The history of the world

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Title
The history of the world
Author
Raleigh, Sir, Walter, 1552?-1618.
Publication
At London :: Printed [by William Stansby] for Walter Burre[, and are to be sold at his Shop in Paules Church-yard at the signe of the Crane,
1614 [i.e. 1617]]
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Subject terms
History, Ancient -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A10357.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The history of the world." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A10357.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 25, 2025.

Pages

§. XVII. A Conspiracie against ALEXANDER. The death of PHILOTAS and PARMENIO. [unspec 20]

ALEXANDER was, after he parted hence, no where resisted, till he came into Aria, to the East of Bactria, where the chiefe City of that Pro∣uince, called Artacoana, was a while defended against him, by the re∣uolt of Sartibarzanes, but in the end hee receiued the Inhabitants to mercie. At this place his Armie was re-enforced with a new supply of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thousand and fiue hundred soote, and neere fiue hundred Horse, out of Greece, Thessalte, & other places. His iournie out of Persia into these parts, is very confusedly described. For hauing (as all his Historians tell vs) a determination to find 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Bacteria, he leaues it at the very entrance, and takes the way of Hyrcania; from thence [unspec 30] hee wanders Northward towards the obscure Mardi, vpon the Caspian- Sea, and thence ouer the Mountaines Coronus into Aria, and Drangiana.

At this time it was that the treason of Dimnus brake out, of which Philotas the sonne of Parmenio was accused, as accessarie, if not principall. This Dimnus, hauing (I know not vpon what ground) conspired with some others against the life of A∣lexander, went about to draw Nicomachus, a yong man whom hee loued, into the same treason. The Youth, although hee was first bound by oath to secrecie, when he heard so foule a matter vttered, beganne to protest against it so vehemently, that his friend was like to haue slaine him for securitie of his owne life. So, constrained by feare, hee made shew as if hee had beene wonne by perswasion, and by seeming at [unspec 40] length to like well of the businesse, hee was told more at large what they were, that had vndertaken it. There were nine or ten of them, all men of ranke; whose names Dimnus (to countenance the enterprise) reckoned vp to Nicomachus. Nicomachus had no sooner freed himselfe from the company of this Traitor Dimnus, than he ac∣quainted his owne brother Ceballinus with the whole Historie: whereupon it was agreed betweene them, that Ceballinus (who might with least suspition) should goe to the Court, and vtter all. Ceballinus, meeting with Philotas, told him the whole bu∣sinesse; desiring him to acquaint the King therewith: which hee promised to doe, but did not. Two dayes passed, and Philotas neuer brake with the King about the matter, but still excused himselfe to Ceballinus by the Kings want of leisure. This [unspec 50] his coldnesse bred suspition, and caused Ceballinus to addresse himselfe to another, one Metron, Keeper of the Kings Armorie, who forth-with brought him to Alex∣anders presence. Alexander, finding by examination what had passed betweene Ce∣ballinus and Philotas, did fully perswade himselfe that this concealement of the trea∣son,

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argued his hand to haue beene in the businesse. Therefore when Dimnus was brought before him, he asked the Traitor no other question then this: Wherein haue I so offended thee, that thou shouldest thinke PHILOTAS more worthie to be King than I? Dimnus perceiuing, when he was apprehended, how the matter went, had so woun∣ded himselfe, that he liued no longer, than to giue his last groane in the Kings pre∣sence. Then was Philotas called, and charged with the suspition, which his silence might justly breede. His answere was, That when the practice was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnto him by Nicomachus, he judging it to be but friuolous, did forbeare to acquaint Alex∣ander there withall, vntill he might haue better information. This errour of his, (if it were onely an errour) although Alexander, for the notorious seruices of his Father [unspec 10] Parmenio, of his brother Nicanor lately dead, and of Philotas himselfe, had freely par∣doned and giuen him his hand for assurance; yet by the instigation of Craterus, hee againe swallowed his Princely promise, and made his enemies his Iudges: Curtius giues a note of Craterus in this businesse; How hee perswaded himselfe, that hee could neuer finde a better occasion to oppresse his priuate enemie, than by preten∣ding pietie, and dutie towardes the King. Heereof a Poet of our owne hath giuen a note as much better, as it is more generall in his Philotas.

