Titles of honor by Iohn Selden

Out of Nature and a Democracie, a Monarchie deriued. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first King or Monarch, whereof any good testimo∣nie is. Shinaghr and Babel. The variablenesse of the Eu∣ropeans from the Asians in Asiati{que} names. Nimrod was not Ninus, but Belus. Continuance of the Babylonian Mo∣narchie. The time of Nimrods Kingdome, against common opinion. Peleg. Nimrod and Abraham, liued not toge∣ther. Semyramis built not Babylon. Nimrod (not Ni∣nus or Ashur) built Nineneh. Why he is called Belus. How sacred statues came first to be worshipt, and the true begin∣ning of Idolatrie. Bel or Baal the same with Apollo, Pan, and the like, and was the Sunne. Belenus or Abellio, among the Gaules and Britons, was Apollo. How the Iewes worshipt the Sunne. The Persian Salchodai and Mithra, what they are. The Gods of those Eastern parts adored in our Western. Iupiters Tomb and Epitaph in Crete, and why the Cretans are called, alwaies Liers. Some make Nimrod to be honoured in Orions name among the Con∣stellations. How they agree in name and actions. Orion and Cynosura the two Princes of the Heauens in old Astrono∣mie. Homers Astronomie explaned. The supposition of the golden world, idle. As idle that obseruation, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i.

a prescribed law, is not in Homer. Vse of singing Lawes. The Fables of the Chaldeans and Grecians, with the An∣nian impostures, reiected.

CHAP. I.

COmmunitie of life, and Ciuill Societie, begin∣ning first in particular Families, vnder Oeco∣nomique rule (repre∣senting what is now a common-welth) had, in its state, the Husband, Father and Master, as King. Hence many Co∣lonies; which, whither∣soeuer deduced, were Cities, Townes, Villages, or such like. In them, deserued Honor added to the eminencie of some fit mans Vertue, made him by publique consent, or some by his own am∣bition violently got to be what euery of them were in pro∣portion to their owne Families; that is, ouer the common state, and as for the common good, King. Thus came first Cities to be gouerned by Kings, as now whole Nations are. And in the Heroique times (before the Olympiads, when most of the Grecian fables are supposed) such, as shewed themselues first publique benefactors to the Multitude, either by inuention of Arts, Martiall prowesse, encreasing of Traffique, bettering or enlarging the Coun∣trie, or such like, were (saith Aristotle) by seuerall Nations, constituted Kings ouer them, and, by generall consent, left lines of hereditarie succession. So that naturally, all men, in Oeconomique rule, being equally free and equally possest of superioritie, in those Ancient propagations of mankind,

euen out of nature it selfe, and that inbred sociablenesse, which euery man hath as his character of Ciuilitie, a Popu∣lar state first rais'd it selfe, which, by its owne iudgement, afterward was conuerted into a Monarchie; both by imita∣tion of as well the subordinat as Supreme Rule, wherevn∣der the whole Systeme of the world is gouerned, as taking also example from vnreasonable creatures; in whom, be∣cause the libertie of discourse was wanting, Nature it selfe had placed that instinct of chusing alwaies One for their Prince or Leader. Hardly was any so Idolatrous that could not vpon mature consideration (as a 1.1 Orpheus did in his last Will and Testament) confesse a vnitie of Nature in that multiplicitie of Names, which fabulously they applied to the Deitie, and acknowledge that b 1.2 quod est in trir••mi gu∣bernator, in curru rector, praecentor in choris, lex in vrbe, dux in exercitu, Hoc est in mundo Deus, which was long since af∣firmed, by such, as knew not how to worship the true God, yet were resolued of his vnitie. Hereto are according di∣uers and frequent testimonies, of the ancient Gentiles, di∣sperst both in c 1.3 prophane and holy Writers. Hence they could not but thinke, that the imperfections of the giddie∣headed multitudes gouernment would be much repaired, if they subiected themselues to some eminent One, as they saw themselues, and what els was to be in regard of the vn∣seen Creator. In a d 1.4 Tract attributed to Hermes (whom some dare affirm ancienter then Moses; and the Egyptians accounted as a God) Isis is personated thus instructing Ho∣rus: Whereas, my sonne, there are foure places in the Vniuerse subiect to an immutable law and command; that is, the supreme Heauen, the * 1.5 Orbes, the Aire, and the whole Earth. Aboue, my sonne, in the supreme heauens the Gods (vnderstand An∣gels and ministring spirits) haue their habitation; who, as all things els, are ruled by the Maker of all things. In the Orbes, the Starres are; gouerned by their great enlightner the Sunne. In the Aire are soules, ouer whom the Moone hath command. In the Earth are Men and other liuing creatures,

whose Gouernor is Hee that for the time is King. The very patterne of a royall State, you see, deriued out of the worlds fabrique and its particular subiections; al∣though I importune you not to credit the supposed anti∣quitie of the author, nor his whole assertion, being, in part, impious. And confirmation of the fitnes of this vnity in go∣uernment, they had from e 1.6 irrationall creatures: mongst whom that one Kind specially, which is commended, in both profane and holy authoritie, to man, for its exemplary qualities, hath herein preeminence. That of Bees. All ho∣nor, assist, and obey One:

