The Ottoman of Lazaro Soranzo VVherein is deliuered aswell a full and perfect report of the might and power of Mahamet the third, great Emperour of the Turkes now raigning: together with the interestes and dealinges which he hath with sondrie other princes, what hee is plotting against the state of Christendome, and on the other side what we may practise and put in execution against him to his great damage and annoyaunce. As also a true description of diuers peoples, countries, citties and voyages, which are most necessarie to bee knowen, especially at this time of the present warre in Hungarie. Translated out of Italian into English, by Abraham Hartvvell.

The second part. (Book 2)

Wherein is treated of the purposes and Designments which the Ottoman Princes haue towards other princes: Of the cause of this present warre in Hungarie; the begin∣ning and proceeding thereof: wherein for your better vnderstanding, the originall of the said warre shall be fetched, euen from Amurath, the father of this now liuing Mahomet. (Book 2)

NOw that we haue seene the nature and conditions of Mahomet, the heade and chiefe of this Ottoman Empire, and what are the members, strength, and forces of this most monstrous bodie, as

I may call it: fit and conuenient it is: that for the full and perfect knowledge thereof, we should goe about to search the purposes and designements, which the said Mahomet hath against other Princes, and specially against the Princes Christian: to the end we may the better vnderstand the true causes of this present warre, togither with the beginning and pro∣ceedings thereof. But forasmuch as this warre be∣gan, euen in the time of Amurath, father to the now liuing Emperour, it will be necessarie for our better intelligence to speake somewhat of him, and to fetch the true originall of the said war euen from thence: wherewithall there shal be also discouered vnto you more plainly, all the greatest interests and dealings which hee hath with the rest of the Princes in the world.

§ I.

ANd to begin the same accordingly Amurath, the Lord and Emperour of the Turkes father to the now liuing Mahomet,* 1.1 was a prince (of a Ma∣hometane) verie tollerable and discrete. He was a zealous obseruer of that most vaine superstition of the Mushaphum, (for so the Turkes call the Booke of their law,* 1.2 as the Arabians tearme it the Al-koran: that is to say most wickedly, as it were by excellen∣cie, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Scripture, as though there were none other Scripture like it: euen as the Iewes and Hebrewes call the holy Scriptures, Kara.) He took great delight also in reading the Hystories of his predecessours, as Selim the first did the Hystories

of Alexander the great,* 1.3 and of Iulius Caesar: and be∣cause he was so studious in Philosophie, he was cal∣led by the Turkes in mockage, Bongi, as Baiazet the second was also called in the same respect. Hee was no drinker of wine, as his father Selem was. In the pleasures of sensualitie, which are so familiar and tol∣lerable among the Turks, he was rather cōtinent, thē otherwise, especially in that most abhominable sin of lecherie, and chiefly for many yeares before the end of his life. Moreouer, if a man that is a niggard & a∣varicious, may be called a louer of iustice, he was a great louer of that iustice which is known amōg the barbarians: very careful & desirous he was likewise to vnderstand al the affairs of other princes, but aboue all other things, most exact & perfit in the knowlege of his owne estate: insomuch as he had a perticular memoriall of all his businesse, of all his reuenues or∣dinarie and extraordinarie, and of all his expences, which he kept in a booke appointed by him for that purpose, and layd continually vpon a little table in his owne priuie Chamber, and came (as it were) by inheritance to the now great Turke, euen as that of Augustus came to Tiberius the Emperour. And it may be peraduenture, that by reason of these his too diligent occupations and businesses, or rather in deed by his naturall inclination, he was for the most part verie full of melancholie: which besides that it made him somewhat still and sparing of speech, and oftentimes irkesome and tedious to himselfe, it also procured him to be exceedingly suspitious of any matter:* 1.4 so that to lighten and quicken himselfe, hee did vse sometimes to take Opium: for the Turkes do

hold opinion, that the said Simple or Drugge doth breed a good colour, and reioyce the heart, as also that he who hath once eaten of it, cannot any more abstaine from it. He entertained likewise in his Ser∣raglioes many Dwarffes and many dumbe persons, whom hee would cause to fight togither one with another, to the end hee might take some pleasure in the sight of so vaine a pastime. Hee made warre ra∣ther for religion and exercise of his people, then for that he was giuen to warre by Nature: and that also he folowed not by himselfe, but alwayes by his Of∣ficers. For he would still glorie to himselfe, that hee had enlarged the confines of his Empire, euen as farre as the Caspian sea, only by his owne wit and ad∣uise, and by the execution and exployte of his saide Captaines: a matter which his predecessors could neuer performe or bring to passe in their owne per∣sons. He warred for the space of fifteene or sixteene yeares with Mahomet Codabenda king of Persia, sonne to Sha Tamas, who was the sonne of Ismael: and with Abas, that liueth at this day, whom some doe falsly call the Miriza:* 1.5 for Miriza is the proper title of the eldest sonne to the king of Persia, called Sophi, but is not in deed the title of the king himself. He was wont to say that he had fully resolued with himselfe neuer to cōclude peace with him, vntil he had takē Casbin, which now is the seate royall of the Persian kinges:* 1.6 & that for two causes. One was to recouer the ashes of that Baiazet, who was sonne to Sultan Soliman, and fled to Tamas to auoid the indignation of his father, but was put to death by the same Tamas, to the end he might by that meanes be reconciled to Soliman.

The other cause was to ruinate and vtterly destroy the Sepulchre of Arduelle, father to Ismael, the Au∣thour of the Persian sect or religion:* 1.7 who was called Sophi, either of the Greeke worde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (that is to say wise) as though he had beene discended from the auncient Magi, or Wise-men of Persia: or because he was accounted and esteemed to be a Wise-man, (as also for the same reason Sempronius was so called) or else of the Arabian worde Sophi, which signifieth wooll, because all the Persians doe weare a Tulpante on their heades, not of verie fine linnin cloath as the Turkes doe, but (to make shew of greater reli∣gion) made of Woll,* 1.8 died into a red colour, where∣vpon they are by the Turkes tearmed in mockage, Keselbassi, that is to say, Red-heades, or Red-Cappes: that thereby they might make a difference from the Tartarians of Zegatai, in times past called the Bactria∣ni, and dwelling beyond the Caspian sea, who be∣cause they professe themselues to be of the right and true discent of Mahomet,* 1.9 doe vse to weare it of a greene colour, and thereupon are called Ieschilbassi, i. Greene Cappes.

Now by the way: A Tulpante, and a Tocca is all one, and signifieth that Globe or Sphere,* 1.10 full of Circles, great and small, which are in the many turnings and wreathings of those Linnen Rolles, which the Graecians of this time do call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and serueth them both for a Cap, and a Hood. And indeed properly it should be called a Turbante, of the round shape thereof, tearmed by the Greekes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 growing sharpe in the top like vnto a Sugerloafe, or a Cypres tree, as the Turkes were wont to weare it at the first: but now they weare it more round. And thereupon it may be peraduen∣ture

called in the holy Scriptures Pomum (that is to say, an Apple) namely in the 79. Psalme, where King Dauid bewayling the taking of the Citie Ierusalem, sayth, The Temple of the Lord was giuen into the custodie of Apples according to the vulgar and common translation, which place certaine Writers not without some reason haue interpreted to be ment of the Turkes. And so likewise it may be, that not of Constantinople, but of the Persian Kingdome, the Red-Apple is to be vnderstood, which the Ottoman Emperour shall bring into his subiection, before he be vtterly subdued by the sworde of the Christians, as is to be red in the Turkish Oracle or Prophecie (if so it may be called) and is now a long time knowne to euery man,* 1.11 and is by diuerse men diuersly interpreted Others there are, that would expound the Turbante to be a Symbole or token of Fortitude: whereby those that do weare the same should be admonished, that when they go to the warres they should not thinke to returne; but therein gloriously to die, whiles they may remember that they carry with them the Syndon or winding sheete, wherein they vse to wrap their dead car∣kasses. The Giannizzaries do not weare the Turbante,* 1.12 but a Zercola, which is of white Felt, and is iumpe of the same fashion and shape, as may be seene in diuerse pictures, to make a difference from the rest of the Turks, that weare it of a red colour.

§ II.

ANd now to returne againe.* 1.13 At the last Amurath was pacified with the Persian: but weary he was and so were his people also, of so long a warre, and therefore he might be well contented with this pa∣cification

considering especially that hee had con∣quered so much Countrey, and atchieued so great glorie withall. Moreouer he thought also, that by ths meanes hee might the more soundly establish his state, and better secure the new Inhabitants, which he had planted in his new conquered coun∣treyes, by distributing among them all the Timari, that were to be raysed thereof, and by building di∣uerse fontes therein, which should be cited and sea∣ted in such maner as one of them might easily helpe and succour the other.

§. III.

VVHiles Amurath thus enioyed this peace, from which as being a man giuen to stu∣die and Melancholie, he did not of himselfe greatly abhorre, he was counselled and aduised by his Visiers to renue the warre.

Now these Visiers are the chiefe counsellers of warre,* 1.14 and of estate: and the councell or assembly of these men, is called by the Turkes Diuano, as hath beene before de∣clared, and not Capi,* 1.15 that is to say, the Porta, which pro∣perly is the Court; wherein is also in diuerse other thinges the Turkes do imitate and follow the Persians, who (as ye may read in Xenophon) did call the Court by that name.

The reasons wherby they moued & aduised him to renue the warre,* 1.16 were these. Namely, that great Empires & states cānot be maintained without the helpe of force and armes: that as long as the com∣mon wealth of Rome kept warres with the Carthage∣nians,

and the Emperours of Rome in Germanie, that Empire lasted and continued. That so likewise had the Ottoman Emperours done in times past, who doe not holde the end of warre to bee peace, as the Princes of Christendome, and other weake princes doe, but they take the onely ende of warre to bee warre, whereby the Turkes haue not onely ampli∣fied and enlarged their Empire to that huge great∣nesse, wherein now it is, but haue also kept their sub∣iects occupied and busied: and so haue diuerted them from ciuill seditions and insurrections, which for the most part are bred & nourished by ease and idlenesse. To be short, that the subiects, whiles they continue in peace, some grow to be cowards, some apply themselues too greedily to trades and traffike, and some to spoyling and robberie, insomuch that thereby there will be vtterly lost the knowledge of the Sea-warres, which hath now a long time beene almost abandoned, and of the land-warre also, if for any long space they should ceasse to make warres. And consequently they should want Captaines, and valiant or hardie Souldiers, because the onely vse of war doth inure men to become good warriours, and maketh them exceedingly couragious. And certaine it is, that matters which are atchieued and gotten, are preserued by the same meanes whereby they be gotten.

