, which he * 1.517 landed at Rochel, being the onely noted place, which in all these turmoiles and mutabilities of Fortunes, kept her selfe entire from entrance either of enemy, or of disloiall thought.

(34) The King hauing his Army much augmen∣ted * 1.518 h 1.519 with great concurses of his best-affected Pro∣uincials, marching confidently forward, subdued a great portion of that Country; till comming to Mount-Alban, a l 1.520 Castle of much renowne, (as being repu∣puted

k 1.521 inexpugnable, and now the Rende-uou of his most potent enemies, and all their flower of Chiualry, hee gaue a terrible assault thereto for 15. dayes toge∣ther; where at last his l 1.522 Englishmens valour was so aduenturous in scaling the walles, and both giuing and taking blowes vnportable, that in those few dayes hee entred Conquerour into that very place, m 1.523 which Charles the great, could not get with his seuen yeers siedge. The n 1.524 multitude of Nobles therin taken was so great, that hee sent into England a bedroll of their names, for a memoriall of so great a victory. Which auspi∣cious beginnings he seconded with no lesse expedi∣tion, prouidence, and prowesse, in the siege of An∣giers, where on his first approch, hee o 1.525 gaue present instructions to his maine Army, suddenly to enui∣ron the whole City, & by assault to seeke entrance at the walles on euery side, whiles himselfe and his selected band, with fire and Engines would assaile the Gates; where with great celerity, and no lesse hazard then hardinesse, breaking through, he be∣came Lord of his owne. But whatsoeuer were the Citizens demerites, pittious it was, that their of∣fences, and the Conquerours wrath, lay so heauy on those stately walles, as p 1.526 to throw them flatte to the ground; which hasty doome, (it being the q 1.527 cradle of his birth, and City of his chiefe delight,) hee as hasti∣ly (and very deerly too) repented, when with exces∣siue expenses hee encircled it againe with a beautie farre beyond the former. These faire successes, hum∣bling all the Country before him, cleared his pas∣sage into Picardy, whither King Philip was now con∣uerting all his power to oppose himselfe against the violence of this Torrent: which r 1.528 now more fa∣cilly hee might stoppe, hauing in his way by laying secret ambushments, laid hands vpon Duke Guido, * 1.529 Sauary, and Almericke, King Iohns principall hopes, as they were busily aduancing his present affaires: by which surprize, though the English forces missing their Prouincial aids, were greatly impayred, yet their * 1.530 great hearts were not much amated, as the French-men s 1.531 found, when both the Armies neere approa∣ching ouer night, the next morning alacriously they addressed to the fight, and with great spirits on each side expected the Signall. Notwithstanding, the day likely to proue dreadfull with expence of bloud, vp∣on earnest interceeding of t 1.532 forraine Prelates and re∣ligious persons, who vndertook equably to compose all things; both Kinges condescended to a two∣yeeres * 1.533 Truce, King Iohn chiefly out of affection to his Captiue friends, whose liberty was formost in the conditions.

(35) Hauing thus setled those Countries in farre better termes then last hee found them, he embar∣ked * 1.534 for England; where hee laid not aside a carefull (though distastfull) prouidence, for still bettering those his successes: for which ends, whiles from his Subiects (both Lay and Clergy) he u 1.535 gathered money, * 1.536 the Sinewes of warre, he lost their affections, the ioints of Peace; whereof Geffry Archbishoppe of Yorke (his Naturall and vnnaturall brother) was a principal in∣centiue; who x 1.537 solemnly cursing all the Kinges re∣ceiuers within his Prouince, fled secretly out of the land. Which peruicacie, * 1.538 a bitter enemie of K. Iohn, yet bitterly taxeth, saying, y 1.539 the English Bishops were farre from that dutifull obseruance towards their Soue∣raigne, which the French Bishops perfourmed to theirs, at whose commaund they maintained Souldiers in his warres against King Iohn, acknowledging they were so bound to doe, as often as the King pursued the warres in person; though now also they did it, where hee was not in person. And indeed how hollow-hearted to the State those money-murmurers were, their * 1.540 owne friend be∣bewraieth, shewing, how with curses they wished, and prayed to God, that these exactions might neuer haue a∣ny good successe, though they knew it was purposelie for preseruing a maine part of the Kingdome. A dis∣loyalty the more vnsufferable by the King, knowing that but a z 1.541 very little before, the Popes Legate, Io. * 1.542 Fiorentinus, nick-named * 1.543 Ferentinus, for bearing a∣way so much money,) had a 1.544 gathered of the Clergy a huge masse os money which in full chests hee conuayed to Rome. Yet all these domesticke grudges abated not the Kings due care, nor yet his good hopes, which were soone after much augmented by the encou∣ragements of Othoes Imperiall presence, b 1.545 who in person arriuing here in England, to proiect for his owne and his vncles warres, was with great ioyes met by the King, and conducted through London * 1.546 by night, where all the City was seene in her glory, & all the streetes adorned with richest hangings, beautified all along with the lustre of pendant Crownes, and bur∣ning lampes: who after some dayes of royall enter∣tainements, hence departed not vnfurnished with helpes to defray his warres.

(36) Whiles King Iohn is thus busied about his * 1.547 open hostilities, Pope Innocentius is plotting his se∣cret Stratagemes against him at Rome: where, like vnto that * 1.548 other old Roman, who, being chosen vm∣pere touching some march-lands betwixt two neigh∣bour Nations, vnpartiall to either, c 1.549 adiudged it from them both to the Romane State; so hee now, being Arbiter betwixt the King, Bishops, & Monks, concerning their choice, hee means to defeat them all, and * 1.550 adiudge the right of disposing thereof to his Romish See. Therfore, at the * 1.551 fore-limited day of hearing, his first care was, that the d 1.552 Bishops lippes for euer should bee sealed vp, (notwithstanding their e 1.553 allegations of Law, Reason, Decrees, and Practise,) frō intermedling in choice of their own Primate. Wil you heare the maine reason? because himselfe, and some other Popes would haue it so. Which definitiue sen∣tence being f 1.554 sent to the Prelates into England, it was thought a point of prudence also, to g 1.555 prepare the King and worke him pliable before hand, to entertaine that which was to follow: which must be done by ami∣able lines, and gemmes, wherewith he knew the King was much delighted. His Present, being 4. gold Rings, * 1.556 with foure precious stones, an Emrauld, Saphire, Ruby, & Topaze, he so vainely & childishly (though * 1.557 igno∣rance enstile it eloquence) celebrateth in his * 1.558 Epistle, for their number, forme, and colour, that no man will question whether it were dictated with an Aposto∣licke Spirite. The Rings Roundnesse must remem∣ber the King of Eternity; the Quadr at number of Con∣stancy, and of the foure Cardinall vertues, Iustice, For∣titude, Prudence, Temperance; the Golds price, of Wisedome; the Emraulds greenenesse, of Faith; the Sa∣phires brightnesse, of Hope; the Rubies readnesse, of Cha∣rity; the Topazes clearenesse, of operatiue Sanctitie &c. Which, though toyes, were yet accepted as pledges of loue for a while, till at last, the King find∣ing by the sequele, they were but baites to beguile him, esteemed the Popes Gold as drosse, his Iewels as * 1.559 Iewish fraudes, and his loue as most rancored hatred. For shortly after came to his notice, the most indigni∣ous iniurie, which the Pope meant to obtrude vpon him and his Kingdome, hauing not onely hunted both Reynard and Gray out of their holdes, but also imposed vpon him, for the chiefe place and mana∣ging of his State, one whome hee reputed a chiefe and dangerous Enemy to himselfe and it: which thus was fetcht about.

(37) The Monkes freed from the Bishops im∣pugning, were hote now in the strife amongst them∣selues; the g 1.560 one side against Reyners election vrged, it wanted Royall assent, the greater and sounder part of Electoro, due solemnities, due * 1.561 time: the other, a∣gainst Norwich, that no second election could be vali∣dous, vnlesse the former were first annulled. Both their Reasons pleased well the Pope; who (as pre-pos∣sessed Iudges often vse) made shew of h 1.562 great dili∣gence in pondering the Pleadings, whereas himselfe long before had resolued on his Sentence; which was, that by Apostolicall definitiue dome, neyther of the Elects should euer bee capable of that See. So great rubbes hath the Pope with so little breath blowne out of his way. The man whose aduancement al this while hee had aimed at, was now commended to

them, who must be there presently chosen for their Primate, Stephen de Langton, a Cardinall, English by birth, i 1.563 French by education and affection, one of so k 1.564 transcendent power in the Romane Court, that the Pope was thought not for loue, but for enuy, (as being himselfe eclypsed by his necrenesse) to haue wished his seruice in some remoter dignity. But the Monks ill apaide with what was done already, and very tremulous to enter matter of new intrications, alleadged against all further courses, that l 1.565 no Cano∣nicall Election could be there made, they hauing consent neither of King nor Couent; at which word the Pope snapping them vp, bad them know, that * 1.566 he had there plenitude of power ouer the Church of Canterbury; and besides, that no consent of Princes vsed to bee expected in Elections celebrated where the Pope was: hee there∣fore charged them vnder paine of his high curse, (a ter∣rible bug-bear in those daies) there presently to choose him for their Primate, whom himselfe thought good to nominate vnto them. Thus trembling vnder the cracke of his Thunderbolt, they (all m 1.567 excepting one Helias de Brantfield (whose constancy shall per∣petuate his memory,) durst not sor feare but elect him, though very vnwillingly, and with murmurations: whose * 1.568 Consecration followed by the Popes owne handes at Viterbium, and his earnest recommendation by the Popes n 1.569 flattering letters, to the Kings fauourable acceptance. And this was the vnblessed beginning of those new miseries which brought the King to his ending, and his Kingdome to vn-reportable cala∣mities; all which, little did his Holinesse or his Cha∣rity reckon of, so his desperate Policie might take ef∣fect. Yet not vnduely fell those iudgements on ma∣nie Princes of those times, who neglecting the do∣mesticke execution of Supreme iustice, suffered their Subiects, at so high a rate both of expence and tra∣uels, to buy such arbitrary and dangerous formes of a forraine, and falsly-named Iustice.

(38) Two very presumptuous Lawes hath o 1.570 one obserued to haue beene first hatched by this lawlesse Pope, the one occasioned by King Iohns and Philips formet strife, that Princes delinquent must bee lyable to correctionfrom the Pope; the other, vpon the choice of the Emperour, that wherein elections voices are e∣quall, or concord wanting, the Pope may gratifie whome hee please: vnto which wee now may adde a third no lesse arduous & insolent, that the Pope may strike vp Elections, both where, and of whom, and with, and with∣out what consent him listeth. Which lewd obtrusion, that it galled the King to the quicke, wee need not maruaile, if wee ballance in one scale, the Popes meere will and pleasure; in the other, the dishonour to * 1.571 thè King (thus to be triced out of that, which so ve∣hemently, and with his owne presence hee took care to see effected;) the preiudice to his Crowne, to be defeated of Soueraigne assent; the hazard to the State, to haue his * 1.572 Enemy. (a Phillippine, and French fauou∣rite) the * 1.573 chiefe man ouer his English: besides wrongs more particular; as both the disgrace to his best-de∣seruing Counsellour, the disloyalty of the Monks, first, to choose without his licence, then to mocke him with a second choice, next, to beguile him with oaths, after to trauaile vpon his excessiue charge, and last∣ly to doe, and vndoe all, with their periurie. With all which so farre the Kings patience surfetted, that he beganne on them to disgorge his wrath, who with him beganne these affronts; proscribing first all those Monkesas p 1.574 Traytors, and afterward writing

his q 1.575 letters to the Pope, with relation of those great wrongs to Himselfe, and exceptions to Langton; vowing immutably to stand for his own Elect, and to die in defence of the Liberties of his Crowne; putting the Pope in mind, that Rome reapt more gaine from England, then from all the Trans-alpine Regions; threatning also, if he were now crossed in this, hee would stoppe all from crossing the Seas to Rome, nor would any longer emendicate their forraine Iustice, sith his owne Kingdomes, so abounded with Bishoppes and learned men of most accomplished perfection in all professions.

(39) If, when this Kings Father vttered some such threats to Gratian the Popes vassall, hee then replyed r 1.576 Sir doe not threaten vs, for wee feare no me∣naces, because wee are of such a Court as vseth to be im∣perious ouer Emperours and Kings, (which as a remark∣able Apothegme, s 1.577 Baronius sets forth in greater letters;) we may then guesse, how this great Lord of that Court did himselfe brooke such tart saluta∣tions. Nay the effects bewray it: when in his sub∣limed t 1.578 Reply, hee snebs the King for comminatory

obraydings, and contumacious malepartnesse; and threatens him, that if he do not, by referring him∣selfe wholy to his good pleasure, seeke to deserue his Grace, hee should plunge into those difficulties, whence hee should hardly euer get forth; intima∣ting, that himselfe (being vnworthy vicegerent to him, vnto whom euery knee in Heauen, Earth, & Hell must bow,) must in the end needs haue the vpper hand; and that to resist him is to oppugne God himselfe and his Church, for which glorious Becket spilt his bloud.

These were indeed bloody words; to affright the King with expectance of more such blowes, and bloody stripes from Rome, as had lighted on his Father. And hee threatned no more then he acted; for thereupon, hee u 1.579 sent * 1.580 his doubled Apostolicall command, the one general to all the Prelates, for submitting and adhering re∣solutely to Langton, the other, to some * 1.581 particular Bishops, for x 1.582 conuenting the King, and Interdicting his whole Kingdome, if him they found still contu∣maciously rebelling. Neither was hee more insolent in the command, then they in the execution, wher∣by (on y 1.583 a day ill suiting so vnchristian an Action) this flourishing Church (though the King had sworne their banishment, and confiscation if they did it) was depriued of the very face of Christianity for many ensuing yeeres; as if, not Innocentius Christs Vicar, but Iulian his professed Enemy, had mured vp the doores of the Christians Temples for despight of their * 1.584 God.

