The antiquities of Canterbury. Or a survey of that ancient citie, with the suburbs, and cathedrall Containing principally matters of antiquity in them all. Collected chiefly from old manuscripts, lieger-bookes, and other like records, for the most part, never as yet printed. With an appendix here annexed: wherein (for better satisfaction to the learned) the manuscripts, and records of chiefest consequence, are faithfully exhibited. All (for the honour of that ancient metropolis, and his good affection to antiquities) sought out and published by the industry, and goodwill of William Somner.

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The antiquities of Canterbury. Or a survey of that ancient citie, with the suburbs, and cathedrall Containing principally matters of antiquity in them all. Collected chiefly from old manuscripts, lieger-bookes, and other like records, for the most part, never as yet printed. With an appendix here annexed: wherein (for better satisfaction to the learned) the manuscripts, and records of chiefest consequence, are faithfully exhibited. All (for the honour of that ancient metropolis, and his good affection to antiquities) sought out and published by the industry, and goodwill of William Somner.
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Somner, William, 1598-1669.
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London :: printed by I[ohn] L[egat] for Richard Thrale, and are to be sold at his shop at Pauls-Gate at the signe of the Crosse-Keyes,
1640.
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"The antiquities of Canterbury. Or a survey of that ancient citie, with the suburbs, and cathedrall Containing principally matters of antiquity in them all. Collected chiefly from old manuscripts, lieger-bookes, and other like records, for the most part, never as yet printed. With an appendix here annexed: wherein (for better satisfaction to the learned) the manuscripts, and records of chiefest consequence, are faithfully exhibited. All (for the honour of that ancient metropolis, and his good affection to antiquities) sought out and published by the industry, and goodwill of William Somner." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A12598.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 22, 2025.

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Page 6

The Citie wall, and Gates therein. (Book 2)

VVHen Canterbury was first enclosed with a wall, I think, is no where to be found in story, or other record, either private or publick. Tokens of the walls good antiquitie are the British bricks, to be seen at Riding∣gate, at the gate also now done up, sometime leading from the Castle-yard to Wencheape, and at Queningate, or rather (if you will) at the place in the wall, where once the gate so called stood, and is now also made up. But in greatest plenty, upon the bank on either side the River behinde S. Mildreds Church in the remaines of the wall there. And that the City was walled in before the Norman conquest, is evident by the testimonie of Roger Hoveden l 1.1, who rela∣ting the siege and surprisall of the Citie by the Danes, in the time of King Etheldred, Anno Christi 1011. tells us, that (amongst particulars of the Danish crueltie, wreaked on the poore English people of the Citie) many of them being by the Danes cast headlong from the wall of the Citie met with death in the precipice.

This may be further proved by severall Records of our Cathedrall, making mention of this wall in the English-Saxons time m 1.2. But that I may not seem to loyter, I pur∣posely passe them by, and proceed to elder evidence. Now the first and most ancient mention of our City wall (I conceive) offers it self in King Ethelberts charter of the site of the Monastery called (from him, for whose sake it was founded of King Ethelbert) S. Augustines, da∣ted Anno Christi 605. The ground therein set out for that intent being described to lie, sub orientali muro Civitatis Dorobrniae. A plain argument of the Cities walling at that time, and (as I conjecture) Archbishop Parker's warrant for his Hanc muro cinctam n 1.3, &c. where he reports the do∣nation of this City, with the Royaltie thereof by King

Page 7

Ethelbert to Augustine. And that it was then walled, may hence be further argued, that as Edward the Confessour long after, is said to build S. Peters Church in Westminster without London-City-Wall, purposely for the place of his owne Sepulture o 1.4: so one maine end of the worke of that Augustinian Monastery, was (as both Ethelb. and Aug. in their severall Charters intimate) that it might be a Cimi∣tery or place of buriall for them and their successors; the Kings and Archbishops of the place for ever. And why? but even because of the then unlawfulnesse of buriall within Cities, and other walled Townes, a thing, by that * 1.5 Law of the twelve Tables (Hominem mortuum infra ur∣bem ne sepelito, neve urito.) flatly forbidden. So have I briefly trac'd our City Wals to the furthest of their known Antiquity.

But, by the way, I may not conceale from you, what suspicion there is of (these Heralds of our City Wals An∣tiquity:) the Ethelbertine Charters to be fictitious and counterfeit. Sr. Henry Spelman, that learned and worthi∣ly admired Antiquay hath that opinion of them. And indeed, there is a note to be found in the Records of our Cathedrall p 1.6: which confirmes the suspicion. It tels us, that untill Withred (King of Kent) about the yeere of grace 700. that Church did peaceably enjoy it lands & liberties, onely by custome, ex antiquo more, without any charters or other written muniments. Could it now be truly ad∣ded that Withreds is the first and most ancient muniment of that Church, judging of the one by the other, this would give great cause of suspicion of the truth of those Ethelbertine charters. But in regard, that severall mu∣niments of elder times then Withreds, as one of King Ed∣bald sonne and successour of Ethelb: and two of Cedwalla the west-Saxon, made to this very Cathedrall, are to this day extant, being registred at length in the Leigers of that Church (I speak ex proprio visis) and, if judgement

Page 8

may be given by the agreement of the hands, even by the very pen of the authour of that note, there is more cause in my judgement to suspect that note, of falsitie, then those charters, which it may seem to question, of forgery.

But the noble Knight sets before you (if you please to peruse them) other reasons for his opinion. I referre you to them, and them to your consideration: and so passe on to further discourse of our Citie wall. Which I conceive carries yet greater antiquitie, then hitherto hath been spo∣ken of. For (if as Huntington affirms it was) Canterbury were one of the 28 Cities infamousing this Iland in the Britains times, and of them called Kair-Chent, taking this note along with us, that Kair * 1.7 with them signified a wall∣defenced town or City, we need not doubt but it was walled in their times. And so much for the walls antiqui∣tie, now I passe to after-accidents that have betided it.