Besides these Visiers and Bassaes, that laboured to perswade him hereunto, in regard of their owne interest and benefite, especially the two concurrents and opposites Sinan and Ferat, who without warres were held in no great credite, or account, nor could

enrich themselues according to the greedie desires of the Barbarians: their were also the Agentes of Fraunce, of England, and of the Prince of Geilan, which endeuoured to perswade the same, by such reasons, as shall be tolde you in due place.

§ IIII.

BVt Amurath would not resolue vpon any thing:* 1.17 not because he was not perswaded to make war, but because hee was not throughly certified, what aduantage would grow vnto him by mouing war, rather against one prince then against another: & so much the rather, for that the Visiers did differ in their seuerall counsailes and aduises among themselues. And for as much as their sundrie opinions did com∣prehend the chiefest and most principall interests of the world and specially of Christendom: I thought with my selfe, that it woulde bee a matter not dis∣pleasing to such as willingly shal read this discourse, to relate them all in particular, and with such good order and facilitie, as the reports themselues, and the pronunciation of that barbarous tongue will suffer me. And so by that meane I shall giue you a more full and certaine knowledge of the Ottoman affaires,* 1.18 and therewithall note also vnto our Princes the pur∣poses and designements of that tyrant, not onely to the ende that they might in time looke about them, and bethinke themselues of fit remedies for the same, but also the sooner resolue, valiantly to band themselues togither in one, for the vanqui∣shing and ouerthrow of him.

§ V.

THeir opinions were eight in number. The first:* 1.19 that in any case the warre should be renued a∣gaynst the Persian. The second: that they should rather bend their forces against the king of Fez, and Morocco. The third: against the Isle of Malta. The fourth: agaynst the king of Spaine. The fift: against the state of Venice. The sixt: agaynst Italie. The seuenth: agaynst Polonia. And lastly, the eight a∣gainst the Emperours.

§ VI.

THe reasons of their seueral opinions were these.* 1.20 And first, touching the renuing of the warre a∣gainst Persia (a kingdom which the Turks comprise vnder the name of Azemia:) they argued, that when soeuer the king should see the great Turk entangled in other enterprises, he wold surely break the peace, as well for the recouerie of his Country, which was lost with smal honour & credite, as also to be reuen∣ged at one time or other, of all the olde griefes and iniuries that he had receyued of the Ottoman Em∣perours. That hee should be prouoked thereunto and assisted therein by the Christian Princes, and specially by the king of Spaine, who could verie wel doe it by the way of the Indies, and by sending vnto him (as at sundry other times he had done) enginers, Gunners, and such other helpes. That the Countrey was not yet well setled, the fortresses were new, and

the Inhabitants (lately planted) in great danger, and somewhat too farre off, to be relieued in time. That if the Persians would do nothing else, but ransacke and forrage the Champaine, the said Inhabitantes should be compelled and inforced to yeeld and giue place, vnlesse they would perish for hunger. That not to atchieue or obtaine, but to prosecute and fol∣low a victorie, is the true glorie. That the Turke should take good heede, not to offend the great pro∣phet Mahomet, nor to moue him to indignation or wrath, considering that he had obtained greater vic∣tories agaynst the enemies of his Religion, then euer his predecessors had obtained in former times: and therefore it was fit and conuenient, and it was also the dutie of a religious and thankefull prince, not to omit the iniuries that were done both to God and man. There was added to this, that Vsbegh-Han had voluntarily offered to serue him in this warre, and so had the prince of Geilan also.

This Vsbegh-Han, is the Prince of those Tartarians,* 1.21 that dwell at the furthest ende of Persia, in that part which the Turkes do call at this day Bahera, in olde time Bactra, and are called Ketzie-Bassi,* 1.22 because they weare Caps co∣vered with felt. It is not long ago since the said Vsbegh died, and left behind him a sonne, who may now be about some twelue yeares of age.* 1.23 Geilan, is also a Countrey more toward the East of the Caspian sea.

Moreouer, that he need not to make any doubt of victorie, considering the good successe that he hath had heretofore. That hee had no cause to feare their Harquebuses: for they had but few, and the Turkes can better handle them then the Persians: nor yet

their horses, although they were of the Arabian and Caramanian race, the relikes of Amurath the second, for they had many times and often bin put to flight for verie cowardise. And lastly, that hee could not doubt, least the Gurgini (so doe the Turkes call the Georgiani,* 1.24 in times past the Iberi) should make any stirre in aide and fauour of the Persians. For part of them are his owne Subiects, and vnder the iurisdic∣tion of the Bassaes of Teflis, and of other places there∣abouts, after they were made Bassalucches by Musta∣pha: part also of them are his tributaries: and it is well knowne, that the rest are contented to liue vn∣der their Lordes, Simon and Alessandro, without at∣tempting to seek better fortunes, but to defend their owne Countrie. Which although it be but small, and not verie hard to be kept and defended, yet is it verie strong by situation, and almost vnpassible, for the Mountaines, for the Woods, and for the straite places that compasse it about.

§ VII.

TOuching the second opinion,* 1.25 which was for the bending of their forces against the Siriffo in Africa, it was thus debated. That it was a great dis∣honour to the Ottoman Empire, that they had not as yet ouerthrowne and subdued those Moores. That it was as great a shame, that they had so small a por∣tion in Africa, considering that it was the third part of the world, and being so neare vnto Italie, did so greatly vexe and trouble the Romanes. That Algier and Tunise would neuer be secure, nor the Subiects

and Sea-rouers thereof satisfied, vntill they had got∣ten the full rule and dominion of that kingdome.* 1.26 That if they wholy reduce into their power and possession the Cape of Aguero, and the Hauen of Araza or Larace (which indeede is situate without the straite, and not within it as some haue written) places verie fit and conuenient for the English, that get many booties in those seas, as also for diuerse o∣thers both friends and enemies to the Moores, the Turkish nauigation should be thereby the more se∣cured. That this king of the Moores, although he be a Mahometane, and a Tributarie to the Ottoman Em∣pire, yet verie lately he had held secrete intelligence with the King of Spaine, and also with the knights of Malta, who by means thereof were like to to haue taken Tripoli: and that hee had likewise maintained and assisted the insurrection of Marabut, and of his successour.* 1.27 That though he were mightie for men, yet he was poore in mony. And lastly that although the Spaniards do holde in Africa,* 1.28 Maraschebir, Oran, the Pegnon, Tanger, Arsilla, Mazagan, and Ceuta, or Septa and therefore may combine themselues with the Moores to the great domage of the Turkes: yet notwithstanding they might bee brideled with an Armada of shippes, and by passing also if need were, euen into Spaine.* 1.29 And withall, that the examples of Tunise, and Goletta, which was held to be impreg∣nable, and yet was taken by Sinan, to his exceeding glorie, were so fresh in memorie, that they could not choose but remember them.

§ VIII.

TOuching the third opinion,* 1.30 which was for the sending of an Armada to conquer the Isle of Malta, it was said: that considering the Mahome∣tanes, both in their traffikes, and also in their pilgri∣mages,* 1.31 as they went to Mecca, receiued most nota∣ble losses by the Gallies of those knightes: the great Turke ought to commaund that in any case order might be taken to secure that voyage, not onely for religions sake, but also to bee auenged of the trespas∣ses and wrongs alreadie done vnto them, or rather to recouer the glorie of Soliman, who in vain, and with∣out any good successe attempted to surprise it. That all the Subiects cried out and Exclaimed for the in∣larging and deliuerie, some of their friends, & some of their kinsfolkes that were there in captiuitie: say∣ing, that so did their forefathers,* 1.32 when they spoyled and depriued the same knights of the Isle of Rhodes, the chiefe fortresse and defence of the Christians in the East. Moreouer, that they deserued due chastice∣ment also, aswell because they had furnished those that rebelled against the grand Turke in Africa, with munition of warre: as also because they endeuou∣red to surprize Modone on a sodaine.

§ IX.

TOuching the fourth opinion,* 1.33 which was to moue warres against the King of Spaine, it was said: that if the Ottoman Empire were de∣termined

to attaine the Monarchie of the whole world, it was not possible to be atchieued, vnlesse the mightines of that Prince were first weakened, who without al doubt was the greatest both for state and riches that Christendome had. That it could not be feared least the said King of Spaine should assault Algieri,* 1.34 for that it was now a great deale better forti∣fied then it was in the time of Crai the Spaniard: (for so by a Sclauoinetearme,* 1.35 the Turks of the Court do call Charles the fift.) That although Spaine should take courage to enterprise such a matter, in regarde of the losses which it receyueth continually by the Pyrates of Africa, yet it would be restrained from so doing for verie feare, least it should bring an Arma∣da of enemies into those seas, who might peraduen∣ture endomage it greatly. That the Spanish Gallies would not hazard themselues to come into the Le∣uante, because they woulde not bee so farre from home. Moreouer, that the resolutions of that King, either in regard of his many businesses, or in some other respect are verie slowe. And as it is manifestly seene by that which they did at Preuesa, and Naua∣rino, the Spaniards doe vtterly refuse euen for their owne commoditie and benefite to encounter with the Ottoman forces. That the said King of Spaine walketh with great cōsideration: for (if it be true) in the latter end of the Persian war, he denied to aid the king of Persia, when hee might haue succoured him as before he had done. That although he would per∣aduenture stirre in defence of himselfe, and his state against the Turkish forces, yet he could not so doe in deede: considering that he is so greatly occupied in