(40) But this High-Priest had forgotten what a∣nother * 1.585 taught him, and ^a he himsefe sometimes thought, about interdicting France for their Kinges offence; that better it was one should suffer then a whole Nation perish: whereas now, for the Kings on∣ly crossing the Popes good pleasure, God is censured to loose his worshippe, and all the People to hazard their soules, * 1.586 liuing almost like Infidels, without Gods seruice and blessed Sacrament, yea and dying * 1.587 like dogges tumbled into euery ditch. But what? did such wofull effects fasten onely on the Layty? The Clergy bare their part too; whom the flames of the Kings iustly incensed wrath did so scorch, that his Dominions were too hote for their abode: for, their b 1.588 persons hee proscribed and sent packing to the Pope, their reuenewes, hee confiscated their Bishop∣rickes, Abbeyes and Priories; hee deputed to Laymens cu∣stody: their women (for such as had not wiues, had Lemmans) were dearely ransomed: and euery where they suffered wrongs without ordinary protection of Iustice. Whereof, though our * 1.589 vulgar perfuncta∣ry Writers produce no other reason, but the onely ouerflowing of the Kings gall, as if first stirred by some few delinquent Bishops, through furious re∣uenge it ouer-whelmed the whole Clergy; yet in∣deed these were but the due chasticements of their generally disloyall hearts. As (to instance) when the King sent his c 1.590 mandate to S. Albans, that not regar∣ding the Popes commaund in the Interdict, they should continue the celebration of Gods seruice; the Abbot calling his Monkes into the Chapter-house, perswa∣ded them to obey God rather then Man (meaning the Pope rather then the King) and to beare resolute∣ly the Kings anger, * 1.591 whom God in due time would bring to an end. What maruaile then, if the Clergy carri∣ed so generally with this streame of a forraine vsur∣ped power, against Gods seruice, and their Soueraignes

godly desire, and due authority, were likewise gene∣rally inuolued in that reward of their disloialty. And yet, euen in the Clergy, many of eminencie detested these cruell and irreligious courses of the Pope; d 1.592 Phi∣lip the Bishoppe of Duresme, and his Successor, with the Bishops of Norwich and Winchester, heartned the King to contemne the Papall curse; the e 1.593 Cicestertian Abbots (neglecting the Interdict) continued their di∣uine celebrations, till the Pope suspended them for their contempt; Alexander * 1.594 Abbot of the Be∣nedictines, a Diuine of * 1.595 exquisite learning f 1.596 publi∣shed in his Sermons, that their present calamities were no reproch to their Soueraignes proceedings, but due rewards of the Subiects hainous trespasses, because kings ought to gouerne, yea and strongly bridle all disobedient Subiects whomsoeuer; but as for Popes they ought not to intermedle in the ciuill affaires, and regiment of any Princes ouer their vassals, seeing Peter himselfe recei∣ued no power, but onely in matters appertaining to the Church. And though the * 1.597 Pope were reuenged on him for his plaine truth, and some Monkish humors haue aspersed other such men with bitter reproches, yet what may bee thought both of these the Popes courses, & of such his opposers, a late Iesuite (no par∣tiall man to Princes) sheweth, saying, g 1.598 that many, and godly wise men at that time did wish, that Pope Inno∣centius had not stood so hard with King Iohn in such a point as this was, for contenting him with a person grate∣full vnto him in that See. And no maruaile they so wished, seeing that was the graund cause of such in∣finite confusions, factions, and wrongs, hurrying so indignely the Prince, Peeres, Clergy & Commons; the very contemplation whereof to all godly wise men must needes bee gastly and rufull: yet welfare those Anathématizing Bishops, the Instruments of al these euils, who patiently endured vnder the name of Exile, h 1.599 to liue the while abroad in all varietie of de∣lights.

(41) Such perplexities in the People could not * 1.600 but breed as great hatred and hazards to the King; who therefore to preuent the issue of such discon∣tents, (which though causlesse, yet kindling in the multitude proue often vnquenchable,) hee i 1.601 requi∣red of his Nobles new Oathes of allegiance, pledges of such as hee most suspected, and homage of all Free∣holders, k 1.602 euen of twelue yeers old, whom he dismissed with a kisse of peace. Misdoubting also the Popes fur∣ther intent to absolue his Subiects from their due allegi∣ance, hee gathered about him (by * 1.603 example of his Father Henry on the like ground) a mighty Armie for all occurrents. The terrour whereof hee first displayed in the North, offended (saith l 1.604 one) with * 1.605 William King of Scotland, for marrying his daugh∣ter to the Earle of Bulloigne; for receiuing (saith m 1.606 an∣other) Fugitiues, and enemies of his State: for throw∣ing down (saith a n 1.607 third) a Castle built by King Iohn against Barwicke: but whatsoeuer were the breach, the cloze was amiable, each accompanying other to York, where King Williams o 1.608 two daughters were promised to King Iohns two sonnes, and p 1.609 deliuered as pledges of vnited loue, with a q 1.610 gift of nine thou∣sand markes. The dread of this his power so gly∣ded out of the North into the West, that vpon his return, the r 1.611 Princes of Wales, and others rich & poor came to him at Woodstocke (the like thing neuer heard of before) to doe him homage. But all these linkes of allegiance were soone crackt by another thunder∣clap * 1.612 (from Rome) of Anathema on the King by Name, with strict iniunction for all men to abandon his presence: s 1.613 which sentence being sent to bee diuul∣ged by the Bishoppes and Prelates in England, al of them for feare or fauour of the King, were content to neglect the Popes commaund, and let the Apostolike processe escape without execution. The fame yet thereof was in all mens mouthes, but came first (as seemeth) to the Kings Eares, t 1.614 by a seruant of his owne Exchequer. Geffry Arch-Deacon of Norwich, who secretly persiading his fellow-officers, that they were boundin conscience to relinquish the Kings ser∣uice, gaue them example himselfe by leauing his duty and charge; for which hote-braine tricke, hee was put in a * 1.615 Coole of lead, the weight whereof (as a punishment of his leuitie) soone hastned his end in prison: but the greater and wiser sort, both of u 1.616 Nobles and others, continued their due attendance on their Soueraigns Court and person, without * 1.617 regard of the censure.

(42) Those Romish furies thus infesting all at home, gaue also courage & oportunity to il-affected mēbers further off; some of which in Ireland hauing * 1.618 surfeited long of the Kings Indulgence or absence, x 1.619 beganne now to play the Kings themselues. The no∣ble spirite of this Prince in his tender yeeres y 1.620 made choice (on bended knees to his Father, in pre∣sence of Heraclius Patriarke of Ierusalem) rather in deuotion to conduct an Army against the Turks, then in Ambition to take possession of that goodly Kingdome. But being now possessed thereof, and intending (by a kind of compensation for his losses in France) to annexe and assure that Kingdome to the English Crowne, hee resolues with a powerfull Army to quell the disturbers, and reforme the dis∣orders, of his first, and long vnuisited charge. Whose approach such fame and dread did forerunne, that z 1.621 more then twenty Petty Kings of that nation ha∣stened to Dublin, there to honour his * 1.622 arriuall with their submissiue attendance, homage and oath of alleagiance; others, eyther vpon confidence of their good holds, or diffidence for their ill desertes, flying his presence, and some of them, the Coun∣try. The * 1.623 two Lacies (whose onely prayse was, that they were the sonnes of a nobly-deseruing Father) hauing beene, through ambition of Soueraignety, the fountaine of dangerous garboyles, (a 1.624 tyrannizing ouer the Commons, and making away such of the Nobles, as stood eyther in their light, or in the Kings fauour) fled into France, where they liued in * 1.625 an Abbey as poore Gardinars, vntill the Abbot de∣scrying by their deportment some state aboue their habite, vpon penitent humility reconciled them to the King. The Lord William de Breuse, (a * 1.626 Baron late∣ly of great commaund and wealth in the Marches of Wales,) shewed not the like penitence, nor found the like grace; who, vpon * 1.627 refusall to de∣liuer his sonne as a pledge of his fidelitie, spedde into Ireland to flie the Kinges wrath, and now, to auoid his pursuit, fledde also into France, then the common Sanctuary of all trayterous fugitiues; but * 1.628 sharpe reuenge ouertooke both his Sonne and his Lady (taken in a strong Castle of Meth) whose virulent and rayling * tongue had more exaspera∣ted the fury of the King (whom shee immodestly * 1.629 reuiled as a Tyrant and Murtherer,) then could be pacified by her strange present, * 1.630 (foure hundred Kine, and one Bull, all milke-white, except onelie the eares, which were redde,) sent vnto the Queene.

(43) But b 1.631 Catalus, the vnquiet King of Con∣naught, trusting to his owne Forces, King Iohn sub∣dued by strong pursuit: c 1.632 and after all carried him captiued in triumph, imprisoned the English Fugi∣tiues, tooke pledges both of English and Irish Inha∣bitants, punished by death malefactors, turbulent persons by ransomes, established all their Lawes, Coines, and Officers, to the English forme, and depu∣ted (which was worth all) a wise, stout and vpright * 1.633 Gouernour ouer them, the Bishoppe of Norwich, Langtons competitor: thus setling on that barba∣rous Iland so noble and ordered a face of gouerne∣ment, as was the stay thereof in those tumultuous times, and a patterne euen to more peacefull ages to imitate. By which both glorious and * 1.634 speedy conquest and reformation, hee better merited that Style of Irelands Lord, then when it was confir∣med to him by a Crowne of * 1.635 Peacockes feathers from the Pope, at what time (long before) hee inioy∣ed it by his Fathers gift, as his Broad-Seale (here not vnfitte to bee annexed) will shew.

[illustration]

* 1.636

(44) The Banckes of King Iohns estate, were not * 1.637 vnlike to those in Grounds ill-neighboured with an encroching Sea, where before one breach is well made vp, another no lesse dangerous is laid open: which endles turmoils kept his Body still in Action, his Minde in passions, and his Prowesse in vre. The vaste expenses of his Irish expedition were no sooner repayred (by a * 1.638 great taxe charged on all the Con∣uentuall houses) but Lewylin Prince of North-Wales, with his great spoiles on the English Marchers, made new matter of charge and exploit for the King; d 1.639 ha∣uing, to preuent due reuenge, caused his Wallians to conuey all their cattell and better substance to the scarce-accessible refuges of Snowdowne Hill. These difficulties much more whetted and excited the Kings resolution; neither had the vertuall power of the Popes fulmination as yet so blasted his good fortunes, but that hence also hee e 1.640 returned in great Triumph, as Conquerour of all Wales, where, with won∣derfull celerity and valour, hee f 1.641 subdued all their Prin∣ces and Cheefes, whom hee receiued vpon Oath, homage, and hostages, with an absolute g 1.642 graunt of all their In∣land vnto the King for euer. Notwithstanding, per∣ceiuing that h 1.643 very many slipt away for dread (at least for colour) of the Popes curse, from those his martiall and other ciuill seruices, (though i 1.644 hee puni∣shed by fine all such Reuolters) whereby his person could neuer bee free from danger, nor his State from trouble; hee resolues (seeing the Pope vnflex∣ible, & vnsensible of so many Christians calamitie) at length to relent from his vowed stiffenes against the Popes Elect, in hope so to settle his owne and his Subiects tranquility, though with vnsufferable indignity to himselfe. In his k 1.645 returne from Wales, two Nunces from the Pope, Randulph a Subdeacon, and Durand a Knight Templar, meete him at Nor∣thampton to make the attonement: l 1.646 whereto he was so propense, that hee accorded to assure vnder his Seale, that Archbishoppe Langton with the Bishoppes, Monkes and others, should bee restored both to his fauour, and to their possessions; that, holy Church should haue all the Franchises, as in Edward the Confessors time: that hee would neuer take any thing of holy Church against the owners will: but, because hee m 1.647 would not also make full satisfaction for all confiscations, and other emo∣luments receiued of the Clergie, (nay, hee could not * 1.648 hauing expended all his treasure in his conti∣nuall warres,) the Cleargy and their Factors (the Legates) more prizing their priuate gaine, then the weale publike of their Natiue Country, contemned the sweet proffer of peace, & exposed all to the bane of a reuengeful contention. For hereupon they did not onely n 1.649 denounce the curse vpon the King by name (which the Prelates be∣fore durst not doe) and vpon all other who conuersed with him; but, as if hee had most o 1.650 contumaciously con∣temned quietnesse, by their relations they incensed * 1.651 the Pope (too procliue of himself to set forth his own greatnesse) to put on him a farre more indignous wrong and contumely then Interdiction, by p 1.652 absol∣uing all Kings and People, poore and rich, hauing depen∣dance on him, from all Fealty and Subiection to him.

(45) This being the third steppe, whereby, both * 1.653 the Pope ascended to the height of his vsurped pow∣er, and mercilesse reuenge, and the Subiects * 1.654 daylie descended from their loyall obseruance, made king Iohn more circumspect to strengthen himselfe, both with an Army no lesse faithfull then powerfull, & also with the loue of his Neighbour-Princes. King William of Scotland, q 1.655 at this time infested with a dangerous rebellion, (stirred vp within his Kingdom by one Gothred, r 1.656 laying claime, vnder color of some antiquated title, to his Crowne) being himselfe in∣firme with age, sent his sonne Prince Alexander into England, to craue assistance of King Iohn, who (by his owne princely loue and readinesse, to demerite theirs,) resoluing with his Army in person to cha∣stice the disturbers of his trusty Confederate, before his setting forth, did s 1.657 on the Table in a solemn feast, (which hee kept in the Hospitall of Clerken-well) ad∣orn Prince Alexander with the belt & Order of Knight∣hood; and t 1.658 afterward with his hoast vanquishing the Rebels, aduanced their Chiefe-leader farre higher then his owne Ambition expected, and left that * 1.659 Kingdome in a setled peace. But whiles he is thus kindly carefull in suppression of anothers Rebelles, * 1.660 his owne at home are as vnkindly vigilant to vnder∣mine his State; the Popes Absolution, like magicke spelles, hauing let loose many tumultuating Spirits, which will not easily be laid again. For the * 1.661 Chiefes among the Wallians, whom neither breach of their * 1.662 Oathes, nor losse of their noble hostages, (*which soone after perished for their parents sinnes) could deterre, suddenly fell off from the King, and fell on his Subiectes with u 1.663 much slaughter of men, bur∣ning of Townes, and surprizall of Castles: whereof, whiles the King meaning to take sharpe reuenge, was on his way at Nottingham with an vnresistable Armie, letters of great speed and secresie were de∣liuered to him (as hee sate at meate) from his faith∣full and gratefull friend the Scottish King, & instant∣ly others from his daughter Ioan, Prince Lewylins, Lady, both giuing him intelligence of imminent Treasons * 1.664 plotted by sundry of his Peeres, who meant eyther to murther him, or betray him to the butchery of his foes. Which dreadfull notices from so true-har∣ted Informers, could not yet affright his manlie heart, till comming to Chester, hee there vnder∣stood by sundry other Intelligencers, that his No∣bles * 1.665 held themselues quite discharged from his alle∣giance; and knowing that they wanting fidelity, he

himselfe could not but want security, hee dismissed his hoast, tooke hostages of his Barons, pursued the detected Conspirators, and * 1.666 the three principal of them flying the land, he prosecuted their per∣sons, demolished their Castles, and confiscated their possessions. But many of as vile and virulent af∣fections they left behind them, as that * 1.667 trayterous Act of those Nobles bewrayed, who sent to Philip of France their sealed Charter, promising to settle on his head the Crowne of England, if hee would come to re∣ceiue it. And that the mindes of the vulgar should, not bee vnpossessed with like expectation of Iohns vn-crowning, the prophesies of an * 1.668 Heremiticall wi∣sard (foretelling, that on the day of Ascension, King Iohn should bee no King) were buzzed into their eares. Whether by Gods inspiring, or the Diuelles, these were reuealed, * 1.669 some doe doubt; but hee that considers the quotidian impostures of these times, and the secret machinations of the Pope, the French King, and the English Barons, all for diuers ends, complotting against King Iohn, will easily perceiue both what vse there was of suborning such a Prophet, to deterre the popular maynie, from stic∣king to the King, and to beguile their credulity, as if the thing were to be done, by Gods fore-appoint∣ment, and ordinance, and also * 1.670 that his punish∣ment by death as a Traiterous Impostor, was no other then he deserued.

