The history of Great Britaine under the conquests of ye Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans Their originals, manners, warres, coines & seales: with ye successions, lives, acts & issues of the English monarchs from Iulius Cæsar, to our most gracious soueraigne King Iames. by Iohn Speed.

HENRIE THE FIFTH, KING OF * 1.1 * 1.2 ENGLAND, AND FRANCE, LORD OF IRELAND, THE TWO AND FIFTIETH MO∣NARCH OF ENGLAND, HIS RAIGNE, ACTS, AND ISSVE. CHAPTER XV.

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AMongst the many Mo∣narchs of this most fa∣mous Empire, none is found more complete with all heroicall vertues then is this King, of whose life by order and successe of story wee are now to write; which is Henry of that name the fifth, the renowne of England, and glory of Wales. Of whom, what was spoken of Titus in the flourishing times of the Romans, may for the time of his raigne be truly verified in him: both of them being the-louely dar∣lings, * 1.3 and delightfull ioy of Mankind. But as Titus is taxed by his story-Writers, in youth to haue been riotous, profuse, wastfull and wanton, for which (as he saith) with the dislikes of men he stept into the throne; so if wee will beleeue what others haue writ, Henry * 1.4 was wilde whiles hee was a Prince, whose youth∣full prankes as they passed with his yeers, let vs haue leaue here to rehearse, and leaue them motiues to our owne vse, as hee made them for his.

(2) His birth was at Monmouth in the Marches of Wales, the yeer of Christs assuming our flesh, 1388 * 1.5 and the eleuenth of King Richards raigne, his father then a Subiect, and Earle of Derbie, Leicester, & Lin∣colne, * 1.6 afterwards created Duke of Hereford, in ri•…•…ht of his wife, then of Lancaster, by the death of his fa∣ther; and lastly by election made the Soueraigne of England, (that vnfortunate Richard) being deposed the Crowne. His mother was Mary, second daugh∣ter and coheire of Humfrey Bohun Earle of Hereford, and Northampton, high Constable of England, * 1.7 as we haue said.

(3) His young yeeres were spent in literature in the Academie of Oxford, where in Queenes Col∣ledge * 1.8 he was a Student vnder the tuition of his vncle Henry Beauford, Chancellour of that Vniuersity, after∣wards Bishoppe of Lincolne and Winchester, and last∣ly made Cardinall by the title of Eusebius. But * 1.9 his Father obtayning the Crowne, and himselfe

come to the age of twelue yeeres, had the successi∣on thereof entailed on him by Parliament, and ac∣cordingly was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earle of Chester, and presently had * 1.10 the Title of the Dukedome of Aquitaine conferred vpon him, the better to effect the thing then inten∣ded, which was to haue obtained in marriage young Queene Isabel, late wife to the murthered King Richard, daughter of Charles the sixt, King of * 1.11 France.

(4) From Oxford, Prince Henry was called to Court, and the Lord Thomas Perey then Earle of * 1.12 Worcester made his Gouernour; but being himselfe false to the Father, could giue no good example vn∣to the sonne, whose hostile attempts in the field of Shrewsburie cost that disloyall Earle his head, and al∣most had done Prince Henry his life, who in battell * 1.13 against him was wounded in the face with an arrow. This marke of his manhood, with the ouerthrow of Hotspur in that bloody conflict, were hopefull signes of his following successe, which presently were seconded with as fortunate proceedings a∣gainst Owen Glendowr that scourge of his Country, * 1.14 and Arch-rebell vnto Englands peace, whom this Prince so pursued through the vast mountaines of Wales, that from the Dennes of those deserts hee durst not shew his face, but therein perished by fa∣mine, & natures other wants, though the Prince had then scarcely attained vnto sixeteene.

(5) But growne from his tutors command, or controll, and come to the yeers for dispose of him∣selfe, as his youth stood affected, so were his con∣sorts, and those (many times) whose conditions were none of the best; whether led by an inclinati∣on of youth (which commonly lets the raine loose vnto Will) or, to know that by proofe, which other Princes doe by report, I will not determine: yet vnto the latter doe I rather incline, knowing that Salomon the wisest of Kings did so himselfe; and ra∣ther * 1.15 by Rosse I am lead, who writeth that Prince Hen∣ry in Oxford had in great veneration, such as excelled * 1.16 in vertue or learning, and among many, two hee na∣meth, Thomas Rodban of Merton Colledge a great A∣stronomer, by him preferred to the Bishopricke of S. Dauids in Wales, and Iohn Carpenter of Oriel Col∣ledge, a learned Doctor of Theologie, whom hee ad∣uanced to the See of Worcester. But let vs heare how his wilde oates were spent, and with what increase the haruest was got. The translater of Liuie, who wrote the storie of this worthy Prince, and dedica∣ted his paines to King Henry his sonne, affirmeth for truth, that many actions he did, farre vnfitting his greatnesse of birth; and among other, doth taxe him with no better then theft, who in the raigne of his Father, accompanied with such as spent their wits vpon other mens spoiles, laide waite in the way for his Rents receiuers, and robd them of that which indeed was his owne, when sometimes in shufling he nothing was spared, but bare away many knocks. the lenders whereof hee would frankly reward, when they complained vnto him of their losses re∣ceiued, which euer were abated in the foot of their accounts.

(6) Our learned Knight Eliot setting his pen to * 1.17 portrait a perfect Gouernour, recordeth a story, re∣taining this Princes great fame, the credit whereof let it lie vpon himselfe. It chanced (saith he) a ser∣uant of his to bee arraigned for felony at the Kings Bench-Barre, where standing ready to receiue sen∣tence of death, the Prince had intelligence, and po∣sted thither, where finding his seruant made sure for starting, commanded his fetters to be strucke off, & the fellow arraigned to be freed the Court. All men amased at this his approach and speech: the Chiefe Iustice stood vp, and shewed the Prince that his seate was the Kings, that lawes were the sinewes of the Common-wealth, that himselfe was sworn to doe Iustice, and must yeeld an account for all that he did, that he honored him as the eldest sonne of his Soue∣raigne, and Prince, but to set free the prisoner, hee could not, hauing so apparantly endangered his life to the law; and therefore desired the Prince, if hee held him in such esteeme, to saue him by pardon from the King, and not to infringe the law, which he told him plainely he should not doe.

(7) The Prince enraged to haue the deniall, assai∣ed himselfe to set free the Prisoner, which the Chiefe Iustice forbadde, commanding him vpon his al∣legiance to cease from such riot, and to keepe the Kings peace: whereat Prince Henry in a furie stept vp to the Bench, and gaue the Iudge a blow on the face, who nothing daunted, sate still, and with a bold

countenance, spake thus to the Prince, Sir I pray you remember your selfe, this seat of iudgement which here I possesse, is not mine, but your Fathers, to whom and to his lawes you owe double obedience. If his Hignesse be thus contemned, and his lawes violated by you, that should shew your selfe obedient to both, who will obey you when you are a Soueraigne, or minister execution to the lawes that you shall make? Wherefore, for this attempt, in your Fathers name, I commit you prisoner vnto the Kings Bench, there to remaine vntill his Ma∣testies pleasure be further known.

With which words the Prince greatly abashed, stood mute by the Iudge, and fixing his eyes vpon his reuerend face, presently laid from him his weapons, and with humble o∣beisance done, departed to prison. The King vn∣derstanding the whole circumstance, greatly reioy∣ced that he had a Sonne of such obedience to his laws, and a Iudge so vpright to administer them without either fauour or feare of the person; notwithstan∣ding for this, and other like actions of his youth, he remoued him from being President of his Priuie Councell, and placed in his stead Thomas Duke of * 1.18 Clarence his second brother; to Prince Henries no little griefe and discontent.

(8) Howbeit his followers were nothing dimi∣nished, but his Court frequented more then his fa∣thers, which bred some suspition in the crazie kings head, lest among his other wild parts, hee would at∣tempt to play with his Crowne; which was encrea∣sed by his domesticall flatterers, who dayly buzzed new iealousies into his eares. This made Prince * 1.19 Henry (as Otterborne noteth) to strengthen himselfe with his chiefest friends, and well-willers, and with such a troupe repaired to his fathers Court, as a grea∣ter in those dayes had not beene seene. The tran∣slator of Liuie reports the maner of his approch, e∣uen from him that was an eye witnesse, and the same no lesse then the Earle of Ormond in Ireland, whose relation is this.

(9) The King somewhat crasie, and keeping his Chamber, hearing newes dayly of his sonnes loose exercises, too meane for a Prince, and their constru∣ctions euer made to aime at his Crowne, he both be∣ganne to withdraw his fatherly affection, and to feare some violence against his owne person: which when Prince Henry heard of, by some that fauoured him of the Kings Councell, in a strange disguise hee repaired to his Court, accompanied with many Lords and noble mens sonnes. His garment was a gowne of blew Satten, wrought full of Eylet-holes, and at euery Eylet the Needle left hanging by the silke it was wrought with: about his arme he ware a dogs-collar set full of S. S. of gold, the Tirets ther∣of being most fine gold. Thus comming to West∣minster, and the Court of his Father, hauing com∣manded his followers to aduance no further then the fire in the hall, himselfe accompanied with some of the Kings houshold, passed on to his presence, and after his duty and obeysance done, offered to make knowne the cause of his comming. The king weake then with sickenesse, and supposing the worst, commanded himselfe to bee borne into a withdraw∣ing Chamber, some of his Lords attending vpon him, before whose feet Prince Henry fell, and with all reuerent obseruances, spake to him as followeth.

(10)

Most gracious Soueraigne and renowned

father, the suspition of disloyalty, and diuulged reports of my dangerous intendmentes towardes your royall Person and Crowne, hath enforced at this time, and in this manner, to present my selfe and life at your Maiesties dispose. Some faults and mispent time (with blushes I may speake it) my youth hath committed, yet those made much more by such fleering pickthanks, that blow them stron∣ger into your vnwilling and distastiue eare. The name of Soueraigne ties alleagiance to all, but of a Father, to a further feeling of natures obedience; so that my sinnes were double, if such suggestions possessed my heart: for the Law of God orday∣neth, that he which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of his people shall not liue, and the child that smiteth his father shall die the death: so farre therefore am I from any disloyall attempt, against * 1.20 the person of you my Father, and the Lords an∣nointed; that if I knew any of whom you stoode in the least danger or feare, my hand according to duty shoud be the first to free your suspition; yea I wil most gladly suffer death to ease your perplex∣ed heart; and to that end I haue this day prepa∣red my self, both by confession of my offences past, and receiuing the blessed Sacrament. Wherefore I humbly beseech your Grace to free your suspition from all feares conceiued against mee, with this dagger, the stabbe whereof I will willingly receiue here at your Maiesties hand, and so doing, in the presence of these Lords, and before God at the day of iudgement, I clearely forgiue my death.

But the King melting into teares, cast downe the naked dagger (which the Prince deliuered him) and raising his prostrate sonne, embraced and kissed him, con∣fessing his eares to haue beene ouer-credulous that way, and promising neuer to open them againe a∣gainst him. But the Prince vnsatisfied, instantly desired, that at least his accusers might be produced, and if conuicted, to receiue punishment, though not to the full of their demerites; to which request the King replied, that as the offence was capitall, so should it bee examined by the Peeres, and therefore * 1.21 willed him to rest contented vntill the next Parlia∣ment. Thus by his great wisdome he satisfied his father from further suspition, and recouered his loue that neerely was lost. Hetherto of Henry as he was Prince (some other of whose youthly actions we al∣so touched in his fathers raigne) and now to his Acts after he was King.

(11) Henry ordained successor, and ouerseer of his dying Fathers Testament, had in his entrance so * 1.22 fortunate proceedings, as hee seemeth to exceed all his Predecessors; his Nobles proffering the oath of their Alleagiance, before himsel•…•…e had made his, for the iust gouernment of the Common-weale, which so farre was from acceptation, that hee desired God ne∣uer to admit him to the Crowne, vnlesse he should * 1.23 to his glory raigne, and rule the Scepter to the good of the Subiect. The day of his entrance and of his Fathers death, being the twentieth of March, and * 1.24 yeere of Christs Incarnation, according to our ac∣count, 1412. on the ninth of Aprill following hee was solemnly crowned at Westminster, Thomas Arun∣del * 1.25 Archbishoppe of Canterbury performing the roi∣all Ceremonies: which no sooner was ended, but to beginne a good gouernment, hee beganne with himselfe, banishing from his presence and Court the vnbridleled youthes which had beene his consorts, commanding them either to change their manners, or neuer to approch within ten miles where hee lay. Then chose hee worthy and prudent men for his Councell of Estate, and aduanced his Clergie with dig∣nity * 1.26 and power: being himselfe as zealous in deuo∣tion, as liberall in building, and indowing of places for deuotion of others. His Iustice was found of all that sought it; for euery day after dinner for the space of an houre, his custome was to leane on a cushion set by his cupbord, and there himselfe receiued petitions of the oppressed, which with great equity he did redresse. And for a further testimony of his tender and com∣passionate heart, the slaughtered body of K. Richard ouer-meanely enterred at Langley, in great •…•…state he remoued into Saint Peters Church at Westminster, and there laid him enshrined by Queene Anne his first wife (as himselfe had desired and prepared) foun∣ding a weekely memoriall to bee celebrated, and six shillings eight pence thereon distributed vnto the poore, and yeerelie twentie pounds giuen vpon his anniuersarie day, besides foure tapers to burne be∣fore * 1.27 his monument day and night for euer. And so neerely did his death touch this innocent King, that hee sent to Rome to bee assoyled from that guilt of his fathers Act, by the Popes holinesse, then ac∣counted another God; whose penance enioined, he willinglie performed, and afterwards purposed to * 1.28 haue made warre in Palestina against the enemies of Christ; for which end, hee sent Sir Hugh de Lauoy of Henault to Ierusalem, to discouer the state of things there; but before his returne he was departed to the heauenly Ierusalem himselfe.

(12) The obsequies of his Father being solemni∣zed * 1.29 at Canterbury, and the King in person attending the Corps, fitte occasion was giuen vnto Archbi∣shoppe Arundell to complain of the Wicklifians, (then * 1.30 termed Lollards) great rubs in the wayes of the Cler∣gies pride and proceedings; whereof Sir Iohn Old∣castle was thought a chiefe, who by his marriage con∣tracted with a kniswoman of the Lord Cobhams of Cooling in Kent, obtained the title thereof, a man strong and valourous, and in especiall fauour with his Prince. This Knight in their Synode assembled at London, immediately after the Kings Coronati∣on, was accused by them to haue rent Christs seame∣lesse coat, in maintaining VVickliffes doctrine to bee taught, especially in the Diocesse of London, Roche∣ster, and Hereford: against whom also some choise * 1.31 Inquisitors at Oxford, appointed for Heresies (though * 1.32 that whole Vniuersity had formerly vpheld both Wickliffe and his doctrine,) informed and presented his name with two hundred forty sixe conclusions, which they had collected to be hereticall.

(13) The King incensed (by the Archbishoppes suggestions) against these discontented discipliners, * 1.33 was further made beleeue that they themselues had set vp billes in diuers places, threatning that an hun∣dred thousand persons were ready for armes, against all that withstood their reformation, and among these that Oldcastle his Knight was reputed the chiefe. The King graciously inclined, heard the Archbi∣shops complaint, and being at Kennington promi∣sed to conferre with the Lord Cohham himself, which accordingly hee did, instantly willing him to submit himselfe to the censure of the Church and obedience of the Archbishoppe: but Cobham, no turne-coate from his profession, humbly told the King he owed his subiection only vnto his Maiesty whom God had placed in these his Dominions, as his onely Vice-ge∣rent to gouerne his people and Subiects, and that himselfe forced nothing Romes leaden sword, vnshea∣thed by the Pope (that Antichrist) against the Lords seruants, nor would suffer the key of Canterbury to open the closet of his conscience, where the spirite of God was residing, bearing witnesse with his, that hee stood in the truth, for whose defence as his Cham∣pion, he was ready to liue or die.

(14) This answere receiued, was so deliuered vnto the Archbishoppe, with power to cite, exa∣mine and punish, as their owne Canons in such ca∣ses had decreed. The Lyon thus laid for, whose paw they still feared, was serued by processe to ap∣peare in the Archbishops Court, and the same deli∣uered by one Butler a seruant of the Kings Priuy * 1.34 Chamber, for that the bold Sumner durst not doe it himselfe, and the Archbishoppe (diligent lest he should forget the day) caused his letters citatorie to be set vpon the gates of the Cathedrall Church of Rochester, which were presently torne down, and others againe set vp, were againe pulled off, to the

great offence of the Clergies eye, and the rather, for that the Actor could not be knowne. The Knight not appearing (as knowing their malice and his own danger) was condemned of contumacie, and after∣wards * 1.35 in a Synode at Rochester, was by the Archbishop pronounced an Heretike, where himselfe then ena∣cted that hereticall decree, that the holy scriptures * 1.36 should not bee translated into the English tongue. But marke the iudgement that fell vpon his own tongue, whose rootes and blade shortly after (as is recorded) * 1.37 grew so big in his mouth and throate, that he could neither speake nor swallow downe meat, but in hor∣ror * 1.38 lay languishing, till lastly he so dyed starued by famine.

(15) In the meane time the Lord Cobham wrote his * 1.39 Beliefe, which was very Christianlike, and pre∣sented it himselfe to the King, who (being much pre∣possessed) in no wise would receiue it, but suffered him to bee summoned in his presence, and priuie Chamber, when the Knight for his purgation offered an hundred knights and Esquires, which would not * 1.40 be accepted; then, according to his degree of Order, and law of Armes, he required the single Combat to fight for life or death, with either Christian or Hea∣then in the quarrell of his faith, the King and Coun∣cell onely excepted. This notwithstanding could not be suffered, but needes must he appeare before the Archbishop his Iudge: where, after diuers exami∣nations (in all which hee most religiously iustified himself & his profession) he was condemned of Here∣sie, * 1.41 and committed Prisoner vnto the Tower of Lon∣don, whence shortly he escaped, and got into Wales. Vpon which escape great feares were conceiued, e∣specially of the Clergy, the causers of his troubles, and mortall Enemies to him & his welwillers, for the king was confidently (but as it seemeth malitiously) infor∣med; * 1.42 that Oldcastle with his adherents laid for his life, & that in S. Giles Fields neere vnto Holborne twenty thousand were to assemble in hostile manner, with an intent to destroy the Monasteries of Westminster, Saint Albans, all the religious houses in London, and the Ca∣thedrall Church of Saint Paules. The King there∣fore in person himselfe after midnight with a great Army came into these fields, where (if wee will be∣leeue their professed enemies) fourescore of that fa∣ction were apprehended, who sayd they came to * 1.43 seeke the Lord Cobham. But as the answerer of Copus from more ancient times hath obserued, that in daies of persecution, such assemblies often had beene made to heare the Gospell preached, which other∣wise * 1.44 they could not enioy: so in this place * 1.45 then o∣uergrowne with bushes and vnfit for battell, those few were in likelyhood assembled vnto Iohn Beuerly agodly man their Preacher, without any intent of treason, hauing for their Chieftaines no greater persons then Sir Roger Acton a Knight of no great account, a Minister, and a malt man. But their A∣pologies we leaue to * 1.46 others; onely the Lord Cobham could not be found, though the King by Proclama∣tion had promised a thousand markes to his taker, besides many liberties to the City or Towne, that would disclose him; whereby (saith Walsing:) it may be ghessed, that the whole Kingdome, well neere, embra∣ced * 1.47 his opinions which that Fryar cals his madnesse: Thir∣ty seauen of that assembly were condemned, where∣of seauen were consumed with fire and strangled, Acton, Beuerley and Murly were likewise executed.

(16) As the zeale of this King is much commen∣ded for his fauours towards his Clergy, so is his * 1.48 Princely pittie in the commiseration of young Per∣cies distresse, whose father Hotspur slaine at Shrews∣bury (as we haue said) and hee by his Grandfather sent into Scotland for security, was there notwithstan∣ding deteined a Prisoner, for that Iames their King was forcibly kept in England by Henrie, and as they tooke it against all Iustice. But fit occasion being offered for young Percies release, and exhcange made betweene him and Alrede sonne of Robert Duke of Al∣bany (who had beene taken prisoner at the Battell of Halidon) the king restored him not only in blood, and to grace in his Court, but also inuested his per∣son with the Title and State of his Grandfather, to his owne no little honour, and faithfull seruice attai∣ned of that honourable family.

