The history of the world

THE FIRST PART OF [unspec 10] THE HISTORIE OF THE WORLD: INTREATING OF THE Beginning, and first ages of the same, from the Creation, vnto ABRAHAM. [unspec 20] (Book 1)

THE FIRST BOOKE.

CHAP. I. Of the Creation, and Preseruation of the World. [unspec 30]

§. I. That the inuisible God is seene in his Creatures.

GOD, whom the wisest men acknowledge to bee a Power vneffable, and Vertue infinite, a Light by abundant claritic inuisible, an Vn∣derstanding, which it selfe can onely compre∣hend, an Essence eternall and spirituall, of absolute purenesse and simplicitie, was, and is pleased to make himselfe knowne by the [unspec 40] worke of the World: in the wonderfull magnitude whereof, (all which hee imbra∣ceth, filleth, and sustaineth) wee behold the Image of that glorie, which cannot be mea∣sured, and withall that one, and yet vniuersall Nature, which cannot bee defined. In the glorious Lights of Heauen; wee perceiue a shadow of his diuine Countenance; in his mercifull prouision for all that liue, his manifold goodnesse: and lastly, in crea∣ting and making existent the world vniuersall, by the absolute art of his owne word, his Power and almightinesse, which Power, Light, Vertue, Wisedome, and Good∣nesse, [unspec 50] being all but attributes of one simple Essence, and one God, wee in all admire, and in part discerne per speculum creaturarum, that is, in the disposition order, and va∣rietie of celestiall and terrestriall bodies: terrestriall, in their strange and manifold di∣uersities; celestiall, in their beautie and magnitude; which in their continuall & con∣trarie

motions, are neither repugnant, intermixt, nor confounded. By these potent effects, wee approach to the knowledge of the omnipotent cause, and by these moti∣ons, their Almightie Mouer.* 1.1

In these more then wonderfull workes, God (saith Hugo) speaketh vnto man, and it is true, that these be those discourses of God, whose effects, all that liue, witnesse in themselues; the sensible, in their sensible natures; the reasonable, in their reasonable soules: for according to S. Gregorie, Omnis homo eo ipso quòd rationalis conditus est, ex ip∣sa ratione, illum qui se condidit, Deum esse colligere debet: Euery man, in that he is reaso∣nable, out of the same reason may know, that he which made him, is God. This God all men behold (saith Iob) which is according to the Fathers, Dominationem illius [unspec 10] conspicere in creaturis, to discerne him in his prouidence by his creatures. That God hath beene otherwise seene, to wit, with corporall eyes, exceedeth the small proportion of my vnderstanding, grounded on these places of S. Iohn, and S. Paul, Yee haue not heard his voice at any time, neither haue ye seene his shape. And againe, Whom neuer man saw, nor can see.

And this I am sure agreeth with the nature of Gods simplicitie, of which S. Au∣gustine,* 1.2 Ipsa enim natura, vel substantia, vel quolibet alio nomine appellandum est, idipsum quod Deus est, corporaliter videri non potest, That nature, or that substance, or by what∣soeuer name that is to be called which is God, whatsoeuer that be, the same cannot be corporally perceiued. And of this opinion were Origen, Cyrill, Chrysostome, Grego∣rie [unspec 20] Nazianzenus, Hierome, Augustine, Gregorie the Great, Euaristus, Alcuinus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Areopagita, Aquinas, and all others of authoritie. But by his owne word, and by this visible world, is God perceiued of men, which is also the vnderstood lan∣guage of the Almightie, vouchsafed to all his Creatures, whose Hieroglyphicall Characters, are the vnnumbred Starres, the Sunne & Moone, written on these large volumes of the Firmament: written also on the Earth and the Seas, by the letters of all those liuing Creatures, and plants, which inhabite and reside therein. Therefore said that learned Cusanus, Mundus vniuersus nihil aliud est, quàm Deus explicatus, The world vniuersall, is nothing else but God exprest. And the inuisible things of God (saith S. Paul) are seene by creation of the world, being considered in his Creatures.* 1.3 [unspec 30] Of all which, there was no other cause preceding, then his owne will, no other mat∣ter then his owne power, no other workman then his owne word, no other conside∣ration, then his owne infinite goodnesse. The example & patterne of these his Crea∣tures, as he beheld the same in all eternitie in the abundance of his owne loue, so was it at length in the most wise order, by his vnchanged will mooued, by his high wise∣dome disposed, and by his almightie power perfected, and made visible. And there∣fore (saith Mirandula) we ought to loue God, Ex fide, & ex effectibus, (that is) both perswaded by his word, and by the effects of the worlds creation: Ne{que} enim qui cau∣sa caret, ex causa & origine sciri, cognosci{que} potest, sed velex rerum, quae factae sunt, quaeque fiunt & gubernantur obseruatione & collatione, vel exipsius Dei verbo: For he of whom* 1.4 [unspec 40] there is no higher cause, cannot be knowne by any knowledge of cause or beginning,* 1.5 (saith Montanus) but either by the obseruing and conferring of things, which hee hath, or doth create and gouerne, or else by the word of God himselfe.

§. II. That the wisest of the Heathen, whose authoritie is not to be despised, haue acknowledged the world to haue beene created by GOD.

THis worke and creation of the world, did most of the ancient & learned [unspec 50] Philosophers acknowledge, though by diuers termes, and in a different maner exprest, I meane al those who are entitled by S. Augustine, Summi* 1.6 Philosophi, Philosophers of highest iudgement and vnderstanding. Mer∣curius Trismegistus calleth God, Principium vniuersorum, The originall

of the vniuersall: to whom he giueth also the attributes of Mens, natura, actus, neces∣sitas, finis, & renouatio. And wherein hee truely, with S. Paul, casteth vpon God all power; confessing also, that the world was made by Gods almighty word, and not by hands: verbo, non manibus fabricatus est mundus. ZOROASTER (whom Heraclitus followed in opinion) tooke the word Fire, to expresse God by (as in Deuterono∣mie,* 1.7 and in S. Paul it is vsed) Omnia ex vno igne genita sunt; All things (saith be) are* 1.8 caused, or produced out of one fire.

So did Orpheus plainely teach, that the world had beginning in time, from the will of the most High God; whose remarkeable words are thus conuerted: Cùm abscon∣disset* 1.9 [unspec 10] omnia IVPITER summus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in lumen gratum emisit, ex sacro corde operans cogitata & mirabilia: Of which I conceiue this sense; When great IVPITER had hidden all things in himselfe; working out of the loue of his sacred heart, he sent thence, or brought forth into gratefull light, the admirable workes which he had fore-thought.

Pindarus the Poet, and one of the wisest, acknowledged also one God, the most High, to bee the Father and Creator of all things; Vnus Deus Pater Creator summus. Plato calleth God the cause and originall, the nature and reason of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉; to∣tius rerum natura, causa, & origo Deus. But heereof more at large heereafter.* 1.10

Now, although the curiositie of some men haue found it superfluous, to remem∣ber the opinions of Philosophers, in matters of Diuinity: (it being true, that the [unspec 20] Scripture hath not want of any forraine testimony) yet as the Fathers, with others excellently learned, are my examples heerein; so S. Paul himselfe did not despise, but thought it lawfull, & profitable, to remember whatsoeuer he found agreeable to the word of God, among the Heathen, that he might thereby take from them all escape, by way of ignorance, God rendring vengeance to them that know him not: as in his Epistle to Titus, he citeth Epimenides against the Cretians, and to the Corinthians, Me∣nander, and in the seuenteenth of the Acts, Aratus &c. for Truth (saith S. Ambrose) by whomsoeuer vttered, is of the holy Ghost; Veritas à quocun{que} dicatur, à Spirita sancto est: and lastly, let those kinde of men learne this rule; Quae sacris 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pro∣phana non sunt; Nothing is prophane that serueth to the vse of holy things. [unspec 30]

§. III. Of the meaning of In Principio Genes. 1. 1.

THis visible World of which Moses writeth, God created in the begin∣ning, or first of all: in which (saith Tertullian) things beganne to bee. This word beginning (in which the Hebrewes seeke some hidden my∣sterie, and which in the Iewes Targum is conuerted by the word Sapien∣tia) [unspec 40] cannot be referred to succession of time nor to order, as some men haue conceiued, both which are subsequent: but onely to creation then. For before that beginning, there was neither primary matter to bee informed, nor forme to in∣forme, nor any being, but the eternall. Nature was not, nor the next parent of time begotten, time properly and naturally taken; for if God had but disposed of matter already in being, then as the word beginning could not bee referred to all things, so must it follow, that the institution of matter proceeded from a greater power, then that of God. And by what name shall we then call such a one (saith Lactantius) as exceedeth God in potencie: for it is an act of more excellencie to make, then tō dis∣pose of things made? whereupon it may be concluded, that matter could not be be∣fore [unspec 50] this beginning: except we faine a double creation, or allow of two powers, and both infinite, the impossibilitie whereof scorneth defence. Nam impossibile plura* 1.11 esse infinita: quoniam alterum esset in altero finitum; There cannot bee more infinites then one; for one of them would limit the other.

§. IIII. Of the meaning of the words Heauen and Earth, Genesis 2. 1.

THe vniuersall matter of the world (which Moyses comprehendeth vn∣der the names of Heauen and Earth) is by diuers diuersly vnderstood: for there are that conceiue, that by those wordes, was meant the first matter, as the Peripatetikes vnderstand it, to which, S. Augustine and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [unspec 10] seeme to adhere. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mundum (saith S. Augustine) de materia informi, quam fecisti de nulla re, penè nullam rem: (that is) Thou hast made the world of a matter without forme; which matter thou madest of nothing, and being made, it was little o∣ther then nothing.

But this potentiall and imaginary materia prima, cannot exist without forme. Peter Lombard; the Schoole-men, Beda, Lyranus, Comestor, Tostatus and others, affirme, that it pleased God first of all to create the Empyrean Heauen: which at the succeeding instant (saith Beda and 〈◊〉〈◊〉) hee filled with Angels. This Empyrean Heauen* 1.12 Steuchius Eugubinus calleth Diuine claritie, and vncreated: an errour, for which hee is sharply charged by Pererius, though (as I conceiue) he rather failed in the subsequent, [unspec 20] when he made it to be a place, and the seate of Angels, & iust Soules, then in the for∣mer affirmation: for of the first, That God liueth in eternall light, it is written; My* 1.13 soule, praise thou the Lord, that couereth himselfe with light: and in the Reuelation; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Citie hath no neede of Sunne, neither of the Moone to shine in it: for the glory of God didlight it. And herein also Iohn Mercer vpon Genesis differeth not in opinion from Eugubinus: for as by Heauen created in the beginning, was not meant the inuisible or* 1.14 supercelestiall, so in his iudgement, because it was in all eternity, the glorious seat of God himselfe, it was not necessary to be created; Quem mundum supercoelestem meo indicio creari (saith MERCER) non erat necesse.

But as Moses forbare to speake of Angels, and of things inuisible, and incorporate, [unspec 30] for the weakenes of their capacities, whom he then cared to informe of those things, which were more manifest, (to wit) that God did not only by a strong hand deliuer them from the bondage of Egypt, according to his promise made to their forefathers: but also that he created, and was the sole cause of this aspectable, and perceiueable Vniuersall; so on the other side I dare not thinke, that any supercelestiall Heauen, or whatsoeuer else (not himselfe) was increate and eternall: and as for the place of God before the world created, the finite wisedome of mortall men hath no perception of it, neither can it limit the seate of infinite power, no more then infinite power it selfe can be limited: for his place is in himselfe, whom no magnitude else can containe: How great is the House of God (saith BARVCH) how largè is the place of his possessions! it is* 1.15 [unspec 40] great, and hath no end, it is high and vnmeasurable.

But leauing multiplicitie of opinion, it is more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and allowed, that by the wordes, Heauen and Earth, was meant the solid matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 substance, aswell of all the* 1.16 Heauens, and Orbes supernall, as of the Globe of the Earth and Waters, which co∣uered it ouer, (to wit) that very matter of all things, materia, Chaos, possibilitas, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 posse fieri. Which matter (saith Caluin) was so called, quòdtotius mundi semen fuerit;* 1.17 Because it was the seed of the Vniuersall: an opinion of ancient Philosophers long before. [unspec 50]

§. V. That the substance of the waters, as mixt in the body of the earth, is by MOSES vnderstood in the word Earth: and that the Earth, by the attributes of vnformed and voide, is described as the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the an∣ctent Heathen.

MOSES first nameth Heauen and Earth (putting waters but in the third place) as comprehending waters in the word Earth, but afterwards [unspec 10] hee nameth them apart, when God by his Spirit began to distinguish the confused Masse, and (as Basil saith) praeparare naturam aquae ad foe∣cunditatem 〈◊〉〈◊〉; to prepare the nature of water to a vitall fruitfulnesse.

For vnder the word Heauen, was the matter of all heauenly bodies, and natures exprest: and by the name of Earth and Waters, all was meant, whatsoeuer is vnder the Moone, and subiect to alteration. Corrupt seedes bring foorth corrupt plants; to which the pure heauens are not subiect, though subiect to perishing. They shall pe∣rish* 1.18 (saith Dauid) and the heauens shall vanish away like smoke, saith Esay. Neither were the waters the matter of Earth: for it is written, Let the waters vnder the hea∣uens* 1.19 be gathered into one place, and let the dry land appeare: which prooueth that the dry [unspec 20] land was mixt and couered with the waters, and not yet distinguished; but no way, that the waters were the matter or seede of the Earth, much lesse of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Initio tu Domine terram fundasti, Thou, O Lord, in the beginning hast founded the Earth: and againe, The Earth was couered with the Deepe (meaning with waters) as with a gar∣ment,* 1.20 saith Dauid. And if by naturall arguments it may be prooued, that water by condensation may become earth, the same reason teacheth vs also, that earth rarified may become water: water, aire: aire, fire; and so on the contrary, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ignis sub∣stantiam* 1.21 per aerem in aquam conuertit, God turneth the substance of fire, by aire, into wa∣ter. For the Heauens and the Earth remained in the same state, in which they were created, as touching their substance, though there was afterwards added multiplicitie [unspec 30] of perfection, in respect of beauty and ornament. Coelum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & terra in statu 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.22 remanserunt, quantum ad substantiam, licèt multiplex perfectio decoris & ornatus eis postmodùm 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And the word which the Hebrewes call Maim, is not to be vnderstood according to the Latine translation simply, and as specifical water; but the same more properly signifieth liquor. For (according to Montanus) Est autem* 1.23 Maim liquor geminus, & hoc nomen propter verborum penuriam, Latina lingua plurali numero aquas fecit. For Maim (saith he) is a double liquor, (that is, of diuers natures) and this name or word the Latines wanting a voice to expresse it, call it in the Plural, Aquas, Waters.

This Masse, or indigested matter, or Chaos created in the beginning, was without [unspec 40] forme, that is, without the proper forme, which it afterwards acquired, when the Spirit of God had separated the Earth, and digested it from the waters: And the earth* 1.24 was voide: that is, not producing any creatures, or adorned with any plants, fruits, or flowers. But after the Spirit of God had moued vpon the waters, and wrought this indi∣gested* 1.25 matter into that forme, which it now retayneth, then did the earth budde forth the hearbe, which seedeth seede, and the fruitfull tree according to his kinde, and God saw that it was good; which attribute was not giuen to the Earth, while it was confused, nor to the Heauens, before they had motion, and adornement. God saw that it was good; that is, made perfect: for perfection is that, to which nothing is wanting. Et perfecti Dei perfecta sunt opera, The workes of the perfect God, are perfect. [unspec 50]

From this lumpe of imperfect matter had the ancient Poets their inuention of De∣mogorgon: HESIODVS and ANAXAGORAS the knowledge of that Chaos, of which 〈◊〉〈◊〉:

Ante mare, & terras, & (quod tegit omnia) coelum,* 1.26 Vnus erat toto naturae vultus in Orbe, Quem dixere Chaos, rudis indigesta{que} moles.

Before the Sea and Land was made, and Heauen, that all doth hide, In all the world one only face of nature did abide: Which Chaos hight, a huge rude heape.

§. VI. [unspec 10] How it is to be vnderstood that the Spirit of God mooued vpon the waters, and that this is not to be searched curiously.

AFter the creation of Heauen and Earth, then voide and without forme, the Spirit of God moued vpon the waters. The Seuenty Interpreters vse the word super-ferebatur, mooued vpon or ouer: incubabat, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith Hierome) out of Basil; and Basil out of a Syrian Doctor; 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.27 non meam tibi, sed viri cuiusdam Syri 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 (saith Basil) which wordes incubare or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importing warmth, hatching, or quickening, haue a [unspec 20] speciall likenesse. Verbum translatum est ab auibus pullitiei 〈◊〉〈◊〉 incubantibus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spiri∣tuali,* 1.28 & planè inenarrabili, non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 corporali modo; The word is taken of birds hatching their yong, not corporally, but in a spirituall and vnexpressible manner.

Some of the Hebrewes conuert it to this effect, Spiritus Dei 〈◊〉〈◊〉, The Spirit of God did flutter: the Chaldaean Paraphrast in this sense, ventus à 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dei sufflabat, or as other vnderstand the Chaldaean, flabat, pellebat, remouebat: the wind from the face of God did blow vnder, driue, or remoue, or did blow vpon, according to the 147. Psalme. He caused his winde to blow, and the waters increase: but there was yet no winde nor exha∣lation:* 1.29 Arias Montanus in these wordes, Et spiritus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Merachefet, idest, effica∣citèr motitans, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ac agitans super facies gemini liquoris; The Spirit of God effe∣ctually [unspec 30] and often mouing, keeping warme, and cherishing, quickning and stirring vpon the face of this double liquor. For he maketh foure originals, whereof three are agents,* 1.30 and the last passiue and materiall, to wit, causa, which is the diuine goodnesse: 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which is, fiat, siue erit, let it be, or it shallbe. Quae vox verbo Dei prima prolata fuit: which voice (saith he) was the first that was vttered by the word of God. The third Spi∣ritus Elohim, the Spirit of God, idest, vis quaedam diuina, agilis ac praesens per omnia per∣tingens, omnia complens, that is, a certaine diuine power, or strength euery where, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and extending, and stretching through all, filling and finishing all things. The fourth hee calleth Maim, idest, materies adomnem rem conficiendam habilis; matter apt to become euery thing. For my selfe I am resolued (Cùm Deus sit superrationale omni ratione, See∣ing [unspec 40] God is in all reason aboue reason) that although the effects which follow his won∣derfull wayes of working, may in a measure be perceiued by mans 〈◊〉〈◊〉, yet the manner and first operation of his diuine power cannot bee conceiued by any minde, or spirit, compassed with a mortall body. Animalis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quae Dei sunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 percipit: For my thoughts (sayth the Lord in Esay) are not your thoughts, neither are your* 1.31 wayes my wayes. And as the world hath not knowne God himselfe: so are his wayes (according to S. Paul) past finding out. Orighteous Father, the world hath not knowne thee, saith CHRIST. And therfore, whether that motion, vitality and operation, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by incubation, or how else, the maner is onely knowne to God, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in omnibus sit rebus vel per essentiam, vel per potentiam, intellect us nofter non capit; For bow God (sayth [unspec 50] * 1.32 S. Augustine, speaking of his Vbiquitie) is in all things, either by essence, presence, or power, our vnderstanding cannot comprehend. Nihil inter Deum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distaret, si consilia, & dispositiones illius maiestatis aeternae, cogitatio assequeretur humana: There* 1.33 would be no difference betweene God and Man, if mans vnderstanding could conceiue the

counsels and disposing of that eternall Maiestie; and therefore to be ouer-curious in sear∣ching how the all-powerfull Word of God wrought in the creation of the World or his all-piercing and operatiue Spirit distinguishing, gaue forme to the matter of the Vniuersall, is a labour and search like vnto his, who not contented with a knowne and safe foord, will presume to passe ouer the greatest Riuer in all parts, where hee is ignorant of their depths: for so doth the one lose his life, and the other his vnder∣standing. We behold the Sunne, and enioy his light, as long as we looke towards it, but tenderly, and circumspectly: we warme our selues safely, while we stand neere the fire; but if we seeke to outface the one, to enter into the other, we forth with be∣come blinde or burnt. [unspec 10]

But to eschew curiositie: this is true, that the English word (moued) is most pro∣per and significant: for of motion proceedeth all production, and all whatsoeuer is effected. And this omnipotent Spirit of God, which may indeede be truely called, Principium motus, and with Mirandula, vis causae efficientis, The force of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause, Saint Augustine sometimes taketh for the holy Ghost; sometime for a winde or breath, Sub nomine Spiritus, vnder the name of a Spirit, which is sometimes so taken: or for virtualis 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for a created virtuality: Tertullian and Theodoret call it also a breath or winde: Mercurius nameth it, Spiritum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 intelligibilem, a pure or thinne intelligible spirit: ANAXAGORAS, mentem: TOSTATVS, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & mentem Dei, The will and minde of God; which mens, Plato in Timaeo, maketh animam mundi, [unspec 20] The soule of the world: and in his sixt Booke de Republica, he calleth it the law of Heauen; in his Epistles, the leader of things to come, and the presence of things past. But as Cy∣prian wrote of the Incarnation of CHRIST our Sauiour, Mens deficit, vox silet, & non 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sedetiam Angelorum: My minde faileth, my voice is silent, and not mine onely, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Angels: so may al men else say in the vnderstanding, and vtterance of the wayes and workes of the Creation; for to him (saith Nazianzenus) there is* 1.34 not one substance by which he is, and another, by which he can, Sed 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 est, quicquid eius est, & quicquidest, Whatsoeuer attribute of him there is, and whatsoeuer he is, it is the very same substance that himselfe is.

But the Spirit of God which moued vpon the waters, cannot be taken for a breath [unspec 30] or winde nor for any other creature, separate from the infinite actiue power of God, which then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and distinguished, and which how sustaineth, and giueth conti∣nuance to the Vniuersall. For the Spirit of the Lord filleth all the world; and the* 1.35 same is it which maintaineth all things, saith SALOMON. If thou send forth thy Spirit, (saith DAVID) they are created: And GREGORIE, Deus suo praesentiali esse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omni∣bus rebus esse, ita quòd, sise rebus subtraheret, sicut de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 factae sunt omnia, sic in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defluerent vniuersa; God giueth being to all things, by being present with all things, so as if he should withdraw himselfe from them, then, as of nothing the world was made, it would againe fall away and vanish into nothing. And this working of Gods Spirit in all things, Virgil hath exprest excellently: [unspec 40]

Principio coelum acterr as, campos{que} liquentes,* 1.36 Lucentem{que} globum Lunae, Titania{que} astra, Spiritus intus alit: totam{que} infusa per artus, Mens agitat molem, & magno se corpore miscet.

