Titles of honor by Iohn Selden

THE PREFACE.

Contents of it.

Gentry or Ciuill Nobility. Children like their Parents. Degenerating Issues. Some haue respected onely one Sex in the Discent. Paradogium. Temple of Honor and Virtue. Images, wherein the old Nobility of Rome consisted. Carrying those Images in Funeralls. Images annext (as we say) to the Frehold. Ennobling by the Emperors. Nobility of the Grecians. Their regard to the Name. Names of the Romans, and the Impositi∣on of Names. The Gothique Hanses. The Preroga∣tiue of the old Sueuians to be in the Vantgard; as also of our Kentishmen, and those of Wiltshire, with Corn∣wall and Deuonshire, to be in the Rere. Coat Ar∣mors. When they began to be born hereditarily. The Patent of Rich. II: to Iohn of Kingston, giuing him a Coat, and making him Esquire. Certain Notes of Generous Families mongst the Romans and other an∣cients. The Autor's bearing himself in this Work. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Interpretation of one of Pythagoras his Symbols. Of the Sophi. Ius Capillitij of the old French Kings. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Epigram to our William the first, Caesariem, Caesar, &c. explan'd. Bearing of Fi••e before some Princes anciently. Some old but obsolet Ensignes of the Empire. Sealing in white Wax. First beginning of the profession of the Roman Ciuill Lawes in the Western parts about C D L. yeers since; In Bologna. Not lawfull to read them as a Professor elsewhere then in Rome, Constantinople, or Berytus, by Iustinians constitution. The first volume of the Canon Law, when made. The answer of Robert Grossetest to Henry III. questioning him how he could so well instruct yong Courtiers.

BLesse me Mercurie from thy old Enemie, the Da∣ring Ignorant! I know his hate to thee. And when

he would seem to loue, as sometimes he would, yet is he as vnhappie in performing what's due to thee, as if he should sacrifice with a cole black beast, in the darkest night, the throat prest downward, to thy brother Apollo; or then for safetie of his sheep or gain, with bloud to thee, when thou a 1.1 art

—* 1.2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Thou knowst the vnfitnesse of Both, and Him. I could not but wrong thy honor, should I, so neer mention of thy Name, speak to him. Thy worth, from him, protect mee! To all thy ingenuous fauorites, in thy presence, as thou directest me, thus. Out of the Title, Table, and Contents of the Chapters (you haue them presently after this Pre∣face) the Summe and Method discouer themselues. The Purpose extended from the Highest title to Gen∣trie, exclusiuely. That of Gentrie, or the same in ano∣ther word, Ciuill Nobility, is, by which, as the first de∣gree aboue the Multitude, an honoring distinction is made, either by acquisition from the Prince (euerie Prince or State, hauing generall Power to make Lawes in their Territorie, may ennoble) or by Discent from Noble Ancestors. Or indeed you may not amisse comprehend hereditarie Nobilitie in that first kind, because a Gen∣tleman, by birth, is not only so in regard of his Ance∣stors, Sed quia, ob eam Originem, Princeps illum suis legibus nobilitat, as b 1.3 Bartol will haue it. The Prince, as it were, supposing that if the Father be No∣ble, the issue will resemble him. Which the Persians were confident on, where the Queen was neuer so much as

suspected c 1.4 of inc••ntinence, because the King was alwaies esteemd of so truly royall parts, that the Nature of hir issue by another, would discouer if shee had chang'd the Father; as, on the other side, the Spartan Ephori most iealously garded their Queens, lest any but of Hercules posteritie should gouern: both States concluding Nobili∣tie from their Ancestors worth, which hath its ground in the naturall supposition of likenesse twixt Children and those which get them. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (s••ith d 1.5 Aristotle) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For, one not like his Parents is, in some sort, a Monster, that is, not like him that got him, nor any other of the as∣cending or transuerse line; because its thought, that, in the Seed are alwaies potentially seuerall indiuiduating e 1.6 Qua∣lities deriu'd from diuers of the neere Ancestors, which by the formatiue power of the Parents may be exprest in the Children, with respectiue habitude to either Sex; al∣though the later Grecians foolishly inquired only in ge∣neseos f 1.7 Nobilitate, non quae Mater, sed quis Pater (following the old g 1.8 Aegyptian Custome) and thought a Kings issue by any Concubine, as good as one by the No∣blest Queen. But, indeed, both are euen equally to be re∣garded. The Consequent of this was long since disputed in that of the Minds inclination follows the Bodies Temperature; whereof Galen hath a speciall Treatise. But because this likenesse is oft times to a remote Ance∣stor, as well as the Father, therefore, it seems, is the spe∣ciall regard to bee had to the number of Discents in Gentrie. Hee that is so both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. both discended from truly Noble Parentage, and withall fol∣lowing their steps, or adding to their Name, is the

Gentleman that may lawfully, glorie in his Pitle. N••∣bilitie in him being rightly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Virtue of his Fathers, from whom hee deriu'd what hee means to propagat. So, the fairer is his worth, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as one h 1.9 sayes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. it flowing, from Virtue, as from a pure Spring, continues genuin, and like the first head. But, the Ancestors Nobilitie in a degenerating issue, giues no more true Glorie, then Phoebus his name did to RP. Sixtus Quintus, who was wont to iest on himselfe, that he was i 1.10 domo natus illustri, because, beeing of very mean Parentage, he was born in so totterd a house, that the roof euery where admitted the Sunne beams.