the maintenance of Flanders,* 1.36 and recouerie of the lowe Countries▪ which are verie strong both in re∣garde of the Sea flouds, and of the many riuers that are therein: and so much the more troubled hee is, by reason of the obstinate and constant resolution of that people, for the preseruation of their libertie and religion: and likewise in respect of the great en∣mitie which is betweene that king and the Queene of England, who doth greatly ease that warre, by troubling him in his state of Portugall, by intercep∣ting his treasures of the Iudies, and by sacking his kingdomes, as particularly she did at the Groine, which is a place of verie great importance to annoy Spaine, to disturbe the nauigation of the Indies, and also to attempt diuers other places in that other nauigation of the Ocean. Moreouer, that he was so farre interessed in the wars of France, that he could not wholy turne himselfe any whither else.* 1.37 To bee short: that suppose he be reconciled, and at peace with the said princes, so that with more safetie and ease hee might attend this principall enterprise in tended against him, yet might the Turke damnifie him in his Spices and other Marchandizes, yea, and (if neede were) he might diuert him into the Red-sea, otherwise called the Persian Gulfe, by meanes of the Gallies, that lie so conueniently and commodi∣ously for that purpose at Suez: or hee might sur∣prise some good fortresse of his, as was attempted a∣gainst the Portingales for Diu, and Ormuz, and as Alfonso d' Albuguerque, the Portugall Viceroy in the Indies, thought once to haue done,* 1.38 when he meant to haue stollen away the bones of Mahomet, by a

sodaine incursion into the Countrey with certaine light horsemen, euen as farre as Mecca: and as it was done at other times, while the Soldans reigned: and also as Tratan the Emperour was minded to haue done in his time. Againe, that the passages into A∣frica might be much troubled, especially if the Turke would set vpon the Spanish coast in the Mid-land sea, which would bee a great contentment to the subiects, who doe continuallie make humble peti∣tion and supplication for it, as well in regard of the safetie of their traffique and pilgrimages, as also that the poore Moores might once bee deliuered from the dominion of the Spaniard,* 1.39 as Selim at the lest was perswaded to haue done. And so much the ra∣ther, for that the said Moores, who are now multi∣plied into a great number, although they keepe close both for feare, & also for their traffique, where∣by they are growen to bee verie rich, yet as well by nature, as also for Religion, doe beare a mortall ha∣tred against the Spaniards. Moreouer, that this course might easily bee performed by reason of the conueniencie of the hauens in Africa, which lie neer at hand: and also because the said Princes of Fraunce and England, haue offered to continue their warres, with him: the King of France, by disquieting him in the parts of Nauarra, for the chalenge which hee hath thereunto: and the Queene of England (as it hath beene said) not onely by setting vpon him in the West Indies, and in the Ocean, which she may doe both by North and by West, but also by raising againe some new stirres in Portugall, where there doth not want great store of Mal-contents. For that

people doth thinke, that with the losse of their last king, they haue also lost all their wealth and prospe∣ritie: because that as vnder his gouernment they grew rich by the peace that he intertained with the said princes of France and England: so vnder the Spani∣ards dominion they do find, that by the warres they liue in continuall perils and daunger. Againe, there be many banished and discontented persons, not onely of the kingdome of Portugall, but also of the kingdome of Aragon in France, in England, and in Constantinople, who togither with many Moores, (which also were in Constantinople) haue offered many aydes and helpes both secretly and openly: and haue promised that the enterprise will be verie easie, when so euer Spaine shall be set vpon, especi∣ally if it bee done vpon a sudden. For the greatest part of that kingdome doth want the vse of militarie knowledge:* 1.40 because the people of that Countrey do not applie themselues to armes, neither are there a∣ny ordinarie bands of Souldiers ouer all the realme: and but a small number of horses neither. Moreouer, that the Subiects, which Spaine sendeth forth into the Indies, into Flanders, and into Italie, are so ma∣nie in number,* 1.41 as they doe greatly weaken it: yea, so much, that if occasion should so fall out, it should not onely want helpe of their owne, but also should stand in need to be relieued with the ayde and assi∣stance of other states that are neere vnto them, and subiects of the same crowne, who peraduenture would proue to be of no great good seruice, and so much the lesse, because they may easily be stopped, and diuerted some other way.

§ X.

THe fift opinion,* 1.42 was to breake the peace with the state of Venice: For this said they, which en∣deuoured to perswade the great Turks mind there∣unto, rather with apparent reasons, then with such as were true in deede: (though peraduenture, euery man easily beleeuing that which he desireth, they might seeme verie probable and likely to the Turkes:) that no enterprise happily would proue lesse hard and difficult then this, as it might be found by the expe∣rience and examples of such actions as had passed heretofore: especially seeing the Turkes not many yeares agoe hauing warred with the Venetians, and surprised somewhat of theirs, had receiued many and great satisfactions at their hands to make peace with them. That the said Common-wealth & State of Venice, accounting peace to be the end wherat it shooteth, it should seeme that the people is time∣rous and cowardly, and by their ancient ordinances and customes, do neuer prepare themselues to war, but when they are drawne vnto it by force: that per∣aduenture they will thinke to be ouercome, before they looke for it, as it fell out with them for the king∣dome of Cyprus. That if the said state would make resistance by it selfe alone, perhaps it hath not forces sufficient: if ioyned in confederacie with others,* 1.43 it could not performe any great matter in haste, by reason of the many difficulties, that depend vppon leagues: and namely of the seuerall cogitations and interestes, wherewith the Spanish king is now in∣tangled:

in regard whereof it was inforced at last to make peace with Selem. Moreouer, that it was a hard matter, if not impossible, that the said king, being so greatly occupied in his other warres, could at this time ioyne in league with that state: and also that without him all other confederacies, to ake warre by Sea, were of no importaunce or consideration. And as for the Pope, though it be very likely, that he will do al that possibly he can do,* 1.44 to keepe the Chri∣stian princes from annoying the said state, but ra∣ther will aduertise and admonish them to ayde and succour it: yet the most that he can doe himselfe is onely that he may yeeld it some assistance, either of moneys, or of some Ecclesiasticall profites, or else peraduenture hee may send to ioyne with their Ar∣mada, his fiue Gallies, which togither with the Gal∣lies of Malta, of Sauoy, and of Florence, can make no mo but twentie in all, at the most. And besides, that the said state of Venice hath not happily that good intelligence, with all the rest of the Christian prin∣ces, which in such a case were needfull for it, (but the Turkes are therein greatly deceiued.) And to be short, seeing it hath spent great store of golde in dis∣charging the debtes of the Treasurie, whereinto it had runne by the last warres, and by building many fortresses, it will be found peraduenture not so well prouided and furnished with money. And last∣ly, that all that state being verie full of forts, it is im∣possible at one time to keepe them all well fenced, and sufficiently strengthned.* 1.45

But for as much, as it seemed, that the greatest part of the Visiers did concurre in this opinion, but yet varied a∣mong

themselues, how to attempt this enterprise: I will set downe their differences in particularitie.

Sinan the Albanian,* 1.46 of Topoiano, a town of the San∣giaccheship of Preseremo, who died the last yeare of a naturall death, but peraduenture somewhat dis∣contented, because the warre of Hungary succeeded not according to his mind: (and yet some thinke ra∣ther that he died of poyson:) hee perswaded, that Corfu should be attempted, vnder the pretence of 3. hundred Duckats a yeare, due to the Emperiall Chamber of Turkie,* 1.47 euer since the yeare 1537: for La Bastia, because it was yeelded to the Corfiottes but vpon that condition.

La Bastia is a wast and desert place, being vnder a towne of the Turkes in Epirus,* 1.48 twelue miles right ouer a∣gainst Corfu, neare to the Salt pittes, which are in the Turkes possession at the mouth of the riuer Calamatta: and is the principall port and Staple for the Marchan∣dizes, which come from a great part of Greece, to bee im∣barked at Corfu.

But in verie deed Sinan endeuoured to perswade this attempt, because the Fortresse of Corfu was thought to be vnuanquishable, both by Nature and by Arte: and hee being exceedingly ambicious to atchieue the name and title of a great Conquerour, was so bold and hardie, especially vpon the exployte which he did at Goletta, as to promise to himselfe a verie easie conquest of this also: as in truth hee did not sticke to vaunt that he could performe it, when he passed by Corfu,* 1.49 in his victorious returne from the enterprice of Goletta.

Ferat, who was called Carailam, that is to say, the

Black-Serpent,* 1.50 and died also the last yeare, being by Mahomet caused to bee strangled: (how wisely and considerately, I leaue to the iudgement of those that vnderstand matters of state better then I do.) For he was accused to haue practised intelligence with the Tartarian of Crimo, that he should refuse to come to the Turkish campe, because Ferat himselfe was not Generall thereof: and to haue endeuoured also a reconciliation for Michael the Vaiuode, and the Trāsiluaniā, both at one time, by giuing the court to vnderstād that they had not rebelled for any hatred which they caried indeed against the Turks, but ra∣ther vpon an indignation conceiued agaynst Sinan. Al which he laboured onely of purpose to bring the said Sinan into disgrace, whom hee helde to bee his most capitall enemie, because hee was made Masul,* 1.51 that is to say, hee was degraded, for the tumult and stirre that fel out betweene the Iannizzaries and the Spahoglanes, at the circumcision of the now-reigning Turke. This Ferat aduised, that Catharo should bee conquered,* 1.52 because he thought that the saide For∣tresse did keepe Castell Nuouo (as it were) in bon∣dage, and that it was the principall key of Dalmatia, of the Adriatike Sea, and of Venice.* 1.53 And also that hee being borne at Adronici, a Castell of Albania, could verie well know euen from his yongest yeares, that the said Fortresse, which is famous in that prouince, was of so great importance, as in truth it is.

I haue somewhat inlarged this Discourse of the parti∣culars touching Sinan and Ferat, because I haue had oc∣casion many times (as I shall also haue hereafter) to make mention of them, as the most principall men in this Em∣pire,

and in this warre.

Sinan Cicali,* 1.54 an errant enemie to the state of Ve∣nice, for the reasons which we haue aboue alledged, he perswaded that Cerigo should bee attempted, for the selfe-same causes, for which he calleth it the Lan∣terne of the Archipelago, and the spie of the Turkish actions, especially for that it is manifestly perceiued and seene: how the Christians may easily passe ouer into Morea, out of this Island. So did Damaratus king of the Lacedemonians,* 1.55 when he was banished out of his kingdom, aduice and counsell Xerxes, that if he would attaine to the Lordship and gouernment of Greece, hee must possesse himselfe of this Island which at this time was called Cythera.