Ille f 1.7 operum custos: illum admirantur & omnes Circumstant fremitu denso, stipant{que} frequentes. Et saepè attollunt humeris, & corpora bello Obiectant, pulchrám{que} petunt per vulnera mortem,

as the diuine Virgil of them. And the Grecians haue a proper word for the King of Bees, whom they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and, by translation, Callimachus calls Iupiter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Neither is in a humane Monarchie what hath not in their Com∣mon-welth some most remarquable proportion, if that curious searcher of Nature, our g 1.8 Philosopher deceiue not. Hence, as h 1.9 some, mongst other arguments proue this ae∣ternall vnitie in the true Deitie, so those, who first tried the inconueniencies of popular rule, saw that in their gouern∣ment likewise should be some One selected Monarch; vn∣der whose arbitrarie rule their happie quiet might be pre∣serued. I know the vsuall assertion, that makes the first of those three kindes of States a Monarchie. Great Philoso∣phers dare affirm so, and Principio rerum (saith Iustin) gen∣tium nationum{que} imperium pènes Reges erat: quos, ad fastigi∣um huius maiestatis, non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio prouehebat. But that cannot, in my vnder∣standing, be conceiued as truth, otherwise then with a presupposition of a Democracie, out of which, as is related,

a Monarchie might haue originall: no more then can bee imagined how an Aristocracie should be before the Mul∣titude; out of which, such, as make in their lesse number the Optimacie, must be chosen. Aristotles Commenters, Bodin, Machiauel on Liuy, diuers others disput〈…〉〈…〉 this point: But, out of Machiauel, satisfaction may be easily re∣ceiued, as is here deliuered. And so must that be vnderstood of h 1.10 Pausanias: * 1.11 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Not that the States were first Kingdomes, but anciently so, and not vnder popular go∣uernment, as in later time they were. Well I allow, that a Family, being in nature before a publique societie or common-welth, was as an exemplary Monarchie, and, in that regard, a Monarchie is ancienter then any State: but as it is applied to a common societie of many families and to what we we now call a Kingdome, it cannot but presup∣pose a popular State or Democracie. The first Monarch of a Nation, we read of, is that Nimrod (nephew to Cham) the mightie hunter before the Lord. His Kingdome was in Ba∣bylon, Erec, Accad, and Calna in the land of Sinaghr, which is called vsually Senaar; by which name also the Babylonian Monarchie was known. For, where i 1.12 Moses speaks of Am∣raphel K. of Sinaghr, the Paraphrase of Onkelos hath expres∣ly K. of Babel. His time was about M. DCC. XX. from the Creation. Iosephus calls him Nabrodes, and makes him first author of the building of that Tower of confusion of Tongues. In profane storie you find not his name, vnlesse, with common error, you make him Ninus, in whom Tro∣gus, Ctesias and from him Diodore with other begin the As∣syrian or Babylonian (for to this purpose I admit them as the same and one) Monarchie. If likelyhood would well en∣dure it in Storie, it might not be hard to make Nimrod and Ninus one name. Greater changes are in words of Ori∣entall language exprest in European characters. Their Ie∣hezkel is Ezechiel, Ruben Rubel, Mosche Moses, Nun Na∣ue, Esarhaddon A••bazarith, and in Arabique propagated