The Heauen, the Earth, and all the liquid Mayne, The Moones bright Globe, and Starres Titanian, A Spirit within maintaines: and their whole Masse, A Minde, which through each part infus'd doth passe, Fashions, and workes, and wholly doth transpierce [unspec 50] All this great Body of the Vniuerse.

And this was the same Spirit, which moued in the Vniuersall, and thereby both distinguished and adorned it. His Spirit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 garnished the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sayth Iob. So* 1.37

then the Spirit of God moued vpon the waters, and created in them their spirituali∣tie, and naturall motion; motion brought forth heat; and heat rarifaction, and sub∣tilitie of parts. By this Spirit, (which gaue heat and motion, and thereby, operation to euery nature, while it moued vpon the waters, which were in one indigested lump,* 1.38 and Chaos, disposed to all formes alike) was begotten ayre: an element superior, as lighter then the waters, through whose vast, open, subtile, diaphanicke, or transpa∣rent body, the light afterwards created might easily transpierce: light, for the excel∣lencie thereof, being the first creature which God called good, whose creation imme∣diatly followed. This Spirit Chrysostome calleth a vitall Operation, aquis à 〈◊〉〈◊〉 insi∣tam, ex qua aquae non solùm motionem, sed & vim procreandi animalia habuerint. He calleth [unspec 10] it, A vitall Operation giuen by God vnto the waters, whereby the water, had not onely moti∣on, but also power to procreate or bring foorth liuing creatures.

§. VII. Of the light created, as the materiall substance of the Sunne: and of the nature of it, and difficultie of knowledge of it: and of the excellencie and vse of it: and of motion, and heat annexed vnto it.

THese waters were afterwards congregated, and called the Sea: and this [unspec 20] light afterwards (in the fourth day) gathered and vnited, and called the Sunne, the Organ, and instrument of created light. For this first and dispersed light did not (as I conceiue) distinguish the night from the day, but with a reference to the Sunnes creation, and the vniting of the dispersed light therein. This is proued by these words, Let there belights in the firma∣ment, to separate the day from the night: which lights in the firmament of heauen were* 1.39 also made for signes, and for seasons, and for dayes, and for yeeres, implying a moti∣on instantly to follow, by which dayes and yeeres are distinguished; after which succeeded Time, or together with which, that Time (which was the measure of motion) began. For that space of the first three dayes which preceded the Suns crea∣tion, [unspec 30] or formall perfection, when as yet there was not any motion to bee measured, and the day named in the fift verse, was but such a space, as afterwards by the Sunnes motion made a ciuill or naturall day. And as Waters were the matter of ayre, of the firmament, and of the lower and vpper waters, and of the Seas, and creatures there∣in: Earth, the matter of Beasts, Plants, Minerals, and Mans body: so may light (for expression sake) be called the Chaos, or materiall substance of the Sunne, and other lights of heauen: Howbeit, neither the Sunne, nor any thing sensible, is that light it* 1.40 selfe, quae causa est lucidorum, which is the cause that things are lightsome (though it make it selfe and all things else visible) but a body most illightned, which illuminateth the Moone, by whom the neighbouring Region (which the Greekes call Aether, the [unspec 40] place of the supposed Element of fire) is affected and qualified, and by it all bodies liuing in this our ayre. For this light Auicenna calleth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & fomentum omnium 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, & impressionum: The conducter, and preseruer or nourisher of all Ce∣lestiall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and impressions, nothing descending of heauenly influences, but by the medium, or meanes of light. Aristotle calleth light, a qualitie, inherent, or cleauing to a Diaphanous body, Lumen est qualit as inherens Diaphano: but this may be better a∣uouched of the heat, which it transporteth and bringeth with it, or conducteth: which heat (say the Platonickes) abeunte lumine residet in subiecto, the light being depar∣ted,* 1.41 doth reside in the subiect, as warmth in the aire, though the same bee depriued of light. This light Plotinus and all the Academikes make incorporal, and so doth MON∣TANVS, [unspec 50] Cui nec duritia resistit, nec spatium: Which neither hardnesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nor space leaueth.

Aristotle findeth corporalitie in the beames of light; but it is but by way of repe∣tition of other mens opinions, saith Picolomineus. Democritus, Leucippus, and Epicurus,* 1.42

giue materiality to light it selfe, but improperly: for it passeth at an instant from the Heauen to the Earth, nor is it resisted by any hardnesse, because it pierceth through the solid body of glasse, or other Cristalline matter; and whereas it is withstood by vncleane, and vnpure earthy substances, lesse hard, and more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to inuade then the former, the same is, Quòd obstaculum natur â terreum at{que} sordidum, non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 candidam* 1.43 luminis puritatem: Because an obstacle, by nature earthie and foule, doth not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the pure clearenesse of light: alluding to that most diuine light, which onely shineth on those mindes, which are purged from all worldlv drosse, and humane 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

But of this created light, there is no agreement in opinion; neither doe I maruaile at it, for it cannot be found either in the Fathers, Philosophers, or Schoole-men, or [unspec 10] other ancient or later Writers, that any of them vnderstood either it or themselues therein: all men (to cast off ignorance) haue disputed heereof, but there is no man that hath beene taught thereby. Thomas Aquinas (not inferiour to any in wit) as he hath shewed little strength of argument in re uting the opinions of Beda, Hugo, Lom∣bard, Lyranus, and others: so is his owne iudgement heerein, as weake as any mans; and most of the Schoole-men were rather curious in the nature of termes, and more subtile in distinguishing vpon the parts of doctrine already laid down, then discoue∣rers of any thing hidden, either in Philosophie or Diuinitie: of whom it may be tru∣ly said, Nihil sapientiae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acumine 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Nothing is more odious to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 w 〈◊〉〈◊〉, then too acute sharpnesse. Neither hath the length of time, and the search of many lear∣ned [unspec 20] men, (which the same time hath brought forth and deuoured) resolued vs, whe∣ther this light be substantiall, corporall, or incorporall: Corporall they say it cannot be, because then it could neither pierce the Aire, nor those hard, solid, and Diapha∣nous bodies, which it doth, and yet euery day we see the Aire illightened: incorporal it cannot be, because it is sensible: sensible it is, because it somtime affecteth the sight of the eye with offence, and therefore by most of the Fathers so esteemed: others say, (as Patricius) that it cannot be matter, because no forme so excellent as it selfe to in∣forme it: neither can it be any accident, which is not separable without the destru∣ction of the subiect: for light being taken from the Sunne, the Sunne is no more the* 1.44 Sunne in existence. Secondly, if light were proceeding from matter and forme, then [unspec 30] either, or both must be one of these, Lucide or bright, darke or opake, Diaphanous or transparent; but darkenesse cannot bee parent of light; and things Diaphanous (being neither light, nor darkenesse, but capable of either) cannot be the cause of ei∣ther, and therefore must the matter, or forme, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 both, be Lucide and shining. Lucide and shining obtaine their so being of the light; and therefore, if we deriue this being of light from a former, then would the progresse goe on infinitely, and against nature; and therefore he concludeth, that light in the Sunne hath his being primarily, and immediatly of it selfe, and is therefore the Sunnes forme and the forme of all Lucide and shining bodies: but what is taught heereby, let others iudge.

But in my vnderstanding lumen, (which may be Englished by the word Shine) is* 1.45 [unspec 40] an intentionall Species of that, which may bee Englished by Light and so, this shi∣ning which proceedeth from the Sun, or other lights of Heauen, or from any other light, is an image, or intentionall Species thereof; and an intentional 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be vnderstood by the example of a red, or greene colour, occasioned by the shining of the Sunne through red or greene glasse: for then wee perceiue the same colour cast vpon any thing opposite; which rednesse or other colour, we cal the intentionall Spe∣cies of the colour in that glasse. And againe, as this light, touching his simple nature, is no way yet vnderstood: so it is disputed, whether this light first created, bee the same, which the Sunne inholdeth and casteth forth, or whether it had continuance any longer, then till the Sunnes creation. [unspec 50]

But by the most wise and vnchanged order, which God obserued in the worke of* 1.46 the world, I gather, that the light, in the first day created, was the substance of the Sunne: for Moses repeateth twise the maine parts of the vniuersall; first, as they were* 1.47 created in matter; secondly, as they were adorned with forme: first, naming the* 1.48

Heauens, the Earth, the Waters, all confused, and afterward, the Waters congrega∣ted, the Earth made dry land, and the Heauens distinguished from both, and beauti∣fied. And therefore the Earth, as it was earth, before it was vncouered, and before it was called Arida, or dry land; and the Waters were waters, before they were con∣gregated, and called the Sea, though neither of them perfect, or inriched with their vertuall formes: so the Sunne, although it had not his formall perfection, his circle, beauty, and bounded magnitude till the fourth day, yet was the substance thereof in the first day (vnder the name of Light) created; and this Light formerly dispersed, was in the same fourth day vnited, and set in the Firmament of Heauen: for to Light created in the first day, God gaue no proper place or fixation; and therefore the ef∣fects [unspec 10] named by Anticipation, (which was to separate day from night) were precisely performed, after this Light was congregated, and had obtained life and motion. Nei∣ther did the wisedome of God finde cause why it should mooue (by which motion, dayes and nights are distinguished) till then: because there was not yet any Crea∣ture produced, to which, by mouing, the Sunne might giue light, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and opera∣tion.

But after the Earth (distinguished from waters) began to budde forth the budde of the herbe, &c. God caused the Sunne to moue, and (by interchange of time) to visite euery part of the inferiour world; by his heat to stirre vp the fire of generati∣on, and to giue actiuity to the seedes of all natures: For as a King, which comman∣deth* 1.49 [unspec 20] some goodly building to bee erected, doth accommodate the same to that vse and end, to which it was ordained; so it pleased God (saith Procopius) to command the Light to be; which by his all-powerfull word he approued, and approuing it, dis∣posed thereof, to the vse and comfort of his future Creatures.

But in that it pleased God to aske of IOB, By what way is the light parted, and where* 1.50 is the way where light 〈◊〉〈◊〉? wee thereby know that the nature thereof falleth not* 1.51 vnder mans vnderstanding; and therefore let it suffice, that by Gods grace we enioy the effects thereof. For this light is of the treasure of God (saith ESDRAS.) And those* 1.52 which inhabite the Heauens, doe onely know the essence thereof. Nihil ignotum in coelo, ni∣hil notum in terra: Nothing vnknowne in Heauen, nothing perfectly knowne on earth. [unspec 30] Res ver ae sunt in mundo inuisibili, in mundo visibili vmbr ae rerum: Things themselues are* 1.53 in the 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, in the world visible, but their shadowes; Surely, if this light be not spirituall, yet it approcheth neerest vnto spirituality; and if it haue any corporality, then of all other the most subtile and pure; for howsoeuer, it is of all things seene, the most beautifull, and of the swiftest motion, of all other the most necessary and bene∣ficiall. For it ministreth to men, and other creatures, all celestiall influences; it dissi∣pateth those sad thoughts and sorrowes, which the darkenesse both begetteth and maintaineth; it discouereth vnto vs the glorious workes of God, and carrieth vp with an Angelicall swiftnesse, our eyes vnto Heauen, that by the sight thereof, our mindes being informed of his visible maruailes, may continually trauaile to sur∣mount [unspec 40] these perceiued Heauens, and to finde out their omnipotent cause and Crea∣tour. Cognitio non quiescit in rebus 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Our knowledge doth not quiet it selfe in things* 1.54 created. Et ipsa lux facit, vt caetera mundi membra dignasint laudibus, cùm suam bonita∣tem & decorem omnibus communicet; It is the light, (saith S. AMBROSE) that maketh the other part of the world so worthy of praise, seeing that it selfe communicateth its good∣nesse and beauty vnto all: of which Ouid out of Orpheus:

Ille ego sum, quilongum metior annum,* 1.55 Omnia qui video, per quem videt omnia mundus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oculus. [unspec 50]

The world discernes it selfe, while I the world behold, By me the longest yeeres, and other times are told, I the worlds eye.

Lastly, if we may behold in any creature, any one sparke of that eternall fire, or a∣ny farre-off-dawning of Gods glorious brightnesse, the same in the beauty, motion, and vertue of this light may be perceiued. Therefore was God called lux ipsa, and the light, by Hermes named lux sancta, and Christ our Sauiour said to bee that Light,* 1.56 which lighteneth euery man that commeth into the world. Yet in respect of Gods incom∣prehensible* 1.57 sublimitie, and puritie, this is also true, that God is neither a minde, nor a Spirit of the nature of other Spirits; nor a light, such as can be discerned. Deus pro∣fectò non mens est, at verò vt sit mens causa est, nec spiritus, sed causa qua spiritus extat; nec lumen, sed causa qua lumen existit. God (saith HERMES in POEMANDRO) certainely is not a minde, but the cause that the minde hath his being; nor spirit, but the cause by which [unspec 10] euery spirit is; nor light, but the cause by which the light exisieth.

So then the Masse and Chaos being first created, void, darke, and imformed, was by the operatiue Spirit of God, pierced and quickened, and the Waters hauing now receiued Spirit & motion, resolued their thinner parts into Aire, which God illight∣ned:* 1.58 the Earth also by being contiguat, and mixt with waters (participating the same diuine vertue) brought foorth the budde of the herbe that seedeth seede, &c. and for a meane and organ, by which this operatiue vertue might bee continued, God ap∣pointed the light to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and gaue it also motion and heat, which heat caused a continuance of those seuerall species, which the Earth (being made fruitfull by the Spirit) produced, and with motion begate the time and times succeeding. [unspec 20]

§. VIII. Of the Firmament, and of the waters aboue the Firmament: and whether there bee any cristalline Heauen, or any Primum mobile.

AFter that the Spirit of God had moued vpon the waters, and light was created, God said, Let there bee a Firmament in the middest of the waters, [unspec 30] and let it separate the waters from the waters: that is, those waters which by rarifaction and euaporation were ascended, and those of the Earth and Sea.

But these waters separate aboue this extension, which the Latine Translation cal∣leth firmamentum, for expansum (for so 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Pagninus, and Iunius turne it) are not the cristalline Heauens, created in the imaginations of men; which opinion Basi∣lius Magnus calleth a childish supposition, making in the same place many learned ar∣guments against this fancie. For the waters aboue the Firmament, are the waters in the Aire aboue vs, where the same is more solid and condense, which God separated from the nether waters by a Firmament, that is, by an extended distance and vast [unspec 40] space: the wordes Raquia, which Montanus writeth Rakiagh, and Shamaijm, being in∣differently taken for the Heauen & for Aire, and more properly for the Aire & ather, then for the Heauens, as the best Haebricians vnderstand them, quo suprema actenuia* 1.59 ab infimis crassis diducta, interfecta{que} distarent, for that whereby the supreme and thinne bodies were placed in distance, being seuered and cut off from low and grosse matters: and the waters aboue the Firmament, exprest in the word Maijm, are in that tongue taken properly for the waters aboue the Aire, or in the vppermost Region of the same.

And that the word Heauen is vsed for the Aire, the Scriptures euery-where wit∣nesse, as in the blessings of Ioseph, and in the 104. Psalme. * 1.60 By these springs shall the* 1.61 fowle of the Heauen dwell; and a 1.62 vpon Sodome and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it rained brimstone and fire out [unspec 50] of the Heauen; and in Isaacs blessing to IACOB, God giue thee therefore of the dew of Heauen; and in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 11. But the land whither you goe to possesse it, is a land,* 1.63 that drinketh water of the raine of Heauen; and in IOB, Who hath ingendred the frosts of* 1.64 Heauen; and in S. MATTHEVV, Behold the Fowles of Heauen, for they sowe not.* 1.65

So as in all the Scriptures of the old Testament throughout, is the word Heauen ve∣ry often vsed for aire, and taken also hyperbolically for any great heighth, as, Let vs* 1.66 build vs a Tower, whose toppe may reach to Heauen, &c. And in this very place Basil a∣uoucheth, that this appellation of Heauen for the Firmament, is but by way of simi∣litude: his owne wordes be these; Et vocauit Deus firmamentum calum. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appellatio alij quidem propriè accommodatur, huic autem nunc ad similitudinem; And God called the firmament Heauen: This appellation (saith Basil) is properly applyed to another (that is, to the Starry Heauen) but to this, (that is, to the Firmament diuiding the wa∣ters) it is imposed by similitude: and if there were no other proofe, that by the Fir∣mament was meant the Aire, and not the Heauen, the wordes of MOSES [unspec 10] in the eighth Verse, conferred with the same word Firmament in the twentieth Verse, makes it manifest: for in the eighth Verse it is written, that God called the Firmament, which diuided waters from waters, Heauen; and in the 20. Verse hee calleth the Firmament of Heauen, Aire, in these words: And let the foule 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon the earth in the open firmament of Heauen: and what vse there should bee of this ycie, or cristalline, or waterie Heauen, I conceiue not, except it be to moderate and temper the heat, which the Primum mobile would otherwise gather and increase: though in very truth, in stead of this helpe, it would adde an vnmeasurable greatnesse of circle, whereby the swiftnesse of that first Moueable would exceede all possibilitie of be∣leefe. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tenetur adimpossibilia; but no man ought to be held to impossibilities; and [unspec 20] faith it selfe (which surmounteth the heighth of all humane reason) hath for a forci∣ble Conducter, the Word of Truth, which also may be called lumen omnis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & intellectus; the light of all reason and vnderstanding. Now that this supposed first Moue∣able, turneth it selfe so many hundred thousand miles in an instant (seeing the Scrip∣tures teach it not) let those that can beleeue mens imaginations, apprehend it, for I can not: but of these many Heauens, let the Reader that desireth satisfaction, search Orontius, and of this waterie Heauen, Basilius Magnus in his Hexam. fol. 40. 41. &c. and Matth. Beroaldus, his second Booke, and sixt Chapter. For my selfe, I am perswa∣ded, that the waters, called, The waters aboue the Heauens, are but the cloudes and waters ingendred in the vppermost Aire. [unspec 30]

§. IX. A conclusion repeating the summe of the workes in the Creation, which are reduced to three heads: The creation of matter, The forming of it, The finishing of it.

TO conclude, it may bee gathered out of the first Chapter of Genesis, that this was the order of the most wise GOD in the beginning, and [unspec 40] when there was no other nature, or being, but Gods incomprehensible eternitie. First, hee created the matter of all things: and in the first three daies he distinguished & gaue to euery nature his proper forme; the forme of lenitie to that which ascended, to that which descended, the forme of grauitie: for he separated light from darkenesse, diuided waters from waters, and ga∣thered the waters vnder the Firmament into one place. In the last three dayes, God adorned, beautified, and replenished the world: he set in the Firmament of Heauen, the Sunne, Moone, and Starres; filled the Earth with Beasts, the Aire with Fowle, and the Sea with Fish, giuing to all that haue life, a power 〈◊〉〈◊〉, thereby to continue their Species and kindes; to Creatures vegetatiue and growing, their seeds [unspec 50] in themselues; for hee created all things, that they might haue their being: and the gene∣rations* 1.67 of the world are preserued.

§. X. That Nature is no Principium per se; nor forme the giuer of being: and of our ignorance, how second causes should haue any proportion with their effects.

AND for this working power, which wee call Nature, the beginning of motion and rest, according to Aristotle, the same is nothing else, but the strength and facultie, which God hath infused into euery creature, ha∣uing no other selfe-abilitie, then a Clocke, after it is wound vp by a [unspec 10] mans hand, hath. These therefore that attribute vnto this 〈◊〉〈◊〉, any first or sole power, haue therein no other vnderstanding, then such a one hath, who looking into the Sterne of a Ship, and finding it guided by the Helme and Rudder, doth ascribe some absolute vertue to the piece of wood, without all consideration of the hand, that guides it, or of the iudgement, which also directeth and commandeth that hand; forgetting in this and in all else, that by the vertue of the first act, all A∣gents worke whatsoeuer they worke: Virtute primi actus agunt agentia omnia quicquid agunt: for as the minde of man seeth by the Organ of the eye, heareth by the eares, and maketh choice by the will: and therefore we attribute sight to the eye, and hea∣ring to the eares, &c. and yet it is the minde only, that giueth abilitie, life, and mo∣tion [unspec 20] to all these his instruments and Organs; so God worketh by Angels, by the Sunne, by the Starres, by Nature, or infused properties, and by men, as by seuerall organs, seueral effects; all second causes whatsoeuer being but instruments, conduits, and pipes, which carrie and disperse what they haue receiued from the head and fountaine of the Vniuersall. For as it is Gods infinite power, and euery-where-pre∣sence (compassing, embracing, and piercing all things) that giueth to the Sunne power to draw vp vapours, to vapours to bee made cloudes, cloudes to containe raine, and raine to fall: so all second and instrumentall causes, together with Nature it selfe, without that operatiue facultie which God gaue them, would become alto∣gether silent, vertuelesse, and dead: of which excellently ORPHEVS; Per te vires∣cunt [unspec 30] * 1.68 omnia, All things by thee spring forth in youthfull greene. I enforce not these things, thereby to annihilate those variable vertues, which God hath giuen to his creatures, animate and inanimate, to heauenly and earthly bodies, &c. for all his workes in their vertues prayse him: but of the manner how God worketh in them, or they in or with each other, which the Heathen Philosophers, and those that follow them, haue taken on them to teach: I say, there is not any one among them, nor any one among vs, that could euer yet conceiue it, or expresse it, euer enrich his own vn∣derstanding with any certaine truth, or euer edifie others (not foolish by selfe-flatte∣rie) therein. For (sayth Lactantius, speaking of the wisedome of the Philosophers) si facultas inueniendae veritatis huic studio subiaceret, aliquandò esset innenta; cùm verò [unspec 40] tot temporibus, tot ingenijs in eius inquisitione contritis, non sit comprehensa, apparet nul∣lam ibiesse sapientiam; If in this studie (sayth hee) were meanes to find out the truth, it had ere this beene found out: but seeing it is not yet comprehended, after that so much time,* 1.69 and so many wits haue beene worne out in the inquiry of it, it appeareth, that there is no wise∣dome there to be had. Nam si de vnare praecisa scientia haberetur, omnium rerum scientia necessariò haberetur: If the precise knowledge of any one thing were to bee had, it should ne∣cessarily follow, that the knowledge of all things were to bee had. And as the Philosophers were ignorant in Nature, and the wayes of her working: so were they more curious, then knowing, in their first matter and Physicall forme. For if their first matter had any being, it were not then the first matter: for, as it is the first matter, it hath on∣ly [unspec 50] a power of being, which it altogether leaueth, when it doth subsist. And seeing it is neyther a substance pefect, nor a substance inchoate, or in the way of perfection, how any other substance should thence take concrescence, it hath not beene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neyther are these formes (sayth a learned Authour) anything, si ex ea exprimantur

potentia, quae nihil est. Againe, how this first matter should bee subiectum formarum, and passiue, which is vnderstood to precede the forme, it is hard to conceiue: for to make forme which is the cause, to bee subsequent to the thing caused (to wit, to the first matter) is contrary to all reason, diuine and humane: only it may be said, that o∣riginally there is no other difference betweene matter & forme, then betweene heat and fire, of which the one cannot subsist without the other, but in a kind of rationall consideration. Leauing therefore these Riddles to their Louers, who by certaine scholasticall distinctions wrest and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the truth of all things, and by which Ari∣stotle hath laboured to prooue a false eternitie of the World, I thinke it farre safer to affirme with Saint AVGVSTINE, That all species and kinds are from God, from whom, [unspec 10] whatsoeuer is naturall proceedeth, of what kind or estimation soeuer, from whence are the seeds of all formes, and the formes of all seeds and their motions; A quo est omnis species, à quo est quicquid naturaliter est, cuiuscun{que} generis est, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aestimationis est, à quo sunt semina formarum, formae seminum, motus seminum atg formarum. And thus much Auerrois is forced to confesse. For all formes (sayth he) are in primo motore; which is also the opinion of Aristotle in the twelfth of his Metaph. and of Albertus vpon* 1.70 Dionysius.