Other Bassaes there were,* 1.56 which held opinion, that to be reuenged of the spoyles and robberies committed by the Vscocchi (of whom I will speake somewhat hereafter) and to meete with other their wrongs and iniuries, they should surprize Nouigrad and Zara: or at the least, that the Venetians should be inforced and of necessity constrained by that means to be bound, to pay al the losses and damages which those rouers and theeues had wrought against the Turkes, both by land and by sea. For the Venetians had denied to be bound to make any such recom∣pence, because in the publike Bookes and Registers of Constantinople, there was not to bee found any a∣greement, or any payment for the same, as in truth there was not.* 1.57 The same Bassaes also were of opini∣on, that it were fit the Venetians should bee spoyled and bereaued of their Fishings at Buthroto, which at this day is corruptly called Butintro, (a place di∣rectly

ouer against Corfu, and ten miles somewhat more West of La Bastia. (Wherunto they were mo∣ued, not because the Turkes were neuer heretofore possessed of them (although the Venetians had pos∣sessed the same, long before the Turkes had any pos∣session in Albania) but onely because there runneth a rumour among them, that the said fishings are ren∣ted at a hundred thousand duckats, where as in deed there is no more payed for them, then six thousand or thereabouts.

Some other Bassaes were of opinion, that the Turkish fleete should vpon a sodaine go forth with a good wind,* 1.58 either from Morea, or from the gulfe of Lepanto, or from Preuesa, or else from Velona, and run all along the coastes of the Adriaticall sea, with a full resolution to surprise that part that should bee found most cōuenient and commodious for them. Which course they did thinke would very easily sort to verie good purpose, because they presumed, that all the places which lay vpon the sea, might verie fitly bee annoyed also vpon the land, for that the Turkes haue almost all that Countrey in their pos∣session. These Bassaes likewise aboue all other at∣tempts,* 1.59 propounded the easinesse and also the great importance of possession Pola, and Ragugia. The one because it is a Citie, which is altogither disinhabi∣ted, and hath a verie faire hauen, and is situate in Istria, and is also a prouince not verie wel furnished with Souldiers and inhabitants, nor greatly streng∣thened or fenced with Fortresses: and principally, be∣cause it seemeth that the said City of Pola, is not di∣stant from Venice, aboue a hundred and twentie

miles. And the other, that is to say Raegugia, because it is (as it were) the second Gate,* 1.60 (for the first and chiefest is thought to bee Corfu) whereby you may enter into the Maritimall and Sea-state of the Venetian Common-wealth in the Adriaticall sea, and also because the situation therefore, is most fit and conuenient for preparation to be made there∣in, for annoying of Italie, if they should meane so to do in good earnest: especially, for that the state of Rugugia hath within it most safe and spacious portes and hauens, whereof indeed the Turke hath great want in that quarter of the sea.

For Durazzo hath not any hauen able to receiue foure Gallies,* 1.61 and also in the entrance thereof, there are many flattes and shelfes which are verie daun∣gerous. Twelue miles beyond Durazzo, vnder the Cape or Promōtorie of Lacchi, there is an other har∣borough for twenty gallies, or there aboutes, but it is not verie safe: neither are there any great good wa∣ters about it. In the Gulfe of Velona, there is also an other harborough vnder the land for so many gal∣lyes likewise. Somewhat nearer on this side, about some eight miles, is the Hauen called Porto Raguseo, where may lodge some thirtie Gallyes, but not verie safely on the North, on the Northwest, nor on the West. Without the Gulfe, at least in the coast of Albania, or rather within the Gulfe (for the ancient Authours doe bound the Adriaticall Sea with the mountaines of Cimmeria) there is first the Hauen of Santi quaranta (i. the fortie Saints) where likewise they may entertaine some few Gallyes. And a little on this side of that, is Neribo, sometimes called Orico:

where the Romanians touched, when they depar∣ted from Ottranto, to the end they might afterwards saile all along that coast. And this Hauen is able to receiue fortie Gallies: but it is not verie safe. The onely hauens of Ragugia, which be fiue or sixe,* 1.62 are of the greatest receyte: in three whereof especially in the Hauen of Santa-Croce, there may be intertained and harboured all the Armadaes of the world, much more the fleete of the Turkish Shippes. The same place also is verie fit and conuenient for the Turkes, because they may easily conueigh thither their tim∣ber for ships, from the Mountaines of the Duca∣gini in Albania: which cannot so commodiously be brought into the other portes aboue mentioned as I haue somewhat more at large declared in other writings that I haue penned vpon the occasion of this warre.

But the greatest part of the Visiers enclined most to the attempt of the Isle of Candie,* 1.63 for (said they) seeing it is most necessarie to secure the nauigation, which the Turkes continually make from Constan∣tinople to Alexandria, for Marchandises, and for de∣uotion to Mecca, that they might bee safe from the Gallies of Spaine, of Malta, and of Florence, it could not otherwise bee brought to passe,* 1.64 but by one of these two wayes, as a captain of the Emirs once said. (These Emirs professe thēselues to be of the right & true descent from their Law giuer Mahomet, and therefore they weare a greene Turbante:) that is to say, eyther by binding the Venitians, that they shall not onely for∣beare to giue entertainment to the saide Gallyes within there Seas, but also make satisfaction for all

losses, that the Turkes shall sustaine, as often as they shall not safely guarde their said ships from all such dangers. Or else by causing the Venetians to suffer and permit a good companie of Turkish Gallyes to be resident at Candie for that purpose. Herevnto they added also, that this attempt would proue the better, & come to good successe, because that king∣dome is diuided in it selfe, by reason of the diffe∣rence which is betweene the Greeke Religion, and the Latine, and for the great discontentments, which some (but falsly and vainly peraduentur) do report, to be growen betwene the noble men of Venice, and the Noble men of Candie, betweene those that are priuiledged persons, and those that are tied to impositions and taxes, and betweene the Clownes and the Gentlemen there. And so much the rather, for that it is a verie easie matter to set vpon it with a Turkish Armada, seeing it is (as it were) compassed about with Natolia, with Caramania, with Barbarie, with Alexandria, with Morea, and with the Arcipela∣go, which are all Countreys belonging to the Tur∣kish Empire: so that they may easily from hand to hand ayde and succour those that should first at∣tempt to disturbe therein. Moreouer, that by the purchase and winning of this most fruitfull Island, they should obtaine the absolute commaund and rule of the Sea, for that it is (as it were) the verie Cen∣ter in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, or ra∣ther of the world, considering that it is almost equal∣ly distant in situation from Asia, Africa, and Europe, so that it was by the auncient Authours adiudged the most fit and conuenient seate of all the worlde.

And this also might so much the more easily bee brought to passe, for that thereby the number of the Venetians Galleyes should be diminished, and the Ottoman Empire should encrease the meanes to make many moe Gallyes, then now they haue. Last∣ly, seeing there are many Candiotes remayning in Constantinople, they may haue good information, and some aide also of them, and so much the more, because many of them are banished persons, and haue eyther withdrawne themselues into that Citty to get their liuings, by labouring in the Arsenall, and in Pera, or else are come thether with marchandises, and specially their most pretious wines, which they bring thorough the Greater Sea▪ and from thence to the mouthes of the Danowe, and so to Chilia,* 1.65 to Ga∣laz, to Rene, euen to the Floz in Walachia, and then in Cartes into Polonia: For into Germanie they are brought, not by that way (as some write) but by the Ocean to Hamburgh, and to Lubeke, and some fewe to Danske: and yet there are some carried thether also by the way of Venice.

§. XI.

THE Sixt opinion was,* 1.66 that leauing all these o∣ther courses and enterprises, all the Forces, that the Turkes could make aswel by Land, as by Sea, should be sent against Italie: And the reasons were these, That if they were minded indeed to attempt the conquest of the Monarchie of the worlde, the Turkish Empire should neuer attaine vnto it, vnlesse it first obtayned the Rule and Lordshippe of Italie:

because out of that Prouince, as from the Centre of the vniuersal world there doe proceed all the coun∣sels and principall assistances, that may hinder and crosse the proceedinges which are attempted else∣where. That the Romanes became to bee Lordes and Maisters of the world, because they had the go∣uernment of Italie in possession. That the Hunnes did alwayes direct all their designementes to that onely end, when they passed into Italie out of Hun∣garia, by Dalmatia, and by Carso. That the Alanes and the Gothes,* 1.67 aswell those that dwelt on this side, as those also on the other side of the Danowe, after they had conquered Grecia, entred into Italie by the waye of Bosna and Croatia. That the Vandales also, ha∣uing subdued Spaine, went thether with an Armada of shippes out of Africa: And lastly, That the Ger∣manes, the Frenchmen and the Spaniardes,* 1.68 had often∣times done the like. Moreouer, that the Saracens (of whome it was wont to bee said in the Romanes times, that it was very conuenient either not to haue them enemies, or to keepe them friendes,) had o∣uerrunne it all thorough, kept it a long while in their possession, and sacked Rome it selfe, the Ladie and Empresse of the world: A Citty, which (as Sultan Soliman very fondly sayed according to the reporte of Iouius) did of right belong to the Ottoman Em∣pire,* 1.69 because it was alienated by Constantine, to the great preiudice of his successors. To bee short, that there could no enterprise be attempted, either more glorious or more profitable, then this of Italie, for that it is the Prouince, which is Queen of al the rest,* 1.70 for conueniencie of scituation, for temperature of

ayre for fruitfulnesse for all thinges necessarie for mans life, for the maiestie and beautie of so many most famous and noble Cities, for riches, for the ve∣rie Sea, and seate of the Christians religion, for the auncient Glorie and mightinesse of that Empire, and for many other respects. That it would also bee a verie easie matter to bring to passe, for that Italie is at this day ruled and gouerned by manie Princes which are diuided among themselues, as well in re∣garde of their owne priuate interestes, as also of se∣uerall nations, whereof they are proceeded: and that peraduenture they are not all verie willingly and lo∣uingly obeyed of their Subiects and peoples, who by reason of the peace, which they haue so many yeares enioyed, will proue to be but cowards and weakelings: and for that also they are growen to such a huge multitude, as if entraunce should bee made into the Countrey, either in one part or in many, at such times as their corne were yet ripening in their fields, as the Turks should on their behalfes want no vittailes, so should the Italians be of neces∣sitie constrained either to shut vp themselues within their fortresses, or else to perish for hunger. Which thing will be made more manifest and cleare, if yee shall consider, that now whiles they liue in peace, they haue not corne sufficient for their sustenance, but are enforced to prouide the some abroad, and to cause it to be brought to them from Morea,* 1.71 from Constantinople, and euen as farre as from the Ocean. Moreouer, that the Italians are accustomed for the most part to procure their liuings with handi-crafts, or with traffique, in such sort, as if their trades were

hindered, they should bee compelled so much the rather to yeeld to such conditions as the conquerour shall impose vpon them, or at least to become tribu∣taries, and acknowledge the Ottomans power. And besides, that the Turkish Souldiers would willing∣ly goe thither, because they are not to passe through Countryes, which are barren, frozen with Ice, and disinhabited, or through thicke bushes and woods, or mountains vnpasseable, but as it were in the sight of their own houses, and through their own proper Countryes. And lastly, that if the Turkes haue ente∣red therinto at other times, when their borders and confines were not so conuenient, nor so near as now they are: much more may they, or rather ought to attempt the same at this time, seeing they haue them now so nigh and commodious.