(46) Neither is the Popes reuenge thus appea∣sed, some higher greeces yet remaine, on which his Greatnesse, and greatnesse of his holy rage must dis∣play it selfe: the vnderprops whereof (a thing al∣most incredible) were not onely Englishmen, but English Bishops also. For Stephen Langton with the BB. of London and Ely (thirsting after reuenge though with the destruction of their Country, & blood-shed of innumerable their Compatriots) go∣ing to Rome with complaints on the King, y 1.671 made humble supplications to the Lord Pope, that hee would vouchsafe in a touch of pious compassion, to support the English Church, being at the point of ruine. At whose earnest sollicitation, the tender-hearted Pope (grie∣uously lamenting the desolation of the Kingdome * 1.672 of England,) decreed by solemne sentence: That King Iohn should bee deposed from his Kingdome, and that the Pope should prouide some other, who should bee deemed worthyer to succeed. To effectuate the former clause, Innocentius eagerly pursued the latter, send∣ing speedy letters to (whom but King Iohns most mortall enemy?) Philip King of France; z 1.673 requiring him to vndertake the labour of the dethroning King Iohn, with no lesse reward then pardon for all his sins, * 1.674 and enioying of the English Crowne to him, and his heires for euer. A goodly large patent both for a Spiritual and Temporall Kingdome, which (more like Mars his Priest, then Christs Vicar) he meanes to seale, with a deluge of Christians bloud. For not thus yet satiated, hee transmits his Letters generall: a 1.675 To all Potentates, Souldiers, men of warre of all nations, to signe themselues with the Crosse, and to follow their Captaine Philip for the deiection of King Iohn, as∣suring all that their assistance (whether in Person or Contribution) shall bee no lesse meritorious, then if they visited our Sauiours Sepulchre. That this Pope vnder colour of such Crusadoes, did formerly cloake his own Auarice, his b 1.676 owne Monkes auerre; but here hee cloakes therewith both his Pride, and a far more sauage vice, the thirst, not of mens gold but of their bloud. In which seruice with King Philip, hee vsed the same English Prelates for his Negotiators, which were before his Solicitors thereunto; with whom also he sent his Factour Pandulph; c 1.677 giuing him in priuate, secret instructions how to manage euery particular of the whole designe, to the most behoofe of the holy See. * 1.678

(47) The French King likewise receiuing * 1.679 from the Archbishoppe and his Associates (in a d 1.680 councel) the Apostolike sentence; was very apprehensiue of that imployment, whereto not so much the Papall com∣maund, as his e 1.681 owne ancient malignity, and the Eng∣lish Barons traiterous requests, had prepared him, both which he was now f 1.682 willing to maske with the spe∣ous pretext of iustice and deuotion. Vnder which colors hee had * 1.683 speedily marshalled an immense Army at Roan, & drew a mighty Nauy richly furnished to the mouth of Seyn, * 1.684 al his Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, & souldiers being sūmoned to the exploit vnder pain of hie Treason and disherizing, who therforeboth in feare & hope of spoile came flocking without number.

(48) A preparation of so great importance, that all Christendom tooke notice of, could not long be hidden from King Iohn; whose care, by reason of * 1.685 his now doubled opposition (forrain & domestick) could be no lesse for his owne and his Kingdoms safe∣ty, then was his Enemies for impugning both. Wher∣fore his Summons being * 1.686 sent to all his officers both for Sea and land, for speedy furnishing both of a Nauie, & an Army, equiualent to encounter so pow∣erfull an Inuasion, such g 1.687 innumerable multitudes swarmed to Douer, and other harbours for landing, that the Chiefe-leaders for want of prouision, dis∣missing the rest, h 1.688 encamped at Barham-Downes, one∣ly with 60000. choice, valiant, and well appointed men, who, if they had carried all one mind, and true affection towards their King, and safegard of their Country, there breathed not any Prince vnder heauen, whose assault Eng∣land had not beene able to repell. And being no worse appointed for a Sea-fight, his intent was to graple first with the French Fleet, * 1.689 making no doubt of sinking them all: so secure and confident was he in expectation of all Inuaders. In which braue addresse, whiles both shores of the Sea are thus belaid with both those Kings puissant Armies, the one waiting for the Enemy, the other for faire windes, and more forces, behold Pandulphus (the Popes Pragmaticke) hauing * 1.690 first desired safe conduct of King Iohn, arriues at Do∣uer, to put in execution those i 1.691 secret Instructions which his Lord (who made his aduantage of the Foxe-skinne, as well as of the Lions) * 1.692 had expresly pre∣scribed. He there vnfoldes to the King, the innume∣rable

multitude both of King Philips shippes, and of his Souldiers Horse and Foote, (all in readinesse to passe, and yet more expected to follow) to be∣reaue * 1.693 him of his Kingdome by Apostolicall autho∣rity, and to enioy it himselfe with his Heires for euer. That with him were also comming all the English Exiles, both Clergy and Lay, they, by his forces to repossesse their estates (maugre the king) and hee from them to receiue allegiance, as from his sworne Subiects. That hee had the fealty of almost all the English Peeres obliged to him by their owne Charters; which made him distrustlesse of attayning easily his wished successe: which ca∣lamities (the more vnsufferable, because imposed by his insulting enemie, and his owne Subiects) he might yet euade and retaine his Crowne, which by Sentence hee had already lost, if penitently hee would submit himselfe to the Churches iudge∣ment.

Doubtlesse the straites whereinto the King saw himselfe plunged, were very dreadfull; so many deadly enemies abroad to assault him, so few trustie friends at home to guard him: which droue him in∣to this sad cogitation k 1.694 that those his perfidious Peeres would now with their followers abandon him in the field, or betray him ouer to the Sword of his Enemies. Yet not vnlikely other motiues also might forcibly perswade him to relent: the remembrance of the Emperour Otho whom this very Pope (not without foule blot of l 1.695 Iniustice and m 1.696 Leuity) had both eagerly aduan∣ced, and furiously dis-empyred; the boundlesse fu∣ries of the Crusado promulged against him, where∣with this Pope n 1.697 vsed to ouerflow, as with a merci∣lesse Ocean, all such Princes as withstood his will, which once broken in would neuer end, but with the end and ruine of all. Thus thinking it better to yeeld to the time, with assurance both o 1.698 of his Crowne, and of the p 1.699 Popes fauour, then desperatelie to hazard Life, Crowne and all, to his immortall foes; hee redeemes his safety on such conditions, as 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

tiable, that with money eyther paid or promised, hee might be wrought like waxe and made plyable to all wicked acti∣ons. Thus hauing the true length of the Popes foot, he fittes him accordingly with rich presents, and golden promises, crauing (by such mouing Rhe∣toricke) not his aide onely, but his Curse also a∣gainst the Archbishoppe and Barons, who so vnces∣santly distressed him. But Innocentius (forward of himselfe without any Motiues, to put in vre those his Papall vertues, and the execution of his late-v∣surped power,) vpon the first gladsome newes of Englands Vassallage to his See, had presently dispat∣ched for England an Agent of greater port then Pan∣dulph, a Subdeacon, Nicholas Bishoppe of Tusculum, * 1.700 with no meaner credence and instructions for pre∣seruing what the Pope had guilefully gotten, then Pandulph had to purchase, what hee ambitiously ga∣ped for: by whose b 1.701 arriuall the King seemed to be possessed of those his desires, before his golden let∣ters arriued at Rome to craue them.

(54) For this Legate was infected with the like itches (c 1.702 Ambition and Auarice) as his Master, and * 1.703 therefore King Iohn knew how to demerite his fast∣nesse and loue, by supplying him with like d 1.704 oint∣ments; whereby the Archbishop and Barons soone perceiued, that the Legate was e 1.705 wholy Regall, and the King Papall; which iealousie made both their Actions more distastfull. The Ouert and professed end of his comming, being to release the Interdict, hee first tampered a little to accord the King and Prelates vpon couenantes of Restitution; towardes which, though the king offered ten thousand marks, yet the Prelates (f 1.706 repining at the Legates * 1.707 partiality to the King in approuing that offer,) g 1.708 chose rather to suffer the whole land to grone vnder that vnchri∣stian, and truly-styled Curse, * 1.709 then to defalcate any iot of their couetous demaunds. Vnder which co∣lour, the Popes Agent, (a fitte helue for such a hat∣chet,) brake his mind to the King of a more secret & principall cause of his Legacie, which was h 1.710 for the contriuing of a more validous and vnexceptionable conueyance of his Kingdomes to the yoake of Ro∣mish Soueraignety; pretending doubtlesse, (as Pan∣dulph had done) that l 1.711 hee could neuer be safe or quiet, but vnder the powerfull protection of the Popes winges. What iust exceptions the World might take to the former Graunt, his Holinesse was not ignorant; it * 1.712 being an Act in the King, both of manifest* Periurie * 1.713 against his oath at his Coronation, and also of* Con∣straint, * 1.714 * Circumuention, and * Feare; hee being dri∣uen thereto by the Pope himselfe, who had set vp * 1.715 both the French power, and his owne Barons a∣gainst him; an Act of one * actually excommuni∣cate, as also were the * Witnesses conuersing with * 1.716 him in that action, whereto, as neither the * next Heyres, nor the * Clergy, nor * Body of the King∣dome, * 1.717 gaue any consent, so an * open disclaime there∣of was made by the very k 1.718 Principall man there pre∣sent, * 1.719 in the name (as is likely) of all the rest: and that all was ingrossed with so many grosse * vntruthes, as * 1.720 if done most voluntarily; without any feare or force; in * 1.721 a general Assembly of the Barons; onely by a diuine in∣spiration, and because the King had nothing fitte to pa∣cifie God for his sinnes, but the giuing away of his King∣domes: Well might the Pope blush at these shame∣lesse abusions; and therefore if now the King, stan∣ding on calmer termes, can be wrought to ratifie his former Graunt, though the dealing bee more fraudu∣lent, yet the Act will seeme more colourable, be∣cause sauouring of lesse constraint, and more free de∣uotion. But if we looke with an vnpartiall Eye, wee shall see both the plight of King Iohn, and the action * 1.722 of Innocentius, still like it selfe: the Interdiction still burthening his land; his Barons more molestious to him then forraine foes; his Prelates greedily gra∣ting on him to empouerish his meanes; his Arch∣bishop stopping all proceedings against forraine or home-bred enemies; and if hee had thwarted the Popes commaund herein, hee foresaw farre grea∣ter stormes at hand, then hee had hitherto escaped. Thus in desire to settle his Kingdomes quiet for his owne time, and in hope, perchance, that his Succes∣sors would (as since by diuine blessing they haue) vin∣dicate * 1.723 it againe from such an enforced slauery, hee condescended to renue his * 1.724 Charter of Subiection, knowing belike that his expresse * 1.725 reseruation to himselfe and his Heires, of all due administration of Iu∣stice, all Liberties, and Regalties, (as being excepted out of the Graunt,) was forcible of it selfe to make it vnforceable. For how hath hee his wonted power of Iustice, who was supreme, and is made subordinate? how his wonted liberties, who was absolute, & is made Homager and Pensioner? how his fore-vsed Regalities, whom another may name, and command as his vas∣sall? Yet this Charter, adorned with a Golden Bull, (fitte for the Roman * 1.726 Phalaris, whereas the former was but sealed with wax) was at a meeting in Saint Paules Cathedrall Church (l 1.727 pretended for other bu∣sinesses about the Interdict) presented for more authenticke solemnity at the High-Altar, where, in the King and Legates presence, the Archbishoppe of Canterbury, himself also both a Cardinal and a Legat * 1.728 (in this, acting the office of a stout Patriote, and noble Prelate, as the Archbishop of Dublein had done at the first Graunt,) stept forth, and in the * 1.729 name of the whole Clergy and Kingdome, m 1.730 boldly and earnestly presented n 1.731 at the same Altar in solemne manner, his Appeales against that Charter so execrable to the whole world, as likewise formerly o 1.732 he had vsed all possible ende∣uor to diuert the kings hart frō that subiection to the Pope and Court of Rome. That the Peeres of the land accor∣ded with the Archbishop in the Appeale, (and more then in Appeales) both the Kings owne p 1.733 letters to the Pope saying, they openly professed, that they forci∣bly made head against him, because hee had so enslaued his land, and their owne bitter exclamations against it, so frequently in q 1.734 Authors reiterated, doe demon∣strate: and yet both the Archbishop and other Ba∣rons, are so cunningly named in the Popes r 1.735 Tran∣script, as if they had not onely beene present and witnesses at the doing, but also approuers of the deed. What comfort then had Innocentius of renouncing his old Charter, and thus shuffling for a new? Surely but little, it seemeth; especially when he saw both his owne Creatures in England thus oppugne it, and Christian Princes abroad; yea King Iohns * 1.736 mortall e∣nemies, who not onely denied, that England (notwith∣standing this Transaction) s 1.737 was any patrimony of S. Peter, and condemned the Pope for holding an errour so pernicious to all Kingdomes; but also vowed to die before they would yeeld, that any King can of his owne will, make his Kingdom Tributary, and his Nobles slaues to others. By which vniuersall detestation, of this the Popes vsurping, it is not improbable (though for the present hee flourished the Transcript there∣of, which hee sent into England, with the t 1.738 Preface of Christ, and Melchised•…•…h being Kings and Priests, and that therefore in one person of Christs Vicar, as the Soule and the Body, so both Kingdome and Priesthoode did now concurre,) that yet ere long hee was no lesse ashamed of this latter, then of his former Charter. Whereto well suteth his testimony, who writes that a u 1.739 Parliament was held at London the yeere 1214. Where the Archbishop sate as President with all the Cler∣gy and Layty: wherein by commandement of the Pope, the Charter, Fealty, and homage by which the King was obliged to the Pope, was absolutely released on the 7 day of Iuly: which if bee true, no maruaile if the Court of Rome cannot produce, though often chal∣lenged thereto, this Charter whereof so much they vaunt. Notwithstanding some vnquiet Spirits, as∣piring long after to the Papacy, though pretending (perhaps) the x 1.740 Originall Charter was consumed at Lyons (where the y 1.741 Pope causing, some say, his owne Conclaue to bee set on fire, so haue a pretence to extort a contribution from the Prelates there in councell, the fire went farther then * 1.742 hee meant it should) they made some flourish to z 1.743 renew their claime of homage and

pension, till in a Generall Parliament, the Prelates, Lords, and Commons, seuerally and ioyntly a 1.744 enacted, that for somuch as neither King Iohn, nor any other King, could bring his Realme and people to such thraldom, but by common assent of Parliament, (the which was neuer * 1.745 done,) and that in so doing hee did against his Oath at his Coronation; besides many other causes of iust ex∣ception; if therefore the Pope thence forward should at∣tempt any thing therein, the King with all his Subiects * 1.746 should with all their Forces and powers resist the same, and rather hazard all their liues and liuelyhood, then en∣dure that vsurpation. If Pope Paschall (in the b 1.747 time of King Iohns grandfather) hauing with much solem∣nity made some graunts to the Emperour Henry, and confirmed them with an c 1.748 Anathema, with the d 1.749 oathes of thirteene Cardinals, and with e 1.750 religious recey∣uing of the blessed Sacrament; yet, because such grants were thought preiudiciall to his See, f 1.751 solemn∣ly disclaimed his owne Act, and such his doing was aproued by a Clergy Councel, as pretended to be done g 1.752 by feare: how much more iustly might King Iohns Successors and his State, by such approbation of their grand Councel, free themselues of those seruitudes wherewith by anothers vniust, forced, vnwarranta∣ble Act, they were supposed to be enfettered?