from Ebrew, our Hispalis is Siuill in Spaine. To shew also how differently they expresse our Names, in the liues of the foure Euangelists, publisht by P. Kirstenius in Ara∣bique, Uespasian, and Domitian are called Asubasianuusu, and Damthianuusu, and Nerua is Neirune Alshaghir, that is, according to them, little Nero. Such like more occurre in ancient and later Storie very frequent, in so much that scarce any communitie oftimes appeares; as in Cyaxares and Assuerus or Achaswerush; which name is Xerxes also, and Oxyares. But the first Babylonian Monarch is not cal∣led Ninus, but Belus. And his sonne is, by consent of best authorities, Ninus. It follows then that Nimrod was father to Ninus. Iustin indeed deliuers, Primus omnium Ni∣nux Rex Assyriorum veterem & quasi auitum gentibus mo∣rem nouâ Imperij eupiditate mutauit. But regard the te∣stimonie of those which out of the more ancient authors haue transcribed their Chronologies, as Iulius African, Cedren, and others, and Ninus will appeare clearly the son of Nimrod, that is, of Belus, the first of that State. And although erroniously in Historians for the most part Ni∣nus be the root of Chronologique calculation, whereupon Iustin expressely affirmes that this first Monarchie remai∣ned in the same bloud k 1.13 M. CCC. yeares, and then en∣ded in Sardanapalus (otherwise called Tonosconcoleros or Conosconcoleros) and was by Arbaces then transferred to the Medes, so that if you reckon back from the beginning of Arbaces (Arbactus and Pharnaces he is also written) that number of yeers, you shall fall neer exactly vpon the be∣ginning of Ninus according to some, and that most curi∣ous, Chronologie: yet withall, take the yeers of Belus his raigne being, as some will, LV. but as l 1.14 others LXV. (which seems lest distant from truth) and adde them to the M. CCC. and then take the whole number out of the yeer of the world, which was at Sardanapalus his death, the residue wil fall neer the first yeer of the Chaldaean Epecha (placed in the beginning of that Empire) then which, what can more

properly designe out Nimrods beginning, being about LXV. before Ninus? which is well enough confirmed also by that number of M. CCC. LX. deliuered by m 1.15 Ctesias for the continuance of this Monarchie, as also by n 1.16 S. Au∣gustine. Regnum (saith he) Assyriorum in Epistola Alexan∣dri (he meanes an o 1.17 Epistle of Alexander to his mother O∣lympias) quin{que} millia excedit annorum. In Graeca vero histo∣ria mille fermè & trecentos habent ab ipsius Beli principatu: quem regem & ille Aegyptius (that was one, from whom Alexander had his instruction) in eiusdem regni ponit exor∣dio. By this supputation, Nimrods Kingdom began some LXII. yeares after the Floud, that is, M. DCC. XVIII. from the Creation. Howsoeuer (if Belus were he, as is most probable, and that Belus raigned LXV. yeers onely, which is the greatest account) the common error of those which place Nimrod and Abraham together seems intollerable. Witnesse holy Writ, which affirmes that in Pelegs dayes the earth was diuided, by dispersion of the people. That diuision was immediatly after Babel built, and by most likely coniecture the same yeer that Peleg was borne; for Moses relating his name to be Peleg, addes for in his daies the earth was diuided; as if, according to the Iewish cu∣stome, hee had had his name imposed presently vpon his * 1.18 birth, by reason of that Diuision. And how could his name be by reason of the Diuision, before it? And, it is question∣les, that Peleg was borne CI. yeers after the Floud, which falls (by this calculation) into the XXXIX. of Nimrod. But Abraham plainly was borne CXCI. years after Peleg; how then could Nimrod and Abraham be coetaneall? I know, the accounts of diuers ancient writers are in this point of the continuance of this Empire (out of which as à posterio∣ri, the beginning is found) much differing both among themselues, and from what is before deliuered, as those which occurre in p 1.19 Paterculus, Eusebius, Orosius and others; and some Grecians haue made Nimrods beginning to bee q 1.20 DC. XXX. yeers from the Floud, others more, against ap∣parant

truth of Scripture: others of later times placing him diuersly. But I see none so neer most probable coniecture as the learned Christopher Heluicus, whose laboriously composed and most vsefull Historicall Theatre, in this and other of this nature, affoords instructing helpes. And, whereas the fabulous traditions of some Europeans make Semyramis the autor of Babylon; it was deliuered, for most false, long since by r 1.21 Berosus (he was Belus his Priest in Ba∣bylon) and some s 1.22 ancients of this part of the world also, haue iustly followed him, attributing it to Belus, which e∣uen holy writ proues to be the work of Nimrod. So some will haue Ninus the builder of Nineueh (which profane Storie also calls Ninus) whereas vpon good reason out of greatest authoritie Nimrod was he that built it. In Genes. x. Hee went out of the land (he means Shinaghr) into As∣syria and built Nineueh. But I know the vsuall translation hath it otherwise, that, out of the land went Assur and built Nineueh. But, Assur is not, before that time, as a proper name of a man, spoken of in holy Writ, neither in that pas∣sage is there a declaring of Sems posteritie (in which Assur was) but of Chams onely. And the holy tongue endures either of the interpretations, as hath been by the learned heretofore obserued. It may possibly be, that its name was from Ninus successor and sonne to Nimrod. For in that Nation the first Citie built was titled according to the name of the builders sonne, as appeares in the Storie of Came and Enoch. The Ebrew orthography of it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 composed, as it were, of Nin and Neueh, which may well signifie the Habitation or Citie of Nin, being easily (accor∣ding to the European course) turned to Ninus. And Iose∣phus t 1.23 expressely calls it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which words without difficultie giue the same sense with the Ebrew. All this is in a manner confirmed by an ancient and most lear∣ned u 1.24 Father, deliuering that the Assyrians, ex nomine Nini Beli filij Ninum condiderunt, vrbem magnam, quam Ebraei appellant Niniuen. Which is as if hee had said Nimrod had

