De republica Anglorum The maner of gouernement or policie of the realme of England, compiled by the honorable man Thomas Smyth, Doctor of the ciuil lawes, knight, and principall secretarie vnto the two most worthie princes, King Edwarde the sixt, and Queene Elizabeth. Seene and allowed.

DE REPVBLICA ANGLORVM. The maner of gouernement or policie of the REALME of ENGLANDE. (Book 1)

Of the diuersities of common wealthes or gouernement. CHAP. I.

THey that haue written heretofore of Common wealthes, haue brought them into thrée most sim∣ple and speciall kindes or fashions of gouernement. The first where one alone doth gouerne, is called of the Gréekes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.1 the se∣cond, where the smaller number, commonly called of them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.2 and the thirde where the multitude doth rule 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.3 To rule▪ is vnderstoode to haue the highest and supreme authoritie of commaundement. That part or member of the common wealth is saide to rule which doth controwle, correct, and direct all other members of the common wealth. That part which doth rule, define and commaund according to the forme of the gouernement, is taken in euerie common wealth to be iust and lawe: As a rule is alway to be vnderstoode to be straight, and to which all workes be to be confor∣med,

and by it to be iudged: I doe not meane the Lesbi∣ans rule which is conformed to the stone: but the right rule whereby the Artificer and the Architect doe iudge the straightnesse of euerie mans worke, he to be recko∣ned to make his worke perfectest, who goeth néerest to the straightnesse.

What is iust or Lawe in euerie com∣mon wealth or gouernement. CHAP. 2.

NOw it doth appeare, that it is profitable to euerie common wealth (as it is to euery thing generally and particularly) to be kept in her most perfect estate. Then if that part which doth beare the rule, doe com∣maund that which is profitable to it, and the commaun∣dement of that part which doeth rule on that sort, is to be accepted in euery common wealth respectiuely to be iust (as we haue said before): it must néedes follow, that the definition which Thrasimachus did make, that to be iust which is the profite of the ruling and most strong part (if it be meant of the Citie or common wealth) is not so farre out of the way,* 1.4 (if it be ciuilly vnder∣stoode) as Plato would make it. But as there is profita∣ble and likelyhoode of profite, so there is right and like∣lyhoode of right. And aswell may the ruling and Soue∣raigne part commaund that which is not his profite, as the iust man may offend (notwithstanding his iust and true meaning) when he would amend that which is amisse, and helpe the common wealth, and doe good vnto it. For in asmuch as he attempteth to doe con∣trarie to the Lawe which is alreadie put, he therefore by the lawe is iustly to be condemned, because his do∣ing is contrarie to the lawe and the ordinaunce of that part which doth commaunde.

An other diuision of common wealthes. CHAP. 3.

BUt this matter yet taketh an other doubt: for of these maner of rulinges by one, by the fewer part, & by the multitude or greater number, they which haue more methodically & more distinctly and perfectly writ∣ten vpon them, doe make a subdiuision: and diuiding eche into two, make the one good and iust, and the other euill and vniust: as, where one ruleth, the one they call a king or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a tyrant: where the few∣er number, the one they name a gouerning of the best men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Remp. optimatum, the other of the vsur∣ping of a few Gentlemen, or a few of the richer & stron∣ger sort 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Paucorum potestatem: and where the multitude doth gouerne, the one they call a common wealth by the generall name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the rule of the people 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the other the rule or the vsurping of the popular or rascall and viler sort, because they be moe in number 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Example of chaunges in the maner of gouernment. CHAP. 4.

IN common wealthes which haue had long continu∣ance, the diuersities of times haue made all these ma∣ners of ruling or gouernemēt to be seene: As in Rome: kinges Romulus, Numa, Seruius: tyrantes, Tarquinius, Sylla, Caesar: the rule of best men, as in time when the first Consuls were: and the vsurping of a few, as of the Senators after the death of Tarquinius, and before the succession of the Tribunate, and manifestly in the De∣cemuirate, but more perniciously in the Triumuirate of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompeius: and afterwarde in the Triumuirate of Octauius, Antonius, and Lepidus: The common wealth and rule of the people, as in the expul∣sing

of the decemuiri and long after, especially after the law was made, either by Horatius, or (as some would haue it) Hortentius, quod plebs sciuerit, id populum teneat. And the ruling and vsurping of the popular and rascall, as a little before Sylla his reigne, and a little before Caius Caesars reigne. For the vsurping of the rascality cā neuer long endure, but necessarily breedeth, & quickly bringeth forth a tyrant. Of this, hath Athens, Syracuse, Lacede∣mon and other old auncient ruling Cities had experi∣ence, and a man neede not doubt but that other commō wealthes haue followed the same rate. For the nature of man is neuer to stand still in one maner of estate, but to grow from the lesse to the more, and decay from the more againe to the lesse, till it come to the fatall end and destruction, with many turnes and turmoyles of sick∣nesse & recouering, seldome standing in a perfect health, neither of a mans bodie it selfe, nor of the politique bo∣die which is compact of the same.

Of the question what is right and iust in euerie common wealth. CHAP. 5.

SO when the common wealth is euill gouerned by an euill ruler and vniust (as in the three last named which be rather a sickenesse of the politique bodie than perfect & good estates) if the lawes be made, as most like they be alwayes to maintaine that estate: the question remaineth whether the obedience of them be iust, and the disobedience wrong: the profit and conseruation of that estate right and iustice, or the dissolution: and whe∣ther a good and vpright man, and louer of his countrie ought to maintaine and obey them, or to seeke by all meanes to abolish them, which great & hautie courages haue often attempted: as Dion to rise vp against Dio∣nysius, Thrasibulus against the xxx. tyrantes, Brutus and

Cassius against Caesar, which hath bin cause of many commotions in common wealthes, whereof the iudge∣ment of the common people is according to the euent and successe: of them which be learned, according to the purpose of the doers, and the estate of the time then pre∣sent. Certaine it is that it is alwayes a doubtfull and hasardous matter to meddle with the chaunging of the lawes and gouernement, or to disobey the orders of the rule or gouernment, which a man doth finde alrea∣die established.