Cur k 1.11 Allobrogicis, & magna gaudeat ara Natus in Herculeo Fabius lare, si cupidus, si Vanus & Euganea quantumuis mollior agna?

And

—Perit l 1.12 omnis in illo Nobilitas, cuius laus est in Origine sola.

So that, Merit by Qualitie, both in the first acquiring the Princes fauor, and in his issue, are the true causes of No∣bilitie, as if the originall collation of the Dignitie were so made, that the first deseruing, and his begotten heires, such only as were deseruing, should enioy it: and then is the Ciuilians definition of it enough comprehensiue, that it is qualitas illata per Principatum tenentem, qua quis vltra plebeios honestos acceptus ostenditur, which many Canonists also follow; and so will it include

as well that which the barbarous Ciuilians call Paradogi∣um (by mis-reading for m 1.13 Paragium, as most learned Cuiacius persuades mee, that is, Feudall Nobilitie, grounded on possessing a Noble Fief, whence the tenant is one of the Pares Curtis) as Personall honor. Virtue plainly ennobleth not ciuilly, but is a deseruing cause of it only, wherof the Prince must iudge. If Honor and de∣seruing Vertue accompanie not each other, its his Fault or Error. They should alwaies so. And they were Tem∣ple-fellowes in old Rome. Benè (sayes n 1.14 one) ac sapi∣entèr Maiores nostri, vt sunt alia aetatis illius, Aedes Honori atque Virtuti gemella facie iunctim locarunt; commenti, ibi esse praemia Honoris vbi sunt Merita Virtutis. But in ancient Rome their Nobiles (a thing not vnworthie to be here noted) were only those which could shew the Images of such their Ancestors, as had born a State Office (the Aedilitas Curulis, or any aboue it) which were of Wax o 1.15 expressing the Face and Bodie only to the shoulders, kept euery one in seuerall cases of Wood or Closets, and subscrib'd with the name of the Dead (they calld it Titulus or Index) and additions of his Place or particular Worth, as p 1.16 G. Cassius his, which one of the Familie kept vnder Nero, had DVCI PAR∣TIVM; or DVX, as out of a Ms. Tacitus, Lipsius notes. And these were carried at the Funerall of him that had them as his Ensignes of Nobilitie. The Relation of Drusus his Funerall giues a most speciall form of it. Funus Imaginum pompa (saith Tacitus) maximè inlustre fuit, cum Origo Iuliae Gentis, Aeneas, om∣nesque Albanorum Reges & Conditor Vrbis Ro∣mulus, pòst Sabina Nobilitas, Appius (or q 1.17 Atta)

Clausus, caeteraeque Claudiorum effigies longo ordi∣ne spectarentur. There were also other Images of No∣ble Parentage set with affixt spoiles of the enemie for Trophies of Virtue about the Entries and base Courts, which were so annext to the Freehold (as our phrase is) that they past alwaies in conueyance of the House, neither was it lawfull for the Buyer to deface them: Eratque haec stimulatio (are Plinies words) summa et ingens, exprobrantibus tectis, quotidiè imbellem Domi∣num intrare in alienum triumphum. And as Reuer∣sing of Coats, or the like, hath been in later Times, so with them the Images, of men condemued capitally for matter against the State, or censur'd in such a Degree, were bro∣ken, or, at lest, omitted in their pompous Funeralls. There∣fore in the last Rites perform'd to Iunia, wife to C. Cas∣sius, and sister to M. Brutus, mongst the Images of twen∣tie seuerall Noble Families, Cassius and Brutus were not born, yet praefulgebant, as he sayes of them, eo ipso quòd effigies eorum non visebantur. One of these Images gaue Nobilitie. Ancum Sabina Matre ortum (so Liuie) Nobilèmque vnâ Imagine Numae. The rest which were first in those Magistracies were homines Noui, and this distinction was both in the Patricij and Plebeij. But, vnder the Caesarean Empire, the bestow∣ing of Consular Ornaments, and the like, suppli'd in di∣uers, the Magistracie it self, and the Emperors so did en∣noble by Rescript or Patent, as it seems by that of Cel∣sus a Professor of the Arts in Rome, whom Theodosi∣us the first was r 1.18 requested adiudicare Nobilibus, Pignore Dignitatis, cum praerogatiua scilicet Consu∣lari. And the like, by seuerall s 1.19 Constitutions, was giuen