done it. For what were the Assyrians but his subiects? The first Empire then began in Asia vnder Nimrod (the same with Belus, called also Arbelus or Arbylus) King o∣uer the Babylonian and Assyrian territories chiefly, hauing in them his two Cities royall, but extending his power o∣uer the greatest part of the inhabited & neighboring coun∣try. Why he was called Belus, is no wonder. Take it not as a name proper to him while hee liued. But referre it to an effect of Idolatrous application after his death. For, whether adoration of Statues began in Sherugs daies (as is vsually deliuered out of x 1.25 ancient authoritie) or when∣soeuer; it is certaine by all probabilitie, that sacred Statues were first such as had been made in memorie of some best beloued and most honored great men or of their fathers, ancestors, children, wiues, or deerest friends being y 1.26 dead. To these were, at length, by flatterie of seruants and syco∣phants of such as had erected the Statues, giuen diuine worship and ceremonies with suffumigations, crownes of flowers, and other rites which to the dead, of later time, by the Gentiles haue been vsed: beeing at first inuented by them for such as they stiled Gods. And, as the ceremonies due to their Deities, so, as a consequent, grew the names of them also at last to be applied to those whom the Statues had first honored. Now, it is not vnknown to any that the Babylonians held their greatest God to be Bel, which is the same with the Phoenician and Punique Baal (the difference proceeds only out of the Ebrew and z 1.27 Chaldean dialects) and was first vnderstood for the Sunne, whom they called a 1.28 Baal-samaim, that is, the Lord of Heauen (and in substance, euen by Idolatrous origination, was the same with Iupiter Olympius, Pan, Apollo and the rest of their greater Gods, dif∣fering in name only, as Baal-pheor, Baalzebub, Molo••h and the rest did in Palestine) whence, it seemes, the Lacedemo∣nians had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Sunne, as Hesychius is author,

and perhaps the Phrygians and Thurians b 1.29 their word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a King, and the Western parts their Belenus, Beli∣nus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Herodian calls him, or c 1.30 Abellio, as an old in∣scription found in Guienne. For all these names that A∣pollo hath, which the Gaules and Britons worshipt, and to whom the Druids sacrificed at the cutting down of their Mistletoe, expressing him, in their language, d 1.31 Omnia sanans, which euery. Schoole-boy knowes also to bee proper to Paean the same with Phoebus. And, that Belin is no other then Apollo, is both proued out of an old e 1.32 Poet of Gaule, calling his Priest Phoebitius;

Necreticebo senem, Nomine Phoebitium, Qui, Beleni aedituus, Nilopis inde tulit.

as also from a f 1.33 testimonie, deliuering that the herb called Apollinaris (some take it for Henbane) is the same which the Gaules named Bilinumtia, being at this day g 1.34 in Spaine titled Velenno, as from one originall; both hauing the steps of Belin; which also in British (as our most learned Anti∣quarie, and light of Britain, Camden Clarenceulx obserues) with Melin and Felin (the difference of orthographie pro∣ceeding from the tongues idiotism) signifies yellow, a co∣lour, as all men know, euen proper in attribute to Apollo. And most likely it is that the Topique God of the Nor∣thern parts of this Kingdom, called in ancient h 1.35 monu∣ments Belatucadre, had hence part of his name. Neither is the most superstitious regard which those Eastern people had to the Sunne in particular, vnknown to any, which hath obserued the i 1.36 Horses and Chariots dedicated to his Deitie by the Idolatrous Iewes, and mentioned in II. Reg. XXIII. or those Sunne-images (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 k 1.37) in II. Parali∣pom. XXXIV. 4. or the adoration of the Morning in Ezech.