The City (as I have given you a former touch) being by the Danes, in the dayes of King Etheldred, besieged, taken, and with the Cathedrall (as all our Chronologers agree) burnt and utterly wasted; the City wall (no doubt) being the Cities best securitie against a like surprisall, if it should still have stood, was not spared by that all-wasting enemy.

I read that Archbishop Lanfranc, in the Conquerours time, was a great benefactour to the repaire of it. So saith Mr. Lambert q 1.8, and so Stow, followed by Speed. But no other story mentions it, no not that of his life and acts written by (his successour) Archbishop Parker. But so they say. Take it as I finde it. When or by whom soever it was re∣paired, it is plain by the Monk of Malmesbury, that in his time, which was about the yeare of grace 1142. in the reign of King Stephen, it was walled round. For he saith it was r 1.9 then a City much renowned (amongst other things) for the walls whole and undecayed enclosing it round about. Which being so, and no violence offered them afterward

Page 9

that we reade of, I marvell somewhat that there should be need of that fortification of the City with walls in Richard the first's time, as it seems there was: For the King being (it should appeare) taken prisoner in his return from the holy land, his Mother Q. Alianor, out of her care in her ab∣sent sonnes behalfe, of this amongst other (as it seems) weak parts of the kingdome, takes order for the fortifying of it: as by her letters s 1.10 of the following tenor may appeare, written (itseems) at the instance and for the securitie of the Cathedrall Monks, fearfull that this one act of their as∣sistance in the work of the Cities fortification, might in∣fringe their libertie of Burgbote, and being drawn in conse∣quentiam become a prejudiciall example, effectuall to compell them to the like in future time, as of the nature of a leading case.

Carta Alianor. Reginae quòd homines nostri non tenen∣tur facere fossat. vel murum circa Civitatem Cantuariensem.

A. Dei gratia humilis Angliae Regina, omnibus Christi fide∣libus ad quos literae praesentes pervenerint, salutem in ve∣ro salutari. Audito quòd karissimus filius noster Rex Angliae Richardus detentus est ab Imperatore Romano, vovimus ad memoriam beati & gloriosi martyris Thomae, ut liberationem Domini Regis filii nostri possemus ejus intervenientibus meritis & precibus obtinere. Cùm autem ob terrae turbationem Cau∣tuariae Civitas fossatis & muris & aliis propugnàculis munire∣tur, omnés{que} ad hoc compellerentur; quidam homines Prioris & Conventus ecclesiae Cant. non de jure, non de consuetudine, sed ad nostrarum precum instantiam ibidem operati sunt. Nos itaque diligentius attendentes libertates & immunitates ad praefatam ecclesiam & ejus homines ubicunque fuerint pertinentes, mona∣chis ejusdem ecclesiae concessimus & promisimus, quòd operatio illa quam urgens necessitas & nostra interventio inducebat, eis

Page 10

vel hominibus eorun in posterum non noceret, eorumque cartis & libertatibus, quae illis à multis Regibus confirmatae sunt, prju∣dicium non afferret. In huus rei testimonium praesentes literas si∣gillo nostro fecimus communiri. Test. H. Archidiac' ejusdem ecclesiae, & magistro P. Bless. Bathon. Archid. apud London.

With like caution I finde the same Monks, a while after help forward the Cities defence another way. For in King Iohns time, Rich. 1. immediate successour, the Citizens after much suit to the Monks, prevailed with them at length, to sell them of their wood to make hurdles or wat∣tles withall, for the defence of their City. They are in∣deed (as I am informed t 2.1 things of especiall good and known use for such a purpose, in divers respects, but chief∣ly serviceable, rightly used, for the securing of a wall against Rammes, and such like engines of assault and bat∣tery. Consider of this further, after you have read these letters u 2.2, which I may call the Monks acquitance, or pro∣tection.

Omnibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Hubertus de Burgo Iustitiarius Domini Regis, salutem in Domino. No∣veritis quòd ad magnam petitionem meam & civium Civitatis Cant.Monachi ecclesiae Christi Cant. vendiderunt civibus Cant. de bosco suo ad faciendum Cleias ad defensionem Civita∣tis Cant. Et quia constabat nobis plenè per cartas Domini Jo∣annis Regis nostri, & antecessorum suorum quod praedicti Mo∣nachi ad munitionem praedict. Civitatis non tenentur, nè prae∣dicta venditio possit in posterum praedictis Monachis vel eccle∣siae Cant. praejudicare, literis praesentibus cum sigilli nostri appo∣sitione jus & libertates dictorum Monachorum &Cant. ecclesiae protestamur super praedict venditione. Val.

The prototype is yet remaining in the Cathedrall, where I have seen it with the seale appendant. The like to that (of the Authors) represented in figure in the last edi∣tion of the Remaines pag. 209. and in the map of Kent.

I reade nothing of our walls afterward till Rich. 2.

Page 11

dayes, who (as Thorne reported by Mr. Lambert x 3.1 saith) gave 250. markes towards the ditching, and inclosing of the City, and in whose reigne, Regis ad exemplum, that re∣nowned Patriot Archb. Sudbury is said to have built the Westerne-gate of the City, together with the Wall, ly∣ing betweene that and the North-gate, commonly called the long Wall, and was purposed (some say) to have done likewise about all the City y 3.2, if he had lived. The rest of the Wall (it seemes) either tottering, or being quite decayed at that time. Insomuch as Simon Burley (Warden of the Cinque Ports) advised that the Jewels of Christ-Church and Saint Augustines, should for more safety be removed to Dover-Castle z 3.3.

