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CAius Crispus Sa∣lustius; (accor∣ding to the re∣port of the Ro∣mane Annals) was borne at Amiternum, in the Sabine territorie, the same yeere that Atheis was taken and spoiled by Syllaes Souldiers. He
was descended of the noble Salustian Family, which for a long continuance of time retained the splendour of her ancient dignitie. It is held for certaine; that hee had his first education in the Citty of Rome, and that from his tender yeeres, the bent of his endeauours was wholy sixt vpon the studies of ingenious Arts. But hap∣pening to liue in those vn∣fortunate times, wherein the corrupted manners of the State bended towards faction and popular siding, and both vertue and lear∣ning wanting their due re∣wards: his disposition be∣ing depraued in a Citty so much vnciuilized (as Salust himselfe confesseth) was
easily vanquished by volup∣tuous allurements. So that being called to the affaires of the State, as soone as his age was capable of imploy∣ment, he suffred many sad misfortunes, through the iniquitie of the times and factious people: for as then the Common-wealth was much turmoiled, being ouerset with Syllaes party.
It is manifest that Salust had a ready wit, and that he was well verst in all kind of litterature, but his spe∣ciall way was in writing of History. He had for his Tu¦tour, amongst others fa∣mous for learning, one At∣teius Praetextalus, surnamed Philologus, by whom hee was instructed (as Sueto∣nius
Tranquillus reports) in the rules of writing well and methodically. He was much taken with M. Catoes stile, out of whose Com∣mentaries, he culled forth many selected Sentences, which he kept as a Breuiate for his proper vse. Concer∣ning his workes, Catilines conspiracie, and his Iugur∣thine warre, are the two master-peeces of those that are exstant. Besides these, he wrote the History of Marius and Sylla, vnto which he annexed the at∣chieuements of Pompeie in the Mithridaticke warre; this work he finished & di∣uided into sundry Tomes, the reliques whereof as yet remaine to posterity, and
like the parcels of a broken picture, expresse the Au∣thours grauitie and dili∣gence. He applyed himselfe so studiously vnto the wri∣ting of the Punicke Histo∣ry, that for that purpose alone, he trauailed into the African Regions, to finde out the truth with more as∣surance; which industrious diligence of his is much commended by Autenus Rufus. Gellius a Roman borne (who for his Criti∣cisme was held the Aristar∣chus of ancient learning) de∣liuers thus much of Salusts stite. His elegancie, (saith he) eloquence of speech, and affectation of noueltie were accompanied with much enuy. In so much that
diuers able wits, who were his Contemporaries, did reprehend and detract his writings. But this aspersion proceeded either from ignorance or a preiudicate malice, Gellius iudgement being cleere in this point, that he was a strict obseruer of the proprietie of the La∣tine Language.
Titus Liuius was so vniust to Salust, by the testimony of Annaeus Seneca, that he ac∣cused him for intrenching vpon Theucidides, and for vsurping many parcels of his History, which he trans∣lated out of the Greeke, and applyed for himselfe, with a borrowed elegancy. Neither doth Asinius Pollio spare the brand of his cen∣sure,
but layes diuers im∣putations vpon Salusts workes; especially because with too forced an affecta∣tiō he traced the steps of the ancient writers. Quintilian a man of a most solid iudge∣ment affirmes, that in the censure of learned and vn∣prepossessed Readers, no∣thing can be added to Sa∣lusts speech and briefe deli∣uerie. Neither was he scru∣pulous to parallell Salust with Thucidides, the Father and Prince of the Grecian Historiographers, as he did Titus Liuius with Herodotus.
In respect of our Au∣thours vnusuall Dialect, it came to passe, that many imitated, but few attained to his perfection: for his
phrase is pithie, chaste, and innocent; so that not with∣out cause, it is termed by some, A diuine Breuitie. In regard whereof, A••untius, who wrote the History of the Carthaginian warre, honoured him with his strictest imitation, as be∣ing a Paterne that had nothing defectiue, nothing superfluous.
He had these friends re∣nowned for their wit, and learning: Cor: Nepos, Messa∣la, and Nigidius Figulus, the last of whom dyed in exile. Hee honoured Iulius Caesar with much respect, by whose meanes he was inue∣sted with the dignity of a Prouinciall Lord Deputy. This incited Lenaeus the
Grāmarian Pompeies freed∣man, to compose certaine inuectiue Satyres against Sallust, in which bitter and virulent Poem, he calls him a glutton, leacher, varlet, and debaucht person, a mō∣ster of contrarieties, both in his life and writings, and an illiterate theefe of Catoes fragments. The mortall ha∣tred and vnreconciled op∣position betwixt him and Mar. Cicero, is a subiect so well knowne to the world, that it needs no farther cō∣memoration••, their inue∣ctiue Orations bearing wit∣nesse against both of them, that they more then seemed to neglect their owne, whilest they detracted from each others credit. But
most certaine it is, that Sa∣lusts manners were so cor∣rupt, & his youthfull incli∣nation so prone to Riot, that hee sold his Patri∣mony in his fathers life∣time, at a low and vnder∣ualued rate: a fault which amongst others, was obie∣cted against him by his ad∣uersaries. Hee had often beene honoured with pu∣blicke imployments, and amongst the rest, hee had beene Treasurour and Tri∣bune, but hee was so wed∣ded to his desires, that these dignities procured him more enuy then glo∣ry.
He was a great Fauorite of Ca. Caesar, who preferred him to a Pretourship in the
inland Countries of Africk; by which Office he was so inriched, that returning to Rome, hee purchased the village of Tiburte, toge∣ther with those richand de∣lightfull Gardens, which lye in the same territorie, neere to the Pomegra∣nate-tree. He married Te∣rentia, Ciceroes wife, after her diuorcement from her former husband, who re∣married afterwards (Sa∣lust being dead) with Mes∣sala Coruinus, a man much reuowned for eloquence: hee liued vntill hee was three score yeeres old, and deceased not long after Cesaers death, that Coun∣trie giuing him his sepul∣ture, which gaue him his
natiuitie. This Panegyri∣call Disticke was published of him at Rome after his death.
Hic-erit, vt perhibent docto∣rum corda virorum,
Crispus Romanâ primus in historiâ.
Here by consent of learned mens decree,
Shall Crispus chiefe, mongst Romes Historians be.
ALL men, who desire to excell other liuing creatures, ought to striue with their chiefest inde∣iour, that they passe nor ouer this life in obscuritie: like beasts, whom nature hath framed prone, and slaues to their bellies. But all our sufficiency resides both in the soule and body▪ we vse the sway of the soule, the seruice more o•• the body: the one of them makes vs to communicate
with the gods, that other with beasts. From whence it seemes to me the dire∣ctest course to pursue glo∣ry, rather with the abilities of wit, then those of strength, and since the life it selfe, which we enioy, is short, to extend our memo∣ries to the greatest length. For the renowne of riches and beautie is fleeting and fraile; vertue is accounted illustrious and eternall.
Yet hath it beene for a long time, a great con∣trouersie amongst mortals whether Militarie Affaires were more managed by the strength of the body, then the vertue of the mind. For first of all, counsell before you begin, and after consultation
had, mature execution is most needfull. Thus both of them being incompleat by them∣selues, they stand in need of each others helpe.
Therefore the Kings of the first times, (for that title of command was the first on earth) differing in their wayes, some of them exerci∣sed the mind, others the bo∣dy: Yea, then the life of man was not troubled with coue∣tuous desires: euery mans owne pleased sufficiently.
But after that Cyrus in Asia, the Lacedemonians, and Athenians in Greece surprised Citties, & conquered Nations, then the desire of rule became the ground of warre, the largest Empire being reputed the greatest
glory: then at length it was found by danger & experi∣ments, that wisedome in war was of most preualēce.
But if the vertue of mind in Kings and Emperours, were as powerfull in peace, as it is in warre; humane af∣faires would be more Ieuell & constant: neither should you see this transferred thi∣ther, nor all things chan∣ged and confounded toge∣ther. For rule is easily preser∣ued by those Arts, by which it was gotten at first. But where∣as for industrie, sloth, for moderation and equity, lust and pride haue entred themselues: Fortune toge∣ther with manners suffers alteration. Thus dominion is generally translated from
him that is least good, to him who excels in goodnes. Whether men plant, saile, or build, all successe depends vpon vertue.
Yet many mortals giuen ouer to sloth and gluttony, being vnlearned and vncul∣tiued, haue passed ouer this life like Pilgrims, to whom, euen against nature, the soule was a burden. Their life & death I esteeme alike, because both of them are silenced.
But truely, he at length to me seemes to liue, and to enioy his soule, who be∣ing bent vpon some imploi∣ment, seekes the reputa∣tion of any greate exploit, or ingenuous science. But in the great variety of
things, nature to diuers shewes different wayes. It is glorious to doe well for the Republicke, neither is it improper to speake well for it; you may be renow∣ned either by peace or war; and of those who haue done, and of those who haue wrote other mens doings many are praised. And in my iudgement, al∣though a proportionable glory doth not attend the doer and writer of things; yet it is very difficult to re∣late actions forepast: first, because the deedes ought to carry proportiō with the words: Secondly, because most men, what faults, you reprehend, thinke you speake out of maleuolence
and enuy. When you dis∣course of the large vertue and glory of good men, what any man thinkes easie to be atchieued by himselfe, he receiues with good ap∣probation: if it bee aboue that, he esteemes their re∣ports fained for counter∣feites.
But I being a young man at first, was (as many men are) thrust from my study into publicke affaires, and there I suffered many cala∣mities, for in steed of ho∣nestie, abstinence, and ver∣tue, boldnesse, bribery, and auarice flourished, which vices, although my soule detested, being a stranger to euill courses, yet amongst such a conflu∣ence
of them, my tender age being corrupted, was inthralled by ambition: and me, although I kept distance from other crimes, the same desire of glory, like others troubled, toge∣ther with infamy and enuy.
Thereupon, as soone as my minde, after many mi∣series and dangers, tooke some repose, and that I had resolued to spend the remainder of my time farre from the Commonwealth: it was not my determina∣tion to waste this commo∣dious vacancy in sloth and idlenesse, neither to weare out my yeeres, being bent vpon tillage, hunting, and seruile imployments: but from what purpose and stu∣die
wicked ambition had detained me, thither retur∣ning, I decreed to write the exploits of the Romane people, succinctly, and as they seemed worthy of re∣membrance: the sooner, for that my mind was free from hope, feare, and State-fa∣ctions.
Therefore of Catilines conspiracie, as truely as I can, in few words, I meane to treate; for that action I esteeme most memorable, for the noueltie of the crime and danger. Of which mans conditions, some particu∣lars are first to be vnfolded, before I begin the Dis∣course it selfe.
LVcius Catiline was des∣cended of a Noble fa∣milie, his abilities both of body and mind were great, but his disposition was euill and corrupt, from the age of a stripling, intestine broyles, murthers, ra∣pines, and ciuill dis∣cords were his pleasures, & in these he exercised his ri∣per youth: his body was patient of hunger, cold, and watching, beyond the reach of humane beliefe. His mind was daring, sub∣tile and various▪ He could 〈1 page missing〉〈1 page missing〉
pline was strictly obserued, both in the Citty and Campe. There was an vni∣forme concord without the least blemish of couetous∣nesse equity and goodnesse were maintained amongst them, more by the instinct of nature, then by the writ∣ten Tables.