VIII. 16. or such like, deriued from the Babylonians, Persi∣ans, and others; whence the Persian period of CXX. Solar yeers, and the product of that multiplied by XII, that is, CI••. CCCC. XL. their great period vsed before their Iezdi∣gerd, as also the Sunnes reuolution in Astrologicall directi∣ons, are, and haue been of ancient time by them called Sal chodai, i. the yeer of God (as the most noble Scaliger teaches mee) as if the Sunne were the chiefest Deity; whom they stiled also Mithra from their word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 l 1.38 which inter∣prets the same with Baal or Beli. a Lord or Gouernor; their significant name for the Sunne being both m 1.39 Coreshed (whereupon Ctesias, and some following him, deliuered that Cyrus in Persian was the Sunne) and n 1.40 Aphethaab. Neither was it strange that they, being ignorant of the true God, so worshiped the Sunne, when as euen the grea∣test o 1.41 Masters of Philosophie had not a better meanes to designe out their first Mouer and Maker, or the Sonne of what is Good (as diuine p 1.42 Plato expressely) then by the name of Light, or the Sunne. Nor is it hard to beleeue that the chiefe Deitie of the Gaules and our Britons should haue its origination from the so farre distant Eastern nations. For beside the reasons of coniecture, there hath bin found in q 1.43 Gaule a stone thus consecrated;

MINERVAE BELISAMAE SACRVM Q. VALERIVS MONVM. . . . .

Where questionles is the very name (differing in termina∣tion only) of the Goddesse Astarte or Ashtaroth, whom they called r 1.44 Belihsamaim, that is, the Lady of Heauen, the Moon. The same is confirmed also out of diuers inscrip∣tions conceiued DEAE SYRIAE, & DIS SYRIS both in Italy and this Island anciently found. But (to re∣turne

to the reason of that name in Nimrod) when court flattery amongst them grew so seruile, that nothing, but the most obsequious respect that possibly might be, and the highest honor that imagination could inuent, was thought worthy of the first autor and progenitor of their royall line, which their obsequious basenes would not any longer endure to be accounted mortal, they gaue the title of their God to his statue, & their sacrifices, & ceremonies; they made his Sepulchrall monument his Temple; and at length so confounded their God Bel & first King Bel into one, that they admitted no difference. Thus came also the Phoenician Belus; thus the Cretan Iupiter (whom the r 1.45 Gre∣cians make the same with Marnas the God of the Gazae∣ans in Palestine) to be both a God and a dead man, in ridi∣culous confusion. For they gloried alwaies of his buriall and Epitaph on his Tomb, which they shewed for his and their antiquitie, thus;

. . . . . . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Indeed it may be Englished, Iupiters Tomb; but the worne out place should haue * 1.46 been supplied thus:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

that is, the Tomb of Minos the King; for so I rather English it, then Minos Iupiters sonne. Although, I know, his Epi∣taph there, is deliuered very differently by s 1.47 others, yet it is certain that the Cretans are most fit examples herein to shew what the Babylonians did. Where, by the way, note that this false tradition among them, was the ground of that true imputation wherewith Epimenides, an ancient Poet and Priest (cited by S. Paule to Titus) brands them, and, after him, Callimachus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

i. The Cretans alwaies are liers; and, to that Acrostich som∣what altered, t 1.48 one expressely, long since, ioined that mis∣vnderstood Epitaph:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

But, this turning of Kings into Gods, receiue elegantly de∣liuered by u 1.49 S. Cyprian. Reges (saith he) olim fuerunt, qui ob regalem memoriam coli apudsuos postmodum etiam in morte coeperunt: inde illis instituta Templa; inde ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos expressa simulachra. Nam & immolabant hostias, & dies festos, dando honores, celebrabant. Inde posteris facta sunt sacra, quae primitùs fuerunt assumpta solatia. And euen in this sort, came the ancient Martyrs of the Christian Church to be accounted by some euen as Gods; the error proceeding x 1.50 from the solemnities vsed at their Shrines to the true God, in honor only of their con∣stant profession. And, you see it grew vsuall in later times among other nations, to make euery Emperor almost, a God after his death, and some in their liues; with appli∣cation to them, of names known proper to ancient Dei∣ties. Some also haue giuen the name of Saturn to this Nimrod; and who knows not how vsually Belus is titled by interpretation Saturn, as others call him Iupiter? For those names, as they signified Gods, are with the rest of that nature in an inextricable confusion. The Assyrians (saith Cedren, out of some ancient author) made him a God, and placed him among the Starres; calling him Orion. Indeed Orions qualitie well agrees with Nimrods attribute, of be∣ing a y 1.51 mightie hunter. The fabulous traditions of the Gre∣cians suppose Orion a hunter, both liuing and dead; and Vlysses z 1.52 in his return from hell reports as much. Which is as plainly iustified by the Astronomicall description of him. For he is not without his Dog there by him (which they call Procyon, and the Arabians Celebalatzaijr i. the les∣ser dog, known also by the name of Algomeiza, and a∣mong the a 1.53 Egyptians, was this referred also to Orion) nei∣ther is the dog without his game, hauing a hare before him. And, among other names, in Arabique he is called Algebar i, mightie or strong, the word coming from the Ebrew root