See how these great men cloathe their priuate hate, In these faire colours of the publike good, [unspec 20] And to effect their ends, pretend the State, As if the State by their affection stood, And arm'd with power and Princes jealousies, Will put the least conceit of discontent Into the greatest ranke of treacheries, That no one action shall seeme innocent; Yea valour, honour, bountie, shall be made As accessaries vnto ends vnjust: And euen the seruice of the State must lade The needfull'st vndertaking with distrust, [unspec 30] So that base vilensse; idle Luxurie, Seeme safer farre, than to doe worthily, &c.

Now although it were so, that the King, following the aduice of Craterus, had re∣solued the next day to put Philotas to torment, yet in the very euening of the same night in which he was apprehended, he called him to a banquet, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as familiarly with him as at any other time. But when in the dead of the night Philo∣tas was taken in his lodging, and that they which hated him beganne to binde him; he cryed out vpon the King in these wordes: O ALEXANDER, the malice of mine Enemies hath surmounted thy mercie, and their hatred is farre more constant than the word [unspec 40] of a King. Many circumstances were vrged against him by Alexander himselfe; (for the Kings of Macedon did in person examine the accusations oftreason) and this was not the least (not the least offence, indeede, against the Kings humour, who desired to be glorified as a God) That when Alexander wrote vnto him concerning the title giuen him by Iupiter Hammon; Hee answered, That hee could not but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that he was admitted into that sacred Fellowship of the gods, and yet hee could not but withall grieue for those that should liue vnder such a one as would exceede the na∣ture of man. This was (saith Alexander) a firme perswasion vnto me, that his heart was changed, and that hee held my glory in despight. See what a strange Monster Flatterie is, that can perswade Kings to kill those that doe not praise and allow those [unspec 50] things in them, which are of all other most to bee abhorred. Philotas was brought before the multitude, to heare the Kings Oration against him: he was brought forth in vilde garments, and bound like a Theefe; where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 heard himselfe, and his ab∣sent Father the greatest Captaine of the World, accused, his two other Brothers,

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Hector and Nicanor hauing beene lost in the present Warre. Hee was so greatly op∣prest with griefe, as for a while he could vtter nothing but teares, and sorrow had so wasted his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as hee sunke vnder those that led him. In the end the King asked him, in what language 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would make his defence; he answered, In the same where∣in it had pleased the King to accuse him, which hee did, to the end that the Persians, as well as the Macedonians, might vnderstand him. But heereof the King made his aduantage, perswading the assembly, that hee disdained the language of his owne Countrie, and so with-drawing himselfe, left him to his mercilesse enemies.

This proceeding of the Kings, Philotas greatly lamented, seeing the King, who had so sharpely inueyed against him, would not vouchsafe to heare his excuse. For, [unspec 10] not his enemies onely were imboldened thereby against him, but all the rest, hauing discouered the Kings disposition and resolution, contended among themselues, which of them should exceede in hatred towardes him; Among many other argu∣ments, which he vsed in his owne defence, this was not the weakest; That when Ni∣comachus desired to know of Dimnus, what men of marke and power were his part∣ners in the conspiracie (as seeming vnwilling to aduenture himselfe with meane and base Companions) Dimnus named vnto him Demetrius of the Kings Chamber, Ni∣canor, Amyntas, and some others, but spake not a word of Philotas, who by being Commander of the Horse, would greatly haue valued the partie, and haue incoura∣ged Nicomachus. Indeede, as Philotas said well for himselfe, it is likely that Dimnus, [unspec 20] thereby the better to haue heartned Nicomachus, would haue named him, though hee had neuer dealt with him in any such practice. And for more certaine proofe, that he knew nothing of their intents, that practised against the King, there was not any one of the Conspirators, being many, inforc'd by torments, or otherwise, that could accuse him, and it is true, that aduersity being seldome able to beare her owne burden, is for the most part found so malicious, as shee rather desires to draw others (not alwayes deseruing it) into the same danger, than to spare any that it can accuse. Yet at the last, howsoeuer it were, to auoide the extremity of resistlesse and vnnatu∣rall torments, deuised by his profest enemies Craterus, Cenus, Ephestion, and others, Philotas accused his owne selfe; being perswaded that they would haue staine him [unspec 30] forthwith. But he failed euen in that miserable hope, and suffering all that could be layd on flesh and bloud, hee was forc'd to deliuer, not what he knew, but whatsoeuer best pleased their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that were farre more mercilesse than death it selfe.