What cost in reparation it had afterward bestowed on it, was chiefely raised by the generall taxe of the City. For it appeares by the Book of Murage in the City-Cham∣ber, that the whole City in the time of Hen. 4. was taxed and assessed to the repaire thereof: towards the sustaining of which both for the present and future, and the Citizens incouragement to proceed in that worthy undertaking, that King, by his writ of Privy Seale, gives them both a licence of Mortmaine, for the purchasing of twenty pound land per annum to the City for ever; and also grants them all wast grounds, and places lying within the City to use and dispose of for their best advantage, likewise in perpe∣tuity. For your better satisfaction, take here a translated Copy of the Writ, as I have it from the Records of the Chamber.

Henry by the Grace of God King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, to all people to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know yee that where * 4.1 our welbeloved, the Citizens of our City of Canterbury, (as We heare) have begun to fortifie and strengthen the same City as well with one Wall of stone, as with a Ditch.

Page 12

We considering the same City to be set neere unto the Sea, and to be as a Port or entry of all strangers into our Realme of England coming by the same parts; so that it hath need of the more strength. Of Our especiall Grace, and for the honour of God; and by the assent of Our Counsell have granted and given licence to the same Citi∣zens, that they may purchase Lands and Tenements to the value of twenty pound by the yeare within the said City. * 4.2 To have and to hold to them and their successors, Citi∣zens of the foresaid City, in helpe towards the building and making of the same Wall and Ditch for ever. The stat. made of Lands and Tenements not to be put to Mortmaine, or for that the said City is holden of Us in Burgage notwithstanding. Provided that by inquisitions thereof, in due forme to be made, and into the Chancery of Us or of Our Heires, duely to be returned, it be found that it may be done without hurt or prejudice to Us or to Our Heires aforesaid, or to any other. And moreover, in consideration of the premisses of Our more speciall Grace, We by the assent of Our said Counsell, have granted and given licence to the foresaid Citizens, that they all Lands and places voyde and waste within the foresaid City may dresse up, arrent and build up. And the same Lands and places so dressed up, arrented and builded, they may have and hold to them and to their Successors aforesaid, in helpe and reliefe of the same Citizens, and in mainte∣nance of the premisses and other charges to the same City hapning for ever: without let of Us or of Our Heires or Ministers whatsoever they be, the stat. aforesaid; or for that the said City is holden of Us, in Burgage as it is a∣bovesaid notwithstanding. Saved alwayes to Us and to Our Heires the Services thereof due and accustomed. In Witnesse whereof We have caused these Our Letters Pa∣tents to be made. Witnesse Our Selfe at Westminster the fifth day of May, in the fourth yeare of Our Reigne.

Page 13

The better and more easily to estimate and judge of the charge of which worke, I finde that the yeare before (3. Hen. 4.) the compasse and circuit of the Wall was mea∣sured, and a note thereof taken and registred in the Re∣cords of the Chamber. Let me present you with the Co∣py of it, in the identity of words and language that I finde it.

Mensuratio murorum circa Civitatem Cant' per Thomam Ickham honor ablem Civem Civitatis praedict' fact. Ann. Reg. Hen. tertio.
  • Primo à parva porta de Quyningate usque ad Burgate xxxviij. perticat, & porta de Burgate continet unam.
  • Item, à dicta porta de Burgate usque ad Newingate xxxvij. perticat, & porta de Newingate continet unam.
  • Item, à dicta porta de Newingate'usque ad Ridingate xlviij. perticat, & porta de Ridingate continet unam.
  • Item, à dicta porta de Ridingate usque ad Worgate lxxxiij. perticat, & porta de Worgate continet unam.
  • Item, à porta de Worgate usque ad aquam quae est à retro S. Mildredae, lxj. perticat, & riparia ibidem continet, iiij. per∣ticat.
  • Item, à riparia usque ad Westgate. cxviij. perticat, & di∣mid', & porta de Westgate continet unam.
  • Item, à porta de Westgate usque ad finem muri qui vocatur Long-wall continent', lix. perticat, & quartam partem perticat.
  • Item, aqua quae vocatur Stower ab illo muro usque ad murum qui vocatur Waterlocke continet, xviij. perticat, & dimid.
  • Item, & murus ab illo loco usque ad Northgate continet, xl. perticat, & porta de Northgate continet unam.
  • Item, à porta de Northgate usque ad Quyningate continet lxix. perticat, quae est versus Prior' ecclesiae Christi Cant. Summa otalis (but it is miscast) vclxix. perticat, & quarta pars perticat.

Page 14

This Thomas Ickham, by the way, the Wall measurer, was Alderman of Burgate in the fourth yeare of Hen. 4. and dying the twenty sixe of May. 3. Hen. 5. was buried in Christ-Church. a 4.3 Others of his name and family, (I take it) lye buried in Saint Peters Church in Canterbury, as I shall show hereafter.

By this Record you may perceive that the whole Wall betweene Westgate and Northgate was not then built, as now we see it is. For on either side the River, the Wall, by this Record, clearely breakes off, so that there is an in∣terjected distance of eighteene perches long betweene the one, and the other Wall. And indeed it will easily appeare to be but a slight observation; that so much of the Wall as stands and is made up in that then un-walled part, namely betweene the Posterne and the Waterlocke, next Northgate, through which in Arches, with a Portclose, the River now passeth from Abbots Mill, is in the stone∣worke much different from the rest of the Wall, and shewes not in any part the least wracke or decay, as the other doth. It seemes then that Archbishop Sudbury built not all the long Wall.