vsed by Moses in describing Nimrod. Beside these, the old Astronomie supposed him also the chiefe Leader of all the Southern constellations. And as, in their Northern de∣scriptions, they began at the lesser Bear or Cynosura (whose position and motion the Phaenicians obserued for their Sea-direction, as the Greeks did Helice or the greater Bear) so, of their Southern Images, Orion was alwaies first.

Hoc duce per totum decurrunt sydera mundum.

saith Manilius, following this course I speake of, as Ara∣tus had directly before him; both being b 1.54 iustified by an al∣lusion in c 1.55 Homer, speaking of the Bear:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

as if he had said, that she had, as the Princesse of the North, obserued and lookt at Orion Prince of the South: without which interpretation, how will you vnderstand Homer?

Arctos & Orion aduersis frontibus ibant.

saith d 1.56 another by imitation. There being also twixt those two Constellations such an agreement in Longi∣tude, that one great circle, drawn through the Poles, cuts them both, to make, as it were, a lineall and direct regard twixt them. They are both (if you respect Cy∣nosura's starres next the Pole) between L. and LX. de∣grees. But doubtles this application of Nimrod to O∣rion proceeded rather from Grecian vanitie. And those Eastern people had another name for Orion, if Interpreters deceiue not, which in e 1.57 Holy Writ, turne 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orion; and in such things the Assyrians and Iewes had most communi∣tie. But, of our first Monarch, thus much. Yet it is not to be doubted but that before him and the Floud there were, among his ancestors, some Monarchique States, but not of any large extension perhaps. To what other end was Cain's building of Enosha (the first Citie in the world) but for his own supremacie among the Citizens? But the

large and supreme Gouernment of a Nation, is that which must giue the honor of a King, as we now take it. The sup∣position of that age of Kings in the Heroique times, or golden world is most idle, as it is deliuer'd especially in Fa∣bles and Philosophie. What Hesiod, Ouid, Virgil, and other haue of that kind, children know. Et Officium erat (saith f 1.58 a Philosopher) imperare, non regnū. Nec erat cuiquā aut anim{us} in iniuriā aut causa: cum benè imperanti benè pareretur, nihil{que} Rexmai{us} minari malè parentib{us} posset, quàm vt abirent è regno. And, the like, or rather what was neerer to perfection is largely and in example deliuered by g 1.59 Plato, who (had hee read Moses, as some think he had; for long before his time was the h 1.60 Pentateuch turned into Greek) would not, I think, haue giuen that indulgence to fabulous relations. Nothing is more ridiculous to truth then those Golden ages, when also Populus nullis legibus (as Iustins words are) tenebatur; but arbitria Principum pro legibus erant. Can wee beleeu that in Humaniue this could at all continue? Inbred cor∣ruption neuer endured it. The absolute power of the one, and the vnlimited libertie of the other, were euen incom∣patible, vnlesse they be referred to some short time in the beginning of States, when, by necessitie, no lawes were but only the Arbitrement of Princes, as i 1.61 Pomponius speakes of Rome. Yet, I know, it is obserued that Homer, writing of the Heroique times, hath not k 1.62 the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. a pre∣scribed law, but only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. an arbitrary rule. And I won∣der, how learned men durst make such vse of that Obserua∣tion. Read Plato's Minos, and there you shall haue Talus his lawes in Crete written in Brasse. And Talus is made co∣etaneall with Rhadamanth sonne to Iupiter, whose time al∣though vncertain, yet must be farre ancienter then any Greek testimony. Nay, and Homer himselfe hath l 1.63 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and m 1.64 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. the law of Musique, which Singers and Players were strictly bound to; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 absolutely are songs so called, n 1.65 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. because they vsed to sing their lawes be∣fore

inuention of Letters, lest they should forget them, as, in Aristotles time, the Agathyrsians did. And, were not Letters in vse in the Heroique times? If no other autoritie were, yet Proetus his priuie o 1.66 letters, to the King of Lycia, for Bellerophon's death, would iustifie it. Its well known also, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is no stranger in Hesi∣od, beeing both p 1.67 Kinsman and neerly coetaneall with Homer; nay, as som think, before him. Which were it true, how vain were that Obseruation of Homers not hauing it? The Greeks also haue (some q 1.68 of them) left writen, that Prometheus King of Thessaly (Deucalions sonne) was the man