(17) Vpon Archbishop Arundels death, star∣ued by famine as wee haue said * Henry Chicheley a * 1.49 stout Champion also against Wicliffes doctrine, was with the Kings consent, by the Monkes of Canterbury elected their Archbishop, which the politicke Elect neither accepted nor refused, but left it to the will and pleasure of the Pope: who first tooke snuffe that * 1.50 it so farre proceeded without his direction, yet was soone pacified by Chicheleys submission, and (as saith mine Author) with other Gratulations besides. The man though not so rich by birth as Arundle was, yet as strong for the Clergy, and more grati∣ous with his Prince as the sequele proued.

(18) The first assaies of both was made knowne in a Parliament holden at Leicester, where in a Bill * 1.51 exhibited, complaint was made, that the temporall Lands giuen to religious houses and spirituall per∣sons for deuotion were either superfluous, or disor∣derly spent; whose reuenues (if better imploied) would suffice for the defence of the Land, and honor of the king; fifteene Earles, fifteene hundred knights sixe thousand two hundred Esquires, and one hun∣dred Almes-houses, for the reliefe of impotent and diseased persons, and vnto the kings Coffers twentie thousand pound by yeere. Which Bill (saith Hall) made the fat Abbots to sweat, the proud Priors to * 1.52 frowne, the poore Friers to curse, the silly Nunnes to weepe, and indeed all her Merchants to feare, that Babell would downe.

(19) To stop the breach of which searching spring, no better meanes could be found, then to di∣uert the Parliament with other businesses, and to driue other proiects into the kings minde; whose

head (as this new Archbishoppe there tolde him) had the best right to the Crowne of France: for * 1.53 not onlie the Dutchies of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Aniou, the Counties of Gascoigne, Maine, and the rest, were his lawfull) though vnlawfullie detained) inheritance; but therewithall the whole Realme of France, as true heire vnto his great Grandfather king Edward the third, and vnto Philip the faire, in right of his mother Queene Isa∣bell, * 1.54 the only daughter and Child liuing of the said French king. As for the law Salique alleaged * 1.55 against the English claime, he affirmed, that Text touched only those parts in Germany, which lay betwixt the riuers Elbe, and Sala conquered by king Charles the great, who placing his French there to inhabite, for the dishonest liues of those * 1.56 Germaine women made this law. In terram Sali∣cam Mulieres ne succedant, which the Glosse did falsly expound for the whole kingdome of France. Whose practise notwithstanding he shewed to be the contrary, by many experiences both in king * 1.57 Pepin which deposed Childericke by the claime of heire Generall (as descended of Blithild daughter * 1.58 to Clothair the first,) and by Hugh Capet, who, vsur∣ping the Crowne vpon Charles Duke of Lorraine (the sole heire male of that line from Charles the great) to make his claime good (which indeed was starke naught) deriued himselfe as heire to the La∣dy Lingard, daughter to Charlemaine, sonne to Lewis the Emperour, that was sonne to Charles the great. King Lewis also called the Saint; (who was the heire to the vsurper Hugh Capet) could not bee satisfied in conscience, how he might iustly keepe and possesse the Crowne of France, till he was ful∣ly instructed that Isabell his Grandmother was lineally descended of the Lady Ermengard daugh∣ter and heire to the aboue named Charles Duke of Lorraine, by the which marriage the blood and line of Charles the great was againe vnited, and re∣stored to the Crowne of France. Whereby (said the Archbishop) it most manifestly appeared, that

the title of Pepine, the Claime of Capet, the posses∣sion of Lewis, yea of the French Kings themselues to this day, deriue their onely rights from the heires female, and that this pretended Law Sali∣que was but a shifting deuise to debarre the Eng∣lish Kings from the claime of the French Crown. Which exclusion howsoeuer they pretend to bee right, yet the law of God (said he) hath made it meere wrong, which with better regard of the Sex alloweth the woman to inherite her fathers pos∣session, as we see in the practise of that state, where∣of Christ himselfe is called king, where the fiue daughters of Zelophehad for want of heires males, were admitted to succeed in their fathers inheri∣tance, allotted them in the Tribe of Manasses; and * 1.59 a law made by the Lord himselfe, that if a man di∣ed and had no sonnes, then his inheritance should be transferred vpon his daughters. Neither is it to be doubted but that the daughter of Shesham was * 1.60 the sole heire vnto her fathers patrimony, he dying without issue male; though shee married an Egyp∣tian, whose posterity had their possessions among the Tribe of Iudah, euen to the Captiuity of Babi∣lon: * 1.61 so that if such a law were, as in truth there was no such, better were the breach by the warrant of diuine direction, then the continuance by colour of such prescription, seeing God hath ordained aswell for the daughter as for the sonne.

(20) The Archbishops vnexpected but not vnpremeditated Oration thus ended, so stirred the blood of the young Couragious King, that his heart was all on a flame; and so tickled the eares of his Auditory, as they presently conceiued that France was their owne; the Title whereof descending from Isa∣bell, the mother of the famous third Edward, and shee the daughter and suruiuing heire vnto Philip the faire; his right was lineally deriued thence as followeth, first Philip by Ioane his first wife intitu∣led Queene of Nauarre, had three sonnes and one daughter, namely Lewis, Philip and Charles, all three successiuely Kings, and this Lady Isabell, by whom the English claime: his second wife was Constance the daughter of the King of Sicil, who bare him a sonne after his owne decease which liued not many daies after his father. Lewis his eldest sonne and * 1.62 tenth of that name succeeded Philip in the King∣dome of France, and by Margaret his wife the daugh∣ter of Burgundy had his daughter Iane intituled Queene of Nauarre, who made claime also vnto the French Crowne, but neuer attained it; so that her Title fell with her death. Lewis by his second wife Clemence of Sicil, had a sonne named Iohn borne vnto him, but presently both father and sonne de∣parting this life, left the Scepter to his second brother; who by the name of Philip the fift, a while wore the Emperiall Crowne of France: his wife was Iane the daughter of Burgoine, who bare vnto him only foure daughters.

(21) Vnto King Philip succeeded his brother Charles the faire, the fourth of that name, whose first wife was Blanch, detected of incontinency and brought him no fruite, his second wife was Marie daughter to Henry Luxenbourg the Emperour, who bare him a sonne that dyed soone after birth, and the mother likewise shortly came to her graue. Mar∣garet the daughter to the Earle of Eureux, was his third and last wife, who at his death hee left with Child, and thus the three sonnes of Philip were bran∣ched, raigned, and died, whom Queene Isabell their sister suruiued, and in that right her sonne King Ed∣ward the third, by his royall consanguinity whilst the Crowne stood thus at suspence, till a Prince should be borne, claimed to be Regent in the Inter∣regnum, and in the nonage of the looked for issue, against which, Philip de Valois sonne of Charles the hardy, who was brother to Philip the faire, being a second branch from Hugh Capet, and first Prince of the blood of France, maintained that the Regency of the male (if so he were borne) as also of the Realme (if a daughter or the sonne dyed) belonged onely vnto him as the next in blood. The state thus standing, and a daughter borne, Philip was saluted and proclaimed King, no other right alleaged then this foisted and falsely termed fundamentall law Salique, for no otherwise doth Ottoman the French famous Lawyer esteeme of that vngodly and vniust Ordi∣nance, if any such had beene ordained.

(22) The Kings right thus apparant, and suffici∣ent possessions to be had in France: the Bill of com∣plaint against the Clergies excesse was quite dasht, and all mindes addicted for the affaires that way; thinking it vnreasonable to pull the Prouisions from their natiues and brethren, when as the Circuit of their inheritanee extended more large in com∣passe: and therefore with the Danites they determi∣ned * 1.63 no longer to sit so pent with increase, seeing God had giuen them another Kingdome, but would free their own straitnesse by dint of sword, and spread their Tents wider in the Continent of France: Nei∣ther was there any motiue more forceable in confe∣rence, then was the successe of those intruding Prin∣ces, who assaied the Crowne by that vniust claime of law Salique.

(23) For did not the sword of God (rather then * 1.64 man) in the hand of King Edward the claimer cut downe the flower of France in the Battell of Crecie, with the slaughter of Lewis King of Bohemia, of Charles the French Kings brother, of Iames Dolphin of Viennois, the Dukes of Lorrayne, and Burbon, the Earles of Aumarle, Sauoy, Montbilliard, Flanders, Ni∣uers and Harecourt, the Grand Priour of France, the Archbishop, and Zanxinus and Noyone, of Lords, Ba∣rons, and Gentlemen to the number of 1500 with 30. thousand of the French Souldiers, and Philip not able of himselfe to defend himselfe, inciting Dauid of Scotland to inuade and weaken England, therein did but only vexe his owne spirit, for in that attempt the Scottish King was taken prisoner and brought so to London, leauing Philip to struggle with his hard fortunes in France, which with bad successe hee did to the day of his death.

(24) Iohn his sonne by the same title and claime felt the same stroake of iustice from the hand of that thunderbolt in warre Edward surnamed the blacke Prince, the sonne of Englands Mars, who farre infe∣riour to the French in number, farre exceeded them in marshall power, when at the battell of Poitiers the French royall Standard was stroke downe, an hundred Ensignes wonne by the English, the Consta∣ble, Marshall and great Chamberlaine of France with fifty two Lords and seuenteen hundred Gentlemen * 1.65 slaine in the field. King Iohn himselfe, his sonne Philip, two Bishops, thirteene Earles, and one and thirty Lords taken prisoners by the Prince, to his great praise and confirmation of his iust cause.

(25) Nor was the punishment of the father a∣ny whit lessened in King Charles the sonne then raigning, who besides the intestine warres in his own dominions was by Gods iust iudgement strucke in∣to a Lunacy, being vnable to gouerne himselfe much lesse his Kingdome, vpon which aduantage (as the French would haue it) King Henry now plaied; though it be most certaine he sought his right farre otherwise, for so it standeth vpon record dated the ninth of February and first of Henry the fift his * 1.66 raigne, that he sent his Ambassadors vnto the French King, who could not bee admitted to his presence, and him whom they imployed to procure accesse was by the French committed to Prison: whereat King Henry most iustly conceiued a grudge. Paulus * 1.67 Aemilius their owne Story-writer saith, that Henry King of England, sent honorable Ambassadors to demand in marriage the Lady Katherine daughter vnto the French King: which (as he saith) was neglected with this answere, that the King had no leasure to thinke on that businesse: whom Franciscus Rosienius doth further inlarge, saying, the King scornefully smiling answered * 1.68 that France was neither destitute of Dukes, nor hee at

leasure to thinke of the Proposition; and being iealous l•…•…st Burgoigne would match his daughter with Hen∣ry, sent him a command to the contrary, and again at their Conclusion of peace, expresly enioyned the * 1.69 said Duke, and all other Princes of the bloud, not to make any alliance of mariage with England, wher∣by K. Henry was further exasperated against France. And lastly, by his counsell and conference vpon the * 1.70 Archbishops Oration sent a Summons and demand of the Dutchies of Normandy, Aquitaine, Guyen, & Aniou; in derision whereof, as Caxton recordeth, the Dolphin of France, sent him a Tunne of Tennis Bals, as Bullets most fit for his tender hands, who had spent his youth (as he thought) more among Rac∣kets, then regard of his person or matters of State: so forward is man to be an Actor in common mise∣ries, when the Fates haue made the Subiect of the Scene Tragicall, that hee drawes the hand of Desti∣nie, sooner to strike, and heauier to fal vpon that pro∣iect decreed to bee east downe: for by these disdains and vnprincely dealings the Crowne of France was graspt by the English hard hand, and that faire soile stained with her Natiues owne bloud: for the Pre∣sent receiued as it was sent, had promise to bee re∣payed with balles of more force, whose stroke should bee such as the strongest gates of Paris should not be rackets sufficient to bandy the rebound.

(26) Grudges thus growne, and warres in prepa∣ring, * 1.71 the French thought it fittest to make Scotland their friend, whom they incited to molest the Eng∣lish Marches, which accordingly was done, and that with such violence, as it was a question decideable, whether of the Kingdoms was first to be dealt with Westmerland thought it safest to checke the Scots as * 1.72 the neerer and continuall backe-friends. But Exce∣ster held it better policy to beginne with France the stronger, especially now disquieted through the fac∣tions of Burgundy and Orleance, and vnto this the * 1.73 most voices gaue way, whose forwardnes was such, that the Clergy granted a Tenth, and the temporall Lords their aides to the King, as followeth.

The Earles	Northumberland,	40 men at Armes & 120 Archers a peece
Westmerland.

The Earles	Warwicke,	20. men at Armes, and 40. Archers a peece.
Stafford.

The Earle of Suffolke, a shippe, 20. men at Arms, and 40. Archers.

The Earle of Abergaueny 20. men at Armes, and 20. Archers.

The Lords	Louell.	A shippe, 20. men at Armes, and 40. Archers a peece.
Barkley.
Powis.
Camois.
S. Iohn, * 1.74
Burrell.

The Lords	Fitzwater.	Halfe a shippe, 20 men at Armes, and 40. Ar∣chers a peece.
Darcie.
Seymour.
Rosse.
Willoughbie.

The Lord Morley, 6. men at Armes, and 12. Archers.

The Lords	Scales,	Proffered to attend the King in their persons without en∣tertainement.
Randolph,

The whole number thus granted and appointed, amounted to of	Men at Armes.	346
Archers.	552
Ships.	9½

To put back the Scots, Sir Robert Vmfreuile was sent who in a skirmish vpon Mary Magdalens day tooke 360 of them prisoners, and with great spoile retur∣ned to Rocksborough Castell whereof hee had charge; the news whereof K. Charles vnderstanding, and the * 1.75 great preparation made against France, being better aduised vpon the dangerous euent, sent his Ambassa∣dors into England, whereof the Archbishoppe of Bourges was principall, who at Winchester made of∣fer of money, and some other Territories (but none of the best) with the Princesse Lady Katherine to be giuen in marriage vnto King Henry, so that he would dissolue his Armie and conclude a peace. To this Oration the Archbishoppe of Canterburie made an∣swere, that his King demanded the Dutchies of A∣quitaine and Aniou, with the other Seigniories an∣ciently appertaining to his Progenitors the Kings of England, which as they were his most rightfull and lawfull inheritance, so would hee with all possible di∣ligence endeauour (if not otherwise) by fire & sword to recouer, which his assertion the King himselfe in presence confirmed.

(27) But Burges the Archbishoppe presuming * 1.76 more vpon his Prelacy, then respectiue vnto whom hee spake, with an vnreuerend boldnesse (liberty ob∣tained) seconded his Ambassage with the termes of an Herauld, and with bended browes thus spake to

the King: Thinkest thou ô King wrongfully to put downe and destroy the most Christian, the most renow∣ned, and the most excellent King of all Europe, both in bloud and preheminence. or thinkest thou that our migh∣ty Soueraigne Charles hath offered thee lands, summes of money and possessions with his most beautifull daugh∣ter, either in feare of thee, of thy English Nation, or of all thy well-willers whomsoeuer? I tell thee no, but moued in pitty as a louer of peace, and to saue the shed∣ding of christian bloud, hath made thee these offers: & his cause being supported by equity and truth, God and his good Subiects he trusteth will set a period soone to thy quarrell. Wee therefore his Ambassadors demand thy safe conduct to passe out of thy Realme, and that thou wilt write thine answere, and send it vnder thy seale.

(28) Henry no whit daunted with his big looks and words, answered the Archbishoppe with milder * 1.77

and better set termes; My Lord (said he) I little esteeme of your gallant brauadoes, and lesse weigh your imagined power or French bragges. I know my owne right to your Region, and so doe your selues, vnlesse you will deny a most apparant truth: the strength of your Master you dayly see, but mine as yet you haue not tasted, he (you say) hath many louing subiects and friends, and (God be thanked) I haue both as well affected to mee, with which, ere long I hope to make the highest crowne in your Country to stoope, and the proudest Mi∣ter to kneele downe: And say to the Vsurper your Master, that within this three monethes, I will enter France, not as into his land, but as into mine owne lawfull patrimonie, entending to conquer it not with bragging words, nor flatte•…•…ing orati∣ons, but by power and dint of sword, through Gods assistance in whom I trust: and I assure you I will not speake the word, the which I will not write and subscribe, nor will I subscribe to that to which I willingly will not set my seale. There∣fore your safe conduct shall bee dispatched, and mine answere in writing deliuered, which once receiued you may depart into your Country, when I trust sooner to visite you, then that you shal haue cause to bid me welcome.

(29) The Statute enacted, the first of his raigne hee now put in execution, and commaunded the French out of his land, according to that made the 13. of Richard 2. which disabled the Alien Religi∣ous to enioy any Benefices within England, and now * 1.78 fearing to nourish a snake in his bosome, King Hen∣ry forbad the French from all preferments Ecclesia∣sticall, and those Priors Aliens conuentual, who had institution and induction, to put in security, not to disclose, or cause to be disclosed, the counsell nor se∣crets of the Realme: and that the French might

hold his dealings honourable, and open, hee sent An∣tilop his purseuant at Armes, vnto King Charles with letters of defiances: next making Queene Ioan his mother in Law the Regent of the land, he drew his forces vnto Southampton, commaunding his follow∣ers there to attend him in readinesse by the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist ensuing.

(30) Charles the French King expecting present * 1.79 inuasion, sent his Ambassadors vnto Iohn the sixt Duke of Britain, who had married his daughter with an hundred thousand Crowns, to leuie forces for his aide, and a Iewell worth fiue thousand Crownes more to himselfe, which the Duke promised to come in person to performe. And as it is reported, King Charles sent to Scrope, Grey and Cambridge (all three in especiall fauour with the King) a million of * 1.80 gold to betray Henry into his hands, or to murther him before hee should arriue in Normandy. These to make their faction stronger, though Scroope was Lord Treasurer, Grey a Priuie Councellour, & Cam∣bridge * 1.81 the sonne of Edmund Duke of Yorke, meant to draw in, Edmund Earle of March the sonne of Roger Mortimer, and lineally the heire vnto Lionell Duke of Clarence, the next in succession for the house of Yorke, and reuealing their intended purpose, forced him to sweare to their secresie, which if hee refused, * 1.82 they threatned his death; whereupon he required but an howres respite, which hardly granted, he went to the King and reuealed the conspiracie, euen the night before the day that hee meant to put to sea.

(31) The parties apprehended and brought * 1.83 before him in presence of many nobles, King Henry

thus spake; With what horrour O Lord may anie true English heart consider that you for pleasing of a forreine enemy, should imbrue your hands in our blood, as also in the blood of our brethren, to the ruine of your owne natiue soile! reuenge herein touching my person though I seeke not; yet for the safegard of you my deare friends, and for due preseruation of the Realme, I am by place and office to minister remedy against these Offen∣ders; Get you hence therefore you miserable wretches, to receiue the iust reward of your de∣serts, wherein God giue you repentance for your so foule sinnes.

(32) Notwithstanding this their offence, their inditement as it standeth in the Record, includes matter of other quality: that, Richard Earle of Cam∣bridge * 1.84 of Conesburgh in the County of Yorke, and Thomas Grey of Heton in the Countie of Northumberland Knight, for that they in the twentieth of Iuly and third of King Henry the fifts raigne, at Southampton had conspired to∣gether with a power of men, to haue lead away the Lord Edmund Earle of March into Wales, and to haue procured him to take the Gouernment of the Realme, in case that King Richard the second were dead; with a purpose to haue put forth a Proclamation in the name of the said Earle as heire to the Crowne, against King Henry by the name of Lancaster vsurper, and further to haue conuayed a Banner of the Armes of England, and a certaine Crowne of Spaine set vpon a Pallet (layd in gage to the sayd Earle of Cambridge) into Wales; As also that the said conspi∣rators had appointed certaine into Scotland, to bring thence one Trumpington, and another resembling in shape, fauour, and countenance, King Richard. And Henrie Scroope of Masham in the Countie of Yorke was like∣wise indited as consenting to the Premisses. Thus well appeared their purpose, though Richard Earle of Cambridge, considering the possibility of his owne issue had secretly carried that businesse: whose sor∣rowfull letter of his owne hand writing, as it came to ours, we thinke not amisse here to insert.