Their strifes, discordes, angers, and enmities, they wraked vpon their enemies: Citizens contended with Citizens in the emulation of vertue: they were magni∣ficent in diuine ceremonies, frugall in domesticke ex∣pences, faithfull to their friends. By these two cour∣ses of courage in warfare, and equity after peace, was concluded, they prouided
for their owne and the pu∣blicke safety. Of these par∣ticulars, I haue this espe∣ciall proofe; because in the time of warre, more seue∣rity was for the most part exercised against those, who ingaged sight without command, or retired too slowly, the retreate being sounded, then vpon such as forsooke their Ensignes, or fled, being beaten from their appointed stations. But in the time of peace, they swayed the Gouern∣ment more by bounty then terrour, being willing to forgiue, rather then re∣uenge iniuries. Thus as soone as industrie, and iu∣stice had inlarged the State, mighty Kings were con∣quered
by their Armes fierce Nations, and multi∣tudes of people were sub∣dued by their Forces; yea, Carthage, emulous of the Roman Empire, was ra∣zed without hope of re∣couery; all Seas and Lands gaue way to their Armies.
Then fortune began to frowne, and to blend all things with confusion. Those men who had suf∣fred without disturbance la∣bours, dangers, hard and harsh fortunes, to them ease and wealth, things to be wished for of others, became a burden and cala∣mitie. Then first the desire of money, and after that, of Soueraignety began to in∣crease: these proued the
materials of all mischiefes: for auarice subuerted faith, honesty, and o∣ther good practises: in¦steed of them it taught pride, cruelty, irreligion, and bribery, with all ambi∣tion made many men hol∣low-hearted, they reserued one thing in their breasts, expressed another with promptnesse of language. They valued amity and en∣mity not by desert, but by profit, and more affected a good shew then sub∣stauce. These abuses at first, crept foreward by degrees, being sometimes subiect to punishment: after, when the contagion spred it selfe like a pestilence, the face of the Citty was changed, and
the forme of Gouernment which was most iust and ex∣cellent, grew to be tyran∣nous and vnsufferable.
But first of all, ambition (which vice is vertues next counterfeit) exercised mens affections, more then co∣uetousnesse, for glory, ho∣nour, and dominion, are desired indifferently by the good and euill: but the first of these takes the direct way, the other, because he wants fit meanes, pursues their inquest with deceit and false-hood.
Couetousnesse hath with it an immoderate desire of riches, which neuer any wise man did affect: she as if infected with viru∣lent humours, effeminates
both mens bodies and minds, she is alwayes vnli∣mited, and vnsatiable, not lessened with plenty, nor penury.
Now, after that Locius Sylla had recouered by Armes, the sway of the Re∣publicke, from good be∣ginnings, ill euents atten∣ded him, for all men gaue themselues to rapine and pillage: this man longed for a house, that other for a field: the victours knew neither meane nor mode∣stie: barbarous and bloody executions were inflicted vpon their fellow Citizens. This mischiefe was furthe∣red by another, because that Sylla, to the intent hee might oblige the Army to
his seruice, which he com∣manded in Asia, had con∣trary to the discipline of his Ancestours, entertained them with too much luxu∣ry and freedome. Places of pleasure, and voluptuous allurements, had easily mollified in this time of va∣cancy, the fierce courage of his Souldiers. There first the Romane Armie learned to whore, to ca∣rowse, and to fancy scut∣cheons, pictures, and in∣chased vtensils: these they purloyned priuatly and pu∣blickly; withall they pilla∣ged the Temples, and pol∣luted all diuine and pro∣fane ordinances: so that these were the Souldiers, who after they had gotten
the victory, left nothing to bee possessed by the van∣quished. Prosperitie for cer∣taine, cloyes the mindes of wise men, much lesse could those men, whose conditions were dissolute, moderate them∣selues after the victorie.
From thence foreward riches were accounted honourable, and these were courted by Domination, glory and and power. Then the edge of vertue was aba∣ted, pouerty was thought a disgrace, and innocency was esteemed a sin. There∣fore by the causall meanes of riches, ryot, auarice, and pride, corrupted the youth, who made large spoiles and expences, being carelesse of their owne
estates, yet couetous after other mens. They confoun∣ded promiscuously, shame and modesty together, with the Lawes of God & man: they were neither mode∣rate, nor prouident in their actions.
It is a subiect worth the obseruation, when you shall behold houses and priuate dwellings, inlar∣ged with buildings in the manner of Citties, to sur∣uay therewithall the Tem∣ples of the Gods, which our most religious Predeces∣sours erected. But these they beautified with piety, as they did their owne houses with glory. Neither did they take any thing from the conquered, but
the liberty of doing wrong. But these debaucht persons tooke most iniuriously from their associates, these proprieties, which those valiant Conquerours spa∣red to their enemies; as though the doing of iniury were a true argument of command. But why should I recount those abuses, which are not credible to any that haue not seene them, as the leuelling of mountaines, and the dam∣ming vp of seas at priuate mens charges; who made wealth the scorne of their folly, because they were lewd, and lauish of that, the honest fruition whereof had beene lawfull?
Besides, their lusts, ryots,
and other lewde practices, were not inferiour to their former crimes: men inured themselues to feminine suf∣ferances, and women pu∣blikly prostituted their ho∣nours. To please their pa∣lates, both lands and seas were searcht from farre: they went to sleepe before naturall desire vrged it. They could not brooke hunger, thirst, cold, nor wearinesse, but did antici∣pate all of them with luxu∣ry. These motiues incited the youth to dangerous at∣tempts, as soone as their properstore was exhausted. A mind infected with this va∣riety of vices, could hardly re∣straine the inuasion of lusts. By meanes whereof the wayes
of getting and spending were affected with more profusion.
IN this so great, and so depraued a State, Cati∣line entertained (a matter which was easily compas∣sed) a rabble of most wic∣ked and dangerous per∣sons, as if they had beene guardians of his body: for whatsoeuer Ruffian, Lea∣cher, or Glutton, had wa∣sted
his Patrimonie, with gaming, banqueting, or whoring; whosoeuer was deepely ingaged in debt, for redeeming some pu∣nishable offence: besides all parricides, Church-rob∣bers, conuicted persons, and such as did feare con∣uiction: moreouer, all such whose hands and tongues got them maintenance by their periuries, and ciuill blood-sheddings, and lastly all those, whom wicked∣nesse, want, or a guilty con∣science did exasperate, be∣came Catilines bosome-friends and familiars. But if any man innocent of these crimes fell casually into his neere acquaintance, by dai∣ly vse and allurements, hee
became suitable and like to them. He desired most of all the familiaritie of young men, because their effemi∣nate spirits, and tender yeeres, were soonest caught with his wiles. And as euery mans disposition did incline according to his age, he procured whores for some, bought dogs and horses for others. Neither did he spare cost nor mode∣stie in seeking to assure their seruice and fidelity.
I know, there were some who were of this opinion, that the youth which fre∣quented Catilines house, abandoned themselues to vnmanly lusts. But this re∣port was confirmed rather by the circumstance of
other presumptions, then by the certaintie of any mans knowledge. Now for Catiline himselfe, he had in his youth committed many notorious whoredomes; as with a Noble virgin, and with a Vestall Nume, & had aggrauated this with other crimes as hainous, contra∣ry to all law and equitie.
At length being taken with the loue of Aurelia Ore∣stilla, (a woman in whom no good man commended any thing but beautie) be∣cause shee seemed scrupu∣lous to marry, as being fearefull of his sonne, who was growne to full yeeres, it is held for certaine, that by ••••••ioidiall murther he left his house emptie, for her
wicked nuptials, which ac∣cident (as it seemes to me) was the chiefest cause that forwarded the Conspira∣cie. For his polluted mind being hatefull to God and man, could take no rest slee∣ping nor waking, but was alwayes perplexed with a guiltie conscience: There∣upon his complexion grew pale, his eyes hollow, and his pace variable, sometimes swift, and sometimes slow; distraction being wholy sea∣ted in his face and counte∣nance. Then he instructed the youth whom he had brought to his lure (as hath beene formerly declared) in crimes various and hai∣nous, by rules of different prescriptions. Out of these
he furnished his friends with false witnesses and sureties, of whose credit, fortunes, and dangers he made the lowest estima∣tion that could be. After∣wards hauing bankerup∣ted their honour & hone∣sty, he enioined them actions worse then the former. And that was, if occasion did not minister a present meanes of ill doing, to circumuent & murther the innocent, as well as the nocent: being resolued to be mischie∣uous and cruell for bare thankes onely, rather then disease should make their hands and spirits vn∣actiue.
CAtiline being confi∣dent in these friends and Confederates con∣spired to vsurpe vpon the Common-wealth: being vrged thereupon through the greatnesse of mens debts, which were gene∣rall in all Prouinces and because Syllaes Souldiers hauing spent lauishly their owne perquisites, and being mindefull of their former rapines and
victories, did wish for no∣thing more then a Ciuill warre. There was as then no Army resident in Italy. Pompeie the great was in∣gaged farre off in forraine seruice: his hopes were not meane in seruing for the Cons••lship. The Se∣nate was not sufficiently carefull, all things were established in tranquillity and safety, which occur∣rences serued opportune∣ly for Catiline.
Therefore about the Calends of Iune L. Caesar, & Caius ••igulus being Cō∣suls, he first sp••ke withall the Conspiratours apart; perswaded some, and sounded others; then he remonstrates their owne
strength, the weake pro∣uisions of the State, and the great rewardes depen∣ding on the action. Thus hauing sifted all things to his hearts desire, he con∣uents all those together, whose necessities were most pressing, and coura∣ges most daring. There met in this assemblie of the Senatorian order, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius; L. Cassius Longinus, C. Ce∣thegus, Pub. & Ser. Sylle, the sonnes of Seruius, L. Var∣gunteius. Q. Annius, M. Por∣cius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Quintus Curius. Besides there came these Knights M. Fuluius, the Nobler, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius. And
with these, there ioyned themselues diuers others out of the Colonies and infranchised Citties, be∣ing men much honoured both at home and abroad: yea there were many more partakers of this counsell in secret, whom ambitious hopes did ra∣ther inuite, then want or any other necessity. More∣ouer, the greatest part of the youth, and those spe∣cially that were Noble, did fauour Catilines de∣signes, I meane such, who being accustomed to liue idly in pompe and plea∣sure, preferred casualties, before certainties, and warre before peace.
There were some also,
liuing in those times, who did beleeue that M. Lici∣nus Crassus was not igno∣rant of this counsell: be∣cause his aduersarie ••nei∣us Pompeius did com∣maund a great Armie, whose power he was wil∣ling that any growing op∣posite should ouer-top and withall he was confi∣dent, that if the conspira∣cie did succeed, that hee should easily inuest him∣selfe with the principall command. But before this there were others, who conspired, in which list Catiline was one. Of which subiect I meane to treate, as punctually as I can.
LV. Tullus, and Mar. Lepidus being Con∣suls, Pu. Antronius and Pu. Sylla Consuls elect, be∣ing indited vpon the Lawes of canuasing for Of∣fices, suffred punishment. Not long after, Catiline being attainted for extor∣tion of moneies, in his prouince, was prohibited to sue for the Consull∣ship, because he could not cleere himselfe within a
prefixed time. There li∣ued then at Rome one Cu. Piso, a young man nobly descended, of a most da∣ring spirit, poore, and factious: want and an euill disposition, did in∣cite him to disturbe the Common-wealth.