(55) Though the Archbishoppe were so vnkind against the Pope (the Aduancer of his Fortunes,) as to giue by his appeale so fatall a blow to his desired * 1.753 Crowne, yet the Pope was not so ingrace as to die in his debt; as quickly hee found in h 1.754 another Ap∣peale which hee made to the Pope against his Le∣gate, for that he, relying on i 1.755 Apostolicall indulgence, not onely disposed of all Spirituall dignities to k 1.756 such as best liked the King, but also to his owne l 1.757 Italians, and Kinsmen, though absent, vnknowne, vnsufficient, vnworthy, yea, and some m 1.758 vnborne. Which Legatine * 1.759 Tyranny vnsufferable in a Christian State, though Simon Langton (the Archbishops brother and Pro∣ctor) vrged earnestly before the Pope, yet the Le∣gates Agent Pandulphus, so displayed both the Archbishoppes feruentnes in vsing suck * 1.760 eager per∣swasions and appellation against the Kings subiection, and the Prelates * 1.761 auarice, in their vnreasonable exacti∣ons for restitution from the King; being the most be∣nigne, modest, and humble Prince that his eyes euer be∣held; that his Holines not onely conceiued n 1.762 excee∣ding hatred against the Archbishop and his cause, but sent also his Authenticke Letters for repealing the Interdict, vpon restitution onely of 13000. Markes * 1.763 more to the Prelates (the King before had voluntarily offered them 100000) and that but by equall portions of o 1.764 fiue yeeres payment. But the King, who knew the Popes pleasure before these letters came to impart it, hauing found that his French affaires had sustained vnreparable impeach∣ments by his hitherto enforced delayes, p 1.765 entrusting his Kingdome to the Legate and Earle Marshals custody, was with his Forces passed into Poictou, (whiles in his absence, the relaxation of the Inter∣dict, after q 1.766 more then sixe yeeres continuance, was by the Legate in a Parliament solemnly promulged) where his Successes were so fortunate, that r 1.767 it being powerfully subdued, great hope was conceiued the o∣ther Prouinces would follow. Whence breaking with s 1.768 like victories into Britaine, being there at the point to giue t 1.769 battle to Lewis the Dolphine, his euer∣faithlesse Poyctouins sodainely u 1.770 forsooke him, and made him forsake his purpose. But a greater im∣payrement of those his hopes, was the x 1.771 defeature of his Confederate Otho the Emperour, at the renow∣ned Battle of * 1.772 Bouines, where King y 1.773 Philip, stricken from his horse by the hand of Reginald Earle of Bul∣loigne, had there with his life ended the quarrell, if a faithful Souldier had not couered him with his own Body, and brauely sacrificed his life, to saue his So∣ueraignes; who thereupon recouered both his foo∣ting, and the victory. The heauy newes whereof, concurring with his Barons outrages at home, droue King Iohn on z 1.774 deare conditions, to capitulate on a fiue yeeres Truce, and return to bridle them at home, whose attempts hee euer found most dangerous, * 1.775 when hee was most busied abroad. For vnder a * 1.776 pre∣text of Deuotion (the vsuall maske for Treachery the Barons assembling at Saint Edmunds a 1.777 did euery man on the high Altar seuerally sweare, to renounce their sworne fealty to the King, and pursue him by Armes, till they had enforced his consent to the Charter of liberties formerly by the Archbishop recommēded to them. Which * 1.778 when b 1.779 afterward they came in person to challenge of the King, as a part of his Oath taken at his Abso∣lution; hee c 1.780 seeing both their forces and affections ad∣dressed for violence, was enforced with gentle language and promised satisfactions, to desire, till after Easter, mature deliberation on so important a matter; in which breathing time, both in pollicie, hee tooke new oath of loyalty through all the land, and d 1.781 in deuotion, vndertooke the Vow and Signe of the holy Warres, choosing belike to die against faithles Turks, rather then to liue amongst such vnfaithfull Subiects. But neither Oathes, nor holy vowes e 1.782 (then esteemed the su∣preme priuiledge of protection) could bee sufficient Bucklers to protect against such desperate attemp∣ters; who at the prefixed weeke of Easter, prepa∣ring themselues not for a Conference, as with their Prince, but for a Battle, as against some hostile pow∣er, trouped together at Stanford, with f 1.783 an Army ine∣stimable for number, whose * 1.784 very principall Abetter and conspirer was Stephen the Archbishoppe, the more per∣nicious person, because (to hide his false entende∣mentes) most assiduous in attendance about the King. And g 1.785 him the King selecting to send to the Barons Army (who were come on as farre as Brackley, not farre from the King, residing now in Oxford) to know the contents of their desires; hee brought a h 1.786 Schedule of their claimed liberties, with a message of their resolutions, if presently hee sealed not a Charter thereof vnto them, they would compell him therto by for∣cible entrance on all his possessions. Whereat his great heart * 1.787 highly disdaining, hee demanded, why they also demanded not his Kingdome? those their exactions be∣ing grounded on no colour of reason, and swearing ne∣uer to enslaue himselfe to them by such a concession, hee dismissed his Archbishop to return them his peremp∣tory answere.

(56) Neither were the Barons lesse resolute in performance of their vow and message, appointing * 1.788 for Head vnto that huge and heady rout, Robert Fitzwalter, whom they enstyled i 1.789 The Marshall of Gods Army and holy Church: who first assayling Northampton Castle, after fifteene dayes fruitlesse fury, departed to Bedford, whose * 1.790 Castelan being a Confederate gaue them easie entrance; but the Londoners (displeased with the King for burthening * 1.791 them with taxes) not onely admitted them, but l 1.792 in∣uited them by request, to enter their City by night: where hauing that Key (as it were) of the land in their dispose, they by their m 1.793 threatfull letters not onely drew most of the Nobles from the King, but also had almost lockt him out of his Regall Seat. To preuent which outrage, by gentle messages intrea∣ting of the Barons a place and day of meeting, who thereto designed * 1.794 Runingmead, (n 1.795 since called Coun∣sel-mead, for such consultations of State,) they thither came o 1.796 with armed multitudes out of all the Kingdome beyond all number, that the King, p 1.797 seeing his power far inferiour vnto theirs, was constrained to * 1.798 grant them their vttermost desires, not onely for Liberties, (spe∣cified in * 1.799 Magna Charta, and Charta foresta,) but also for a kind of sway in the Gouernment, by twenty fiue selected Peeres, to whose commaunds all the o∣ther Barons also were bound by oath to bee obsequi∣ous. Thus one of the greatest Soueraignes of Chri∣stendome, was now becom the q 1.800 twenty sixth petty king in his owne Dominions; as appeared that very night, when all the rest following the pompous streame of the new vpstart-Kings, left their Soueraigne * 1.801 onelie with seuen Gentlemen to attend him. What mar∣uaile, if high disdain herof pierced his swelling heart, 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

sitian both bodily & ghostly: and not onely forgaue * 1.802 gladly all his mortall persecutors (holding that a mater, though very difficult to flesh and bloud, yet salutary to the Soule) but also sent command to Henry his sonne to doe the same: to whom hee caused all present, to t 1.803 sweare fealty, as to the Heyre of his Crowne, and sent his letters to all his Officers abroad, exhorting them to assist him. And u 1.804 thus hee commended his soule to God, and his Body to bee buried in Worcester Church, where the Bishop solemnly interred it, by the Kings * 1.805 appointment, neere the Body of Wolstan, a saincted Bishoppe renowned for constant fidelity to his Prince against the rebellious Nobles of * 1.806 his time: with which kind of men, King Iohns gouernment had beene miserably encombred.

(62) This, being the Catastrophe of his Tragicall Raigne, might also haue beene the close of his Sto∣ry, * 1.807 had not the suddenty of his death, exacted some search into the cause of his sicknesse. Such Authors as touch the matter but in generall, content them∣selues with saying, he dyed of a a 1.808 griefe, or a b 1.809 feauer, or a c 1.810 flux, or a d 1.811 surfet; but those who haue entred into the particulars, insist on such a Surfet, as wher∣of both griefe, feauer, and flux were most probable effects and Symptomes. For comming (say e 1.812 they) from the Washes to Swinshed Abbey, (being of the Cisleaux Order, which of old he had much incensed) hee added new matter of offence, as he sate at meat, when, in speech f 1.813 of his enemies too large prouision, hee sware, if hee liued but halfe a yeere longer, he would make one halfe-penny loafe as deare as * 1.814 twelue: which to preuent, a Monke of that holy habit, whi∣ther in loue to Lewis, or hate to the King, or pitty on the Land, presenting him with an enuenomed Cup, (whereof the King commanded him to bee his Ta∣ster) became the Diabolical Instrument of his own and his Soueraignes destruction. This relation, de∣liuered by Monkes, and men of Monkish humour, as a thing so vndenyable, that they auow (at what time they wrote this) g 1.815 fiue Monkes in that Abbey did sing for this their Brothers soule specially, and so should whiles the Abbey stood, which if it had beene forged euery Child might easily haue refuted; and the re∣hearsall of all circumstances thereof, (of the Kings speeches, of the Monkes conference with his Abbot, of his preparing the drinke with a Toade in the gar∣den, of his dying in the Firmary) might deserue cre∣dite with the greatest Patrones of Monkery; yet h 1.816 one of them (as if by acquiting Simon of Swinshed, all * 1.817 o∣ther of such Orders were cleared from assasinating of Princes) striueth eagerly, to asperse some late * 1.818 Relaters hereof, with the blots both of malice & forgery. Wherein is the malice? in adding to the narration, Pictures also of the fact, so to moue hatred to Monkes and their Religion,; whereas of truth, either Monkes, or men of that Religion, were the very first, who not onely so depictured, but also liuely and richly depainted it in their i 1.819 goodliest Manuscripts. Wherein then the Forgery? in adding to Caxton, that k 1.820 his Abbot gaue him absolution for the same before hand, there being no such matter at all, nor any mention thereof in the story? No? let the very story speake; l 1.821 The Monke went to the Abbot, and was shriuen of him, and told the Abbot all the King had said; and prayd his Abbot to assoile him, for hee would giue the King such a drinke that all England should be glad thereof and ioyfull: th•…•… yode the Monke into the Garden, &c. Yea far∣ther, n 1.822 one Monkalleadgeth, an inducement for the Abbots assent therto, for that the King had sent for the Abbots sister (a faire Prioresse) with purpose to haue deflowred her. Yea, but the Story it self is char∣ged with o 1.823 noueltie, the first author thereof being but An. 1483. and all other former Writers making no mention of it. This if true, were somewhat, and doubtlesse, it is as true as the former: for how could hee bee the first Author, when not onelie p 1.824 Ranulph the Monke of Chester, q 1.825 Iohn of Tynmouth, and r 1.826 Thomas Otter∣bourne the Francistan Fryer, recorded it as * 1.827 a fame ge∣nerally receiued; but sundry other ancient stories, as Iohn of Lichfield, the Monke of Leicester, & Scala Mun∣di (to omit other s 1.828 namelesse Authors before Ann. 1483,) so confidently auouch his poisoning at Suin∣shead, that vnpartiall t 1.829 after-Writers, though friends to Monkery, made no scruple to beleeue it. And why should they not, sith an * 1.830 Author, more anci∣ent and vnexceptionable then all the rest, (euen king Iohns Sonne and Successor in his Kingdome) auerred it, u 1.831 when, the Prior of Clerken-well saucily telling him (being then in that house) that as some as hee ceast to doe Iustice towards his Prelates, hee should cease to be a King; the King enraged with his trayterous threat, replyed; What? meane you to turne mee out * 1.832 of my Kingdome, and afterward to murder me, as my fa∣ther was dealt with?

(63) But not to trouble our selues with refuting a Gooses gagling against Foxes true relation; ea∣sie it is to obserue the hatred of Monks against that King, both in thus procuring his death then, and his * 1.833 dishonour (a second death) in their slanderous in∣uentions euer since. For, whereas he x 1.834 writ by some of his Bishops to certaine forraine Princes, for aides a∣gainst his faithlesse Rebels; the Monkes charge him, that hee counterfeited his Bishoppes Seales, and writ a∣broad, that all Englishmen were become. Infidels and Apostates from Christs faith, and therefore such should come to subdue them and take their possessions: y 1.835 when he said, a Stag which hee kild, had neuer the lesse fatte, though he neuer heard a Masse; they charged him hee doubted of the Resurrection of the dead; z 1.836 and in saying, hee neuer sped well after his yeelding to the Pope, that hee said hee was vnfortunate since hee was re∣conciled vnto God: that, a 1.837 when hee gaue leaue to a seruant of his owne, to enter any religious Order, he gaue him leaue to bee of what Religion and Faith hee list. That moreouer, b 1.838 hee offered his King∣dome to a Sarazen, and would embrace the Tur∣kish faith, though this tale were told by one Robert of London (a c 1.839 wicked Masse-Priest, or rather a Mon∣ster, d 1.840 hauing a face like a Iew, with one arme long, and another short, his fingers deformedly growing toge∣ther two and two,) with such senseles improbabilities, as, e 1.841 that hee found that Moorish King reading of Saint Paules Epistles, and that hee refused the Kingdom of England being offered him, with the like. That last∣ly f 1.842 it was reuealed to a Monke, King Iohn was in Hell; though a Poet for so saying, is by M. P. (g 1.843 who •…•…de no doubt of King Iohns saluation) censured for a * 1.844 Reprobate. These all are demonstrations of so in∣credible hatred, as should rather alleuiate their Au∣thors credite, then the Kings; whose Raigne had it not fallen in the time of so turbulent a Pope, so am∣bitious Neighbour-Princes, so disloyall Subiects, nor his Story into the handes of exasperated Writers, hee had appeared a King of as great re∣nowne, * 1.845 as misfortunes. His works of deuotion in∣feriour to none; as his Foundations declare at h 1.846 Beau∣ley, i 1.847 Farrington, k 1.848 Malmsbury, and l 1.849 Dublin, and that other for Nunnes, at Godstow by Oxford, m 1.850 for which, some haue interpreted that Prophesie of Merlin as meant of him; Sith Virgin giftes to Maids he gaue, Mongstblessed Saints God will him saue. His Acts and Orders for the Weale-publike were beyond most: hee being eyther the first, or the chiefest, who appointed those noble Formes of Ciuill gouernment in o 1.851 London, and p 1.852 most Cities, and Incorporate Townes of England, endowing them also with their greatest Franchises; The q 1.853 first who caused Sterling money to bee h•…•…re coyned; The r 1.854 first, who orday∣ned the Honourable Ceremonies in Creation of Earles; The first, who s 1.855 setled the Rates and Mea∣sures for Wine, Bread, Cloth, and such like Necessa∣ries of Commerce; The u 1.856 first, who planted English Lawes and Officers in Ireland, and both annexed that Kingdome, and fastned Wales to the Crowne of Eng∣land, therby making amends for his losses in France. Whose whole course of life and actions, wee cannot shut vp with any truer E•…•…loge, then that which u 1.857 an ancient Author hath conferred on him: Princeps qui∣dem

Magnus erat, sed minus foelix; atque vt Mari∣us, vtramque fortunam expertus; Doubtlesse, he was a Prince more Great then happy, and one, who, like Ma∣rius, had tried both sides of Fortunes wheele.