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

that first built Cities and Temples, and was the first King on Earth. Others of them tell of Lycosura r 1.69 in Arcadie to be the first Citie erected vnder heauen. Nay, some of later s 1.70 times, and Christians, haue trans∣lated the title of the first Monarchie into Egypt, as if they had not read holy Writ, but rather followed t 1.71 them, which tell vs that Uexoris King of Egypt, and Tanaus King of Scythia, preceded the Assyrian Monarchie. In∣deed the storie of Abraham iustifies great Antiquitie in the Egyptian Pharaoh's; and in Europe, that Aegia∣leus K. of the Sicyonians rightly challengeth perhaps as much. But, wee can relie for truth herein only vpon Moses; and must slight both those fabulous reports of Grecians and others, as also what occurres in the frag∣ments of the true Berosus, Hestiaeus, Alex. Polyhistor, A∣diaben, Iulius African and the like, touching who raig∣ned before Nimrod and the Floud. For, the Chaldeans (from whom some of these had their originall relations) pretended that they had a true storie remaining in Ba∣bylon of u 1.72 CL. M. yeers (Diodore and Cicero speak

of a farre greater number, but this is enough) in which they reckoned discents of Kings, part whereof yet remain's incapable of likelyhood in some of those autors. As them, for this point, so much more haue we here neglected those Annians and counterfeits, Archilo∣chus, Xenophon, Berosus,

—& autres, quimenteurs Abusent du loisir & bonté des lecteurs

as, the noble Du Bartas of them.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Theophil. Antioch. ad Au∣tolyc. lib. 3.
• b 1.2

  Apuleius de Mundo. & id∣ipsum autor libri qui eo nomine Ari∣stotelis falsò nuncupatur.
• c 1.3

  Macrob. Sa∣turn. 1. Iustin. Martyr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lactantius de fals. relig. cap. 5. alij.
• d 1.4

  Trism••gist. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Idem ferè a∣pud E••phant. Pythagoric. Stob. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 48.
• * 1.5

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e 1.6

  Senec. Ep. 91.
• f 1.7

  Georgic. 4.
• g 1.8

  Arist. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. 9 cap. 40.
• h 1.9

  Cyprian. tract. 4. de Idol. van.
• h 1.10

  In Boeoticerū initio.
• * 1.11

  All Greece was anciently vnder Kings, and no Demo∣cracies.
• i 1.12

  Gen. 14. com. 1
• k 1.13

  Constantinus Manasses hallu∣cinatus hunc numerum à Belo auspica∣tur.
• l 1.14

  August. de Ciu. Dei. lib. 16. cap. 17. & 56. anni ad hanc rem sunt apud Glycam ex a∣lijs antiquio∣ribus. Annal. part. 2.
• m 1.15

  Diodor. Si∣cul. Bibliothec. 3. vnde pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 le∣ge apud Aga∣thiem. hist. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vbi is de hac re.
• n 1.16

  De Ciu. Dei lib. 12. cap. 10.
• o 1.17

  Cyprian. de Idol. van. & ip∣se Aug de Ciu. Dei 8. cap. 5. huius memi∣runt.
• * 1.18

  Peleg 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 est diuidi••. Gen. 10. 25.
• p 1.19

  V. Lips. ad 1. Vell. Paterculi & (si placet) Thalum ap. La∣ctant. Instit. 1. cap. 23.
• q 1.20

  Cedrenus, Glycas, alij.
• r 1.21

  Ioseph. 1. ad Appionem.
• s 1.22

  Q. Curt. lib. 5.
• t 1.23

  Archoeolog. Iu∣daic. 9. in hist. Ionae.
• u 1.24

  D Hieronym. Tradit. Ebraicis.
• x 1.25

  Euseb. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiph. in prolegomcnis.
• y 1.26

  Hinc idolū dictum est (si Diophanti fi∣des apud Ful∣gent. Mytholo∣gic. 1.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi, spe∣cies doloris. Quod sane linguae sanct•• optimé conuc∣nit, in quâ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. Dolores simula∣chia dicuntur. Psal. 106. 38. & 39. & alibi. Originatio autem idolola∣triae ad hunc modum doce∣tur. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. cap. 14 ab Epiphanio in prol••gom. & Iul. Firmico de er∣rore Profan. Religionum, alijs v. si placet, & Ciceronem de consolatione.
• z 1.27

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chaldae∣is; Ebraicè au••em i. Puni∣cè 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dictus est. Elementū n. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chaldaeis saepiùs excidit, & à Gramma∣ticis obseruatur. D••minum vero interpretatur.
• a 1.28

  Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Pa∣rasc. Euangelic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 1.29

  Scholiast. ad Aeschyli Persas & Hesych. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.30

  Scalig. Auson. lect. 1. cap. 9.
• d 1.31

  Plin. hist. Nat. 16. cap. 44.
• e 1.32

  Ausonius in profess. Burde∣gal.
• f 1.33

  Append. Di∣oscorid. cap. 652.
• g 1.34

  Vulcan. ad Glossar. Latino Graec.
• h 1.35

  Camden in Cumbria.
• i 1.36

  R. Leui Benger∣som. & RR. Cim∣chi & Irachi, Equis & Qua∣drigis, dum so∣lem Orientem adorabant, ab introitu Tem∣pli vs{que} ad ca∣meram Na∣thanmalech, solenni pompâ vectos fuisse Adnotant. Ve∣rum & videsis Sext. Pompei∣um Verb. Octo∣ber de Rho∣dijs. nec Rab∣binis hic ad∣sentior.
• k 1.37

  De ijs opti∣mè (vt de om∣nibus) Ios. Scalig. ad Catull. Epig. 91. sed Rabbi Solomon, figuras ad Solis imaginem fictas fuisse, est malè Commentus ad loc. designatum.
• l 1.38

  Ios. Scalig de Emendat. lib. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• m 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• n 1.40

  quod & in ve∣tust. Glossis A∣rabicis.
• o 1.41

  Aristot. de Sap. secund. Ae∣gypt. lib. II. c. 4.
• p 1.42

  De Repub. lib. 6.
• q 1.43

  Apud Conse∣ranos in No∣uempopuloniâ extat.
• r 1.44

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicta Philoni Bibliensi iuxta Phaenicum i∣diotismum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 verò Megastheni, se∣cundum Chal∣daeorum for∣mam.
• r 1.45

  Stephan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 veró ridiculum il∣lud etymon a∣pud eum. Sanè nonne Marnas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 loqui∣tur? i. Dominus, vt cum Belo quadret.
• * 1.46

  Scholiast. ad Callimach. hymn. 1.
• s 1.47

  Lactant. de fals. relig. cap. II (de cuius ms. consulas. I. Obsopaeum in Sibyllin. orac. 8.) & Porphyr. up, Cyrill. ad∣uers. Iulian. l. 10
• t 1.48

  Getullic. Epig. 3. cap. 22. aliam de hoc Cre∣tensium op∣probrio histo∣riam habes ap. Ptolem. Hephae∣stionem.
• u 1.49

  Tractat. 4.
• x 1.50

  D. Hieronym. Epist. adu. Vigi∣lantium: & ad Riparium. D. August. lib. 8. de Ciu. Dei. cap. 27.
• y 1.51

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• z 1.52

  Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.53

  Damosc. in vita Isidori ap. Phot. in Myrio∣bib. Cod. 242.
• b 1.54

  Theon. in Schol. ad Ara∣tum.
• c 1.55

  Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.56

  Manil. A∣stron. 1.
• e 1.57

  Amos. 5. 8. Iob 10. 9. & 38. 31. perquàm variae autem sunt de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 opiniones, & a∣pud Iudaeos. vti videre est in Baal Aruch. praeter R R. adi si vis Hug. Grotium ad I∣magines Arati.
• f 1.58

  Senec. Ep. 91.
• g 1.59

  In Uiro Ci••i∣l, & in Minoe.
• h 1.60

  Aristobul. (ap. Euseb. de Prepar. Euan∣gelic. 13.) in E∣pist. ad Ptol. Phi∣ladelphum.
• i 1.61

  ff. de Orig. Iur. l. 1. §. 2.
• k 1.62

  Ioseph. adu. Appion. 2. & de hac re Plu∣tarch. lib. de Ho∣mcro.
• l 1.63

  Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• m 1.64

  In Hymn. ad Apollinem. eius ••n. authorem sunt qui faciūt Cynaethum. Scholiast. ad Pindar. Nem. 2.
• n 1.65

  Aristot. Pro∣blem. sect. 19. §. 28.
• o 1.66

  Iliad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• p 1.67

  Suidas in He∣siod. v. Lips. ad Paterculi hist. 1.
• q 1.68

  Apollon. Ar∣gonautic. 3.
• r 1.69

  Pausan. lib. 8.
• s 1.70

  Constant Ma∣nasses in Anna∣libus.
• t 1.71

  Trogus hist. 1.
• u 1.72

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Alex. Polyhist. ap. Euseb. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.