Catiline and Antronius, hauing communicated their counsels with this Piso about the Nones of December, they resolued to murther the two Con∣suls, L. Torquatus, and L. Cotta in the Capitoll, on the Kalends of Ianuary. And then hauing seazed on the Consular En∣signes, they two were to dispatch Piso with an Ar∣mie to take possession of
both the Spaines. But this plot being discouered, they deferred the execu∣tion of the murther vntill the Nones of Febr••ary. Then they intended not onely to kill the Consuls, but diuers others of the Senators. So that if Cati∣line had not too soone gi∣uen the signall at Court to his Confederates, ne∣uer since the building of Rome, such an outrage had beene committed; for because the conspira∣tours did not meete ar∣med in full numbers, that anticipation dissolued the plot.
After this, Piso was sent Treasurer into the hither Spaine, for the Praetour
Crassus labouring in the suite, because he knewe him to be a mortall ene∣my to C. Pompeius. Neither did the Senate vnwilling∣ly obtrude him to this place, being desirous to remoue this dangerous person farre from the neere imployments of State. The sooner, be∣cause many good men made him their Prote∣ctour, and euen then Pom∣peies greatnesse became fearefull. But this Piso was slaine, as he marched into the Prouince, by the Spanish Horse-men ouer whom he commanded. There were some which reported, that these Bar∣barians could not indure
his vn••ust, proud, and ty∣rannous gouernment. O∣thers againe did affirme, that these Horse-men ha∣uing beene Pompeies an∣cient and faithfull serui∣tours, attempted this vpon Piso with his con∣sent: the Spaniards being otherwise vnaccustomed to commit offences of that nature, yet they had beene formerly subiect to many as rigorous Comman∣ders. But we will leaue this matter doubtfull, as wee found it.
CAtiline perceiuing his Complices to be assembled (of whom wee haue made mention here∣tofore) although he had treated with them seueral∣ly about sundry matters, yet supposing that it did much conduce to his ends, to encourage them altogether, he retires in∣to the secretest roome of his house, and there all those who were not of the
complot being remoued, he began this, or the like Oration.
Vnlesse your valour and fidelitie were sufficiently knowne vnto me, the op∣portunitie would be of no importance, and this great hope of comman∣ding all, would euen rust in our hands. Neither should I through want of imploiment, or any other various conceite, entertaine casuall aduen∣tures for certainties. But since I haue knowne you valiant, and faithfull to me me, in many and great occurrences, I am there∣by incouraged to vnder∣take this most high and
honorable e••terprise: the sooner also, because I vn∣derstand your resolutions are conformable to mine in the election of good & euill, for to concurre ioyntly, in willing or not willing, that is the fir∣mest friendship that can be, what I haue formerly conceiued in my mind, all of you haue heard before this in priuate confe∣rences. But now my cou∣rage is euery day more & more inflamed, when I consider the conditions that shall attend our liues, except we our selues vin∣dicate our liberties; for sithence the Common-wealth is fallen into the power and preeminence
of some few great men; Kings and Tetrachs haue beene their tributaries, Peoples & Nations haue payd them pensions; but as for the rest of vs, how valiant or good, how no∣ble or ignoble, wee haue beene ranked amongst the vulgar, liuing without respect, without authori∣ty; obnoxious vnto those, to whom, if the Weale publicke tooke place, we should be the subiects of terrour. Hence it is, that all fauour, power, honour and riches, are become theirs, or at least theirs, on whom they please to conferre them. But to vs, they haue left repulses, dangers, iudgements; and
pouerty: which grieuan∣ces, how long will ye suf∣fer, O you my most va∣liant friends? Is it not more honorable to dye vertuously, then to pro∣tracte a miserable and des∣pised life with infamy, af∣ter it hath beene made the scorn of other mens pride?
But assuredly, by that faith which I owe to God and man, the victorie is seated in our hands: wee haue youth for our ad∣uantage, and hearts full of courage; contrariwise through age and aboun∣dance of wealth, all abi∣lities are decayed in them. It remaines onely for vs to begin; as for the rest, time will accomplish.
Can any man liuing, whose disposition is man∣ly, indure to see these men abounde with riches, which they lauish out in damming vp the seas, and leuelling of mountaines, and that we should want meanes for our present necessities? That they should possesse two or three houses, and that we should want a roofe for our heads, so that where∣as they buy pictures, skutcheous and imbossed furniture; whereas they neglect the old, demolish the new, raise vp other edifices in their places, and last of all, by all meanes get and con∣sume money; yet cannot
they by their lauishnesse bring their fortunes to an ebbe. But we haue pouer∣ty at home, debts abroad, our estates are lowe, our hopes are more desperate. Finally, what haue wee left, but the miseries of a perplexed mind? There∣fore rowze vp your selues, behold that, that liberty (I say) which you haue so long wished for, toge∣ther with riches, renowne and glory, are now repre∣sented vnto you, fortune hath proposed all these re∣wards for the Conque∣rours. The subiect, time, dangers, wants, and mag∣nificent spoiles of the warre, haue more reason to incourage you, then my
speech; for my selfe, vse me as your Generall, or Fellow-souldier: neither my body nor mind shall faile you. These things (as I conceiue) I shall be able to performe by your coassistance in the time of my Consul-ship; except my iudgement deceiues me, and that you had ra∣ther serue then command.
After the Conspira∣tours had heard this dis∣course; those whose wants were most abundant, but whose fortunes and hopes were quite forlorne (al∣though the disturbance of the publcke peace, see∣med to them a sufficient reward,) yet did they for
the most part require, that Catiline would propose the conditions of the war, as also what rewards they should haue for their ser∣uice, what aydes and hopes they were to ex∣pect.
Vpon this motion Cati∣line promiseth them new Lawes, proscriptions of the Rich, Magistracies, Priest-hoods, spoiles, and all other priuiledges, which war and the Con∣querours insolency, are wont to inflict. Moreouer he tells them, that Piso was in the hether Spaine, and that Pub. Sitius Nuce∣rinus was in Mauritania with an Army, both of them being partakers of
his Counsell. That Ca. An∣tonius also did sue for the Cōsull-ship, whom he did desire to haue for his Col∣league, as being a man of his familiar acquaintance, and one likewise pressed with all kind of necessi∣ties: with him being Con∣sull, he meant to open the beginning of this en∣terprise. Besides, he in∣ueyes with scandalous speeches against the good Patriots, & praiseth euery man by name of his owne Confederates; hee doth admonish one of his wants, another of his de∣sires, some of the danger and disgrace, diuers o∣thers of Sillaes victorie, who by the aduantage
thereof, had got much pillage. After this when he had obserued a gene∣rall alacrity in their spi∣rits, he exhortes them to be carefull of his request, and so dismisseth the as∣sembly.
THere liued some in those times, who re∣ported, that Catiline ha∣uing finished his speech, when he rendred th•• oath
to the partakers of his Conspiracie, that he mi∣nistred to them round, bowles of wine brewed with humane blood. And when all of them had car∣rowsed of it with execra∣tions, according to the custome of solemne Sa∣crifices, he reuealed the depth of his Counsels: and to this end, they say, he did it, that being con∣scious alike of one ano∣thers ingagements, in so great a crime, they might be more faithfull amongst themselues, yet many men thought these and sundry others reports, to be purposely fained by them, who thought to extenuate the enuy, which
was afterwards raised against Cicero, by aggra∣uating the hainousnesse of their offence, who had formerly suffered for it. But in regard of the diffi∣cultie, wee know no cer∣taintie of this matter.
There was one Qu. Cu∣rius of this Conspiracie, a man of no obscure pa∣rentage; but otherwise debauched with all kind of lewdnesse and villany, whom the Censours, in regard of the scandall, had remoued out of the Se∣nate. This man had no lesse vanity then bold∣nesse, he could not be si∣lent of what he heard, nor conceale his owne delin∣quencies. Neither was he
regardfull of what he said or did. There had beene an ancient League of whoredome betwixt him and Fuluia, a noble Dame, vnto whom when he was lesse welcome then be∣fore, (because his pouer∣ty disinabled his bounty,) he presently vaunting of him selfe, began to pro∣mise her seas and moun∣taines. Then he menaced her with his drawne sword, to make her yeeld vnto his pleasure: and fi∣nally vsed her with more insolency, then hee was formerly wont to doe. But Fuluia hauing drawne the knowledge of the cause, from the insolent demeanour of Curius,
would not conceale from the State, such a dange∣rous secret: but the Au∣thour being vnmentio∣ned, she disclosed to di∣uers, what particulars she had heard, and after what manner concerning the Conspiracie of Catiline.
This occasion, first wrought the mindes of men to conferre the Con∣sular dignity on Mar. Tul. Cicero. For before the greatest part of the Nobi∣lity did swell with enuy against him, and thought that the honour of the Consul-ship would bee blemished, if a new vp∣start (although well de∣seruing) shold be inuested in the dignitie. But dan∣ger
making his approch, iniustice, & pride became disrespected. Where∣vpon the assembly, for the election being met, Mar. Tullius, and Ca. Antonius were declared Consuls, which Act did vnioynt the Confederates de∣signes: yet was not Cati∣lines fury any thing re∣mitted: but euery day he meditated new mis∣chiefes: he disposed armes throughout Italy in con∣uenient places, he con∣ueyed money taken vp vpon his owne, or his friends credit, to one Manlius at Fesulae, who af∣terwards proued a prin∣cipall party in the rebel∣lion. He is said to haue
wrought about this sea∣son, men of all conditions to his faction: yea and some women also, who in the prime of their youth, hauing made large profit, by prostituting their bodies; afterwards when their age had put a period to their lucre, but not to their luxury, were deepely ingaged in other mens debts. By these she-Agents, Cat••line was con∣fident to procure the Ro∣mane slaues to fire the Ci∣tie, to draw•• their hus∣bands into the Conspira∣cy, or otherwise to mur∣ther them.
In this list, there was one Sempronia, who had often committed many
masculine exploits: this woman was fortunate in her birth, beauty, hus∣band, and children: she was learned in the Greek and Latine languages: she could sing and dance more elegantly, then was fitting for a modest ma∣trone; she had sundrie o∣ther qualities, which ser∣ued as instruments for her luxurie. But vnto her all things were dearer, then the repute of Honour, and honestie. It were dif∣ficult for you to define, whether she were more lauish of her coyne or credit: so itchingly, lust∣full, that she would oft∣ner court men, then stay their courting: before this
she had dealt perfidious∣ly, had abiured her debts, had beene conscious of murther, and precipita∣ted her selfe into Riot, and want, yet was not her wit despicable: she could compose verses, breake iests, discourse of any subject, whether modest, loose, or abusiue; she was altogether made of mirth and iollity.
THese prouisions be∣ing made, Catiline re∣solues
notwithstanding all opposition, to sue for the Consul-ship the next yeere, hoping if he were elected, that hee should be able to deale with An∣tonius according to his pleasure. Neither was hee quiet in the meane time, but sought to intrappe Cicero by all possible meanes, who wanted nei∣ther fraud nor subtletie, to assure himselfe against his plots, for from the be∣ginning of his Consull∣ship, he had dealt with Fuluia, by promising her largely, that Qu. Curius (of whom we haue spo∣ken before) should be∣wray to him the depth of Catilines Counsels. His
Colleague Antonius hee had likewise obliged by the exchange of his Pro∣uince, that he should not entertaine any thoughts of innouation against the Commonwealth. Besides he had Guardes of his friends and Clients atten∣ding in secret vpon his person.