Most dreadfull and Soueraigne Liege Lord, I Richard * 1.85 Yorke your humble subiect, and very Leigeman, beseech you of grace, of all manner of offences which I haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or assented vnto, in any kind by stirring of other folke, eg∣ging me vnto, wherein I wot well I haue highly offended to your Highnesse, beseeching you at the reuerence of God, that you like to take mee into the hands of your mercifull and piteous grace, thinking yee will of your 〈◊〉〈◊〉 goodnes my Leige Lord: my full trust is, that you will hau•…•… con∣sideration (though that my person be of none valew,) your high goodnesse (where God hath set you in s•…•… high estate) to euery Leigeman, that you longeth, plent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to •…•…ue; that you like to accept this my simple request for the loue of our Lady, and the blessed holy Ghost, to whom I pray that they moue your heart euer to all pittie and grace for their high goodnes. Notwithstanding this his humble peti∣tion vpon the sixt of August following, hee, with Scroope, and Grey, were beheaded, and his body with head enterred in the Chappell of Gods-house in South∣hampton; whose apprehensions, arraignements, and deaths, were so followed each after others, as the French knew not, but that the treason had successe, and their returned Ambassadours told it for cer∣taine, that King Henry had either dismissed his Ar∣my, or (which was thought more true) himselfe was slaine by the Conspirators; so easie an entrance hath babling report into the wide eares of credu∣lous desire.

(33 But King Henrie now ready to embarke * 1.86 his men, vpon Wednesday the seauenth of August with fifteene hundred Saile tooke to Seas, attended with sixe thousand speares, and twenty foure thou∣sand footmen besides Gunners, Enginers, Artificers and Labourers a great number, and the fifteenth of * 1.87 the same month cast Anchor in the mouth of Seyne, at a place called Kideaux, about three miles from Harflew, where he landed his men; and falling de∣uoutly vpon his knees, desired Gods assistance to re∣couer his right, making Proclamation vpon paine of death, that Churches should be spared from all vio∣lence of spoile, that Churchmen, women and Children, should not be hurt, abused or wronged: then giuing the order of Knighthood to many of his followers * 1.88 hee assigned his Standards to men of most strength and courage, which done he tooke the hill neere ad∣ioyning, and thence sent his spiall to the Towne of Harflew, making that the first assay of his fortunes in France. But before we enter any further discourse in the affaires of that Kingdome, it shall not be amisse to speake of things commenced in England before that King Henry tooke to the Seas.

(34) The Churches throughout Christen∣dome, * 1.89 hauing beene disquieted the space of twentie nine yeers, and now growne intollerable, through the schismaticall ambitions, maintained by three Pa∣pall Monarchs, mounted into Saint Peters seate, each of them grasping the Chaire with so fast a fist, that the ioints thereof were forced asunder; and the tri∣ple Crowne so battered with their thunderbolts of their curses that it was flatted and made vnfit for any of their heads. The persons arreared were Iohn 23. by the Italians elected; the second was Gre∣gory * 1.90 12. whom the French had set vp; and the 3. was Benedict 13. preferred to the place by the Spamard. These striuing for the helme, the ship was so steered, that her wracke was apparant vpon these raging and vnquiet Seas. To preuent which the Christian Princes put their helping hands, and by a generall consent, ordained a generall Councell to bee held at Constance in Germany, which began in February 1414 and continued aboue the space of three yeeres; * 1.91 whereunto were assembled besides the Emperour, the Pope and the Palsgra•…•…e of Rheine, foure Patriarks, twentie seauen Cardinals, forty seauen Archbi∣shops, * 1.92 one hundred and sixty Bishops, Princes, Barons and Gentlemen with their attendants aboue thirtie thousand.

(35) Vnto this Councell King Henry sent Rich∣ard * 1.93 Clifford Bishop of London, Robert Halam Bishoppe of Salisbury, made Cardinall, and died at the same Councell. Iohn Keterich, Bishop of Couentree and Lichfield, Nicholas Bubwith Bishop of Bath and Wels. Iohn Wakering, Bishop of Norwich, Robert Mascall, Bishop of Hereford, Stephen Patrington, Bishop of S. Dauids; the Abbot of Westminster, and Prior of Wor∣cester, in company of whome, and for whose greater

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indifferent, the French gallant, fresh, and through vaine hope of honour, already mounted aboue men * 1.94 of meane rancke, the English weake, weary and sore starued, made no such shew, and yet their courage no lesse then the other. The one spending the night be∣fore Battell, in Feasts, Triumphes, and other like * 1.95 sports, distributing their Captiues, diuiding their spoiles, and decreeing none to bee saued but the King, and his nobles; all others must die or be incura∣bly maimed: the other trimming their arrowes, sharpening their speares, buckling their armours, and refreshing their bodies for the next day; and besides other obseruances, by the light of the great * 1.96 fiers made in the French Campe, the English decerned what was therein done, and tooke the aduantage of their order and ground.

(51) The morning approached, the French tooke the field, thronging forward, who should be first to this most easie and certaine victory (as they tooke it) their greatest strength consisting in horse. Against whose violence King Henry commanded two hun∣dred strong bow-men to lodge in a low meadow, * 1.97 where a deepe ditch full of water might secure them from the horse, and the bushes couer them from sight. These hauing stakes prepared and shod with Iron at both ends, were appointed to sticke them * 1.98 slope-wise in the ground, yet so that they might bee remoued as occasion was ministred, to guarde them from the danger of the horse: which policy accom∣plished, King Henry (whose hope was in God, and the goodnesse of his cause) about ten of the clocke raun∣ged * 1.99 his English, against the French then in field: he di∣sposed his host into three battels, placing his bow-men on both sides of the maine.

(52) The vantgard, consisting of Archers, was * 1.100 led by Lord Edward, (his cosen) the Duke of Yorke, & with him the Lords Beaumont, Willoughby, and Fan∣hope. In the maine Battell all in compleate and bright shining armour, the King rode himselfe, his shield quartered with the royall atcheiuements of England and France, vpon his helmet he ware a Co∣ronet, the circle whereof glittered with pearle and stones of an vnestimable price: his horse of a fierce * 1.101 courage carreird as he went, the bridle and furniture of Gold-smithes worke, and the Caparisons most richly embroidered with the victorious Ensignes of the English Monarchy: Before him in gold and glori∣ous colours the Royall Standard was borne, and many other banners in warlike order waued with the winde.

(53) The French had framed their Battels into two sharpe fronts, as intending with their points to * 1.102 haue runne through the English squadrons; altoge∣ther relying vpon their horsemen, and shining in bra∣uery with an incredible excesse. And surelie the beauty and honourable horror of both the Armies, no heart can iudge of, vnlesse the eye had seene it, the Banners, Ensignes and Penons streaming in the ayre, * 1.103 the glistering of armours, the varietie of colours, the motion of Plumes, the Forrests of Lances, and the thickets of shorter weapons, made so great and goodlie a shew; but the silent expectation of the bloody blast was as the bullet ramd into the Canon, whose roaring voice is not so soone heard, as the stroake of death felt by the aimed-at marke.

(54) The Battels thus raunged a while stood * 1.104 still, and faced each other euen in the face: The French (whether vpon errour like to that of Pompeis at the Battel of Pharsalia, where Caesar was victorious, or to draw the English farther-from their aduantage of ground, is altogether vnknowne) but certaine it is, that King Henry was resolued to open his way for Callis ouer the Enemies bosome, or else to die: and * 1.105 thereupon with a cheerefull countenance and words full of courage, he comforted his followers and said.

My most faithfull Companions and worthy soul∣diers, we now goe into the field of honour, and to the worke of manhood, which your great valours * 1.106 so long haue expected and praied for; loe the day is now come, and your worke the noblest in the world; poure forth therefore your vtmost forces, that ages may know what the lance, the Axe, the sword and the bow ca•…•…oe in the hand of the va∣liant: Whosoeuer therefore desires riches, ho∣nour, and rewards here he shall find them. Nimi∣rum haec medio posuit Deus omnia Campo.

When hee had thus said, his army fell prostrate on the ground, and committed themselues vnto God euery man taking into his mouth a peece of earth, in remem∣brance of his owne mortality, (being thereof made) or of the holy Communion whereof hee was incorporated to be a partaker; and so resolued, ari∣sing, * 1.107 the King with cheerefull countenance comman∣ded his Standard to aduance forward, saying, because our iniurious enemies doe attempt to shut vp our way, let vs vpon them in the name of the most glorious Trinity, * 1.108 and in the best houre of the wholeyeere.

(55) The ranging of the Battell King Henry committed to an old experienced Knight called Sir * 1.109 Thomas Erpingham: who with a warder in his hand lead the way, which when he saw time hee threw vp into the aire, whereat the whole army gaue a great shout; which done, he alighted frō his horse, & came * 1.110 to the King, who was in his place on foot. The French beholding this Offer, kept still their owne * 1.111 standing, which the English perceiuing, made forward and came on, giuing another shoute, when immedi∣ately the Archers, layd in the meadow, darkened the aire with a shower of sharpe arrowes, most fearefull to the sight, but more deadly to be felt, and withall, * 1.112 the English charged their Battell with an admirable Courage; the most of them for nimblenes being but halfe clothed, without hat, and bare-legged. And such was their courage notwithstanding their wants, as he that ere while could scarcely bend his Bow, is * 1.113 able now to draw his yard-long arrow to the verie head, whose roauing marke was the flancke of the French, so rightly aimed at, and so strongely stucke on, that their sides were altogether larded with ar∣rowes, whereby the vantgard was instantly distrest, and disordered into such a confused presse, as they were not able to vse their weapons at any aduantage. Their wings likewise assayd to charge the English; but Mounsieur de Lignie in the one not well seconded * 1.114 by his troopes was forced back: and Guilliaum de Sur∣reres * 1.115 charging home, in the other, was slaine. The Bat∣talions now brokē, for safety fled to the Main, where they breed both feare and confusion by the vnruli∣nesse of their wounded horses, so galled with arrowes as they could not be gouerned.

(56) The first troope of the French horse, were * 1.116 exquisitely appointed, whereon their riders much presumed, and meant to haue burst through the Ar∣chers with a violent course, but they giuing backe left their sharpe pointed stakes sticking, which till then were vnseene; the French supposing the Archers had fled, came on with their horse vpon the spur, and that in such heat, as the earth seemed to tremble * 1.117 vnder their thundering feet, and being forced for∣ward, without foresight of danger carried their proud Riders into the iawes of destruction: for fal∣ling by troopes vpon those goaring stakes, they were miserably ouerthrowne, and paunched to death. The tempests of arrowes still whisling in the aire sparkled fire in their fals from the helmets of the French, and with their steeled heads, rang manie thousands their knels that dolefull day, who like to corne cut downe with the sith, fell by whole plumps in that fatall field; the English still following the ad∣uantage: against whome Anthoine Duke of Brabant, hoping by his example to encourage others (follow∣ed * 1.118 with a few) turned head, and brake into the Eng∣lish Battell, wherein manfully fighting hee was slaine.

(57) With the like manhood Duke Alenzon * 1.119 a lusty French Lord, pressed into the Battalion where King Henry fought, and incountering Hum∣frey Duke of Glocester the Kings brother, both woun∣ded

and ouerthrew him, to whose rescue if Henry had not come, he had died more honourablie then * 1.120 afterward hee did, for King Henry bestriding him, deliuered his said brother from danger, and wanne himselfe much honour by the deed. Alenzon then coped with King Henry in fight, and with his Axe cut a part of his Crowne, which blow was so surelie laid on, that therewith his helmet was battered vnto * 1.121 his brow, but the Lyon enraged, with redoubled strength, stroke the French Gallant vnto the ground, and slew two of his men that seconded their Master. The Duke thus down, cried to the King, I am Alen∣zon, whom Henry sought to haue saued, and so had done, had not the deafe eares of reuenge stopt all * 1.122 sound of life, against him, that so had endangered their Souereigne Lord.

(58) The French Reregard surprised with feare, at the disaster of the vantgard, and the maine battell * 1.123 fled, not striking one stroake (except some principall leaders and they not many) the English horsemen fetched a compasse and wheeled about vpon their backes, which no sooner was perceiued, but that the taxe of fighting was ended, and the worke of killing * 1.124 began; as by the words of Walsingham doth mani∣festly appeare: The way (saith he) is at length made by fine force; the French did not so much giue place, as fall dead to the earth: for when they saw those beaten indeed vnderfoote, whom they reputed inuincible, their minds forthwith grew amazed, and such an iciefeare slyd through their marrow, that they stood still like senselesse Images, * 1.125 while our men wrested weapons out of their hands, and slew them therewith as beasts. Slaughter then had lost the stay of it selfe, and fight did follow no longer, but all the warre was made at throates, which (as it were) offered themselues to be cut, neither can the English kill so manie of the enemies, as may bee killed. Thus therefore the whole glory of the French name is almost perished, by the hands of those few, wh•…•… immediately before they held in most extreme contempt. But the sword now made * 1.126 weary and drunke with blood, all danger past, and humanity retired, prisoners were taken, and liues spared, which hitherto was neglected, least mercy might haue proued the destruction of them∣selues.

(59) Whilst the King was thus busied, & the suc∣cesse * 1.127 of the battell in dispute, his carriages (but sclen∣derly garded) by the French were assailed, & all made spoile of, that was to be had. The Captaines of this cowardly enterprize, were Robinet de Bourneuille, Rif∣flant de Clumasse, and Isambert de Agincourt, with sixe * 1.128 hundred Peasants, who had turned their faces at the first brunt of Battell, as men of better practise to pil∣fer, * 1.129 then to purchase by manhood the spoiles of the field. Where among other things they found a rich Crowne and sword, which they bare away in tri∣umph-wise, fayning that King Henry was taken, and as a prisoner followed their troopes, the sight of cer∣taine * 1.130 English prisoners by them taken and led away cōfirming the report more strongly in the beholders conceit. But King Henry breathlesse, and in heat of blood, seeing certaine new troopes of the King of Sicils appeare in the field, and the same strong inough to encounter with his weary men, fearing (as hee had cause) that the Bourbon Battalion vpon sight of fresh * 1.131 succours would gather into a body, and againe make head, considering withall how his men were ouer-charged with multitudes of Prisoners, who in number surmounted their Conquerours: that * 1.132 the charge would be double at once, to guard and to fight, and that the prisoners would be ready vpon euery aduantage to take armes and free themselues from their takers: these and other necessities con∣strayning, King Henry contrary to his wonted ge∣nerous nature, gaue present commandement that * 1.133 euery man should kil his Prisoner, which was imme∣diately perfourmed, certaine principall men excep∣ted. Which done, and falling againe in Order, hee sent his Heraulds vnto these troopes assembled, com∣manding them forthwith to come vnto Battell, or * 1.134 else to depart the field, either of which if they delaied, he threatned to reuenge with their deathes, without any redemption or mercy; at which seuere sentence their hearts were so daunted, that with shame and di∣shonour they departed the field. The base surpri∣sall * 1.135 of the Kings carriages, (the only cause as some alleage of the French prisoners death) was so ill dis∣gested by the French themselues, that the Duke of Burgundie imprisoned the Actors thereof, and was minded to haue put them to death, had not his sonne * 1.136 the Count of Charolois mediated for them, vnto whom they presented King Henries rich sword, the guards whereof was gold set with stones of great price.

(60) The day almost spent in spending French blood, and euening approaching neere the set of the Sunne, the field cleared, and no enemy seene, the re∣treate was sounded, and all were assembled to giue thankes vnto God; which done, while his souldiers pillaged the dead, King Henry sent for Montioy he∣rault * 1.137 at armes in France, and for other heraulds both English and French: vnto whom he said, we haue not of our selues made this great slaughter, which the sword in our weake hands hath laid at our feete, but the Arme of God for the offences (no doubt) of the French hath doneit, * 1.138 whose blood let now rest vpon their owne heads, and wee guiltlesse in following our right: and then deman∣ding the name of the place, was answered, it was Azincourt, then said he, to all posterities following, this Battell shall be called the Battell of Azincourt. Thus dismissing the heraulds, he returned to Maisconcelles, where he lodged the night before. The spoile was * 1.139 great, and the pray rich in armours, iewels, and appa∣rell, for which by the Countrey Peasants many (left as dead) were stripped starke naked, who afterward crept from the place, but most of them mortallie wounded without reliefe, lay in great dolor and died in the ditches: so certaine is the calamity of warre, and vncertaine the sword till it bee quietlie shea∣thed.

(61) King Henry lost his cosen Edward Duke of Yorke, and the Earle of Suffolke that day, besides some * 1.140 others, the Frēch writers say three or foure hundred, yet Caxton will haue them but twenty and sixe: and Paulus Aemilius addeth to the two slaine Lords, two * 1.141 Knights and only ten priuate souldiers, without anie more; vnto whom an ancient manuscript addeth * 1.142 Dauid Gam an Esquire, and twenty eight priuate souldiers, affirming confidently, that no more of the English died that day.

(62) A farre larger role is writ of the French, slaine at this Battell, yet diuers and different among their owne Authors, the true Catalogue as wee can∣not certainely set downe, yet as wee haue many Col∣lections we will deliuer the same in part, and referre the rest to be seene vpon the record: Only naming the Officers and Leaders in the same field either * 1.143 slaine, or taken Prisoners, by this famous King Henry in this his triumphant and fortunate day.

• Charles D'Albert, high Constable of France.
• Geoffrey Bouciqualt Mar∣shall of France.
• Iaques Chastillon Admi∣rall.
• Guiscard Daulphin of Ar∣ragon great Master of the Kings Horse.
• Edward Duke of Barre.
• Anthoine D. of Brabant.
• Duke Alencon.
• Count Neuers.
• Count de Marle.
• Count de Vaudemont.
• Count de Blaumont.
• Count de Grandpre.
• Count de Roussie.
• Count de Farquembourg.
• Lewis de Bourbon. * 1.144
• Sig. de Preaux.
• Robert de Barre.
• Iehan de Barre.

Great Lords.

• Sig. de Croy.
• Sig. de Helly.
• Sig. de Auxi.
• Sig. de Brime•…•…. * 1.145
• Sig. de Poix.
• Sig. de Louroy.
• Sig. de Raineualt.
• Sig. de Longue•…•…all.
• Sig. de I•…•…che.
• Sig. de Neuf•…•…ille.
• Sig. de Dampierre.
• Sig. de More•…•…ill.
• ...

• Vidame de Amiens.
• Mes. Alain.
• Mes. de Saueses.
• Mes. de Mocont.
• Mes. de Poix.
• Mes. de Bethune.

To bee short, Iehan Tillet saith, that there were ten * 1.146 thousand slaine, and almost as many more taken: and most of their owne writers account the successe of this Battell to be with the slaughter of foure thou∣sand Princes, Nobles, Knights, and Esquires: but the history of Normandy accounted eight thousand to be slaine of that ranke, whereof an hundred and twenty bare Banners: among whom died foure Dukes, nine Earles, one * 1.147 Archbishop, and ten thousand common souldiers, as the Heraulds relation in that behalfe hath reported.

(27) Prisoners of account taken in this field, were Charles the Duke of Orleance, and Iohn Duke of * 1.148 Bourbon, Arthur Earle of Richmond, extremely wounded and left for dead, as he lay gasping among the slaine, was by the English recouered and reteined their Prisoner. Louis de Bourbon Cont de Vendosme was * 1.149 there taken Captiue, was Charles Earle of Eu, being carried into England, where hee remained prisoner twenty three yeres. Others of great account were like∣wise * 1.150 taken and put to ransome, as Edward de Rouen, Oliuer de la Feild, and Iehan Giffart, with these and ma∣ny * 1.151 more the next day King Henry marched to Callais, leauing the French to search for their wounded, that in ditches and bushes had made their heauy beds. * 1.152 In commiseration whereof, the Counte Charrolois ex∣tre me pensiue for the losse of his vncles, and other his friends, in charity came to the field; and caused the dead to be buried, the charge whereof he com∣mitted to the Abbot of Roussiannille and the Bailiffe * 1.153 of Ayre, who inclosed a peece of ground with a deep ditch of two hundred and fifty yards square, fensing it with an hedge of thornes against the rauenings of dogs and wolues. Wherein were interred fiue hundred and eight thousand Christian carcases, in * 1.154 regard whereof it was sanctified by the Bishop of Es∣guines, and made a Churchyard.