His Wiues.

(64) Alice, the first wife of King Iohn, was the eldest of the two daughters, and heires apparant at that time of Humbert the second, Earle of Maurien, now called Sauoy: her Mother was Clemence daugh∣ter of Berthold the fourth, Duke of Leringen, who had been the diuorced wife of Henry the Lyon, Duke of Saxonie. This marriage was in their childhoode cōcluded by their Parents at Mountferrant in Auerne, in February, Anno, 1173; he should haue had with her, her Fathers Earledome, but all altered by her vn∣timely death; and after ensued the death of her Mother, the new marriage of her Father, and issue male of the same, whereof the Dukes of Saxonie are descended.

(65) Isabel, his second wife (by * 1.858 some called Hawisia or Auis) though the * 1.859 youngest of the three Sisters, yet was in regard of this marriage, the sole Heire of William Earle of Gloucester, sonne of Earle Robert, the Naturall sonne of King Henry the first; her Mother was Hawis the daughter of Robert Bossu Earle of Leicester. Shee was married vnto him when hee was Earle of Mortaine, in the first yeere of his bro∣ther Richards raigne: and after ten yeeres hauing no issue by him, was (the first yeere of his Raigne) diuorced from him, vnder pretence of Consanguini∣ty, and married to Geffrey Mandeuill Earle of Essex, and lastly, to Hubert de Burgo Earle of Kent; but died without any Issue by them.

(66) Isabel also his last wife, was daughter and heire of Aymer Earle of Angolesme; her Mother was Alice daughter of Peter, Lord of Courteney, fifth son of Lewis the Grosse, King of France. Shee was marri∣ed vnto him in the first yeere of his Raigne, & crow∣ned by Hubert Archbishoppe of Canterbury, 8. Id. Octob. Anno 1200. and suruiuing him, was married to Hugh Brun Earle of March, and Lord of Lusig∣nian and Valence in Poytou, to whom first she should haue beene married, but yet (as seemeth) continu∣ed her affection to him till now. By him shee had di∣uers Children, (greatly aduanced by the King, Hen∣ry 3. their halfe brother, and as greatly maligned by his Subiects) Hugh Earle of March and Ango∣lesme, Guy of Lusignian, slain in the battell at Lewise, William of Valence Earle of Pembroke, Aymer of Va∣lence Bishoppe of Winchester, Geffrey of Lusignian L. of Hastings.

His Issue.

(67) Henry, the eldest Sonne of King Iohn, and Isabell his last wife, was borne at Winchester, 1. Octo∣ber, 10. of his Fathers Raigne, Anno, 1208. K. Iohn dying at Newarke, (* 1.860 whither hee was broughtina Horselitter from Swynshead,) the Barons malice was ended, their offence amended, Lewis of France reiected, and the yong Prince seated on his Fathers throne.

(68) Richard, his second son by the same Queene, was borne the next yeere after Henry; by whom af∣terward hee was made Knight, created Earle of Cornwall, and appointed Earle of Poytou. After the death of William Earle of Holland, Emperour of the West, hee was by the Electours chosen to succeed him in the Empire, and crowned King of Romanes, & of Almayn at the City of Acon in Germany, by Conrade Archbishoppe of Coleyne, Maij 27. being the Ascen∣tion day, Anno 1257. deceasing at the Castle of Berkhamsted, April 20. Ann. 1271. the 13. yeere of his Empire, his body was buried in his Monastery of Hayles in Gloucestershire, but * 1.861 his Heart at Oxford in Reuly Abbey (founded by him) vnder a Pyramis of admirable worke. Hee had three wiues, the first was Isabel daughter of William Marshall Earle of Pem∣broke, widdow of Gilbert Clare Earle of Gloucester; by whom hee had issue, Henry slaine at Viterbo in I∣taly, and Iohn, both dying without Issue. His second wife was Senches, (daughter of Raimond Earle of Prouince, & sister to Queene Eleanor his brothers wife) who was crowned with him at Acon, and had issue by him Edmund Earle of Cornwall, and o∣thers. His last wife was Beatrice, Niece to the Arch∣bishoppe of Coleyne, who seemeth to haue suruiued him, and to haue no Issue by him.

(69) Ioane, the eldest Daughter and Child of K. Iohn and Queene Isabel his last wife; was the first wife of Alexander the second, King of Scots, married vnto him in Yorke, Iunij 25. Anno 1221. who returning into England to visite her Brother, deceased at Lon∣don, and was buried in the Nunnery at Tarent in Dor∣setshire, 4. Martij, in the 21. yeare of her Brother king Henries raigne in England, and the 23. of king Alex∣ander her husbands in Scotland, Anno 1236.

(70) Eleanor their second daughter, was first mar∣ried to William Marshall the yonger, Earle of Pem∣broke: and after his decease without issue, and se∣uen yeeres Widow-hood remarried to Simon Mont∣fort Earle of Leicester, (sonne of Simon Earle Mont∣fort in France, by Amice Daughter of Robert Blanch∣man Earle of Leicester) who maintaining the Ba∣rons warres against King Henry her brother, was slaine at the battaile of Euesham, in the 19. yeere of her brothers raigne, 1265; after whose death, shee and •…•…er Children were forced to forsake England; she died in the Nunnery at Montarges in France. Henry her eldest sonne, was slaine with his father at Eueshan: Simon, the second, was Earle of Bigorre, and ancestor to a Family of Mountfords in those parts of France. Almaricke, her third sonne, was first a Priest, and Treasurer of the Cathedrall Church in Yorke, and after a Knight, and a valiant seruitour in sundrie warres beyond the Seas. Guy the fourth Sonne was Earle of Angleria in Italy, and Progenitour of the Mountfords in Tuscaine, and of the Earles of Campo bachi in the Kingdome of Naples. Richard the fift sonne, remained priuily in England, and changing his name from Mountford to Wellesborne, was ance∣stor of the family of Wellesbornes in England. She had also a daughter named Eleanor, borne in England, brought vp in France, and married into Wales to Prince Lewellen ap Griffith.

(71) Isabel, their yongest daughter, was born, An. 1214; when shee was 21. yeeres of age, shee was married (being the 6. and last wife) to the Emperour Frederick the second, at the City of Wormes in Ger∣many, 20. of Iuly, 1235. Shee had issue by him, Henry appointed to bee King of Sicily, and Marga∣ret wife of Albert, Landgraue Thurin: shee was Empresse 6. yeeres, and died in Childbed, Decemb. 1. of her husbands Empire 31. of her brothers raign 38. Anno, 1241.

(72) Iane, or Ione the daughter naturall of King Iohn (by Agatha Daughter of Robert Ferrers, Earle of Darby) marryed to Lewin Prince of Wales. Anno 1204. her Father gaue with her the Castle & Lord∣shippe of Elinsmore in the Marches of Southwales; she (like a most louing Child) gaue her Father secret in∣telligence of the Treasons intended against him by the Welsh and English.

(73) Geoffrey Fitz-Roy, a base son, who transpor∣ted some Souldiers into France, when Archbishoppe Hubert forbad the King his father to goe thither.

(74) Richard, who married the daughter & heire of Fulbert de Douer, who built Chilham Castle in Kent, which Castle hee had with her, and had Issue by her, of which som families of good esteem are descended.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Monarch. 45
• * 1.2

  An. 1199.
• * 1.3

  Greatest happi∣nes not in grea∣test dignities.
• * 1.4

  The principall Actors in K. Iohns tragicall raigne.
• a 1.5

  Borne after his Fathers death, who died at Paris 1186. Cal. Aug. Ypod. Neustria. Giraldus, Hib. expug c. 22.
• * 1.6

  Philip the 2. of France.
• * 1.7

  Innocentius the 3.
• b 1.8

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.9

  Earle Iohns 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kingdome.
• c 1.10

  Quem tenerri∣me diligebat. Guil. Nubrig.
• d 1.11

  Gerald Hib. ex∣pug. l. 2. c. 31.
• e 1.12

  Ger. Dorob. M. S.
• f 1.13

  Guil. Nubrig.
• g 1.14

  Rog. Houed. in Ric. 1.
• h 1.15

  Triuet. M. S. Roger Houed. Ypod. Neust. and al, except wilful Polydor.
• i 1.16

  Rog. Houed. & alij.
• * 1.17

  The titles of both competi∣tours.
• k 1.18

  Iure propinqui∣talis, & Testa∣mento Successor. Walsing. Ypod. Anno 1199. Triuet.
• l 1.19

  Iure communi Paul. Aemil in Philip. 2.
• * 1.20

  Earle Iohns helps for the Kingdom.
• m 1.21

  Rog. de Wen∣douer. M. S.
• n 1.22

  Rog. Houed. in Ioh.
• o 1.23

  Math. Parisi∣ans. Hist. Maior.
• * 1.24

  Earle Iohns Agents.
• p 1.25

  Wendouer M S. in Ioh.
• q 1.26

  Houeden in Ioh.
• * 1.27

  Duke Arthurs Adherents.
• * 1.28

  Thomas de Fu•…•…∣nes.
• r 1.29

  Paris Hist. Ma•…•…or
• s 1.30

  Idem. The beginnings of hatred betwixt Earle Iohn and the Prouincials.
• t 1.31

  Rog. Hou. in Iohn.
• u 1.32

  Iudici•…•… & con∣suetudo, ib. Mat. Westminst. saith Iudicium, Ius & consuetudo
• x 1.33

  Polyd. Verg. l. 25
• y 1.34

  Walsing. Ypodig. Borne An. 1187. die Pas∣chae, his father dying before in August.
• z 1.35

  Solainuidia, &c Polyd. ibid.
• a 1.36

  Houeden. Iohn proclaimed King in England.
• b 1.37

  Polyd Virg. l. 15
• c 1.38

  Rog. de Wen. MS Constance com∣mitteth Arthur to Philip King of France.
• * 1.39

  Maguisicis ver∣bis, &c. Polyd Verg. l. 15.
• d 1.40

  Iob. de Serres in Phil. August.
• e 1.41

  Nich. Triuet. MS. The beginning of hatred betwixt K. Iohn & King Philip.
• f 1.42

  Math. Paris, King Iohn ta∣keth and ruineth Maunz.
• g 1.43

  Rog. Houeden.
• * 1.44

  Queene Eleanor comes to her sonnes aide.
• h 1.45

  Wendouer, MS. Mat. Paris.
• i 1.46

  Hollensh. Polydor.
• k 1.47

  Marchadiune cum ruia sua. Rog. Houed. Queene Eleanor taketh & ruineth Angiert.
• l 1.48

  Mat. Paris.
• m 1.49

  Gladio Duca∣tus. Nic. Triues. M S.
• n 1.50

  Houeden. King Iohn crow∣ned Duke of Normandy.
• l 1.51

  An. aetat. 32. Walsing. Ypodig. The fittest age, as a. Sam. c, 5. v. 4. Dauid was 30. yeere olde when he began to raigne.
• m 1.52

  Rog. Houed. King Iohns hin∣derances how remoued.
• * 1.53

  Ric. Earle of Clare. Ranulph Earle of Chester. William Earle of Tucesbury. Walram Earle of Warwicke! Wil. de Mowbray, &c. Pretence of li∣berties, the plague of the State.
• * 1.54

  Sub bac con∣uent•…•…ne, Houcd.
• n 1.55

  Rog. Houed. The first seed of the ensuing troubles.
• o 1.56

  Vergil. hist. l. 15.
• p 1.57

  In Sussex. 8. Cal. Iun. Houed. Iohn crowned King of England. True honestly is only true, Polycy.
• q 1.58

  Mat. Paris.
• r 1.59

  Singularie Co∣lumna stabilitatu. ibid.
• s 1.60

  Vir profunds pectoris, Incom∣parabilis sapientia ibid.
• t 1.61

  Omnium qui Coronationi inter∣esse debuerant, Wendouer, M S.
• u 1.62

  The second roote of ensuing treasons.
• x 1.63

  Polydore for∣geth a sleight speech of his∣ovvne brain, and Hollinsh. as idly followes him. Archbishop Hu∣berts Sophisticall Oration verba∣tim.
• y 1.64

  Mat. Paris. Hist. Maior.
• z 1.65

  Printed Copies read Semei falsly for Ishai, 1. Sam. c. 16.
• a 1.66

  The examples doe not shew it: for they were of Gods particular commandement, which was not now.
• b 1.67

  He ascribes that to the Holy Spirite, which after he confes∣seth to proceed from his owne deuise.
• c 1.68

  For, his Father, and two Brethrē, Kings, his Mo∣ther, Queene, first of France, after of England: Arthur nothing so.
• d 1.69

  Iohn de Serres, in Phil. August.
• e 1.70

  Mat. Paris. N•…•… •…•…usi ambigere.
• f 1.71

  Idem, ibidem.
• g 1.72

  Rog Houed. Mat. Paris. Hubert forecasts to bridle the King.
• h 1.73

  Giraldus Camb. saith he was Principis frenum. See vit. Archiep. Cant. in Hubert.
• i 1.74

  Rog. Wendouer, Triplici Sacra∣mento inuolutus Rex. King Iohn first doth reward his three Agents.
• l 1.75

  Rog. Houeden, d•…•… gloriaretur in potestate illa.
• * 1.76

  Archiepiscopall dignity.
• m 1.77

  Polydore, Francus re•…•… dissimulanit.
• n 1.78

  Pol. Verg.
• o 1.79

  From Shore∣ham to Deepe, (13. Cal. Iuly.) Nich. Triuet.
• p 1.80

  Rog. Houed.
• q 1.81

  In Crastinum Assumptionis, Houed. ib. A Truce with the French.
• r 1.82

  With Henry the second, and Richard, vide supra. Double dealing most vnseemely in a Prince.
• s 1.83

  Crastine Ass•…•…. Math. Paris.
• t 1.84

  Militari Cing•…•…∣lo, ibid.
• u 1.85

  Feria 6. ante Assumptionem. Houeden.
• * 1.86

  x Rog. Wend•…•…er, MS. A League be∣twixt England and Flanders.
• y 1.87

  Houeden, which Wend•…•…er and Paris call Wail•…•…. An Enteruiew of the Kings of England and France.
• z 1.88

  Wend•…•…er.
• a 1.89

  Rog. Houeden.
• b 1.90

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Woge∣sin. Houed V•…•…o∣casinum. Poly•…•…r. V•…•…o-Casium. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. King Philips vn∣reasonable de∣maunds.
• l 1.91

  1. R•…•…g. 2 22.
• m 1.92

  N•…•…t, nec 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Par•…•…. The Parley ends in discord.
• n 1.93

  Rog. Houed.
• o 1.94

  Houeden.
• p 1.95

  Math. Paris.
• q 1.96

  Of whom, see in Richard the 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• r 1.97