The day of election be∣ing now come, and Cati∣lines suite and plot against the Consull, wanting both successe, he resolues to make open warre, and to hazard all extremities; because those attempts which he made in Couert, proued vaine and with∣out successe. Vpon this he dispatcheth C. Menlius to
Fesulae, and to the adia∣cent parts of Hetruria. He sends Septimius a certaine Camertaine into the Pice∣nian territorie, as he did C. Iulius into Apulia, and others into other places, where hee thought they could best opportune his purpose. In the meane time hee proiects many things at Rome, he lyes in waite for the Consull; prepares Incendiaries, sur∣prizeth places of aduan∣tage with his armed fol∣lowers; he himselfe stāding vpon his garde in armes. Againe, hee commands some, and perswades o∣thers to be prouident and ready to bee forward and vigilant at all seasons,
being neither tired with watching not labour. At length, when as nothing succeeded in his seuerall vndertakings, hee sum∣mons againe late in the night the principals of the Conspiracie, by his A∣gent M. Portius Lecca, and there hauing complained much of their slacknesse, he sheweth, that hee for his part, had already sent Manlius to those troupes, which he had formerly prouided for this warre; that others were disperst into other conuenient places, to lay the founda∣tion of the warre: that his chiefe desire was to visit the Army; conditionally that Cicero were first slaine;
he being the greatest obsta∣cle of all his proceedings.
Vpon this the residue be∣ing terrified & wauering, Cornelius a Roman Knight, and with him L. Vargunte∣ius•• Senatour, hauing pro∣mised their best assistance, determined forthwith to visit Cicero the same night, vnder the colour of saluta∣tion, & to kil him suddain∣ly in his own house, being vnprouided for defence. Curius no sooner vnder∣stood the greatnesse of the danger impēdant ouer the Consull, but opportunely by Fului••, he discloseth the intended plot to Cicero; v∣pon which intelligence they being restrained at the gate, this attēpt of theirs
was then frustrated.
In this intercourse of time, Manlius sollicited the Commons in Hetruria, being of themselues de∣sirous of innouation through their pouerty, and former greeuances of wrong, for that during Syllaes tyrannicall gouern∣ment, they had lost all their lands and mouables. Besides these, he drew to his party, Theeues of all sorts, with diuers male∣contents of the Syllan Co∣lonies, to whom lust and and luxury had left no re∣mainder of their former rapines. When these oc∣currences were related to Cicero, he was much trou∣bled with the doubtful∣nesse
of the danger, be∣cause that neither by his counsell could he free the Cittie from further tre∣chery; neither could hee be sufficiently informed, of what numbers Manlius Army consisted, nor what was the scope of his designed. Therefore he re∣ferres the matter to the Senate, being now ru∣moured euery where by the vulgar report.
They againe, (as it is vsuall in times of most danger) did forthwith decree, that the Consuls should endeuour them∣selues to the vtmost, that the Republicke suffred no detriment. That power is granted by the Senate,
vnto the chiefest Magi∣strate after the Romane custome: by which he is inabled to wage warre, to leuie at his discretion, both allies and Citizens: withall, to command in chiefe, both at home and abroad. Otherwise, with∣out the peoples authori∣sing, none of these priui∣ledges are permitted to the Consuls. Some fewe dayes after, Lu. Seruius, a Senatour, recited certaine letters, which he said, were brought vnto him from Fesulae, by Quin. Fa∣bius. In these thus it was written: That C. Manlius had taken Armes with great numbers, before the sixth day of the Kalends of Nouem∣ber.
Vpon this (as it is vsu∣all in such euents) some spake of portentuous signes and prodigies. O∣thers discoursed or vnlaw∣full assemblies, of trans∣portation of Armes, and of a seruile commotion in Capua, and Apulta.
Whereupon by the Decree of the Senate, Quin. Martius Rex, was sent into Fesulae, and Quin. Metellus Creticus into Apu∣lia and the neighbouring Regions. Both these ha∣uing beene Generals of the field, were hindred from triumphing, by the calumniation of some few, vnto whom all suites, whether good or bad, were wont to be venall.
But as for the Praetours, Qu. Pompeius Rufus was commissioned to goe to Capua, and Quintus Metel∣lus Celer, for the Picenian territory, and these had power by permission to raise an Armie, as the oc∣casion and case required. Moreouer, if any man could reueale any thing concerning this Conspi∣racie (intended against the safety of the State) it was decreed he should haue a large reward; a seruant his freedome, and a hundred Sesterties: •• free-man impunity of the fact, and two hundred Sesterties. They decreed besides, that the families of the Sword-players,
should be billetted in Ca∣pua, and other infranchi∣sed Townes, according to the ability of the inha∣bitants; that watch and ward should bee kept at Rome, and that the infe∣riour Magistrates should haue the command there∣of. With these nouelties the Citty was amazed, and the face of it was changed; in stead of mirth and frollicknesse, which diuturnall ease had produced, forthwith there followed a gene∣rall sadnesse. This man speedes to preuent, that man trembles, neither place nor person could as∣sure their di••••idence. Nei∣ther had they open war,
nor certaine peace: euery man esteemed the dan∣gers according to, his owne fearefull apprehen∣sion. Besides this, the weaker sexe, to whom (in regard of the maiestie of the State) the terrour of warre was vnusuall, did bewaile their hard for∣tunes, they lifted vp their suppliant hands to hea∣uen, commiserated their little children, prayed fre∣quently, and feared the worst in all things, so that their pride and pleasures being neglected, they be∣gan to distrust themselues, and their Countries safe∣tie.
Amidst these distur∣bances, Catilines fierce
mind still prosecuted the same courses, yea, al∣though gardes were pro∣uided, and that hee was examined by Lu. Paulus, vpon the breach of the Plautian Lawe. At last for palliations sake, and vn∣der the pretence of pur∣ging himselfe, as though he had beene prouoked thither by iniurious dea∣ling, he makes his appea∣rance in the Senate, vpon this the Consull M. Tul∣lius, whether fearing his presence, or incensed with anger, made a pithy and profitable Oration for the good of the Com∣mon-wealth, which after∣wards he published in writing. But as soone as
he was set downe, Catiline being one that could rea∣dily counterfeit al shapes, began to petition the Fa∣thers with a deiected countenance, and sup∣plaint voyce, that they would not without iust cause, giue credit to any thing that might be sus∣pected against him. That he being extracted from such noble a family, had so demeaned his conuersa∣tion from his youth vp∣ward; that onely, that which was good, had been harboured in his hopes: neither should they con∣ceiue thus of him, that he being a Patrician borne, (who together with his Ancestours, had merited
well of the Roman peo∣ple) could not subsist without the ruine of the Common-wealth: when as, forsooth, M. Tullius a petty Inmate in the Cit∣ty of Rome, must bee thought to preserue the same.
When he superadded other scandals to these, all the house husht at his speech, calling him Trai∣tour & parricide publick∣ly. Then all inraged hee replies, because being cir∣cumuented I am ouer∣borne by mine enemies, nothing but ruine shall determine my reuenge. Thereupon, from the Court hee poasteth to his owne dwelling house:
there pondering many things seriously with him∣selfe, as that his plots a∣gainst the Co••sull did not succeed, and that his In∣telligencers assured him, that the Citty by reason of the Guardes, was secu∣red from firing: he thin∣king it the best expedient, to reinforce his Army, before more Legions were inrolled, and to an∣ticipate all aduantages, which might be vsefull for him in the warre, he takes his iourney late in the night towards Manlius Camp, with some few persons in his retenue. But before this he had charged Cethegus, Lentu∣lus and others, whose
courage he knewe to be most actiue, that by all meanes possible they should assure the strength of the faction, that they should hasten their trea∣cheries designed against the Consull, and dispose before-hand slaughter, fi∣rings, and other mis∣chiefes incident to warre: as for himselfe, he would martch speedily to the Citty with an Army of sufficient force.
Whilst these things wer acted at Rome, C. Manlius sends certaine Agents of his owne retinue vnto Q. Martius ex, with this message following:
We call both gods and
men to witnes (most noble Generall) that wee haue not taken Armes against our Countrie, nor that we might heape danger vpon other men: but one∣ly to secure our bodies from violence, who being wretched and wanting through the oppression and cruelty of vsurious creditours, haue for the most part lost our Coun∣trie, as all of vs haue our Fame and fortunes. Nei∣ther is it permitted to any of vs to take the benefit of the Lawe (according to the custome of our An∣cestours) nor to keepe our bodies free, our Patrimo∣nies being forfeited. So great hath beene the ri∣gour
of the Vsurers and Praetour. Our Predeces∣sours oftentimes taking compassion of the Plebe•• an Romanes, by publicke Decrees releeued their pouerty; and of late, euen in our memories, in re∣gard of them excessiue debts, it was agreed vp∣on by the consent of all good men, that they should be paid out of the common stocke.
Oftentimes hath the very Commonalty disivnited themselues from the Fa∣thers; either induced by the desire of superiority, or otherwise armed through the pride of the Magistrates. But we af∣fect neither rule nor Ri∣ches,
by whose causing all warres and quar∣rels arise amongst mor∣tals: we onely desire liber∣ty, which no free nature can indure to lose, ex∣cept it be with the losse of life. We importune both thee and the Senate, that you would releeue vs, your miserable fellow Ci∣tizens, and restore vnto vs the benefit of the Law, from which the iniustice of the Praetour seekes, to debarre vs; not imposing vpon vs the last of all ex∣tremities, that we should seeke the meanes, by which we should die, ha∣uing first fully reuenged our deaths.
To these demands
Q. Martius replied, that they would request any fauour from the Senate, they should surcease from Armes, and goe to Rome in the nature of sup∣pliants; that there both the Senate and people were of such clemencie and compassion, that ne∣uer any man required their helpe in vaine.
But Catilene being vpon his iourney, wrote to di∣uers of the Confular or∣der, and to sundry other persons of quality. His letters imported, that he was wronged by false as∣persions, that because he could not resist the power∣fulnesse of his enemies,
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he gaue way to his hard fortune, that he would goe to Marselles to liue in exile: not because he was conscious to himselfe of so hainous a crime, but that the State might re∣maine vndisturbed, and that no sedition might proceed from his quar∣rell, farre contrarie to the tenure of these. Q. Cat••lus did reade others letters in the Senate, which he a∣uouched to be deliuered vnto him in Catilines name: The Copie of them is here vnderwritten.
Lu. Catiline to Qu. Catu∣lus, wisheth health.
Thy remarkable con∣stancy,
confirmed by ex∣perience, which hath come acceptably to me in my greatest dangers, war∣rants confidence to these my commendations. For what cause I did not re∣solue to vndertake my owne defence in that new Counsell, I meane to giue thee satisfaction, yet not out of the guiltinesse of any crime. This (so God helpe mee) you may re∣ceiue for a truth: being prouoked with iniuries and disgraces, withall de∣priued of the fruite of my labour and industrie, be∣cause I failed in obtaining the Consular dignity, I haue vndertaken, accor∣ding to my custome, the
protection of distressed men. Not because I was vnsufficient to satisfie my debts vpon my owne cre∣dit, and out of my owne Reuenues: since vpon other mens credit, the meere liberality of Aure∣lia Orestilla was able to discharge them all, out of her owne and her daughters store. But for that I saw vnworthy per∣sons dignified with ho∣nour, and my selfe reie∣cted vpon false suspitions: for this cause I haue pro∣secuted these hopes of preseruing the remainder of my reputation, they be∣ing honest enough for my present fortune. Being willing to write more, it
is related to me, that pro∣uisions are made to force me. Now I commend Orestilla to thee, and deli∣uer her to thy trust. De∣fend her from wrong, be∣ing coniured by the loue of thy children. Farewell.
BVt Catiline himselfe, hauing stayed some few dayes with C. Flami∣nius in the Reatine territo∣ry, whilst he be fortified that Citty with Armes, being before sollicited to
his party, he speedes from thence to Manlius Campe, with the branches of rods, and other Ensignes of the Consular cōmand. These things were no sooner knowne at Rome, but the Senate proclaimes Catiline and Manlius. Traitours; to all besides them, a prefixed day is limitted, before which time it might be lawfull for them to lay downe their Armes, without any faudulent re∣seruation, excepting such, who were condemned of capitall offences. More∣ouer it was decreed, that the Consuls should make a newe Leuy, that Anto∣nius should pursue Catiline with an Army volant, and
that Cicero should guarde the Citty.