§ XII.

THE seauenth opinion was that they should make war first in Polonia,* 1.72 and then afterwardes in Hungarie and Germanie. The reasons thereof were these: That forasmuch as it did not stand with the dignity of the Ottoman maiesty, to suffer the king of Polonia so often to refuse the payment of his Tribute, it was very fitte, that all forcible meanes should bee vsed to recouer the same. That for the many discontentmentes, which haue passed in that Kingdome, there was very good hope that hee might the more easily bee enforced to pay it. That the warre should be verie conuenient and commo∣dious for the Turkes, because Polonia was so neare, &

bordered vpon Moldauia, and vpon the Tartarians, and also vpon the Sangiackeshippes of Achermano, & of Bendero, and vpon Vosia. Againe, That the en∣tier and quiet possession of Moldauia, and Walachia, could neuer be kept & maintained, vnlesse the har∣die boldnes of the Polackes were brideled: and so much the more for that the Vaiuodes of those pro∣uinces, although they were greately enriched, yet could they neuer recouer thēselues in any distresse, nor bee relieued any where but in the Turkes king∣dome. That by these meanes also the iniuries might bee reuenged, which were wrought against the Turkes by the Cosacchi, when they sacked Coslou,* 1.73 a place in Taurica belonging to the Turkish state: that therby likewise the passage should be eased for their Marchandises, that goe from the Turkish States into Moscouie: that the Moscouite himselfe should bee put in a bodily feare, (and that peruaduenture to his great losse and domage) because his Countrey laye so neare, especially, considering that hee was the im∣pediment, why the Ottoman Empire atchieued not the to rall conquest of Persia. That growing in this sort so nigh unto Germanie, it may bee that one onely discomfiture would vtterly ouerthrow the Emperour, for that hee should see his Countrey the more easily compassed about with the Ottoman For∣ces: That to bee short, all the Countrey of Polonia is very open and without Fortresses, and that the Polackes themselues were not now to bee accounted any great warriours, because they haue liued so long in peace. For the wars which they made with Maxi∣milian were but of small continuance, and the other

warres which were made before by King Stephen with the Muscouite, were made by him as hee was an Hungarian, and rather with Hungarian Souldiers, then with Naturall Polackes, and rather with besie∣ging, then with fighting.

§ XIII.

THE eight and last opinion was,* 1.74 that warre should bee made against the Emperour, whome the Turkes call, The King of Betz, that is to say, of Vienna, in times past peraduenture Vin∣doniana. Those which were of this opinion, were moued thereunto: for that the Vscocchi were be∣come so insolent in praying vpon the Turkes both by land and by sea,* 1.75 as not only in regard of the losses, which they continually wrought, but also euen for the honour of the Ottoman maiestie, they could no lōger be endured: & so much the rather, for that the marchants subiect to the Turke, both to the publike and to their owne priuate detriment, haue beene constrained to change the Port of Narenta, and to go to Spalato, a Countrey belonging to the Venetians, to the end they might carrie their Marchandizes in∣to the Christians Countryes, and bring backe other Marchandizes for them into Turkie. And yet they could not by that course goe and come safe, neither notwithstanding the peace, that hath beene conti∣nued with the Emperour and the Venetians. More∣ouer, that they also ranne vp and downe by land, stealing mens cattell, burning townes and villages, and taking children euen out of the verie armes of

their naturall mother. So that there is great reason to feare, least in time they wil be able to become the Lordes and maisters of some neighbour-Fortresse, which would be a matter that might turne, not on∣ly to the great losse, but also much rather to the ex∣ceeding shame and dishonour of the Ottoman Em∣pire. Againe, that forsomuch as the Emperour had carried so slender a respect towards the grand-Turk, whiles he was busied in the warres of Persia, as that he delayed in deed for a long time to send him his tribute:* 1.76 (for so the Turkes call it) hee made shew thereby that hee was rather minded to breake the peace, then to maintaine it. That the victorie would proue both easie and certaine, for that on the one side he might be assaulted in Croatia, and on the o∣ther side in Hungarie, and in Austria. That the coun∣trey was fruitfull and abounding in all things, verie commodious and fit for the Souldiers, both in re∣gard of the neerenesse thereof, and also because they should passe thither (almost all the way) by their owne houses. That the principall Holdes of the Kingdome of Hungarie, namely Belgrado, Buda, and Alba-Regale, and the rest that are of the greatest im∣portance, were possessed and garded vetie well with the Turkish garrisons. And that although some dis∣comfiture might peraduenture happen, yet would they be most conuenient receits for the Reliques of the armie, where they may be as well defended and preserued, as also repaired and renued with such helpes and aydes, as are there nigh at hand. That the Emperor seemed to be inclined rather to peace then to warre: and it may be also, that hee is not so

well esteemed and obeied by all the Princes of Ger∣manie, as his degree requireth. That all the Princes of Germanie were diuided, as well in regard of their interest in Religion, and in state, as also particu∣larly in respect of the election of the Newe King of Romanes. That they are almost wearie (as some of the Protestant Princes doe seuerally reporte) of the gouernement of the house of Austria: and that they are also too much giuen to the loue of their treasures and riches. And finally, that seeing there are many yeares passed since the Germanes haue handled neither Launce nor Arcubuse, they cannot now tell how to take Armes, nor to vse them: be∣sides that they will hardly bee obedient to their Ca∣pitanes. Lastly, That euen as the saide Almanes themselues would alwayes dwell in murmur and distrust with the Hungarians, with the Italians and with the Spaniardes, as often as they should goe to the warres together, because those nations are natu∣rally not well liked, (I will not say hated) by them: So the sayde Dutchmen, being enemies among themselues for the diuersitie of Heresies which they follow, will alwayes bee afrayde, least if the Empe∣rour should obtaine the victorie and remaine Con∣querour, that then they shall bee compelled to for∣sake their licentious liberty, and to obey the Pope: So that there is no doubt, but that they will rather forbeare to fight, then to helpe their prince and themselues.* 1.77 To bee short, that there could be no feare of any aide or succours, which the Emperour might haue of other princes. Not of the Polacke, nor of the Transyluanian, aswell in regarde of the

peace, which is between the Great Turke and thē, as also for that they will be in doubt, least they shold drawe all the tide and force of the warre into their owne States and Dominions. Besides, that the one of them would be afrayde, least hee should bee enforced to abandon the Frontiers, and retire him∣selfe to the frozen Sea, and the other least he should bee depriued of that Estate, which hee possessed by the Graunt of the Ottoman House. Moreouer, that the King of Spaine, who is the onely Man that can helpe the house of Austria in deede, is otherwise im∣ployed and busied. That the pope cannot yeeld sup∣ply for all, that shall bee needefull in this busines. That the Italian princes will not runne in haste to spend their Treasures, nor consume their subiectes for an other mans benefite. And for conclusion, That the State of Venice, doubting that it shoulde thereby prouoke the Ottoman Forces against it selfe, would rather stay to see the issue and successe of the warre, then it would put it selfe to a certaine, or at least to a doubtfull danger of ouerthrowing it selfe.

And these were the seuerall opinions of the Visiers, inconsiderate no doubt for the most parte, and agreeable to their barbarous temerity and rash∣nes, whereby they faine vnto themselues that those thinges are easie, which afterwardes by experience they proue not onelie to bee difficult and hard, but also very dangerous and pernitious.

§ XIIII.

BVt for as much as my meaning is to satisfie those also, that may in any sort doubt of the varietie and truth of the things, which I haue spoken, I will adde hereunto in briefe, how the Turkes come ac∣quainted with our matters, and how wee come ac∣qainted with theirs: though it be most certaine, that the like consultations are proper to all Princes,* 1.78 and particularly to the Ottoman Princes, as among other examples, we know that Soliman, and the last Selim, did vse the same, the one of them by exami∣ning with his Bassaes the forces of all the Princes of the world, and the other by aduising with them, which might be the most certaine way to conquer the Christians.

Without doubt the great Turke,* 1.79 and the great men of that Courte are verie well informed and ad∣uertised, aswell of all actions that daylie happen, as also of the designementes and purposes, yea and of the most secret counselles of our Princes, some∣tymes by the merchauntes,* 1.80 which of all nations are at Constantinople, and sometymes by the Slaues, whom the Turks euery day. A great number wher∣of, doe also verie oftentimes most impiously denie and renounce the faith and religion of Christ, either for rewards that are propounded and offered vnto them, or else to auoyd the most horrible and cruell punishmēt, which they had before endured at their barbarous hands, or peraduenture for some other end and purpose, as did of late yeares one of the

Emperours Secretarie, who was resident at Con∣stantinople.* 1.81 Besides that the Hebrues, who are the most cunning and craftie searchers and inquirers of matters, and most mortall enemies to the Christi∣ans are dispersed in great number ouer all the Tur∣kish dominion, especially by reason of the traffique which they vse continually in the Ottoman Market townes, and also for the tolles and customes which are almost wholy in their handes, through all that state. And they thinke, that by seruing the Turkes for spies and priers into our actions and affaires they shall not only secure themselues of their goods, their owne persons, and their children, but also that they shall reape great gaine and commoditie of impor∣tance, whereby they doe much gratifie and pleasure the great estates of that Empire. The last war which the Venetians had with the Turke, was much occa∣sioned by one Iohn Miches an Hebrew,* 1.82 who was dis∣contented with them, because hee could not by stealth conueigh away certain marchandizes, which vnder a forged name he had caused to be brought to Venice.* 1.83 Of one John Lopez, an Hebrew also (whose pic∣ture by order of the holie Inquisition was of late yeares burned at Rome) it is most certainly knowne for a truth, that hee imparted and commnnicated with Amurath many secretes of Pope Xistus Quintus which he by espiall had found and learned whiles he remained in Rome. Lastly, it is not to be doubted, but that the Turkes doe also keepe diuerse Spies in pay,* 1.84 that are neare to al the Princes in Christendom: yea (and that which is a great matter, but yet it is true) euen among the Zwitzers, and Grisons of

purpose to vnderstand what leuies of Souldiers are made of those peoples.