(28) The Duke of Britaine with his forces was come to Amiens within two daies march of Azin∣court * 1.155 to ayde King Charles, but the French vpon a conceiued assurance of victory, would not stay his comming: who now hearing of the glorious day obtained by the English, dismissed his troupes, and retired to his owne Countrey, not meaning any more to intermeddle in the warre betweene England and * 1.156 France. Now King Henry vpon Saturday the 26. of October, being the next day after Battell, tooke his march towards Callis, but in passing the field wherein they had fought, he caused search for all the English, which he caused to be enterred according to their e∣states. * 1.157 But the Bodies of his slaine cosen the Duke of Yorke, and of Michael de la Poole Earle of Suffolke, hee tooke away thence, carrying them both into Eng∣land, and so passing to Guisnes with his Prisoners hee entred Callis, whither, those left at Harflew resorted, * 1.158 to pay their ransomes to them assigned.

(29) His host now refreshed and courage aug∣mented, it was disputable in Counsell, whether the King should returne againe into France, to pursue his enterprize already begun, or else to imbark for Eng∣land. But the time of yeere spent, the winter wet, and the field Camps very much subiect to fluxes, wherewith many of his souldiers were as yet infe∣cted, and more vnhealed of their wounds; it was thought fittest to make for England, and the sooner, for that victuals became somewhat scarce in Callis. These things premised, King Henry vpon the six∣teenth day of Nouember spread sayles for England, * 1.159 and in the passage was met with such stormes, that his French Prisoners were in as great feare, as they * 1.160 had beene in danger at the Battell of Azincourt: but arriued at Douer and all dangers past, vpon the three and twenty of Nouember in triumph wise hee made his entrance into London, foure hundred Citizens * 1.161 riding before him in red and white hoodes, the gates and streetes weere garnished with Pageants, and the * 1.162 Conduits plenteously powring forth sweet wines. The religious men met him with procession, and foureteene mitred Bishops attended his approach vnto Saint Paules, where, out of the Censers the * 1.163 sweet Odours filled the Church, and the Quier chan∣ted Anthems cunninglie set by note: in all which the honour was ascribed only vnto God, the King so commanding it. And so farre was he from the vaine ostentation of men, that he would not admit his bro∣ken Crowne, nor bruised armour to be borne before him in shew, which are the vsuall Ensignes of war∣like triumphes. The Citie presented him a thousand pound in gold, two golden basons worth fiue hun∣dred * 1.164 pound more, which were receiued with all Princely thankes.

(30) And now to doe the last office of a souldi∣er for those two noblemen slaine at Azincourt, hee willed the body of the Duke of Yorke to be interred * 1.165 in his Colledge at Fotheringhay in Northamptonshire, and the Earle of Suffolke at Ewhelme in Oxfordshire, commanding most of his Bishops and Abbots to celebrate the Exequies in London, whereunto like∣wise resorted his vncle Dorset the Gouernor of Har∣flew, whom for his good seruice done, he created Duke of Exceter, and gaue him a thousand pound by yeere out of his owne Exchecquer: but in his ab∣sence some attempts were made by the French a∣gainst the said Towne, whereby he was enforced the sooner to returne.

(31) The calamities of these times by the stir∣red * 1.166 schismes of the Church, and these bloody warres among Christian Princes, Sigismund the Emperour a man of great wisdome and integrity, much lamen∣ted at the Councell of Constance, & as another Con∣stantine sollicited the three stiffe stirring Popes vnto vnity, but failing of that purpose, from those farre parts he trauelled into France, and thence into Eng∣land: seeking to make peace betwixt these two We∣sterne * 1.167 Monarchs, the better to withstand the com∣mon knowne enemie of Christendome the Turke. King Charles he sollicited first, finding him in words very forward, with many faire shewes to imbrace the motion, whereupon taking with him the Archbishop of Rheims as Ambassadour from the French King, came vnto Callis, where he was most honourably entertained by the Earle of Warwicke, Deputy of the Towne, and diuers other Lords sent thither by King Henry to attend him, as also thirtie of his tallest shippes to waft him to Douer gallantlie rigged and manned with a noble traine. The Duke of Glocester accompanied with many of the nobility, was appointed to receiue him at Douer, where they attended his comming.

(32) The Emperour arriued, and ready to take land, Glocester and the other Lords with their drawne swords entred the water, and thus spake to the Em∣perour, that if his Imperiall Maiesty intended to en∣ter as their Kings friend and a mediator for peace, * 1.168 they would receiue him with all willingnes accor∣dinglie, but if as an Emperour to claime any autho∣rity in England, which was a free Kingdome, they were there ready to resist and impeach his entrance. Which rough demand being most mildely answered by Sigismund, he had present accesse, and by them was attended towards London. * 1.169

(33) This worthy Emperour, King Henry greatly respected, as well for his owne worths, and the ami∣ty held euer with the house of Beame; as also for that he had married * 1.170 Barbara the daughter of the Earle of Zilie the Kings Cosen Germane remoued. His entertainement was Princely, and * 1.171 charges alto∣gether borne by King Henrie, who the more to ho∣nor him at Windsore, solemnly enstalled him Knight of the Order of Saint George or Gartar, with a most sumptuous fest purposely prepared, at which the Em∣perour sate in his Collar and Robes; but not fore∣slowing the cause for which he came, hee instantlie vrged the peace for France, wherein he was gentlie

heard by the English King, but vpon new displea∣sures * 1.172 for some losse of men in the Territories of Roane, the motion at that time was dasht, and would not proceed, least (as King Henrie alleaged) the French should suppose that a small losse had weakened his spirits: yet the Emperour continuing his intercessi∣on * 1.173 for peace, had brought it to that passe by his pi∣thy perswasions, as had not the French at that verie instant besieged Harflew both by Sea and land, it had beene effected.

(34) For not long before Thomas Earle of Dor∣set, hauing made a roade into the County of Caux, was set vpon by the Earle of Armigrace Constable of France with other strong men at Armes neere vn∣to Vademont, who so distressed the English, that Dorset tooke into a Garden for defence, and hauing had priuate conference there with the Constable, early before day, departed with the losse of * 1.174 foure hun∣dred men. Armigrace puffed vp by his got victory, with his French powers followed the English in a hasty march toward Harflew, and vpon the sands in∣tercepted * 1.175 their passage, where betwixt them a cruell conflict was perfourmed, with the ouerthrow of the French, and flight of the Constable, who retired to Monstreuillier for safety.

(35) This his vnlucky attempt he tooke greatly * 1.176 to heart, and therefore purposing to repurchase again his honor, he determined for Harflew, where hee set * 1.177 downe his land siege, before the English Garrison within, were well aware, when also the Vicount Nar∣bon Vice-Admiral of France, with a Fleete of tall ships entred the hauen, so that the Towne was begirt on euery side as we haue said. King Henry hearing of these newes, called home his Ambassadours, which * 1.178 were the Bishop of Norwich and Sir Thomas Erping∣ham in commission then at Beauuois, and in confe∣rence for a Peace; and the Emperour well perceiuing that the French plaid vpon aduantage, and that King Henry was not of temper to turne edge at their * 1.179 strokes, saw it vaine to prosecute the peace for France further, and therefore sought to enter league with the English himselfe, vnto the which King Henry was so willing as he confirmed the same vpon these Arti∣cles following.

(36) That the said Emperour & King, their heires & successours * 1.180 should be friends each to other as Al∣lies and Confederates against all manner of persons of what estate or degree soeuer, the Church of Rome, and the Pope for the time being only excepted (for he was the Master Bee that then lead the swarme.) * 1.181

(37) That neither themselues, their heires nor successours should be present in Counsell or other place, where either of them, their heires or succes∣sours might sustaine dammage in lands, goods, ho∣nours, states or persons: and that if any of them should vnderstand of losse or hinderance to be like to fall or happen to the others, they should impeach the same, or if that lay not in their powers, they should aduertise the others thereof with all conueni∣ent speed. That either of them, their heires and successours should aduance the others honour and commodity without any fraud or deceit. That nei∣ther of them, nor their heires or successours should permit their subiects to leauy warres against the o∣thers. That it should be lawfull and free for each of their subiects to passe into the others Countrey, and there to remaine and make merchandize either by Sea or land, paying the Customes, gables, and du∣ties due and accustomed according to the Laws, and Ordinances of the places, and Countreys where they should traffique. That neither of the saide Princes, nor their heires, nor successors should re∣ceiue any rebell, banished man, or traitour of the others willingly, but should cause euerie such person to auoid out of their Countreys, Realmes, domini∣ons, and Iurisdictions. That neither of the said Princes, their heires nor Successors should begin any other warres against any other person, other then such as they had warres with at that present without the consent of the other his Confederate, except in defence of themselues, their Countreys and subiects in case of inuasion made vpon them. That it should be lawfull for the King of England to prosecute his warres against France for the recouery of his right, as should seeme to him expedient, and for the Empe∣rour, for the recouery of any part of his right retei∣ned by the French. Lastly, that either of them should assist other in recouery and Conquest of their rights, lands and dominions, withheld and kept from them, by him that calleth himselfe King of France, and o∣thers, the Princes and Barons of France. These conclusions and agreements bare date the 19 of October, in Anno 1416. In the meane while the French that had felt the hard hand of the English, and seeing that Henry had with-drawne his commissio∣ners for peace, King Charles made a league with the states of Genoua, requiring their aide against this dan∣gerous enemie, who supplyde him with sixe hun∣dred * 1.182 Crosse-bowes, and eight tall ships of warre, and as many gallies with munition and victuals. These wafting the Seas with many brauadoes, King Henrie in person meant to haue mette with himselfe, but the Emperour disswading his purpose, the charge of that Enterprize was committed to Iohn Duke of Bed∣ford, accompanyde with the Earles of March, Mar∣shall, * 1.183 Oxford, Warwicke, Huntington, Arundell, Deuon∣shire, and Salisbury; these falling vpon the County of Narbon, a fierce encounter was begun, and long fought, till at length the victory fell to the English, so that the French Nauy was most of them battered, * 1.184 suncke and taken; amongst others three great Car∣ricks of the Genoaes were sent to England, with whom the bastard of Burbon was brought away Prisoner; & the Viscount de Narbon, Le Sire de Montaine, and Le Sire de Berrar chased into Britaine. This victorie * 1.185 obtained, the Duke past forward to the Towne of Harflew, and refreshed it with victuals without anie impeachment; for Armagnac the Constable hearing how his Consorts had kept tune on the Seas, thought it not best to set to their note, least his meane would not be heard, the base of this musicke soun∣ding too deepe, and therefore he put vp his pipes, and got him to Paris. This seruice perfourmed was so commended by the Emperour, as he openly * 1.186 said, that Realme was happy that had such a King, but the King more happie that had such Subiects, and euer after held Bedford in a most speciall ac∣count.

(38) His affaires now finished, and Princely en∣tertainements * 1.187 thankefully receiued, he prepares for his returne toward Germany, and King Henry to doe him the more honour would needs accompany him to his Towne of Callis, whither after their arriuals the Duke of Burgogne repayred to doe his homage vnto the Emperour, which Burgogne some moneths * 1.188 before, had concluded a peace with the Earle of Warwick in the behalfe of King Henry, for the Coun∣ties of Flaunders and Arthois. Henry therefore in hope of a further friendship with him, sent his bro∣ther the Duke of Glocester, and the Earle of March vnto Saint Omers to lye hostages with the County Charrolois, for Burgognes passage and safe returne, with whom hee sent Warwicke to conduct him to Callis.

(39) His entertainement was honourable both by the Emperour and King, which as acceptably he * 1.189 receiued, and vnto Sigismund performed his homage, and with Henry renewed the truce for the time of two yeres, both which were so distastiue to the French stomackes, that the Emperour is taxed, he came not with an intent to worke the good of France, but ra∣ther * 1.190 to augment her miseries by animating Burgundy to bandy against Orleance: and that King Henry was puft with an humor of pride, his affaires so pros∣perous against a weake King. But this busines en∣ded, Burgundy returned to Graueling, Henry into Eng∣land, and the Emperour toward Germany, being was ted into the low Countreys with the Kings Fleet•…•…

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13. That none of the Captaines nor Souldiers, nor * 1.191 any Burgesse should forsake the Towne, vntill the se∣cond of Ianuary next: and his maiesty of his grace and mercy, was pleased that all such as would remain in Fallais, should remain there in safety both in body and goods, so as they would bee true subiects vnto him. 14. That none of the defendants of the Ca∣stell * 1.192 should be receiued into the Towne, nor their goods secretly kept by the Inhabitants vnder any pretence or Colour whatsoeuer. 15. That during the treaty no assault or offence should be offered by the kings army, to the Towne or to the Inhabitants, so as they do not ayde, assist or relieue the defendants in the Castells. 1. That for the true perfourmance of the Articles twelue knights & Squires should be deli∣uered hostage to the Kinge, and to be set at liberty when the Couenants aboue mentioned were fulfilled These things concluded and subscribed with their * 1.193 names and seales, the 20. of December; vpon the se∣cond of Ianuary no succours appearing, the towne of * 1.194 Fallais was acordingly deliuered, but the Castle stand∣ing obstinate, the king was as diligent, till the defen∣dants failing in their spirits, the first day of February demanded a Parley. Wherunto Henry consented making Clarence his brother his sole Commissioner. * 1.195 The Articles acorded for the most part were as the former, whereto were added these which ensue. * 1.196

(51) That vpon the 16. of the said moneth of February, if the King in person, the Dolphin his sonne, or the Earle of Armagnac Constable of France, * 1.197 did not with force raise the siege, then Sir Oliuer de Mauny Knight, gouernour of the said Castell, should render the same vnto King Henry. 2 That the said Gouernour and all other within the Castell should at the day assigned submit themselues to the King, and remaine his prisoners, trusting to his Maiesties royall promise not to receiue offence either in life or goods: (Geoffrey Chasteaux only excepted) who was * 1.198 left simply to the Kings mercy. 3. That after the rendering of the said Castell Sir Oliuer de Mauny the Gouernour, should at his owne charges repaire all the breaches and ruines made in the wals during the siege, and leaue it in the same sort as it was before * 1.199 the same was besieged. 4. That for the perfour∣mance of these Articles, eight Gentlemen should re∣maine Hostages with the King. 5. That when the Castell was prepared, Sir Oliuer Mauny, and al his Company should be set at liberty, and vntill then to remaine the Kings Prisoners, Geoffrey de Chasteaux aboue mentioned only excepted. These agree∣ments concluded, the Indenture subscribed, and king Henries seale of Armes thereunto fixed, at the * 1.200 pre∣fixed day according to these Articles the Castell of Fallais was rendered vnto him: which done, he diui∣ded his Army into manie parts, vnde•…•… the seuerall conducts of the Dukes of Clarence, and Gloucester, and * 1.201 the Earle of Warwicke: who wan diuers Castels, himselfe the while marching to besiege Rouen, where he set downe his siege, and began the assault in a fu∣rious manner: the defendants as obstinately bent to hold him out: so that to winne the Towne by force, Henry found it very difficult, aswell for the * 1.202 strength of Bulwarkes and Ramparts as for the num∣ber of hands within it, to make resistance, and therefore to reduce them by famine was his only de∣signe. * 1.203

(52) For Burgogne from King Charles had sent many worthy Captaines with a thousand selected * 1.204 Souldiers to defend the City, and within it besides were fifteene thousand Citizens well trained and furnished: and the Towne stored with victuals for ten months continuance; notwithstanding K. Henry quartered about the Towne, and for his safety * 1.205 cast vp a Trench betwixt the wals and his men: the Riuer Seine hee blockt vp with three Iron-Chaines, one of them layd two foote aboue water, another with the leuell, and the third two foote vnder the water, to forbidde all reliefe vnto the Citty by Boats.

(53) With the English, sixteene hundred Irish Kernes were enrolled, from the Prior of Kilmain∣ham, * 1.206 able men, but almost naked, their armes, were targets, darts, and swordes, their horses little, and bare no saddle, yet very nimble, on which vpon euery ad∣uantage they plaied with the French, in spoiling the Country, rifeling the houses, and carrying away chil∣dren, with their baggage, vpon their Cowes backes. * 1.207 Thus from Iune vnto December the siege had con∣tinued, and now victuals failing, and the Towne in distresse, the Rouennois sent foure gentlemen, and as manie Burgesses, vnto King Charles, and the Burgogne * 1.208 (then at Beauuois) to signifie their miseries; fifty thou∣sand already famished with hunger, and twelue thou∣sand staruelings put out of the Towne, but not suffe∣red to passe by the English, died by multitudes in the ditches, whose vnburied Carcases did infect the Towne with contagious diseases, so that without pre∣sent reliefe they must be inforced to render.

(54) Ayde was promised, and earnestly expe∣cted, * 1.209 but in steed of supplies, the Bishop of Beauuois accompanied with others, and the Cardinall or Vr∣sins sent from Pope Martin, were dispatched to King Henry, to entreat a peace; for the better accomplish∣ing thereof, they brought with them the picture of the Lady Catherine, according to life, which King * 1.210 Henry well liked, yea and (as Serres saith) fell in loue with: but demanding a hundred thousand Crownes with the Dutchies of Normandy, Aquitain, Aniou, and other Seignories for her dowry, nothing was conclu∣ded * 1.211 or done.

(55) And now the Rouennois helpeles of succour, * 1.212 and despairing of peace, resolued to make a braue sally vpon the kings quarter: to performe which reso∣lution, 10000. chosen mē with their leaders issued out of the Towne, the vantgard (which was 2000.) be∣ing * 1.213 past and in fight, by misfortune the draw-bridge with ouer-weight of men brake, manie were drow∣ned, slaine and hurt: neither was there any more pas∣sage that way, to releeue their followers engaged in fight with the English; whereupon they made hast to the other Gates: but before they could come to giue ayde, the vantgard was broken, and most of them slaine, and taken Prisoners. Vpon this disa∣stre the souldiers within mutined against Guy de Boutellier their General, murmuring that he had con∣triued the breaking of the bridge.

(56) In these distastures King Charles returning towards Paris, sent the besieged word to make what * 1.214 shift they could, which vnexpected message stroake a sad feare into the miserable defendants hearts, who weake in men and victuals, knew no way to subsist, and thereupon in Counsell concluded to send vnto Henry, which presently they did. For whose enter∣tainement, he caused two tents to be set vp at Port S. Hillarie. Their Commissioners were two gentle∣men, * 1.215 two Clergie-men, and two Burgesses of the Towne. Commissioners for the King were the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Earle of Warwick: the demands of the Rouennois were many, but their answers were short; that no conditions would be ac∣cepted, but simply yeelding to the kings mercy; whereupon the conference brake vp, and these retur∣ned * 1.216 into the Towne, bred sundry distractions, some crying to yeeld, and other some crying to die like men, but Henrie desirous to be Master of the Towne, and fearing it would be fired by themselues, if he wan it by force, made the Archbishop of Canterbury his Instrument, whose vocation was fit for it, to call again * 1.217 the Commissioners, and againe fell into treaty of Composition, which lastly was agreed, vpon these Articles as follow. 1. That the Burgesses should giue vnto Henry towards his expense in the siege, three hundred fifty sixe thousand Crownes of gold. 2. That Robert Li•…•…et vicar generall to the Archbi∣shop of Rouen, Iehan Iourdan who commanded the Canoniers, and Alen Blanchart Captaine of the Common people, should be left to his mercy with∣out condition. 3. That all the people should sweare faith and loyalty to Henry and his Successors. 4 That

Henrie should protect and defend them against all * 1.218 men, and confirme vnto them their priuiledges, fran∣chises, and liberties, which they had enioyed euer since the time of Saint Lewis king of France. 5. That all such as had desire to leaue the Towne, might free∣ly depart, with his garments vpon his backe only, and his goods to be confiscated vnto King Henry. 6. That the souldiers should bring all their Armes to a place assigned, and should depart out of the Towne vnar∣med with a Cudgell in their hands, first taking their Oath not to beare Armes against Henry; for a twelue month next ensuing.