§. XI. Of Fate; and that the Starres haue great influence: and that their operations may diuersly be preuented or furthered. [unspec 20]

AND, as of Nature, such is the dispute and contention concerning Fate or Destinie, of which the opinions of those learned men that haue writ∣ten thereof, may be safely receiued, had they not thereunto annexed and fastened an ineuitable necessitie, and made it more generall, and vniuer∣sally powerfull then it is, by giuing it Dominion ouer the mind of man, and ouer his will; of which Ouid and Iuuenal. [unspec 30]

Ratio fatum vincere nulla valet.* 1.71 Seruis regna dabunt, captiuis Fata triumphos.

'Gainst Fate no counsell can preuaile. Kingdomes to Slaues, by Destinie, To Captiues triumphs giuen be.

An errour of the Chaldaeans, and after them of the Stoicks, the Pharisees, Priscil∣lianists,* 1.72 the Bardisanists, and others, as Basil, Augustine, and Thomas haue obserued: [unspec 40] but, that Fate is an obedience of second causes to the first, was well conceiued of Hermes, and Apuleius the Platonist. Plotinus out of the Astronomers calleth it a dis∣position* 1.73 from the acts of celestial Orbes, vnchangeably working in inferiour bodies,* 1.74 the same being also true enough, in respect of all those things, which a rationall mind* 1.75 doth not order nor direct. Ptolomie, Seneca, Democritus, Epicurus, Chrysippus, Empedo∣cles, and the Stoicks, some of them more largely, others more strictly, ascribe to Fate a binding and ineuitable necessitie; and that it is the same which is spoken and deter∣mined by God (quod de vnoquog nostrûm fatus est Deus) and the definite lot of all li∣uing. And certainly it cannot be doubted, but the Starres are instruments of farre greater vse, then to giue an obscure light, and for men to gaze on after Sun-set: it be∣ing [unspec 50] manifest, that the diuersitie of seasons, the Winters, and Summers, more hot and cold, are not so vncertained by the Sunne and Moone alone, who alway keepe one and the same course, but that the Starres haue also their working therein.

And if we cannot denie, but that God hath giuen vertues to Springs, and Foun∣taines,

to cold earth, to plants and stones, Minerals, and to the excrementall parts of the basest liuing creatures, why should wee rob the beautifull Starres of their wor∣king powers? for seeing they are many in number and of eminent beauty and magni∣tude, we may not thinke, that in the treasury of his wisedome who is infinite, there can bee wanting (euen for euery Starre) a peculiar vertue and operation; as euery herbe, plant, fruit, and flower, adorning the face of the Earth hath the like. For as these were not created to beautifie the earth alone, and to couer and shadow her du∣stie face, but otherwise for the vse of man and beast, to feed them and cure them: so were not those vncountable glorious bodies set in the Firmament, to no other end, then to adorne it, but for instruments and organs of his diuine prouidence, so far as [unspec 10] it hath pleased his iust will to determine. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon this place of Genesis, Let there* 1.76 belight in the Firmament, &c. affirmeth that the Starres are not causes (meaning per∣chance binding causes) but are as open Bookes, wherein are contained and set downe all things whatsoeuer to come; but not to be read by the eyes of humane wisedome: which latter part I beleeue well, and this saying of Syracides withall: That there are* 1.77 hidyet greater things then these bee, and wee haue seene but a few of his workes. And though, for the capacitie of men, we know somewhat, yet in the true and vttermost vertues of herbes and plants, which our selues sow and set, and which grow vnder our feet, we are in effect ignorant; much more in the powers and working of cele∣stiall bodies: for hardly (sayth SALOMON) can we discerne the things that are vpon the [unspec 20] * 1.78 earth, and with great labour find we out those things that are before vs: who can then inue∣stigate the things that are in Heauen? Multum est de rebus coelestibus aliquid cognoscere:* 1.79 It is much to know a little of heauenly things. But in this question of Fate, the middle course is to be followed, that as with the Heathen we doe not bind God to his crea∣tures, in this supposed necessitie of destinie, so on the contrary we doe not rob those beautifull creatures of their powers and offices. For had any of these second causes despoyled God of his prerogatiue, or had God himselfe constrained the minde and will of man to impious acts by any celestiall inforcements, then sure the impious ex∣cuse of some were iustifiable; of whom Saint AVGVSTINE: Impiâ peruersitate in ma∣lis* 1.80 fact is rectissimè reprehenden dis ingerunt accusandum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 auctorum syderum, quam [unspec 30] commissorem scelerum. Where wee reprehend them of euill deeds, they againe with wicked peruersenesse vrge, that rather the Authour and Creatour of the Starres, then the doer of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is to be accused.

But that the Stars and other celestiall bodies incline the will by mediation of the sensitiue appetite, which is also stirred by the constitution and complexion, it cannot be doubted. Corpora coelestia (sayth DAMASCENE) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in nobis habitus, com∣plexiones,* 1.81 & dispositiones, The heauenly bodies (sayth he) make in vs habits, complexions, and dispositions: for the bodie (though Galen inforce it further) hath vndoubtedly a* 1.82 kind of drawing after it the affections of the minde, especially bodies strong in hu∣mour, and mindes weake in vertues: for those of cholericke complexion are subiect [unspec 40] to anger, and the furious effects thereof; by which they suffer themselues to be trans∣ported, where the minde hath not reason to remember, that passions ought to be her Vassals, not her Masters. And that they wholly direct the reasonlesse minde I am resolued: For all those which were created mortall, as birds beasts, and the like, are left to their naturall appetites, ouer all which, celestiall bodies (as instruments and Executioners of Gods prouidence) haue absolute dominion. What we should iudge of men, who little differ from beasts, I cannot tell: for as he that contendeth against those inforcements, may easily master or resist them: so whosoeuer shall neglect the remedies by vertue and pietie prepared, putteth himselfe altogether vnder the power of his sensuall appetite; Vincitur fatum si resistas, vincit si contempseris: Fate will be o∣uercome, [unspec 50] * 1.83 if thou resist it, if thou neglect, it conquereth.

But that either the Starres or the Sunne haue any power ouer the minds of men immediately, it is absurd to thinke, other then as aforesaid, as the same by the bodies temper may be effected. Lumen solis ad generationem sensibilum corporum confert, & * 1.84

ad vitam ipsam mouet, & nutrit, & auget, & perficit: The light of the Sunne (sayth Saint AVGVSTINE) helpeth the generation of sensible bodies, moueth them to life, and nourisheth, augmenteth, and perfecteth them: yet still as a Minister, not as a Master: Bonus quidem* 1.85 est Sol, in ministerio, non imperio; The Sunne is good to serue, not to sway (saith S. Ambrose.) And Salnt AVGVSTINE: Deus regit inferiora corpora per superiora; God ruleth the bo∣dies below by those aboue, but he auoucheth not, that superiour bodies haue rule ouer mens minds, which are incorporeall.

But howsoeuer wee are by the Starres inclined at our birth, yet there are many things both in Nature and Art, that encounter the same, and weaken their operation: and Aristotle himselfe confesseth, that the Heauens doe not alwayes worke their ef∣fects [unspec 10] in inferiour bodies, no more then the signes of raine and wind doe alwaies come to passe. And it is diuers times seene, that paternall vertue and vice hath his coun∣ter-working to these inclinations. Est in Iuuencis patrum virtus; In the young off-spring* 1.86 the Fathers vertue is, and so the contrary, patrum vitia: and herein also there is often found an enterchange; the Sonnes of vertuous men, by an ill constellation become inclinable to vice, and of vicious men, to vertue.

Egregia est soboles, scelerato nata parente.

A worthy sonne is borne of a wicked father.

[unspec 20]

But there is nothing (after Gods reserued power) that so much setteth this art of influence out of square and rule, as education doth: for there are none in the world so wickedly inclined, but that a religious instruction and bringing vp may fashion a∣new, and reforme them; nor any so well disposed, whom (the reines being let loose) the continuall fellowship and familiaritie, and the examples of dissolute men may not corrupt and deforme. Vessels will euer retaine a sauour of their first liquor: it being equally difficult eyther to clense the mind once corrupted, or to extinguish the sweet sauour of vertue first receiued, when the mind was yet tender, open, and ea∣sily seasoned; but where a fauourable constellation (allowing that the Stars incline [unspec 30] the will) and a vertuous education doe happily arriue, or the contrary in both, ther∣by it is that men are found so exceeding vertuous or vicious, Heauen and Earth (as it were) running together, and agreeing in one: for as the seedes of vertue may by the art and husbandry of Christian counsaile produce better and more beautifull fruit, then the strength of selfe-nature and kind could haue yeelded them; so the plants apt to grow wild, and to change themselues into weedes, by being set in a soyle suta∣ble, and like themselues, are made more vnsauoury and filled with poyson. It was therefore truly affirmed, Sapiens adiuuabit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 astrorum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agricola terrae naturam; A wise man assisteth the worke of the Starres, as the Husbandman helpeth the nature of the soile. And Ptolomie himselfe confesseth thus much, Sapiens, & omina sa∣pientis [unspec 40] medici dominabuntur astris, A wiseman, and the ominous art of a wise Physician shall preuaile against the Starres. Lastly, wee ought all to know, that GOD created the Starres, as he did the rest of the Vniuersall, whose influences may be called his reser∣ued and vnwritten Lawes. But let vs consider how they bind: euen as the Lawes of men doe; for although the Kings and Princes of the world haue by their Lawes de∣creed, that a Thiefe and a murderer shall suffer death; and though their Ordinances are daily by Iudges and Magistrates (the Starres of Kings) executed accordingly, yet these Lawes doe not depriue Kings of their naturall or religious compassion, or bind them without prerogatiue, to such a seuere execution, as that there should bee nothing left of libertie to iudgement, power, or conscience: the Law in his owne na∣ture [unspec 50] being no other then a deafe Tyrant. But seeing that it is otherwise, and that Princes (who ought to imitate God in all they can) doe sometimes for causes to themselues knowne, and by mediation, pardon offences both against others and themselues, it were then impious to take that power and libertie from God himselfe,

which his Substitutes enioy; God being mercy, goodnesse, and charitie it selfe. O∣therwise that example of Prayer by our Sauiour taught; And let vs not bee led vnto* 1.87 temptation, but deliuer vs from euill, had beene no other but an expence of words and time; but that God (which only knoweth the operation of his owne creatures true∣ly) hath assured vs, that there is no inclination or temptation so forcible, which our humble Prayers and desires may not make frustrate, and breake asunder: for were it (as the Stoicks conceiue) that Fate or Destinie, though depending vpon eternall power, yet being once ordered and disposed, had such a connexion and immutable dependencie, that God himselfe should in a kind haue shut vp himselfe therein: How miserable then were the condition of men (sayth Saint AVGVSTINE) left altogether with∣out [unspec 10] hope!

And if this strength of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were so transfer'd, as that God had quitted vn∣to them all dominion ouer his creatures; be he Pagan or Christian that so beleeueth, the only true God of the one, and the imaginary gods of the other would thereby be despoyled of all worship, reuerence, or respect.

And ceatainely, GOD which hath promised vs the reward of wel-doing, which Christ himselfe claimed at the hands of the Father, (I haue finished the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which* 1.88 thou gauest mee to doe.) And the same God, who hath threatned vnto vs the sorrow and torment of offences, could not contrary to his mercifull nature be so vniust, as to bind vs ineuitably to the Destinies, or influences of the Starres, or subiect our [unspec 20] soules to any imposed necessitie. But it was well sayd of Plotinus, that the Stars were significant, but not efficient, giuing them yet something 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then their due: and therefore as I doe not consent with those, who would make those glorious creatures of God vertuelesse: so I think that we derogate from his eternal and absolute power and prouidence, to ascribe to them the same dominion ouer our immortall soules, which they haue ouer all bodily substances, and perishable natures: for the soules of men, louing and fearing God, receiue influence from that diuine light it selfe, where∣of the Sunnes claritie, and that of the Stars is by Plato called but a shadow. Lumen est* 1.89 vmbra Dei, & Deus est lumen luminis; Light is the shadow of Gods brightnesse, who is the* 1.90 light of light: But to end this question, because this Destinie, together with Proui∣dence, [unspec 30] Prescience, and Predestination are often confounded, I thinke it not imperti∣nent to touch the difference in a word or two, for euery man hath not obserued it, though all learned men haue.

§. XII. Of Prescience.

PRescience, or fore-knowledge (which the Greekes call Prognosis, the Latines 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or praescientia) considered in order and nature (if [unspec 40] we may speake of God after the manner of men) goeth before Proui∣dence: for God fore-knew all things, before hee had created them, or before they had being to be cared for; and Prescience is no other then an infallible fore-knowledge. For whatsoeuer our selues fore-know, except the same be to succeede accordingly, it cannot be true that we fore-know it. But this Presci∣ence of God (as it is Prescience onely) is not the cause of any thing futurely succee∣ding: neither doth Gods fore-knowledge impose any necessity, or binde. For in that we fore-know that the Sunne will rise, and set; that all men borne in the world shall die againe; that after Winter, the Spring shall come; after the Spring Summer and Haruest, and that according to the seuerall seedes that we sow, we shall reape seuerall [unspec 50] sorts of graine, yet is not our fore-knowledge the cause of this, or any of these: nei∣ther doth the knowledge in vs binde or constraine the Sunne to rise and set, or men to die; for the causes (as men perswade themselues) are otherwise manifest and knowne to all. The eye of man (saith BOEYIVS) beholdeth those things subiect to

sense, as they are; the eye seeth that such a beast is a borese, it seeth men, trees, and houses, &c. but our seeing of them (as they are) is not the cause of their so being, for such they bee in their owne natures. And againe out of the same Authour; Diuina prouidentia rebus gene∣rand* 1.91 is non imponit 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quià si omnia euenirent ex necessitate, praemia bonorum, & poena malorum periret; Diuine prouidence (sayth he) imposeth no necessitie vpon things that are to exist, for if all came to passe of necessitie, there should neyther be reward of good, nor pu∣nishment of euill.

§. XIII. [unspec 10] Of Prouidence:

NOw Prouidence (which the Greekes call Pronoia) is an intellectuall knowledge, both fore-seeing, caring for, and ordering all things, and doth not onely behold all past, all present, and all to come, but is the cause of their so being, which Prescience (simply taken) is not: and therefore Prouidence by the Philosophers (saith Saint Augustine) is de∣uided into Memory, Knowledge, and Care: Memory of the past, Knowledge of the present, and Care of the future; and we our selues account such a man for prouident, [unspec 20] as, remembring things past, and obseruing things present, can by iudgement, and comparing the one with the other, prouide for the future, and times succeeding. That such a thing there is as Prouidence, the Scriptures euery-where teach vs, Moses in many places, the Prophets in their Predictions: Christ himselfe and his Apostles assure vs hereof; and, besides the Scriptures, Hermes, Orpheus, Euripides, Pythagoras, Plato, Plotinus, and (in effect) all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men acknowledge the Prouidence of God: yea, the Turkes themselues are so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 therein, as they refuse not to accompany and visit each other, in the most 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, nor shun any perill whatsoeuer, though death therein doe manifestly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it selfe.

The places of Scripture proouing 〈◊〉〈◊〉, are so many, both in generall and [unspec 30] particular, as I shall need to repeat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a few of them in this place. Sing vnto God (sayth DAVID) which couereth the Heauens with cloudes, and prepareth raine for the earth,* 1.92 and maketh the grasse to grow vpon the Mountaines, which giueth to beasts their food, and* 1.93 feedeth the young Rauen that cryes: all these wait vpon thee, that thou maiest giue them* 1.94 food in due season. And thou shalt drinke of the Riuer Cheareth (sayth God to ELIAH)* 1.95 and I haue commanded the Rauens to feed thee there. Behold, the Fowles of the Ayre, they* 1.96 sow not, nor reape, and yet your heauenly Father feedeth them: againe, are not two Sparrowes* 1.97 sold for a farthing? and one of them shall not fall on the ground without your Father: yea* 1.98 all the haires of your head are 〈◊〉〈◊〉: And Saint PETER, Cast all your care on him, for* 1.99 he careth for you; And his iudgements are written (sayth DAVID.)* 1.100

God therefore, who is euery-where present, who filleth the Heauens and the Earth,* 1.101 [unspec 40] whose eyes are vpon the righteous, and his countenance against them that doe euill, was therefore by Orpheus called, oculus infinitus, an infinite eye, beholding all things, and cannot therefore be esteemed as an idle looker on, as if he had transferred his power to any other: for it is contrary to his owne Word: Gloriam meam alterinondabo: I* 1.102 will not giue my glory to another. No man commandeth in the Kings presence, but by the Kings direction; but God is euery-where present, and King of Kings. The example of Gods vniuersall Prouidence is seene in his creatures. The Father proui∣deth for his children: beasts and birds and all liuings for their young ones. If Proui∣dence be found in second Fathers, much more in the first and Vniuersall: and if there [unspec 50] be a naturall louing care in men, and beasts, much more in God, who hath formed this nature, and whose Diuine loue was the beginning, and is the bond of the Vni∣uersall: Amor diuinus rerum omnium est principium, & vinculum vniuer si (saith PLATO.) Amor Dei est nodus perpetuus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, partium{que} cius immobile sustentaculum, ac

vniuersae machinae fundamentum; The loue of God is the perpetuall knot, and linke or chayne of the world, and the immoueable piller of euery part thereof, and the Basis and foun∣dation of the vniuersall. God therefore who could only be the cause of all, can onely* 1.103 prouide for all, and sustayne all; so as to absolute power; to euery-where presence; to perfect goodnesse; to pure and diuine loue; this attribute and transcendent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Prouidence is only proper and belonging.

§. XIIII. [unspec 10] Of Predestination.

NOw for Predestination; we can difference it no otherwise, from Pro∣uidence and Prescience, then in this, that Prescience only fore-seeth: Prouidence fore-seeth and careth for, and hath respect to al creatures, euen from the brightest Angels of heauen, to the vnworthiest wormes* 1.104 of the earth, and Predestination (as it is vsed specially by Diuines) is only of men, and yet not of all to men belonging, but of their saluation properly, in the common vse of Diuines, or perdition, as some haue vsed it. Yet Peter Lombard,* 1.105 Thomas, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theologus, and others, take the word Predestination more strictly, [unspec 20] and for a preparation to felicitie: diuers of the Fathers take it more largely some∣times: among whom S. Augustine speaking of two Cities, and two Societies, vseth these wordes, Quarum est vna, quae praedestinata est in aeternum regnare cum Deo, altera ae∣ternum* 1.106 supplicium subire cum Diabolo; Whereof one is it, which is predestinated to raigne for euer with God, but the other is to vndergoe euer lasting torment with the Deuill: for ac∣cording to NONIVS MARCELLVS, destinare est praeparare; and of the same opinion* 1.107 are many Protestant writers, as Caluin, Beza, Buchanus, Danaeus, and such like: and as for the manifold questions hereof arising, I leaue them to the Diuines; and why it hath pleased God to create some vessels of honor, and some of dishonor, I will answere with Gregorie, who saith, Qui in fact is Dei rationem non videt, infirmitatem* 1.108 [unspec 30] suam considerans, cur non videat, rationem videt; He that seeth no reason in the actions of* 1.109 God, by consideration of his owne infirmitie perceiueth the reason of his blindnesse. And a∣gaine* 1.110 with S. AVGVSTINE, Occulta esse causa potest, iniusta esse non potest; Hidden the cause of his Predestination may be, vniust it cannot be.

§. XV. Of Fortune: and of the reason of some things that seeme to be by fortune, and against Reason and [unspec 40] Prouidence.

LAstly, seeing Destinie or Necessitie is subsequent to Gods prouidence, and seeing that the Starres haue no other dominion, then is before spo∣ken, and that Nature is nothing, but as Plato calleth it, Dei artem, vel ar∣tificiosum Dei Organum; The art, or artificiall Organ of God: and CVSANVS, Diuini praecepti instrumentum; The instrument of the diuine precept: we may then with better reason reiect that kinde of Idolatrie, or God of fooles, called Fortune or Chance: a Goddesse, the most reuerenced, and the most reuiled of all o∣ther, but not ancient; for Homer maketh her the Daughter of Oceanus, as Pausanias [unspec 50] witnesseth in his Messeniacks. The Greekes call her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying a relatiue being, or betiding, so as before Homers time this great Lady was scarce heard of; and He∣siodus, who hath taught the birth and beginning of all these counterfait gods, hath not a word of Fortune: yet afterward shee grew so great and omnipotent, as from* 1.111

Kings and Kingdomes, to Beggers and Cottages, she ordered all things, resisting the wisdome of the wisest, by making the Possessor thereof miserable: valuing the folly of the most foolish by making their successe prosperous, insomuch as the actions of men were said to be but the sports of Fortune, and the variable accidents happening in mens liues, but her pastimes: of which PALLADIVS, Vita hominum ludus fortunae* 1.112 [unspec 10] est; The life of man is the play of Fortune: and because it often falleth out, that enter∣prises guided by ill counsels haue equall successe to those by the best iudgement con∣ducted, therefore had Fortune the same externall figure with Sapience: whereof Athenaeus:

Longissimè à Sapientia Fors dissidet, Sed multa perficit tamen simillima.

From Wisedome Fortune differs farre, And yet in workes most like they are.