But enough of the Wall, unlesse the City of latter time had more tendred her own credit and safety in keeping it better repaired. In pity and just reproofe whereof (whe∣ther in this City, or any other) I crave leave here a little to enlarge my selfe. A Cities aspect is much blemished by ruinous edifices: especially publicke, and in places most obvious to the eye. Now what more publicke and obvious then the City Wall? Against this deformity the Civill law very carefully provides, which sayes: Civitas ruinis non debet deformari. b 4.4 As likewise doe the lawes of this land: Statutes being made 27. 32. and 33. Hen. 8. to remedy such deformities in many of our Cities, and this in particular. If this move not, know then that our Eng∣lish Townes and Cities are taxed, and have a note set on

Page 15

them published to the World in Print, for their notori∣ous defect of Walles and Bulwarkes. Expositae sunt nati∣ones (saith the French Thlosanus) c 4.5 praedae exterorum, quae non habent muratas aut munitas Civitates, ut de Anglia, & Scy∣thicis liqu nationibus: Cito enim expugnatis portubus, in∣gressu & aditu patefacto, omnia cedunt reliqua, &c. Thus he, and leaves it not so, but a while after hath it up a∣gaine. d 4.6 Estque res notissima, Angliam aliasque regiones toties mutasse Reges & Dominos, quòd null aut paucissimae sunt in eis urbes & arces munitae: ut sit axioma certissimum, in∣gressis in eas Regiones obtento, statim dominationem earum sequi. Thus he, much to the discredit of our Nation: but deservedly I doubt, and suspect our particular neglect and defect in this kinde, partly gave the occasion. As we tender then our owne, and our Countries credit; as we respect our particular commodity in point of security and beauty, both which it will at once bring unto our City, let us with our forefathers, as good Patriots, looke better to our Walles.

But I feare I speake too late. Serò medicina paratur, &c. The malady is of that growth by the want of applying timely remedies, that, I thinke, it is now become incura∣ble. Such danger, such detriment attends, and is begot∣ten by delay. Yet let me not seeme tedious, whilest I re∣member what some yt living cannot have forgotten; that not long since the cure was in part worthily attempted by a noble Citizen, Mr. I. Easday by name, sometime one * 4.7 of our Aldermen, who in the time of his Maioralty, well hoping his Successors in the place, would likewise have succeeded him in this his exemplary piety and commen∣dable endeavour for the repaire of the City wall, to his great cost, being a man but of an indifferent estate, be∣gan the repaire thereof at Ridingate, and therein pro∣ceeded so farre, as where you may finde his name inscri∣bed on the Wall. A worke left for future ages to follow,

Page 16

now having hitherto vouchsafed it their imitation. But I forbeare, because I list not to be satyricall.

In this Wall are to the number of twenty one Turrets, or small watch Towers orderly placed, the most of them (thankes to God) of no use now adayes; but in many mens judgements, such, as with no great cost, if it might stand with the wisdome of the City, might make, what we much want, convenient Pest-houses, and Recepta∣cles for the poore visited people of the City, many times either indangering the publicke safety by their stay in their houses, or else hazarding their private well-fare abroad for want of such or like accomodation. I have done with the Walles.

The Gates.

The Gates of the City come next to be considered of. The Wall at this day admits of onely sixe (except the three Posternes) answering to the number of the Wards, Burgate, Newingate, Ridingate, Worthgate, Westgate, and Northgate. Anciently we had another, a seventh gate, which was called Queningate, whereof mention is made in the fore-going note of the measure∣ment of the City Wall. I will briefely speake of them all, beginning with that whereof I finde eldest mention, Burgate, or Burrough-gate.

The first of King Ethelb. Charters dated in the yeare of our redemption 605. tels us of this Gate: bounding out * 4.8 the intended site of Saint Augustines Monastery, South to Burgate-way. In meridie via de Burgate, saith the Char∣ter. It was afterwards, and still is otherwise called Saint Michaels-gate, from the Church so called sometime neighbouring to it. About the yeare of Grace 1475. This Gate was new builded, at whose charges is to be seene up∣on the Gate, without, where you may finde the principall

Page 17

benefactors, worthy Citizens in their times, thus me∣morized. Per Iohannem Franingam, Iohannem Nethersole, & Edm. Minot.

By this Gate lyes the Road betweene the City and Sand∣wich, * 4.9 and the bordering parts, and that onely by Long∣port at this day: whereas in former time there was also a common foot-way lying through St Augustines Church∣yard, by the Gate at either end, the one yet standing a∣gainst St Pauls-street, called Church-street: at the one end, and the other directly oppositeto it, where a new Gate was lately made opening into St Martins-streete. Besides tradition which retaines the memory of this com∣mon way, the wills e 4.10 of some of our Townesmen buried in St Augustines said Church-yard, make mention of it, by appointing and laying out their burials in Cimiterio St Au∣gust' in alta via, and the like. And in, or about the begin∣ning of Hen. 6. reigne, I finde there arose a great debate, ending in a suite in law, betweene the City and the Abby concerning Limits; occasioned chiefely by the Citizens challenge, and the Monkes deniall of this way, to lye and be within the liberty and franchese of the City. The qua∣rell happened in the time of the Bailiffes, who in their passage to and from St Martins by that way, with their Maces, the ensignes of their Magistracy borne up before them, so distasted the Monkes, that on a time meeting them and their company upon the place, and not prevai∣ling with them verbis; or by force of argument to desert their, and the Cities claime in that behalfe: impatient of the affront, they attempted it vi, or by force of armes, endeavouring by strong hand to force them from the place, but being the weaker party, were put to the worst. To suit then they goe, but the issue what it was I cannot learne, onely I have seene (and have a Copy of) an argu∣ment drawne and framed on the Monkes part, and in de∣fence of their limits and liberties, to the doing whereof

Page 18

the premised difference gave the occasion. However the way continued and lay common till our memory. And here, in all probability, lay the most ancient rode between Burgate and St Martins, it meets in so streight a line, the rodes at either end; whereas Long-port rode lyes wide of them both, more south from the Abby: the rode being so turned of purpose (as I conceive) to make more way, and give larger scope for St Augustines Church-yard. And (which moves me most) the first site of the Abbey is bounded South to Burgate way, and not to Long-port f 4.11. But leaving this Gate, come we now to the next.