to many, whose issues only, by the ancienter forme, were Noble, themselues only Noui. As in Rome the Imagi∣nes, or ius Imaginum, were the only Ensignes of here∣ditarie Nobilitie, so in Greece the descent, from Noble Ancestors, preserued; whence their Gentlemen were calld 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. discended from worthie Parentage, which was noted in the particular names of their Noble Tribes, as, in Athens, in the Pandionidae, Acamantidae, Hip∣pothoontidae, Heraclidae, and others; to the making vp of Noblesse, t 1.20 in whose posteritie, was a Concurrence of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. Birth, E∣ducation, and continuall affectation of good Studies. But how much honor consisted mongst them, specially in the Name, appears also in that of Pixodorus a poore shep∣heard, one of whose Rammes, in fight, missing his aduer∣sarie, struck on a stone, and, breaking of a piece, discouerd it most white and fit for building of Diana's Temple, a∣bout which, and of what kind of stone to make it, the E∣phesian State, at that instant, sate in Councell; wherup∣on hee presently came into their Court, and shewed the piece. They, to honor him with publique rewards, chan∣ged his name u 1.21 into Euangelus, to whom, after his death, a yeerly sacrifice was made in the place. You may remember the Iest vpon wealthie Simon by Lucians Cock, in that he thought himself, because hee was grown very rich, worthie now 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. to haue a name of foure syllables in steed of one of two syllables, that is, I think, Simonides, because it was both a name of honorable note, and as a Patronymique expressing some Noble discent. There are which make the Tria nomina in Rome a note of their Nobilitie.

To that purpose doth Calderin interpret Iuuenals—Tanquam habeas tria Nomina—which is rather indeed to be exprest in, as if you were an In∣genuus or Libertus, or as if you were a free Man: which fits well the place, as the learned Politian wills. For the hauing of three Names was not common either to all Times, or all Persons, of the Free or Noble Romans, but some had Two only, as Numa, Hostius Hostilius, in ancienter time, others One, as Romulus, Remus, Hersilia, Tatius, and, afterward the mixture of the Sabins and Romans gaue the double Names; and, by retaining x 1.22 the name of the Familie, giuing the Fore∣name (which was imposed the eighth day on Females, and the ninth on Males; as among the Grecians on the tenth y 1.23 day from the birth, and fift from the Amphidromia) and adding the surname, which sometimes was from the Ancestors also, they had vsually three Names, two of which euery Bondman manumitted commonly had giuen him from his Lord or Patron. So is the Testimonie of Tertullian z 1.24; so that Dream of the Bondman which thought he had had Tria Pudenda, and was soon after set free, because (as * 1.25 it was interpreted) his freedom gaue him two Names, which made three (signified in the dream) with his own, that was, as to other of his kind, most vsually one. So that Ingenuitie, not Nobilitie, was designed by the three Names. In most other Nations (I think) vntill particular ennobling, by the Princes auto∣ritie, came in vse, was a kind of distinction of Nobi∣litie, and most neer to that in Greece. None so barbarous, but had the like; witnesse the Gothique Anses; a Name interpreting Half-Gods a 1.26,

or men aboue common human fortune, and applied by them to their Chieftains valorously bearing themselues in the Warres, and their posteritie. Whence good conceit, of manie, deriues that Name of the Han∣fiatique Societie, beginning b 1.27 about M. CC. of Christ some while before Frederique the second. But, it seems, they had no more or other known Ensignes of Nobili∣tie, then as the Sueuians, who had anciently Preroga∣tiue in Omni c 1.28 expeditione Regis Teutonici, ex∣ercitum praecedere, & primi committere, in like sort as mongst our old English the Kentish men d 1.29 had the honor due to them alwaies of being in the Vant∣gard, and those of Wiltshire, with Cornwall and Deuonshire, in the Rere, which they all might cha∣lenge by the continuall worth of their performance. That was their Badge, therein their Glorie. But, after that Armes grew hereditarie in Europe mongst Chri∣stians (for Turks paint them not, e 1.30 saith my Au∣tor) by a generall consent (which is, vpon good ground, thought to haue had its beginning from the Holie Warres, the Posteritie thinking it a speciall Glorie to beare the same Coat which the Ancestor had displayed or shewed in his Shield in defence of the Christian Name; and so with vs f 1.31 about Henrie III. they became more hereditarily establisht) when the Prince ennobled any, he vsually gaue him the particular of his Bearing in Blazon. An example thereof in England, it being also, to another purpose, worth obseruation, I here insert. Richard II. gaue one Iohn of King∣ston a Coat, and made him an Esquire, so to ennable him to perform some feats of Armes with a French