That common wealthes or gouernements are not most commonly simple but mixt. CHAP. 6

NOw although the gouernements of common weal∣thes be thus diuided into three, and cutting ech in∣to two, so into sixe, yet you must not take that ye shall finde any common wealth or gouernement simple, pure and absolute in his sort and kinde, but as wise men haue diuided for vnderstandinges sake and fantasied iiii. sim∣ple bodies which they call elementes, as fire, ayre, wa∣ter, earth, and in a mans bodie foure complexions or temperatures, as cholericke, sanguine, phlegmatique, and melancolique: not that ye shall finde the one vtter∣ly perfect without mixtion of the other, for that nature almost will not suffer, but vnderstanding doth discerne ech nature as in his sinceritie: so seldome or neuer shall you finde common wealthes or gouernement which is absolutely and sincerely made of any of them aboue na∣med, but alwayes mixed with an other, and hath the name of that which is more and ouerruleth the other al∣wayes or for the most part.

The definition of a king and of a tyrant. CHAP. 7.

WHere one person beareth the rule they define that to be the estate of a king,* 1.5 who by succession or ele∣ction commeth with the good will of the people to that gouernement, and doth administer the common wealth by the lawes of the same and by equitie, and doth seeke the profit of the people as much as his owne.* 1.6 A tyraunt they name him, who by force commeth to the Monarchy against the will of the people, breaketh lawes alreadie made at his pleasure, maketh other without the aduise and consent of the people, and regardeth not the wealth of his communes but the aduancement of him selfe, his faction, & kindred. These definitions du containe three differences: the obtaining of the authoritie, the maner of administration thereof, & the butte or marke where∣unto it doth tend and shoote. So as one may be a tyrant by his entrie and getting of the gouernement, & a king in the administration thereof. As a man may thinke of Octauius, and peraduenture of Sylla. For they both cōming by tyranny and violence to that state, did seeme to trauaile verie much for the better order of the common wealth, howbeit either of them after a diuerse maner. An other may be a king by entrie, & a tyrant by admi∣nistration, as Nero, Domitian, and Commodus: for the empire came to them by succession, but their admi∣nistration was vtterly tyrannicall, of Nero after fiue yeares, of Domitian and Commodus very shortly vpon their new honour. Some both in the comming to their Empire, and in the butte which they shoot at, be kings, but the maner of their ruling is tyrannicall: as many Emperous after Caesar and Octauius, and many Popes of Rome. The Emperours claime this tyrānicall pow∣er by pretence of that Rogation or plebiscitum, which Caius Caesar or Octauius obtained, by which all the peo∣ple

of Rome did conferre their power & authority vnto Caesar wholly.

The Pope groundeth his from Christ (cui omnis pote∣stas data est in coelo & in terra) whose successor he preten∣deth to be: yet the generall Councels make a strife with him, to make the Popes power either Aristocratian or at the least legitimum regnum, & would faine bridle that absolutam potestatem. Some men doe iudge the same of the kinges of Fraunce, and certaine Princes of Italie and other places, because they make & abrogate lawes and edictes, lay on tributs and impositions of their own will, or by the priuate Counsell and aduise of their friends and fauorites only, without the consent of the people.* 1.7 The people I call that which the word populus doth signifie, the whole bodie and the three estates of the common wealth: and they blame Lewes the xi. for brin∣ging the administration royall of Fraunce, from the lawfull and regulate raigne, to the absolute and tyran∣nicall power and gouernement. He himselfe was wont to glory and say, he had brought the crowne of Fraunce hors de page, as one would say out of Wardship.

Of the absolute king. CHAP. 8.

OTher do call that kinde of administration which the Greekes do call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not tyranny, but the absolute power of a king, which they would pretende that euerie king hath, if he would vse the same. The o∣ther they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Royall power regu∣late by lawes: of this I will not dispute at this time. But as such absolute administration in time of warre when all is in armes, and when lawes hold their peace because they cannot be heard, is most necessarie: so in time of peace, the same is verie daungerous, aswell to him that doth vse it, and much more to the people vpon

whom it is vsed: whereof the cause is the frailtie of mans nature, which (as Plato saith) cannot abide or beare long that absolute and vncontrowled authoritie, without swelling into too much pride and insolencie. And therefore the Romances did wisely, who woulde not suffer any man to keepe the Dictatorship aboue fire monethes,* 1.8 because the Dictators (for that time) had this absolute power, which some Greekes named a lawfull tyrannie for a time. As I remember, Aristotle, (who of all writers hath most absolutely & methodically trea∣ted of the diuision and natures of common wealthes) maketh this sort of gouernmēt to be one kind of kings. But all commeth to one effect: for at the first, all kinges ruled absolutely, as they who were either the heades & most ancient of their families, deriued out of their own bodies, as Adam, Noa, Abraham, Iacob, Esau, reigning absolutely ouer their owne children and bondmen as reason was▪ or else in the rude world amongest barba∣rous & ignorant people, some one then whom God had endewed with singular wisedome to inuent thinges ne∣cessary for the nourishing and defence of the multitude, and to administer iustice did so farre excell other, that all the rest were but beastes in comparison of him, and for that excellencio willingly had this authoritie giuen him of the multitude, and of the Gentils when he was dead & almost when he was yet lyuing, was taken for a God, of others for a Prophet. Such among the Iewes were Moses, Iosua, & the other iudges, as Samuel, &c. Romulus & Numa amongest the Romances, Lycurgus and Solon & diuerse other among the Greekes, Zamol∣xis among the Thracians, Mahomet among the Ara∣bians: And this kinde of rule among the Greekes is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.9 which of it selfe at the first was not a name odious: But because they who had such rule at the first, did for the most part abuse the same, wared insolent & proude, vniust, and not regarding the common wealth,

committed such actes as were horrible and odious, as killing mē without cause, abusing their wives & daugh∣ters, taking and spoyling all mens goods at their plea∣sures, and were not shepheardes as they ought to be, but rather robbers and deuourers of the people, wherof some were contēners of God, as Dionysius, other while they lyued like diuils, and would yet be adored & accom∣pted for Gods, as Caius Caligula and Domitian: that kind of administration and maner also, at the first not euill, hath taken the signification & definition of the vice of the abusers, so that now both in Greeke, Latine, and English a tyrant is counted he, who is an euill king, & who hath no regard to the wealth of his people, but see∣keth onely to magnifie himselfe and his, and to satisfie his vicious and cruell appetite, without respect of God, of right or of the law: because that for the most part they who haue had that absolute power haue beene such.

Of the name king & thadministration of England. CHAP. 9.