Newingate, otherwise from the Church so called stand∣ing * 4.12 hard by it, St Georges-gate. This Gate was new built much about the time that Burgate was. For thus I read in the will of one William Bigg of Cant. g 4.13 a benefactor to the worke, 1470. Item, I give ten pounds to the making, and performing of St Georges Gate, to be payed as the worke goeth forward. But it took not the name of New∣ingate, that is Newgate, from this new building of it; but was much more anciently so called. For about the middle of the eleventh Century, in a Bull of Pope Alex. 3. to the Monkes of Christ-church, I read this; In civitate Cantuar. Ecclesiam scil. Georgii de Newingate: Yet by the name of it, it should not be of any great antiquity. And indeed I conceive it to be of a latter foundation then any of the other five, and that it was built (as Newgate in London was upon an occasion not much unlike h 4.14) chiefely for a more direct passage into the heart of the City from Dover-rode. Whereas the more ancient rode and passage into the City from Dover lay by the next Gate, whither I am going.

Ridingate, an ancient Gate, and mentioned in the Re∣cords of St Augustins Abby, in Ann. Dom. 1040. thus: * 4.15 Edsinus Archiepiscopus dedit Sancto Augustino quinque acr as terrae Rudingate & unum pratum pertinens ad terram praedict':

Page 19

hac conditione interposita, ut monachi St August. haberent ejus memoriam in orationibus suis specialem i 4.16.

By this Gate (I say) anciently lay the Dover-rode, or rather the Roman port-way, or military way betweene Do∣ver and Canterb. the like whereof lay betweene * 4.17 Limen and the City. (As probably also betweene it and the rest of the Roman ports, to wit Reculoer, Richborow, and New∣enden, places all where the Romans planted their Castra Riparensia, as I may not unfitly call them, for the defence of the Saxon shore:) Of the which formed two, one up∣on Burham-downe, and the other upon the Downes by Horton and Stowting, is in ancient evidences called Dun∣strata. 1. The street way on the hill or downe. The Vesti∣gia of the latter, is that long continued hard-way, called Stone-street, and of the other the abrupt pieces of a faire causey upon Barham-downe, a way more streight and di∣rect then that now used, lying by Whitings-way, or rather White-way (for King Iohns Charter to St Rudegund's Abby by Dover cals it Alba via k 4.18;) whither the rode was turned (as is probably conjectured) for the frequency of robberies and murders committed in Woolwich-wood, through which the former way lay and lead. But to our Gate againe, which I suppose tooke it name from this Port-way or Rode-way. Ridingate, being no other but the Rode-gate. Which conjecture is made much more probable, if not the matter put out of all doubt, partly by the tokens of Antiquity, the Roman or British-bricks as yet to be seene about it, and partly by the name of the streete leading from it into the City, called to this day Watling-street, one of the foure famous wayes or streets which crossed and quartered the Kingdome. Erming-street, Ikenildstreet and Fosse being the other three, which Mulmutius Dunwallo is by some storied to have made; I know not how many hundreds of yeeres before Christ. So Holinshead. But of Mr Cambden, who hath a

Page 20

large discourse of them l 4.19, much more probably attributed to the Romanes. I proceed.

By this gate was sometime standing a Church, called the Church of S. Edmund m 4.20 the King and Martyr, otherwise from the Gate by which it stood, S. Edmunds of Ridingate, built by one Hamon the sonne of Vitalis, one of those who came in with the Conquerour n 4.21. This Church was stand∣ing neare within the gate, for I have read an old deed bounding out an house one way to the street leading to S. Edmunds Church from Tierne-Crouch (that is the Iron crosse, which sometime stood at the East-end of Castle-street, at the meeting of the foure weuts) But the Church is now so cleane gone, that the least vestigium of it appears not. I read o 4.22, that upon the declining of it, iu the yeare of our Lord 1349. it was united to S. Mary Bredne, by the then Commissary of Canterb', specially authorised there∣to by the Ordinary, who were then the Prior and Count of Christ-Church in the vacancy of the See by Archbishop Bradwardines death, with consent of the Nunnes of Sepul∣chres, who were Patrons of it, it being given them long before by the Abbot and his Covent of S. Aug. whereof their domestick Chronicler p 4.23 hath these words. Anno Dom. 1184. Rogerus Abbas & Conventus hujus Monasterii concesserunt ecclesiam beati Edmundi de Redingate in puram & perpetuam elemosynam Monialibus S. Sep. Cant. Ita ta∣men quod Moniales praedictae in recognitionem Iuris quod S. Aug. habet in praedicta ecclesia de red. 12. denarios de ipsa ecclesia singulis annis reddent super Altare S. Aug. in die ipsius scil. ad organa reparanda, & super hoc tam Priorissa & Sup∣priorissa in Capitulo nostro fidelitatem juraverunt multis testi∣bus praesentibus. Thus he. Let me onely acquaint you that over this Ridingate, was sometimes, and that in the me∣morie of many yet living, a Bridge lying upon the under∣props or Buttresses yet standing on either side the Gate; * 4.24 by which when it stood, a man might have continued his

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walk from the lesser to the greater Dondgehill, and è con∣tra, but it is decayed and gone. And so I walk on to Worth∣gate.

Of which I can say but little, and the rather because I am not as yet perswaded to be of their opinion who think that Winchep-gate, that now is, and so called, is the anci∣ent Worthgate. For my part, I rather conceive the gate now disgated sometime leading out of the Castle-yard in∣to Winchep to be Worthgate, because it is both the more ancient gate in all appearance, carrying a shew of greater Antiquitie then the castle it self in the perfect Arch of British brick which it hath, not sampled of any other a∣bout the City; and in its ruines retaines the vestigia of a gate, both for strength and beauty of good respect. Be∣sides, by it the road is continued, directly from Castle-street into Winchep, and è contra: whereas Winchep-gate carries no shew of the least antiquitie; and beside stands wide of Winchep, making the passenger wheel a∣bout, and fetch a compasse to come to it. Besides observe the name, which I suppose taken up and given it since the building of the Castle, Worthgate, that is (as I conceive) the Castle-gate, or gate by the Castle: Worth (as some interpretit q 4.25) signifying a Fort: or else VVorthgate, quasi VVard-gate, from the constant watch and ward (com∣monly called Castle-guard:) anciently kept in the Castle and Barbican, for the safeguard of it and the City, where∣of some ancient evidences have taken notice, as (amongst other) one of S. Radeg. Abbey r 4.26, made in Ric. 1. or King Iohns time, concluding thus. Haec emptio facta fuit illo tem∣pore quo VV•us de Hesheteford habuit wardam Castelli Cant. & eodem temp' Theoricus le Vineter fuit prfectus.