Knight. The Copie of the g 1.32 Record is thus litterally. Le Roy a tous ceux as queux cestes lettres vien∣dront, salute. Saches, que come vn Chiualer Fran∣ceys à ceo que nous sumus enformes ad chalenge vn nostre liege Iohn de Kingston a faire certains faits & points d'Armes, ouesque le dit Chiualer, Nous a fyn que le dit nostre liege soit le meulz honorablement resceuz & faire puisse & perfour∣mir les dits faits & points d'Armes, luy auons resceuz en l'estate de Gentile home & luy fait Es∣quier, & volons que que il soit conus per Armes & porte desorenauant, cestassauoir, D'Argent one vn Chaperon d'Azure ouesque vn Plume d'Ostriche de Geules. Et ceo a touts yceux, as queux y apper∣tient, nous notisons per ycelles. En testmoynance de quelle chose, nous auons fait faire cestes nos Lettres Patents, dones souz nostre Grant Seale a nostre Paleys de Westminster, le primer iour de Iuyll. Per Briefe de Priuy Seale. Neither was, in ancient Rome, wanting a kind of hereditarie En∣signes peculiar to Families, as the Torquis or Collar to the Torquati, the Haire, or a kind of Ius Ca∣pillitij (it seems) to the Cincinnati, the surname of Great to the Pompeys, which is plain by that relation of h 1.33 Caligula: Vetera Familiarum Insig∣nia Nobilissimo cuique ademit, Torquato Tor∣quem, Cincinnato Crinem, Cncio Pompeio Stir∣pis antiquae Magni Cognomen. So, all of the Draconteum i 1.34 genus about Thebes were known by a speciall note on their bodies, and Seleucus k 1.35 his po∣steritie by the forme of an Anchor on the thigh. Fi∣lij,

Nepotèsque eius Ancoram in femore (saith Iustin) veluti notam Generis naturalem habu∣ere. Neither was anie one admitted to pre∣tend himself of the Pelopidae, if hee had m 1.36 not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. that token for an En∣signe of his Familie, that is, the Iuorie shoulder, or one as white. But these were the Notes only of their Familie, not of Nobilitie, consisting in Rome only in the Images, as, that of our times, in Coat-Armors, which, as Images, expresse the worth of such as haue born them, it being supposd (in warlike Nations espe∣cially after those Martiall successes against the profest enemies of Christianitie, about CD. and D. yeers since) that the Warres was n 1.37 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. as if you should say, an exact triall of a Braue spirit. And hence, of later time, both Men of the Sword and Gown, Gens de Robbe courte, & Robbe longue, as well Togati as Armati haue this Note of Armes giuen them for their En∣signe of Nobilitie; although clerely a Prince may en∣noble without that (it being the signe, not substance, or cause) as you may see in that Ordinance, to this purpose, of o 1.38 Henrie III. of France in M. D. LXVI. The Disputation of Ciuill Nobilitie, with the particular appendants thereon, commonly discussed, would take vp more roome then this Volume. Its, at large, enough in Andrè Tiraquel specially. Here only are those titles which haue precedence of this of lowest Gentrie. In deliuerie of them, I haue vsed Autorities of best choise, without the vain ambition of citing more then I needed. The Best or First I took al∣waies for

Instar Omnium; and, when common course of Times would tell an vnderstanding Reader where I had my Relation, I discharged my selfe of reference to the Reporter. Taking libertie also of beeing iealous, where euer my inquisition might aid, I vent to you no∣thing quoted at second hand, but euer lou'd the Foun∣tain, and, when I could come at it, vsd that Medi∣um only, which would not at all, or least, deceiue by Refraction.

Multùm, crede Mihi, refert, à Fonte bibatur Qui fluit, an pigro quae stupet vnda Lacu.

But where euer I was driuen to take vp on other mens credits, I acknowledge it. Nor if, that Aristophanes which was the only sufficient p 1.39 Iudge at the Trialls, of worth in Learning, instituted by Ptolemie Philadel∣phus, were present at my Recitalls, should hee once find me play the base Plagiarie. There are, which haue in part handled some of my Titles, and as their Pur∣pose. I abstain from comparison. Those which haue done well, iustifie themselues; and them my Page or Margine often thanks. Diuers, I know, haue aduen∣turd on pieces of the Subiect, and come off with small merit in the state of Literature. In regard of compre∣hension, I dare chalenge precedence and primacie. Both the Mahumedan States and the European Christen∣dome, their Titularie Honors and the appendant Ensignes are what with curious Examination I haue deliuered. Nor doubt I, but that to Stories also of the Midle and Ancient times, both Greek and Latin,