THat which we call in one syllable king, in english the olde english men and the Saxons from whom our tōgue is deriued to this day calleth in two syllabes cy∣ning, which whether it commeth of cen or ken which be∣tokeneth to know & vnderstād, or can, which betokeneth to be able or to haue power, I can not tell. The parti∣ciple absolute of thone we vse yet, as when we say a cū∣ning man, Vir prudens aut sciens: the verbe of thother as I can do this, possum hoc facere. By olde and auncient histories that I haue red, I do not vnderstand that our nation hath vsed any other generall authoritie in this realme neither Aristocraticall, nor Democraticall, but onely the royall and kingly maiestie which at the first was diuided into many and sundrie kinges, ech abso∣lutely

reigning in his countrie, not vnder the subiectiō of other, till by fighting thone with thother, the ouer∣commed alwayes falling to the augmentation of the vanquisher and ouercommer, at the last the realme of England grew into one Monarchie. Neither any one of those kinges, neither he who first had all, tooke any in∣uestiture at the hād of Themperour of Rome or of any other superiour or forraine prince, but helde of God to himselfe, and by his sword his people and crowne, ac∣knowledging no prince in earth his superiour, and so it is kept & holden at this day. Although king Iohn (by the rebellion of the nobilitie ayded with the daulphin of Fraunce his power) to appease the Pope who at that time possessing the consciences of his subiectes was thē also his enemy and his most greeuous torment (as some histories do write) did resigne the crowne to his legate Pandulphus, and tooke it againe from him as from the Pope by faith and homage, and a certaine tribute year∣ly. But that act being neither approoued by his people, nor established by act of parliament, was forthwith and euer sithens taken for nothing, either to binde the king, his successors or subiectes.

VVhat is a common wealth, and the partes thereof. CHAP. 10.

TO be better vnderstood hereafter, it is necessarie yet to make a third diuision of the common wealth by the partes thereof.* 1.10 A common wealth is called a socie∣ty or common doing of a multitude of free men collected together and vnited by common accord & couenauntes among themselues, for the conseruation of themselues aswell in peace as in warre. For properly an host of mē is not called a common wealth but abusiuely, because they are collected but for a time and for a fact: which

done, ech diuideth himselfe from others as they were be∣fore. And if one man had as some of the olde Romanes had (if it be true that is written) v. thousande or x. thousande bondmen whom he ruled well, though they dwelled all in one citie, or were distributed into diuerse villages, yet that were no common wealth: for the bōd∣man hath no communion with his master, the wealth of the Lord, is onely sought for, and not the profit of the slaue or bondman. For as they who write of these thinges haue defined, a bondman or a slaue is as it were(sauing life and humane reason) but the instrumēt of his Lord, as the axe, the saw, the chessyll and goluge is of the charpenter. Truth it is the charpenter looketh diligently to saue, correct and amend all these: but it is for his owne profit, and in consideration of him selfe, not for the instrumentes sake. And as these be instruments of the carpenter, so the plow, the cart, the horse, oxe or asse, be instrumentes of the husbandman: and though one husbandman had a great number of all those and looked well to them, it made no common wealth nor could not so be called. For the priuate wealth of the hus∣bandman is onely regarded, and there is no mutuall societie or portion, no law or pleading betweene thone and thother. And (as be sayth) what reason hath the pot to say to the potter, why madest thou me thus? or why dost thou breake me after thou hast made me? euen so is the bondman or slaue which is bought for monie: for he is but a reasonable and lyuing instrument the possession of his Lorde and master, reckoned among his goods, not otherwise admitted to the societie ci∣uill or common wealth, but is part of the possession and goods of his Lorde. Wherefore except there be other orders and administrations amonst the Turkes, if the prince of the Turkes (as it is written of him) doe re∣pute all other his bondmen and slaues (him selfe and his sonnes onely freemen) a man may doubt whether his

administration be to be accompted a common wealth or a kingdome, or rather to be reputed onely as one that hath vnder him an infinite number of slaues or bondmē amōg whom there is no right, law nor common wealth compact, but onely the will of the Lorde and segnior. Surely none of the olde Greekes would call this fa∣shion of gouernment Remp. or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the reasons which I haue declared before.

The first sort or beginning of an house or familie called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. CHAP. 11.

Then if this be a societie, and consisteth onely of free men, the least part therof must be of two. The natu∣ralest and first coniunction of two toward the making of a further societie of continuance is of the husband & of the wife after a diuerse sorte ech hauing care of the familie: the man to get, to trauaile abroad, to defende: the wife, to saue that which is gotten, to tarrie at home to distribute that which commeth of the husbandes la∣bor for the nurtriture of the children and family of them both, and to keepe all at home neat and cleane. So na∣ture hath forged ech parte to his office, the man sterne, strong, bould, aduenterous, negligent of his bewtie, & spending. The woman weake, fearefull, faire, curious of her bewtie, and sauing. Either of them excelling o∣ther in wit and wisedome to conduct those thinges which appertaine to their office, and therefore where their wisedome doth excell, therein it is reason that ech should gouerne. And without this societie of man, and woman, the kinde of man coulde not long endure. And to this societie men are so naturally borne that the prince of all Philosophers in consideration of natures was not afraide to say that a man by nature is rather desirous to fellow him selfe to another and so to liue in

couple, than to adherd himselfe with many. Although of all thinges or lyuing creatures a man doth shew him selfe most politique, yet can he not well liue without the societie & fellowship ciuill. He that can liue alone saith Aristotle is either a wild beast in a mans likenes, or else a god rather than a man. So in the house and familie is the first and most naturall (but priuate) apparance of one of the best kindes of a common wealth, that is called Aristocratia where a few & the best doe gouerne, and where not one alwaies: but sometime and in some thing one, & sometime and in some thing another doth beare the rule. Which to maintaine for his part God hath giuen to the man great wit, bigger strength, and more courage to compell the woman to obey by reason or force, and to the woman bewtie, faire countenaunce, and sweete wordes to make the man to obey her againe for loue. Thus ech obeyeth and commaundeth other, and they two togeather rule the house.* 1.11 The house I call here the man, the woman, their children, their ser∣uauntes bonde and free, their cattell, their housholde stuffe, and all other things, which are reckoned in their possession, so long as all these remaine togeather in one, yet this cannot be called Aristocratia, but Meta∣phorice, for it is but an house, and a little sparke resem∣bling as it were that gouernement.

The first and naturall beginning of a kingdome in Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. CHAP. 12.