At that time the face of the Roman Empire see∣med most miserable vnto me; for although al places were subiected by their Armes, from the rising of the Sunne to the setting thereof, and that they wallowed at home in ease and wealth, (things which mans nature doth most affect) yet did the Citty nourish some ill members, who were ob∣stinately bent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 themselues, and the Re∣publike: For after two Decrees of the Senate pu∣blished, there was not one man of to great a mul∣titude, so farre moued
with the promised re∣ward, that he would dis∣couer any thing concer∣ning the conspiracie, nei∣ther was there any fugi∣tiue knowne to flie from Catilines Campe, so great was the violence of this malady, which like a pe∣stilent contagion had dis∣perst it selfe almost through the generality. Neither were their minds alienated alone, who were knowing of this complot, but euen the whole body of the Commonalty, be∣ing desirous of innoua∣tion, did approue Cati∣lines vndertakings, and this seemes to be done accor∣ding to custome; for al∣wayes in a Common-wealth,
those men whose fortunes are low, enuy the good, magnifie the bad, mislike antiquities, wish for nouelties, and in disdaine of their pro∣per estates, they desire a generall alteration, fee∣ding themselues securely with troubles and tu∣mults; because their po∣uerty could hardly bee damnified.
But as for the Plebeians of the City, they precipi∣tated themselues into this action through sundry motiues. First of all, those who most exceeded in lewdnesse and petulancy; then, those who had shamefully wasted their Patrimonies: and lastly,
all snch, whom some notorious offence or out∣rage, had expelled from their owue dwellings, the confluence of these repai∣red to Rome, as if it had beene a sinke of receite. Besides, many others be∣ing mindefull of Syllaes vi∣ctorie, because they had seene some common Souldiers made Sena∣tours, and others so inri∣ched, that in dyet and ap∣parell, they liued after a Royall manner, hoped to reape such fruites by the victory, if that were pur∣chased by their Armes. Moreouer, the Peazant youth, who by the hire of their hands had got their liuings in the fields; be∣ing
allured with the hope of priuate and publicke largesses, had preferred the Citties ease, before the thriftlesse Country la∣bour. These and all others of this kind; did feed on the publike cala∣mity. It being a matter not much to be wondred at, that penurious persons, of euill conditions, and aspiring mindes, should equally neglect them∣selues and the Common-wealth. Moreouer, such as had their parents proscri∣bed, their goods confisca∣ted, and the priuiledge of their liberties intrenched vpon by the rigour of Syl∣laes victory, did attend the euent of this warre,
with a resolution answe∣rable to the former. A∣gaine, whosoeuer were of any faction, except of the Senatorian, did rather desire the trouble then the tranquillity of the State. This mischiefe, after many forepassed yeeres, made his reuerse againe into the Citty.
For after the Tribuni∣tiall power was restored, Cn. Pompeius, and M. Cras∣sus being Consuls; cer∣taine young men hauing gotten the soueraigne au∣thority (whose yeeres and spirits were disposed to vi∣olence) they began by tra∣ducing the Senate to exa∣sperate the common peo∣ple, and then to ingage
them further by their large gifts and promises: by which popular cour∣ses they themselues be∣came renowned and powerfull. Against these Innouatours, the greatest part of the Nobility op∣posed themselues, with the strongest meanes that they could, vnder the pre∣tence of maintaining the Senate, but indeed for the support of their owne greatnesse. For (that I may briefly deliuer the truth) whosoeuer in these times disturbed the pu∣blicke peace, counterfei∣ting the care of the Com∣mon-wealth, vnder the fauour of honest names; as to be protectours of the
peoples priuiledges, or aduancers of the Senates authority, all of them stroue to inlarge their owne power. Neither was there any meane nor modesty in their conten∣tious courses, and being victorious, they were euer vnmercifull.
But after that Cn. Pom∣peius was sent vnto the ma∣ritime and Mithrida••icke warres, the Plebeian fa∣ction declined, all great∣nesse being ingrossed by some few. These intrested themselues with Magi∣stracies, Prouinces, and all other dignities. Then they spent their time in se∣curity, flourishing with∣out any mans disturbance.
As for the rest, they terri∣fied them with their seue∣rity, the meanes by which they thought to rule the people best, in this their vsurped Magistracy. But as soone as the first hope of innouation presented it selfe, the former quar∣rell inflamed their cou∣rages: so that if Catiline had beene superiour in the first Battell, or had fallen off vpon equall termes, for certaine a mi∣serable slaughter and cala∣mity had oppressed the Romane State: for those who had vanquished, should not long haue in∣ioyed the benefit of the victory; but a stronger party would haue extor∣ted
from them, being weary and wounded, their acquired Empire and li∣berty.
There were many men besides not listed in the Conspiracy, who with the first went forth to Ca∣tiline. Amongst these, there was one A. Fuluius the sonne of a Senator, who being fetcht backe, as hee was vpon his iour∣ney, was slaine by his fa∣thers command.
DVring the time of these occurences, Lentulus sollicited at Rome, either by him-selfe or his Agents, (according as Catiline had giuen or∣der) all those, whom for their conditions, or for∣tune, he thought fit instru∣ments for his purpose. Neither did he deale with the Cittizens alone, but
with all sorts of men that were seruiceable for the warres. To this end hee giues instructions to P. Vmbrenus, that he should found the Ambassadours of the Allobroges, and draw them, if he could, into the society of this action: thinking that they would easily be perswa∣ded to ioyne, as being in priuate and publicke much indebted: and be∣sides, the nation of the Gaules is by nature in clined to Armes.
Vmbrenus, by reason he had negotiated in Gaule, did know, and was knowne vnto most of their principall Citizens. Therefore as soone as he
saw the Ambassadours in the Common-hall, ha∣uing made some few de∣mands, concerning the State of their Citty, and seeming to deplore her wrerched case, he began to inquire, what end they did expect of these their great greeuances. When he perceiued, that they complayned by way of reply, of the couetous∣nesse of the Magistrates, and blamed the Senate, because they could haue no redresse from them, and that they expected no remedy for their miseries, but by death onely. Why then (saith he) if you will shew your selues men, I will put you into a course,
by which you may shunne all these inconueniences. As soone as he had deli∣uered these words, the Allobroges being possest with great hopes, impor∣tune Vmbrenus to take compassion on them: for there was nothing so dreadfull nor difficult, but they would vndertake to doe it willingly, so that the performance of it would free their Citty from her debts. Thence he brings them into the house of D. Brutus, as be∣ing neere to the Com∣mon-hall, and by meanes of Sempronia no stranger vnto the plot. And Brutus was as then absent from Rome.
Besides, that his speech might carry the more au∣thority, he sends for Ga∣linius. Hee being present, Vmbrenus discloseth the conspiracy at large. Hee names the confederates, and with them many men of sundry degrees, being altogether innocent; and this he did, to giue fur∣ther incouragement to the Ambassadours. Then he dismisseth them home, after they had promised their best assistance. But as for the Allobroges, they stucke long vpon doubt∣full resolutions. On the one side stood their debts, their inclination to war, and the large rewards expected from the victo∣ry.
On the other side they beheld a stronger party, safe courses, and certaine rewards, for vncertaine hopes. They pondering these things in their minds, the fortune of the Republicke at length pre∣uailed. And so they de∣liuered vnto Q. Fabius Sanga, (a man whose pa∣tronage their Citty much vsed) a full draught of the Conspiracy, according as they had heard it related. Cicero, informed of this se∣cret by Sanga, commands the Ambassadours, that they should deepely counterfeit thir affections to the designe, that they should visit the rest of the Conspiratours, should
promise largely, and in∣deuour to the vtmost, to detect all the Compli∣ces.
NEere about this sea∣son, there were sun∣dry tumults stirring in the hither and further Gaule, as also in the Picemian, Brutian, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ter••i∣tories. For those whom Catiline had before sent out, vncounsellably like
mad men, shuffled all their businesses together: with their night counsels, with their carriage of Armes and weapons, with their posting to and fro, and disquieting of all places, they had caused more feare then danger. Of this number, the Prae∣tour Q. Metellus Celer had committed diuers to pri∣son, they being found guilty vpon the examina∣tion of their Confede∣rates. The like did C. Mu∣raena in the hither Gaule, he being Deputy Lieute∣nant of that Prouince. But at Rome Lentulus had determined with other principall Conspiratours, (great Forces being pro∣uided
for that purpose) that when Catiline should aduance with his Army into the Fesulan Tract, Lu. Bestia, Tribune of the peo∣ple, should reprehend Ci∣ceroes actions in a publicke Oration, and should im∣pose the enuy of this dan∣gerous warre vpon the well-deseruing Consull. And that this seruing for a signall, all the rest of the Conspiratours were to execute their seuerall charges the next night following. The diuision whereof was said to be in this manner. Statilius and Gabinius being strongly ac∣companied, were to fire at once twelue conue∣nient places of the Citty;
in the tumult whereof they might facilitate their meanes of passage to the Consul & the rest, against whom their plots were in∣tended Cathegus was to be∣set Ciceroes gate, and to as∣saile him forcibly: others were to doe the like to o∣thers. Besides, the sons of sundry families (most of whom were of the Nobi∣lity) had orders giuen to massacre their owne pa∣rents, and in the generall terrour of fire and slaugh∣ter to make their escape to Catiline.
In the passage of these preparations & designes, Cathegus still blames the cowardise of his compa∣nions; telling them, that
by their doubts & dilato∣ry courses, they neglected faire opportunities: that in a danger of that nature it was more behoofefull to doe, then deliberate. That himselfe, if some few would assist, would not faile to set vpon the Court, although the rest fainted in courage. This man was by nature violent, and prompt of hand: hee esteemed ce∣lerity for the spirit of a∣ction.
NOw the Allobroges (according to Cice∣roes directions) meet by Gabinius procuremēt with the other Conspiratours: they demaund an oath of Lentulus, Cathegus, Sta∣tilius, and Cassius, the tenure whereof being sub∣signed, they might present to their Cittizens: for otherwise they would hardly be drawne into a businesse of that conse∣quence. All the rest with∣out
suspition did condes∣cend: onely Cassius pro∣miseth to repaire thither speedily, and remoues from the Citty somewhat before the Ambassadours. Lentulus sends one Titus Vulturtius of Crotona, to ac∣company them: to the in∣tent, that the Allobroges before they returned home, might confirme this League with Catiline, by faith giuen and taken interchangeably. He de∣liuers letters to Vulturtius for Catiline: the copy whereof is as followeth.
Who I am, you may vnderstand by this Mes∣senger, which I haue sent vnto you: see that you
thinke vpon the great ex∣tremity you are in, and remember to play the men, consider what your affaires require, and im∣plore ayde of all, yea, euen of the meanest.
Besides, he giues instru∣ctions to him by word of mouth, that since he was adiudged a Traitor by the Lords of the Senate, he should be well aduised in reiecting the seruice of the slaues in the Citty; all his commands were vpon the point of execu∣tion, that he should not faile to approach neerer with expedition.