hence may bee some good Light had, and that not vn∣worthie their eyes which merit their Place in the learned Rank. Why not? How ere my sufficiencie be, some of them know, that the vnderstanding of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. Tata, in holie q 1.40 Writ is referd by the r 1.41 Rabbins to a Chambermaid that askt hir Mistresse for a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to sweep the house withall, whence one of them hearing her, before not knowing what it was, collected it was a Broom, and that the Verb was to sweep. As in hir question, so in my Discourses may occurre what manie a know∣ing man, if ingenuous, will thank mee for. Alius s 1.42 enim alio plura inuenire potest, Nemo omnia. To Others, which are but louers of this kind of lear∣ning, I dare promise much of what they neuer before met with, not without reformation of diuers errors, possessing them with the vulgar: Perhaps with the Learned. As in diuers like that of Crowns and Dia∣dems, which all haue hitherto taught to haue been mongst Royall Notes most anciently in Europe. I presume I haue sufficiently manifested the contrarie, and answerd their vrged Autorities, producing also one out of Euripides his Orestes, seeming stranger against my part then anie other: which, when I was to vse, and hauing not at hand the Scholiast (out of whom I hoped some aid) I went, for this purpose, to see it in the well-furnisht Librarie of my beloued friend that singular Poet M. Ben: Ionson, whose speciall Worth in Literature, accurat Iudgment, and Perfor∣mance, known only to that Few which are truly able to know him, hath had from me, euer since I began to learn, an increasing admiration. Hauing examin'd it

with him, I resolud vpon my first Opinion, and found, as I ghesse, a New but more proper Interpretation of the Place, wherein I was confirmd afterward also by the iudicious approbation of a man verie learned (but espe∣cially in the Greek) and of most readie memorie, M. Arthur Best, to whose continuall Kindnesse and In∣struction too, I shall alwaies acknowledge my self much bound. And hence may you be confident, that the in∣terpretation of Pythagoras his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is not to bee referd to Royall Diadems, or Kings, as some will, vnlesse hee meant it to those of Asia, with whom indeed hee had spent some time. Either he wisht in it that you should not take from a∣nother his Crown, Reward, or Palme, or that you should not wrong or corrupt the Laws, as S. Hierom t 1.43 expressely interprets it, by Leges Vrbium conser∣uandas; which is well iustified by a Pythagorean, concurring therein, and giuing u 1.44 the reason, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. The Laws are the Crowns or Inclosures of the Commonwelth. In promising more such, I will perform my word. If I leaue vn∣toucht something, which may be lookt for, of the Ma∣humedan States, referre it rather to my wants of In∣struction then Negligence. As they are farre from vs, so Relations of them are oft vncertaine, and of a cozening Credit, especially those of the Midle times, when Ignorance rode in Triumph. And, vntill that most learned Leunclaw and Busbeque, what of them was well known? Litle, especially to our pur∣pose. Nay, euen in this European Light of vnder∣standing, how currant went that idle Deduction of the

Persian Sophi from Wollen Tulipants? It hauing Origination in the Sophilar, Sophi, or Suffi (lar is but the Turkish termination plurall) that were both of a reformd or separated Religion, as also a speciall Sect in Philosophie, Quorum scientia est per infu∣sionem ab Intelligentijs, non per acquisitionem Doctrinae, as x 1.45 Andrew Alpag, well skilld in their Tongue and Learning, according to their own con∣ceits, saith of them. How the Ethiopian Emperor (whom wee corruptly call Prester Iohn; and Elias y 1.46 Leuita writs him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Priti Ioan) hath been ignorantly wrongd by such as so mist both his Name and Territorie, is seen in too much Testimo∣nie. But of these, and the like, in due place. In our Europe, as Writers afforded occasion, I haue been large: omitting, I think, no obsolet Title, the know∣ledge whereof may help to the vnderstanding of those in present vse. The like I say of Ensignes. But such as were meerly proper to their times, and haue not so much as their shadow left, I haue willingly forborn. Among these, is the ancient Ius Capillitij in France, whence you must interpret the Storie of Q. Crothild, that, when hir sonnes, on whom shee purposd to haue setled the Crown against Hlothar and Hildebert, were brought to her from them with a paire of Scis∣sors and a Sword, by Arcadius offering her the choise, whether shee would haue them shauen or put to death, answered z 1.47 Satius mihi est, si ad Regnum non e∣riguntur, mortuos eos videre, quam tonsos. For the shauing or cutting their Haire was a putting them into the condition of subiects. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith Aga∣thias)

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. It was not lawfull for the French Kings to cut their haire, but from their Infancie it was continually permitted to grow, which they ware hanging down their backs, curiously combd, and done with diuers * 1.48 such things as were fit for keeping it in neatest fashion: and this was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a speciall Ensigne and honor of the Royall Line, which no subiect, in whom the hope of Succession was not, might wear; and hence took the vain Grecians occasion of that fabulous assertion, wherein they sup∣posd those of the French Line to be bristled on the back like Hogs, and calld them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. as if you should say, Bristle-backt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (are the words of George Cedren) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. those of the Royall Line were calld Cristati, quod interpretatur (so are the words of an a 1.49 old Historian exactly interpreting this out of a Grecian) Trichorachati. Pilos enim habebant in spina veluti Porci: which the rather I cite, to shew that Hotoman's coniecture vpon that place of Cedren, thinking it to be corrupt, is idle. Neither need it moue, that they so ill interpreted Cristati. What's more common mongst them then mistaking of like kind? This Custome of wearing long haire continued in the French Kings, till about Lewes the yonger, when b 1.50 Peter Lom∣bard, Bishop of Paris, dissuaded them from it. It was in fashion also to be worn long 'mongst our Soueraigns

till Henrie v. as is collected by their Seales. And by that of France, may bee interpreted the c 1.51 Distich to William the first,