BVt for so much as it is the nature of all thinges to encrease or decrease, this house thus encreasing & multiplying by generation, so that it cannot well be cō∣prehended in one habitation, and the children waring bigger, stronger, wiser, and thereupon naturally desi∣rous to rule, the father and mother sendeth them out

in couples as it were by prouining or propagation.* 1.12 And the childe by mariage beginneth as it were to roote to∣wards the making of a new stocke, and thereupon an o∣ther house or familie. So by this propagation or proui∣ning first of one, and then another, and so from one to a∣nother in space of time, of many howses was made a streete or village, of many streetes and villages ioyned together a citie or borough. And when many cities, boroughes and villages were by common and mutuall consent for their conseruatiō ruled by that one and first father of them all, it was called a nation or kingdome. And this seemeth the first and most natural beginning and source of cities, townes, nations, king∣domes, and of all ciuill societies. For so long as the great grandfather was aliue and able to rule, it was vnnaturall for any of his sonnes or offprinst to striue with him for the superioritie, or to go about to gouerne or any wise to dishonour him, from whom he had recei∣ued life and being. And therefore such a one doth beare the first and natural example of an absolute and perfect king. For he loued them as his owne children and ne∣phewes, cared for them as members of his owne bo∣dy, prouided for them as one hauing by long time more experience than any one or all of them. They againe honoured him as their father of whose bodie they came, obeyed him for his great wisedome and forecast, went to him in doubtfull cases as to an oracle of God, fea∣red his curse and malediction as proceeding from Gods owne mouth. He againe vsed noriture: for ech paine put vpon them, he esteemed as laide vpon himselfe.

The first and naturall beginning of the rule of a few of the best men called in Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 CHAP. 13.

BVt when that great grandfather was dead, the sonnes of him and brethren among themselves not

hauing that reuerence to any, nor confidence of wise∣dome in any one of them, nor that trust thone to tho∣ther, betweene whome (as many times it fareth with brethren) some strifes and brawlinges had before a∣risen: To defende themselues yet from them which were walsh and strangers, necessarily agreed among themselues to consult in common, and to beare rule for a time in order, now one, now another: so that no one might beare alwaies the rule, nor any one be neglected. And by this meanes if anie one fayled during his yeare or time by ignoraunce, the next (being either wiser of himselfe, or else by his brothers error & fault) amended it. And in the meane while, at diuerse and most times when vrgent necessitie did occurre, they consulted all those heads of families together within themselues, how to demeane and order their matters, best for the conseruation of themselues, and ech of their families, generally and particularly. Thus a few being heades and the chiefe of their families, equall in birth and no∣bilitie, and not much different in riches, gouerned their owne houses and the descendentes of them particular∣ly, and consulted in common vpon publike causes, agree∣ing also vpon certaine lawes and orders to be kept a∣mongst them. So the best, chiefest and sagest did rule, and thother part had no cause to striue with them, nor had no cause nor apparance to compare with anie of them, neither for age nor discretion, nor for riches or no∣bilitie. The rulers sought ech to keepe and maintaine their posteritie, as their sonnes and nephewes, and such as shoulde succeede them and carie their names when they were deade, and so render them being mor∣tall by nature immortall by their fame and successi∣on of posteritie: hauing most earnest care to main∣taine still this their cousinage and common familie as∣well against forraigne and barbarous nations, which were not of their progenie, tongue, or religion, as a∣gainst

wilde and sanage beasts. This seemeth the na∣turall sourse and beginning or image of that rule of the fewer number, which is called of the Greekes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and of the Latines optimatum respublica.

The first originall or beginning of the rule of the multitude called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. CHAP. 14.

NOw as time bringeth an ende of all thinges, these brethren being all dead, and their offpring encrea∣sing daily to a great multitude, and the reuerence due to the old fathers in such and so great number of equals fayling by the reason of the death or doting of the El∣ders: eche owing their merites of education apart to their fathers and grandfathers, and so many arising and such equalitie among them, it was not possible that they should be content to be gouerned by a fewe. For two thinges being such as for the which men in society and league do most striue, that is honour and profitte, no man of free courage can be contented to be neglected therein, so that they were faine of necessitie to come to that, that the more part should beare the price away in election of magistrates and rulers. So that either by course or by lot ech man in turne might be receaued to beare rule and haue his part of the honour, and (if any were) of the profit, which came by administration of the common wealth. For whosoeuer came of that old great grandfathers race, he accompted him selfe as good of birth as any other. For seruice to the cōmon wealth all or such a number had done it, as they coulde not be accompted few. And if a few would take vpon them to vsurpe ouer the rest, the rest conspiring together would soone be master ouer them, and ruinate them wholly. Whereupon necessarily it came to passe that the com∣mon wealth must turne and alter as before from one

to a few, so now from a few to many and the most part, ech of these yet willing to saue the politicke bodie, to conserue the authoritie of their nation, to defende them∣selues against all other, their strife being onely for empire and rule, and who shoulde doe best for com∣mon wealth, whereof they would haue experience made by bearing office and being magistrates. This I take for the first and naturall beginning of the rule of the multitude which the Greekes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the La∣tines some Republica by the generall name, some po∣puli potestas, some census potestas, I cannot tell howe latinely.

That the common wealth or policie must be according to the nature of the people. CHAP. 15.

BY this processe and discourse it doth appeare that the mutations & changes of fashions of gouernement in common wealthes be naturall, & do not alwayes come of ambitiō or malice: And that according to the nature of the people, so the commō wealth is to it sit & proper. And as all these iii. kindes of common wealthes are na∣turall, so when to ech partie or espece and kinde of the people that is applied which best agreeth like a garmēt to the bodie or shoe to the foote, then the bodie politique is in quiet, & findeth ease, pleasure and profit. But if a contrary forme be giuen to a contrary maner of people, as when the shoe is too litle or too great for the foote, it doth hurt and encomber the conuenient vse thereof, so the free people of nature tyrannized or ruled by one a∣gainst their willes, were he neuer so good, either faile of corage and were seruile, or neuer rest vntill they either destroie their king and them that would subdue them, or be destroyed themselues: And againe another sort there is which without being ruled by on••e prince but set at

libertie cannot tell what they shoulde doe, but either through insolencie, pride and idlenes will fall to rob∣bery and all mischiefe, and to scatter and dissolue them∣selues, or with foolish ambition and priuate strife con∣sume one another and bring themselues to nothing. Of both these two we haue histories enough to beare wit∣nesse, as the Greekes, Romanes, Samnites, Danes Uandals, and others. Yet must you not thinke, that al common wealthes, administrations and rulinges be∣gan on this sort, by prouining or propagation, as is be∣fore written, but many times after a great battle and long war the captaine who led a multitude of people, gathered peraduenture of diuerse nations & languages, liking y^e place which he hath by force conquered, tarieth there, & beginneth a common wealth after this maner, & for the most part a kingdome. As the Gothes & Lum∣bardes in Italie, the Frenchmen in Gaule, the Sara∣sins in Spaine and part of Fraunce, the Saxons in great Brittaine, which is nowe called Englande: of which when that one and chiefe prince is dead, the no∣bler sort consult among themselues, and either choose an other head and king, or diuide it into more heads & rulers, so did the Lumbards in Italie, and the Sax∣ons in England, or take at the first a common rule & popular estate, as the Zwisers did in their cantous & do yet at this day, or else admit the rule of a certaine fewe, excluding the multitude and communaltie, as the Pa∣duans, Veronenses, and Venetians haue accustomed.