(57) This agreement was concluded the 16 of Iune Anno 1418. when as the hungry Citizens in multitudes came to the English Campe to buy victu * 1.219 als, which so abounded with Prouisions, as a fat mut∣ton was sould for sixe souses of Paris money. Vp∣on the next day following, Henrie triumphantlie * 1.220 made his entry into Rouen; the Ecclesiasticks of the Towne, in their miters and vestures, with their re∣liques, singing of Hymnes, conducted him to the Cathedrall Church, where before the high Altar, vpon his knees, he gaue thankes to God for the Conquest of this Towne, which had remained two hundred and fifteene yeeres in the possession of the * 1.221 French, euen from the time when Philip King of France wan it from king Iohn of England. The day following, Alain Blanchart the Captaine of the com∣mon people was beheaded, Robert Linet, and Iehan Iourdan, put to their high ransomes, the French Gar∣risons pillaged, vnarmed, and put out of the Towne, but safely were conducted ouer Saint Georges-bridge to goe whither they would. Guy de Boutellier, who was Captaine generall of Rouen, became King Hen∣ries leigeman, vnto whom he gaue all his lands, and a charge vnder the Duke of Gloucester. Immediately after the rendering of Rouen, sundry other places of * 1.222 note yeelded themselues, as Caudebec, Monstreuillier, Diepe, Feschamp, Arques, Neufchastell, Deincourt, Eu, Moncheaux, Vernon, Mante, Gorney, Harflewr, Ponteur∣de-Mer, Mollineaux, le Treict, Tancaruille, Abre∣chier, Mauleurier, Valemont, Neufuille, Bellaucombre, Fontaines, Le Boure, Preaux, Nougonder-uille, Logem∣pree, Saint Germain, Sur Cuylly, Baudemont, Bray, Ville∣terre, Charles-Maisnill, Les Boules Guillen court, Fani∣fontaines, Le Bec{que} Crepin, Backeuille, and diuers other places wherein Henry placed his Garrisons. France generally troubled, and trembling at the losse especi∣ally of Rouen, Henrie ready to pierce forward, and Charles declining through his infirmities encreasing; the Duke of Burgogne (who bare all the sway vnder * 1.223 that infirme King, and therefore much hated by the Daulphin, whose reuenge he feared,) much doubting Henries rising fortunes, held it best to vphold his own greatnes, by mediating a peace betwixt the two Kings. For which end he sent his Ambassadours to * 1.224 Henry, praying personall Conference; to which he assented and assigned the place, which was at Melun, where in a field well trenched, and ramparted with * 1.225 strong Gates, two pauillions were arreard, the one for the Kings to repose themselues in, and the other for their counsell to consult in.

(58) Charles, Isabell, Burgogne, and Katherine, the Count Saint Paul, with a thousand horse garding them * 1.226 thether, came first. King Henry with his brothers of Clarence and Gloucester, attended vpon with a thou∣sand horse, held the appointment; and now met, the two Kings embraced each others; Henry kissed I∣sabell * 1.227 and Katherine, who indeed became a precious pearle in his eye: Burgogne a little bending his knee, did his reuerence to Henry, who tooke him in his Armes: and the two nations though mortall ene∣mies, demeaned themselues so ciuilly, as no cause of quarrell was offered on either side, much conference passed, but nothing concluded; Henries demands * 1.228 seeming to the French to bee so vnreasonable. The treaty thus dissolued, and all ready to depart, King Henry not well pleased, spake thus vnto Burgogne,

Cosen, I may not wel digest this refusall, but be you assu∣red, that either I will haue your Kings daughter, and all * 1.229 my demands, or else I will banish both you, and the cut of France. You speake your pleasure said the Duke, but before you shall thrust the King, them, and me, out of the Realme, you will be weary of the enterprize.

(59) The treaty thus broke, and danger nothing lesse, the Burgundian altogether French; and in heart * 1.230 no friend to the English, reconciled himselfe vnto the Daulphin, which deed was soone after the cause of his owne death; and Henry displeased with this combi∣nation, quickened his thoughts (full of reuenge) to prosecute the warre more sharpely then heretofore: the first enterprize he made, was vpon Ponthois, vnto * 1.231 which Towne the last day of Iulie hee sent three thousand foote, which before the breake of day, and not discouered by the Centinels, set their Ladders to the Wals, mounted vp, crying Saint George, and so opening a Port let in their Companions. The Sig∣neur * 1.232 de L' Isle-Adam Marshall of France and Gouer∣nour of the Towne, affrighted at the surprize, fled out at another Port towards Paris, after whose exam ple aboue ten thousand Inhabitants did the like, so as the English without resistance were Masters of the Towne, where in great riches fell to the souldiers * 1.233 shares. When King Charles at Paris heard of the losse of Ponthois, in great feare with his wife, daugh∣ter, Burgundy, and many noblemen, to be further from the fire so neere at hand, went vnto Troyes in-Champagne, leauing Paris vnder the Gouernment of * 1.234 the Count Saint Paul, and Eustach de Lactre Chancel∣lor of France, whilst Henry went forward with his in∣tended enterprizes.

(60) For his brother of Clarence by three weekes siedge wan the Castell Gizors by composition, the * 1.235 Earle of Huntington sacked Preaux, burnt Bretuiell, Clermont, and the Castell of •…•…endueil, and Henry him∣selfe besieged the Castell of Guillart, and Rochguien, two of the strongest holds in Normandy; which vp∣pon * 1.236 compositions were surrendred, and further pre∣uailed more then the French wished. For the Daul∣phin, the only man that stood for the publike defence of France, was miserably poore, and for want of pay could make no great shew of followers in the field, whose chiefe Counsellor was the Constable Armag∣nac an old craftie foxe, that had euer sided with Orle∣ance * 1.237 against the Burgundian. And now fearing least his owne esteeme should be lessened, or that Burgun∣dy should be the Archite to crosse him the wise Achi∣tophel, * 1.238 or rather indeed thrust forward by destinie to be the scourge and fall of France, he counselled the young Daulphin to seize vpon his mothers money, iewels and plate, for his further supply to the pub∣like * 1.239 vse, (which immediately he did) to aduance the estate: but Queen Isabell impatient of these wrongs receiued, in a womanish splene studies the reuenge, wholy neglecting the common cause, which gaue the English surer footing in France: but the Daulphin to make good what he had done, leades the King in * 1.240 iealousy that the Queenes designes were dangerous, and altogether set for the alienation of the Crowne, which he weake man, no sooner heard then belee∣ued, being euer ready to take her at the worst and ne∣uer ouergone in her loue at the best.

(61) These sparkes of sedition thus blowne in the Court, suspitions increasing, and maligners * 1.241 still working, Queene Isabell with her sister in law, the Dutchesse of Bauier were sent prisoners to Blois, and from thence to Eours where they were kept with * 1.242 strait guard, three Gentlemen in Commission to take care of their safeties: till then her fauours had gone with Orleance, and with him had contested euer a∣gainst Burgogne, but now to quit her imprisonment, shee reconciled her selfe vnto him, and sollicited his * 1.243 assistance for her deliuerance. Burgogne well percei∣uing how much it would aduance his part, to draw the Queene to be of his faction, brake vp his siege then laid before Corbeill, and with certaine choise troopes repaired toward Trours, from whence im∣mediately * 1.244 he sent the Queene word of his comming.

Shee faining deuotion to the Abbey of Marmonstier seated somewhat without the Towne, made it known to her keepers, and they not daring to contradict so great a Princesse, mistrusting no danger, attended her thitherward with a competent guard as they suppo∣sed, where Fosseux and Vergie two especiall men in the Dukes trust, were laid in the Ambush neere vnto * 1.245 the Abbey, and hauing notice the Queene was come to Church, came to salute her, and to signifie that the Burgogne was in person to attend her seruice. Her keepers conceiuing their seconds were not farre off, as men dismayed, told the Queen of some fear, & that an enemie was neere at hand; whereunto shee answe∣red, I am not ignorant who they are, and thereupon commanded to apprehend those her keepers; her li∣bertie thus got shee became wholy for Burgogne, and * 1.246 by his meanes was made the Regent of France, and her picture stamped vpon the Seale of that State.

(42) By birth shee was a Germane, and daugh∣ter to Stephen Duke of Bauier, of an imperious spirit, and vnreconcileable enuie, not ouermuch beloued of her husband, and (as the nature of most women are) not ouermuch fauouring his fauorites, whose fe∣mall authority and hatred against her owne sonne Daulphin Charles, sore bruised the Crowne, which her weake husband ware: his foregone infirmities and * 1.247 her new sprung Regency, were now as two flud∣gates set open to let in the deluge of France, hers is to be spoken of in the intercourse of the English; his, manie times hath beene, but not made knowne how it came: therefore a while in that subiect, before we passe forward in this place, let vs reade what others haue writ.

(43) This Charles the sixt, and sicke-braind King of France was the sonne of King Charles surnamed the * 1.248 wise, who with Salomon his wiser might haue deman∣ded this question; who can tell whether his sonne shalbe a wiseman or a foole? for the flower of his youth and commendable dispositions of his middle age pro∣mised great hopes of a valiant, moderate and most happie Prince, only inclined to choller and reuenge, as by the occasion of his lunacy is easilie seene, which chanced on this manner.

(44) Peter Craon a Courtier, his minion, and an in∣ward * 1.249 fauorite of the Duke of Orleance the Kings brother, blabbed out some secrecy of the said Dukes amorous passions vpon a wanton Lady, vnto his Dut∣chesse Valentine; who but lately married, and so soon deceiued of bed, took the wrong no lesse then it was, nor letted shee (as who can let a woman to speake) to * 1.250 tell him his faults on both sides of his head, the Duke could not hide what shee too well knew, and therefore sought to satisfie her with complements of kind words, but the Curtaine-sermons nightly en∣larged vpon the same text, made him many times to lie awake with little deuotion (God wot) to heare, and often to rise when hee would faine haue slept, which caused him lastly to complaine to the King that Craon had, and would betray their ouermuch trust. The cause no more, but yet too much against a Prince, Craon with all disgrace was discharged the * 1.251 Court, who not able to brooke such an open indig∣nity, assaulted Cliston the Constable in a murthering manner, as the only man (as he thought) that wrought his disgrace, and escaping Paris, fled into Britaigne whose Duke was his kinseman, and an enemy to the Constable.

(45) King Charles transported with choller of this double offence, mindes to draw Craon by force * 1.252 out of Britaine to iustifie himselfe, whom the Coun∣cell had declared guilty of high Treason, and enemie to the Crowne of France, and resolues in person to enterinto Britaine: forthwith the expedition for men and manner of proceeding made Charles to loose both meate and sleepe, so as the vexation of minde and distemperature of body, carried apparant shewes in his face: in so much that the Dukes of Berry and Burgogne mistrusting the worst, counselled that his iourney might be staid; his Physitians disswade him in regard of his health, the summer extreme hot, and * 1.253 his blood as then ouer subiect to dangerous feuers. New deuises were wrought to stay him at home, gi∣uing it forth that Craon was fled Britaigne, and in Ar∣ragon was imprisoned by the Queene. All this not∣withstanding, needes would he forward, so forward is man when his fate will so haue it.

(46) He departed Meaux in Iulie: the yere ve∣ry hot, his head couered with a great Cap of scarlet, his body wrapped in a thicke veluet Ierkin warme e∣nough for winter, his mind distempered with choller, griefe, and despite, and his body wearied with wat∣ching, distasture, and want of rest. Thus entring the forrest of Meaux about noone-tide, a man bare-hea∣ded, * 1.254 and bare legged attired in a Coat of white rugge, stepped sodainely forth from betwixt two trees, and caught hold of his bridle, staid his horse, saying; King ride no further but returne backe, for thou art betraied. Charles whose spirits were otherwise dulled, and his blood greatly distempered, was amazed at the voice: which seene, his seruants ranne to this man, and with blowes forced him to leaue the reines of the horse: and so without any further search the man vanished away.

(47) The troopes of his nobles diuided because of the dust, King Charles was followed by the Pages of his Chamber, who ouercharged with heat and di∣stemperature, tooke no great paines to guide their horse, so that thronging together, he which bore the Kings Lance, let it fal vpon him, who had on his head * 1.255 the Kings helmet, and in the falling made a clatte∣ring noise. The King much musing vpon the words spoken, and now withall hearing this vnexpected noise, was from a pensiue melancholy suddainely strucke into a raging Lunacy, supposing himselfe to be betraied indeed: and transported with this frensie he drawes his sword, and made towards his Pages with a maine crie: his brother Orleance not knowing the cause, hasted among them, whom Charles like∣wise pursued, and with the like rage ranne at his vn∣cle of Burgogne, thus spending himselfe and his horse out of breath, all incompassed the still raging man, * 1.256 tooke from him his sword, disrobed him for heate, and cheered him with flatterings and faire spoken words, his brother and vncles saluted him, but hee knowes them not, sits mute, sighing and panting, and with troubled amazement moues both body and head, so that all signes of Phrensie appeared in this poore Prince, and the eminent misery that was to fall vpon France very apparant to the inseeing Sta∣tists: but now to proceed.

(48) Iohn Duke of Burgogne ill disgesting the threats that King Henry had giuen, and ioined in league with the Daulphin, as we haue said: was not∣withstanding * 1.257 suspected to be a great enemy to the State, and as the Giants are faine to heape mountaine vpon mountaine, for steps of assent to pull Iupiter out of his throne, so by sinister Counsellors Bur∣gogne was accused of some intended stratageme, as meaning to mount the Chaire where the Daulphin should sit: Charles therefore from Monstrean-Sur∣fault yonne a Towne in Brie, sent for the Duke vnto * 1.258 Troyes in Champagne to conferre further vpon the ef∣fecting of their affected accord, as also to imploy their vnited forces vpon the common enemie the English, a third cause likewise was alleaged, and that was to haue him his meanes for a reconciliation to his mother the Regent, whose wrath, besides him, no man could pacifie.

(49) The Duke mistrusting no snake in the * 1.259 grasse, thought all things as sure as they were faire in shew. and accompanied with many noble-men, fiue hundred horse, and two hundred Archers, he repai∣red to Monstreau, at whose Gate the Daulphin had built 2. Barricadoes, & himselfe in armes stood there to receiue the Duke, Burgogne approached, kneeled downe vpon one knee, and with an honourable re∣uerence * 1.260 saluted him most humbly, the Daulphin neg∣lecting all courtesies to him-ward, charge•…•… him with

breach of promise, for that the ciuill warres and his garrisons were not surceast and withdrawne, the Dukes sword hanging too farre backe, and some∣what troubling his kneeling, he put his hand vpon the hilt, to put it more forward, whereat Robert de Loire standing by, sayd, doe you draw your sword a∣gainst the Lord Daulphin? at which words Tanneguy * 1.261 de Chastell with a battle-axe stroke him on the face and cut off his Chin, and others with other wounds made an end of his life, before he could arise from his knee or get out his sword.

(50) Queene Isabell another cruell Medea and * 1.262 vnnaturall mother, hauing a double offence done her, redoubled her wrath and continued her tragick passions against her sonne the young Daulphin, who not only incites Philip now the new Duke of Bur∣gogne to reuenge his murdered fathers death, but tor∣ments her poore husbands spirits, in perswading him to disherite Charles their sonne, and to giue in marri∣age Lady Katherine vnto King Henry, who now had set his foote farre into France. Duke Philip for his * 1.263 part ready for reuenge, sent the Bishop of Arras with other his Ambassadors vnto Rouen to King Henry to entreat a peace, and againe not many daies after their returne sent backe the said Bishop, whose message was so pleasing, that Henry sent the Bishop of Roche∣ster, the Earle of Warwicke and Guien vnto Arras, who were as welcome vnto Duke Philip; so that betwixt Rouen and Arras messengers continually passed till a peace was concluded; which was proclaimed to * 1.264 continue from that day (then about the feast of the Epiphany) vnto mid-March ensuing, betwixt King Henrie, King Charles, and Philip Duke of Burgogne.

(51) King Henry thus farre gone in his affaires for that Crowne, sent his Ambassadors vnto the new made Pope Martin the first, such was the fate of Romes Apostolicall fathers in those faire Sun-shine and Golden daies, that the greatest Monarch was but a vassal to attend vpon their stirrop & their Crownes subiect to be spurned off, with their feete. Henrie therefore minding to stop the violence of these nar∣row Seas, and to make the streame milde betwixt his two Realmes, had now none to let, but only him that was all in all, and bare an Oare in euery mans boat: and therefore from King Charles, Burgogne, * 1.265 and himselfe, his Ambassadors sollicited his fatherlie consent, to admit him his most Christian sonne of France, and to giue his holy blessing for the confir∣mation of the marriage, and peace concluded be∣twixt those two famous Princes. King Henries right to the French Crowne they plainely laid forth, what calamities France had felt in their resistance, * 1.266 Agincourt, Normandy and Aquitaine (as they shew∣ed him) were most lamentable witnesses, and the holde that the Lyon had got (at that day) of the Flower de Luce, was not to be wrested out of his fast grasped pawes. But his dull eare was deafe here∣vnto, answering that this peace was preiudiciall to * 1.267 the right of Charles the Daulphin, and therefore hee denied to confirme it. * 1.268

(52) But with what quill these wines were ven∣ted from the setled Lees for the Daulphin, vnlesse it was the golden vice, (a powerfull key indeed to vn∣locke the Popes silent lips,) I know not; most true it * 1.269 is, the conditions went forward, and the place for the confirmation of couenants was Troyes in Champagne, where King Charles, and his Queene then lay, and whither Burgogne, Guien, the Lord Rosse, and others attended with fiue hundred horse, were sent Ambas∣sadors * 1.270 from Henry. In their way they besieged (and after fifteene daies wan) the Towne of Crespie that held for the Daulphin, demolished the Castell, razed the wals, and departed vpon composition.

These comming to Troyes were honorably recei∣ued, * 1.271 and louingly concluded on a finall peace, where Lady Katherine was attended as the Englsh Queene, * 1.272 and some left to guard her by King Henries com∣mand. His Ambassadors returned, and affection enflamed, himselfe attended with the Dukes of Cla∣rence, and Gloucester his brethren, the Duke of Excester, the Earles of Warwicke, Huntingdon, Salisbury, Guienne and many other nobles, (his guard consisting of six∣teene hundred Launces and Archers) departed from Rouen to Ponthois, to S. Denis, and from thence into Prouins, where he was met neere vnto Troyes by the Duke of Burgundy and many other French Lords, and with all Princesse attendance was conducted into the Towne. The ioy was great with which he was receiued, especially of the King, the Queene and Lady Katherine, whom he found in S. •…•…eters Church expe∣pecting * 1.273 his comming, where forthwith he and the Lady was affianced; and falling effsoones into confe∣rence of the conditions of amity, these were consen∣ted vnto by the French and King Henry.

1. That K. Henry should take Lady Katherine to wife.

2. That Charles & Isabel should retaine the name of King and Queene, and should hold all their dignities, * 1.274 rents, and possessions belonging to the Crowne of France, during their naturall liues.

3. That the Lady Katherine should haue her Dowry in England as Queens heretofore were wont to haue, * 1.275 that is to say, the summe of forty thousand sceutes, that is, two to a noble.

4. That the same summe of forty thousand sceu∣tes yeerely, shall bee confirmed vnto Queene Kathe∣rine by our lawes, according to our vsuall rights, at the time of our death.

5. That the said Lady Katherine so ouerli∣uing vs, from the time of our death, shall haue for her Dowry in the Kingdome of France, the summe of twenty thousand francks yeerly, out of the lands, places, and Lordships that Blanch some∣time wife to Philip Beauisall held and enioied.

6. That after the death of Charles our said father, * 1.276 the Crown and Realme of France shall with all rights and appurtenances remaine vnto vs, & to our heires for euermore.

7. And for as much as our said father is infirme by reason of sicknesse, and may not entend in his owne person to dispose of the affaires of the Realme, therefore during the life of our said father the faculties and exercise of the gouernment, and dis∣position * 1.277 of the publike vtilitie of the Realme of France shall be, and abide to vs, so that thence forth wee may gouerne the Realme, and admit to our Councell and assistance to the Councell of France such of the English Nobility as we shal thinke meete.