§ XV.

ANd as touching our Christian Princes,* 1.85 the ex∣pences are most notorious and well knowne, which they bestow, not onely to learne the counsels one of another, (and that oftentimes to the great shame and domage of those that serue them in these actions) but especially and principally to vnderstand the counsels and designements of the Turke their common enemie. For those Princes which haue the greatest interest and entercourse with him, do keep (euen within the Citie of Constantinople) many Spies in pay,* 1.86 yea giuing wages and stipends to the verie Iewes, and also to such Turkes, as are most in trust, and neerest in credite with the chiefe Bassaes, besides the large gifts which they liberally bestow vpon o∣thers, when they haue any matter of moment com∣municated vnto them. Moreouer,* 1.87 the Bassaes them∣selues will not sticke sometimes to impart to our Embassadours such matters, as are propounded a∣mong them in their secrete and priuie Councell be∣fore the great Turke himselfe: although he doth vse verie oftentimes to call his Councell into the fielde, taking occasion to go on hunting, to the end it shuld not bee so easie for any particular persons to sound the depth of his deliberations.* 1.88 But the Bassaes are hereunto moued vpon diuerse and sundrie conside∣rations: sometimes vpon affection, as heretofore did Mahomet Socoleuich the chiefe Visier of Selim, and

the Muphti of that time,* 1.89 to the Agents of the state of Venice.

Muphti is the chiefest man among the Turkes in their spirituall Superstitions, & the chiefe Interpreter of the law of Mahomet, and is of so great authoritie in shew and ap∣parance that in matters of counsel his opinion is neuer con∣tradicted or gainsaid: I say in apparance, because when the Turke is disposed to haue any matter goe forwarde in deed, the Muphti either for flatterie, or for feare, is the first and chiefest man to commend it.

Sometimes the Bassaes are moued so to doe, for that by quarrelling and iarring among themselues, they thinke by these meanes the more easily to di∣sturbe the designements and purposes of their op∣posites, as peraduenture the aforesayde Bassaes did, and as Sinan and Ferat at last were wont to doe. Or to be short, they are verie oftentimes moued there∣unto, because all Turkes generally are beyond all measure greedie of bribes and gifts: as for example among the Bassaes, that same Hassan shewed himself to be,* 1.90 who was a Venetian of the Cilestri, and Gene∣rall of the Sea before Cicala. For when one of the Visiers had offered in Councell to the great Turke that he would surprise the Citie of Venice, and was not hearkened vnto, but rather reproued for his ri∣diculous vanitie, hee went straight to the Venetian Bailo, or Agent, and told him, that whereas such a matter was propounded in the Councell by others, he withstoode it, for the naturall affection which he carried towardes that Common wealth: for the which he receiued a most rich present. Lastly, it is true also, that the Ottoman Counsellers do rewarde

their seruants, and enrich them by imparting their secretes vnto them, to the ende that they may after∣wards acquaint such withall, as vse to bee most libe∣rall to them.* 1.91 And so doe they likewise to their wo∣men: whereupon it commeth to passe, that the Sul∣tane Ladies (who are either the Kins-folkes or the fa∣uorites of the great Turke, dwelling continually in the Serraglioes, where al principall businesses are ma∣naged and handled) become acquainted with these secretes, which afterwardes for verie rich gifts and presents that are sent to the said Ladies, from the of∣ficers and Agents of such Princes as the secretes doe concerne, by the Eunuches that wait vpon them and keepe them, are verie easily disclosed and reuea∣led. Moreouer they do sometimes indeuour with all their studie and industrie, to performe some notable seruice towards some Prince, to the end they might receiue the oftner and richer Gratuities from him. The mother of the now reigning Turke, pretendeth to honour the state of Venice, and craueth of it verie many times some reward for the same. It is not long ago since all the Sultane Ladies requested of the sayd state,* 1.92 that it would forbid the carrying out of certain feathers that are counterfeited and forged of glasse, at Murano: which being ioyned and set togither, do much resemble the plumes made of a Herōs fethers. And this request they made, because the said coun∣terfeit or forged feathers, were sold so good cheape at Constantinople, and yet did so please and satisfie the people, that the said Sultane Ladies could not sell at so high a rate, as before they did, the goodly bun∣ches and bundles of feathers of seuerall birds, which

were sent vnto them for Presentes, from diuerse quarters in great quantities:* 1.93 for it is the vse not onely of men, but of women also, to weare such feathers on their heades: following therein the manner of the Tartarians, (from whome it came to the Turkes:) for that Zingi Chan (who by some is not rightly called Chan-gio,) was saued aliue by the meanes of an Owle: for this Birde hauing a∣lighted vpon a certaine thicket of young trees, a∣mong which Zingi had hidden himselfe, for feare of his enemies that pursued him, they did verily thinke that there could not be any body there, because the Birde remayned there so quietly. Whereupon the Tartarians (sayeth Haytho) do holde the sayde Birde in great reuerence, so that hee, which at that time could get any of her feathers, accounted himself a happy man. And euer after, all the other Tartarians from hand to hande haue still continually vsed to weare the like feathers on their heades in me∣morie of that action, and for a kinde of Re∣uerence.

§ XVI.

BVt to returne to our discourse where wee left it:* 1.94 Amurath, after hee had floated and wauered certaine dayes betweene the contrarieties of these his Visiers Opinions, resolued with himself to moue warre against the Emperour, hoping in this part of the world also to surpasse the memorie of his prede∣cessors, as hee thought hee had done in Persia, and so much the rather, for that hee was to make warre

in a Countrey adioyning to his owne, and conse∣quently very conuenient for Vittailes, and not in∣conuenient for his Subiectes.* 1.95 Hereunto hee was also encouraged and heartened by Sinan Cicala, after that hee perceyued hee had not perswaded the en∣terprise of Corfu: hoping withall to obtayne the Generalshippe, whereby hee might put downe his Opposites, and purchase greate riches: especially hauing authority, as indeede for the space of seauen yeares hee had, to doo whatsoeuer the Great Turke himselfe might haue done, if hee had beene present in the Campe.* 1.96 Moreouer Hassan the Bassa of Bosna, a man rather temerarious and headdie, then valo∣rous: (if yee consider what he did in Croatia) con∣tinuallie solicited Amurath to the same purpose: both for the selfe same end, which is common to all the Turkes, that is to say, to enrich himselfe by the meanes of warre, and also because hee verilie beleeued, that by this course he should safely attaine and come to those supreme honours and dignities, which were foretold him by the superstitious South sayers. For beeing the Great Turkes chiefe Cut∣throte or Executioner, he was a most vaine obseruer of such diuinations: Whereupon to satisfie Sinan and himselfe, hee did continually aduertise and in∣form the Turke of the losses and domages that were wrought by the Vscocchi, and by the Subiects of the Arch-duke, and of the burninges and spoiles that they committed whiles they ouerranne the Coun∣trey: wherewith he did also assure him, that the best course hee could take, was to beginne the warre in those partes, and afterwardes pursue the same ei∣ther

against the Emperour, or against the Venetians, or else passing ouer on a sodaine into Italie (as was done in the dayes of Mahomet, of Baiazet, and of Soliman) to put all the princes of that Prouince into an exceeding feare, and so to reape and bring home most rich and wealthie spoyles. Yea he solicited him so farre, that at the last hee obtained licence of the Turke to begin the warre, by making himselfe to be seene and knowne that hee was in the confines of the Emperour: but yet with secret commission, that he should not say he did it vpon his commaun∣dement. He erected the Fort of Petrina vpon the ri∣uer of Cupa,* 1.97 which he called of himselfe Hassan Grad: a place from whence he might easily runne ouer the Countrey, and bridle Carlistod, Zagabria, Metlica, and all the Countryes round thereabout: and spoy∣ling the villages euerie where, hee filled all places with terrour, with teares, and with lamentations. And one thing I will note by the way,* 1.98 which is me∣morable, and notable, Namely, that the first man al∣so, that ouer-ranne the Countrey in the confines of Persia at the last warres, in token that the Turke had broken the peace with him, was called euen by the same name Hassan, being the Bassa of Van, which is a Citie either of Medea, now called Seruan, and Vaas∣pracan, or in the confines thereof, and was somtimes the vttermost place that the Turkes had toward Per∣sia: and the same Hassan was none otherwise ouer∣throwen by the Persians, then as afterwardes it happened to this Hassan, in fighting with the Empe∣rialistes.

§ XVII.

BVt because I haue oftentimes made mention of the Vscocchi,* 1.99 it will not be farre from the purpose, before I passe to other matter, briefly to tel you, who they be, and so much the rather, because they were the occasion of so great a warre. It is not true, that those whom wee call Vscocchi, (which signifieth by the Sclauoine worde Scoci, Skippers, or Leapers, be∣cause they skip and leape like Goats, with their cor∣ded shooes vpon the toppes of the Mountaines.) It is not true (I say) that they are Inhabitants of Chi∣mera, as Iouius and others that follow his opinion do beleeue. For the Vscocchi do dwell about fiue hun∣dred miles distant from the Chimeriottes (and yet they are both people of Albania) in the Mountaines that* 1.100 are called Acro-ceraunii, in the mouth of the Gulfe, right against the Cape of Santa Maria, the vttermost Promontorie of all Italie. The Vscocchi speake the Sclauoine speech, but the Chimeriottes the Albanian: The one liue after the Romish rite, the other after the Greeke. The one are a companie gathered togi∣ther, and that but of a few, the other naturall by coū∣try, and many in number. Among the Vscocchi there bee many Murlacchi, which cannot stay vnder the Turke, and many that are banished by the state neer to the Venetians and other Princes therabouts, and fled to the Vscocchi for verie pouertie.* 1.101 There are also among them many Martelossi, that are Spies, and theeues in those quarters: for so in deed signifieth the worde Martelos, so that it is the name of a profes∣sion,

and not of a Nation,* 1.102 as some haue thought. And because I haue also made mention of the Mur∣lacchi, I will not omit to tell you what they be. The Murlacchi are called in those partes all the Christi∣ans that dwel in the Mountaines, but specially those that inhabit the mountaine Lica, which is betweene Nouigrad and Segna. The originall of the Sclauoine worde Moralacchi, was at the beginning, when the Barbarians came into Italie, because after that they had passed Walacchia, they called the peoples that dwelled at the Adriatike Sea by that name, as if they would say, Dwellers on the Sea. For euen as the Turkes do call all the Italians by the generall word Franchi, of the particular nation of the Frenchmen, so did the Barbarians terme all Italians likewise by that tearme of Vulacchi, or Vuloschi, as though they were Walacchians.