These affaires standing thus, on the night ap∣pointed
which they were to depart, Cicero being in∣structed by the Ambassa∣dours, he giues order to the Praetours L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, to apprehend (by way of ambushment) all the reti∣nue of the Allobroges on the Miluian bridge. Then he opens the whole cir∣cumstance of the busi∣nesse, for which they were imployed: as for the rest, he wished them to pro∣ceed as occasion should require. These military men following their in∣structions, and hauing disposed the Guardes without tumult, did co∣uertly beset the Miluian bridge. After the Ambas∣sadours,
together with Vulturtius were comme to that place, a confused noise was raised on both sides: the Gaules knowing the plot before-hand, forthwith rendred them∣selues to the Praetours. Vulturtius hauing first in∣couraged the residue, de∣fends himselfe with his sword against the multi∣tude; at length seeing himselfe forsaken of the Ambassadours, hauing first required many things of Pomptinus concerning his safety, (for that the other was a man well knowne vnto him) hee yeelds at last, growing fearefull and diffident of life, vnto the discretion of
the Praetours, as if it had beene to his profest ene∣mies.
This businesse being thus effected, all the pas∣sages thereof were speedi∣ly signified to the Con∣sull. But him a mighty care and ioyfulnesse pos∣sesseth together. He re∣ioyceth, for that the Cit∣ty was freed from dan∣gers: besides he was care∣full, such Cittizens being detected of so hainous a crime, what might be most requisite for him to doe. Their punishment would be a burthen to him, their impunity, the Republickes ruine. At length hauing confirmed his mind, he comman∣deth
Lentulus, Cathegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ce∣parius of Terracina, to be summoned before him. The last of whom was ready to take his iourney into Apulia, for raising of a seruile commotion there. All the rest appeare without delay: onely Ce∣parius, being gone abroad, and the disconery being knowne vnto him, was al∣ready fled from the Cit∣ty. The Consull leading Lentulus by the hand, in regard he was Praetour, brought him into the Se∣nate house: the rest he commands to come with their Keepers into the Temple of Concord. Thi∣ther he summons the Sena∣tours,
and in a frequent assembly of that Order, he brings in Vulturtius with the Ambassadours. Hee bids ••laccus the Praetour, to produce the Boxe with the packet of letters, which he had formerly taken from them. Vultur∣tius being examined vpon Interrogatories, concer∣ning his Iourney, his let∣ters, and last of all about his Intentions, what they were, and for what end; at first, he faineth all ex∣cuses that could be, he dissembleth his know∣ledge of the Conspiracie; afterwards being com∣manded to confesse vpon the assurance of the pu∣blicke faith, he tells them,
that he knew nothing more then did the Am∣bassadours: only he had heard frequently from Ga∣binius, that P. Antronius, Seruius Sylla, and L. Var∣guntius were of the Con∣spiracie: the Gaules con∣fessed the same. The Lords taxed Lentulus dis∣sembling deepely, besides the letters, with speeches which he was wont to vt∣ter out of the Sibilline bookes; as that the Em∣pire of Rome was porten∣ded to three Cornelij; Cinna, and Sylla, were gone be∣fore, himselfe was the third, who was destined to rule the Citty. More∣ouer this was the twen∣tieth yeere from the bur∣ning
of the Capitoll, of which the Sooth-sayers out of the prodigies had often foretold, that it should proue bloody by Ciuill warre.
Vpon this, the letters being read, when all of them acknowledged their owne seales, the Senate decreed that Lentulus re∣signing his Magistracy, should with the rest bee kept vnder free custody. Therefore Lentulus was committed to P. Lentulus Sphinther, (who was then Aedile) Cathegus to Q. Cor∣nificius, Statilius, to C. Ce∣sar, Gabinius, to M. Crassus, Ceparius, (for hee was a little before retra∣cted from his flight)
to Cn. Terencius a Sena∣tour.
IN the meane time, the Commons, the Con∣spiracy being detected, (who at the first, longing after innouatiō too much fauoured the warre) re∣tracting their opinions detested Catilines coun∣sells; they extolled Cicero euen to the skies, and like men freed from bon∣dage, gaue themselues to ioye and frollicknesse:
for that they esteemed other outrages of warre to be bent more vpon pil∣lage then ruine, but the execution of fire was held cruell, extreme, and most hurfull to them, all whose wealth serued but for quotidian vse, and their bodies sustenance.
After this, one Lucius Tarquinus was brought be∣fore the Lords of the Se∣nate, being fetcht backe (as they said) as he was vpon his iourney towards Catiline. When this man promised to discouer the Conspiracy, if the pu∣blicke faith were assured vnto him: being com∣manded by the Consull to deliuer what he knew,
he confesseth almost the same in effect vnto the Lords of the Senate, that Vulturtius did: about the preparation of fire, the slaughter of the good, and the Rebels expedi∣tion. Moreouer, that he was sent by M. Crassus to tell Catiline, that he shonld not be terrified with the apprehension of Lentu∣lus, Cethegus and other Con∣spiratours; but should the rather make speed in his iourney, towards the Citty, to the intent he might reuiue the cou∣rage of the residue, and that their deliuery from danger might be the soo∣ner accomplished.
But as soone as Tarqui∣nius
had appeached Cras∣sus, a man of noble des∣cent, great wealth, and much power, some thought it a matter incre∣dible, others, although they esteemed it for a truth, yet because the powerfulnesse of such a man, seemed fitter to be reconciled, then exaspera∣ted at such a season, (most of them also being inga∣ged to Crassus for priuate respects) they cryed out all together that the accu∣ser lyed, and required, that there might be a re∣ference of this matter. Whereupon by the ad∣uice of Cicero, a frequent Senate decreed, that Tar∣quinius accusation seemed
false, that he should be kept in bonds, neither should he haue any further power granted to himselfe, except he would reueale him, by whose suggestion he had forged this noto∣rious scandall. There were some in those times, who thought this accusa∣tion, to be first deuised by P. An••ronius, of pur∣pose, that Crassus being appeached, his power might portect the rest through the Community of the danger: others re∣ported, that Tarquinus was suborned by Cicero; lest Crassus, according to his custome, should di∣sturbe the Common∣wealth, by vndertaking
the protection of wicked persons. I heard Crassus himselfe afterwards pu∣blish, that this great dis∣grace was imposed vpon him by Cicero. yet at the same time Q. Catulus, and Cn. Piso could not per∣swade Cicero, either with request or reward, that by the Allobroges, or any o∣ther accuser, C. Cesar should be wrongfully questioned: for both these were at mortall en∣mity with him: Piso for that he was ouerthrowne in Iudgement, for the ex∣tortion of money in his Prouince, vpon the vn∣iust punishment of a cer∣taine Transpadan: Catulus was offended about his
suite for the Pontificacy, because in his old age, ha∣uing borne many honora∣ble Offices, he receiued the repulse from Cesar, being but a yong man. Besides, the occasion seemed op∣portune, for that he by his great liberality in pri∣uate, and by his excessiue largesses in publicke, did owe great summes of mo∣ney. But when as they could not drawe the Con∣full to such a crime, they themselues by solliciting seuerally, and by faining such things as they were to say, they had heard from Vulturtius, and the Allobroges, had procured him much enuy: in so∣much, that some Romane
Knights, who with their Armes had the Guard about the Temple of Concord, either moued with the greatnesse of the danger, or the forward∣nesse of their minds, so to make their zeale to the Common-wealth to ap∣peare more cleerely, threatened Cesar with their swords, as he went forth of the Senate.
VVHilest these things passed thus in the Senate, and
that rewards were de∣creed for the Ambassa∣dours of the Allobroges, and T. Vulturtius, their in∣formation being general∣ly allowed. the freed-men and some few of Lentulus dependants, taking their iourneies seuerally, solli∣cited the day-labourers and slaues in the villages, for his rescue. Others sub∣orned the Ring-leaders of the multitude, who for bribes were wont to di∣sturbe the Common∣wealth. As for Cathegus, he requires by messengers his domesticks and freed∣men, (choice fellowes and exercised in bold∣nesse) that trouping to∣gether they would make 〈1 page missing〉〈1 page missing〉
them with impunity. Likewise in all the Punicke warres, when the Cartha∣ginians in the times of Peace and Truce, did of∣ten commit many grie∣uous outrages, they did neuer for this occasion re∣quite them with the like: they rather pursued that, which was worthy of themselues, then that, which with Iustice might haue beene inflicted vpon them. This also ye ought to prouide for (C. F.) that the Treason of B. Len∣tulus and the rest, doe not preuaile more with you, then your owne dignity; neither ought you to be more carefull of reuenge then reputation: for if an
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equall punishment can be found out for their offen∣ces, I, allow this new counsell: but if the hai∣nousnesse of the crime ex∣ceedes all imagination, I thinke it expedient to take those courses, which are prescribed by the Lawes.
Most of them, who be∣fore me haue deliuered their minds, haue lamēted the state of the Common∣wealth, in eloquent and high language: they haue related, what the cruel∣ty of the warre might be, what miseries might be fall the vanquished: as virgins, and boyes to be rauished, children to be pulled from their parents
imbracements, mothers of families to be defiled at the victours pleasure, Temples and houses to be spoiled, murther and fire to range freely; and last∣ly all places to be filled with Armes, Carkeises, blood shed and mour∣ning. But by the immor∣tall gods, to what end tended their speech? was it to make you offended with the Conspiracy? as though, forsooth, hee could be prouoked with words, whom so high & hainous a crime could not moue: The supposi∣tion is vntrue: for no mortall man lessens the estimation of his owne wrongs, yea many men
interpret it too rigorous∣ly.
But in diuers men the licence of this is different (ye conscript Fathers) for those who liue lowe in an obscure calling, if through anger they haue committed any errour, few men take notice of it, their fame and fortune be∣ing both alike. As for those, who being inuested with great commands, spend their time in high imployments, their a∣ctions are manifested to all mens knowledge. So that in the greatest for∣tune, the priuiledge of offending is least: neither doth it beseeme those who haue it, to be partiall
in fauour or hatred, much lesse to be angry: for that which is termed anger in others, in men of com∣mand is called pride, and cruelty.
I thinke verily (ye C. F.) that their offence ex∣ceeds all punishment: but most men remember the next occurrences, so that in wicked mens censures forgetting the crime, they dispute of the punish∣ment, if that seeme neuer so little too rigorous. I know for certaine, that whatsoeuer D. Sillanus a valiant and resolute man hath said, that it procee∣ded from his zeale to the Common-wealth: nei¦ther hath he in so impor∣tant
a matter exercised his priuate amity or hatred: I haue knowne the condi∣tions and modesty of the man to be such: as for his Sentence it seemes nor cruell) to mee (for what cruelty can be inflicted vpon such male factours?) but vnusuall it is in our forme of gouernment: for questionlesse, feare or wrong haue inforced thee (O Sillanus) being Consull Elect, to decree this new kind of punish∣ment. It were superfluous to discourse of feare, since by the present diligence of our most worthy Con∣sull so many strong Aydes are now in Armes. Of the punishment I can truely
say that, which the case requireth. That death to men in anguish and mise∣ry, is no torment, but the period of calamities: It dissolues all the terrours of mortality, beyond that, there is no place for griefe or gladnesse.
But by the immortall gods, why did you not adde to the Sentence, that first of all they should be scourged with roddes? was it because the Portia•• Law forbids it? but other Lawes also impose exile, not death vpon condem∣ned Cittizens: or was it because scourging is more grieuous then be∣heading? If it be so, what censure can be too bitter,
and cruell, against per∣sons conuicted of so hai∣nous a fact? But if because the punishment is gentler then that, how then should it be conuenient to obserue the Law in small matters, when you neglect it in the greater? But should any man re∣prehend that, which is decreed against Traitours to the Common-wealth? Time, occasion, and for∣tune will determine, whose swaye moderates all Nations, that whatso∣euer may befall them, shall befall deseruedly.