8. That also we of our owne power shall cause the Court of France to be kept and obserued in as full authority, and in all manner of places, that now or in time comming, is, or shall be subiect to our said fa∣ther.

9. Also that we to our powers shall defend and helpe all, and euery of the Peeres, Nobles, Cities, Townes, Cominalties and singular persons, now or in time to come, subiects to our father, in their rights, Customes, priuiledges, freedomes, franchises, belon∣ging, or due vnto them in all manner of places, now or in time comming subiect to our father.

10. Also that we shall to our power trauell truly, & diligently, to see that Iustice be administred in the same Realme of France according to their lawes, Customes, and rights of the same Realme without personall acception; and that we shal keepe and hold the Subiects of the said Realme in tranquility and peace to our power, and shall defend them against all manner of violence and oppression.

11. Also that we to our power shall prouide that able and profitable persons shall execute the offices aswell of Iustices and other offices belonging to the gouernance of the demaines of the Realme of France for the good and peaceable Iustice of the same, and for the administration that shall be committed vnto them.

12. Also that we of our power, so soone as it may commodiously be done, shall trauaile to put in∣to obedience of our said father, all manner of Cities, Townes, Castels, places, Countreys and persons

within the Realme of France, disobedient and rebels to our sayd father, syding with them that bee called the Daulphin or Armagnac.

13. And that we may the more commodiously and freely exercise and fulfill these things aforesaid, it is accorded, that all worthy Nobles and estates of the same Realme of France aswell spirituals as tem∣porals * 1.278 and also the Nobles, Citizens, Burgesses and Cominalties of France in obedience at this day to our said father shall make these Oathes vnto vs.

14. First to vs hauing the faculty, exercise, dispo∣sition, and gouernance of the foresaid common pro∣fit at our hests and commandements, these shall meekly and obediently obey in all manner of things concerning the exercise of Gouernment in the same Realme.

15. Also that the worthy great and noble estates of the said Realme aswell spirituals as temporals, Citizens, Burgesses, and Comminalties of the same Realme in all manner of things well and truly shall keepe and to their power shall doe to be kept in as∣much as to them belongeth, or to any of them, all * 1.279 those things that be appointed and accorded be∣tweene our foresaid father, our mother, and vs.

16. And that continually from the death, and after the death of our said father Charles, they sha be our true liegemen, and our heires, and they shall re∣ceiue and admit vs for their liege, and Soueraigne, and very King of France, and for such to obey vs without opposition, Contradiction or difficulty, as they be to our father during his life. And neuer af∣ter, this Realme of France shall obey to man as King and Regent of France, but to vs, & to our heires. Also they shall not be in Counsell, helpe, or assent, that we loose life or limme, or be taken with euill taking, or that we suffer harme or diminution in person, estate, worship, or goods, but if they know any such thing to be contriued or imagined against vs, they shall let it to their powers, and shall doe vs to witten thereof, as hastily as they may by themselues, by message, or by letters.

17. That all manner of Conquests that shall be made by vs in France vpon the disobedient in the Dutchies of Normandy, shall be done to the profit of our said father, and that to our power, all manner of Lands and Lordships, that be in places to be conque∣red, belonging to persons, obeying to our forefather, which shall sweare to this present accord, shall be re∣stored to the same persons, to whom they belonged.

18. That all manner of persons of the holy Church beneficed in the Dutchie of Normandy, or any other places in the Realme of France, subiect to our father, and fauouring of the parts of the Dukes of Burgundy, which shall sweare to keepe this present accord, shall peaceably inioy their benefices of holy Church in the Dutchie of Normandy, or in other places next a∣foresaid.

19. Likewise that all manner of persons of holie Church obedient to vs, and beneficed in the Realme of France, and places subiect to our father, that shall sweare to keepe this present accord, shal enioy peace∣ably their benefices of holy Church, as is afore∣saide.

20. Also that all manner of Churches, Vniuersi∣ties and studies generall, all Colledges of Students, and other Colledges of holy Church, being in places * 1.280 now, or in time comming, subiect to our father, or in the dutchy of Normandy, or other places in the realme of France subiect to vs, shall enioy their rights, pos∣sessions, rents, prerogatiues, liberties and franchises, belonging, or due to them in any manner of wise, in the said Realme of France, sauing the right of the Crowne of France, and of euery other person.

21. Also by Gods helpe, when it happeneth vs to come to the Crowne of France, the Dutchy of Normandie, and all other places conquered by vs in the said Realme, shall bow vnder the Commande∣ment, obeisance, and Monarchy of the Crowne of * 1.281 France.

22. Also that we to our power shall see recom∣pence to be made by our said father, without dimi∣nution of the Crowne of France to persons obeying him and fauouring the party of Burgundy, to whom Lands, Lordships, Rents and possessions belongeth in the said Dutchie of Normandy, or other places in the Realme of France conquered by vs hitherto, gi∣uen by vs in places, Lands, gotten, or to be gotten in the name of our said father vpon rebels and inobe∣dients to him, and if so be that such manner of re∣compence be not made to the said persons in the life time of our said father, we shall make that recom∣pence in such manner and places of goods, when it happeneth by Gods grace to the Crowne of France, and if so be that the Lands, Lordships, Rents or possessions belonging to such manner of persons in the said Dutchie and other places, bee not giuen by vs, the same persons shall be referred to them without any delay.

23. And during the life of our father in all places, now, and in time to come, subiect to him, letters of common iustice, grants of offices, giftes, pardons, remissions and priuiledges shall be written, and pro∣ceed * 1.282 vnder the name and seale of our said father. And forasmuch as some singular case may fall that may not be foreseene by mans wit, in the which it may be necessary and behouefull, that we write our letters; in such case if any hap for the good and sure∣ty of our father, and for the gouernment that belon∣geth * 1.283 to vs, as is aforesaid, and to auoid perils which otherwise might fall to the preiudice of our said fa∣ther, to write our letters, by the which we shall com∣mand, charge and defend after the nature and quali∣ty of the need in our fathers behalfe, and ours, as Re∣gent of France.

24. Also that during our fathers life, we shall not call, nor write vs King of France, but shall verily ab∣steine from that name, so long as our said father liueth.

25. Also that our said father during his life, shall name, call and write vs in French in this manner. Nostre treschier filz Henry Roy d'Engleterre heretere de France: and in Latine in this manner; Praclarissimus * 1.284 filius noster, Henrieus Rex Anglia, & Hares Francia.

26. That we shall put no impositions or exacti∣ons to charge the Subiects of our said father, with∣out cause reasonable and necessary. No otherwise then for common good of the Realme of France, and according to the Lawes and Customes prouided for the same Realme.

27. Also that we shall trauell to our power, to effect that by the assent of the three states of the Realmes of England and France, all manner of ob∣stacles may be done away, and this chiefly, that it be ordeined, and prouided, that from the time, that we, or any of our heires come to the Crowne of France, both the Crownes, that is to say, of France and England, perpetually be together in one, and in the * 1.285 same person, that is to say, from our fathers life to vs, and from the terme of our life thence forward, in the persons of our heires, that shall be one after another, and that both Realmes shall be gouerned from the time, that we, or our heires come to the same, not se∣uerally vnder diuers Kings in one time, but vnder the same person, which for the time shall be King of both Realmes, and our Soueraigne Lord, as is afore∣said, keeping neuerthelesse in all manner of things, to either of the said Realmes, their rights, liberties, customes, vsages and lawes, not making subiect in any manner of wise, one of the same Realmes to the rights, lawes or vsages of that other.

28. That thenceforth perpetually shall be still rest, and that in all manner of wise, dissentions, hates, rancours, enuies, and warres, betweene the same * 1.286 Realmes of France and England, and the people of the same Realmes drawing to accord of the same peace may cease and be broken.

29. That from henceforth for euermore, peace and tranquility, good accord and affection, and stable

friendship shall be betwixt the said Realmes and the Subiects of the same, and shall keepe themselues with their Counsels, helpes, and common assistance against all men that enforce them to doe, or to ima∣gine wrongs, harmes, displeasures, or greeuances to them or either of them, and that they shall be con∣uersant in merchandizing freely and surely together, paying the Customes due and accustomed, and that all the confederates and allyes of our said father and the Realme of France, as also our confederates of the Realme of England shall in eight months space from the time of this accord of peace, as it is notified to them, declare by their letters, that they will draw to this accord, and will be comprehended vnder the treaties and accord of this peace, sauing neuerthe∣lesse their obedience to either of the same Crownes, and to all manner of actions, rights, and reuenues, that belong to our said father and his Subiects, and to vs, and our Subiects against all manner of such Allies and Confederates.

30. That our father, neither our brother the Duke of Burgundy, shall begin nor make with Charles calling himselfe the Daulphin of Viennes, any treatie, * 1.287 peace, or accord but by Counsell and assent of each of vs three, or of other the three estates of either the said Realmes aboue-named.

31. Also that we with the assent of our brother of Burgundy, and other of the Nobles of the Realme of France, which ought thereunto to be called, shall ordeine for the Gouernance of our said father, sure∣ly, louingly and honestly, after the degree of his roy∣all estate and dignity in such wise, as shall be to the worship of God, of our said father, and of the Realm of France.

32. Also that all manner of persons; that shall be, our father, to doe him personall seruice, not onlie in office, but in all other attendances, aswell the No∣bles and Gentlemen, as others, shall be such as haue beene borne in the Realme of France, or in places belonging to France, good, wise, true, and able to doe him seruice, and our said father shall dwell in places vnder his obedience, and no where else, wherefore we charge and command our said liege subiects, and other being vnder our obedience, that they keepe, and doe to be kept, in all that belongeth to them, this accord and peace, after the forme and manner as it is accorded, and that they attempt in no manner * 1.288 wise, any thing that may be preiudiciall, or contrary to the same accord, and peace, vpon paine of life and limme, and all that they may forfeit vnto vs.

33. Also that we for the things aforesaid, and e∣uery one of them shall giue our assent by our letters Patents, sealed with our seale vnto our said father, without all approbation, and confirmation of vs, and all other of our blood roiall, and of the Cities and Townes to vs obedient, sealed with our great seale, shall make or cause to be made letters approba∣tory, and confirmed of the Peeres of his Realme, and of the Lords, Citizens, Burgesses of the same vnder his obedience, all which Articles we haue sworne to keepe, vpon the holie Euangelists. Yeuen at Troies the 30. of May, Anno 1420. And the same were proclaimed in London the 20. of Iune following; for the Copies of this treaty, the French King sent to e∣uery Town in France, as King Henry did likewise into England, there to be published by Proclamation. These Articles were concluded betwixt the two Kings, in the presence of Queene Isabell, the Duke * 1.289 of Burgundy, and the Kings Councell, the Prince of Orange, Seigneur Chastelleux, Marshall of France, with many others the prime Nobility, both of England and France, both the Kings with the Queene, taking their solemne oath there, vpon the holy Euangelists, as did likewise the Duke of Burgundy, and the rest, Burgundy * 1.290 being the first man that laid his hand on the booke, and * 1.291 sware homage to King Henry; who thereupon was stiled and proclaimed Regent of France.

(53) In whose presence also vpon the third of * 1.292 Iune, (being the morrow after Trinity Sunday) the marriage of King Henry and Lady Katherine, with all * 1.293 pompous solemnity was celebrated, in Saint Peters Church at Troyes, the Bishop of that See, doing the Ceremonies. And after royall feasts and Princely * 1.294 entertainements, before the dissolution of that roiall assembly, King Henry, inuiting the French King and * 1.295 others his great Peeres to a sumptuous banquet, made a pithy and pleasing Oration vnto them, thus testifying his Princely desire to aduance their weale, and demerit their loue.

(54)

As the chiefe marke whereunto my cares and endeuors haue hitherto leuelled, hath * 1.296 beene, to vnite and concorporate these two King∣domes * 1.297 of France and England into one, which now by Gods goodnes is most happily effected; so is it still, and euer shall be, both my desire and care, that vnto posterity we may leaue it setled in the same sort, and free from all empeachments, of factious discords: that beingas (it is) the greatest, it may be also the happiest Monarchie of Europe. For the cleere accomplishment of which worke, there rests now nothing, but the depressing of the Daulphin, who is by your doome already, not only depriued of that dignity, but of succession to the Crowne, and prosecuted as a Traitor to the State; and of whom this we must be assured, that while he liues, France cannot but be in a perpetuall combustion. For preuenting whereof, I both need and intreate, both your Counsels and aide, nothing doubting of your readines in either; for how can we expect any safety, or you any goodnes at his hand, who, in his young yeeres, did so perfidiously murder the Duke of Burgundy his vncle? I am now, you see, your Regent in present, and Successour to the Crowne in hope; Let it not therefore sticke in your hearts, that I am an Englishman borne, for you know I haue much French blood in my veines, which warmes my affections as well to French as English; but looke on me as the lawfull heire to the Diademe, both by iust Title, and your owne con∣sents, who therefore am, and ought to be, wholly yours; and your kindnes and iust dealing bind me so to be. Yours also am I now by fresh alliance, as sonne in Law to your King, vnto whom I will performe all offices of loue and honor, as to mine owne father; and you his subiects shall I loue and cherish, as mine owne children, and will defend France and the French, so long, as you defend my right with your louing aide, and will deserue my loue with your loiall affection.

(55) These affaires thus accomplished at Troyes, * 1.298 the Kings, the Queenes, and the rest of the Peeres in great estate rode vnto Paris, where all faire counte∣nances were shewed, and great entertainement giuen to the English. But the Daulphin and his followers * 1.299 neither feared nor fainted, though the present cour∣ses pleased not their palat. Their first Counsell therefore was how to preserue themselues in so e∣minent danger; to sit still and doe nothing, they knew it was but to increase and aduance the successes of the English; and to rise without strength, was to fall into further misfortunes, hauing no meanes to hold warre with so potent an Enemy. In this distraction their voice was best heard, that spake most for the safety of the Daulphin (whose only life gaue breath vnto the after-hopes of France) and for the strengthe∣ning of those places which might be of most aduan∣tage to themselues, and offence to the Enemie. This then past by decree in that Counsell of warre, that the Daulphin should at no time hazard his person in field, and that a leuy of Souldiers should be had, to lie in Garrison in places conuenient; for Time, which neuer stands still, they well hoped might yet turne the rice for them, fortune being (said they) as subiect to fawne, as to frowne; in which resolution each man tooke to his charge, and all to withstand the doings of Henry.

(56) As these consulted for the state of the

French so in Paris a Parliament of the three estates was assembled, wherein such as were guilty of the * 1.300 death of Burgundy, were iusticed, the disherizing of the Daulphin confirmed, and warres prepared against these Townes which held for him. Against Sens the two Kings with their Queens, Clarence, and Bur∣gundy, marched; which after 12. daies was rendered * 1.301 vpon composition of life, those excepted as were guilty of the Duke of Burgundies death. Monstreau * 1.302 was the next, which by force was entred, where the body of the Duke of Burgundy, vndecently buried by the Daulphinois, was taken vp, and by his sonne Philip sent in great pompe to Diion in his Dutchy, and there honorably interred. The Towne being taken, the Castle held out: vnto whose Captaine twenty Cap∣tiue * 1.303 Gentlemen were sent, whose liues from King Henries mouth (say the French) were sentenced to death, vnlesse they could perswade the Castellan to * 1.304 surrender; but those men (say our English, to mollifie that seuere doome) were all especiall friends of that Captaine and such, as had giuen opprobrious words to the Kings Herauld, being sent vnto them in the siege of Monstreau. Howsoeuer, in this extremity they sollicited Guiluy vpon their knees, vrging their owne deaths, and his great danger if he held out; but Guiluy, a true Frenchman, and friend to the Daulphin, withstood the assault, and thereupon these Gentle∣men Petitioners were presently hanged in the sight of the defendants: so bloody is Mars to maintaine his owne Lawes, and so eager was Henry of his full Conquest of France, whose thirsting sword had here∣to fore beene some what ouerlauish in blood, but ne∣uer more (perhaps) then in this bloody act; which I wish might be obliterated from the number of his other glorious actions. Yet at length was that Ca∣stle enforced to surrender vpon composition of life, excepting the guilties of Burgundies death.

(57) Then was the siege remoued to Melun, a Towne of great strength, and made more strong by * 1.305 the valours of her commanders, who were Seigneur Barbafon an absolute souldier, Pierre de Bourbon a Prince of the blood, Preaux, and Bourgeois, whose Garrison was seuen hundred Daulphinois: and indeed no default in defence, could anie wise be imputed, but the Canon opening a breach, the English and Bur∣gundians made an entry into the Bulwarke, and ouer the Riuer Seine built a bridge with Boates; so that from either quarter they had passage one to the other without impediments, and encamped them∣selues for their best aduantage; vpon whom the ene∣mie neuerthelesse made diuers sallies, with the losse of either parties. King Henry inforced his siege to the vtmost, and made a myne vnderneath the wals, which being perceiued, the defendants countermi∣ned against him; where the King (too forward) as the * 1.306 very first man entring his myne, and Barbason like∣wise his within the Towne, met each other at point of sword, where they performed nobly the parts of priuate souldiers, (nobly indeed, if priuate souldiers they had been, but Princes should remember they are not such) till lastly they agreed to discouer them∣selues, and first Barbason made known his name, then * 1.307 King Henry did his, whereupon the French Lord sud∣dainely getting backe, caused the Barriers to be clo∣sed, and Henry returned to his Campe.

(58) This enterprize failing, King Charles him∣selfe * 1.308 came into the Campe, to induce the defen∣dants to render, at the presence of their naturall Lord; which neuerthelesse was little respected; for answere was made, that if their King were at liberty, and free from King Henries power, they would doe * 1.309 him the duty of naturall subiects, and yeeld him their charge as their Liege Lord: but being as he was, they desired to be excused, for to the mortall enemy of France they would not yeeld.

(59) Whilest King Henry lay at the siege of Melun, the Duke of Bauier (who was Palsegraue of Rhyne Elector) came to King Henry hauing married his sister, and thence sent a defiance vnto the Daul∣phin * 1.310 his kinseman by Queene Isabell his mother; the Prince of Orange likewise came thither vnto Henry, but because he required an Oath of him, as a subiect of France, he went away displeased, saying, he was a free Prince, and ought neither obedience to England nor France. At which time the Parisians with more respect of their owne safety committed their City * 1.311 vnto K. Henries deuotion who deputed his brother Clarence (though Count Saint Paul with his French dis∣pleased) Gouernour thereof, and put Garrisons in∣to the Bastile of S. Anthonie, the Lowre, and the Hostill de Nesle. During this siege, mandatory * 1.312 letters were sent by King Charles into Picardy, to put all pla∣ces that held for him in those quarters into Henries possession, and to take the Oath of their obedience vnto him as to the only heire, Successor, Regent, and Go∣uernour of France; the execution whereof was com∣mitted to the Count of Saint Paul, the Bishops of The∣rouenne and Arras, the Vidame of Amiens, the Lord of Vendueill, the Gouernour of Lisle, Pierre Marigny Ad∣uocate of the Parliament, and George Ostend the Kings Secretary, beginning thus; Charles par le Grace de Dieu, &c.

(60) The distresse of Melun, was wonderfull * 1.313 great aswell vpon the seegers, as defendants; the one afflicted, and their troupes sore weakened with mor∣tality, the other oppressed with famine, and other defects incident to a long indured siege. In this State eighteene weekes were spent, and more had beene, but that the English were supplied with soul∣diers out of Picardie, whose colours displaied a farre off, put the Towne in hope of reliefe, as sent from the Daulphin, but vpon their neerer approach, Melun was rendred by these capitulations. 1. That the * 1.314 Towne and Castle should be deliuered to the King. 2. That aswell the men of warre, as the Burgesses, should submit themselues to King Henry, to be dealt with as pleased the King. 3. That all such as should be found guilty of the Duke of Burgundies murder should suffer death. 4. That all the rest of the soul∣diers should be receiued to mercy, but to be priso∣ners vntill they put in good caution for their true obedience in after times. 5. That the Natiues of France should be sent home to their owne Coun∣treys. 6. That all the moueables and Armes in the Towne should bee carried into the Castle. 7. That all the Prisoners they hadtaken either be∣fore or during the siege, should be enlarged ransome∣free, and acquitted of their promises. 8. That for the performance of these Articles, 12. of the princi∣pall Captaines, and 6. of the wealthiest Burgesses should deliuer themselues in hostage. 9. That all the English, and Scots, should be deliuered to Henry and left at his disposition.