  Mat. Paris.
• s 1.98

  Paris, Houeden, saith but 2000.
• t 1.99

  Nic. Tri•…•…et. M. S Rog. Houeden.
• * 1.100

  King Io•…•… pur∣sue•…•… Philip from place to place.
• u 1.101

  Rog. Houeden fol. 452.
• x 1.102

  Rog. Houed.
• y 1.103

  Princeps Exer∣citus Arthuri, H•…•…cd. •…•…8.
• * 1.104

  King Philips wrongs to Arthur
• z 1.105

  Mat. Paris. Rog. Houed.
• * 1.106

  Arthur reconci∣led to King Iohn.
• a 1.107

  Rog. H•…•…d.
• * 1.108

  Arthur flyeth from King Iohn.
• b 1.109

  Paul. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith Guydo was her second Husb∣band▪ but it ap∣peares otherwise by Houeden and others.
• * 1.110

  King P•…•…lip and the Emperors ha tred, encreaseth the malice be∣twixt King Iohn and Philip.
• c 1.111

  Otho the fourth sonne of Henry Duke of Saxony, and Maud daughter of K. H. 1.
• d 1.112

  Rog Houed. f. 457.
• e 1.113

  Mat. Paris.
• f 1.114

  Mat. Paris.
• g 1.115

  Mat. Westmin. An. 1198.
• h 1.116

  Rog. Houed. f. 452. The Emperour offers his aide to K. Iohn.
• i 1.117

  Idem. ibid. An. 1200. The Kings inter∣uiew againe.
• k 1.118

  Rog de Wendo∣uer, M. S. Paris. Houed. Articles of at∣tonement.
• l 1.119

  Nich. Triuet. MS
• m 1.120

  Vide Chartam apud. Houed. p. 463
• * 1.121

  Houed. f. 456.
• n 1.122

  Paris. 11. Cal. Iul.
• o 1.123

  Walsing. Ypod. A. 1200.
• p 1.124

  Home Io•…•…annis. Houed.
• q 1.125

  Ypod. Neust. Loco cit. King Philip yeelds vp Arthur to King Iohn, a∣gainst his vow. The Emperours two Brethren sent to King Iohn.
• r 1.126

  Houed f 456.
• s 1.127

  Eboraci, saith Houed perchance for Ebroica, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• t 1.128

  Nich. Triuet, in Rich. 1. M. S.
• u 1.129

  Rog. Houed. King Iohns care of his oath to K. Philip.
• x 1.130

  Wendouer. Houed, f 457.
• y 1.131

  So called by Wendouer, Paris. Mat. Westminst. Houed, &c. but our Heralds (Glouer, Milles, Ferrers, &c) call her Isabel.
• z 1.132

  Grandchild to Rob. base-brother of King Iohn.
• a 1.133

  Ioh. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 1.134

  Ypodigma.
• c 1.135

  Apud Houed.
• d 1.136

  Ibid. f. 463.
• e 1.137

  Idem f. 457.
• f 1.138

  ib. f. 458.
• g 1.139

  Ib. Consuet. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 463.
• h 1.140

  Idem f. 439.
• i 1.141

  Houed.
• k 1.142

  See the de∣scription of Hun∣tington shire.
• l 1.143

  Sonne of H. 2. by Rosam•…•…d.
• m 1.144

  Houed. f. 453
• n 1.145

  Wendouer. M S.
• o 1.146

  Wendo.
• p 1.147

  Causa multi∣plex 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Paris.
• q 1.148

  Polyd. Virg. l. 15.
• r 1.149

  Gra•…•…, l. 3.
• s 1.150

  Wend. Houed.
• t 1.151

  Strenuus Ani•…•…∣sus. Houed. Cam∣brens.
• u 1.152

  Houed.
• x 1.153

  Su•…•… detrectan∣tibus Militiam. Triuet. MS.
• y 1.154

  Polyd. l. 15.
• z 1.155

  ibid.
• * 1.156

  8. Id. Octob. Paris.
• * 1.157

  Dominica ante festum Dionys.
• * 1.158

  Paris. Houeden.
• * 1.159

  The Interuiew of the Kings of England and Scotland.
• a 1.160

  Houeden.
• b 1.161

  At Dunferli•…•…. Houeden.
• c 1.162

  Shee was Grandchild to King Edmund Ironside, and wife to King Malcolme 3. of Scots.
• d 1.163

  Houeden.
• e 1.164

  So Houeden, VValsing. Westm. but Hector and Polydor by error say at London.
• f 1.165

  11. Cal. Decemb. Houed.
• g 1.166

  Idem.
• h 1.167

  As Saint. •…•…is∣wides Church in Oxford.
• i 1.168

  King Stephen be∣fore dared to enter the City. Paris. in Steph.
• * 1.169

  Cant. Dublin. Raguse.
• * 1.170

  Now called Bore. •…•…ill.
• k 1.171

  Triuet. M. S. VValsing.
• * 1.172

  The funerals of Hugh Bishop of Lincolne.
• l 1.173

  See Polydor l. 15.
• m 1.174

  In Wendouer. Paris. & Legend. of S. Hugh.
• n 1.175

  Paris hist. •…•…ai.
• * 1.176

  Negligent Po∣lydor saith he di∣ed, An. 1207. Reg. Iob. 6.
• o 1.177

  Rog. Houed.
• * 1.178

  The manner of Bishops funerals in those dayes.
• p 1.179

  Mat. Paris more Pontific•…•…, p. 197. King Iohns great humility.
• q 1.180

  See Hollinsh. in K. Iohn. The Cisterians deny aid to K. Iohn.
• r 1.181

  Houed. f 462.
• * 1.182

  K. Iohns facility to pardon offen∣ders.
• s 1.183

  Rog. Houed. ib.
• * 1.184

  The great welth of that Order consisted in cat∣tle and wooll.
• t 1.185

  The Beauteous place an Abbey in Hampshire by New-F•…•…rest.
• u 1.186

  valued (at the dissolution vnder H. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.) at 428. l. 6. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. d. q▪ yeerly.
• x 1.187

  Cambden•…•… Hampshire.
• y 1.188

  Exod. 21. v. 14
• * 1.189

  The first brea∣ches betwixt the King and his Clergy.
• a 1.190

  Apud Mat. Paris, pass•…•….
• * 1.191

  The Clergy stand on a three∣fold exemption. 1 Of their Per∣sons. 2 Of their pōsses∣sions. 3 Of their Pre∣lacies.
• b 1.192

  See in K. Hen∣ry the 1.
• c 1.193

  Successit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Oxe•…•… in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwic. Iob. de Gray. D•…•… Io•…•… regis. Hou. f. 458 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hereford. Rex •…•…dit •…•…gydip ibid.
• d 1.194

  Mat. Paris▪ in Guil. 2.
• e 1.195

  Rog Houed.
• * 1.196

  Offence taken by the King against Archb. Hubert of Cant.
• f 1.197

  Rog. Houeden.
• * 1.198

  Habe•…•… hollow heart to K. Iohn.
• g 1.199

  Polyd. Verg. l. 15
• * 1.200

  Hubert resisteth the Kings chiefs officer.
• h 1.201

  Houeden.
• i 1.202

  Archiepiscop•…•… in Regno a Rege secunda perso•…•…. Mat. Paris.
• * 1.203

  As fellow agents for the Kings aduancement. Hubert outbraues the King himself. An. 1201.
• k 1.204

  Mat. Parker in Antiq. Ecc. Aug. in vit. Hubert.
• l 1.205

  Mat. West. Quas cum Rege a pari conten∣dens.
• m 1.206

  Wend•…•…, M. S
• n 1.207

  Mat. Paris.
• o 1.208

  St•…•… •…•…eth in saying he then went into Ire∣land.
• p 1.209

  Mat. Parker Antiq. •…•…cc. Aug. Godwin. in. vit. Hubert.
• q 1.210

  Rog. Wend•…•… M. S.
• * 1.211

  The first br•…•…∣ches 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king and his Lay Peeres.
• r 1.212

  Rog. H•…•…d.
• * 1.213

  War•…•…. de Clapi∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• s 1.214

  Houed. f. 465.
• t 1.215

  Apud Tenk sbu∣rie, die Ascensio∣nis. Paris.
• * 1.216

  Liberties the cause of conten∣tion.
• u 1.217

  Houeden.
• * 1.218

  Malousus con∣•…•…lio. Houed.
• x 1.219

  Wendouer. M S.
• y 1.220

  Houed.
• * 1.221

  Rog. Houeden.
• * 1.222

  By Houed. so na∣med, but Alexius by Nic. Triuet.
• z 1.223

  Nic. Triuet. M S sheweth he de∣priued his bro∣ther Cusath of Empire and eyes not of life.
• a 1.224

  Apoc. 20. v. 7.
• b 1.225

  v. 2. & 8.
• c 1.226

  Ibidem.
• d 1.227

  Supra § 1.
• e 1.228

  Houed. f. 465
• f 1.229

  Parker in vit. Arch. Cant. erreth in saying it was Hubert the Arch∣bishop, whose name was Hubert Walleri.
• g 1.230

  Houed. f 465.
• h 1.231

  Ibid.
• i 1.232

  Hollens.
• k 1.233

  Mat. Westmin. Walsing. and yet Houed. saith, Prosperis ventis ganisa.
• l 1.234

  Paris Hist. minor M S.
• m 1.235

  Nemine conscio Houed.
• n 1.236

  Wendouer. M S.
• o 1.237

  Houed f. 471.
• p 1.238

  Epist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Apud Houed. f. 471.
• * 1.239

  Tuta frequensq via est, per Amici fallerenomen.
• q 1.240

  Hollias.
• r 1.241

  Ypod. Neust. Holins.
• a 1.242

  K. Richards wife
• b 1.243

  Rog. Houed.
• * 1.244

  A new conspira∣cy.
• c 1.245

  Mat. West. Ann. 1202.
• d 1.246

  P. Aemyl. in Phil. 2.
• e 1.247

  Nondum aunos nubiles attigerat. Houeden.
• f 1.248

  Aemil. lo. citat.
• g 1.249

  Houed. saith her father gaue her to King Iohn. fol. 457.
• h 1.250

  Ypod Neustriae.
• i 1.251

  Mills his Cata∣log of honour in Richmonds Earles.
• * 1.252

  The French king breakes amity with K. Iohn.
• k 1.253

  Wendouer M S.
• l 1.254

  Rog. Houed.
• m 1.255

  Nico. Triuet, M. S.
• n 1.256

  Walsing. Ypod.
• * 1.257

  An other enter∣uiew of the two kings.
• o 1.258

  Mat. Paris. hist. min. M. S. saith in Lent.
• p 1.259

  Mortali arma∣tus odio. Wend. M. S.
• q 1.260

  Nich. Triu. M S. Mat. Paris saith it was neere
• * 1.261

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Castle.
• r 1.262

  Hist. min. Paris. MS.
• s 1.263

  Tr•…•…et. M. S.
• t 1.264

  Mat. West. W•…•…douer, M. S Paris hist. min. M. S.
• u 1.265

  VValsing. Ypod.
• * 1.266

  In qumdena Paschae, ibid.
• x 1.267

  Nich. Triuet. M. S.
• y 1.268

  Ralph Cogshall. Iohn Stow.
• z 1.269

  Hist. maior. Mat. Paris.
• a 1.270

  Ralph Cogshell. Iohn Stow.
• * 1.271

  Die sequenti, say Mat. Westm. & Rog. Wend. M. S.
• * 1.272

  Stowes Annales
• b 1.273

  Hist. minor. Mat. Paris. MS.
• c 1.274

  Mat. Westm. King Iohn for∣ceth King Philip to raise his siege.
• * 1.275

  d Confusus recessit. Wendouer. MS.
• e 1.276

  Paris. min. hist. MS.
• * 1.277

  Stowes Auncles.
• f 1.278

  Mat. Westminst.
• g 1.279

  Mat. Paris hist. maior.
• h 1.280

  Paul. Aemil. in Philipp•…•… 2.
• i 1.281

  The. Walsing.
• k 1.282

  Mat. Paris. hist. min.
• l 1.283

  Magno nat•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Aemil.
• m 1.284

  Idem.
• n 1.285

  Paulus Aemil.
• o 1.286

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith Andeg•…•…s agri 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• p 1.287

  Mat. West.
• q 1.288

  King Iohns letter, see Hollin. Queene Eleanor besieged in Mirabe•…•….
• r 1.289

  Iohn S•…•…rres Paulus Aemil.
• s 1.290

  A•…•…il. Polyd.
• t 1.291

  Westmin. Paris
• x 1.292

  Paris. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.293

  u Paris〈◊〉〈◊〉, MS.
• y 1.294

  Mat. West.
• z 1.295

  Paris. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. MS.
• a 1.296

  W•…•…douer, MS King Iohns letter in Hollin.
• b 1.297

  Mat. West.
• c 1.298

  Wendo. M. S.
• d 1.299

  Paris hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. MS.
• e 1.300

  W•…•…douer.
• f 1.301

  Mat. VVest.
• g 1.302

  Paris. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• h 1.303

  Polydore,
• i 1.304

  Triuet. MS.
• k 1.305

  Mat. VVest.
• l 1.306

  VVendouer. MS
• m 1.307

  Mat. VVest.
• n 1.308

  Paris.
• o 1.309

  Litera K. Iob.
• p 1.310

  Rog. VVend.
• q 1.311

  Litera Regis.
• r 1.312

  Mat. West.
• s 1.313

  VVend. Paris. Tri•…•…et. VV•…•…lfing. VVest.
• t 1.314

  So Aemelius,
• u 1.315

  So Polydor.
• x 1.316

  Triuet. Walfing.
• y 1.317

  M•…•…rlini V•…•…tici∣nia.
• z 1.318

  VVend•…•….
• a 1.319

  Litera Regis apud Hollins.
• b 1.320

  Paris 〈◊〉〈◊〉. MS.
• c 1.321

  Yp•…•…digma. Neustr.
• d 1.322

  Shee liued till 1241. Paris 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 3
• e 1.323

  VV•…•…lfing. Anno 1203.
• f 1.324

  Holl•…•…sh.
• g 1.325

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• h 1.326

  Mat. •…•…st.
• i 1.327

  Mat. Paris.
• k 1.328

  Stowes Annales
• l 1.329

  Rad. Cogshall.
• m 1.330

  Wendouer. MS
• o 1.331

  Rad. Cogshal.
• p 1.332

  Holins.
• q 1.333

  Paul. Aemyl.
• r 1.334

  Iohn de Serret
• * 1.335

  Lewes of France & Hen. of Eng.
• * 1.336

  Hen. Rich. Iohn. 3. sonnes of H. 2.
• s 1.337

  By Paris it see∣meth shee out∣liued him.
• t 1.338

  Paris. min. hist. M. S.
• * 1.339

  King Iohn slan∣dered about Ar∣thurs death.
• u 1.340

  Paris. hist. min. MS.
• * 1.341

  Some saying he died of griefe, some of wilfull abstinence from food.
• x 1.342

  Trinet. Walsing.
• y 1.343

  Serres. Aemy∣lius, Polydor.
• z 1.344

  Sabellicus Ennead. 9. l. 5.
• b 1.345

  Paris ad Ann. 1241.
• * 1.346

  a Iohn Harding. Chron. c. 142. er∣ring also in his Sisters name, saying: Thus slew hee both Arthur and Isabell, To ioy the Crowne of Eng∣land, as men tell.
• c 1.347