The diuision of the parts and persons of the common wealth. CHAP. 16.

TO make all thinges yet cleare before, as we shal go, there ariseth another diuision of the partes of the common wealth. For it is not enough to say that it con∣sisteth

of a multitude of houses & families which make stretes & villages, & the multitude of the stretes & villa∣ges make townes, and the multitude of townes the realme, & that freemen be cōsidered only in this behalf, as subiects & citizēs of the cōmonwealth, & not bondmen who can beare no rule nor iurisdiction ouer freemen, as they who be taken but as instruments & the goods and possessions of others. In which consideration also we do reiect women, as those whom nature hath made to keepe home and to nourish their familie and children, and not to medle with matters abroade, nor to beare office in a citie or common wealth no more than chil∣dren and infantes: except it be in such cases as the au∣thoritie is annexed to the blood and progenie, as the crowne, a dutchie, or an erledome, for there the blood is respected, not the age nor y^e sexe. Whereby an absolute Quéene, an absolute Dutches or Countesse, those I call absolute, which haue the name, not by being maried to a king, duke, or erle, but by being the true, right & next successors in the dignitie, and vpon whom by right of the blood that title is descended: These I say haue the same authoritie although they be women or children in that kingdome, dutchie or earledome, as they shoulde haue had if they had bin men of full age. For the right and honour of the blood, and the quietnes and suertie of the realme, is more to be considered, than either the ten∣der age as yet impotent to rule, or the sexe not accusto∣med (otherwise) to intermeddle with publicke affaires, being by common intendment vnderstood, that such per∣sonages neuer do lacke the counsell of such graue and discreete men as be able to supplie all other defectes. This (as I sayde) is not enough. But the diuision of these which be participant of the common wealth is one way of them that beare office, the other of them that beare none: the first are called magistrates, the se∣cond priuate men. Another the like was among the

Romanes of Partricij & plebei, thone striuing with tho∣ther a long time, the patricij many yeares excluding the plebes from bearing rule, vntill at last all magistrates were made cōmon betweene thē: yet was there another diuision of the Romanes into senatores, equites and plebs: the Greekes had also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Frēch haue also at this day, les nobles & la populare, or gen∣tils homes & villaines: we in England diuide our men commonly into foure fortes, gentlemen, citizens and yeomen artificers, and laborers. Of gentlemen the first and chiefe are the king, the prince, dukes, mar∣quises, earles, vicountes, barrons, and these are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the nobility, and all these are called Lords and noblemen: next to these be knights, esquiers and sim∣ple gentlemen.

Of the first part of gentlemen of englande called Nobilitas maior. CHAP. 17.

* 1.13DUkes, marquises, erles, vicountes, and barrons, ei∣ther be created by the prince or come to that honor by being the eldest sonnes, as highest & next in succes∣sion to their parentes.* 1.14 For the eldest of dukes sonnes during his fathers lyfe is called an earle, an earles sonne is called by the name of a vicount, or baron, or else according as the creation is. The creation I cal the first donation and condition of the honour (giuen by the prince, for good seruice done by him and aduaunce∣ment that the prince will bestowe vpon him) which with the title of that honour is commonly (but not al∣wayes) giuen to him and to his heires, males only: the rest of the sonnes of the nobilitie by the rigor of the lawe be but esquiers,* 1.15 yet in common speeche, all dukes and marquises sonnes, and the eldest sonne of an earle be called Lordes. The which name common∣ly

doth agree to none of lower degree than barrons, excepting such onely, as be thereunto by some speciall office called. The barrony or degree of Lordes doth answere to the dignitie of the Senators of Rome, and the title of our nobilitie to their patricij: when patri∣cij did betoken senatores aut senatorum filios. Census senatorius was in Rome, at diuerse times diuerse, and in Englande no man is created barron, excepte he may dispend of yearly reuenue, one thousand poundes or one thousand markes at the least. Vicountes, earles, marquises and dukes more according to the propor∣tion of the degree and honour, but though by chaunce he or his sonne haue lesse, he keepeth his degree: but if they decay by excesse, and be not able to maintaine the honour (as senatores Romani were amoti senatu) so sometimes they are not admitted to the vpper house in the parliament, although they keepe the name of Lorde still.

Of the second sort of gentlemē which may be called Nobilitas minor, & first of knightes. CHAP. 18.

NO man is a knight by succession, not the king or prince. And the name of prince in england 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 betokeneth the kinges eldest sonne or prince of wales: although the king himselfe, his eldest sonne, and all dukes be called by generall name princes. But as in Fraunce the kinges eldest sonne hath the title of the daulphine, and he or the next heire apparant to the crowne is monsire, so in Englande the kinges eldest sonne is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the prince. Knightes therefore be not borne but made, either before the battle to en∣courage them the more to aduenture their liues, or af∣ter the conflict, as aduauncement for their hardinesse and manhood alreadie shewed: or out of the warre

for some great seruice done, or some good hope through the vertues which do appeare in them. And they are made either by the king himselfe, or by his commission and royall authoritie, giuen for the same purpose, or by his liuetenaunt in the warres, who hath his royall and absolute power committed to him for that time. And that order seemeth to aunswere in part to that which the Romanes called Equites Romanos, differing in some pointes, and agreeing in other, as their commō wealth and ours do differ and agree: for neuer in all pointes one common wealth doth agree with an other, no nor long time any one common wealth with it selfe. For al chaungeth continually to more or lesse, and still to di∣uerse & diuerse orders, as the diuersity of times do pre∣sent occasion, and the mutabilitie of mens wittes doth inuent and assay new wayes, to reforme and amende that werein they do finde fault. Equites Romani were chosen ex censu, y^e is according to their substance and ri∣ches. So be knightes in England most commonly, ac∣cording to the yearely reuenew of their landes being able to maintaine that estate: yet all they that had E∣questrem censum, non legebantur equites. No more are all made knightes in Englande that may dispende a knightes land or fee, but they onely whom the king wil so honour. The number of Equites was vncertaine, and so it is of knightes, at the pleasure of the prince. Equi∣tes Romani had equum publicum: The knightes of En∣gland haue not so, but finde their own horse themselues in peace time, and most vsually in warres.