But I will forbeare to be curious in that, which (as it is commonly vnderstood) is nothing else but a power imaginarie, to which the successe of humane actions and endeuours were for their varietie ascribed; for when a manifest cause could not be [unspec 20] giuen, then was it attributed to Fortune, as if there were no cause of those things, of which most men are ignorant, contrary to this true ground of PLATO: Nihilest or∣tum sub Sole, cuius causa legitima non praecesserit; Nothing euer came to passe vnder the Sunne, of which there was not a iust preceding cause. But Aquinas hath herein answe∣red in one distinction, whatsoeuer may be obiected; for many things there are (saith he) which happen, besides the intention of the Inferior, but not besides the intention of the Superior; Praeter intentionem inferioris, sed non praeter intentionem superioris, (to* 1.113 wit) the ordinance of God; and therefore (saith MELANCHTON) Quod Poetae for∣tunam, nos Deum appellamus; Whom the Poets call Fortune, we know to be God, and that this is true, the Scripture in many places teacheth vs, as in the law of Murder. He* 1.114 [unspec 30] * 1.115 that smiteth a man, and he die, shall die the death, and if a man hath not laid waite, but God hath offered him into his hands, then I will appoint thee a place whither he shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Now, where the Scripture hath these wordes, God hath offered him into his hands, we say, if* 1.116 he hurt him by Chance: and in Deuteronomie the nineteenth, where the slipping of an Axe from the helue, whereby another is slaine, was the worke of God himselfe, we in our phrase attribute this accident to Chance or Fortune: and in the Prouerbs the sixteenth, The lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposition thereof is of the Lord: so* 1.117 as that which seemeth most casuall and subiect to Fortune, is yet disposed by the or∣dinance of God, as all things else; and hereof the wiser sort, and the best learned of the Philosophers were not ignorant, as Cicero witnesseth for them, gathering the opi∣nion [unspec 40] of Aristotle and his Sectators, with those of Plato, and the Academikes to this effect, That the same power which they called aximam mundi; The soule of the world, was no other then that incomprehensible wisdome, which we expresse by the name of God, gouerning euery being aswell in heauen as in earth; to which wisedome and power they sometime gaue the title of Necessitie or Fate, because it bindeth by inc∣uitable* 1.118 ordinance: sometime, the stile of Fortune, because of many effects there ap∣peare vnto vs no certaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉. To this effect speaketh S. Augustine in his questions vpon Genesis the first Booke: the same hath Seneca in his fourth of Benefits; which was also the doctrine of the Stoicks, of which Sect he was: For whatsoeuer (saith he)* 1.119 thou callest God, be it Nature, Fate, or Fortune, all are but one and the same, differenced [unspec 50] by diuers termes, according as he vseth, and exerciseth his power diuersly.

But it may be obiected, that if Fortune and Chance were not sometimes the causes of good and euill in men, but an idle voice, whereby we expresse successe, how comes it then, that so many worthy and wise men depend vpon so many vnworthy

and emptie-headed fooles; that riches and honor are giuen to externall men, and without kernell: and so many learned, vertuous, and valiant men weare out their liues in poore and deiected estates. In a word there is no other inferior, or apparent cause, beside the partialitie of mans affection, but the fashioning and not fashioning of our selues according to the nature of the time wherein we liue, for whosoeuer is most able, and best sufficient to discerne, and hath withall an honest and open heart and louing truth, if Princes, or those that gouerne, endure no other discourse then their owne flatteries, then I say such an one, whose vertue and courage forbiddeth him to be base and a dissembler, shall euermore hang vnder the wheele, which kind of deseruing well and receiuing ill, we alwayes falsly charge Fortune withall. For [unspec 10] whosoeuer shall tell any great Man or Magistrate, that he is not iust, the Generall of an Armie, that he is not valiant, and great Ladies that they are not faire, shall neuer be made a Counseller, a Captayne, or a Courtier. Neither is it sufficient to be wise with a wise Prince, valiant with a valiant, and iust with him that is iust, for such a one hath no estate in his prosperitie; but he must also change with the successor, if he be of contrary qualities, saile with the tyde of the time, and alter forme and condi∣tion, as the Estate or the Estates Master changeth: Otherwise how were it possible, that the most base men, and separate from all imitable qualities, could so often at∣tayne to honor and riches, but by such an obseruant slauish course? These men ha∣uing nothing else to value themselues by, but a counterfait kinde of wondring at o∣ther [unspec 20] men, and by making them beleeue that all their vices are vertues, and all their dustie actions cristalline, haue yet in all ages prospered equally with the most ver∣tuous, if not exceeded them. For according to MENANDER, Omnis insipiens ar∣rogantia & plausibus capitur; Euery foole is wonne with his owne pride, and others flattering applause: so as whosoeuer will liue altogether out of himselfe, and studie other mens humours, and obserue them, shall neuer be vnfortunate; and on the contrary, that man which prizeth truth and vertue (except the season wherein he liueth be of all these, and of all sorts of goodnesse fruitfull) shall neuer prosper by the possession or profession thereof. It is also a token of a worldly wise man, not to warre or contend in vaine against the nature of times wherein he liueth: for such a one is often the au∣thour [unspec 30] of his owne miserie, but best it were to follow the aduice, which the Pope gaue the Bishops of that age, out of Ouid, while the Arian Heresie raged:

Dùm furor in cursu est, currenti 〈◊〉〈◊〉 furori.* 1.120

While furie gallops on the way, Let no man furies gallop stay.

And if Cicero (then whom that world begat not a man of more reputed iudge∣ment) had followed the counsaile of his brother QVINTVS, Potuisset (saith PE∣TRARCH) [unspec 40] in lectulo suo mori, potuisset integro cadauere sepeliri; He might then haue dyed the death of nature, and beene with an vntorne and vndisseuered body buryed; for as Petrarch in the same place noteth: Quid stultius quàm desperantem (praesertim de effe∣ctu) litibus perpetuis implicari; What more foolish then for him that despaires, especially of the effect, to be entangled with endlesse contentions? Whosoeuer therefore will set before him MACHIAVELS two markes to shoote at (to wit) riches, and glorie, must set on and take off a back of yron to a weake woodden Bow, that it may fit both the strong and the feeble: for as he, that first deuised to adde sayles to rowing vessells, did either so proportion them, as being fastened aloft, and towards the head of his Mast, he might abide all windes and stormes, or else he sometime or other perished by his owne in∣uention: [unspec 50] so that man which prizeth vertue for it selfe, & cannot endure to hoise and strike his sailes, as the diuers natures of calmes & stormes require, must cut his sailes, and his cloth, of meane length and breadth, and content himselfe with a slow and sure nauigation, (to wit) a meane and free estate. But of this dispute of Fortune, and

the rest, or of whatsoeuer Lords or Gods, imaginarie powers, or causes, the wit (or rather foolishnesse) of man hath found out: let vs resolue with S. Paul, who hath taught vs, that there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we in him, and* 1.121 one Lord, Iesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by him; there are diuersities of o∣perations,* 1.122 but God is the same which worketh all in all.

CHAP. II. [unspec 10] Of mans estate in his first Creation, and of Gods rest.

§. I. Of the Image of God, according to which man was first created.

THE creation of all other creatures being finished, the [unspec 20] heauens adorned, and the earth replenished, GOD said, Let vs make man in our owne Image, according to* 1.123 our likenesse.

Man is the last and most admirable of Gods workes to vs knowne, ingens miraculum homo, Man is the grea∣test* 1.124 wonder (saith PLATO out of MERCVRIVS:) Na∣turae ardentissimae artificium, The artificiall worke of the most ardent or fire-like nature (as saith Zoroaster) though the same be meant, not for any excellencie externall, [unspec 30] but in respect of his internal forme, both in the nature, qualities, and other attributes thereof: in nature, because it hath an essence immor∣tall, and spirituall; in qualities, because the same was by God created holy and righ∣teous in truth; in other attributes, because Man was 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 of the world, and of the creatures therein.

Sanctius his 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 capacius altae* 1.125 Deerat adhuc: & quod 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in caetera posset, Natus homo est.

More holy then the rest, and vnderstanding more* 1.126 [unspec 40] A liuing creature wants, to rule all made before, So man began to be.

Of this Image and similitude of God, there is much dispute among the Fathers, Schoole-men, and late Writers: Some of the Fathers conceiue, that man was made after the Image of God, in respect chiefly of Empire & Dominion, as S. Chrysostome, Ambrose, and some others: which Saint Ambrose denyeth to the woman in these wordes, Vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Deus vnus, ab eo fier et homo vnus, & quomodò ex Deo vno omnia, ità ex vno homine omne genus esset super faciem totius terrae: Vnus igitur vnum fecit, qui [unspec 50] vnitatis eius haberei imaginem; That as God is one, one man might be made by him, and that in what manner all things are of one God, likewise of one man the whole kinde should be vpon the face of the whole earth: Therefore he being one made one, that should haue the Image of his vnitie. But whereas it is gathered out of the following wordes of the

same Verse, that man was after the image of God in respect of rule and power, it is written Dominamini in the plurall number, and let them rule ouer the fish in the Sea, &c. and therefore cannot the woman be excluded. Others conceiue, that man is said to be after the image of God in respect of his immortall soule only, because as God is inuisible, so the soule of man is inuisible, as God is immortall and incorporall, so is the soule of man immortall and incorporall; and as there is but one God which go∣uerneth the world, so but one soule which gouerneth the body of man; and as God is wholly in euery part of the world, so is the soule of man wholly in euery part of the body: Anima est tota in toto, & totain qualibet parte; The soule is wholly in the whole bo∣dy, and wholly in euery part thereof, according to Aristotle; though Chalcidius, and o∣ther [unspec 10] learned men denie that doctrine; which that it is otherwise then potentially true, all the Aristotelians in the world shall neuer proue. These and the like argu∣ments doe the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make (saith Tostatus) and these resemblances, betweene the infi∣nite God, and the finite Man.

The Schoole-men resemble the Minde or Soule of Man to God, in this respect especially; because that as in the Minde there are three distinct powers, or faculties, (to wit) Memorie, Vnderstanding, and Will, and yet all these, being of reall diffe∣rences, are but one minde: so in God there are three distinct persons, the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost, and yet but one God. They also make the Image and Si∣militude diuers; and againe, they distinguish betweene imaginem Dei, and ad ima∣ginem [unspec 20] Dei, and spinne into small threds, with subtile distinctions, many times the plainenesse, and sinceritie of the Scriptures: their wits being like that strong water, that eateth through and dissolueth the purest gold. Victorinus also maketh the image of God to be substantiall, but not the similitude: sed in substantia nomen qualitatis de∣claratiuum; A word-declaring qualitie in the substance. Out of which wordes, and that which followeth, it is infer'd, that as the image and similitude doe greatly differ: so the sinnefull soule doth not therefore leaue to be the image of God; but it hath not his similitude, except it be holy and righteous. S. Augustine also against Adimantus the Manichee affirmeth, that by sinne, the perfection of this image is lost in man, and in his Retractations maintayneth the same opinion, and also affirmeth that the Simi∣litude [unspec 30] is more largely taken, then the Image.

But howsoeuer the Schoole-men and others distinguish, or whatsoeuer the Fa∣thers conceiue, sure I am that S. Paul maketh the same sense of the image, which Victorinus doth of the similitude, who saith: As we haue borne the image of the eartbly,* 1.127 so shall we beare the image of the heauenly; and it cannot be gathered out of the Scrip∣tures, that the wordes image and similitude were vsed but in one sense, and in this place the better to expresse each other; whatsoeuer Lombard hath said to the contra∣ry. For God knowes, what a multitude of meanings the wit of man imagineth to himselfe in the Scriptures, which neither Moses, the Prophets, or Apostles, euer con∣ceiued. Now as S. Paul vseth the word (image) for both: so S. Iames vseth the word [unspec 40] (similitude) for both in these wordes: Therewith blesse we God euen the Father, and* 1.128 therewith curse we Men, which are made after the similitude of God: Howsoeuer there∣fore S. Augustine seemeth, out of a kinde of elegancy in writing, to make some diffe∣rence, as where he writeth, Confitemur imaginem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aeternitate, similitudinem in mori∣bus* 1.129 inueniri; We confesse that this image is found in eternitie, but his similitude in man∣ners, that is, in the spirituall dispositions and qualities of the minde, yet thus he else∣where speaketh plainely: Quasi verò possit esse imago aliqua in qua similitudo non sit: si* 1.130 exim omninò similis non est, procùldubio nèc imago est; As if (saith he) there could be any image, where the similitude is not: no, out of doubt, where there is no likenesse, there is no image. The very wordes of the Text make this most manifest, as, Let vs make man [unspec 50] in our image, according to our likenesse: which is, Let vs make man in our image, that he may be like vs; and in the next Verse following, God himselfe maketh it plaine, for there he vseth the word (image) only, as thus: God created the man in his image, in the image of God created he him. And to take away all dispute or ambiguitie, in the

first Verse of the fift Chapter, the word (similitude) is vsed againe by it selfe, as, In the day that God created ADAM, in the likenesse of God made he him. And this simi∣litude S. Paul Colos. the third, calleth the image. Put on (saith he) the new man, which* 1.131 is renewed in knowledge after the image of him, that created him. And in Siracides it is written, He made them according to his image. Now if we may beleeue S. Paul before Peter Lombard and other Schoole-men, then it is as manifest as wordes can make it, that the image and similitude is but the same, for S. Paul vseth both the words direct∣ly in one sense. For they turned the glorie of the incorruptible God, to the similitude of the* 1.132 image of a corruptible man.

Zanchius laboureth to proue, that man was formed after the image of God, both [unspec 10] in body and minde: Nulla pars in homine quae non fuerit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imaginis particeps, No* 1.133 part in a man (saith he) which was not participating Gods image: for God said, Let vs make man according to our owne image. But the soule alone is not man, but the Hypostasis or whole man compounded of body and soule. The body of man (saith he) is the I∣mage of the world, and called therefore Microcosmus; but the Idaea and exemplar of the world was first in God, so that man, according to his body must needs be the image of God. Against which opinion of this learned man, his owne obiection seemeth to me sufficient, where he alleageth, that it may be said, that Moses spake by the figure Synecdoche, as when a man is called a mortall man, yet is not the whole man mortall, but the body only: so when God said, Let vs make man after our image, he meant [unspec 20] the soule of man, and not the body of earth and dust: Maledictus qui deitatem ad ho∣minis lineamenta refert (saith S. AVGVSTINE,) Cursed is he that referreth the Deitie of God to the lineaments of mans body. Deus enim non est humanae formae particeps, neque* 1.134 corpus humanum diuinae (saith PHILO,) God is not partaker of humane forme, nor hu∣mane body of the forme diuine: The Hebrew word for image is Tselem, which signifieth a shaddow or obscure resemblance: In imagine pertransit home; Man passeth away in a shaddow: Let vs then know and consider, that God, who is eternall and infinite, hath not any bodily shape or composition, for it is both against his Nature & his Word; an error of the Anthropomorphitae, against the very essence and Maiestie of God.

Surely Cicero, who was but a Heathen, had yet a more diuine vnderstanding then [unspec 30] these grosse Heretikes: Ad similitudinem Dei propius accedebat humana virtus, quàm fi∣gura; The vertue which is in man (saith he) came neerer the similitude of God, then the figure. For God is a spirituall substance, inuisible, and most simple; God is a iust God: God is Mercifull: God is Charitie it selfe, and (in a word) Goodnesse it selfe, and none else simply good. And thus much it hath pleased God himselfe to teach vs, and to make vs know of himselfe. What then can be the shadow of such a substance, the image of such a nature, or wherin can man be said to resemble his vnexcogitable power and perfectnesse? certainely, not in dominion alone: for the Deuill is said to* 1.135 be the Prince of this world, and the Kingdome of Christ was not thereof, who was the true and perfect image of his Father; neither, because man hath an immortall [unspec 40] soule, and therein the faculties of Memorie, Vnderstanding, and Will, for the Deuils are also immortall, and participate those faculties, being called Daemones, because* 1.136 scientes of Knowledge and subtility; neither because we are reasonable creatures, by which we are distinguished from beasts: for who haue rebelled against God? who haue made Gods of the vilest beasts, of Serpents, of Cats, of Owles, yea, euen of shamefull parts, of lusts and pleasures, but reasonable men? Yet doe I not condemne the opinion of S. Chrysostome and Ambrose, as touching dominion, but that, in respect* 1.137 thereof, man was in some sort after the image of God, if we take Dominion, such as it ought to be, that is, accompanyed with Iustice and Pietie: for God did not onely make man a Ruler and Gouernor ouer the Fishes of the Sea, the Fowles of Heauen [unspec 50] (or of the aire) and ouer the Beasts of the Field; but God gaue vnto man a dominion ouer men, be appointed Kings to gouerne them, and Iudges, to iudge them in equi∣tie. Neither doe I exclude Reason, as it is the abilitie of Vnderstanding. For I doe not conceiue, that Irenaeus did therefore call man, the image of God, because he was

anim al rationale only; but that he vnderstood it better, with SYBILLA: Imago mea est 〈◊〉〈◊〉, rectam rationem habens: Man, that is endued with right reason, is said to resemble God, (that is) by right reason to know and confesse God his Creatour, and the same God to serue, loue, and obey: and therefore said Saint Augustine (who herein came neerer the Truth) Fecit Deus hominem ad imaginem & similitudinem suam in mente God made man, in respect of the intellect, after his owne Image and similitude; and REY∣NERIVS; Homo, quòd habet mentem, factus est ad imaginem Dei, Man was made after the* 1.138 Image of God, in minde, or in that he had a minde.

§. II. Of the intellectuall mind of man, in which there is much of the Image of God: and that this Image is much deformed by sinne. [unspec 10]

BVT Mens is not taken here for animaphysica, according to Aristotle, which is forma, vel natura hominis: The forme or nature of man; but this facultie or gift of God, called Mens, is taken for prima vis animi, the principall strength of the minde, or soule, cuius actus est perpetua veritatis contemplatio; whose act, exercise, or office, is the perpetuall contemplation of [unspec 20] truth; and therefore it is also called intellectus diuinus, intellectus contemplatiue, & * 1.139 anima contemplatiua, A diuine vnderstanding, and an intellect or minde contemplatiue. Est autem mens nostra (saith CVSANVS) vis comprehendendi, & totum virtuale ex-omnibus* 1.140 comprehendendi virtutibus compositum: Our intellectuall minde (saith hee) is a power of comprehending, euen the whole, that is in this kind powerfull, compounded of all the powers of comprehension: vnto which Mercurius attributeth so much (if his meaning accom∣pany his words) that he esteemeth it to be the very essence of God (which was also the errour of the Manichees and others) and no otherwise separate from God (sayth hee) then the light from the Sunne: for this Mens or vnderstanding (sayth MERCV∣RIVS) est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in hominibus: Is God in men, or rather (and which I take to be his mea∣ning) [unspec 30] * 1.141 is the image of God in man. For as the Sunne is not of the same essence or na∣ture with the diuine light, but a body illightned, and an illumination created; so is this Mens or vnderstanding in men, not of the essence of Gods infinite vnderstanding, but a power and facultie of our soules the purest; or the lumen animae rationalis, by the true and eternall light illightned. And this Mens others call animam animae, The soule of the soule, or with S. Augustine, the eye of the soule, or receptacle of Sapience and diuine knowledge, quae amorem sapientiae tanquàm ducem scquitur, Which followeth after the loue of sapience as her guide (saith Philo) betweene which and reason, betweene which and the minde, called anima, betweene which and that power which the La∣tines call animus, there is this difference. Reason is that facultie by which wee iudge [unspec 40] and discourse; Anima, by which we liue. Hereof it is said, Anima corpus animat, id est, viuificat; anima, or the soule is that which doth animate the body, that is, giueth it life: for death is the separation of body and soule; and the same strength (sayth Philo) which God the great Director hath in the World, the same hath this Anima, or mind, or soule in man. Animus, is that, by which wee will and make election; and to this Basil agreeth, which calleth this Mens, or diuine vnderstanding, perspicacem animae par∣tem, the perceiuing part of the minde, or the light by which the Soule discerneth: dor∣mientium mens, non anima, sopitur, & in furiosis mens extinguitur, anima manet, In men that sleep it is this (mens) or vnderstanding, and not the minde or soule, which resteth, during which time it is but habituall in wise men, and in mad men this (mens) is extinguished, [unspec 50] and not the Soule: for mad men doe liue, though distract.

Therefore this word being often vsed for the Soule giuing life, is attributed abu∣siuely to mad men, when wee say that they are of a distract minde, in stead of a bro∣ken vnderstanding, which word (mind) we vse also for opinion, as, I am of this mind,

or that minde: and sometimes for mens conditions or vertues, as, hee is of an honest minde, or, a man of a iust minde: sometimes for affection, as I doe this for my mindes sake; and Aristotle sometimes vseth this word (Mens) for the phantasie, which is the strength of the imagination: sometimes for the knowledge of principles, which we haue without discourse: oftentimes for Spirits, Angels and Intelligences: but as it is vsed in the proper signification, including both the vnderstanding agent & possible, it is described to be a pure, simple, substantiall act, not depending vpon matter, but hauing relation to that, which is intelligible, as to his first obiect: or more at large thus; a part or particle of the Soule, whereby it doth vnderstand, not depending vpon matter, nor needing any organ, free from passion comming from without, and [unspec 10] apt to bee disseuered, as, eternall from that which is mortall. Hereof excellently MERCVRIVS: Anima est imago mentis, mens imago Dei. Deus menti praeest, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 animae, anima corpori; The Soule (meaning that which giueth life) is the Image of this vnder∣standing, or Mens, and this (Mens) or vnderstanding is the Image of God. God is Presi∣dent or Ruler ouer this vnderstanding, this vnderstanding ouer the Soule, and this Soule o∣uer the bodie. This diuision and distinction out of the Platonikes and Peripatetikes, I* 1.142 leaue to the Reader to iudge of. That, Mens humana hath no need of any organ, Marsilius Ficinus in his ninth Booke of the Soules immortalitie laboureth to proue.* 1.143 Zanchius doth not differ from Ficinus in words, for (sayth hee) ad facultatem intelli∣gentem exercendam non eget Mens organo, tanquàm medio, per quod intelligat, quanquàm [unspec 20] eget obiecto in quod intueatur, & ex quo intellectionem concipiat: hoc autem obiectum sunt phantasmata, seùrerum à sensibus perceptarum simulachra ad phantasiam prolata, To exer∣cise the facultie of vnderstanding, the mind of man (sayth hee) needeth no instrument, as a meane, by which it may vnderstand: but it needeth an obiect, whereon to looke, and whence to conceiue the act of vnderstanding. This obiect are the phantasmes, or the resemblances of things receiued from the sense, and carried to the phantasie: But in effect his conclusion seemeth to carry a contrarie sense, when he maketh the Phantasie, in representing the obiect to the vnderstanding, to be a corporall Organum; neither can it be vnderstood to be an Organum of any thing; but of the vnderstanding. And he addeth that the re∣semblance of things in mans imagination, are to his vnderstanding and minde, as [unspec 30] colours are to the sight: whence it so followeth, that the imagination or phantasie it selfe is to the facultie of vnderstanding, as the eye is to the facultie of seeing, and as this is an Organum: so that. Of this question, How the Mind in all her actions maketh vse of the body, and hath communion with the body, I referre the Reader to a most* 1.144 graue and learned Discourse in the last Reply of Master Doctor Bilson, late Bishop of Winchester, vnto Henry Iacob. Howsoeuer the Truth be determined, wee mnst con∣clude, that it is neither in respect of reason alone, by which wee discourse, nor in re∣spect of the minde it selfe, by which we liue, nor in respect of our soules simply, by which we are immortall, that we are made after the Image of God. But most safely may wee resemble our selues to God, in mente, and in respect of that pure facultie [unspec 40] which is neuer separate from the contemplation and loue of God. Yet this is not all. For Saint Bernard maketh a true difference betweene the nature and faculties of the* 1.145 Minde or Soule, and betweene the infusion of qualities, endowments and gifts of grace, wherewith it is adorned and enriched, which, being added to the nature, es∣sence, and faculties, maketh it altogether to be after the Image of God, whose words are these: Non proptereà imago Dei est, quia sui meminit Mens, se{que} intelligit & diligit (which was also the opinion of Saint AVGVSTINE) sed quia potest meminisse, intellige∣reac diligere eum à quo facta est, (that is) The minde (or Mens) was not therefore the Image of God, because it remembreth, vnderstandeth, and loueth it selfe, but because it can re∣member, vnderstand, and loue God, who created it. And, that this Image may bee defor∣med [unspec 50] and made vnprofitable, heare BASIL: Homo ad imaginem & similitudinem Dei factus est, peccatum verò imaginis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pulchritudinem deformauit: & inutilem reddidit, dum animam corruptis concupiscentiae affectibus immersit: Man was made after the Image and similitude of GOD, but Sinne hath deformed the beautie of this Image, and made

it vnprofitable by drawing our minds into corrupt concupiscence.