Caesariem, Caesar, tibi si Natura negauit, Hanc Willielme tibi stella comata dedit

Made vpon the Comet appearing in Easter weeke be∣fore Harold's ouerthrow, expressing, as if the Autor had first plai'd on Caesar's baldnesse, and then by A∣postrophe told the Conqueror, that the Comet or Faxed Starre (as the old English and most signifi∣cant word is) portended him Caesariem or Capilliti∣um, alluding to the Ius Capillitij of France, as it was a note Royall. For, common opinion then supposd the Comet a token of his future Conquest. Of this nature is that of the old Emperors d 1.52 hauing Fire in a Lamp carried before them, which the Persian Kings also had. And likewise those the Spear, Crown of Thornes, Nailes of the Crosse, Sword, Robes, and Diadem of Charles le Maign, all which e 1.53 A∣uentin thus remembers: Germani Imperatores a∣pud Proauos nostros, Hastam, Coronam spineam, Clauos (quibus Christum seruatorem nostrum ex∣cruciatum constat) insuper Ensem, Purpuram, Dia∣dema Caroli Magni progerere secum solebant. But hee saies, that Sigismund the Emperor laid them * 1.54 to be kept, as precious Reliques, at Norimberg, where they are to be seen, hauing been all before vsually ca∣ried with the Emperors, vt peculiaria sacrosancti Imperij Penetralia, Caesareaeque Maiestatis Auspi∣cia.

These, the strewing of the Emperors way with Gold-Dust and the like, as obsolet I am silent of, as also such as are so particular (rather of Custom, then Great∣nesse) that this place not so well fitted them. As that of Sealing in white Wax appropriated by the French to their King. Il n'y a autre Prince Chrestien (saies one f 1.55 of them) que seel in Cire blanche que luy, les autres seelent en cire rouge ou verde (he might haue added ou iaune) & touts les autres Potentats sont armez en leurs seels, & nos Roys seuls aux leurs, sont vestus d'habits Royaux, & en Roys iusticier non armez. This sealing in White Wax was permitted to Renè King of Sicilie by Lewes XI. in M. CD. LXVIII. But matters of this nature are scarce more belonging to our Chapter of Royall En∣signes (for thither, if anie whither, they should be re∣ferd) then that of the rosting the whole Ox at Franc∣fort, at the Emperors inauguration, or such like. In most of what I haue done, Testimonies of Times past are my Warrants.

Securus licet Aeneam, Rutulúmque ferocem Committas: nulli grauis est percussus Achilles.

For more safetie, I obseru'd that admonition. This iealous Age would make a man do it where hee nee∣ded not. But my Reader shall misse nothing the more of what may, to the proposed end, furnish him. If where I dispute of Dukes, Marquesses, Counts, and such, you find not so much out of old Ciuilians (I

mean the elder Doctors and Commentators) as might bee heapt vp from them to that purpose, blame mee not. I professe not the reading them, yet could haue vsed them, but was not willing to load my Margine with their names. Where they talke of Meum and Tuum, when their Autoritie is requi∣sit, they deserue to bee heard. In things, of this na∣ture, to bee extracted out of Storie and Philologie, they cesse to bee Doctors, nay, are scarce Alpha∣betarians, euen the whole Rank of them; vntill you come to the most learned Budè, Alciat, Hoto∣man, Cuias, Wesenbeck, Brisson, the Gentiles, and some few more of this Age, before whom the Bodie of that Profession was not amisse compard to a faire Robe, of Cloth of Gold, or of Richest Stuff and Fashion, g 1.56 Qui fust (sauing all mannerly re∣spect to you, Reader) brodee de Merde. The rea∣son of the Similitude is known to anie that sees such impudent barbarisme in the Glosses on so neat a text, which from Iustinian (hee died DLXV.) vntill Lo∣thar II. (hee was Emperor M. C. XXV.) lay hidden and out of vse in the Western Empire, nor did anie there, all that time, professe or read it. But when Lothar took Amalfi, hee there found an old Copie of the Pandects or Digests, which hee gaue as a precious Monument to the Pisans (hence it was called h 1.57 Litera Pisana) from whom it hath been since (in M. CD. XC. VI.) translated to Flo∣rence, where, in the Dukes Palace, it is, almost with Religion, preserued, and neuer brought forth but with Torches, Light, and other Reuerence.