Census equester was among the Romanes at di∣nerse times of diuerse valew: but in England whoso∣euer may dispende of his free landes 40. l. sterling of yearely reuenue by an olde law of Englande either at the coronatiō of the king, or mariage of his daughter, or at the dubbing of the prince, knight, or some such great occasion, may be by the king compelled to take

that order & honour, or to pay a fine, which many not so desirous of honour as of riches, had rather disburse. Some who for causes ar not thought worthy of y^e honor and yet haue abilitie, neither be made knightes though they would, and yet pay the fine Xl. l. sterling, at that time when this order began, maketh now Cxx. l. of currant mony of Englande: as I haue more at large declared in my booke of the diuersitie of standardes or the valor of monies.

When the Romanes did write senatus populusque Romanus, they seemed to make but two orders, that is of the Senate and of the people of Rome, and so in the name of people they contayned equites and plebem: so when we in England do say the Lordes and the com∣mons, the knights, esquires & other gentlemen, with citizens, burgeses & yeomen be accompted to make the commons. In ordaining of lawes the senate of Lordes of England is one house, where the Archbishoppes and Bishops also be, and the king or Queene for the time being as chiefe: the knightes and all the rest of the gen∣tlemē, citizens and burgeses which be admitted to con∣sult vpon the greatest affaires of the Realme be in an other house by themselues, and that is called the house of the commons, as we shal more clearely describe whē we speake of the parliament. Whereupon this worde knight is deriued, and whether it do betoken no more but that which miles doth in latine, which is a souldier, might be moued as a question. The word souldier now seemeth rather to come of sould and paymēt, and more to betoken a waged or hyred man to fight than other∣wise, yet Caesar in his Commentaries called soldures in the tongue gallois, men who deuoted & swore them∣selues in a certaine band or othe one to another and to the captaine, which order if the Almains did follow, it may be that they who were not hyred but being of the nation, vppon their owne charges and for their ad∣uauncement,

and by such common oth or band that did follow the warres,* 1.16 were (possibly) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 called knightes or milites, and nowe among the Almaines some are called lanceknights as souldiers of their band not hyred, although at this day they be for the most part hirelings. Or peraduenture it may be that they which were next about the prince as his garde or seruauntes picked or chosen men out of the rest being called in the Almaine language, knighten which is asmuch to say as seruantes: these men being found of good seruice, the word afterward was taken for an honor, and for him who maketh profession of armes. Our language is so chaunged that I dare make no iudgement thereof. Now we call him knight in english that the french calleth cheualier,* 1.17 and the lataine equitem or equestris ordinis.

And when any man is made a knight, he kneeling downe is stroken of the prince, with his sworde naked vppon the backe or shoulder, the prince saying: sus or sois chiualier au nom de Dieu and (in times past) they added S. George, and at his arising the prince saith, auauncèr. This is the manner of dubbing of knights at this present: and that terme dubbing was the olde terme in this point, and not creation. At the corona∣tion of a king or queene, there be knightes of the bath made with long and more curious ceremonies: But howsoeuer one by dubbed or made a knight, his wife is by and by called a Ladie as well as a barons wife: he himselfe is not called Lorde, but hath to his name in common appelation added this syllable, Sir, as if he before were named, Thomas, William, Iohn, or Ri∣chard, afterward he is alwayes called Sir Thomas, Sir William,* 1.18 Sir Iohn, Sir Richard, and that is the title which men giue to knightes in England. This may suffice at this time, to declare the order of knight∣hood, yet there is an other order of knightes in Eng∣land which be called the knightes of the garter. King

Edward the third, after he had obtained many notable victories, King Iohn of Fraunce, King Iames of Scot∣land, being both prisoners in the tower of London at one time, and king Henrie of Castell the bastard expul∣sed out of his realme, and Don Petro restored vnto it by the prince of Wales and Duke of Aquitaine called the blacke prince, inuented a societie of honour, and made a choice out of his owne realme and dominions, and all Christendom: and the best and most excellent re∣noumed persons in vertues and honour, he did adorne with that title to be knightes of his order, gaue them a garter decked with golde, pearle and precious stones, with the buckle of gold, to weare daily on the left legge onely, a kirtle, gowne, cloke, chaperon, collar, and other august and magnificall apparell both of stuffe and fa∣shion exquisite & heroicall, to weare at high feastes, as to so high and princely an order was meete: of which order he and his succesors Kinges and Queenes of England to be the soueraigne, and the rest by certaine statutes and lawes among themselues, be taken as brethren and fellowes in that order, to the number of xxvi. But because this is rather an ornament of the realme than any policie or gouernment thereof, I leaue to speake any further of it.

Of Esquiers. CHAP. 19.

EScuier or esquier (which we call commonly squire) is a French worde, and betokeneth Scutigerum or Armigerum, and be all those which beare armes (as we call them) or armories (as they terme them in French) which to beare is a testimonie of the nobilitie or race from whence they do come. These be taken for no di∣stinct order of the common wealth, but do goe with the residue of the gentlemen: saue that (as I take it)

they be those who beare armes, testimonies (as I haue saide) of their race, and therefore haue neither creation nor dubbing: or else they were at the first costerels or the bearers of the armes of Lordes or knightes, and by that had their name for a dignitie and honour giuen to distinguish them from a common souldier called in latine Gregarius miles.

Of Gentlemen. CHAP. 20.