But leaving this matter, let me tell you, that, accord∣ing * 4.27 to traditionall report, London rode lay anciently by this gate, untill Boughton way, as the more direct, came into request; which it did but lately as they say, how truly

Page 22

I know not, but not improbably, (if for no other reason) because of the prison kept of old first in the Castle, and af∣terwards at or neare S. Iacobs (whereof more anon) pla∣ces most likely of the greatest through-fare. But as a thing uncertaine I leave it with a Fides penes lectorem esto, untill further enquiry shall inable me to give him better satisfa∣ction. But for certain, of old, in perilous times of hostilitie, all strangers coming by Dover, and those eastern coasts from forrein parts, being denied the common through∣fare of the City, were put to seek London-rode, by a lane leading to it not farre distant from this Gate, of some cal∣led Strangers way, of other Out-aliens way, which cros∣seth * 4.28 the rode at S. Dunstans Crosse a little on this side of Cockering ferme. Of this Gate I have nothing more to say in this place, because I shall have a second occasion for it, when I come to the Castle. I passe therefore from it to VVestgate.

But first will it please you to heare my second thoughts, touching the rodes lying by this Gate, to and from Lon∣don?

Some haply will more readily adhere to this opinion, because Mr Cambden s 4.29 seems to be in a manner of their minde, by making Lenham (in his interpretation) the same with the Emperour Antoninus his Durolsuum men∣tioned in his Itinerary, as one of the mansions or stations upon the rode lying in his time between London and Rich∣borough.

But therein (I take it) Mr Cambden is mistaken, If you * 4.30 will heare my reasons, first let me give you the Stations or Mansions which the Itinerary mentions lying in the rode between London and Richborough, with the distances be∣tween the stages, and the totall summe or number of miles in the whole journey, taking beginning from London.

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Noviomago. m. p. x.In toto lxxiiij.
Vaginacis. m. p. xviij.
Durobrovis. m. p. ix:
Durolevo. m. p. xiij.
Duroverno. m. p. xij.
Ad portum Ritupis. m. p. xij.

Let me adde also the stages (and their distances) be∣tween London and Dover, and between London and Lin, with the totals also of their miles, as the same Itinerary sets them down.

  • Item, à Londinio ad portum Dubris. M. P. 66. sic.
  • Durobrovis. m. p. xxvij.
  • Duroverno. m. p. xxv.
  • Ad portum Dubris. m. p. xiiij.
  • Item, à Londinio ad portum Lemanis. M. P. lxviij. sic.
  • Durobrovis. m. p. xxvij.
  • Duroverno. m. p. xxv.
  • Ad portum Lemanis. m. p. xvj.

Now the first of these stages betweene London and Richborough (Noviomagus) Mr Cambden conceiveth to be that which is now called Woodcote, a little village neare Croydon in Surrey. The next (Vagniac.) he takes for Maid∣stone, a Towne well knowne in Kent. The third (Durobro∣vis) for Rochester City. The fourth (Durolevum) for Len∣ham in Kent. The fift (Durovernum) for Canterbury City, and the next and last (Portus Ritupis) for Richborough neare Sandwich.

As for the third and two last of these stages, there is no cause of doubt (as I conceive) but he hits them aright: the Quaere rests then onely upon the other three. Now it will, I thinke, be easily granted that the Roman-roads betweene Port and Port; and betweene one great Towne and another, were made and laid out as direct and streight

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as might be t 4.31: and that for the Posts and other Travellers both better direction, and also more swift and speedy dis∣patch of the journey; to facilitate whose passage they in∣vented, and made those causeyes, whereof we have in many places the remaines to this day. And that the rode or Port-way betweene London and these Port-Townes was streight and without much winding, appeareth plainely by the totall of the miles, not onely betweene them (e∣specially betweene London and Dover being reckoned but at 66. a distance which it holds almost to this day, though the English be longer then the Italian miles:) but also, if you marke it betweene London and Rochester, and between Rochester also and Canterbury, the former being 27. the latter 25. If this be so, the Traveller goes much awry and out of his way, that setting out of London, and bound for Richborough, goes first eight or ten miles wide of London, to Woodcote: from thence to Maidstone some 24. miles a∣sunder: and from Maidstone makes to Rochester (oblique∣ly all the way, without gaining a step nearer his journeys end, when he is there: and then quatering againe re∣turnes into Maidstone rode, and salutes Lenham, and so makes forward. He that takes his way thus shall finde it little lesse thrn 80. of our miles betweene London and Rich∣borough.

The case thus standing, suffer me to give my weake conjecture how the Rode might lye in the Romans time; and to tell you whereabout I guesse these Stations, Man∣sions or stages that the Itinerary speakes of, were severally seated, and may now probably be found.

As for the first then, being Noiomagus, or Noviomagus, and that seated tenne miles from London; I cannot con∣ceive * 4.32 how it should be a stage for this rode, and lye wide of London, as Woodcote doth, so many miles, and consequent∣ly set the Traveller at as great a distance from the place whither he is bound (Richborough) as when he first set out

Page 25

of London. Considering this, and the distance betweene London and Rochester, by the Itinerary, I should rather place it about Crayford, much about tenne miles from London, upon or alongst some Hill or Downe, since it is otherwise called Noviodunum.