It is not therefore (as aforesaid) by reason of Immortalitie, nor in Reason, nor in Dominion, nor in any one of these by it selfe, nor in all these ioyned, by any of which, or by all which wee resemble, or may be called the shadow of God, though by reason and vnderstanding, with the other faculties of the Soule, we are made ca∣pable of this print; but chiefly, in respect of the habit of Originall righteousnesse, most perfectly infused by God into the mind and Soule of man in his first Creation. For it is not by nature, nor by her liberalitie, that wee were printed with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Gods Image (though Reason may be said to be of her gift, which ioyned to the soule is a part of the Essentiall constitution of our proper Species) but from the bountifull [unspec 10] grace of the Lord of all goodnesse, who breathed life into Earth, and contriued within the Truncke of Dust and Clay, the inimitable habilitie of his owne Iustice, Pietie, and Righteousnesse.

So long therefore (for that resemblance which Dominion hath) doe those that are powerfull retaine the Image of God, as acording to his Commandements they exercise the Office or Magistracy to which they are called, and sincerely walke in the wayes of God, which in the Scriptures is called, walking with God; and all other men* 1.146 so long retaine this Image, as they feare, loue, and serue God truely, (that is) for the loue of God alone, and do not bruise and deface his Seale by the waight of manifold and voluntary offences, and obstinate sinnes. For the vniust minde cannot bee after [unspec 20] the Image of God, seeing God is Iustice it selfe; The bloud-thirstie hath it not; for God is Charitie, and mercie it selfe: Falshood, cunning practice, and ambition, are properties of Sathan; and therefore cannot dwell in one soule, together with GOD; and to bee short, there is no likelihood betweene pure light and blacke darkenesse,* 1.147 betweene beautie and deformitie, or betweene righteousnesse and reprobation. And though Nature, according to common vnderstanding, haue made vs capable by the power of reason, and apt enough to receiue this Image of Gods goodnesse, which the sensuall soules of beasts cannot perceiue; yet were that aptitude naturall more inclinable to follow and imbrace the false and durelesse pleasures of this Stage-play World, then to become the shadow of God by walking after him, had not the ex∣ceeding [unspec 30] workmanship of Gods wisedome, and the liberalitie of his mercy, formed eyes to our soules, as to our bodies, which, piercing through the impuritie of our flesh, behold the Highest Heauens, and thence bring Knowledge and Obiect to the Mind and Soule, to contemplate the euer-during glory, and termelesseioy, prepared for those, which retaine the Image and similitude of their Creatour, preseruing vn∣defiled and vnrent the garment of the new man, which, after the Image of GOD, is created in Righteousnesse, and true Holinesse, as saith Saint Paul. Now, whereas it is* 1.148 thought by some of the Fathers, as by Saint Augustine, with whom Saint Ambrose ioyneth, that, by sinne, the perfection of the Image is lost, and not the Image it selfe; both opinions by this distinction may be well reconciled (to wit) that the Image of [unspec 40] God, in man, may be taken two wayes; for eyther it is considered, according to na∣turall gifts, and consisteth therein: namely to haue a reasonable and vnderstanding nature, &c. and in this sense, the Image of God is more lost by sinne, then the very reasonable or vnderstanding nature, &c. is lost: (or sinne doth not abolish and take away these naturall gifts) or, the Image of God is considered, according to superna∣turall gifts, namely, of Diuine grace, and heauenly glory, which is indeed the perfe∣ction and accomplishment of the naturall Image; and this manner of similitude and Image of God, is wholly blotted out and destroyed by sinne. [unspec 50]

§. III. Of our base and fraile bodies: and that the care thereof should yeeld to the immortall Soule.

THE externall man God formed out of the dust of the Earth, or accor∣ding to the signification of the word, Adam of Adamath, of red Earth, or, ex limo terrae, out of the slime of the Earth, or a mixed matter of Earth and Water. Non ex qualibet humo, sed ex ghaphar adamath (idest) ex* 1.149 pinguissima & mollissima: Not that God made an Image or Statue of Clay, but [unspec 10] out of Clay, Earth or dust God formed and made flesh, bloud, and bone, with all parts of man.

That Man was formed of Earth and Dust, did Abraham acknowledge, when in humble feare he called vnto God, to saue Sodome: Let not my Lord now be angry, if I* 1.150 speake, I, that am but dust and ashes: Andin these houses of Clay, whose foundation is in* 1.151 the dust, doe our soules inhabite, according to Iob, and though our owne eyes doe euery∣where behold the sudden and resistlesse assaults of Death, and Nature assureth vs by neuer-failing experience, and Reason by infallible demonstration, that our times vpon the Earth haue neither certaintie nor durabilitie, that our Bodies are but the Anduiles of paine and diseases, and our Minds the Hiues of vnnumbred cares, sor∣rowes, and passions: and that (when we are most glorified) wee are but those pain∣ted [unspec 20] posts, against which Enuie and Fortune direct their Darts; yet such is the true vn∣happinesse of our condition, and the darke ignorance, which couereth the eyes of our vnderstanding, that wee only prize, pamper, and exalt this Vassall and Slaue of Death, and forget altogether (or only remember at our cast-away leisure) the impri∣soned immortall Soule, which can neyther dye with the Reprobate, nor perish with the mortall parts of vertuous men: seeing Gods Iustice in the one, and his goodnesse in the other is exercised for euermore, as the euer-liuing subiects of his reward and punishment. But when is it that we examine this great accompt? neuer while wee haue one vanitie left vs to spend: we plead for Titles, till our breath faile vs; digge for Riches, while our strength enableth vs; exercise malice, while wee can reuenge; [unspec 30] and then, when Time hath beaten from vs both youth, pleasure, and health, and that nature it selfe hateth the house of old age, we remember with Iob, that wee must goe the* 1.152 way from whence we shall not returne, and that our bed is made ready for vs in the darke; And then I say, looking ouer-late into the bottome of our conscience (which Pleasure and Ambition had locked vp from vs all our liues, we behold therein the feareful Images of our actions past, and withall, this terrible inscription: That God will bring euerie* 1.153 worke into iudgement, that man hath done vnder the Sunne.

But what examples haue euer moued vs? what perswasions reformeds vs? or what threatnings made vs afraid? we behold other mens Tragedies plaid before vs, wee heare what is promised and threatned: but the worlds bright glorie hath put out the [unspec 40] eyes of our minds; and these betraying lights, (with which we only see) doe neither looke vp towards termelesse ioyes, nor downe towards endlesse sorrowes, till wee neither know, nor can looke for any thing else, at the worlds hands. Of which ex∣cellently Marius Victor.

Nil hostes, nil dira fames, nil deni{que} morbi Egerunt, fuimus, qui nunc 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ijs{que} periclis Tentati, nihilo meliores reddimur vnquam, Sub vitijs nullo culparum fine manentes.

Diseases, famine, enemies, in vs no change haue wrought, [unspec 50] What erst we were, we are; still in the same snare caught: No time can our corrupted manners mend, In Vice we dwell, in Sinne that hath no end.

But let vs not flatter our immortall soules herein: for to neglect God all our liues, and know that we neglect him, to offend God voluntarily, and know that we offend him, casting our hopes on the Peace, which we trust to make at parting, is no other then a rebellious presumption, and (that which is the worst of all) euen a contemp∣tuous laughing to scorne, and deriding of God, his Lawes and Precepts. Frustrà sperant, qui sic de misericordia Dei sibi blandiuntur; They hope in vaine, sayth BERNARD,* 1.154 which in this sort flatter themselues with Gods mercie.

§. IIII. [unspec 10] Of the Spirit of life, which God breathed into man, in his Creation.

IN this frame and carcasse God breathed the breath of life; and the man was a liuing soule: (that is) God gaue to a Body of earth and of cor∣ruptible matter, a Soule spirituall and incorruptible; not that GOD had any such bodily instruments as men vse, but God breathed the Spirit of life and immortalitie into man, as he breatheth his grace daily into such as loue and feare him. The Spirit of God (saith ELIHV in IOB) hath made* 1.155 me, and the breath of the Almightie hath giuen me life: In qua sententia (saith RABANVS) [unspec 20] vitanda est paupertas sensus carnalis, nè forte putemus Deum, vel manibus corporeis de li∣mo formasse corpus hominis, vel faucibus aut labijs suis inspirâsse in faciem formati, vt viue∣re possit, & spiraculum vitae habere: Nam & Propheta cùm ait, Manus tuae fecerunt me, &c. Tropica hac locutione magis quàm propria, (idest) iuxta consuetudinem, qua solent homiues operari, loquutus est: In which sentence (saith he) the beggerlinesse of carnall sense is to bee auoided, lest perhaps we should thinke, eyther that God with bodily hands made mans body of slime, or breathed with iawes or lips vpon his face (bèing formed) that hee might liue, and haue the spirit of life: for the Prophet also when he saith; Thy hands haue made me, spake this Tropically, rather then properly (that is) according to the custome which men vse in wor∣king. Quantum est periculi hijs, qui Scriptur as sensu corporeo legunt? In what danger are [unspec 30] they that read the Scriptures in a carnall sense? By this breath was infused into man both life and soule; and therefore this (Soule) the Philosophers call Animam, quae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 corpus, & animat, Which doth animate, & giue life to the body. The inspiration of the Almigh∣ty giueth vnder standing, saith Iob; and this spirit, which God breathed into man, which is the reasonable soule of man, returneth againe to God that gaue it, as the body retur∣neth vnto the Earth, out of which it was taken, according to Ecclesiastes: And dust shall returne to the Earth, out of which it was taken, and the spirit shall returne to God that gaue* 1.156 it. Neither is this word (spirit) vsually otherwise taken in the Scriptures, then for the soule; as when Stephen cryed vnto God: Domine, suscipe spiritum meum; Lord Iesus,* 1.157 receiue my spirit: and in Saint IOHN, And Iesus bowed his head, and gaue vp the Ghost,* 1.158 [unspec 40] or spirit, (which was) that his life and soule left his body dead. And that the immor∣tall soule of man differeth from the soules of beasts, the manner of the creation ma∣keth it manifest: for it is written, Let the waters bring forth in aboundance euery creeping* 1.159 thing, and let the Earth bring forth the liuing thing, according to his kind, the beast of the* 1.160 Earth, &c. But of Man it is written, Let vs make man in our owne Image, &c. and fur∣ther,* 1.161 that the Lord breathed in his face the breath of life. Wherefore, as from the Wa∣ter* 1.162 and Earth were those creatures brought forth, and thence receiued life: so shall they againe be dissolued into the same first matter, whence they were taken: but the life of breath euerlasting, which God breathed into man, shall according to Eccle∣siastes,* 1.163 returne againe to God that gaue it, [unspec 50]

§. V. That man is (as it were) a little World: with a digression touching our mortalitie.

MAN, thus compounded and formed by God, was an abstract or modell, or briefe Storie of the Vniuersall: in whom God concluded the Crea∣tion, and worke of the World, and whom he made the last and most ex∣cellent of his Creatures, being internally endued with a diuine vnder∣standing, by which he might contemplate and serue his Creatour, after whose Image hee was formed, and endued with the powers and faculties of reason [unspec 10] and other abilities, that thereby also he might gouerne and rule the World, and all other Gods creatures therein. And whereas GOD created three sorts of liuing na∣tures, (to wit) Angelicall, Rationall, and Brutall; giuing to Angels an intellectuall, and to Beasts a sensuall nature, hee vouchsafed vnto Man, both the intellectuall of Angels, the sensitiue of Beasts, and the proper rationall belonging vnto man; and therefore (saith GREGORY NAZIANZENE:) Homo est vtrius{que} naturae vinculum, Man is the bond and chaine which tyeth together both natures: and because in the little frame of* 1.164 mans body there is a representation of the Vniuersall, and (by allusion) a kind of par∣ticipation of all the parts thereof, therefore was man called Microcosmos, or the little* 1.165 World. Deus igitur hominem factum, velut alterum quendam mundum, in breui magnum, [unspec 20] at{que} exiguo totum, interris statuit, God therefore placed in the Earth the man whom bee had* 1.166 made, as it were another World, the great and large World in the small and little World: for out of the Earth and Dust was formed the flesh of Man, and therefore heauie and* 1.167 lumpish; the bones of his body wee may compare to the hard Rockes and Stones, and therefore strong and durable; of which Ouid:

Inde genus durum sumus, experiens{que} laborum,* 1.168 Et documenta damus, qua simus origine nati:

From thence our kind hard-hearted is, enduring paine and care, [unspec 30] Approuing, that our bodies of a stonie nature are.

His bloud, which disperseth it selfe by the branches of veines through all the bo∣die, may be resembled to those waters, which are carried by brookes and riuers ouer all the Earth; his breath to the Aire, his naturall heate to the inclosed warmth, which the Earth hath in it selfe, which stirred vp by the heate of the Sunne, assisteth Nature in the speedier procreation of those varieties, which the Earth bringeth forth; Our radicall moisture, Oile, or Balsamum (whereon the naturall heat feedeth and is main∣tained) is resembled to the fat and fertilitie of the Earth; the haires of mans bodie, which adornes or ouer-shadowes it, to the grasse, which couereth the vpper face and [unspec 40] skin of the Earth; our generatiue power, to Nature, which produceth all things; our determinations, to the light, wandring and vnstable clouds, carried euery where with vncertaine winds; our eies, to the light of the Sun and Moone, and the beauty of our youth, to the flowers of the Spring, which, either in a very short time, or with the Suns heat dry vp, and wither away, or the fierce puffes of wind blow them from the stalkes; the thoughts of our mind, to the motion of Angels; and our pure vnderstan∣ding (formerly called Mens, and that which alwaies looketh vpwards) to those intel∣lectuall natures, which are alwaies present with God; and lastly, our immortall soules while they are righteous) are by God himselfe beautified with the title of his owne Image and similitude: And although, in respect of God, there is no man iust, or good, [unspec 50] or righteous: for in Angelis deprehensa est stultitia, Behold, hee found folly in his Angels,* 1.169 (saith Iob) yet with such a kind of difference, as there is betweene the substance, and the shadow, there may bee found a goodnesse in man: which God being pleased to accept, hath therefore called man, the Image and similitude of his own righteousnes.

In this also is the little World of man compared, and made more like the Vniuersall (man being the measure of all things; Homo est mensura omnium rerum, saith Aristotle* 1.170 and Pythagoras) that the foure Complexions resemble the foure Elements, and the seuen Ages of man the seuen Planets: Whereof our Infancie is compared to the Moone, in which wee seeme onely to liue and grow, as Plants; the second Age 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mercurie, wherein we are taught and instructed; our third Age to Venus, the dayes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, desire, and vanitie; the fourth to the Sunne, the strong, flourishing, and beauti∣full age of mans life; the fifth to Mars, in which we seeke honor and victorie, and in which our thoughts trauaile to ambitious ends; the sixth Age is ascribed to Iupiter, in which we begin to take accompt of our times, iudge of our felues, and grow to the [unspec 10] perfection of our vnderstanding; the last and seuenth to Saturne, wherein our dayes are sad and ouer-cast, and in which we finde by deare and lamentable experience, and by the losse which can neuer be repayred, that of all our vaine passions and affe∣ctions past, the sorrow only abideth: Our attendants are sicknesses, and variable in∣firmities; and by how much the more we are accompanied with plentie, by so much the more greedily is our end desired, whom when Time hath made vnsociable to others, we become a burthen to our selues: being of no other vse, then to hold the riches we haue, from our Successors. In this time it is, when (as aforesaid) we, for the most part, and neuer before, prepare for our eternall habitation, which we passe on vnto, with many sighes, grones, and sad thoughts, and in the end, by the worke∣manship [unspec 20] of death, finish the sorrowfull businesse of a wretched life, towards which we alwayes trauaile both sleeping and waking: neither haue those beloued compa∣nions of honor and riches any power at all, to hold vs any one day, by the promises of glorious entertainments; but by what crooked path soeuer we walke, the same leadeth on directly to the house of death: whose dores lye open at all houres, and to all persons. For this tyde of mans life, after it once turneth and declineth, euer run∣neth with a perpetuall Ebbe and falling Streame, but neuer floweth againe: our Leafe once fallen, springeth no more, neither doth the Sunne or the Summer adorne vs againe, with the garments of new Leaues and Flowers. [unspec 30]

Redditur arboribus florens 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, Ergo non homini, quod fuit ante, redit.

To which I giue this sense,

The plants and trees made poore and old By Winter enuious, The Spring-time bounteous Couers againe, from shame and cold: But neuer Man repayr'd againe His youth and beautie lost, Though arte, and care, and cost, [unspec 40] Doe promise Natures helpe in vaine.

And of which

CATVLLVS, EPIGRAM. 53.

Soles occidere & redire possunt: Nobis cùm semel occidit breuis lux, Nox est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vna dormienda.

The Sunne may set and rise: But we contrariwise Sleepe after our short light [unspec 50] One euerlasting night.

For if there were any bayting place, or rest, in the course or race of mans life, then, according to the doctrine of the Academickes, the same might also perpetually 〈◊〉〈◊〉

maintayned; but as there is a continuance of motion in naturall liuing things, and as the sap and iuyce, wherein the life of Plants is preserued, doth euermore ascend or descend: so is it with the life of man, which is alwayes either encreasing towards ripenesse and perfection, or declining and decreasing towards rottennesse and dis∣solution.

§. VI. Of the free power, which man had in his first creation, to dispose of himselfe. [unspec 10]

THese be the miseries which our first Parents brought on all mankinde, vnto whom God in his creation gaue a free and vnconstrayned will, and on whom he bestowed the liberall choice of all things, with one only prohibition, to trie his gratitude and obedience. God set before him, a mortall and immortall Life, a Nature celestiall and terrene, and (indeed) God gaue man to himselfe, to be his owne guide, his owne workeman, and his owne painter, that he might frame or describe vnto himselfe what he pleased, and make election of his owne forme. God made man in the beginning (saith SIRACIDES)* 1.171 and left him in the hands of his owne counsaile. Such was the liberalitie of God, and mans [unspec 20] felicitie: whereas beasts, and all other creatures reasonlesse brought with them into the world (saith Lucilius) and that euen when they first fell from the bodies of their Dammes, the nature, which they could not change; and the supernall Spirits or Angels were from the beginning, or soone after, of that condition, in which they re∣maine in perpetuall eternitie. But (as aforesaid) God gaue vnto man all kinde of seedes and grafts of life (to wit) the vegetatiue life of Plants, the sensuall of Beasts, the rationall of Man, and the intellectuall of Angels, wherof which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he tooke pleasure to plant and cultiue, the same should futurely grow in him, and bring forth fruit, agreeable to his owne choice and plantation. This freedome of the firstman Adam, and our first Father, was aenigmatically described by Asclepius Atheniensis [unspec 30] (saith Mirandula) in the person and fable of Proteus, who was said, as often as he pleased, to change his shape. To the same end were all those celebrated Metamor∣phoses among the Pythagorians, and ancient Poets, wherein it was fayned, that men were transformed into diuers shapes of beasts, thereby to shew the change of mens conditions, from Reason to Brutalitie, from Vertue to Vice, from Meeknesse to Cru∣eltie, and from Iustice to Oppression. For by the liuely image of other creatures did those Ancients represent the variable passions, and affections of mortall men; as by Serpents, were signified Deceiuers; by Lyons, Oppressors, and cruell men; by Swine, Men giuen ouer to lust and sensualitie; by Wolues, rauening and greedie Men; which also S. Matthew resembleth to false prophets, Which come to you in* 1.172 [unspec 40] sheepes clothing, but inwardly they are rauening Wolues, by the images of stones and stocks, foolish and ignorant men, by Vipers, vngratefull men: of which S. IOHN* 1.173 BAPTIST, O yee generation of Vipers, &c.

§. VII. Of Gods ceasing to create any more: and of the cause thereof, because the Vniuersall created was exceeding good.

IN this worke of Man, God finished the creation; not that God laboured [unspec 50] as a man, and therefore rested: for God commanded, and it was finish∣ed, Cui voluisse est fecisse; With whom, to will is to make, saith Beda. Nei∣ther did God so rest, that he left the world made, and the creatures therein to themselues: for my Father worketh to this day (saith Christ) and I worke; but* 1.174

God rested (that is) he created no new species or kindes of creatures, but (as afore∣said) gaue vnto man a power generatiue, and so to the rest of liuing creatures, and to Plants and Flowers their seedes in themselues; and commanded man to multiply* 1.175 and fill the earth; and the Earth and Sea to bring forth creatures according to their seuerall kindes: all which being finished, God saw that his workes were good; not that he fore-knew not, and comprehended not the beginning and end before they were; for God made euery Plant of the field before it was in the Earth, but he gaue to all things which he had created the name of good, thereby to teach men, that from so good a God there was nothing made, but that which was perfect good, and from whose simple puritie and from so excellent a cause, there could proceede no [unspec 10] impureor imperfect effect. For man hauing a free will and liberall choyce, pur∣chased by disobedience his owne death and mortalitie, and for the crueltie of mans heart, was the earth afterward cursed, and all creatures of the first age destroied: but the righteous man Noah, and his familie, with those creatures which the Arke con∣tayned, reserued by God to replenish the earth.