  Mat. West.
• d 1.348

  Iohn de Serres.
• e 1.349

  Paul. Aemil. in Philipp•…•… 2. The Peeres sen∣tence vpon King Iohn.
• f 1.350

  Ex Combdeni Brit. in Richmun∣diae Comit.
• g 1.351

  Ingenia Regum prona ad formidi∣nem, Salust.
• h 1.352

  Cambd. loco citato.
• * 1.353

  Ann. 1203.
• i 1.354

  Ioh. de Serres.
• k 1.355

  Paulus Aemil. in Phil. 2.
• l 1.356

  Iob. de Serres saith ab An 885.
• * 1.357

  Male filijs infa∣tuatus. Wendouer.
• m 1.358

  Paris hist. min.
• n 1.359

  Apud VVendo.
• o 1.360

  Ypod. Neust.
• p 1.361

  De Serres.
• q 1.362

  Paulus Aemil.
• r 1.363

  Th. VVals.
• s 1.364

  S•…•…r. de Quincy. Rob. Fitz-walter. Paris. hist. ma.
• u 1.365

  Rog. Wend. M. S.
• x 1.366

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.367

  Hugh Gur•…•…y. Polyd. l. 15.
• y 1.368

  Ypod. Neust.
• z 1.369

  Pol. Virgil.
• a 1.370

  Walfing. Aemil.
• b 1.371

  Wendouer. M. S.
• c 1.372

  Mat. Paris. •…•…a. hist.
• d 1.373

  Paul. Aemil.
• * 1.374

  Constable of Chester.
• e 1.375

  Rog. Wed. MS.
• f 1.376

  Paris. ad Ann. 1204.
• g 1.377

  VVend. MS.
• * 1.378

  Pridie Non. Mart. Paris.
• h 1.379

  De Wend•…•…. MS
• * 1.380

  Sub libera cu∣stodia, Paris.
• i 1.381

  Paris. hist. •…•…a.
• k 1.382

  Polyd Uirg.
• l 1.383

  Virg. l. 15.
• m 1.384

  Mat. Paris. ma hist.
• n 1.385

  Paris. min. hist. MS. in ipso ar•…•…∣culo deseruissent.
• o 1.386

  Wend. MS.
• p 1.387

  Paris. hist. ma.
• q 1.388

  Mat. West.
• r 1.389

  Wend. West.
• * 1.390

  So•…•…ilegijs vel male•…•…s. ibid.
• * 1.391

  The Pope inter∣poseth betwixt the two Kings.
• t 1.392

  De Cas. Marij, & Trim •…•…ontium. Ypodi•…•….
• u 1.393

  Polydor.
• * 1.394

  The Popes Nun∣ce•…•….
• x 1.395

  Paul. Aemil.
• y 1.396

  Aemilius in Phil. August.
• z 1.397

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, De•…•…tal. l. 2. Tit. 24. de iure∣iur. c. 29.
• * 1.398

  Blon•…•… Decad. 2. l. 6.
• a 1.399

  Tr•…•…t. MS.
• b 1.400

  Ioh. de Serres.
• c 1.401

  Ypod. Ne•…•…st.
• d 1.402

  P. Aemil.
• e 1.403

  Ioh. de Serres.
• * 1.404

  Walfing. Polyd.
• g 1.405

  Tri•…•…t. MS. ad An. 1201.
• h 1.406

  Gagui•…•….
• i 1.407

  Polyd•…•….
• k 1.408

  Wend. MS.
• * 1.409

  Grast•…•…, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• l 1.410

  Paris. hist. ma.
• m 1.411

  Ma•…•…. VVest.
• n 1.412

  VVendo•…•… MS. Paris. min. bist. MS.
• o 1.413

  Paris. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• p 1.414

  Ao•…•…d M•…•…. VVestmin. occa∣siones cauillatori∣as.
• q 1.415

  Wend. MS.
• * 1.416

  An. 1204.
• * 1.417

  In cras•…•… cir∣cumcisionis. Paris.
• r 1.418

  Rand. Cogshal.
• s 1.419

  Mat. Parri,
• t 1.420

  Polydor. l. 15.
• u 1.421

  Stow. Hollins•…•….
• x 1.422

  Rad. Cogshal•…•…. Stowes Annales.
• * 1.423

  King Philips de∣maunds.
• y 1.424

  Hollinsh.
• a 1.425

  Annales Hiber∣nia, apud Camb. in Hris.
• b 1.426

  Campians hist. of Ireland. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c•…•… 3
• c 1.427

  Annales Hiber.
• d 1.428

  Ibidem.
• e 1.429

  Campion hist. of Ireland, Iohn Stow Anna.
• f 1.430

  Annales Hib.
• g 1.431

  Campian la. citat.
• h 1.432

  Annales Hib.
• l 1.433

  Compian ibid.
• k 1.434

  Annales Hib.
• l 1.435

  Ibidem.
• * 1.436

  The great strength of C•…•…rcy.
• m 1.437

  Paris. hist. ma.
• n 1.438

  VVendouer MS
• o 1.439

  Walsing. Ypod. Neast.
• p 1.440

  Polyd. l. 15.
• q 1.441

  Supra in King Richards raigne.
• r 1.442

  Pol. Virgil. l. 15.
• * 1.443

  D•…•…is & pro∣missis ad defectio∣•…•…em, Ibid.
• s 1.444

  Paul. A•…•…il.
• t 1.445

  Polydor.
• u 1.446

  Rog. Wend. Suis detrectantibus militiam.
• x 1.447

  Paul. A•…•…il. is Phil. August.
• * 1.448

  Roan lost, circa omn. Sanct fest. Mat. West.
• y 1.449

  Caput totius Normaniae Rotho∣magum, Polydor.
• * 1.450

  Normandy fallen from English allegiance.
• z 1.451

  Ioh. de Serres. so that Aemyl. much erreth in saying Rollo had it but 270. yeeres before.
• a 1.452

  Waling. Ypod. ad An. 1203. Triuet. MS.
• b 1.453

  Triuet. MS. Walsing.
• c 1.454

  Ypod. Neust.
• * 1.455

  Ann. 1205.
• * 1.456

  Involuntate ob∣sequentium pote∣st•…•…s Principum. Triuet. MS. dNic. Triuet. MS
• c 1.457

  Cirea Pentecost. Paris. f Hollinsh.
• g 1.458

  VVend. MS. Paris. hist. min. M. S.
• h 1.459

  Cogshall,
• i 1.460

  Wendouer. Paris
• k 1.461

  Cogshal. Hollin.
• * 1.462

  Hub. de nimia familiaritate Phi∣lippi suspectus 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Paris.
• l 1.463

  Supra S.
• m 1.464

  Cogshal. Stow.
• n 1.465

  Hollinsh.
• o 1.466

  Ibidem.
• p 1.467

  Rog. de Wend.
• * 1.468

  Idi•…•…us Iulij Paris.
• q 1.469

  Mat. Paris. ma. hist.
• r 1.470

  Mat. Paris. hist. min. MS.
• s 1.471

  apud Mat. Par.
• * 1.472

  Archbishoppe Hubert dyeth at his Manor of Tenham, Paris,
• t 1.473

  Windouer, Paris
• u 1.474

  Polydo.
• x 1.475

  Vit. Arch. Cant.
• y 1.476

  Ibidem,
• z 1.477

  Paris. hist. ma.
• a 1.478

  Mat. Paris. min. hist. MS.
• * 1.479

  b Idem,
• * 1.480

  Archbishoppe Huberts end the beginning of greater troubles to King Iohn.
• * 1.481

  The Monks of Canturbury the seedmen of Englands troubles.
• * 1.482

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Paris min. MS, Wendouer MS.
• c 1.483

  M•…•…. Westmin.
• * 1.484

  Triuet MS. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉〈◊〉,
• d 1.485

  Wend. MS. Paris West. &c.
• e 1.486

  Paris. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.487

  Prastita cautio∣ne i•…•…toria, VVestmin.
• f 1.488

  Vit. Arch. Cant.
• g 1.489

  VVendou. MS.
• h 1.490

  VVestmin.
• i 1.491

  M. Fox mista∣keth saying, it was the next day after Regi∣nald went, also Polydor, Holinsh and Mils saying, it was not till they heard from Rome.
• k 1.492

  In vit. Arch. Cant.
• l 1.493

  Godwins Catal.
• m 1.494

  Paris. hist. ma.
• n 1.495

  Gra•…•…, Hollin.
• o 1.496

  VVend. MS.
• p 1.497

  Mat. VVestm.
• q 1.498

  VVendouer MS
• * 1.499

  Dated 6. Id•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• r 1.500

  Paris hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.501

  An. 1206.
• * 1.502

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mat. VVestmin. Wendouer MS. Paris. hist. min. MS.
• t 1.503

  Mat. Parri, hist. ma. ad an. 1207.
• u 1.504

  Ibidem.
• x 1.505

  Prastito iura∣mento, ib.
• y 1.506

  Mat. Westmin.
• z 1.507

  12 Calen. Ian. We•…•…r. Paris
• a 1.508

  Polydo.
• b 1.509

  Hollinsh.
• c 1.510

  P. Virgil.
• * 1.511

  King Iohn strengthneth himselfe with new Leaguers.
• d 1.512

  Paul. Aemil.
• e 1.513

  Polyd. Aemil.
• * 1.514

  They vvere ta∣ken when Artbur was. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• f 1.515

  Polid.
• g 1.516

  Mat. P•…•….
• * 1.517

  7. Id. Iulij.
• * 1.518

  King Iohns suc∣cesses.
• h 1.519

  Paris. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• l 1.520

  Wend. MS.
• k 1.521

  VVestmin.
• l 1.522

  Paris.
• m 1.523

  Mat. Westmin.
• n 1.524

  VVend. MS.
• o 1.525

  Les Annales de Franc. Polyd.
• p 1.526

  Paul. Aemil. Polydor.
• q 1.527

  Idem.
• r 1.528

  P. Aemil.
• * 1.529

  * Infidijs excepti.
• * 1.530

  Fractus animo Anglus, saith Aemil.
• s 1.531

  Polyd. Uerg.
• t 1.532

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.533

  Infesto om. Sanct. Westmin.
• * 1.534

  K. Iohn returns to England.
• u 1.535

  Wend. MS.
• * 1.536

  Ann. 1207.
• x 1.537

  Mat. Paris. hist. Min. MS.
• * 1.538

  Paul. Aemil.
• y 1.539

  In Phillppo Augusto.
• * 1.540

  Mat. VVestm.
• z 1.541

  Paris.
• * 1.542

  Io. de Florentia. Triuet MS.
• * 1.543

  Paris, a ferendo, Hollinsh.
• a 1.544

  Mat. West. Mat. Paris. MS.
• b 1.545

  Idem.
• * 1.546

  The Emperours entertainement.
• * 1.547

  The Popes be∣ginning of wrongs towardes King Iohn.
• * 1.548

  Q•…•…abco inter Nolan. & Neapo∣lit. arbiter.
• c 1.549

  Cicer. offic. l. 1.
• * 1.550

  Hoc decipere est non indicare. ibid.
• * 1.551

  12. Cal. Iun.
• d 1.552

  Paris.
• e 1.553

  Wendouer. M. S.
• f 1.554

  Dated 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cal. Ian. Paris.
• g 1.555

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.556

  The Popes pre∣sent and letter to King Iohn.
• * 1.557

  Iohn Stow in Annal.
• * 1.558

  Epist. Innocent. apud Paris.
• * 1.559

  Ge•…•… Gemi∣•…•…. ib.
• g 1.560

  Paris.
• * 1.561

  Being by night.
• h 1.562

  Wend. MS,
• i 1.563

  apud Mat. Par. hist. ma.
• k 1.564

  Mat. Paris. min. hist. MS:
• l 1.565

  Mat. West. Paris
• * 1.566

  Nor, Wendouer MS. Westminster saith vos as of the Monkes.
• m 1.567

  Idem,
• * 1.568

  10 Cal. Iul. Paris 25. Mat. Westmin.
• n 1.569

  Rog. Wend. MS.
• o 1.570

  Blandus Decad. 2. l. 6. Pope Innocentius his three strange lawes.
• * 1.571

  The wrongs of∣fered vnto King Iohn.
• * 1.572

  Publi•…•… ini∣mic•…•…; Regi Franc. ffamilia∣riss. Mat. Paris. hist. min: MS.
• * 1.573

  In regno secun∣dum, ibid.
• p 1.574

  Mat. VVest•…•….
• q 1.575

  apud 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & Paris.
• r 1.576

  Paris. in H, 2,
• s 1.577

  Baron An. 1169.
• t 1.578

  Literae Innocentij apud Paris.
• u 1.579

  VVend. MS.
• * 1.580

  An. 1208.
• * 1.581

  BB. Lond. Ely, Wigorn.
• x 1.582

  Paris. hist. ma.
• y 1.583

  The Munday in Passion week, Paris. on Easter day, saith Polyd.
• * 1.584

  Chron. Angl. MS.
• * 1.585

  Caiphus, Iohn c. 11. v. 50. 2 Rog. Houed. 456.
• * 1.586

  Vide apud Wend. & Paris
• * 1.587

  More Canum. Mat. Paris.
• b 1.588

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.589

  Hollinish. Stow. &c.
• c 1.590

  Ex libro S. Al∣ban 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vita Iob. Abbot. MS.
• * 1.591

  Debit Deus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quoque •…•…nem. a cunning speech indifferently touching the Kings end or his anger.
• d 1.592

  Mat. Paris, Godwins Catalog. of BB. Lib. S. Al∣ban. in vit. Abb. Ioh. MS.
• e 1.593

  Mat. VVest.
• * 1.594

  Balam.
• * 1.595

  Literatum ple∣nitudine imbutu•…•…, Mat. West.
• f 1.596

  VVend. MS.
• * 1.597

  He was depri∣ued of his digni∣ty and liuings.
• g 1.598

  Persons against Cooks, part, 2. c. 9.
• h 1.599

  Paris. Omni∣modis viuent•…•…s in delicijs.
• * 1.600

  Ann. 1209.
• i 1.601

  Mat. Paris. VVestmin.
• k 1.602

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.603

  Supra in H. 2.
• l 1.604

  Trinet MS.
• * 1.605

  Not Alexander as Polyd. mista∣keth.
• m 1.606

  Paris hist. ma.
• n 1.607

  Mector Boet. l 13
• o 1.608

  Boet. ibid.
• p 1.609

  Wend. MS.
• q 1.610

  Paris. hist. mi. M. S. but VVendou. MS. saith xi, (not ix.) millia.
• r 1.611

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.612

  The King ex∣communicated by name.
• s 1.613

  Rog. de Wend. MS.
• t 1.614

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.615

  Ca•…•…d Plumbed, Paris.
• u 1.616

  VVestmin. Ann. 1210.
• * 1.617

  Non obstante Senten•…•…a, ibidem.
• * 1.618

  The King setleth the State of Ireland.
• x 1.619

  Gyrald. in Pro∣em ad Reg. Ioh.
• y 1.620

  Idem Hibern. expug. l•…•…. c. 26.
• z 1.621

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.622

  8 Idus Iulij, Paris.
• * 1.623

  Walter & Hugh the sonnes of Hugh. Campians hist. of Ireland,
• a 1.624

  Annales Hib. Campians. hist. of Ireland.
• * 1.625

  S. Tauri•…•….
• * 1.626

  Hist. Cambr•…•…a.
• * 1.627

  Wend. MS.
• * 1.628

  Famished (some say) in Windsor Castle.
• * 1.629

  Paris.
• * 1.630

  Old Chron. of Flaunders. Helli•…•….
• b 1.631

  Ypod. Neust.
• c 1.632

  Walsing. Paris. Annales Hiber. Campian. hist. of Ireland.
• * 1.633

  Iusticiari•…•… Paris.
• * 1.634

  Red•…•… 3. Col. Septemb.
• * 1.635

  Walsingham. Ypodig. So the Pope sent Tyrone a Ph•…•…nix feather Cambden. in Hiber.
• * 1.636