As for Vagniac, the next stage, 18. miles from Novio∣magus * 4.33 (saith the Itinerary, not without a mistake, I beleeve of 18. for 8. miles, it being by the same Itinerary, but 27. betweene London and Rochester) I suppose it might stand about Northfleet, distant about 8. miles from Crayford, and about as many miles from Durobrovis or Rochester, the next stage upon the rode, and which I think Nennius rather in∣tends by his Caer Medwag, in his catalogue of Cities, then Maidstone.

The 4th and next stage after Durobrovis, Durolevum, * 4.34 13 miles (by the Itinerary) distanced from Durobrovis, I take to have been seated not farre from Newington a vil∣lage on the rode between Rochester and Canterbury: In this particular not a little strengthened and uphold∣en in my conjecture by the multitude of Romane urns lately found in digging there, at such place as is already discovered and discoursed of by the learned Meric. Ca∣saubon, then Batchelor, now Doctour in Divinitie, my ever honoured friend u 4.35.

If any shall stumble at the disproportion of miles be∣tween it and Durovernum (Canterbury) let them know there is even as great between Lenham and Canterbury.

Why it should be called Durolevum, I am altogether ig∣norant. What if I conjecture (because the Itinerary layes out the rode from London to Richborough, and not è contra) from having the river or water (of Medway) on the left hand of it, as by the inhabitants tradition, Newington some∣time had, and within about 2 miles of it yet hath?

If any looking for better Remaines of a Romane stati∣on, shall object the mean condition of the present village,

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such may know that Newington hath been a place of more note in time past then now. I read of a Nunnery there of ancient time, whereof and of the pristine estate of the place, please you to reade what Thorne hath written x 4.36.

Apud manerium de Newington (saith he) fuerunt quon∣dam Moniales quae tenuerunt manerium illud integrè, scilicet id quod Dominus Abbas S. Augustini tenet, & id quod haeredes Domini G. de Lucy tenent, & id quod haeredes B. de Ripariis tenent, praeter id quod Richardus de Lucy adquisivit de Brunell de Middelton, & tunc defendebat illud manerium pro uno sul∣lingo terrae versus Regem apud Middelton. Postea contingebat quòd Priorissa ejusdem Monasterii strangulata fuit de conventu suo nocte in lecto suo, & postea tracta ad puteum quod vocatur Nonnepet: quo comperto, cepit Dominus Rex manerium illud in manum suam, & tenuit illud in custodia sua, caeteris monia∣libus usque Scapeiam ind amotis. Postea Henricus Rex Pater substituit quosdam canonicos seculares, & dedit illis illud ma∣nerium integrum cum xxviij pisis casei de manerio de Middel∣ton. Subsequenti verò tempore unus occisus fuit inter eos, de qua morte quatuor fuerunt culpabiles, & duo reliqui culpabiles non inventi, per licentiam Domini Regis portionem suam de∣derunt sancto Augustino, quinque partibus remanentibus in manu Regis usque dedit illas partes Domino Richardo de Lucy Iustitiario suo. Vnde Abbas S. Augustini tenuit praedictas duas partes quousque per concambium, ut supradictum est, unà cum xj sol. vd annui redditus in hamleto de Thetham fuit sibi satis∣factum, qui quidem Hamlet postea devenit in manus Abbatis de Heversham, ex dono praedicti Richardi de Lucy, qui Abbas de praedicto redditu ecclesiae beati Augustini respondet in praesen∣ti. Alia quaedam scripta tradunt illos praebendarios tempore Re∣gis Willielmi conquestoris sic deliquisse, per quorum deli∣ctum omnia sua ibidem in manu Regis fuerunt forisfacta, qui quidem Dominus Willielm' Rex duas partes saepe nominatas de∣dit Abbati S. Augustini. Quae verò istarum opinionum sit verior, in effectu ad eligendum relinquo optioni legentis.

Page 27

Craving pardon for this digression, and leaving Worth∣gate, I come now as I promised erewhile, and as the order of my method requires, to Westgate.

Edmerus the Monk of Canterbury shortly after the Con∣quest, * 4.37 names unto us this and the Northgate of the City, telling us of Archb. Lanfranc's founding a double Hospi∣tall, the one for leprous, without the former, and the other for aged and impotent without the other gate y 4.38. This of Westgate being decayed (as I have told you) was reedi∣fied by Archbishop Sudbury in Rich. 2. time. It hath its Church by it called Holy Crosse (with this addition, from the Gate:) of Westgate.

The same gate the surest and largest about the City, * 4.39 and therefore, and in respect also of the chief through fare under it, is at this day the common Gaole or Prison of the City, both for malefactors and others, and hath been so (as I suppose) almost ever since the new building of it: but certainly from the 31. of Hen. 6. For then (as Edw. 4th in his Charter recites) he granted it to the City by his Charter, in these words. Custodiam Gaiolae suae de Westgate praedict Civitatis suae Cantuar. ad prisones tunc incarceratos & extunc incarcerendos infra eandem Civitatem & suburb. pro quocunque crimine seu causa cuptos seu capiendos, detinendos in eadem per se vel Ministros suos &c. The Town Prison be∣ing immediately before its remove thither kept in another place, to wit before the now town-Hall or Court-Hall (whereof more hereafter:) as formerly it was at another place, to which I am copiously directed by the Records of Christ-Church, which shew it to have stood in the heart of the City, hard by S. Andrews Church, on the North-side of the street, even where since and now our corn-market is kept; which the boundary of a house of Christ-Church situate thereabouts anciently thus discovers. In parochia S. Andreae, inter venellam per quam itur ad carcerem Civitatis quae est versus East. And another thus. In angulo sicut itur ab

Page 28

ecelesia St Andreae versus carcerem Civitatis z 4.40. This latter house I take to be that where Mr Taylor the Linen-draper lately dwelt, which is a Church-house, and it seemes was anciently, a corner-house, that being but lately put up which now stands betweene it and the Corne-market.