CHAP. III. [unspec 20] Of the place of Paradise.

§. I. That the seate of Paradise is greatly mistaken: and that it is no maruaile that men should erre.

CONCERNING the first habitation of man we reade, [unspec 30] that the Lord God planted a Garden, Eastward, in Eden, and there he put the man whom he made, GEN. 2. 6. Of this seate and place of Paradise, all ages haue held dispute; and the opinions and iudgements haue been in effect, as diuers, among those that haue written vp∣on this part of Genesis, as vpon any one place therein, seeming most obscure: some there are, that haue con∣ceiued the being of the terrestriall Paradise, without all regard of the worlds Geographie, and without any respect of East and West, or any consideration of the [unspec 40] place where Moses wrote, and from whence he directed (by the quarters of the hea∣uens) the way how to finde out and iudge, in what Region of the world this garden was by God planted, wherein he was exceeding respectiue and precise. Others, by being themselues ignorant in the Hebrew, followed the first interpretation, or tru∣sting to their owne iudgements, vnderstood one place for another; and one error is so fruitfull, as it begetteth a thousand Children, if the licentiousnesse thereof be not timely restrayned. And thirdly, those Writers which gaue themselues to follow and imitate others, were in all things so obseruant Sectators of those Masters, whom they admired and beleeued in, as they thought it safer to condemne their owne vn∣derstanding, then to examine theirs. For (saith Vadianus in his Epistle of Paradise) [unspec 50] Magnos errores (magnorum virorum auctoritate persuasi) transmittimus; We passe ouer many grosse errors, by the authoritie of great men led and perswaded. And it is true, that many of the Fathers were farre wide from the vnderstanding of this place. I speake it not, that I my selfe dare presume to censure them, for I reuerence both their

learning and their pietie, and yet not bound to follow them any further, then they are guided by truth: for they were men; Et humanum est errare. And to the end that no man should be proude of himselfe, God hath distributed vnto men such a proportion of knowledge, as the wisest may behold in themselues their owne weak∣nesse: Nulli vnquam dedit omnid Deus; God neuer gaue the knowledge of all things to any* 1.176 one. S. Paul confest that he knew not, whether he were taken vp into the third hea∣uen in the flesh, or out of the flesh; and Christ himselfe acknowledgeth thus much,* 1.177 that neither Men, nor Angels knew of the latter day; and therefore, seeing know∣ledge is infinite, it is God (according to S. Iude) who is only wise. Sapientia vbt 〈◊〉〈◊〉?* 1.178 * 1.179 (saith IOB) but where is wisedome found? and where is the place of vnderstan∣ding?* 1.180 [unspec 10] man knoweth not the price thereof, for it is not found in the Land of the liuing. And* 1.181 therefore seeing God found folly in his Angels, mens iudgements (which inhabite in houses of clay) cannot be without their mistakings: and so the Fathers, and other learned men excusable in particulars, especially in those whereupon our saluation dependeth not.

§. II. A recitall of strange opinions, touching Paradise.

NOw as touching Paradise, first it is to be enquired, whether there were [unspec 20] a Paradise, or no? or whether Moses description were altogether mysti∣call, and allegoricall? as Origen, Philo, Fran. Georgius, with others haue affirmed, and that vnder the names of those foure Riuers, Pison, Gehon, Hidekel, and Perath. The tree of life, and the tree of Knowledge, there were deliuered vnto vs other mysteries and significations; as, that by the foure Riuers were meant the foure Cardinall vertues, Iustice, Temperance, Fortitude, and Prudence,* 1.182 or (by other) Oyle, Wine, Milke, and Honny. This Allegoricall vnderstanding of Paradise by Origen diuulged, was againe by Franciscus Georgius receiued (saith Sixtus Senensis) whose friuolous imaginations Sixtus himselfe doth fully and learnedly an∣swere, [unspec 30] in the 34. Annotation of his fift Booke, fol. 338. the last Edition.

S. Ambrose also leaned wholly to the Allegoricall construction, and set Paradise in* 1.183 the third heauen, and in the vertues of the minde, & in nostro principali, which is, as I conceiue it in mente, or in our soules: to the particulars whereof he alludeth in this sort. By the place or garden of Paradise, was meant the soule or minde; by Adam, Mens, or Vnderstanding; by Eue, the Sense; by the Serpent, Delectation; by the Tree of good and euill, Sapience; and by the rest of the Trees, the vertues of the minde, or in the minde planted, or from thence springing. Notwithstanding all which, vpon the first of the Corinthians, cap. 6. he in direct wordes alloweth both of a celestiall and terrestriall Paradise; the one, into which S. Paul was rapt; the other, [unspec 40] into which Adam was put by God. Aug. Chrysamensis was of opinion, that a Paradise had beene, but that there was not now any marke thereof on the earth: the same being not onely defaced, but withall the places now not so much as existing. To which Luther seemeth to adhere.

The Manichees also vnderstood, that by Paradise was meant the whole Earth; to which opinion Vadianus inclineth, as I conceiue his wordes in two seuerall places. First, vpon this: Fill the earth, GEN. 10. Of which he giueth this iudgement. Hoc ipso etiam quod dixit, Replete terram, dominamini vniuersis animantibus, subijcite terram, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 docet, totam terram extantem, & omnigenis (vt tum er at) fructibus consitam, sedem & hortum illud AD ae, & posteritatis futurae fuisse; These wordes (saith he) in which [unspec 50] God said, Bring forth fruit and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it, and rule ouer e∣uery creature, doe cleerely shew, that the Vniuersall earth set or filled with all sorts of fruits (as then it was) was the garden and seate of ADAM, and of his future posteritie. And afterward he acknowledgeth the place, out of the Acts the 17. Apostolus ex vno san∣guine* 1.184

omne genus humanum adeò factum docet, vt habitarent super vniuersam facicm ter∣rae: tota igitur terra Paradisus ille er at; The Apostle (saith he) teacheth, that God hath made of one bloud all mankinde, to dwell ouer all the face of the earth: and theresore all the earth (saith he) was that Paradise. Which coniectures I will answere in order. Goropius Becanus differeth not much from this opinion, but yet he acknowledgeth that Adam was first planted by God in one certaine place, and peculiar Garden; which place Goropius findeth neere the Riuer of Acesines, in the confines of India.

Tertullian, Bonauenture, and Durandus, make Paradise vnder the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and* 1.185 Postellus, quite contrarie, vnder the North pole: the Chaldaeans also for the most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and all their Sectators, followed the opinion of Origen, or rather Origen theirs, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [unspec 10] would either make Paradise a figure, or Sacrament only, or else would haue it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of this sensible world or raysed into some high and remote Region of the Aire. Strabus, and Rabanus, were both sicke of this vanitie, with Origen, and Philo: so was our venerable Beda, and Pet. Comestor, and Moses Barcephas the Syrian, translated by* 1.186 Masius. But as Hopkins sayes of Philo Iudaeus, that he wondred, Quo malo genio affla∣tus; By what euill Angell he was blowne vp into this error: so can I not but greatly mar∣uaile at these learned men, who so grosly and blindly wandred; seeing Moses, and after him the Prophets, doe so plainely describe this place, by the Region, in which it was planted, by the Kingdomes and Prouinces bordering it, by the Riuers which watered it, and by the points of the Compasse vpon which it lay, in respect of Iu∣daea, [unspec 20] or Canaan.

Nouiomagus also, vpon Beda, De naturarerum, beleeueth that all the Earth was ta∣ken for Paradise, and not any one place. For the whole Earth (saith he) hath the same beautie adscribed to Paradise. He addeth, that the Ocean was that Fountayne, from whence the foure Riuers, Pison, Gehon, Tigris, and Euphrates, had their begin∣ning: for he could not thinke it possible, that these Riuers of Ganges, Nilus, Tigris, and Euphrates, (whereof the one ranne through India, the other through Aegypt, and the other two through Mesopotamia and Armenia) could rise out of one Foun∣tayne, were it not out of the Fountayne of the Ocean. [unspec 30]

§. III. That there was a true locall Paradise Eastward, in the Countrie of Eden.

TO the first therefore, that such a place there was vpon the earth, the words of Moses make it manifest, where it is written, And the Lord God* 1.187 planted a garden Eastward in Eden, and there he put the man whom he had made. And howsoeuer the vulgar translation, called Hieromes trans∣lation, hath conuerted this place thus, Plantauer at Dominus Deus Para∣disum voluptatis à principio; The Lord God planted a Paradise of pleasure from the begin∣ning; [unspec 40] putting the word (pleasure) for Eden, and (from the beginning) for Eastward: It is manifest, that in this place Eden is the proper name of a Region. For what sense hath this translation (saith our Hopkins, in his Treatise of Paradise) that he planted a garden in pleasure, or that a Riuer went out of pleasure to water the garden? But the seuentie Interpreters call it Paradisum Edenis, the Paradise of Eden, and so doth the Chaldaean Paraphrast truely take it for the proper name of a place, and for a Noune appellatiue; which Region in respect of the fertilitie of the soile, of the many beau∣tifull Riuers, and goodly Woods, & that the trees (as in the Indies) doe alwaies keepe their leaues, was called Eden, which signifieth in the Hebrew, pleasantnesse or delica∣cie, as the Spaniards call the Countrie, opposite to the Isle of Cuba, Florida: and this is [unspec 50] the mistaking, which may end the dispute, as touching the double sense of the word, that as Florida was a Countrie, so called for the flourishing beautie thereof, so was Eden a Region called pleasure, or delicacie, for the pleasure, or delicacie: and as Flo∣rida signifieth flourishing: so Eden signifieth pleasure, and yet both are the proper

names of Countries; for Eden being the proper name of a Region (called Pleasure in the Hebrew) and Paradise being the choice seate of all that Region, Paradise was truely the Garden of Eden, and truely the Garden of Pleasure.

Now, for Eastward, to translate it, from the beginning, it is also contrarie to the translation of the Seuentie; to the ancient Greeke Fathers, as Basil, Chrysostome, Theo∣doret, Gregorie; and to the Rabbines, as Ramban, Rabbi Salomon, R. Abraham, and Chimchi; and of the Latines, Seuerinus, Damascenus, &c. who plainely take Eden for the proper name of a Region, and set the word (Eastward) for ab initio: for Damas∣cens owne wordes are these, Paradisus est locus Dei manibus in Eden ad Orientem mira∣biliter consitus; Paradise is a place, maruailously planted by the hands of God, in Eden, to∣ward [unspec 10] the East.

And after all these Fathers, Guilhelmus Parisiensis, a great learned man, and Sixtus Senensis, of later times, doe both vnderstand these words of Eden, and of the East, contrarie to the vulgar translation; Parisiensis, as indifferent to both, and Sixtus Se∣nensis, directly against the vulgar: of which these are their owne wordes: After this I will beginne to speake of Paradise terrestriall, which God planted from the beginning, or Eastward, &c. Posthaec incipiam loqui de Paradiso terrestri, quem plant âsse Deum ab initio vel ad Orientem, &c. And then 〈◊〉〈◊〉; MOSES enim 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prodit, Paradisum à Deo consitum in regione terrae Orientalis, quae dicitur Heden: Heden autem esse proprium nomcn apparet ex quarto capite Gen. vbi legimus CHAM habitâsse ad Orientalem plagam [unspec 20] Heden; For MOSES (saith he) doth shew most cleerely, that Paradise was planted of God in a Region of the East Countrie, which is called Heden: but that Heden is a proper name, it appeareth by the fourth Chapter of Genesis, where we reade, that CHAM dwelt on the* 1.188 East border of Heden. PERERIVS endeuoureth to qualifie this translation: for this particle (saith he) ab initio, is referred to all the time of the creation, and not to the* 1.189 very first day; alleaging this place of Christ, that although the Deuill was said to be a man-slayer from the beginning, yet that was meant but after the sixth day. But surely, as I thinke (referring my selfe to better iudgement) the Deuill was from the instant of his fall a man-slayer in disposition, though he had not whereon to practise till mans creation. And for conclusion, S. Hierome (if that be his translation) adui∣seth [unspec 30] himselfe better in the end of the third Chapter of Genesis, conuerting the word* 1.190 (Eden) by (ante) and not (à principio) as, God did set a Cherubin before the Garden of Eden; Collocauit Deus ante Paradisum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is Cherubin; and Pererius himselfe ac∣knowledgeth, that this is the true sense of this place, precisely taken, according to the Hebrew. Posuit à parte Orientali horti Heden, Cherubin; He set on the East-side of the Garden of Heden, Cherubin. BECANVS affirmeth, that the Hebrew word (Be) sig∣nifieth (with) aswell as (in) and so the Text beareth this sense; That God planted a Garden with pleasure (that is to say) full of pleasure. But Becanus followeth this construction, only to the end, to finde Paradise vpon the Riuer of Acesines: for there he hath heard of the Indian Fig-tree in great abundance, which he supposeth to be [unspec 40] the tree of knowledge of good, and euill, and would therefore draw Paradise to the Fig-tree: which conceit of his I will answere hereafter.

Now, because Paradise was seated by Moses toward the East, thence came the cu∣stome of praying toward the East, and not by imitation of the Chaldaeans: and there∣fore all our Churches are built East and West, as to the point where the Sunne riseth in March, which is directly ouer Paradise (saith Damascenus:) affirming, that we al∣wayes pray towards the East, as looking towards Paradise, whence we were cast out; and yet the Temple of Salomon had their Priests and Sacrifices, which turned them∣selues in their seruice and diuine ceremonies, alwayes toward the West, thereby to auoid the superstition of the Aegyptians and Chaldaeans. [unspec 50]

But because East and West are but in respect of places; (for although Paradise were East from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, yet it was West from Persiae) and the seruing of God is euery where in the world, the matter is not great which way we turne our faces, so our hearts stand right, other than this, that we who dwell West from Paradise, and pray

turning our selues towards the East, may remember thereby to beseech God, that as by Adams fall we haue lost the Paradise on Earth: so by Christs death and passion we may be made partakers of the Paradise celestiall, and the Kingdome of Heauen. To conclude, I conceiue, that there was no other mysterie in adding the word (East) to Eden by Moses, then to shew, that the Region of Eden, in which Paradise was, lay Eastward from Iudaea and Canaan: for the Scriptures alwayes called the people of those Nations, the Sonnes of the East, which inhabited Arabia, Mesopotamia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Persia: of which Ouid:

Eurus ad Auroram, Nabataea{que} regna recessit, [unspec 10] Persida{que} & radijsiuga subdita matutinis.

The East wind with Aurora hath abiding Among th' Arabian, and the Persian Hils, Whom Phoebus first salutes at his vp-rising.

And if it be obiected, that Hieremie the Prophet threatning the destruction of Hierusalem, doth often make mention of Northerne Nations, it is to bee noted, that the North is there named, in respect of those Nations that followed Nabuchodonosor, and of whom the greatest part of his Armie was compounded; not that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [unspec 20] it selfe stood North from Hierusalem, though inclining from the East toward the North.

Now to the difference of this Translation, Peter Comestor giueth best satisfaction: for he vseth the word, From the beginning, that is, from the first part of the World, (à principio) id est (sayth hee) à prima orbis parte, and afterward hee affirmeth, that (à principio, and ad Orientem) haue the same signification; From the beginning and East∣ward is all one, à principio idem est quod ad Orientem.

But to returne to the proofe of this place, and that this Story of Mankind was not Allegoricall, it followeth in the Text of the second Chapter and ninth Verse in these words: For out of the ground made the Lord God to grow euery Tree pleasant to the sight, [unspec 30] and good for meate, &c. so as first it appeared that God created Adam elsewhere, as in the World at large, and then, put him into the Garden: and the end why, is exprest: that hee might dresse it and keepe it; Paradise being a Garden or Orchard filled with* 1.191 Plants, and Trees, of the most excellent kinds, pleasant to behold, and (withall) good for meate: which proueth that Paradise was a terrestriall Garden, garnished with Fruits, delighting both the eye and taste. And to make it more plaine, and to take a∣way all opinion of Allegoricall construction, hee affirmeth that it was watered and beautified with a Riuer; expressing also the Region, out of which this Riuer sprang,* 1.192 which he calleth Heden; and that Heden is also a Countrie neere vnto Charan in Me∣sopotamia,* 1.193 Ezechiel witnesseth. [unspec 40]

But to all these Cabalists, which draw the Truth and Story of the Scriptures into Allegories, Epiphanius answereth in these wordes: Si Paradisus non est sensibilis, non est etiam fons, sinon est fons, non est flumen, sinon est flumen, non sunt quatuor principia, non Pison, non Gehon, non Tigris, nec 〈◊〉〈◊〉, non est ficus, non folia, non comedit EVA de arbore, non est ADAM, non sunt homines, sed veritas iam fabula est, & omnia ad Allego∣rias reuocantur: If Paradise be not sensible, then there was no fountaine, and then no Ri∣uer, if no Riuer, then no such soure heads or branches, and then not any such Riuer as Pison, or Gehon, Tigris, or Euphrates, no such Fig-tree, or fruit, or leaues, EVE then did not eat of the fruit, neither was there any ADAM, or any man, the truth was but a Fable, and all things estee∣med are called backe into Allegories. Words to the same effect hath Saint Hierome vpon [unspec 50] DANIEL: Contice scant eorum deliramenta, qui vmbr as & imagines in veritate sequentes, ipsam conantur euertere veritatem, vt Paradisum & flumina, & arbores patent Allegoriae Legibus se debere subruere, Let the dotages of them bee silent, who following shadowes and Images in the Truth, endeuour to subuert the Truth it selfe, and thinke that they ought

to bring Paradise, and the Riuers and the Trees vnder the rules of Allegorie.

Furthermore, by the continuation and order of the Storie is the place made more manifest. For God gaue Adam free libertie to eate of euery Tree of the Garden, (the Tree of knowledge excepted) which Trees Moses in the ninth verse saith that they were good to eate; meaning the fruit which they bare. Besides, God left all beasts to Adam to be named, which he had formerly made; and these beasts were neither in the third Heauen, nor neere the Circle of the Moone, nor beasts in imagination: for if all these things were Enygmaticall or Mysticall, the same might also bee said of the creation of all things. And Ezechiel speaking of the glory of the Assyrian Kings vseth this speech: All the Trees of Eden, which were in the Garden of God, enuied him, which* 1.194 [unspec 10] proueth both Eden, and Paradise therein seated to bee terrestriall: for the Prophers made no imaginary comparisons. But Moses wrote plainly, and in a simple stile, fit for the capacities of ignorant men, and he was more large and precise in the description of Paradise, then in any other place of Scripture; of purpose to take away all scruple from the incredulitie of future ages, whom he knew (out of the gift of Prophecie) to be apt to fabulous inuentions, and that if he had not described both the Region and the Riuers, and how it stood from Canaan, many of the vnbeleeing Israelites, and o∣thers after them, would haue misconstrued this Storie of Mankind. And is it likely, there would haue beene so often mention made of Paradise in the Scriptures, if the same had beene an Vtopia? For we find that the Valley, wherein Sodome and Gomorrha [unspec 20] stood, (sometimes called Pentapolis, of the fiue principall Cities therein) was be∣fore the destruction (which their vnnaturall sinne purchased) compared to the Para∣dise* 1.195 of the Lord, and like to the Land of Aegypt toward Zoar; In like manner was Israel resembled to the Paradise of God, before the Babylonians wasted it: which pro∣ueth plainly, that Paradise it selfe exceeded in beautie and fertilitie, and that these places had but a resemblance thereof: being compared to a seat and soyle of farre exceeding excellencie.

Besides, whence had Homer his inuention of Alcinous Gardens, as Iustin Martyr noteth, but out of Moses his description of Paradise? Gen. 2. and whence are their prayses of the Elisian fields, but out of the Storie of Paradise? to which also apper∣taine [unspec 30] those Verses of the Golden Age in Ouid:

Ver erat aeternum, placidi{que} tepentibus aur is* 1.196 Mulcebant Zephyri natos sine semine flores.

The ioyfull Spring did euer last, And Zephyrus did breed Without the helpe of seed Sweet flowres by his gentle blast. [unspec 40]

And it is manifest, that Orphus, Linus, Pyndarus, Hesiodus, and Homer, and after him, Ouid, one out of another, and all these together with Pythagor as and Plato, and their Sectatours, did greatly enrich their inuentions, by venting the stolne Treasures of Diuine Letters, altered by prophane additions, and disguised by poeticall con∣uersions, as if they had beene conceiued out of their owne speculations and con∣templations.

But besides all these testimonies, if we find what Region Heden or Eden was; if we proue the Riuer that ranne out of it, and that the same afterwards was diuided into foure branches; together with the Kingdomes of Hauila and Cush, and that all these are Eastward from Canaan, or the Desarts of the Amorites, where Moses wrote, [unspec 50] I then conceiue, that there is no man that will doubt, but that such a place there was. And yet I doe not exclude the Allegoricall sense of the Scripture; for aswell in this there were many figures of Christ, as in all the old Testament throughout: the Sto∣rie being directly true notwithstanding. And to this purpose (saith Saint Augustine)

Tres sunt de Paradiso generales sententiae: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est eorum, qui tantummodò corporaliter Pa∣radisum intelligi volunt: alia eorum, qui spiritualiter tantùm (id est) Ecclesiam: tertia eo∣rum, qui vtro{que} modo Paradisum accipiunt, (that is) There are three opinions of Paradise: the one of those men, which will haue it altogether corporall: a second of those which conceiue it altogether spirituall, and to be a figure of the Church: the third of those, which take it in both senses; which third opinion Saint Augustine approueth, and of which Suidas gi∣ueth* 1.197 this allowable iudgement: Quemadmodum homo sensibilis, & intelligibilis simul* 1.198 conditus erat: sic & 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 nemus, sensibile simul & intelligibile, & duplici specie est praeditum, (that is) As man was created at one time both sensible and intelligible: so was this holy Groue or Garden to be taken both wayes, and endued with a double forme. [unspec 10]

§. IIII. Why it should bee needfull to intreate diligently of the place of Paradise.