Besides, I would haue you to consider (ye Con∣script Fathers) what you may decree against o∣thers
All euill examples proceeded from good be∣ginnings: but when the Gouernment is diuolued to men not knowing, or not good enough, this new example is transfer∣red from worthy and ca∣pable persons, to those that are vnworthy and vncapable. The Lacede∣monians, the Athenians being vanquished, ap∣pointed thirty men to go∣uerne that State. These at first began to put to death euery man that was most wicked and general∣ly, hated, although hee were vncondemned. The people applauded this course, and said it was vr∣ged from their deserts.
after, when this liberty by degrees increased, they murthered at their plea∣sure both the good and bad, and terrified the rest with feare. Thus the Citty being oppressed with seruitude, suffred grieuously for her incon∣siderate ioy.
When as in our me∣mory Sylla the Conque∣rour commanded Dama∣sippus and others of the like condition to be slain, that were growne great by the publicke calamity, who did not commend this act of his? They re∣ported, that these wicked and factious men••, who had troubled the State with their seditions, where
iustly put to death. But this was the beginning of a great massacre: for when any man affected the house, farme, vtensill, or apparell of another, he indeuoured to list him in the number of the proscri∣bed. So that those, who formerly reioyced at Da masippus death, were drag∣ged not long after to the same blocke: neither was there first an end of slaughtering, before that Sylla had inriched all his partakers. I feare not this in M. Tullius, nor in these times: yet in this great Citty, there are many and various humours. At ano∣ther time, another man being Consull, who hath
also an Army to com∣mand, a falshood may be misinterpreted for a truth. When from this prece∣dent, by the Decree of the Senate, the Consull shall vnsheath his sword, who shall then prescribe an end, or moderate the execution of it?
Our Predecessours (ye Conscript Fathers) neuer wanted counsell, nor cou∣rage; neither did pride hinder them from imita∣ting forreine institutions, if they were honest. They borrowed their Armes and military weapons from the Samnites, their Ensignes of Magistracy from the Tuscans. Lastly, whatsoeuer seemed con∣uenient,
were it in vse with their Allies or ene∣mies, they practised it at home with exceeding in∣dustry. They were more willing to imitate then enuy the good. But in that time, following the custome of Greece, they punished Cittizens with stripes, vpon the con∣demned they executed ca∣pitall punishment. After this, when the Common-wealth grew strong, and factions were of force through the multitude of Citizens, the innocent were circumuented, and other like abuses began to be committed. Then the Portian Law, and other Lawes were enacted, by
the benefit whereof, ba∣nishment was permitted to the condemned. I thinke this to be a suffi∣cient cause (ye Conscript Fathers) for which wee should not imbrace any new resolution: for cer∣taine there was more ver∣tue and wisdome in them, who from such meane foundations haue establi∣shed so glorious an Em∣pire, then in vs, who doe hardly retaine their law∣full acquisitions.
Is it therefore my plea∣sure to haue them dismis∣sed, and Catilines Army to be thus reinforced? no∣thing lesse: but this is my censure: That their goods should be cōfiscated, thē∣selues
be kept in bonds in the infranchised (Townes of best ability, and that no man shall make any re∣ference for them to the Senate, nor mediate with the people: he that shall doe otherwise, the Se∣nate should adiudge him to vndertake against the Common-wealth, and the publicke safety.
After Caesar had finish∣ed his speech, some assen∣ted to it by Voting, o∣thers otherwise amongst themselues. M. Portius Ca∣to being required to deli∣uer his mind, he vttered this or the like Oration:
My mind farre differs
in it selfe (ye Conscript Fathers) when I consider our occasions and dan∣gers, and when I ballance with my selfe some mens opinions: they to me seeme to haue argued about their punishment, who haue sought to bring warre vpon their Cōntry, Parents, Temples, and Families. But the occasi∣on doth admonish vs, ra∣ther to bee cautelous of them, then to consult, what is to bee decreed a∣gainst them. For other crimes you may then pu∣nish, when they are com∣mitted: except you pro∣uide that this doth not happē, being hap'ned you implore Iustice in vaine.
The Citty being taken, no power remaines to the conquered.
But by the immortall gods I appeale to you, who haue alwayes esteem∣ed your Houses, Farmes, Skutcheons, and Pictures, more then the Common-wealth, if you will retaine those things, which you so much imbrace, of what condition so euer they be; if you will giue full scope to your pleasures; rouze vp your selues at length, and vndertake for the Re∣publicke. Our tributes are not questioned, nor the wrongs of our Con∣federates, our liberties and liues are become doubtfull. Often haue I
spoken at large (ye Con∣script Fathers) in this As∣sembly, and haue fre∣quently complained of the luxury and auarice of our Cittizens; for which cause I haue many ene∣mies: I that could neuer fauour any offence in my selfe, or my owne soule, did hardly remit faults to the lust of others. But although you meanely re∣garded my words, yet the State stood firme; prosperity bore out our negligence. But now it is not questioned, whether we liue in a good condi∣tion or bad; neither how great and glorious is the Empire of the Romane people; but whether these,
whatsoeuer they be, shall be intirely ours, or ours together with our ene∣mies. Here will any man name to me lenity and mercy? we haue for cer∣taine lost already the pro∣per appellatiōs of things: for the donation of other mens goods is termed li∣berality: a mischieuous daring fortitude. To such extremities is the State now reduced. Well, let them be (since such are the customes) liberall out of their friends for∣tunes; let them be merci∣full to the Robbers of the publicke Treasure, yet let not them lauishly giue our blood; and whilst they spare some few wic∣ked,
seeke to ruine all good Patriots.
Well, and learnedly hath C. Caesar discoursed not long since in this As∣sembly concerning life, and death; as I conceiue, thinking those things to be false, which are repor∣ted of the infernall pla∣ces, that the euill in a Re∣gion remote from the good, haue loathsome, rude, filthy, and fearefull habitations. Therefore hath he censured, that their goods should be confiscated, that them∣selues should be kept pri∣soners in the infranchised Townes: forsooth, lest being at Rome they might be forcibly freed, either
by their fellow Conspira∣tours, or by the suborned multitude: as though wicked & lewd men were onely in the Citty, and not throughout all Italy, or that boldnesse could not there doe most, where the meanes to de∣fend are weakest. Vaine therefore is this counsell, if he doubt any danger from them: but if hee a∣lone feares, not in a ge∣nerall feare, by so much the more it conce••nes me to be fearefull both for my selfe and you. Where∣fore when you shall deter∣mine of Lentulus, and the rest: hold it for a certain∣ty, that you haue decreed of all the Conspiratours.
By how much the more you shall be carefull in this, by so much their spirits will be the more deiected: but if they shall see you to faint neuer so little, all of them will forthwith insult with more fiercenesse.
Doe not thinke that our Ancestours, made from a small one this Re∣publicke great by Armes: if it were so, we should inioy it more flourishing by farre; in that wee a∣bound more then they in Allies, Cittizens, Ar∣mour and horses. No, there were other aduan∣tages, which made them great, and are wanting to vs: industry at home,
Iustice abroad, a Iudge∣ment free in Counsell; neither obnoxious to er∣rour or passion. In lieu of these we haue entertained luxury and auarice, with sordidnesse in the pu∣blicke, and aboundance in our priuate expences. We commend Riches, follow sloth: there is no distinction made between good and euill men: am∣bition vsurpeth all the re∣wards of vertue. Neither is it strange, since all of you for your selues, hold your Counsels a part, since at home you are slaues to your pleasures, here to money or fauour; so that wrong is inforced vpon the neglected Com∣mon-wealth.
But these things I omit.
Cittizens most nobly descended, haue conspi∣red to ruine their Coun∣try, they inuite the Gaules (a Nation most aduerse to the Romane name) vn∣to the warre: the Cap∣taine of the Rebels with his Army houers ouer your heads: you protract time, and euen now you doubt what to doe with these Traitours, being ap∣prehended within the walls. I thinke you pitty them: being young men, forsooth, they haue offen∣ded through ambition, and therefore you may dismisse them armed. But assuredly this meekenesse
and mercy, if they shall once take Armes, will turne to your calamity.
For certaine the case is dangerous, yet you feare it not: yes verily, no∣thing more. But through sloth and softnesse of spi∣rit, expecting one ano∣ther, you make delayes; relying belike on the im∣mortall gods, who haue preserued this Common-wealth in many and most great dāgers. Not by vowes, nor womanish prayers the suc∣cour of the gods is procured, through vigilancy, action, and good counsell, all designes succeed well. Whereas you abandon your selues to sloth and idlenesse, you implore the gods in vaine: they by this
are offended and angred.
Amongst our Prede∣cessours A. Manlius Tor∣quatus in the Gallicke war, commanded his son to be slaine, because against command he had fought with an enemy; and thus this braue young man suf∣fered mortall punishment for his immoderate va∣lour. Doe you delaye, what you shall decree of these most cruell parri∣cides? Perchance their former life mitigates this offence. But spare Lentu∣lus dignity, if euer he spa∣red his modesty, reputa∣tion, the gods or men: pardon the youthfulnesse of Cethegus, if this be not the second time, that he
hath made warre against his Country. For of Ga∣binius, Statilius, and Cepa∣rius, what shall I speake? vnto whom if any thing had euer beene respe∣ctiue, they would neuer haue entertained such counsels against the State.
Last of all (yee Con∣script Fathers) if indeed there could bee any suf∣france of this mischiefe, I could well indure, that you should be corrected by the euent it selfe: but euery where wee are cir∣cumuented: Catiline with his Army braues vs to our teeth: other Traitours are within the walls, and in the bosome of the Cit∣ty. Nothing can be pre∣pared
nor counselled with secrecie: for which cause, the more expedi∣tion is to be made▪ where∣fore thus I censure: That since by the mischieuous counsell of some wicked Cittizens, the Common-wealth hath bin brought into the greatest dangers, and these men are conui∣cted by the deposition of Ti. Vulturtius, and the Am∣bassadours of the Allo∣broges; and haue confes∣sed, that they intended slaughter, fire, and other outrages, horrid and hainous against their Cit∣tizens and Country; that vpon them confessing, as men apparantly guilty, punishment should be in∣flicted
according to the custome of our Aunce∣stours.
After Cato was set downe, all those who had beene Consuls, and a great part of the Senate besides, commended his Sentence, and euen to the Heauens extoll his vertue: some of them bla∣ming others, call them dastards: Cato is reputed great and excellent.
BVt vnto me reading and hearing many things, which the Ro∣mane people in peace and warre; on the land and sea, haue atchieued braue∣ly; it seemed good to consider, what meanes had supported such great enterprises. I knew that with small Forces, they haue oftentimes incoun∣tred great Armies of
their enemies: I knew that with contemptible numbers, they haue war∣red against mighty Kings, besides they haue fre∣quently suffred the vio∣lence of fortune. The Greekes in eloquence, the Gaules in military re∣nowne excelled the Ro∣manes. Yet vnto me pon∣dering many things it ap∣peareth plainely, that the remarkable vertue of a fewe Cittizens brought all these things to passe; and so it befell, that po∣uerty ouercame riches, the few the multitude.
But after, when the Citty was corrupted with Riot and sloth, the Common-wealth againe
through her proper great∣nesse sustained the vices of her Generals and Ma∣gistrates; & as though she had lately brought forth all her Patriots, there was not any man found at Rome for a long season of eminent vertue.
But in my memory, there liued two men of much vertue, yet of dif∣ferent conditions, M. Cato, and C. Caesar, whom, because the occasion pre∣sents it selfe, I doe not resolue to passe ouer in si∣lence, but will deliuer their liues and manners, as farre as my wit will ina∣ble me.