  This Seale is at a Charter granted to Dublyn, before Iohn was King.
• * 1.637

  An. 1211. King Iohn subdu∣eth Wales.
• * 1.638

  140000. l. wher∣by they redeemed their possessions from Laymens custody, Lib. S. Albon, MS.
• d 1.639

  Hist. of Cam∣bria.
• e 1.640

  Ibidem.
• f 1.641

  Paris. hist. mi. MS.
• g 1.642

  Hist. of Camb.
• h 1.643

  Pol. Virgil.
• i 1.644

  Paris. hist. ma.
• k 1.645

  Rog. de Wend. MS.
• l 1.646

  English Chron. MS. compared with Paris his min. hist. MS:
• m 1.647

  Rog. Wend. MS.
• * 1.648

  The Kings offers reiected.
• n 1.649

  English Chro. MS.
• o 1.650

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.651

  The Pope ab∣solues the kinges people from al∣legiance.
• p 1.652

  Paris min: MS,
• * 1.653

  Ann. 1212.
• * 1.654

  Paris hist. min. MS.
• q 1.655

  Hector Boet. •…•…13
• r 1.656

  Lib. de Bernwel
• s 1.657

  Paris. hist. ma.
• t 1.658

  Lib. de Bernwel.
• * 1.659

  Cothred hanged by King Iohn.
• * 1.660

  Fruites of the Popes curse.
• * 1.661

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.662

  28 Welsh hosta∣ges hanged at Nottingham. Paris.
• u 1.663

  VVend. MS.
• * 1.664

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.665

  Idem.
• * 1.666

  Fitzwalter, Vesci, Ridel. apud Paris. & Triuet. MS.
• * 1.667

  Apud Mat. Par. Wendou. & alios.
• * 1.668

  Peter of Pom-frait. VVend. MS.
• * 1.669

  Polyd. Verg an magicis artibus.
• * 1.670

  Wendouer. Paris
• y 1.671

  Paris, Triuet. Westmin. Polydor.
• * 1.672

  Sentence of de∣position of King Iohn.
• z 1.673

  Rog. de Wend. MS.
• * 1.674

  The Pope be∣stowes Iohns Crowne of Philip.
• a 1.675

  Paris. hist. ma. Wendouer. MS.
• b 1.676

  VVendouer MS Mat. Paris. ad an. 1202.
• c 1.677

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.678

  The French king prepares for England.
• * 1.679

  Mense Ian. Paris.
• d 1.680

  Rog. de VVend. M. S.
• e 1.681

  Mat. Paris.
• f 1.682

  Triuet. MS.
• * 1.683

  Octauis Paschae.
• * 1.684

  VVend. MS.
• * 1.685

  King Iohns pre∣paration for re∣sistance.
• * 1.686

  3. Martij. Paris.
• g 1.687

  Wendo. MS.
• h 1.688

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.689

  Wend. Paris.
• * 1.690

  Ibidem.
• i 1.691

  Mat. Paris.
• * 1.692

  Papa for mam euidenter expressit Paris.
• * 1.693

  Pandulphus per∣swasion to King Iohn.
• k 1.694

  Rog. de Wend. MS. Mat. Paris.
• l 1.695

  Paris. hist. ma.
• m 1.696

  Mat. VVestm.
• n 1.697

  As Serres shew∣eth in Ludon. 8. touching the Al∣begois, and Paris touching Otho, &c.
• o 1.698

  Wendouer. MS.
• p 1.699

  Mas. West.
• * 1.700

  The Popes Le∣gate commeth into England.
• b 1.701

  Circafestum S. Michael•…•…. Rog. Wend. MS.
• c 1.702

  Paris hist. min. MS.
• * 1.703

  The new Legate stickes close to king Iohn.
• d 1.704

  Donatina preci∣osa, ibid.
• e 1.705

  Summo opere regi placere, &c. ibidem.
• f 1.706

  Mat. Paris MS.
• * 1.707

  Pl•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parti, regia, &c. ibid.
• g 1.708

  Nic. Triuet. MS.
• * 1.709

  Cler•…•… interdict•…•… relaxari •…•…lente, vsque satisfactum esset ad plenum. ib.
• h 1.710

  Wend. MS.
• l 1.711

  VVestmin. Triuet MS.
• * 1.712

  Exceptions to the first graunt.
• * 1.713

  1.
• * 1.714

  2.
• * 1.715

  3. 4.
• * 1.716

  5. 6.
• * 1.717

  7. 8. 9.
• k 1.718

  Archbishoppe of Dubleyne.
• * 1.719

  10.
• * 1.720

  11.
• * 1.721

  Grosse vntruthes prescribed by the Pope in that graunt. The Pope re∣nounceth his first Charter, & seeks a new.
• * 1.722

  King Iohns present conditi∣on.
• * 1.723

  The new Char∣ter to the Pope.
• * 1.724

  Dated 3. Octo.
• * 1.725

  Saluis nobis & •…•…aeredibus. See the Charter. Mat. Paris, Westmin. &c.
• * 1.726

  Phalaris tortu∣red men in a brazen Bull.
• l 1.727

  Paris. hist. maior.
• * 1.728

  The Archbishop of Canterbury ap∣peales against the Kings subie∣ction.
• * 1.729

  As appeareth in Mat. Paris. ad An. 1231. Iuri & appellationibus Steph. Cant, and in Rossus Warwic.
• m 1.730

  Paris. hist. min. MS. saith also Procaciter. ad Ann. 1214.
• n 1.731

  Paris. hist. ma. in Henrico 3. ad Ann. 1231. Rossus Waruica∣nus.
• o 1.732

  Paris. hist. min. MS.
• p 1.733

  Dated at Do∣uer, 5. Septemb. Citat. in respons. ad Apolog, Bellar∣min. cap. 3.
• q 1.734

  In VVendouer, Paris, Westmin. & alij.
• r 1.735

  In Original. in custod. R. Cotton Baronetti.
• * 1.736

  King Philip & the Peeres of France.
• s 1.737

  Paris hist. min. MS.
• t 1.738

  Ex originali Transcript. Dat. Octob. 3. 1214.
• u 1.739

  Author. Eulog•…•…. Citat. in Tortura Torti, per Epis. Cicestrens.
• x 1.740

  Mat. Paris. hist. mai•…•…r. An; 1245
• y 1.741

  idem ibid.
• * 1.742

  Could the Pope rule Pur∣gatory fire, and not this.
• z 1.743

  See Parliament Rolles, temp. •…•…d. 1. & Ed. 3.
• a 1.744

  An. 4. Ed. 3. Par∣l•…•…ament Rolles. No. 8.
• * 1.745

  The like answere to this was made, Ann. 3. Ed. 1. Rot. Claus. m. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Schedule.
• * 1.746

  See Cambden in Hibernia, p. 732.
• b 1.747

  Houeden in Henrie. 1.
• c 1.748

  Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 1111.
• d 1.749

  Houed. ib.
• e 1.750

  Idem. ib.
• f 1.751

  Paris in H. 1. Houed.
• g 1.752

  Boetius Floren∣tius.
• * 1.753

  An. 1214. The Popes dis∣pleasure against Stephen Langton.
• h 1.754

  Mat. Paris, hist ma.
• i 1.755

  See Innocentius his letters in Paris.
• k 1.756

  Regijs nutibus, Paris. hist. min. MS.
• l 1.757

  Idem.
• m 1.758

  Ibidem.
• * 1.759

  Legati Tyrannis. ibid.
• * 1.760

  Contra factam subiectionem pro∣caciter appellasse. Paris. MS.
• * 1.761

  Rigidos & aua∣ros, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mat. Paris. hist. ma.
• n 1.762

  Paris, hist. min. MS.
• * 1.763

  The King had paid 27. thousand before, and was to make it vp 40000.
• o 1.764

  Nic. Triuet.
• p 1.765

  Wendouer. MS.
• q 1.766

  6 Annos men∣ses 3. 14. dies.
• r 1.767

  Lit. Regis Ioh. apud Wendou.
• s 1.768

  Mat. Paris.
• t 1.769

  Rog. Wend. MS.
• u 1.770

  Paris min. MS.
• x 1.771

  Paul. Aemil.
• * 1.772

  Ad Po•…•…tem de Bouines. 6. Cal. Augusti, Paris. MS.
• y 1.773

  Paris hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. See in Aemylius this battle at large.
• z 1.774

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 8000. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Paris MS.
• * 1.775

  The Barons new d•…•…sloyalties.
• * 1.776

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 gratia. Wendouer, MS.
• a 1.777

  Mat. Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.778

  An. 1215.
• b 1.779

  VVend. MS.
• c 1.780

  Mat. Paris.
• d 1.781

  Idem.
• e 1.782

  Literae Innocen∣tij apud Wend. & Paris.
• f 1.783

  Paris. Wend. MS.
• * 1.784

  Coniurati princi∣palem consenta∣ne•…•…m habuerunt Stephanum, ibid.
• g 1.785

  Idem.
• h 1.786

  Rog. de Wend. MS.
• * 1.787

  Cum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 indignatione. ibidem.
• * 1.788

  The Barons in open rebellion.
• i 1.789

  Rog. Wend. MS.
• * 1.790

  Will. de Bello. Campo.
• * 1.791

  k Mat West.
• l 1.792

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 n•…•…ncijs. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• m 1.793

  VVendo•…•…r. MS.
• * 1.794

  Betwixt Wind∣sor & Stanes.
• n 1.795

  Glouer Cata∣logue of honor. p. 954. but Mat. West. saith quod interpreta•…•…, Pratum 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• o 1.796

  Rog. de Wend. M. S.
• p 1.797

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.798

  15. a•…•…e Iunij. Paris.
• * 1.799

  See these Char∣ters at large in Wend & Paris.
• q 1.800

  Paris.
• * 1.801

  vix 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. VVend•…•…. MS.
• * 1.802

  bey he gaue a Legacy, Decem Libra•…•… terrae. Paris.
• t 1.803

  Idem.
• u 1.804

  Ibidem.
• * 1.805

  He died on S. Lukes night, 14. Cal. Nou. Godwins Catalog of •…•…B.
• * 1.806

  In the Raigne of William Rufus
• * 1.807

  The manner and cause of King Iohns sicknesse.
• a 1.808

  Ioh. de Walsing•…•….
• b 1.809

  Polydor.
• c 1.810

  Tho. Otterborne
• d 1.811

  Mat. West.
• e 1.812

  Chronicle of S. Albans, MS. Sundry English Chronicles, MS. Caxtons Chron.
• f 1.813

  English Chron. MS.
• * 1.814

  As deare as 12. ob. Lecestrensis. as 12. d. Otterborn •…•…s 20. d. Polychrö. •…•…s 20. t. Caxton.
• g 1.815

  Chron. of S. Albans, MS. Caxton & alij.
• h 1.816

  Parsons in his Warn-word, Enc. 2. cap. 15
• * 1.817

  Yet Iacob•…•… Cle∣mens a Monke did kill Henry 3. of France.
• * 1.818

  M. Fox his Mar∣tyrolog; Sir Fran∣cis Hastings his Ward-word. Parsons censure of Foxes pictures in his Mart.
• i 1.819

  Where the king is limmed with his Crowne and rich roabes, fit∣ting at a banquet and foure Monks in their habites comming to him, whereof one presents him with the poyso∣ned cuppe. Uide MS. of S. Albans i•…•… Bibli•…•…theca Archiep. Cant.
• k 1.820

  Parson•…•… ibidem.
• l 1.821

  Caxton•…•… Chron.
• n 1.822

  Lecestrensis.
• o 1.823

  By Parsons loco Cit•…•….
• p 1.824

  Borne in the raigne of Henr. 3.
• q 1.825

  Cl•…•…t, A. 1336
• r 1.826

  He ended his story An. 1420.
• * 1.827

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 vulgata.
• s 1.828

  Hist. de gestit Reg. Ioh. MS. in custodia D. Rob. Cotton. English Chroni∣cles, MS.
• t 1.829

  Ioh. Maior. Georg Lillius Caxton & alij.
• * 1.830

  K. Henry the 3
• u 1.831

  Paris. hist. ma.
• * 1.832

  K. Henry 3. ac∣knowledgeth his Father was mur∣dered.
• * 1.833

  Monkish slanders against K. Iohn.
• x 1.834

  Rog. de VVend. MS.
• y 1.835

  Mat: Paris.
• z 1.836

  P. Vergil.
• a 1.837

  In Record. Turr. London.
• b 1.838

  Mat. Paris.
• c 1.839

  Lib. S. Alban. MS. in vit. Ioh. Abb.
• d 1.840

  M. Paris.
• e 1.841

  Ibidem.
• f 1.842

  Paris. A. 1226.
• g 1.843

  Idem in vit. Iohan.
• * 1.844

  Reprobus versifi∣cator. Paris. in vit. Ioh. K. Iohns princelie des.
• * 1.845

  His Acts of de∣uotion.
• h 1.846

  Nic. Triuet. MS
• i 1.847

  Cambd. Brit. in Berkshire.
• k 1.848

  Cambd. Brit. in VViltshire.
• l 1.849

  Campian hist. of Ireland, l. 2. c. 1.
• m 1.850

  Triuet. M. S. Walsingham. His ciuill Acts.
• o 1.851

  Houeden. Polydor. Stow.
• p 1.852

  Ex Record. & Charti•…•… Ciuitat.
• q 1.853

  Cambd Brit. in Striueling.
• r 1.854

  Cambd, Brit. in Ordinib•…•… Ang.
• s 1.855

  Houed. Paris, Vit Arch. Cant. in Hubert:
• u 1.856

  VVendouer MS. Paris.
• u 1.857

  Rog. H•…•…ed. MS. Cit •…•…ex hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eulo∣gi•…•… apud Fabi∣an & Fox.
• * 1.858

  Houeden in K. Iohn.
• * 1.859

  See Glouers Catalogue of Honour, p. 363. & p. 134.
• * 1.860

  Mat. Paris. VVendou.
• * 1.861

  R•…•…ssus VVarwi∣canus.