BVT it may be obiected, that it is needlesse, and a kind of curiositie to enquire so diligently after this place of Paradise, and that the know∣ledge thereof is of little or no vse. To which I answere, that there is nothing written in the Scriptures, but for our instruction; and if the [unspec 20] truth of the Storie be necessary, then by the place proued, the same is also made more apparent. For if we should conceiue that Paradise were not on the Earth, but lifted vp as high as the Moone; or that it were beyond all the Ocean, and in no part of the knowne World, from whence Adam was sayd to wade through the Sea, and thence to haue come into Iudaea, (out of doubt) there would be few men in the World, that would giue any credit vnto it. For what could seeme more ridicu∣lous then the report of such a place? and besides, what maketh this feare of Paradise so much disputed and doubted of, but the conceit that Pishon should bee Ganges, which watereth the East India, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Nilus, which enricheth Aegypt, and these two Riuers so far distant, as (except all the World were Paradise) these streames can [unspec 30] no way be comprized therein?

Secondly, if the birth and workes, and death of our Sauiour, were said to haue beene in some such Countrey, of which no man euer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tell, and that his Miracles had beene performed in the Ayre, or no place certainly knowne: I assure my selfe, that the Christian Religion would haue taken but a slender roote in the minds of men; for times and places are approued witnesses of worldly actions.

Thirdly, if we should relye, or giue place to the iudgements of some Writers vpon this place of Genesis (though otherwise for their doctrine in general, they are worthy of honour and reuerence) I say that there is no fable among the Graecians or Aegyp∣tians [unspec 40] more ridiculous: for who would beleeue that there were a piece of the World so set by it selfe and separated, as to hang in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnder the Circle of the Moone? or who so doltish to conceiue, that from thence the foure Riuers of Ganges, Nilus, Euphrates, and Tigris, should fall downe, and runne vnder all the Ocean, and rise vp againe in this our habitable World, and in those places where they are now found? Which lest any man thinke, that I enforce or straine to the worst, these are Peter Co∣mestors owne words. Est autem locus amoenissimus, longo terrae & maris tractu à nostra habitabili Zona secretus, adeò eleuatus, vt vs{que} ad Lunarem globum atting at, &c. (that is) It is a most pleasant place, seuered from our habitable Zone by a long tract of Land and Sea, eleuated so, that it reacheth to the Globe of the Moone.

And Moses Barcephas vpon this place writeth in this manner: Deinde hoc quo{que} re∣sponsum* 1.199 [unspec 50] volumus, Paradisum muliò sublimiore positum esse regione, at{que} haec nostra extet terra, co{que} fieri, vt illinc per praecipitium delabantur fluuij tanto cum impetis, quantum ver∣bis exprimere non possis; eo{que} impetu impulsi praessi{que} sub Oceani vada rapiuntur, vnderur∣sus prosiliant ebulliant{que} in hoc à nobis culto orbe: which haue this sense: Furthermore

(sayth he) we giue this for an answere, that Paradise is set in a Region farre raysed aboue this part which wee inhabite; whereby it comes to passe, that from thence these Riuers fall downe with such a headlong violence, as words cannot expresse; and with that force so impul∣sed and prest, they are carried vnder the deepe Ocean, and doe againe arise and boyle vp in this our habitable World: and to this he addeth the opinion of Ephram, which is this. Ephram dicit Paradisum ambire terram, at{que} vltra Oceanum it a positum esse, vt totum terra∣rum orbem ab omni circumdet regione, non aliter at{que} Lunae orbis Lunam cingit, (which is) That Paradise doth compasse or embrace the whole Earth, and is so set beyond the Ocean Sea, as it enuironeth the whole Orbe of the Earth on euery side, as the Orbe of the Moone doth embrace the Moone. To the end therefore that these ridiculous expositions and [unspec 10] opinions doe not bring question vnto Truth it selfe, or make the same subiect to doubts or disputes, it is necessarie to discouer the true place of Paradise, which God in his wisdome appointed in the very Nauel of this our World, and (as Melanchton saies) in parte terr 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meliore, in the best part thereof, that from thence, as from a Centre; the Vniuersall might be filled with people and planted; and by knowing this place, wee shall the better iudge of the beginning of Nations, and of the Worlds inhabitation: for neere vnto this did the Sonnes of Noah also disperse themselues after the Floud, into all other remote Regions and Countries. And if it be a generous desire in men, to know from whence their owne forefathers haue come, and out of what Regions [unspec 20] and Nations, it cannot be displeasing to vnderstaud the place of our first Ancester, from whence all the streames and branches of Mankind haue followed and beene deduced. If then it doe appeare by the former, that such a place there was as Para∣dise, and that the knowledge of this place cannot be vnprofitable, it followeth in or∣der to examine the seuerall opinions before remembred, by the Truth it selfe; and to see how they agree with the sense of the Scripture, and with common reason, and afterward to prooue directly, and to delineate the Region in which God first plan∣ted this delightfull Garden.

§. V. [unspec 30] That the Floud hath not vtterly' defaced the markes of Paradise, nor caused Hils in the Earth.

AND first, whereas it is supposed by Aug. Chysamensis, that the Floud hath altered, deformed, or rather annihilated this place, in such sort, as no man can find any marke or memory thereof: (of which opinion there were others also, ascribing to the Floud the cause of those high Mountaines, which are found on all the Earth ouer, with many other strange effects) for my owne opinion, I thinke neither the one nor the other to bee true. For although I cannot denie, but that the face of Paradise was after the Floud [unspec 40] withered, and growne old, in respect of the first beautie: (for both the ages of men, and the nature of all things Time hath changed) yet if there had beene no signe of any such place, or if the soile and seate had not remained, then would not Moses, who wrote of Paradise about 850. yeeres after the Floud, haue described it so particularly, and the Prophets long after Moses would not haue made so often mention thereof. And though the very Garden it selfe were not then to bee found, but that the Floud, and other accidents of time made it one common field and pasture with the Land of Eden, yet the place is still the same, and the Riuers still remaine the same Riuers. By two of which (neuer doubted of) to wit, Tigris, and Euphrates, wee are sure to find in what longitude Paradise lay; and learning out one of these Riuers, which afterward [unspec 50] doth diuide it selfe into foure branches, wee are sure that the partition is at the very border of the Garden it selfe. For it is written, that out of Eden went a Riuer to wa∣ter* 1.200 the Garden, and from thence it was diuided and became into foure heads: Now whether the word in the Latine Translation (lnde) from thence, be referred to Eden it

selfe, or to Paradise, yet the diuision and branching of those Riuers must bee in the North or South side of the very Garden (if the Riuers runne as they doc, North and South) and therefore these Riuers yet remaining, and Eden manifestly knowne, there could be no such defacing by the Floud, as is supposed. Furthermore, as there is no likelihood, that the place could be so altered as future ages know it not, so is there no probability, that eyther these Riuers were turned out of their courses, or new Riuers created by the Floud which were not, or that the Floud (as aforesaid) by a violent motion, when it began to decrease, was the cause of high Hils, or deepe Vallies. For what descent of waters could there bee in a Sphericall and round bodie, wherein there is nor high nor low? seeing that all violent force of waters is eyther by the [unspec 10] strength of winde, by descent from a higher to a lower, or by the ebbe or floud of the Sea. But that there was any winde (whereby the Seas are most enraged) it ap∣peareth not, rather the contrary is probable: for it is written, Therefore God made a* 1.201 winde to passe vpon the Earth, and the waters ceased. So as it appeareth not, that, vntill the waters sanke, there was any winde at all, but that God afterward, out of his goodnesse, caused the winde to blow, to dry vp the abundant slime and mudde of the Earth, and make the Land more firme, and to cleanse the Ayre of thicke vapours and vnholesome mists; and this we know by experience, that all downe-right raines doe euermore disseuer the violence of outragious winds, and beat downe, and leuell the swelling and mountainous billow of the Sea: for any cbbes and flouds there [unspec 20] could be none, when the waters were equall and of one heighth ouer all the face of the Earth, and when there were no Indraughts, Bayes, or Gulfes to receiue a Floud, or any descent, or violent falling of waters in the round forme of the Earth and wa∣ters, as aforesaid: and therefore it seemeth most agreeable to reason, that the waters rather stood in a quiet calme, then that they moued with any raging or ouer-bearing violence. And for a more direct proofe that the Floud made no such destroying al∣teration, Ioseph. auoweth that one of those pillars erected by Seth, the third from A∣dam, was to bee seene in his dayes, which Pillars were set vp aboue 1426. yeeres be∣fore the floud, counting Seth to be an hundred yeeres old at the erection of them, and Ioseph. himselfe, to haue liued some 40. or 50. yeeres after Christ: of whom although [unspec 30] there be no cause to beleeue all that he wrote, yet that, which hee auouched of his owne time, cannot (without great derogation) be called in question. And therefore it may be possible, that some foundation or ruine thereof might then be seene. Now that such Pillars were raysed by Seth, all Antiquitie hath auowed. It is also written in Berosus (to whom although I giue little credit, yet I cannot condeme him in all) that the Citie of Enoch built by Cain, about the Mountaines of Libanus, was not defaced by length of time: yea the ruines thereof Annius (who commented vpon that inuented Fragment) saith, were to be seene in his dayes, who liued in the Raigne of Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile; and if these his words bee not true, then was hee exceeding impudent. For, speaking of this Citie of Enoch, he concludeth in this sort: [unspec 40] Cuius maxima & ingentis molis fundamenta visuntur, & vocatur ab incolis regionis, Ci∣uitas Cain, vt nostri mercatores, & peregrini referunt; The foundation of which huge Masse is now to be seene, and the place is called by the people of that Region, the Citie of Cain, as both our strangers and Merchants report. It is also auowed by Pomponius Mela, (to whom I giue more credit in these things) that the Citie of Ioppa was built before the Floud, ouer which Cepha was King: whose name with his Brother Phineus, toge∣ther with the grounds and principles of their Religion, was found grauen vpon cer∣taine Altars of stone; and it is not vnpossible, that the ruines of this other Citie, called Enoch by Annius, might be seene, though founded in the first Age: but it could not be of the first Citie of the World, built by Cain, the place, rather then the time, [unspec 50] * 1.202 denying it.

And to prooue directly, that the floud was not the cause of Mountaines, but that there were Mountains from the Creation, it is written, that the waters of the floud ouer∣flowed by fifteene Cubits the highest Mountaines. And Masius Damascenus speaking of

the Floud, writeth in this manner. Et supra Minyadam excelsus mons in Armenia (qui Baris appellatur) in quo confugientes multos sermo est diluuij tempore liberatos, And vpon Minyada there is an high Mountaine, in Armenia (called Baris) vnto which (as it is said) that many fled in the time of the Deluge, and that they saued themselues thereon. Now al∣though it is contrary to Gods Word, that any more were saued then eight persons (which Masius doth not auouch, but by report) yet it is a testimonie, that such Moun∣taines were before the Floud, which were afterwards, and euer since, knowne by the same names; and on which Mountaines it is generally receiued that the Arke rested: but vntruely, as I shall prooue heereafter. And againe it appeareth, that the Mount Sion (though by another name) was knowne before the Floud: on which [unspec 10] the Thalmudists report, that many Giants saued themselues also; but (as Annius saith) without all authoritie, eyther Diuine or Humane.

Lastly, it appeareth that the Floud did not so turne vpside-downe the face of the Earth, as thereby it was made past knowledge, after the waters were decreased, by this that, when NOAH sent out the Doue the second time, she returned with an Oliue leafe in* 1.203 her mouth, which shee had pluckt, and which (vntill the Trees were discouered) shee found not: for otherwise shee might haue found them floting on the water; a mani∣fest proofe, that the Trees were not torne vp by the rootes, nor swamme vpon the waters, for it is written: folium Oliuae, raptum or decerptum, a leafe pluckt, (which is) to take from a Tree, or to teare off. By this it is apparent, (there being nothing writ∣ten [unspec 20] to the contrarie) that the Floud made no such alteration, as was supposed, but that the place of Paradise might be seene to succeeding Ages, especially vnto Moses, by whom it pleased God to teach the truth of the Worlds Creation, and vnto the Prophets which succedeed him: both which I take for my warrant, and to guide me in this Discouerie.

§. VI. That Paradise was not the whole Earth, as some haue thought: making the Ocean to bee the fountaine of those foure Riuers. [unspec 30]

THIS conceit of Aug. Chysamensis being answered, who only giueth his opinion for reason, I will in a few words examine that of the Manichies, of Nouioniagus, Vadianus, Goropius Becanus, and all those that vnder∣stood, that by Paradise was meant the whole Earth. But in this I shall not trouble the Reader with many words, because by those places of Scripture formerly remembred, this Vniuersalitie will appeare altogether impro∣per.* 1.204 The places which Vadianus alleageth, Bring forth fruit and multiply, fill the Earth and subdue it, rule ouer euery Creature, &c. with this of the Acts, and hath made of one* 1.205 bloud all Mankind, to dwell on all the face of the Earth, doe no way proue such a generali∣tie: [unspec 40] for the World was made for man, of which he was Lord and Gouernour, and all things therin were ordained of God for his vse: Now although all men were of one and the same fountaine of bloud originally; and Adams Posteritie inhabited in pro∣cesse of time ouer all the face of the Earth; yet it disproueth in nothing the particular Garden, assigned to Adam, to dresse and cultiue, in which he liued in so blessed an e∣state before his transgression. For if there had beene no other choice, but that Adam had bin left to the Vniuersall; Moses would not then haue sayd, Eastward in Eden, see∣ing* 1.206 the World hath nor East nor West, but respectiuely. And to what end had the Angell of God beene set to keepe the East-side, and entrance into Paradise after A∣dams* 1.207 expulsion, if the Vniuersall had beene Paradise? for then must Adam haue beene [unspec 50] chased also out of the World. For if All the Earth were Paradise, that place can re∣ceiue no better construction then this, That Adam was driuen out of the World into the World, and out of Paradise into Paradise, except we should beleeue with Metro∣dorus, that there were infinite Worlds. Which to 〈◊〉〈◊〉; hee thinkes all one, as to af∣firme,

That in so large a field, as the vniuersall, there should grow but one thistle. NOVIO∣MAGVS vpon Beda, seemeth to be led by this, that it was vnpossible for those three Riuers, Ganges, Nilus, and Euphrates (which water three portions of the World so farre distant) to rise out of one Fountayne, except the Ocean be taken for the Well, and the World for the Garden.

And it is true, that those foure Riuers, being so vnderstood, there could be no con∣iecture more probable; but it shall plainely appeare, that Pison was falsly taken for Ganges, and Gehon falsly for Nilus, although Ganges be a Riuer by Hauilah in India, and Nilus runne through Aethiopia. The Seuentie write Chus for Aethiopia, and there∣by the errors of the Manichees, and the mistakings of Nouiomagus, Goropius, and Va∣dianus, [unspec 10] with others, are made manifest. Yet was their coniecture farre more probable, then that of Ephram, Cyrillus, and Athanasius: That Paradise was seated farre beyond the Ocean Sea, and that Adam waded through it, and at last came toward the Coun∣trie, in which he was created, and was buryed at Mount Caluary, in Hierusalem. And certainely, though all those of the first Age were of great stature, and so continued many yeeres after the floud, yet Adams shin-bones must haue contayned a thousand fadome, and much more, if he had foorded the Ocean; but this opinion is so ridi∣culous, as it needes no argument to disproue it.

§. VII. [unspec 20] Of their opinion, which make Paradise as high as the Moone: and of others, which make it higher than the middle Region of the ayre.

THirdly, whereas Beda saith, and as the Schoole-men affirme, Paradise to be a place, altogether remoued from the knowledge of men (locus à cognitione hominum remotissimus) and Barcephas conceiued, that Para∣dise was farre in the East, but mounted aboue the Ocean, and all the Earth, and neere the Orbe of the Moone (which opinion, though the [unspec 30] Schoole-men charge Beda withall, yet Pererius layes it off from Beda vpon Strabus, and his Master Rabanus:) and wheras Rupertus in his Geographie of Paradise, doth not much differ from the rest, but findes it seated next or neerest heauen; It may seeme, that all these borrowed this doctrine out of Plato, and Plato out of Socrates; but nei∣ther of them (as I conceiue) well vnderstood: who (vndoubtedly) tooke this place for heauen it selfe, into which the soules of the blessed were carryed after death.

True it is, that these Philosophers durst not for feare of the Areopagites (in this* 1.208 and many other diuine apprehensions) set downe what they beleeued in plaine termes, especially Plato: though Socrates in the end suffered death, for acknowledge∣ing one onely powerfull God; and therefore did the Deuill himselfe doe him that [unspec 40] right, as by an Oracle, to pronounce him the wisest man. Iustine Martyr affirmeth,* 1.209 that Plato had read the Scriptures; and S. Augustine gaue this iudgement of him, as his opinion, that (few things changed) he might be counted a Christian. And it see∣meth to me, that both Tertullian and Eusebius conceiue, that Socrates, by that place aforesaid, meant the celestiall Paradise, and not this of Eden. Solinus, I grant, repor∣teth, that there is a place exceeding delightfull and healthfull, vpon the top of Mount Atho (called 〈◊〉〈◊〉) which being aboue all clouds of rayne, or other in∣conuenience, the people (by reason of their many yeeres) are called Macrobioi (that is) Long-liued. A further argument is vsed, for proofe of the heighth of this place, because therein was Enoch preserued from the violence of the floud: appro∣ued [unspec 50] by Isidore, and Peter Lombard; in which place also Tertullian conceiued, that the blessed soules were preserued till the last iudgement; which Irenaeus, and Iustine Martyr also beleeued. But this opinion was of all Catholike Diuines reproued, and in the Florentine Councell damned; of which S. Augustine more modestly gaue this

iudgement. Sicut certum est ENOCH & ELIAM nunc viuere: ita vbi nunc sunt, an in Paradiso an alibi, incertum est; (that is) As it is certayne that ENOCH and ELIAS doe now liue: so where they now liue, in Paradise or elsewhere, it is vncertayne. But Barce∣phas giues a third cause, though of all other the weakest. For (saith he) it was neces∣sarie that Paradise should be set at such a distance and heighth, because the foure Ri∣uers (had they not fallen so precipitate) could not haue had sufficient force to haue thrust themselues vnder the great Ocean, and afterwards haue forced their passage through the earth, and haue risen againe in the farre distant Regions of India, Ae∣gypt, and Armenia.

These strange fancies and dreames haue beene answered by diuers learned men [unspec 10] long since, and lately by Hopkins and Pererius writing vpon this subiect; of whose arguments I will repeate these few: for to vse long discourse against those things, which are both against Scripture and Reason, might rightly be iudged a vanitie in the Answerer, not much inferior to that of the Inuenter.

It is first therefore alleaged, that such a place cannot be commodious to liue in: for being set so neere the Moone, it had beene too neere the Sunne, and other hea∣uenly bodies. Secondly, because it must haue beene too ioynct a Neighbour to the Element of fire. Thirdly, because the aire in that Region is so violently moued, and carryed about with such swiftnesse, as nothing in that place can consist or haue abi∣ding. Fourthly, because the place betweene the Earth and the Moone (according [unspec 20] to Ptolemie and Alfraganus) is seuenteene times the Diameter of the Earth, which makes by a grosse account about one hundred and twentie thousand miles. Hereup∣on it must follow, that Paradise, being raised to this heighth, must haue the compasse of the whole earth for a Basis & foundation. But had it been so raised, it could hardly be hidden from the knowledge, or eyes of men: seeing it would depriue vs of the Sunnes light, all the fore-part of the day, being seated in the East, as they suppose. Now, to fortifie the former opinions, Tostatus addeth this, that those people which dwell neere those falls of waters, are deafe from their infancie, like those which dwell neere the Catadupae, or ouer-falls of Nilus. But this I hold as fayned. For I haue seene* 1.210 in the Indies, far greater water-falls, than those of Nilus, and yet the people dwelling [unspec 30] neere them, are not deafe at all. Tostatus (the better to strengthen himselfe) citeth Basil and Ambrose together: to which PERERIVS, Sed ego hac apud BASILIVM & AM∣BROSIVM in eorum scriptis, quae nunc extant, nusquam me legere memini; But I doe not remember (saith he) that I euer read those things, either in BASIL or AMBROSE.

But for the bodies of Enoch and Elias, God hath disposed of them according to his wisdome. Their taking vp might be into the celestiall Paradise, for ought we know. For although flesh and bloud, subiect to corruption, cannot inherit the Kingdome of heauen, and the seede must rot in the ground before it grow, yet we shall not all die (saith S. PAVL) but all shall be changed: which change, in Enoch and Elias, was ea∣sie* 1.211 * 1.212 to him that is Almightie. But for the rest, the Scriptures are manifest, that by the [unspec 40] floud all perished on the earth, sauing eight persons, and therefore in the terrestriall Paradise they could not be.

For Tostatus his owne opinion, who soared not altogether so high as the rest, but beleeued that Paradise was raysed aboue the middle Region of the aire, and twentie cubits aboue all Mountaines, that the floud did not therefore reach it: (which Scotus and other later Schoole-men also beleeued; for, say they, there were no sinners in Paradise, and therefore no cause to ouer-whelme it:) this is also contrarie to the ex∣presse letter of the Scripture: which directly, and without admitting of any distincti∣on teacheth vs, that the waters ouer-flowed all the mountaynes vnder heauen. And were it* 1.213 otherwise, then might we aswell giue credit to Masius Damascenus, and the Thalmu∣dists, [unspec 50] who affirme, that there were of the Giants that saued themselues on the Moun∣tayne Baris, and on Sion. But to helpe this, Scotus, being (as the rest of the Schoole∣men are) full of distinctions, saith; That the waters stood at Paradise, as they did in the Red Sea, and at Iordan; and as the floud was not naturall, so was Paradise saued* 1.214

by miracle. And Thomas Aquinas qualifieth this high conceit with this supposition, That it was not beleeued, that Paradise was so seated, as Beda and others seeme to af∣firme in wordes, but by Hyperbole and comparatiuely, for the delicacie and beautie so resembled. But this I dare auow of all those Schoole-men, that though they were exceeding wittie, yet they better teach all their Followers to shift, then to resolue, by their distinctions. Wherefore not to stay long in answering this opinion of Tosta∣tus, I confesse that it is written, that the Mountaynes of Olympus, Atho, and Atlas, o∣uer-reach and surmount all windes and clouds, and that (notwithstanding) there is found on the heads of the Hills both springs and fruits; and the Pagan Priests, sacri∣ficing on these Mountaine tops, do not find the ashes (remaining of their sacrifices) [unspec 10] blowne thence, nor thence washt off by raines, when they returne: yet experience hath resolued vs, that these reports are fabulous, and Plinie himselfe (who was not sparing in the report of wonders) auoweth the contrarie. But were it granted, yet the heighth of these Mountaynes is far vnder the supposed place of Paradise; and on these selfe Hills the ayre is so thinne (saith S. Augustine, whom herein I mistrust) that it is not sufficient to beare vp the body of a bird, hauing therein no feeling of her wings, or any sensible resistance of ayre to mount her selfe by.