These things accorded, an English Garrison was put into Melun, commanded by Pierre Varrolt. Pi∣erre de Burbon, Seigneur de Preaux, and valiant Bar∣bason, with sixe hundred Prisoners of quality, were sent with a strong guard vnto Paris. The guilties of Burgundies murder were all of them put to death, a∣mongst whom were two Monkes, and Bertrand de Chartmont a Gascoigne, (a man in great fauour with King Henry) for that he at King Henries entry into Melun, had conuaied thence one Amenion de Lau, who was proued guilty of Burgundies death. The Duke of Burgundy himselfe, as also Clarence earnestly * 1.315 labored with King Henry for Bertrands pardon, but the King, though much grieued, and protesting that he had rather haue lost 50000. Nobles, yet was resol∣ued he should die for example to all such, as should dare to offend, vpon presumption of their nearenes * 1.316 and grace with their Princes.

(61) Melun being rendred, and these things thus disposed, the two Kings with their Queenes * 1.317 most honorablie attended, returned to Paris, before whose entrance the Citizens and Students met them in most solemne manner, hauing beautified the City * 1.318 with flagges, streamers and rich hangings throughout the streetes where they should passe. The two Kings * 1.319

rode together vnder a rich Canopie, Henry vpon the left hand, next vnto whom followed the Dukes of Clarence and Bedford, and vpon their left hand the Duke of Burgundy clad all in blacke, the Princes and Nobles of either Nation mingled together in their degrees, the Clergy with processions, and their vene∣rable reiiques, going before them to Nostre dame Church; and the next day the two Queenes entred * 1.320 the City with as great a shew. King Henries Pal∣lace was prepared in the Loure, which was most rich * 1.321 and magnificent, and Charles his Court in the Hostel of Saint Paul, being but homely and meane; for (saith Millet) young Henry commanded all, and his bre∣thren * 1.322 exercised supreme authority, whiles olde Charles stood as a Cypher, and the French Nobilitie had nothing to doe.

(62) During the two Kings abode here, a great * 1.323 Assembly was called as well of the Spiritualty, as of the secular Nobilitie, in whose presence, in the great Hall of the Hostell, a State for Iustice was prepared, where the two Kings sitting, as supreme Iudges, vn∣der one Cloath of estate, the Court was furnished * 1.324 with Princes and Officers in most solemne wise. Before whom, Nicolas Rollin aduocate from the Duke of Burgundy, and the Dutchesse his mother, craued au∣dience (and had it granted) vnto an inuectiue and long Oration against Charles Visconte Narbone, Tan∣neguy, Barbason and others, for the cruell murther of * 1.325 Iohn Duke of Burgundy; and not only that the mur∣therers might be accordingly executed, but withall, that a Church might be founded and furnished with sacred Ornaments for twelue Channons, sixe Chaplaines, and sixe Clerkes to pray for his soule for euer, euery Chanon to haue yeerely two hundred pound Paris money, euery Chaplen one hundred, and euery Clerke fifty, to be leuied vpon the Lands of the Daulphin, and his associates in the murder: that the same foundation should be engrauen vpon the Porch thereof, and the like inscription set vp pub∣likely in the Cities of Paris, Rouen, Graunt, Diion, Saint Iames of Compostella, and Ierusalem. This motion was seconded by a Doctor of Diuinity appointed by the Rector of the Vniuersity, who concluded with an hum∣ble request to the King and those Princes, that iustice might be done. Whereunto the Chancellor of France, in the behalfe of King Charles, promised that no en∣deuour on his part should bee lacking; and thereu∣pon caused his sonne to be solemnely called to the Marble-Table, to answere his accusation, by the name of Charles Duke of Touraine, and Daulphin de * 1.326 Vienne, which done three seuerall times, and he not * 1.327 appearing, by arrest of the same Court of Parlia∣ment, he was banished the Realme, and iudged vn∣worthy to succeed in any of the Seignories as well present, as to come. But the Daulphin appealed from this sentence to God and his sword, and still was the same, though his fortunes were changeable. Moun∣sieur de Barbason was vehemently accused to haue his hand in the murder, and therefore King Henrie * 1.328 accordingly gaue sentence on him to suffer to death; but he in open Court defended himselfe, not to bee guilty of the crime, although he confessed to be a true seruant to the Daulphin. Notwithstanding, had he not appealed to the Officers of Armes, King Hen∣ries iudgement of death had gone against him: for the Law Military, as he there alleaged, forbiddeth, * 1.329 that any man, hauing his brother in Armes within his danger, should afterwards put him to death for any cause or quarrell, and proued himselfe to be the Kings bro∣ther in Armes, for that he had in the Countermine coa∣ped in combat with the King. Thus by a quirke of Heraldry acquitted from death, he was neuerthelesse retained in prison the space of nine yeeres, and lastly at the winning of Castle Galliard from the English, was deliuered out of most strait imprisonment, to the great ioy of the French.

(63) This execution of Iustice on those Mur∣therers, was a great, but not the only act of K. Henry * 1.330 at this great Parliament of three Estates of France in Paris. For therein also was the finall accord betwixt the two Kings, openly acknowledged by the French King, as made by his free assent, and with aduise of all the Councell of France; whereupon it was there also ratified by the generall states of France, and sworne vnto particularly vpon the holy Euange∣lists, by all their Nobles and Magistrates, spirituall and secular, who also set their seales to the Instru∣ments thereof, which were sent into England to be kept in the Kings * 1.331 Exchecquer at Westminster. King Henries glory thus ascended to the highest verticall in France, his Court was not only honoured daily both with Courtly and military shewes and pastimes, but also was still frequented both with forraine Ambassadors, and domesticke Commissioners, whose directions depended only vpon his voluntary assigne, himselfe redressing all things at his pleasure, placing and displacing Officers and Gouernors, cau∣sing also a new Coyne to be made, called a Salute, wherein were the Armes of France, and the Armes of England and France, quarterly stamped. King Charles the while in his Palace, was but for fashions sake visited, and but by some of his olde seruants, his Sunne was drawne so neere vnto the setting. The great affaires of France thus setled, (as well as that vnsetled time would permit,) King Henry minding to Crowne his Queene in England, ordained his bro∣ther of Clarence, (a wise, valiant, and a great Captaine) * 1.332 his Lieutenant generall of France, leauing also the Duke of Exeter with 500. men of warres to keep Paris, and so attended with great state, he came to Amiens and Callais, where taking to Sea, he arriued at Douer vpon the third of February, and was receiued of his * 1.333 Subiects as an Angell from heauen, or another vi∣ctorious Caesar on Earth.

(64) All things in a readines for his faire Queens Coronation, vpon the foure and twentith of the same month, with all roialty the same was solemni∣zed at Westminster, and the English rich diadme set on her head. The feast was great, with all Princely * 1.334 seruices, and the state such as deserueth the report; for the Queene sitting at Table, at the right side of her Chaire, kneeled the Earle of March holding a Scepter in his hand; the Earle Marshall kneeling on the left side, held another; and the Countesse of Kent sate vnder the Table at her right foote; vpon her right hand at Table sate the Bishops of Canterbury and Winchester, and vpon the left the King of Scots, the Dutchesse of Yorke, and the Countesse of Hunting∣ton; the Nobles giuing their attendance, each man ac∣cording to his office and place.

(65) Presently, after Easter, in the month of May, a Parliament was held at Westminster, whose chiefest intent was to haue meanes to continue the Kings Conquest in France; but such was the state of those lauish times, that, to stop the current of this melting mint, some, minding more the heapes of their money, then the spreading abroad of Englands faire Monarchy, exhibited their Bils vnto the three estates in Parliament, and petitioned vnto the King, to commiserate the pouerty of the commons, which * 1.335 (as they said) were beggered by these warres. For which cause, as it seemeth, no subsidy or ayde was de∣manded, but the King againe pawning his Crowne to his vncle Beaufort, the rich Cardinall, for twenty thousand pound, before the said month was expired, * 1.336 with foure thousand horse and foure and twenty thousand foote returned into France to follow those warres.

(66) Neither was his hast more then needed: for Iohn Earle of Bucquhanan, and Archbald Dowglas, two valiant leaders of seuen hundred resolute Scots, repaired into France to ayde the Daulphin, and ioi∣ning with the French in Aniou, meant to haue surpri∣zed the Duke of Clarence before he had beene aware: * 1.337 in which enterprize, foure stragling Scots, taken and brought to his presence, * 1.338 as he sate at dinner, reuea∣led the intent and strength of the Enemy, whose ap∣proach was verie neere at hand. This newes no soo

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nesty and mercy, which shall crowne my memo∣ry with glory, and free mee from blame and slan∣der, which in long raignes can hardly be auoided: but you haue iust cause to mourne at my vntime∣ly death, and it cannot bee but a generall griefe to my people, that in such an Ocean of businesse yet depending, I shall leaue you and them destitute of a Prince able to gouern: but your sorrow ought to be so much the lesse, when you call to mind the frailty of worldly thinges, and that euermore there will bee somewhat wanting which wee desire. My first request vnto you shall bee this, that with an vnanimous affection to aduise, foresee and pro∣uide, that the counsel which I name may be follow∣ed. I further ernestly entreat you to loue my Infant Henry, to instruct him with your wisdomes, that by your counsell, care and loue, hee may be made able & worthy to weild so great an Empire. Com∣fort my deare wife, the most afflicted Creature li∣uing, extend your loues vnto her in the same pro∣portion as I haue euer loued you. Touching the publike I admonish and exhort you to brotherlie concord, and neuer to breake league with Philip Duke of Burgundie; and if you shall thinke it good, let my brother Humfrey Duke of Glocester gouerne England, and not depart vpon any occasion what∣soeuer, vntill my sonne Henry be of yeeres to sway * 1.339 the estate; and my brother Iohn Duke of Bedford with the assistance of Philip Duke of Burgundy, to manage the Realme of France. Concerning Charles (commonly called the Daulphin) either he must by your swords be made to submit himselfe, or else you shall neuer be in quiet; and it were as good to render him the possession of what you haue: wherefore sleepe not, and while you haue meanes and opportunity be industrious. Lastly, I beseech, charge, and command you, (howsoeuer time or occasion may perswade, or inuite you to the con∣trary) that Normandy receiued by my industry, and your swordes, being the ancient inheritance of the Crowne of England, be not alienated for any cause whatsoeuer.

Among other things then en∣ioined, he willed that the Duke of Orleance, the Earle of Eu, Guacourt, and Guichard de Sisay should not be ransomed, vntill yong Henry were of yeeres to go∣uerne

(82) Thus said, and drawing neere to the period of his short but glorious life; he demanded of his Phy∣sitians * 1.340 how long (in their iudgement) he might liue? wherunto when one of thē answered, Sir, thinke on your soule, for your time is not aboue 2. houres: he made his cōfession, & his Chaplains afterward knee∣ling in prayer, when one of them out of the Psalms made mention of Ierusalem, the king no sooner heard the name, but with a loud voice he said; Lord thou * 1.341 knowest, that my purpose was to conquere Ierusalem from the Infidels, if it had pleased thee to haue giuen me life: & * 1.342 then in a right faith, assured hope, perfect charity and sound memory, hee * 1.343 rendred his soule to his Creator, af∣ter hee had raigned nine yeeres, fiue monethes, and * 1.344 four∣teene dayes, leauing none like vnto him amongst all the Kings and Princes of Christendome, for which cause his death was not onely bewailed of the English, whom hee gloriously had ruled, but also of the French, whom hee had victoriously conquered. This was the manner of this triumphant Monarchs end, which moues men iust∣ly to wonder at Hector Boetius, who saith, he was * 1.345 stricken by God for sacriledge, and died miserablie: Hectors friends haue occasion to wish, that his Rea∣ders should not make that miserable iudgement, the rule and measure of crediting or discrediting his o∣ther writings, yet lamentable his end was indeed, if he perished by poison, wherof there was a vehement suspition, as Polydor Vergill hath auerred, and the car∣riage of the French affaires afterward makes it more * 1.346 then probable.

(83) His workes of pious affection were shewed in erecting the Monasteries of Bethlem & Briget, neere * 1.347 vnto his Manour of Richmond, as also his princely gifts vnto the workes and furniture of Westminster Church, besides the brotherhood of S. Giles without Creple gate London. And (which had surpassed all the rest) hee intended (such was his loue to learning, and to the place where himselfe was a learner) to haue founded in the great Castell at Oxford, a mag∣nificent Colledge for Diuines, and Students of the seuen liberall Sciences, * 1.348 the plot and ordinations of which foundation he had already drawne, and * 1.349 re∣solued to endow it with all the lands in England, be∣longing to Priors Aliens; but his vntimely death preuented both that, and many other noble workes. To leaue a domesticke testimony of his affection to Armes, hee first instituted Gartar principall King at Armes: besides other augmentations to the Or∣der of Saint George. In a word, neuer liued English King with more true glory, nor euer died any in a more vnseasonable time, nor more lamented: for he was godly in heart, sober in speech, sparing of words, * 1.350 resolute in deedes, prouident in Counsell, prudent in iudgement, modest in countenance, magnanimous in action, constant in vndertaking, a great Almesgiuer, deuout to Godward, a renowmed Souldier, fortunate in field, from whence hee neuer returned without victo∣rie. These, with many other (I might almost say, all other) vertues are attributed to this most renow∣ned amongst English Kings; the more to be admired in him in so short a raigne, and in those yeeres, hee * 1.351 being but of 36. yeers, when he breathed forth his glorious soule.

(84) His bowels were interred in the Church of Saint Mauro de Fosses, and his embalmed Corps was closed in Lead, and attended vpon by the Lords of England, France, Normandy, and Picardy, was brought vnto Paris (wherein the Church of our Lady so∣lemne exequies were performed) and thence to Ro∣uen, where it rested till all things were ready to set for∣ward for England; though the Cities of Paris and Rouen stroue, and offered great summes of gold to haue Henries royall remains enterred amongst them. His picture artificially was moulded of boiled hides, and countenance painted according to life, vpon whose head an imperiall Diademe of gold and pre∣tious * 1.352 stones was set, the body clothed with a pur∣ple robe, furred with Ermine, in his right hand it held a scepter royall, and in the left a ball of gold; in which manner it was carried in a Chariot of State, couered with red veluet, embroidered with gold, and ouer it a rich Canopie, born by men of great place. Thus accompanied by Iames King of Scotland, many Princes, Lords and Knights of England and France, he was conuaied from Rouen to Abbeuile, to Hesdin, to Menstruill, Bologn, & Calais, the Chariot al the way compassed about with men all in white garments, bearing burning Torches in their hands; next vn∣to whom followed his houshold seruants, all in blacke, and after them the Princes, Lords, and E∣states in vestures of mourning adorned; then two miles distant from the corps followed the stil lamen∣ting Queene, attended with princely mourners, her tender and plerced heart more inly mourning, then her outward sadde weedes should in any sort ex∣presse.

(85) And thus by Sea and Land the dead King was brought vnto London, where through the streets the Chariot was drawne with foure horses, whose Caparisons were richly embroidered, and embos∣sed with the royall Armes; the first with Englands Armes alone, the second with the Armes of France and England in a field quartered, the third bare the Armes of France alone, and the fourth three crowns Or in a field Azure, the ancient Armes of King Ar∣thur, now well beseeming him who had victoriously vnited * 1.353 three Kingdomes in one. The body with all pompous celebrity was enterred in the Church at Westminster (for so Henrie had by his last will com∣manded) next beneath King Edward the Confessor, vpon whose Tombe Queene Katherine caused a roi∣all picture to bee laid, couered all ouer with siluer

plate guilt, but the head thereof altogether of massy∣siluer. All which at that Abbeys suppression, (when the battering hammers of destruction did sound al∣most in euery Church) were sacrilegiously broken off, and by purloining transferred to farre prophaner vses, where, at this day, the headlesse monument, (worthy to be restored by some more Princely and sacred hand) is to be seene, and with these verses written vpon his Tombe.

Dux Normanorum, verus Conquestor eorum, * 1.354 Hares Francorum, decessit & Hector eorum.

Here Normans Duke, so stiled by Conquest iust, True Heire of France, Great Hector, lies in dust.

His Wife.

(86) Katherine, daughter to King Charles the sixt of France, vpon an agreement of peace foremen∣tioned, was married vnto King Henrie at Troyes in Champaine, Iunij 3. A. D. 1420. and after Febr. 14. was Crowned at Westminster with all solemnities. Shee was his Queene two yeeres, and about three months, and suruiuing him, was remarried vnto Ow∣en Theodore of Wales, vnto whom shee bare three sonnes, Edmund, Iasper, and Owen, and a daughter who liued not long. Owen tooke the habite of religion at Westminster, the other two by King Henry the sixt (their halfe brother,) were honorably preferred; Ed∣mund was created Earle of Richmond, and marrying Margaret, the sole heire of Iohn Beaufort Duke of Som∣merset, was father by her vnto Henry (the only heire of Lancaster,) afterwards King of England. Iasper, the second brother, was created the same yeere, Earle of Pembroke, who required his brothers kindnes with continuall assistance against the house of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and when that faction preuailed, he was forced to flie into Flanders, but it againe waning, he was both restored, and to his greater honour created Duke of Bedford, dying without any issue legittimate. This Queene, either for deuotion, or her owne safety, tooke into the Monastery of Bermondsey in South∣warke, where dying Ian. 2. A D. 1436. shee was buri∣ed in our Ladies Chappell within S. Peters Church at Westminster; whose Corps taken vp in the raigne of King Henry the seuenth her Grand-child, (when he laid the foundation of that admirable structure,) and her Coffin placed by King Henry her husbands Tombe, hath euer since so remained, and neuer rebu∣ried: where it standeth (the Couer being loose) to be seene and handled of any that will; and that by her owne appointment, saith Report, (which doth in this, as in most things, speake vntruth) in regard of her disobedience to King Henry, for being deliuered of her sonne at the place hee forbad.

His Sonne.