Vnder this Emperor Lothar, began the Law to be pro∣fest at Bologna, where i 1.58 Irner or Werner (as Con∣rad à Lichtenaw calls him) first made Glosses on it a∣bout the beginning of Fr. Barbarossa, in M. C. L. and by the fauor of this Lothar, was Bologna, vpon the aduise of Irner, it seems, constituted to bee k 1.59 Legum & Iuris Schola vna & sola. And here was the first Time and Place of that Profession in the Western Em∣pire. But Iustinian expressely ordaind, that none should teach the Ciuill Lawes, except l 1.60 only in Constanti∣nople, Rome, and Berytus: which, although Bartol interprets (as of necessitie he was driuen, to maintain his Profession) with Nisi tempore ius Academiae sit quaesitum, yet why then was Bologna no place for the Laws vnder. Iustinian? for, they pretend there, to haue been as an Vniuersitie from the Grant of Theo∣dosius the yonger in CD. XXIII. Plainly vnder Iu∣stinian, who euer had taught out of one of those three Ci∣ties, was Denarum librarum * 1.61 auri poena plecten∣dus, and to be banisht out of the Citie where hee durst so professe. Neither would the matter of being a Vniuer∣sitie haue helpt it. But before Lothar, the Gouern∣ment was by the Salique, m 1.62 Lombardian, and Ro∣man Laws (the Roman beeing some piece of what had been vsd in Rome) euerie one liuing according to either of them as hee would make choise. About the same time also the two Bastard brothers (by whose worth, and of the third, Peter Comestor, their Mo∣ther thought shee should bee sau'd, neither would repent, but trusted to hir merit in bearing three so famous) Gratian a Monk in Bologna, and Peter Lombard

at Paris, one made the Decree, the first Volume autorised for Can on Law by Pope Eugenius III, and the other the Sentences. Such as since haue writen on the Di∣gests 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Code, vntill the cleerer light of Learning be∣gan mongst our Fathers talk for the most part like. Ra∣blais his Bridoye. Some, most honord of later time, that vnderstood their Text, and studied the Laws, as well because they would curiously know, as bee meerely * 1.63 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 haue, with iudgment, instructed in part of this Purpose. The Margine confesses, with∣out blushing, their and all other mens helps. If either Enuie or Ignorance question how I, bred from the bottome of Obscuritie, and so farre from Court-Cu∣stome, should dare at these Honors, let it know, I learn'd long since from a Great Clerk (that Robert Bi∣shop of Lincoln vnder Henrie III) That there was, in Libraries, greater aid to the true vnderstanding of Honor, and Nobilitie, then mongst Gold and Purple outsides. Hee beeing demanded by the King, Vbi n 1.64 Moraturam didicit, quâ Filios Nobilium Proce∣rum Regni, quos secum habuerat Domicellos, in∣struxerat, cum non de Nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus, traxisset originem, fertur intrepidè respondisse, that hee was taught it in the Courts of greater Princes then the K. of England, meaning of those Ancients, whose Courts were represented in his Volumes of Storie. In Coniectures I durst not bee too bold. Where but meer fancie can direct, it were ridi∣culous to regard them; but when they seem to of∣fer themselues, they deserue the choise of Iudgment.

That Religious abstinence of the old Iews, who referd all such Dignos vindice Nodos, as were too difficult for their humanitie, to Elias his resolution, were good to be proportionably more obseru'd in all Learning, e∣specially by those which are (and too manie are) so vn∣fortunat in their ghesses, that on the apparantly worst of diuers they often insist. Malici∣ous Censure I regard not, Inge∣nuous I honor. Reader, Farewell.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Antipater Epig. α. cap. 48.
• * 1.2

  Best pleasd with Milk and Hony.
• b 1.3

  In C. tit. de Incolis l. 9. Mulieres.
• c 1.4

  Plato in Al∣cibiade α.
• d 1.5

  De G••nerat. Animal. 4. cap. 3.
• e 1.6

  De hac re•• inprimis con∣sulendus An∣dreas Lauren∣tius Anatomic. lib. 2: quaest. 30.
• f 1.7

  Luitprand. lib. 5. cap. 5.
• g 1.8

  Diodor. Sicul. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 2. De Lycijs vero He∣rodot. lib. 1. et Plutarch. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apud quos in Mater∣na Origine con∣stitit Nobili∣tas, necnon adi Vlpianum, l. 1. ff. ad Municipa∣lem; septem Familias Lo∣uanij queis de I••psius L••••••n. 1. cap. 12. & Tira∣quell. de Nobili∣tate, cap. 18. §. 20. & seq.
• h 1.9

  Maxim. Tyr. Dialex. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• i 1.10

  Cicarella in Uit. Pontific.
• k 1.11

  Iuuenal. Satyr. 8.
• l 1.12

  Lucanus in Panegyrico.
• m 1.13

  Constit. Feud. tit. Quis dica∣tur Dux, Mar∣chio. Alias No∣bilitandi cau∣sas vide apud Luc. de Penna in C. tit. de Dig. L. Mulieres.
• n 1.14