GEntlemen be those whom their blood and race doth make noble and knowne, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke, the La∣taines call them all Nobiles, as the French Nobles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Nobilitas in Latine is defined, honour or title giuen, for that the auncestor hath bin notable in riches or vertues, or (in fewer wordes) old riches or prowes remaining in one stock. Which if the successors do kéepe and follow, they be verè nobiles and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: if they doe not yet the same and wealth of their auncestors serue to couer thē so long as it can, as a thing once gilted though it be copper within, till the gilt be worne away. This hath his reason, for the Etimologie of the name serueth thefficacie of the worde. Gens in Latine betokeneth the race and sirname, so the Romaines had Cornelios, Sergios, Appios, Fabios, AEmilios, Pisones, Iulio, Bru∣tos, Valerios, of which who were Agnati, and therefore kept the name, were also Gentiles: and remaining the memorie of the glorie of their progenitors fame, were gentlemē of that or that race. This matter made a great strife among the Romanes, when those which were Noui homines were more allowed, for their vertues new and newly showen, than the olde smell of auncient race newly defaced by the cowardise and euill life of their nephewes and discendauntes could make the o∣ther to be. Thus the Cicerones, Catones, and Marij

had much adoe with those auncients, and therefore said Iuuenalis:

Malo pater tibi sit Tersites, dummodo tu sis AEacidi similis vulcaniaque arma capessas, Quàm te Thersiti similem producat Achilles.

But as other common wealthes were faine to doe, so must all princes necessarily followe, that is, where vertue is to honour it: and although vertue of auncient race be earlier to be obtained, aswell by the example of the progenitors, which encourageth, as also through habilitie of education and bringing vp, which enableth, and the lastly enraced loue of tenāts & neybors to such noblemen and gentlemen, of whom they holde and by whom they doe dwell, which pricketh forward to ensue in their fathers steps. So it all this doe faile (as it were great pitie it should) yet such is the nature of all humaine thinges, and so the world is subiect to mu∣tability, that it doth many times faile: but whē it doth, the prince and common wealth haue the same power that their predecessors had, and as the husbandmā hath to plant a new tree where the olde fayleth, so hath the prince to honour vertue where he doth finde it, to make gentlemen, esquiers, knights, barons, earles marqui∣ses & dukes, where he seeth vertue able to beare that honour or merits, and deserues it, & so it hath alwayes bin vsed among vs. But ordinarily the king doth on∣ly make knights and create barons or higher degrees: for as for gentlemen, they be made good cheape in Eng∣land. For whosoeuer studieth the lawes of the realme, who studieth in the vniuersities, who professed libe∣rall sciences, and to be shorte, who can liue idly and without manuall labour, and will beare the port, charge and countenaunce of a gentleman, he shall be called master, for that is the title which men giue to esquires and other gentlemen, and shall be taken for a gentleman: for true it is with vs as is saide, Tanti eris

alijs quanti tibi feceris: (and if neede be) a king of He∣raulds shal also give him for mony, armes newly made and inuented, the title whereof shall pretende to haue beene found by the said Herauld in perusing and view∣ing of olde registers, where his auncestors in times past had bin recorded to beare the same: Or if he wil do it more truely and of better faith, he will write that for the merittes of that man, and certaine qualities which he doth see in him, and for sundrie noble actes which he hath perfourmed, he by the authoritie which he hath as king of Heraldes & armes, giveth to him and his heires these and these armes, which being done I thinke he may be called a squire, for he beareth ever after those armes. Such men are called sometime in scorne gen∣tlemen of the first head.

VVhether the maner of England in making gentlemen so easily is to be allowed. CHAP. 21.

A Man may make doubt & question whether this ma∣ner of making gentlemen is to be allowed or no, & for my part I am of that opinion y^e it is not amisse. For first the prince looseth nothing by it, as he shoulde doe it it were as in Fraunce: for the yeomen or husbandmā is no more subiect to taile or taxe in Englande than the gentleman: no, in every payment to the king the gen∣tleman is more charged, which he beareth the gladlier and dareth not gainesaie for to save and keepe his ho∣nour and reputation. In any shew or muster or other particular charge of the towne where he is, he must o∣pen his purse wider and augment his portion above o∣thers, or else he doth diminish his reputation. As for their outward shew, a gentleman (if he wil be so accom∣pted) must go like a gentleman, a yeoman like a yeo∣man, and a rascall like a rascall: and if he be called to

the warres, he must and will (whatsoever it cost him) array himselfe and arme him according to the vocation which he pretendeth: he must shew also a more manly corage & tokens of better education, higher stomacke and bountifuller liberallitie than others, and keepe a∣boute him idle seruauntes, who shall doe nothing but waite vpon him. So that no man hath hurt by it but he himselfe, who hereby perchance will beare a bigger saile than he is able to maintaine. For as touching the policie and goverment of the common wealth, it is not those that haue to do with it, which will magnifie them selves, and goe in higher buskins than their estate will beare: but they which are to be appointed, are per∣sons tryed and well knowen, as shall be declared here∣after.

Of Citizens and Burgesses. CHAP. 22.

NExt to gentlemen, be appointed citizens and bur∣gesses, such as not onely be free and receiued as officers within the cities, but also be of some substance to beare the charges. But these citizens and burgesses, be to serve the common wealth, in their cities & bur∣rowes, or incorporate townes where they dwell. Ge∣nerally in the thyres they be of none accompt, saue onely in the common assembly of the realme to make lawes, which is called the Parliament. The aunciet ci∣ties appoint iiii. and ech burrough ii. to haue voices in it, and to giue their consent or dissent in the name of the citie or burrough, for which they be appointed.

Of Yeomen. CHAP. 23.

THose whom we call yeomen next vnto the nobilitie, knightes and squires, haue the greatest charge and

doings in the common wealth, or rather are more tra∣uailed to serue in it than all the rest: as shall appeare hereafter. I call him a yeoman whom our lawes doe call Legalem hominem, a worde familiar in writtes and enquestes, which is a fréeman borne English, and may dispend of his owne frée lande in yearly reuenue to the summe of xl. s. sterling: This maketh (if the iust va∣lue were taken now to the proportion of monies) vt. l. of our currant mony at this present. This sort of peo∣ple confesse themselves to be no gentlemen, but giue the honour to al which be or take vpon them to be gen∣tlemen, and yet they haue a certaine preheminence and more estimation than laborers and artificers, and com∣monly liue welthilie, kéepe good houses, & do their busi∣nesse, & trauaile to acquire riches: these be (for the most part) fermors vnto gentlemen, which with grasing, fre∣quenting of markettes, and kéeping seruauntes not i∣dle as the gentleman doth, but such as get both their owne liuing and parte of their maisters, by these meanes doe come to such wealth, that they are able and daily doe buy the landes of vnthriftie gentlemen, and after setting their sonnes to the schoole at the Uni∣uersities, to the lawe of the Realme, or otherwise lea∣uing them sufficient landes whereon they may liue without labour, doe make their saide sonnes by those meanes gentlemen. These be not called masters, for that (as I saide) pertaineth to gentlemen onely: But to their surnames, men adde goodman: as if the Sur∣name be Luter, Finch, White, Browne, they are called, goodman Luter, goodman White, goodman Finch, goodman Browne, amongest their neighbours, I meane not in matters of importance or in lawe. But in matters of lawe and for distinction, if one were a knight they would write him (for example sake) sir Iohn Finch knight, so if he be an esquier, Iohn Finch esquier or gentleman, if he be no gentleman, Iohn