Of this kinde of judiciall proceeding S. Augustine greatly complaineth as a matter to bee bewayled, saith he, with Fountaines of teares. Quid cum in sua causa* 1.1 〈◊〉〈◊〉 torquetur: & cum quaeritur vtrum sit nocens cruciatur: & innocens luit pro incerto* 1.2 scelere certissim as poenas: non quia illud commisisse detegitur, sed quia non commisisse nesci∣tur? What shall we say to it, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is put to torture in his owne case; and tormented whi∣lest yet it is in question whether he be guiltie; and being innocent, suffers assured punishment for a fault, of which there is no certaintie, not because he is knowne to haue committed the of∣fence, [unspec 40] but because other doe not know that he hath not committed it?

It had beene enough for Alexanders safety, if Philotas had beene put to death with∣out torment, the rest would not much haue grieued thereat, because hee was greatly suspected. But Hemolaus, who afterward conspired against him, made the Kings cru∣elty and delight in bloud, the greatest motiue of his owne ill intent. Therefore, Se∣neca, speaking of Alexander, saith thus: Crudelit as minime humanum malum est, indig∣num* 1.3 tam miti 〈◊〉〈◊〉; ferina ista rabies est sanguine gaudere & vulneribus, & abiecto ho∣mine, in siluestre animal transire; Crueltie is not a humane vice; it is vnworthy of so milde a spirit. It is euen a beastly rage to delight in bloud and wounds, and casting away the nature of man, to become a sanage Monster. [unspec 50]

For the conclusion of this Tragedie, Curtius makes a doubt, whether the confessi∣on that Philotas made, were to giue end to the torments which hee could not any longer indure, or that the same was true indeede; For (saith hee) in this case, they that speake truely, or they that deny falsly, come to one and the same end. Now,

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while the Kings hands were yet wet in bloud, he commanded that Lyncestes, sonne-in∣Law to Antipater, who had beene three yeeres in prison, should be slaine: The same dispatch had all those that Nicomachus had accused: others there were that were suspected, because they had followed Philotas, but when they had answered for themselues that they knew no way so direct to winne the Kings fauour, as by lo∣uing those whom the King fououred: they were dismist. But Parmenio was yet li∣uing; Parmenio, who had serued with great fidelitie as well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Macedon the Kings Father, as himselfe; Parmenio that first opened the way into Asia; That had deprest Attalus the Kings enemie; that had alwaies, and in all hazards, the leading of the Kings Vant-guard, that was no lesse prudent in counsell, than fortunate in all at∣tempts; [unspec 10] A man beloued of the men of Warre, and, to say the truth, hee that had made the purchase for the King of the Empire of the East, and of all the glorie and fame hee had: That he might not therefore reuenge the death of his Sonne, though not vpon the King, (for it was vnlikely that hee would haue dishonoured his fidelitie in his eldest age, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 now liued threescore and ten yeeres) yet vpon those that by the witchcraft of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had possest themselues of his affection; it was resolued that he should be dispatcht. Polydamas was imployed in this businesse, a man whom of all other Parmenio trusted most, and loued best, who (to bee short) finding him in Media, and hauing Cleander and other Murderers with him, slew him walking in his Garden, while hee was reading the Kings letters. Hic exitus PARMENIONIS fuit, [unspec 20] * 1.4 militiae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 clari viri; Multa sine Rege prosperè, Rex sine illo nihil magnae rei gesse∣rat; This was the ende of PARMENIO (saith CVRTIVS) who had performed many notable things without the King, but the King, without him, did neuer effect any thing wor∣thy of praise.

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