  Symmach. lib. 1. Epist. 21.
• o 1.15

  Polyb. Hist. 6. Plin. lib. 35. cap. 2.
• p 1.16

  Tacitus An∣nal. 16.
• q 1.17

  Lips. ad Ann. 12. not. 58.
• r 1.18

  Symmach. lib. 10. Epist. 25.
• s 1.19

  C. tit. de Profess. et pas∣sim, l. 12.
• t 1.20

  Demosth. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epitaphio, et Plato in Al∣cib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• u 1.21

  Vitruu. lib. 10. cap. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. Qui fausta nunti∣at. De nomini∣bus vide non∣nulla, part. 1. pag. 67.
• x 1.22

  De Nomini∣bus Romanorum Titus Probus (siue is sit Iulius Paris, qui de∣signati libri autor est) consu∣lendus, alij. At∣qui, ante alios, Iul. Scaliger in lib. 4. de caus. Ling. Lat. cap. 92. quem tamen septimum diem Nominibus im∣ponendis desti∣natum tradi∣disse valde mi∣ror, cum et Fe∣stus in Lustri∣co, et Macro∣bius 1. Sat. cap. 16. vno ferè ore refragentur. Rectè autem Ti∣tum Probum reprehendit de Togae Virilis tempestate.
• y 1.23

  Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, et Scholiast. in Aristoph. Aues.
• z 1.24

  Quod vide pag. 326. tran∣scriptum, et con∣sulas Ios. Sca∣lig. ad Fest. in Curiales.
• * 1.25

  Artemidor. Onirocritic. 1. cap. 47.
• a 1.26

  Iornandes de Reb. Getic. cap. 13. & Abb. Vr∣spergensis.
• b 1.27

  Chytraeus Chronic. Sax. et Vic. aliq. Gent. lib. 23.
• c 1.28

  Lamb. Schoff∣naburgensis.
• d 1.29

  Io. Sarisburi∣ens. de Nug. Cu∣rial. lib. 6. c. 18.
• e 1.30

  Septemca∣strens. cap. 10.
• f 1.31

  Clarent. in Reliq. pag. 180.
• g 1.32

  Part. 1. Pat. 13. Rich. 2. Memb. 37. Con∣simile Bernardo Angennine Consiliario Regis in Du∣catu Aquita∣niae, Rot. Vas∣con. 23. Hen 6. Memb. 7.
• h 1.33

  Sueton. lib. 4. cap. 35.
• i 1.34

  Hygin. Fabul. 72.
• k 1.35

  Iustin. Hist. 15.
• m 1.36

  Iulian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• n 1.37

  Synes. Epist. 104.
• o 1.38

  Ordonnances du France, Tom. 3. tiltre 5.
• p 1.39

  Uitruu. in∣praesat. ad lib. 7.
• q 1.40

  Ies. cap. 14. com. 23.
• r 1.41

  Kimchi in Rad. apud Reuchlin. in vers. R. Natha∣nis Mordechai.
• s 1.42

  Auson. in E∣pist. ad Sym∣mach. in Eidyll. II.
• t 1.43

  In Respons. aduers. Ruffin. Epist. 41.
• u 1.44

  Malchus in vita Pithagorae.
• x 1.45

  In Auicenn. de Anima Apho∣rism. 9. & de ijs plura in eiusdem lib. de Definit. et quae∣sitis. V. pag. 107. infra.
• y 1.46

  Masoreth Hammasoreth praefat. 3. Vide part 1. pag. 88.
• z 1.47

  Greg. Turo∣nens. Hist. 3. cap. 18. Aimon. de Gest. Franc. 2. cap. 12.
• * 1.48

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.49

  Landulph. Saga•• Miscell. 22. ex Theo∣phane forsan, vnde & Cedre∣nus fortè.
• b 1.50

  Circ. A. M. c. I. X. Autor Re∣liquiarum.
• c 1.51

  Henr. Hun∣tingdon. hist. 6.
• d 1.52

  Herodian. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Xenoph. Cyropaed. 8. et v. Lips. ad 1. Tacit. Annal. num. 42.
• e 1.53

  Annal. Boior. 5.
• * 1.54

  A. M. CDX.
• f 1.55

  Du Haillan liure 3.
• g 1.56

  Rablais l••ure 2. chap. 5.
• h 1.57

  U. Ang. Po∣litian, lib. 10. Epist. Mar∣quard. Brei∣sacio.
• i 1.58

  Odofredus a∣pud Sigonium de Regno Italiae, lib. 11. et 7.
• k 1.59

  Verba Lotha∣rij ap. P. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 33.
• l 1.60

  Constit. de Iu∣ris docendi rat. §. Haec autem.
• * 1.61

  About thir∣tie pounds of our monie.
• m 1.62

  Sigon. de Reg. Ital. 4. et 8. sub A. 1007.
• * 1.63

  Continuall Practisers.
• n 1.64

  Io. de Aton in Constit. Othobo∣ni tit. de Bonis Intestat. verb. Baronum.