Finch yeoman. For amongest the gentlemen they which claime no higher degrée, and yet be to be exemp∣ted out of the number of the lowest sort thereof, be written esquiers. So amongest the husbandmen la∣bourers lowest and rascall sort of the people such as be exempted out of the number of the rascabilitie of the popular bee called and written yeomen, as in the de∣grée next vnto gentlemen. These are they which olde Cato calleth Aratores and optimos ciues in Republica: and such as of whom the writers of cōmon wealthes praise to haue manie in it. Aristoteles namely reciteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: these tende their owne businesse, come not to meddle in publike matters and iudgements but when they are called, and gladde when they are delivered thereof, are obedient to the gentlemen and rulers, and in warre can abide trauaile and labour as men vsed to it, yet within it soone at an ende that they might come home & liue of their owne. When they are foorth they fight for their Lordes of whom they hold their landes, for their wiues and children, for their countrey and na∣tion, for praise and honour, against they come home, and to haue the loue of their Lorde and his children to be continued towardes them and their children, which have aduentured their liues to and with him and his. These are they which in the old world gat that honour to Englande, not that either for witte, conduction, or for power they are or were euer to be compared to the gentlemen, but because they be so manie in number, so obedient at the Lordes call, so strong of bodie, so heard to endure paine, so couragious to aduenture with their Lorde or Captaine going with, or before them, for else they be not hastie nor neuer were, as making no pro∣session of knowledge of warre. These were the good ar∣chers in times past, and the stable troupe of footemen that affaide all France, that would rather die all, than once abandon the knight or gentleman their Captaine,

who at those daies commonly was their Lorde, and whose tenauntes they were, readie (besides perpetu∣all shame) to be in danger of vndoing of them selues, & all theirs if they should showe any signe of cowardise or abandon the Lorde, Knight or Gentlemen of whom they helde their liuing. And this they haue amongest them from their forefathers tolde one to an other. The gentlemen of France and the yeoman of Englande are renowned, because in battle of horsemen Fraunce was many times too good for vs, as we againe alway for them on foote. And gentlemen for the most part be men at armes and horsemen, and yeomen commonlie on foote: howesoeuer it was, yet the gentlemen had al∣waies the conduction of the yeomen, and as their cap∣taines were either a foote or vppon a little nagge with them, and the Kinges of Englande in foughten bat∣tles remaining alwaies among the footemen, as the French Kinges amongst their horsemen. Each Prince therby, as a man may gesse, did shew where he thought his strength did consist. What a yeoman is I haue de∣clared, but from whence the worde is deriued it is hard to say: it cannot be thought that yeomen should be said a young man, for commonly wee doe not call any a yeoman till he be married, and haue children, and as it were haue authoritie among his neighbours. Yonker in lowe dutch betokeneth a meane gentleman or a gay fellowe. Possible our yeomen not beeing so bolde as to name themselues gentlemen, when they came home, were content when they had heard by fre∣quentation with lowe dutchmen of some small gentle∣man (but yet that would be counted so) to be called a∣mongest them, yonker man, the calling so in warres by mockage or in sport thone an other, when they come home, yonker man, and so yeoman: which worde now signifieth among vs, a man well at ease and hauing honestlie to liue, and yet not a gentleman: whatsoe∣uer

that worde yonker man, yonke man, or yeoman doth more or lesse signifie to the dutch men.

Of the fourth sort of men which doe not rule. CHAP. 24.

THe fourth sort or classe amongest vs, is of those which the olde Romans called capite censij proletarij or operae, day labourers, poore husbandmen, yea mar∣cantes or retailers which haue no frée lande, copi∣holders, and all artificers, as Taylers, Shoomakers, Carpenters, Brickemakers, Bricklayers, Masons, &c. These haue no voice nor authoritie in our common wealth, and no account is made of them but onelie to be ruled, not to rule other, and yet they be not altoge∣ther neglected. For in cities and corporate townes for default of yeomen, enquests and Iuries are impaneled of such manner of people. And in villages they be com∣monly made Churchwardens, alecunners, and manie times Constables, which office toucheth more the com∣mon wealth, and at the first was not imployed vppon such lowe and base persons. Wherefore generally to speake of the common wealth, or policie of Englande, it is gouerned, administred, & manured by thrée sortes of persons, the Prince, Monarch, and head gouerner, which is called the king, or if the crowne fall to a wo∣man, the Quéene absolute, as I haue héeretofore saide: In whose name and by whose authoritie all things are administred. The gentlemen, which be diuided into two partes, the Baronie or estate of Lordes contey∣ning barons and all that bee aboue the degrée of a ba∣ron, (as I haue declared before): and those which be no Lords, as Knightes, Esquires, and simplely gentle∣men. The thirde and last sorte of persons is named

the yeomanrie: each of these hath his part and admini∣stration in indgementes, corrections of defaultes, in election of offices, in appointing and collection of tri∣butes and subsidies, or in making lawes, as shall ap∣peare héereafter.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Monarchia.
• * 1.2

  Aristocratiae.
• * 1.3

  Democratia.
• * 1.4

  Iust.
• * 1.5

  Rex.
• * 1.6

  Tyrannus.
• * 1.7

  Populus.
• * 1.8

  Dictatorship.
• * 1.9

  Tyrannis.
• * 1.10

  Respublica.
• * 1.11

  Domus seu familia.
• * 1.12

  Prouining or propagation is when a mā layeth a brāch of a Vine or Osier, or any other tree in∣to the groūd, so that it ta∣keth roote of it selfe & may liue though it be cut then from the first roote or stock. Pagus. Oppidum. Ciuitas.
• * 1.13

  Nobilitas ma∣ior.
• * 1.14

  Eldest sonnes of dukes are not earles by birth, but Lordes, and take their place aboue earles, and so are eldest sons in respect of barons.
• * 1.15

  Esquires of honour or Lordes.
• * 1.16

  Verè Lantz∣knechti. lan∣cearius: a speareman
• * 1.17

  Eques aura∣tus. The making of a knight.
• * 1.18

  Sire quasi Se∣nior.