The Vscocchi doe dwell vpon the Sea at Segna,* 1.103 and Buccari, and within the land of Othozaz, and ouer all Vinodol, which is a territorie belonging to the Conte of S••rim. And although they runne vp and downe all those quarters, spoyling and robbing, and stealing all that they can get, no otherwise then the Turco∣manni did in times past among the Grecians, yet are they tollerated by the Imperiall Officers, because they would not loose the deuotion and beneuo∣lence of that people, who without any expences or charges of those estates, and with great brauerie de∣fend those Frontires, euen as the Cosacchi do in Polo∣nia,* 1.104 of whom I will speake more hereafter. But be∣cause they are thus tollerated and also protected, contrarie to the couenaunts and agreements that

haue passed betweene the Imperialistes and the Turkes,* 1.105 and also concerning the sea betweene the Venetians and the Turkes, they haue oftentimes gi∣uen occasion to the Turkes to put handes to their weapons, for the defence of their subiects and of their marchādises, which they carry to Ancona, & to Venice:* 1.106 yea & the Venecians thēselues haue bin oc∣casioned to do the like, as wel for the maintenāce of the iurisdiction which they pretend to haue in the Adriaticall sea, as also because they would take away al occasions frō the Turks to come with an Armada, for reuenge of the iniuries and losses, which they haue receiued by thesaid Vscocchi: and finally, be∣cause they would not bee troubled with the great Turke, as alwayes they are, when his subiectes are spoyled, by demaunding amendes for the same. Moreouer, the Vscocchi haue within this little time laid their hands to robbe the Christians also of their marchandizes, and particularly the Venitians, not (as their Vaiuodes and Arambassi do say) for the los∣ses which they receyued these last yeares, whiles they were besieged in Segna, but in truth to enrich themselues, by all the iniurious wayes and meanes they could. Wherevnto they doe the more willing∣ly applie themselues, because they know verie well that they cannot be hindred or at least verie hardly, by the said Venetians, for that they come backed and assisted by the Imperialistes, and can quick∣ly recouer their owne home, as in deede they doe both safely and securely, and whensoeuer they list.

These Vscocchi, may come forth into the Sea, to pray and spoyle by foure wayes: that is to say,

betweene Fiume, Veghia, and Cherso:* 1.107 betweene these Islandes and Arbe, betweene Arbe and Pago, and betweene Pago, and the firme land of Zara. This last passage hath somewhat a straite Channell, and may bee of some 100. paces.

The Venetians do keepe diuerse Gallyes, and Barkes armed,* 1.108 that walke continually vp and down these Channels to hinder the Vscocchi, but by reason of the many disorders, that haue hetherto hapened, there are now but some Gallyes onely, or at least ac∣companied with a fewe Barkes of small auaile. It were verie necessarie, principally to multiplie the number of Barks, which being backed behind with Gallyes, might easily set vppon the Vscocchi: and then without all doubt they might make the passage for Marchantes to bee more safe and secure: and so∣much the better if there were appointed certaine watches, euen in such places as were fittest for that purpose. And although to doe this, the costes and charges would be of some moment, yet they might well bee borne, considering they shall bee vsed but for a small time: for the Vscocchi being once seue∣red and scattered, they cannot so easily vnite them∣selues together againe: And the Marchants also no doubte, would willingly contribute to the charges, forasmuch as it concerneth their benefite and inter∣est principally. There might also a remedy be had against their Theeueries in another sort, that is, by contributing to the chiefe Captaines of the said Vs∣cocchi, a certaine summe of money competent, to the end they should abstaine from doing any domage by Sea, eyther to the Turkes or Christians. For to

hinder theeues from robbing, especialy such as these bee, who are very couragious and hardie, is a thing almost impossible, vnlesse it might bee performed in deed by an open warre. And if any man should thinke, that this course would displease the Turke, for that hee could not but suspect that the Venetians did not effectually employ themselues against the Vscocchi, so long as their owne Marchants did passe to and fro in safety: and forasmuch also, as this deli∣beration and agreement could not be kept so secret, but that it must needes come to the knowledge of the Turkes: I doo thinke verily, that it may be pro∣uided for by one of these two meanes: eyther by signifying so much to the great Turke himself whose satisfaction is principally respected, or else by ma∣king supplication to the Pope, that in regarde of the publike quiet he would enterpose himselfe to cause payment to bee made to the said chiefe Captaines, with the monies of the state of Venice, or of the Mar∣chantes, to bee deliuered to his Holines secretlie. Moreouer the Emperour himselfe might be treated withall, that his Emperiall Maiesty would bee plea∣sed to accept of a conuenient Garrison for the de∣fence and custody of Segna, and of those Confines. Or rather, which would be the true remedie indeed, they might by generall consent and agreement bee driued quite out of those Countryes, considering that they are publike and common theeues, and au∣thors of the greatest troubles in Christendome: yea and so much the rather, for that otherwise they can neuer be diminished, much lesse vtterly extinguish∣ed, aswell because they are not forbidden or hinde∣red

from multiplying themselues, and receiuing new supplies dayly into their troupes:* 1.109 as also and principally because they haue a law, that when the husband dieth, the wife remaineth heire of all, and he that afterwards taketh her to wife, becommeth Lord and Maister of all that she possesseth.

And hitherto let it be sufficient to haue spoken of the Vscocchi, and of the meanes how to represse their insolencies: wherein I referre my selfe, as also in all other things which I haue heretofore sayd, and am hereafter to say, to better iudgements then mine owne, and to persons that are better informed then I am.

§ XVIII.

AMurath then hauing moued warre agaynst the Emperour, Sigismundo Battori, the Prince of Transiluania,* 1.110 shewed himselfe openly to be agaynst the Turke a matter verily not expected by him, and little hoped for by those that examined things one∣ly by reason, and according to state: for assuredly it was the worke of the onely prouidence of God. For by this open declaration of this prince, there is arisen without all doubt, the securitie and safetie of Germanie ond Italie, with the most notable diuer∣sion of the warre, that euer hath happened hitherto against the proceedings of the Turks, by all the prin∣ces Christian that haue fought with them.* 1.111 Where∣upon Sinan hauing offered himselfe, after the death of Hassan, to goe in person for the recouerie of that which was lost, and to restraine the tongues of such

as did sting and backbite him to his grand Seignieur as being the Authour of this councell, and being gone forth in deed with supreeme and soueraigne authoritie, there happened betweene the one side and the other, all those actions, which shall be parti∣cularly written by the Historiographers.

And behold,* 1.112 whiles this Sinan was at Belgrado, the Emperour Amurath died the 9. day of Ianuarie in the yeare 1595. and was buried at Constantinople, in a Meschita, or Meszita, which he had made in his life time,* 1.113 and dedicated to Bahalzebuf, that is to say, to the Idole of Flies: for thereupon peraduenture such fabrikes or buildings are either corruptly or in mockage called by vs Christians Moschee, of Moscha which signifieth a Flie. Prince Mahamet being retur∣ned frō Magnesia to Constantinople, after the death of his father,* 1.114 by the great carefulnes of Ferat, who pre∣sently dispatched a Gally vnto him, and being in∣thronized according to the accustomed Ceremo∣nies of the Ottomans, the deliberations and consulta∣tions touching the war, were renued. It was thought at the first, that Mahamet was rather inclined to peace then otherwise, hauing found (as it was noted vnto you in the beginning of this discourse) the Citie full of dearth, his subiects not well pleased with this warre,* 1.115 the Bassaes diuided among themselues, and specially the two chiefest of them, Sinan and Ferat: for the one chalenged the chiefe place, because hee was alwayes most louing towardes him, and had dis∣swaded his father from a certain determination that sometimes he had to put him to death, for iealousie of the state, and had euer aduertised him from time

to time, whatsoeuer had happened in the Empire The other thought that he had purchased great me∣rite,* 1.116 because he had in so short a time brought him into the possessiō of his Empire, that he had so great∣ly desired, and that at such a time, as was most im∣portant for the estate of all his affaires. In such sort,* 1.117 as for these causes, and for others also which I haue told you before, they iustled lustily one agaynst the other•• till in the end they were both brought to their deathes.

Notwithstanding Mahamet,* 1.118 after that hee had somwhat setled his houshold & domestical affaires, was of necessitie constrained to go forth to the war in his owne person: and principally besides the rea∣sons before alledhed, because the Souldiers did not sticke openly to giue him to vnderstand, that to the camp they would go no more without the presence of their great Lord: for that they were greatly dis∣contented with the former Generals, Sinan and Fe∣rat, who had intreated them verie hardly. Besides that the seedes of ciuill discords, did as yet remaine aliue, in those that were affectionate, some to one of them, and some to the other: And lastly because Cicala had promised him assured victorie, if hee would so doe.

§ XIX.

IN this yeare, which was the first yeare of his go∣ing foorth,* 1.119 hee surprised Agria: a place which al∣though it bee not verie strong in regard of the hill, that commandeth it, yet is it of great inportance for

the situation, because the vniting of the Transilua∣nians forces with the Emperours will be now more difficult, for that the Turkes will continually haunt and beate the way that leadeth from Toccai to Casso∣uia: for the other vpper way of Sacmar, is much longer. And it is so much of greater importance, be∣cause if the walles of Agria bee repaired, the Turke may there maintaine a puissaunt armie, betweene both his enemies.

§ XX.