Therefore the paren∣tage, yeeres and elo∣quence
of these men were almost equall, their great∣nesse of mind and glory were alike, but other things they pursued o∣therwise: Caesar for his be∣nefits and munificence, was reputed great, Cato for the integrity of his life: the one was renow∣ned for his meekenesse and mercy; to this man, seuerity added dignity. Caesar by giuing, relee∣uing and pardoning, Ca∣to by parsimony got re∣nowne. The one of them was a Sanctuary to the oppressed, the other, the ruine of malefactours. This mans facility, that mans constancy was com∣mended. Last of all, Cae∣sar
was resolued in mind to labour, watch, to be intentiue on his friends affaires, with neglect of his owne: to deny no∣thing that was worth the giuing; he desired exces∣siuely a great command, Army, and new warres, where his vertue might ex∣presse it selfe. But Catoes study was modesty seeme∣linesse, and aboue all, se∣uerity. He did not striue with the rich man in ri∣ches, nor with the fa∣ctious man in faction, but with the valiant in va∣lour, with the modest in modesty, and with the in∣nocent in abstinence. He had rather be, then seeme good: so that, by how
much the lesse he pursued glory, by so much the more he purchased it.
AFter the Senate (as I haue said) con∣descended to Catoes opi∣nion, the Consull thin∣king it the best expedient, to anticipate the next night; lest any thing might be innouated in the meane time, hee com∣mands the Triumuirs to
prepare prouisions need∣full for the execution: he himselfe, the Guardes be∣ing disposed, conducts Lentulus vnto the prison, the like is done to the rest by the Praetours. There is a place in the prison cal∣led Tullianum, as soone as you are ascended a lit∣tle towards the left hand, it stands about twelue foot deep in the ground, the walls fortifie it round about, and aboue, a vault bound together with stone Arches: but the as∣pect of it is filthy & feare∣full through darkenesse, stench and neglect of cleansing. Lentulus being brought thither, the Exe∣cutioners for capitall
crimes, to whom this was inioyned, strangled him with a halter. Thus this man being a Patrician, of the most Noble Corn••lian Family, hauing born Con∣sular command in Rome, found out a death worthy of his conditions and a∣ctions: the like punish∣ment was taken vpon Ce∣thegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius.
VVHilest these things passe
at Rome Catiline out of all the Forces, which him∣selfe brought, and Man∣lius had, ordaines two Legions, hee makes his Cohorts compleat for the number of Souldiers, and as any of the Volun∣tiers, or of the Confede∣rates came into the Cāp, he distributed them equal∣ly, and in a short space, had filled vp his Legions to the iust numbers; whereas at the first, hee had no more then two thousand. But of all this multitude; there was a∣bout a fourth part furni∣shed with military armes, the rest as chance ar∣med each one, carried Iauelines, Lances, or
sharpe-pointed staues.
But after Antonius ap∣proached with his Army, Catiline marched through the monntaines, hee re∣moued his Tents, some∣times towards the Citty, sometimes towards Gaule, hee presented no oc∣casion of fighting to the enemies. Hee did hope that forthwith he should haue great Forces, if his associates at Rome could effect their designes. In the meane time he cassie∣reth the slaues, (of whom at first great numbers re∣paired vnto him) relying on the Aydes of the Con∣federacy. Besides, it see∣med vnexpedient for his ends, to communicate
the cause of Cittizens with fugitiue slaues. But when a Messenger came to the Campe, with ti∣dings, that the Conspi∣racy was detected at Rome, that vpon Lentu∣lus, Cethegus, and the rest, (whom wee haue before remembred) punishment was inflicted: the most part of those, whom hope of pillage, or the desire of innouation had allured to the warre, stole away se∣cretly: the residue Catiline leades through the rough mountaines, with large marches, into the Pisto∣rian territory, of purpose that by Deuious wayes he might vnperceiued flie into Gaule. But Q. Me∣tellus
Celer commanded with three Legions in the Picenian tract, who thought that Catiline through the difficulty of his affaires, did meditate that meanes of escape, which we haue formerly rehearsed.
Therefore as soone as he was informed of his iourney by the fugitiues, he remoues his Camp in haste, and sits downe vn∣der the very foot of the mountaines, whereas the others descent was flying into Gaule. Neither yet was Antonius farre off; as following with a great Ar∣my, through more euen wayes, those that were wholly disposed for
flight. But Catiline after he saw himselfe inclosed with the mountaines, and Forces of his enemies: that in the Citty things were aduerse: that there was neither hope of flight, nor aide: thinking it the best course in this case, to hazzard the fortune of warre, he resolues to fight with Antonius vpon the first occasion: therefore an assembly being called, he makes this Oration.
I Haue found by expe∣rience, fellow Soul∣diers,
that words infuse not valour into men, nor that an Army becomes strenuous from dastardly, nor valiant from fearefull, by the Oration of a Gene∣rall. How much courage is seated in each mans soule, either by nature or custome, so much mani∣fests it selfe in war. whom neither glory nor danger excite, him you may per∣swade in vaine: the feare of the mind hinders at∣tention. But I haue called you together, with intent, to admonish some few things, and withall that I might vnfold the reasons of my counsell. You know full well (my Soul∣diers) what mischiefe the
solution and cowardice of Lentulus brought to him∣selfe and vs, and by what meanes, (whilst I expe∣cted Aydes from the Cit∣ty,) I was hindred from going into Gaule. But now you perceiue all, as well as my selfe, in what extremity our affaires are: two Armies of our ene∣mies debarre vs; one from the Citty, the other from Gaule: to stay longer here, if our resolution could beare it, the want of corne and other neces∣saries prohibites; where∣soeuer we meane to goe, the way must be opened by the sword.
Therefore be of a va∣liant and prepared mind,
and when you shall begin the battel, remember that you carry in your right hands riches, renowne, and glory, with your li∣berty and Country be∣sides. If we ouercome, all things will be secured to vs; aboundant prouisions, the priuiledged Townes and Colonies will disco∣uer: but if we shrinke for feare, these will all proue our enemies. Neither will any place or friend shelter him, whom his armes shall not protect. Besides, (my Souldiers) the same necessity is not impendent ouer vs and them: wee contend for Country, li∣berty, and life: they are at leisure to fight for ty∣ranny
of some few. For which cause fall on more couragiously, being mind∣full of your ancient ver∣tue.
It had beene lawfull for vs, to haue protracted our liues in exile with the most disgrace that could be: some of you at Rome, hauing lost your owne, might haue expected o∣ther mens riches. Because these courses seemed base and vnsufferable for men, you resolued to pursue these other. If you will re∣linquish these, there is need of courage. No man, except the Conquerour, hath changed warre for peace. For to seeke safety by flight, when you shall
diuert your armes from your enemies, by which the body is defended, that is madnesse indeed. Al∣wayes in a battle, their danger is greatest, who feare most: courage is ac∣counted for a wall.
When I consider you (my Souldiers) and when I esteeme your braue actes, a great hope of vi∣ctory doth possesse me: your resolution, age, and vertue, perswade me, be∣sides the necessity, which also makes the cowards valiant. For that the mul∣titude of our enemies may not inclose vs, the fastnesse of the place for∣bids: but if fortune shall enuy your valour, beware
that you lose not your liues vnreuenged, nor that being taken, you be slaine like beasts, rather then fighting like men, to leaue a bloody & mourn∣full victory vnto the ene∣mies.
As soone as he had spo∣ken thus, pausing a little, he commaunds the warlike instruments to sound, and drawes out his Troupes in order vnto a conue∣nient place: then all the horses being remoued, to the intent, that the dan∣ger being made equall, courage might be ampli∣fied in his Souldiers, hee himselfe on foot arangeth his Army, as the place, and his numbers requi∣red.
For whereas the plaine was seated between mountaines on the left hand, and on the right hand it was rough with rockes: he placeth eight Cohorts in front; his other Troups he imbattailes for succour in a more close order. Out of these hee drawes all the Centuri∣ons, and the selected men that had serued out their yeeres, besides euery one of the common Souldiers, that was best armed, into the Van of the Vanguard. Hee commands C. Man∣lius to take charge in the right wing, and a cer∣taine Fesilan in the left; he himselfe with the freed∣men and those of the Co∣lonies
tooke vp his station before the Standard of the Eagle, which Marius was said to haue in his Ar∣my in the Cimbrian war.
But on the other side, C. Antonius, because be∣ing lame of his feet, he could not be present at the battle, commits the whole charge of his Army to M. Petreius his Lieute∣nant. Hee imbatailes the old Cohortes which were inrolled because of this tumult, in the Frount, after them he disposeth the rest of his Forces for aydes of reserue. He him∣selfe riding round about on horse-backe, naming euery Commander seue∣rally, coniures, perswades,
and intreates, that they would remember, how that they were to fight against vnarmed Theeues, for their Country, chil∣dren, Temples, and Fa∣milies. This Martiall man, because for more then thirty yeeres, he had been with great glory, either Tribune, Prouost Mar∣shall, Lieutenant, or Pre∣tour in the Army, knew most of the Souldiers, and their valiant exploits: by rehearsing these, he in∣flamed their courages.
But as soone as Petreius, all things being thus or∣dered, had giuen the signall by sound of Trum∣pet, he commands the Cohorts to aduance a lit∣tle,
the enemies. Army doth the like. After they came to that distance, from whence the light armed skirmishers might begin the battle, they incounter one another with a migh∣ty noyse, and hatefull signes: they leaue their Piles, and try the matter at swords point. The Vete∣ranes mindefull of their ancient vertue, presse them hardly at hand fight, the others resist without feare, on both sides they fought with much fierce∣nesse.
In the meane time, Ca∣tiline with the readiest Souldiers is ingag'd in the point of the Van-garde: he succours the distressed,
sends in fresh supplies for the wounded, prouides for all euents: he himselfe fights brauely, and char∣geth the enemy often: he performes together all the Offices of a valiant Soul∣dier, and worthy Gene∣rall.
Petreius, as soone as hee saw Catiline, contrary to his expectation, to make a forcible impression, he brings on the Praetorian Cohort vpon the middest of his enemies, and kills them being disordered, resisting here and there: then he assailes the rest on both sides, in flancke, Manlius & the Fesulan fall with the first.
After that Catiline saw
his Troupes broken, and himselfe with some few remaining; being minde. full of his parentage and former dignity, he runnes amongst the thickest of his enemies, and fighting there is slaine. But the bat∣tle being ended, then might you discerne, how much courage; & strength of spirit had bin in Catilines Army. For almost the same place, which each man maintained fighting, the same his soule being de∣parted; he couered with his body. But some few, through the middest of whom the Proetorian Co∣hort broke, made a stand differently in diuers pla∣ces; yet all of them fell by
faire wounds. As for Cati∣line, he was found amongst the carkeises of his foes, far from his owne men, breathing as yet his last; and that fiercenesse of mind, which he possessed liuing, he retained then in his countenance.
Lastly of all that num∣ber, neither in the fight nor flight was any free Cittizen taken priso∣ner. Thus all of them alike spared their owne, and their enemies liues. Nei∣ther yet did the Army of the Roman people obtaine a ioyfull and vnbloody vi∣ctory. For euery man that was most valiant, was ei∣ther slaine, or went from the field grieuously woun∣ded.
But many who issu∣ed out of the Campe for view or pillage, tur∣ning vp the enemies car∣keises, found some a friend, others a guest or a neere kinsman, yea there were those who knew their very foes. Thus various∣ly gladnesse and griefe, mirth & mourning, were moued throughout all the Army.