(87) Henry the only child of a roiall couple, borne at Windsore, and not nine months old at his fathers death, succeeded in his dominions, though not holding his Empire with the like glory. Crowned he was with the Crownes of two Kingdomes, but vnable by much to weild the scepter of one, that of France was lost by the factions of his Nobles, before it was well wonne; and Englands Crowne twice pluckt from his head before his death. Of whose aduen∣tures and variable raigne (the times when England lay goared in the blood of her ciuill warres) we shall speake in the insuing relation of his innocent, but vn∣fortunate life.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Monarch 52
• * 1.2

  Henry V.
• * 1.3

  Sutton in vit. Tit. 1. 6.
• * 1.4

  Ti. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. F•…•….
• * 1.5

  Edw. Hal.
• * 1.6

  Henry borne at Monmouth in Wales.
• * 1.7

  R•…•…cor. of Towe•…•…. 4 Hen. 5.
• * 1.8

  Ioh. Rosse 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 regi•…•….
• * 1.9

  Prince Henries Educatin.
• * 1.10

  Holinsh.
• * 1.11

  Richard Grafton.
• * 1.12

  Edward Hal.
• * 1.13

  Thom. Walsing.
• * 1.14

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 1.15

  Eccles. 2.
• * 1.16

  Ioh. Rosse.
• * 1.17

  Sir Tho. Eliot Gouernour.
• * 1.18

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 1.19

  Tho. Otterborne.
• * 1.20

  Deut. 17. 12. Exod. 21. 15.
• * 1.21

  Tho. Otterborn.
• * 1.22

  Ex Record.
• * 1.23

  Ioh. Stow.
• * 1.24

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 1.25

  An. D. 1413.
• * 1.26

  Ti•…•…. L•…•…. Tho. Walsing.
• * 1.27

  R•…•…b. Fabian.
• * 1.28

  Polyc•…•…ron.
• * 1.29

  Vpon Trinity Sunday.
• * 1.30

  Nich Vig•…•…r. in bist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eglise.
• * 1.31

  Fox in Acts and Monuments.
• * 1.32

  Oper a Ioh. H•…•…ssi To. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.33

  Thom. Walsing.
• * 1.34

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Monu∣ments.
• * 1.35

  Ouldcastle pro∣nounced an he∣retike.
• * 1.36

  Tho. Wals. Antiq. Britan.
• * 1.37

  Ex libro Wigorn.
• * 1.38

  Archbishop A∣rundels death.
• * 1.39

  See it in Foxes Martyrologie
• * 1.40

  The offers of the Lord Cobham.
• * 1.41

  Rob. Fabian.
• * 1.42

  Touching Ould∣castles innocency from Treason, see Foxes defence against Cope in Martyrologie.
• * 1.43

  Iohn Stow
• * 1.44

  Iohn Fox in Acts and Monuments.
• * 1.45

  then called Thicket fields.
• * 1.46

  See Fox at large.
• * 1.47

  Ypodig. Neust.
• * 1.48

  Tho Wals. Bishops of Saint Dauids.
• * 1.49

  Henry Chicheley made Archbi∣shop of Canter∣bury.
• * 1.50

  Thomas Walsing.
• * 1.51

  A complaint a∣gainst the Cler∣gies excesse.
• * 1.52

  Edw. Hall.
• * 1.53

  The Archbishop C•…•…ichleys oration.
• * 1.54

  Io. Serres.
• * 1.55

  The Law Salique.
• * 1.56

  touched the Germans.
• * 1.57

  but not the French.
• * 1.58

  Their claiming by the same title.
• * 1.59

  Numb. 27.
• * 1.60

  An addition.
• * 1.61

  1. Chro. 2. 34.
• * 1.62

  Lewis 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.63

  Iudg. 18.
• * 1.64

  Io. Serres.
• * 1.65

  Io. Serres
• * 1.66

  Ex Record. apud Westm.
• * 1.67

  P. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.68

  Fr. Ros•…•…en.
• * 1.69

  Enguerrant de Monstrel.
• * 1.70

  Nich. Ueg•…•…. Will Parradin. in Annal. de Bur∣goin. Ca•…•…ton Chron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.71

  Ex Record. VVest.
• * 1.72

  An. D. 1414.
• * 1.73

  Ypod. Neust.
• * 1.74

  Ex Record.
• * 1.75

  Iohn Harding. Roger VVals.
• * 1.76

  Enguerrant de Monstr•…•…l.
• * 1.77

  Holins•…•…
• * 1.78

  Ex P•…•…l. 1. H. 5.
• * 1.79

  Alain 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in A•…•…ls of Brit.
• * 1.80

  An ancient Manuscript.
• * 1.81

  Ti•…•…. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.82

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 St•…•….
• * 1.83

  Holinsh.
• * 1.84

  •…•…o. St•…•…. Annal.
• * 1.85

  Li•…•…. Original.
• * 1.86

  Harding 1500. Ioh. Stow. 1600. Holinsh. 1000. Grafton. 140. Ould. Manuscr. 1500. Caxton. 1500.
• * 1.87

  Nichol. Giles.
• * 1.88

  Titus Li•…•…l.
• * 1.89

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de ylles∣c•…•… Hist. P•…•…tif.
• * 1.90

  Platina.
• * 1.91

  Nicol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Theatr•…•… •…•…∣sal de Pr•…•….
• * 1.92

  Sebastian Munster.
• * 1.93

  Francis Goodwin vpon the liues of the Bishop.
• * 1.94

  The French glo∣rious in shew but the English conquerors.
• * 1.95

  Caxton. Chron.
• * 1.96

  The English dis∣cerned what was done in the French army. P. Aemil.
• * 1.97

  Alain B•…•…chant. •…•…n les Annales de Bretag•…•…e.
• * 1.98

  The stratagem with stakes.
• * 1.99

  Guil. Parradyn.
• * 1.100

  Tho. Walsing. The chiefe Lea∣ders of each part of the English army.
• * 1.101

  The noble abllia∣ments of King Henry in the maine Battell.
• * 1.102

  Ti•…•… Liui•…•….
• * 1.103

  The admirable and glorious sight that both armies made.
• * 1.104

  10. Serres
• * 1.105

  King Henry see∣keth to passe Callis.
• * 1.106

  Tho. Walsing.
• * 1.107

  Stowes Annal.
• * 1.108

  Tho. Wal.
• * 1.109

  Denis Sa•…•…age in Cron. Flan.
• * 1.110

  Enguerrant de Mon•…•…reles.
• * 1.111

  The English proffer Battell.
• * 1.112

  Their Archers put the enemy to the greatest harme.
• * 1.113

  Ypodig. Neust.
• * 1.114

  Enguerrant.
• * 1.115

  The wings of the French battell discomfited.
• * 1.116

  Tho. Walsing.
• * 1.117

  The English Ar∣chers giuing back the French horsemen spill themselues vpon the sharpe poin∣ted stakes.
• * 1.118

  Enguerrant de Monstrel.
• * 1.119

  Guil. Paradyn. in les Annals. de Burg.
• * 1.120

  King Henry res∣cueth his bro∣ther the Duke of Glocester.
• * 1.121

  Alenzon encoun∣tring King Henrie putteth him in some danger.
• * 1.122

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 1.123

  The French maine battell put to flight.
• * 1.124

  Pyd. Verg.
• * 1.125

  Walsinghams de∣scription of the Frenches ouer∣throw.
• * 1.126

  After some sharp execution the English shew mercy to the French.
• * 1.127

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.128

  Ypod. Neust.
• * 1.129

  Certaine French rob the Kings carriages.
• * 1.130

  They steale a Crowne and a sword and faine that King Henry is taken priso∣ner. History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.131

  Pol. Verg.
• * 1.132

  A new power of French appea∣ring, King Henrie causeth all his prisoners to bee slaine.
• * 1.133

  Enguerrant.
• * 1.134

  Ti•…•… Li•…•…
• * 1.135

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.136

  The Duke of Burgundy impri∣•…•…oneth the rob∣bers of King Hen∣ries carriages but pardons their liues at Count Charolois request. Ypodig. Nest.
• * 1.137

  King Henry ac∣knowledgeth God the g•…•…uer of victory.
• * 1.138

  God deliuereth a nation into the hands of the de∣stroier for their sinnes.
• * 1.139

  Enguer. de Mon∣streles.
• * 1.140

  Nich. Gille. Latiers volume de Cron. Franc.
• * 1.141

  The small num∣ber of English slaine. Tho. Walsing.
• * 1.142

  Ex Manuscript.
• * 1.143

  The names of great persons either slaine or taken prisoners.
• * 1.144

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.145

  Engu•…•….
• * 1.146

  Iehan Tillet. Bertrand de Argentre. La. Mer: Nichol. Giles. Legend. Fland. Chron. Fran. 3. vol.
• * 1.147

  Of S•…•…. The number of Dukes, Earles, &c. slaine.
• * 1.148

  Denis S•…•…g.
• * 1.149

  Bertrand de Arg•…•…re in hist: Bret.
• * 1.150

  Iehan Tillet.
• * 1.151

  Alain Bouchart Annal. de Bret.
• * 1.152

  Will. Parredin. Annal. de Bur∣goin.
• * 1.153

  History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.154

  5800. slaine French buried in one plat of ground.
• * 1.155

  Alain Bouchart Annal. de Bret.
• * 1.156

  History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.157

  Stowes Annal.
• * 1.158

  Grafton.
• * 1.159

  King Henry re∣turneth into England.
• * 1.160

  He and his com∣pany in danger at S•…•…. Tho. Wal.
• * 1.161

  The King is re∣ceiued o•…•… London with great state.
• * 1.162

  Caxton Chron.
• * 1.163

  All sorts both Clergy and Laity shew their affe∣ction to the King, and he to God.
• * 1.164

  Stowes Annal.
• * 1.165

  The Duke of Yorke interred at Fotheringhay. The Earle of Suf∣folke at Ewhelme.
• * 1.166

  Gonzales de ylles∣•…•… in la Hist. Pontif.
• * 1.167

  May 7. The Emperour Sigismund com∣meth into Eng∣land.
• * 1.168

  The sterne man∣ner of entertai∣ning the Empe∣rour at his lan∣ding.
• * 1.169

  VVell liked of by the Emperor.
• * 1.170

  Rich. Grafton
• * 1.171

  Paul Aemil.
• * 1.172

  The King willing∣lie heareth the Emperour for a peace.
• * 1.173

  Enguerrant de M•…•…let. Vpon an vnexpe∣cted assault by the French the King st•…•…eth fur∣ther talke of peace. A. D. 1415. March 14.
• * 1.174

  Nichol. Gilles Alain Chartier Secretarie an Roy Charles 7.
• * 1.175

  * Hist. of Norman∣die saith 800.
• * 1.176

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 1.177

  Harflew besieged by the French both by land and sea.
• * 1.178

  Enguerrant de Monstrel.
• * 1.179

  The Emperour out of hope to make attone∣ment for France entreth league with England.
• * 1.180

  Titus Liui.
• * 1.181

  The Pope might not be opposed.
• * 1.182

  Ag•…•…ino Giusti∣•…•…ano V•…•…scouo. di. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.183

  Paul. Aemil•…•… Alain Char•…•…ey. Secretarie.
• * 1.184

  French Nauy ou•…•…rthrowne.
• * 1.185

  History of Nor∣mandy. La Mer des Histo∣ries.
• * 1.186

  The Emperour applaudeth the •…•…city of Eng∣land.
• * 1.187

  He prepareth for Germany.
• * 1.188

  Denis Sauage Chro. de Fland.
• * 1.189

  The Duke of Burgundy doth homage to the Emperour and taketh a truce with K. Henrie.
• * 1.190

  Ioh. Serres in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Charles 6.
• * 1.191

  That no person should forsake the Towne, for being true to K. Henry they should be safe.
• * 1.192

  Neither person nor goods of the Castels to be re ceiued into the Towne. During the truce no assault to bee made on the Towne. 12. Knights and Esquires to bee hostage to King Henry.
• * 1.193

  A. D. 1417.
• * 1.194

  Fallais yeelded to the King.
• * 1.195

  The Articles a∣greed vpon.
• * 1.196

  That if they were not succoured by the French pow∣er, to surrender.
• * 1.197

  That they should trust to the kings royall promise, Geffrey Chasteaux excepted.
• * 1.198

  That the gouer∣nour should re∣paire the wals.
• * 1.199

  8. Gentlemen to be hostages. The Castell re∣paired, the Go∣uernour should▪ be •…•…et at liberty.
• * 1.200

  Febru. 16.
• * 1.201

  The City of Roane besieged.
• * 1.202

  Polyd. Verg.
• * 1.203

  Enguerrant de Monstre•…•….
• * 1.204

  15000. Citizens well trained within Roane.
• * 1.205

  The Riuer Seine blockt vp with I∣ron-Chaines.
• * 1.206

  Caxton. Chron.
• * 1.207

  Denis Sauage. Roane besieged sixe monthes.
• * 1.208

  50000. quite fa∣mished and 12000. almost starued put out of the Towne.
• * 1.209

  The Lady Kathe∣rines picture sent to King Henry to moue him to pit∣ty Roane.
• * 1.210

  Iohn Serres
• * 1.211

  Denis Sauage.
• * 1.212

  Enguerrant.
• * 1.213

  Ten thousand of Roane sally forth vpon King Henry, and are ouer∣throwne.
• * 1.214

  King Charles sen∣deth no succour.
• * 1.215

  The Rouennois desire a parley.
• * 1.216

  They returne vnsatisfied.
• * 1.217

  The Articles of the composition of Roane. Denis Sauage. Chron. de Flaun∣ders. King Henry re∣quireth 356000. Crownes. Enguerrant de Monstrel. Two principall persons to bee left to his mercy. All to sweare fealty to King Henry.
• * 1.218

  That their pri∣uiledges should be confirmed to them. That who so would, might de∣part, but their goods should bee forfeit. The souldiers to resigne vp their armes and de•…•… part, promising a twelue months truce.
• * 1.219

  The hungry Ci∣tizens plentifully relieued from Henries campe.
• * 1.220

  A fat mutton sould for 6. sou∣ses. King Henry roi∣ally entreth the City.
• * 1.221

  Rouen 15. yeeres before the now winning of it, was wonne by K. Philip from King Iohn of England.
• * 1.222

  Many Townes yeeld after the sorrender of Rouen.
• * 1.223

  Burgogne ende∣uoreth to make a peace betweene Charles and Henrie.
• * 1.224

  Polyd. Verg.
• * 1.225

  The place of treaty was at Melun.
• * 1.226

  The French states came first.
• * 1.227

  Henry meeteth with a thousand horse.
• * 1.228

  Their followers on both parts though enemies demeane them∣selues ciuilly.
• * 1.229

  King Henry dis plea•…•…d at their retu•…•…all. The Dukes reply.
• * 1.230

  Burgogne sideth with the •…•…ul∣phin who after ward slew him.
• * 1.231

  Ponthois besie∣ged.
• * 1.232

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.233

  The souldiers got great riches in the Towne.
• * 1.234

  King Charles vpon the lo•…•…e o•…•… Po•…•… th•…•… flieth from Paris.
• * 1.235

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.236

  Guillart and Rochguien two of the best Forts in Normandy.
• * 1.237

  A cunning plot of the Constable Armagnac.
• * 1.238

  2. Sam. 17.
• * 1.239

  Queene Isabell robd of her Iew∣els and plate.
• * 1.240

  The Daulphin drawes the King to suspect Queen Isabell.
• * 1.241

  A•…•…ls of Bur∣gundy.
• * 1.242

  Queene Isabel and her sister imprisoned.
• * 1.243

  Shee solliciteth Burgogne for her deliuerance.
• * 1.244

  Burgogne sendeth to the Queene.
• * 1.245

  The manner of her escape from her keepers.
• * 1.246

  Shee is made Regent of France.
• * 1.247

  10. Serres The causes why the French were the easier con∣quered by king Henry.
• * 1.248

  Eccles. 2. 19.
• * 1.249

  The occasion of King Charles di∣stemper.
• * 1.250

  Orleance newly married is in loue with another.
• * 1.251

  C•…•… dismist the Court for telling the Dutchesse of the incontinen∣cy of her hus∣band.
• * 1.252

  King Charles pur∣sueth Craon into Britaine.
• * 1.253

  Notwithstan∣ding his sicknes he continueth his iourney.
• * 1.254

  Charles in the forrest, at Noon∣day seeth an ap∣parition.
• * 1.255

  His followers thronging con∣fusedly to helpe doe distemper him the more.
• * 1.256

  He runneth di∣stractiuely at euery one with his sword.
• * 1.257

  Iohn Duke of Burgogne suspe∣cted of the State.
• * 1.258

  Charles the Daul∣phin seeketh his remouall.
• * 1.259

  Iohn Serres.
• * 1.260

  Burgogne repai∣ring to the Daul∣phin, is charged with breach of promise.
• * 1.261

  He is slaine by Tanneguy de Cha∣stel and others.
• * 1.262

  Queene Isabel incites his sonne, to reuenge it, and moues Charles to disin∣herite the Daul∣phin and adopt King Henry.
• * 1.263

  Guil. Parradyn.
• * 1.264

  A peace conclu∣ded betweene K. Henry, K. Charles, and the new Duke of Bu•…•…gogne:
• * 1.265

  King Henrie solli∣cites the Pope to confirme him King of France.
• * 1.266

  The Calamities of France for withstanding the right of the Eng∣lish.
• * 1.267

  La legende des Flamens.
• * 1.268

  The Pope stood for the Daulphin.
• * 1.269

  Alain Chartier. Enguerrant de Monstrel.
• * 1.270

  Ambassadors from King Henry
• * 1.271

  History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.272

  Ladie Katherine attended as Queene of Eng∣land. Henry goeth in person to Troyes.
• * 1.273

  History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.274

  The Articles a∣greed vpon be∣twixt the two kings.
• * 1.275

  Queene Kathe∣rines Dowry.
• * 1.276

  The Crowne of France intailed to England.
• * 1.277

  The gouern∣ment of France assigned to King Henrie.
• * 1.278

  The subiects of France sworne to King Henry.
• * 1.279

  The tenor of the oath.
• * 1.280

  Churches, Vni∣uersities and Colledges to enioy their liber∣ties.
• * 1.281

  Normandy to be vnder the Crown of France.
• * 1.282

  Letter, Grant, gifts, &c. signed by King Charles.
• * 1.283

  And by King Henry.
• * 1.284

  King Henries stile du•…•…ing King Charles his life.
• * 1.285

  The vnion of the Crownes.
• * 1.286

  The vnion of the Subiects.
• * 1.287

  No peace with the Daulphin.
• * 1.288

  The punishment of the peace∣breakers.
• * 1.289

  Holinsh. The testies of these Articles. Wil. Parradin. Annals of Burg.
• * 1.290

  Titus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sets downe his Oath verbatim.
• * 1.291

  Enguerrant. Nicholas Vigneur.
• * 1.292

  Hollinsh.
• * 1.293

  King Henry mar∣ried to Ladie Ka∣theri•…•….
• * 1.294

  History of Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.295

  Hollinshed: but Polyd. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a•…•…th, this speech was deliuered before at their swearing of fealty.
• * 1.296

  Polyd. Verg.
• * 1.297

  King Henries O∣ration vnto the States of France.
• * 1.298

  Polyd. Verg.
• * 1.299

  The Daulphins counterplots to vphold himselfe.
• * 1.300

  Denis Sauage in Chro. de Fland.
• * 1.301

  Enguerrant de Monstrel.
• * 1.302

  Monstreau besee∣ged and gotten.
• * 1.303

  Io. Millet
• * 1.304

  Holinsh.
• * 1.305

  Tis. Linius Melun beseeged and gotten.
• * 1.306

  Enguerrant. King Henry figh∣teth in single Combat.
• * 1.307

  Translator of Liuie.
• * 1.308

  Enguerrant
• * 1.309

  The French re∣fuse to submit to their owne King.
• * 1.310

  Nichol. Giles.
• * 1.311

  Paris yeelded vp to King Henry.
• * 1.312

  Dat. 23. Iuly. An 1420. Denis Sauage. Picardy sweares fealty to King Henry.
• * 1.313

  Enguerrant.
• * 1.314

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.315

  Enguerrant.
• * 1.316

  A noble exam∣ple of Iustice.
• * 1.317

  Iohn Millet.
• * 1.318

  Iohn Millet
• * 1.319

  The two Kings entred Paris.
• * 1.320

  The two Queens enter Paris.
• * 1.321

  Denis Sauage.
• * 1.322

  Millet.
• * 1.323

  Enguerrant de Monstr.
• * 1.324

  The two Kings sit personally in iudgement.
• * 1.325

  Processe against the murtherers of the Duke of Burgundy.
• * 1.326

  Iohn Serres.
• * 1.327

  The Daulphin ci∣ted to appeere, and disinherited.
• * 1.328

  King Henry him∣selfe giues sen∣tence iudicially.
• * 1.329

  Holinsh A quirke of He∣raldy to ouer∣throw a Iudiciall sentence.
• * 1.330

  A Parliament at Paris. Holinsh.
• * 1.331

  Where they yet remaine, saith Hollinsh. p 578.
• * 1.332

  King Henry re∣turneth into England.
• * 1.333

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.334

  Ex Antiq. M. S. D. Roberti Cotton.
• * 1.335

  Ex. Record. Parl. 9. Hen. 5.
• * 1.336

  The King paw∣neth his Crowne for money. Pontus Herterm.
• * 1.337

  Alain Chartier.
• * 1.338

  Vpon Easter Eue.
• * 1.339

  Enguerrant de Monstrelet.
• * 1.340

  Enguerrant de Monstr.
• * 1.341

  His death.
• * 1.342

  Tho. Wals.
• * 1.343

  Augusti 30. Fabian.
• * 1.344

  Some reckon but 11. dayes, Stow addeth fiue monethes more.
• * 1.345

  Boet. l. 16. c. 19.
• * 1.346

  Polydor.
• * 1.347

  Ioh. Stow. A•…•…ls. His works of deuotion.
• * 1.348

  Ioh. Rossus.
• * 1.349

  Th. Gascoign in Dict. Theolog.
• * 1.350

  Tho. Wals.
• * 1.351

  Stow. Annal.
• * 1.352

  The manner of his bringing into England.
• * 1.353

  France, England, Ireland.
• * 1.354

  Legend des Flamens.