IN this yeare also happened the battaile,* 1.120 whereof without doubt it may be said, that either both the armies remained victorious, the Imperiall in the be∣ginning, and the Ottoman in the end: or else that nei∣ther of them was vanquished by the other, seeing both of them retired vncertain of their owne estates or how the matter had gone with them. And so do we read, that it happened euen alike in the battaile betweene Lewes the xi king of Fraunce,* 1.121 and Charles Duke of Burgoine: to leaue the examples of the Greekes and Romaines, that are more auncient. Whereupon it was, that both the armies following the aduise and counsaile of Leo the Emperour, did rather giue encouragement to their seueral peoples, with signes of apparant ioy on both sides, then con∣fesse their losses.* 1.122 True it is in deed, that Mahamet saw with his owne eyes, that at the beginning his ar∣mie was so discomfited and confounded, as greatly fearing his life, he fled to a hill in the sight of Agria, accompanied with some few of his Agalaries, and

there dryed and wiped his eyes with a peece of Ma∣homets apparrell,* 1.123 which for reuerence hee carried a∣bout him. Trne it is that our Men had shewed ve∣ry great valour: for lesse then 50. thousand Soul∣diers▪ (so many iumpe, as Francisco Maria, Duke of Vrbino required, for the extirpation and rooting out of that tyranny,) went to meete with the e∣nemie, fought with him, and discomfited an Armie of 300. thousand persons, euen in the presence and viewe of their Prince, who had gathered the same together, almost out of all the Forces of his Em∣pire. Insomuch as it cannot any way bee doubt∣ted, but that if our men had been lesse greedy, more vnited, better aduised and instructed, and aboue all if they had beene the friends of the Lord of Hostes, they had obtayned one of the most singular victo∣ries, that peraduenture was euer obtained by the Cbristians, yea and had taken Mahamet prisoner, as Baiazet the first was at Mount Stella, by the Greate Tamur Chan, that is to say, an Iron Lorde, who is otherwise by some corruptly called Tamerlan and Tamburlan.* 1.124 In briefe, to conclude this parte, the Turkish Captaines hauing shewed small knowledge and little valour, and therefore many of them were degraded and put to death, and almost all the com∣mon Souldiers hauing likewise shewed great cow∣ardize and astonishment of mind: it is very likelie that their Great Lord and Maister will thinke bet∣ter of his businesse in the yeare to come, eyther by making peace, or by continuing the warre with lesse daunger. Whereupon, whiles Christendom attendeth and waiteth in great perplexitie of her

doubtfull cogitations, peraducnture it shall not be vnprofitable, if (asmuch as shal lie in me) I go about a little further to search out the thoughts and coun∣sels of our enemies, and examine what may or ought to bee done by our Princes Christian to ad∣uance their businesses, to the glory of God and man.

The end of the Second Part.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The nature and conditi∣ons of Amu∣rath the third.
• * 1.2

  The name of the Turkes Law-booke.
• * 1.3

  Why Amu∣rath was cal∣led Bongi.
• * 1.4

  Why he did sometimes take Opium.
• * 1.5

  What Miriza is.
• * 1.6

  The true cau∣ses why hee warred with the Persians.
• * 1.7

  Why Ismael called Sophi.
• * 1.8

  The Persians called Kesel∣bassi.
• * 1.9

  The Tarrari∣ans of Zegatai called Ieschil∣bassi.
• * 1.10

  What a Tur∣bante is: and what it may signifie.
• * 1.11

  An exposition of a Turkish prophecie.
• * 1.12

  The Iannizza∣ries Zarcola.
• * 1.13

  Why Amu∣rath was con∣tent to be at peace with the Persians.
• * 1.14

  Who the Vi∣siers be.
• * 1.15

  What the Porta is.
• * 1.16

  The reasons of the Visiers to moue A∣marath to make warre.
• * 1.17

  The reasons why Amurath would not resolue vpon warre.
• * 1.18

  A note for Christian Princes.
• * 1.19

  The 8. seuerall opinions of the Visiers.
• * 1.20

  The first opi∣nion, to moue warre against Persia: and the reasons therof
• * 1.21

  Who Vsbegh-Han is.
• * 1.22

  What Tarta∣rians are called Ketzie-Bassi and why?
• * 1.23

  Where Geilan is.
• * 1.24

  The Georgi∣ans.
• * 1.25

  The 2. opi∣nion to make war vpon the king of Fez and Morocco, and the rea∣sons thereof.
• * 1.26

  The cape of Aguera. The hauen of Araza.
• * 1.27

  The rebellion of Marabut.
• * 1.28

  Certaine pla∣ces which the Spaniards hold in Africa.
• * 1.29

  Tunise and Goletta.
• * 1.30

  The third opi∣nion to con∣quer Malta, and the reason thereof.
• * 1.31

  Pilgrimage to Meka.
• * 1.32

  The Isle of Rhodes.
• * 1.33

  The fourth o∣pinion against the king of Spaine: and the reasons thereof.
• * 1.34

  Algieri.
• * 1.35

  How the Turks call Charles the fift.
• * 1.36

  How greatly the king of Spaine may be troubled with the Moores, the French, & the English.
• * 1.37

  How the king of Spaine may be diuerted to the Persian Gulfe.
• * 1.38

  Alfonso d' Al∣buquerque.
• * 1.39

  The Moores wearie of the Spanish go∣uernment.
• * 1.40

  Spaine not well exercised in militarie knowledge.
• * 1.41

  Spaine wan∣teth men.
• * 1.42

  The fift opi∣nion, to break peace with Venice: & the reasons therof.
• * 1.43

  The king of Spaine cannot helpe Venice against the Turke.
• * 1.44

  What reliefe the Pope can yeeld to Venice.
• * 1.45

  Diuersitie of opinions a∣mong the Bas∣saes, how and where to an∣noy Venice.
• * 1.46

  Sinan and his death.
• * 1.47

  He perswadeth to attempt Corfu.
• * 1.48

  La Bastia.
• * 1.49

  Goletta••▪
• * 1.50

  Ferat Bassa, & his death.
• * 1.51

  Ferat degra∣ded.
• * 1.52

  He aduerti∣seth to attempt Catharo.
• * 1.53

  Andronig.
• * 1.54

  Sinan Cicala perswadeth to attempt Cerego.
• * 1.55

  Demaratus K. of Lacedemo∣nians.
• * 1.56

  Other Bassaes perswade the attempt of Nouigrade and Zara.
• * 1.57

  The fishings of Butintro.
• * 1.58

  Others per∣swade to at∣tempt the coasts of the Adriatike sea.
• * 1.59

  Others Pola.
• * 1.60

  Others Ra∣gugi.
• * 1.61

  What ports the Turke hath in the Adriatike sea.
• * 1.62

  The hauen of Santa Croce.
• * 1.63

  Others per∣swade to at∣tempt the Isle of Candie.
• * 1.64

  What the E∣mirs are, and why they wear a greene Tur∣bante.
• * 1.65

  The waye•• how the Mus∣cadels of Can∣die are con∣uayed into Po∣lonia, Mosco∣uie & Germa∣nie.
• * 1.66

  The Sixt opi∣nion to attēpt Italie, and the reasons there∣of.
• * 1.67

  The Romans. The Hunnes. The Alani. The Gothes. The Vandales.
• * 1.68

  The Dutch. The French. The Spanish. The Saracens.
• * 1.69

  The foolish speech of Soli∣man touching Rome.
• * 1.70

  The praise of Italy.
• * 1.71

  How the Ita∣lians prouide themselues of Corne.
• * 1.72

  The seuenth opinion, to warre against Polonia, and the reasons thereof.
• * 1.73

  The Cosacchi Coslou.
• * 1.74

  The eight o∣pinion to war against the Emperor: and the reasons thereof.
• * 1.75

  The insolen∣cies of the Vscocchi.
• * 1.76

  The easinesse of this warre.
• * 1.77

  The Empe∣rour can haue no aid of other Princes.
• * 1.78

  The consulta∣tions of Soli∣man & Selim.
• * 1.79

  How the Turks come to the know∣ledge of our affaires.
• * 1.80

  Marchants slaues.
• * 1.81

  The Emperors Secretarie be∣came a Re∣negado The Jewes.
• * 1.82

  Iohn Miches a Jew.
• * 1.83

  John Lopes a Jew.
• * 1.84

  Spies among Christians.
• * 1.85

  How we come to the know∣ledge of the Turks affaires
• * 1.86

  Spies, Jewes and Turkes.
• * 1.87

  The Bassaes.
• * 1.88

  Why the Bas∣saes disclose the Turkes secretes.
• * 1.89

  What a Muphti.
• * 1.90

  The cunning knauerie of Hassan Bassaes
• * 1.91

  The Ladie Sultanes.
• * 1.92

  Feathers made of Glasse.
• * 1.93

  The vse of wearing fea∣thers, how and where it be∣gan.
• * 1.94

  Amurath re∣solueth to make warre v∣pon the Empe∣rour.
• * 1.95

  Incouraged thereunto by Sinan Cicali.
• * 1.96

  By Hassan the Bassa of Bosna
• * 1.97

  The fort of Petrina.
• * 1.98

  A Parallele of two Bassaes.
• * 1.99

  What the Vs∣cocchi be.
• * 1.100

  The Vscocchi and the Chi∣meriotti not all one people.
• * 1.101

  What the Mar¦telossi are.
• * 1.102

  What the Mur¦lacchi are.
• * 1.103

  Where the Vs∣cocchi do dwel
• * 1.104

  Why they are tolerated by the Imperia∣lists.
• * 1.105

  The Turkes greeued with this tolleratiō.
• * 1.106

  The Veneti∣ans greeued at it also.
• * 1.107

  How many wayes the Vs∣cocchi may come forth to the Sea.
• * 1.108

  How the Vs∣cocchi may be hindered from their Theeuing.
• * 1.109

  A law among the Vscocchi.
• * 1.110

  Sigismundo Battori the Transiluanian declareth him∣selfe an open enemie to the Turke.
• * 1.111

  The offer of Sinan.
• * 1.112

  The death of Amurath and his sepulchre.
• * 1.113

  Why the Turks temples are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moschee.
• * 1.114

  Mahamet succeedeth.
• * 1.115

  The pretence of Sinan to be chiefe Visier.
• * 1.116

  The pretence of Ferat to be chiefe vtsier.
• * 1.117

  The death of them both.
• * 1.118

  The reasons that moued Mahamet to go forth to the warre in person.
• * 1.119

  The taking of Agria and the importance thereof.
• * 1.120

  A doubtfull battaile.
• * 1.121

  Lewes the 11. Charles duke of Burgundie.
• * 1.122

  The flight of Mahamet.
• * 1.123

  Hee dryed his eyes with a peece Maha∣mets vesture.
• * 1.124

  Tamerlan.