This Prison in those dayes was knowne by the name of the Spech-house. Nicholaus de Wilt-shire Priso in Gaola Ci∣vitatis Cant. vocat Spech-house moriebatur, &c. say the Crowne-Rolls, 11. Ed. 2. And whilest it was kept there, the lane now called Angell-lane, to which toward the East it abutted, called parvus vicus juxta Spech-house, and Spech-house-lane. For a Townes-man in his Will, dated 1404. proved (according to an old Custome of the City) before the Bailifes of the place, deviseth his Tenement in St Mary Magdalens Parish in Spech-house-lane a 4.41; which of necessary consequence, must be this, there being no other lane in that Parish that leads to the Spech-house.

The same records of the Cathedrall informe me of a yet more ancient common Goale or Prison then this, be∣longing * 4.42 to the City, which in the time of Prior Benedict, about 450. yeares agoe, they call Novum Carcerem Civi∣tatis. It stood (say they) in a part of that which was after∣wards the Augustine Friers seate, since the dissolution be∣come the dwelling house (after many others) of Cap∣taine Berrye's heires, having then a lane leading to it, from Saint Georges street, called Lambertslane, afterward Brewerslane, and Vicus qui ducit ad veterem Gayolam. For the composition made in the yeare 1326. between those Friers, and the then Parson of St George (whereof more hereafter) bounds out their seate in this manner. In pa∣rochia St Georgii Cant. Iuxta quandam venellam vocat' Brew∣erslane, viz. inter praed. venellam, & tenementum Thomae de Bonynton versus North, & quendum locum vocat' Eald-gaole, & tenementum Ceciliae at Gayole vers. West &c. To which adde the boundary of the house, then of the Monks of

Page 29

Christ-Church, now the dwelling house of Mr Peter Piard and some others, which in the same records is thus laid downe. Inter Regiam stratam versus North, & veterem Gayolam vers. South. This note added to the former plain∣ly points out the situation.

And now in callem regredior, hoping this digression is neither in point of Antiquity impertinent, nor in point of method preposterous, being ushered in by so fit an oc∣casion. Our forefathers, whose wits the frequency of in∣vasion prompted to all manner of warlike invention, used to secure their City-gates against assailants, not onely with a Port-close to let downe before it, but also with a warlike device built over it, through which they could let downe any offensive thing against the enemy approch∣ing to assaile it. A Gate so fortified was called Porta ma∣checollata, from machecollare, or machecoulare, which (saith my Auther b 4.43) is to make a warlike device over a Gate or other passage like to a Grate, through which scalding water, or ponderous or offensive things may be cast upon the assailants. Thus he. After this manner were and are our two principall Gates built, this of Westgate, and in imi∣tation thereof that of Newingate, with each of them a Port-close, like as Burgate: now to Northgate.

This Gate stands under apart of Saint Maries Church, * 4.44 which is built over it upon the Wall, and to distinguish it from the other Maries of the City, hath this addition from the situation (of Northgate). Under the Quire or Chan∣cell whereof is a Vault, with an open space or lope-hole in the Wall fashioned like a Crosse. It was sometime an Hermitage, but is now belonging to the Parsonage.

Come we now to Queningate. But where shall we seeke it? Thereis none of the name at this day, and few know * 4.45 where it stood. I sought as narrowly for it as for Ants∣paths, and at length having found it will shew you where it was. It stood against the Priory of Christ Church, saith

Page 30

our Wall-measurer, distanced from Northgate (saith he) 69. perches, but saith an Elder record of Christ Church, 71. perches. By these descriptions it must needs have stood neare the place of the now Posterne-gate, against St Augustines. And indeed a remanent of British brickes laid and couched Arch-wise at a place in the Wall, a little North-ward of the Posterne, showes the very place. A small Gate it was (Parva porta de Queningate, saith Ickham;) but I will assure you a very ancient one, as not onely the Bricks-betoken, but the records of Saint Augustine prove it, which tell that one Domwaldus (as I told you on a for∣mer occasion) gave to that Abby certaine land within Queningate. The very name hath antiquity in it, signify∣ing the King or Queenes gate, being haply Ethelbert and his Queene Bertha their passage from their Palace neare adjoyning to the severall places of their divers devotions: the one (if Thorne say true) at Saint Pancrace (so after∣wards called;) the other at Saint Martin, whereof more hereafter c 4.46.

Where the Church or Chappell stood, that had it name from this Gate, being called Saint Mary of Queningate, * 4.47 I cannot well tell. That such a Church it had, is most cer∣taine. I trace it in many records (some 450 yeares old and more) of Christ-Church, which had the Patronage of that and Saint Michael of Burgate, confirmed to them in and by a Bull of Pope Alex. 3. and in many like Buls since. The Parson thereof in the yeare 1381. as those re∣cords informe me, made an exchange of it and Burgate to which it was an annexed Chap. for Portpole Chantery in Pauls. This being certaine, it is no lesse sure that it stood not farre from the Gate, by the name of it; yet not very neare, it is like, because the bounders of the City-Wall and ground under it, betweene Northgate and Quenin∣gate, and betweene it and Burgate, granted to Christ-Church, neither of them mention it: and Ickhams

Page 31

measurement saith Queningate stood versus Prioratum ecclesiae Christi, not versus, nor juxta ecclesiam or capellam de Quening. I must leave it, untill I am better instructed where to finde it. And so I have done with both Wall and Gates, and come now unto (my next Particular) the Ci∣ty-Ditch. Only let me but name unto you the Posternes, which (as erewhile I told you) were three. One against * 4.48 Saint Augustine, a second at Saint Mildreds, and the third by the Sconce running from Abbats-Mill.

Notes

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