§. VIII. [unspec 20] Of their opinion that seaete Paradise vnder the Aequinoctiall: and of the pleasant habitation vnder those Climates.

THose which come neerer vnto reason, finde Paradise vnder the Aequino∣ctiall line, as Tertullian, Bonauenture, and Durandus: iudging, that there∣vnder might be found most pleasure, and the greatest fertilitie of soile: but against it Thomas Aquinas obiecteth the distemperate heate, which he supposeth to be in all places so directly vnder the Sunne; but this is (non causa pro causa) for although Paradise could not be vnder the line, because Eden is [unspec 30] farre from it, in which Paradise was; and because there is no part of Euphrates, Tigris, or Ganges vnder it, (Ganges being one of the foure Riuers, as they suppose) yet this conceit of distemper, (being but an old opinion) is found to be very vntrue, though for the coniecture not to be condemned, considering the age when those Fathers wrote, grounded chiefly on this: that whereas it appeared, that euery Countrie, as it lay by degrees neerer the Tropick, and so toward the Aequinoctiall, did so much the more exceede in heate; It was therefore a reasonable coniecture, that those Coun∣tries which were situated directly vnder it, were of a distemper vninhabitable: but it seemeth that Tertullian conceiued better, and so did 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for they both thought them habitable enough; and though (perchance) in those dayes it might be thought [unspec 40] a fantasticall opinion (as all are which goe against the vulgar) yet we now finde, that if there be any place vpon the earth of that nature, beautie, and delight, that Paradise had, the same must be found within that supposed vninhabitable burnt Zone, or within the Tropicks, and neerest to the line it selfe. For hereof experience hath in∣formed Reason, and Time hath made those things apparent, which were hidden and could not by any contemplation be discouered. Indeede it hath so pleased God to prouide for all liuing creatures, wherewith he hath filled the world, that such incon∣ueniences which we contemplate a-farre off, are found by tryall and the witnesse of mens trauailes, to be so qualified, as there is no portion of the earth made in vaine, or as a fruitlesse lump to fashion out the rest. For, God himselfe (saith ISAY) that formed [unspec 50] * 1.215 the earth and made it, he that prepared it, he created it not in vaine, he formed it to be inha∣bited. Now we finde that these hottest Regions of the world, seated vnder the Ae∣quinoctiall line, or neere it, are so refreshed with a daily gale of Easternely winde (which the Spaniards call the Brize, that doth euermore blow strongest in the heare

of the day, as the downe-right beames of the Sunne cannot so much master it, that there is any inconuenience or distemperate heate found thereby. Secondly, the nights are so cold, fresh, and equall, by reason of the entire interposition of the earth, as (for those places which my selfe haue seene, neere the Line and vnder it) I know no other part of the world of better, or equall temper: Onely there are some tracts, which by accident of high Mountaynes are barr'd from this aire and fresh wind, and some few sandie parts without trees, which are not therefore so well inhabited as the rest; and such difference of soiles we finde also in all other parts of the World. But (for the greatest part) those Regions haue so many goodly Riuers, Fountaynes and little Brookes, abundance of high Cedars, and other stately trees casting shade, [unspec 10] so many sorts of delicate fruits, euer bearing, and at all times beautified with blos∣some and fruit, both greene and ripe, as it may of all other parts be best compared to the Paradise of Eden: the boughes and branches are neuer vnclothed and left naked, their sap creepeth not vnder ground into the roote, fearing the iniurie of the frost: neither doth Pomona at any times despise her withered husband Vertumnus, in his winter quarters and old age. Therefore are these Countries called Terrae vitiosae; Vicious Countries: for Nature being liberall to all without labour, necessitie imposing no industrie or trauell, idlenesse bringeth forth no other fruits then vaine thoughts, and licentious pleasures. So that to conclude this part, Tertullian and those of his opinion were not deceiued in the nature of the place: but Aquinas, who misliked [unspec 20] this opinion, and followed a worse. And (to say the truth) all the Schoole-men were grosse in this particular.

§. IX. Of the change of the names of places: and that besides that Eden in Coe∣lesyria, there is a Countrey in Babylon, once of this name, as is proued out of ESA. 37. and EZECH. 27.

THese opinions answered, and the Region of Eden not found in any of [unspec 30] those imaginarie worlds, nor vnder Torrida Zona; it followeth that now we discouer and finde out the seate thereof, for in it was Paradise by God planted. The difficultie of which search resteth chiefly in this, That as all Nations haue often changed names with their Ma∣sters; so are most of these places, by Moses remembred, forgotten by those names of all Historians and Geographers, as well ancient as moderne.

Besides, we finde that the Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians (Cyrus only and few other excepted) sought to extinguish the Hebrewes. The Graecians hated both their Nation and their Religion; and the Romanes despised once to remember [unspec 40] them in any of their stories. And as those three Monarchies succeeded each other: so did they transforme the names of all those principall Places & Cities in the East: and after them, the Turke hath sought (what he could) to extinguish in all things, the ancient memorie of those people; which he hath subiected and inthralled.

Now besides those notable markes, Euphrates & Tigris, the better to find the way, which leadeth to the Countrie of Eden, we are to take for guides these two conside∣rations (to wit) That it lay Eastward from Canaan & Iudaeae; and that it was of all o∣ther the most beautiful and fertile. First then in respect of situation, the next Country to Iudaea Eastward was Arabia Petraea; but in this Region was Moses himselfe when he wrote: and the next vnto it Eastward also was Arabia the Desart, both which in re∣spect [unspec 50] of the infertilitie could not be Eden, neither haue any of the Arabians any such Riuers, as are exprest to run out of it: So as it followeth of necessitie, that Eden must be Eastward, and beyond both Arabia Petraea, and Deserta. But because Eden is by Moses named by it selfe, and by the fertilitie, and the Riuers only described, we must

seeke it in other Scriptures, and where it is by the additions of the neighbour Na∣tions better described. In the Prophet Isay I finde it coupled and accompanyed* 1.216 with other adjacent Countries, in these wordes, spoken in the person of Senacherib by RABSAKEH: Haue the gods of the Nations deliuered them, which my Fathers haue destroyed, as GOSAN, and HARAN, and RESEPH, and the children of EDEN, which were at Telassar? and in Ezechiel, where he prophecieth against the Tyrians: They of* 1.217 Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the Merchants of Sheba, Asbur, and Chilmad, were thy Merchants, &c.

But to auoid confusion, we must vnderstand that there were two Edens, one of which the Prophet Amos remembreth, where he diuideth Syria into three Prouin∣ces, [unspec 10] whereof, the first he maketh Syria Damascene, or Decapolitan: the second part is* 1.218 that Valley called Auenis, otherwise Conuallis, or the Tract of Chamath, where Assy∣ria is ioyned to Arabia the Desart, and where Ptolemie placeth the Citie of Aueria: and the third is knowne by the name of Domus Edenis, or Coelesyria, otherwise Vallis* 1.219 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or the hollow Valley, because the Mountaynes of Libanus and Antilibanus, take all the length of it on both sides, and border it: for Coele in Greeke is Caua in Latine. But this is not that Eden, which we seeke: neither doth this Prouince lye East from Ca∣naan, but North, and so ioyneth vnto it, as it could not be vnknowne to the He∣brewes. Yet, because there is a little Citie therein called Paradise, the Iewes beleeued this Coelesyria to be the same which Moses describeth. For the same cause doth Hop∣kins [unspec 20] in his Treatise of Paradise reprehend Beroaldus, in that he confoundeth this E∣den, with the other Eden of Paradise: though to giue Beroaldus his right, I conceiue that he led the way to Hopkins, and to all other later Writers, sauing, That he fay∣led in distinguishing these two Regions, both called Eden: and that he altogether misvnderstood two of the foure Riuers (to wit) Pison and Gehon, as shall appeare hereafter. Now to finde out Eden, which (as Moses teacheth vs) lay Eastward from the Desarts, where he wrote, after he had passed the Red Sea; wee must consider where those other Countries are found, which the Prophet Isay and Ezechiel ioyneth with it. For (saith ESAIAH) Gosan, Haran, and Reseph, and the children of Eden, which were at Telàssar. Also Ezechiel ioyneth Haran with Eden, who, together with [unspec 30] * 1.220 those of Sheba, Ashur, and Chilmad, were the Merchants that traded with the Citie of Tyre, which was then (saith EZECHIEL) the Mart of the people for many Isles. And it hath euer beene the custome, that the Persians conueyed their merchandise to Babylon, and to those Cities vpon Euphrates, and Tigris, and from thence transpor∣ted them into Syria, now Soria, and to the Port of the Mediterrane Sea: as in ancient times to the Citie of Tyre, afterward to Tripoly, and now to Aleppo, from whence they imbarque them at the Port of Alexandretta, in the Bay of Issicus, now Laiazzo. Ezechiel in the description of the magnificence of Tyre, and of the exceeding trade that it had with all the Nations of the East, as the onely Mart-towne of that part of the world, reciteth both the people, with whom they had commerce, and also what [unspec 40] commodities euery Countrie yeelded: and hauing counted the seuerall People and Countries, he addeth the particular trade, which each of them exercised: They were* 1.221 thy Merchants (saith the Prophet) in all sorts of things, in rayments of blue silke, and of broidered workes, fine linnen, corrall and pearle: and afterwards speaking of the Mer∣chants of Sheba and Raamah, and what kindes they traded, he hath these wordes: The Merchants of Sheba and Raamah were thy Merchants, they occupied in thy Fayres, with the chiefe of all Spices, and with all precious stones and gold. Now these be indeed the riches which Persia and Arabia Foelix yeeld: and because Sheba and Raama are those parts of Arabia, which border the Sea, called the Persian Gulfe, therefore did those Nations both vent such Spice, sweet Gummes, and Pearles, as their owne Countries yeelded, [unspec 50] and (withall) hauing trade with their Neighbours of India, had from them also all sorts of spices, and plentie of gold. The better to conuey these commodities to that great Mart of Tyre, the Shebans or Arabians entred by the mouth of Tigris, and from the Citie of Terredon (built or enlarged by Nabuchodonozor, now called Balsara)

thence sent vp all these rich merchandises by boate to Babylon, from whence by the body of Euphrates, as farre as it bended Westward, and afterward by a branch there∣of, which reacheth within three dayes iourney of Aleppo, and then ouer Land they past to Tyre, as they did afterward to Tripoly (formerly Hieropolis) and thence to Alexandretta, as aforesaid. Now the Merchants of Canneh, which Ezechiel ioyneth with Eden, inhabited farre vp the Riuer, and receiued this trade from Arabia & India, besides those proper commodities which themselues had, and which they receiued out of Persia, which bordered them. S. Hierome vnderstandeth by Canneh, Selencia, which is seated vpon Euphrates, where it breaketh into foure heads, and which tooke that name from Seleucus, who made thereof a magnificent Citie. Hierosolymitanus [unspec 10] thinkes it to be Ctesiphon, but Ctesiphon is seated downe low vpon Tigris, and Canneh cannot be on that side, I meane on the East-side of Tigris, for then were it out of the Valley of Shinar. Plinic placeth the Schenite vpon Euphrates, where the same begin∣neth* 1.222 to be foordable, which is toward the border of Syria, after it leaueth to be the bound of Arabia the Defart, & where the Riuer of Euphrates reflecteth from the De∣sart of Palmirena: for these people of Canneh (afterward Schenitae) inhabited both borders of Euphrates, ftretching themselues from their owne Citie of Canneh in Shi∣nar Westward along the banks of Euphrates, as farre as the Citie of Thapsacus, where Ptolemie appointed the Foords of Euphrates: which also agreeth with the description of the Schenitae by Strabo, whose wordes are these: Mercatoribus ex Syria Seleuciam* 1.223 [unspec 20] & Babyloniam euntibus iter est per Schenitas; The Merchants which trauaile from Syria to Seleucia and Babylon, take their way by the Schenitas. Therefore those which take Can∣neh for Charran, doe much mistake it. For Charran, to which Abraham came from Vr* 1.224 in Chaldaea (called by God) standeth also in Mesopotamia, not vpon Euphrates it selfe, but vpon the Riuer of Chaboras, which falleth into Euphrates: and the Merchants of Charran are distinctly named with those of Canneh in Ezechiel (as) they of Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the Merchants of Sheba, Ashur, and Chilmad were thy Merchants. Wherefore Charran which is sometime called Charre, and Haran, and Aran, is but the same Charran of Mesopotamia; and when it is written Aran, then it is taken for the Region of Mesopotamia: or Aran 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Greeke word (Mesopotamia) impor∣ting, [unspec 30] a Countrie betweene Riuers: for Mesos in Greeke, is Medius in Latine, and Po∣tamos, 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and when it is written Haran or Aran, it is then taken for the Citie it selfe, to which Abraham came from Vr (as aforesaid.) For Strabo in the description of Arabia, giueth that Tract of Land from the borders of Coelesyria, to the edge of Mesopotamia, to the Schenitae, who also inhabited on both sides of Euphrates, and were in after-ages accounted of these Arabians which inhabite Batanea, and the North part of the Desarts, stretching themselues toward the vnhabited Solitude of Palmi∣rena, which lyeth betweene Syria, and Arabia the Desart So as these of Canneh lay in the very high-way from Babylon to Tyre, and were Neighbours (indifferent) to Char∣ran and to Eden: and therefore they are by the Prophet Ezechiel coupled together, [unspec 40] They of Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, &c. But S. Hierome made a good interpretation of Canneh, or Chalne, by Seleucia: for Seleucia was anciently called Chalanne (witnesse Appian;) and so Rabanus Maurus calleth it in his Commentaries vpon Genesis; the name by time and mixture of languages being changed from Chalne or Canneh, to Chalanne: of which name there are two other Cities, standing in Triangle with Se∣leucia, and almost the next vnto it, (as) Thelbe-canne, and Mann canne, the one a little to the West of Seleucia, and the other opposite vnto it, where these Riuers of Tigris and Euphrates are readie to ioyne. Therefore, which of these the ancient Canne was, (being all three within the bound of the Valley Shinar) it is vncertayne: but it is a note aswell of the importance of the place, as of the certayne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereof, that so [unspec 50] many other Cities did retayne a part of the name in so many ages after. Neither is it vnlikely, that these additions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Mann to the word Canne, were but to make difference betweene the East and the West, or the greater and the lesse Canne, or betweene Canne the old, and the new: which additions to distinguish Cities by, are ordinarie in all the Regions of the world.

Now of the other Citie ioyned with Eden, as Haran or Charran, S. Hierome on the Iudges speaketh thereof in these wordes: Cum{que} reuerterentur, peruenerunt ad* 1.225 Charran, quae est in medio itinere contra Niniuen, vndecimo die; When they retur∣ned, they came to Charran, (which is the mid-way against Niniue) the eleuenth day.

This Citie is by the Martyr Stephen named Charran (speaking to the high Priest:) Yee Men, Brethren, and Fathers, harken: The God of glorie appeared to our Father ABRA∣HAM,* 1.226 while he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran. But the seate of this Citie is not doubted of: for it is not only remembred in many Scriptures, but, with∣all, exceeding famous for the death and ouerthrow of Crassus the Romane, who for [unspec 10] his vnsatiable greedinesse was called Gurges auaritiae; The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of auarice. Whereof Lucan:

Assyrias Latio maculauit sanguine Carras,* 1.227

With Roman bloud th'Assyrian Carre he defil'd.

But this Citie Canne or Chalne is made manifest by Moses himselfe, where it is written of NIMROD: And the beginning of his Kingdome was Babel, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and* 1.228 Acad, and Chalne, in the Land of Sinaar, or Shinar: where Moses sheweth the first com∣position [unspec 20] position of the Babylonian Empire, and what Cities and People were subiect vnto Nimrod, all which lay in the said Valley of Shinar or neere it; and this Valley of Shinar is that Tract, afterwards called Babylonia and Chaldaea, into which also Eden stretcheth it selfe. Chaldaea, Babylonia, Sinaar, idem sunt (saith COMESTOR.) Three names of one Countrie: which Region of Babylonia tooke name of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Babel; and the Towre, of the confusion of tongues. And that Shinar was Babylonia, it is proued in the eleuenth Chapter of Genesis, in these wordes: And as they went from the* 1.229 East, they found a Playne in the Land of Shinar, and there they abode: in which Playne Ba∣byton was built (as aforesaid.)

Now Shinar being Babylonia, and Canneh, in the first beginning of Nimrods great∣nesse, [unspec 30] and before he had subdued any strange, or farre-off Nations, being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Dominion, and also named by Moses to be in Shinar, it proueth, that Canneh ioy∣neth to Babylonia; which also Ezechiel coupleth with Eden, and (further) affirmeth, that those of Eden were also the Merchants, which traded with the Tyrians: and Esay in the threats of Senacherib against Hierusalem (with other Nations that Senacherib vaunted that his Fathers had destroyed) nameth the children of Eden which were at Telassar. But before I conclude where Eden it selfe lyeth, it is necessarie to describe those other Countries, which Ezechiel ioyneth therewith in the places before re∣membred, as, those of Sheba and Raamah. It is written in Genesis the tenth: Moreouer* 1.230 the sonnes of HAM were CVSH, &c. And the sons of CVSH were SEBA, and HAVILAH, [unspec 40] and SABTAH. & RAAMAH, &c. And the sons of RAAMAH were SHEBA, &c. and anon after, CVSH begat NIMROD: so as Sheba was the grand child of Cush, and Nimrod the sonne of Cush, whose elder brother was Sebah: though some there are that conceiue to the contrarie, that Nimrod was the elderin valour and vnderstanding, though not in time and precedence of birth; who inhabited that part of Shinar, where Babel was built, afterwards Babylonia. His brother Raamah or Regma tooke that part adioyning to Shinar, toward the Sea side and Persian Gulfe (called afterward Raama and Sheba, by the Father and his Sonnes, which possessed it.) For (saith EZECHIEL) the Mer∣chants of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Sheba were thy Merchants, they occupyed in thy Faire's with the chiefe of all spices, and all precious stones, and gold. So as Sheba was that Tract of Countrie, [unspec 50] which parteth Arabia Deserta from Arabia Foelix, and which ioyneth to the Sea where Tigris and Euphrates fall out, and render themselues to the Ocean. This part, and the confining Countrie Strabo calleth Catabaria, where the best Myrrhe and Frankin∣cense* 1.231 is gathered; which people haue an interchange or trade with Elana, lying on

the East side of the Persian Gulfe. By this it appeareth who were the Shebeans, spo∣ken of by Ezechiel, and said to haue beene the Merchants of Tyre, for gold, spices, and precious stones: of which they had not onely plentie of their owne, but were also fur∣nished from that part of India (called Elana, according to Strabo) for exchange of their Aromatiques, and other proper commodities. For as Strabo reporteth out of E∣RATOSTHENES: In Persicae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 initto Insula est, in qua multi & pretiosi vniones gig∣nantur: in alijs vero, clari & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lapilli. ERATOSTHENES (saith STRRBO) affirmeth, that in the beginning of the Persian Gulfe, there is an Island, in which there are many precious pearlès bred: and in other, very cleare and shining stones. Now, the diffe∣rence betweene Sheba, the sonne of Raamah, and Seba, the sonne of Cush, is in this, [unspec 10] That Seba is written with the Hebrew (Samech;) and Sheba with (Schin:) but what∣soeuer the difference may be in the Hebrew Orthographie, their Countries and ha∣bitations are diuers. For Sheba is that part which bordereth the Persian Sea; and Sa∣ba (whence the Queene of Saba) neighboured the red Sea; and so that place of the 72. Psalme, expounded, Reges Arabum & Saba, hath in the Hebrew this sense: Reges Shebae & Sabae.

The Shebans, Ezechiel nameth together with the Edenites, because they inhabited vpon the Out-let of the same riuer, vpon which the Edenites were seated: and so those of Sheba, towards the Sea-coast, and vpon it, past vp the Countrie, by Tigris and Eu∣phrates, being ioined in one maine streame, and so through the Region of Eden, which [unspec 20] Tigris boundeth, thereby the better to conuey their merchandise toward Tyre. And as the Cities of Charran, and Canneh, border Eden on the West and Northwest: so doth Sheba on the South, and Chilmad on the North-east. Chilmad being a Region of the higher Media, as appeareth in the Chaldaean Paraphrast, which Countrie by the Geographers is called Coromitena, (L) placed by exchange for (R:) which change the Hebrewes also often vse.

Thus much of those Countries which border Eden, and who altogether traded with the Tyrians: of which, the chiefe were the Edenites, inhabiting Telassar: for these Senacharib vaunted, that his Fathers had destroyed; and this place of Telassar lay most conuenient, both to receiue the Trade from Sheba and Arabia, and also to [unspec 30] conuey it ouer into Syria, and to Tyrus. Now to make these things the more plaine, we must remember, that before the death of Senacharib, many parts of the Babyloni∣an Empire fell from his obedience, and after his death these Monarchies were vtterly disioyned.

For it appeareth both in Esai the 37. and in the second of Kings, by the threates of Rabsache, the while the Armie of Assyria lay before Hierusalem, that the Cities of Gosan, Haran, Reseph, and the Edenites at Telassar, had resisted the Assyrians, though by them (in a sort) mastered and recouered. Haue the gods of the Nations deliuered* 1.232 them, whom my Fathers haue destroyed, as Gosan, and Haran, Reseph, and the children of Eden, which were at Telassar? But it appeared manifestly after Senacharibs death, that [unspec 40] these Nations formerly contending, were then freed from the others subiection: for Esar-Haddon held Assyria, and Merodach Baladan, Babylonia. And after that the Ar∣mie of Senacharib, commanded by Rabsache, which lay before Hierusalem (Ezechias* 1.233 then raigning) while Senacharib was in Egypt, was by the Angell of God destroyed: the King of Babel sent to Ezechias, both to congratulate the recouerie of his health,* 1.234 * 1.235 and his victorie obtained ouer the Assyrians. After which ouerthrow, Senacharib* 1.236 himselfe was slaine by his owne sonnes in the Temple of his Idoles, Esar-Haddon suc∣ceeding him in Assyria. To the Babylonian Ambassadours sent by Merodach, Ezechias* 1.237 shewed all his treasures, aswell proper as consecrate, which inuited the Kings of Ba∣bylon afterward to vndertake their conquest and subuersion. So as, the suspition of [unspec 50] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 encreasing betweene Babylon and Assyria, the Edenités which inhabited the borders of Shinar towards the North, and towards Assyria, were imployed to beare off the incursions of the Assyrians; and their Garrison-place was at Telassar: and the very word (Telassar) saith Iunius, signifying as much, as a Bulwarke against the Assy∣rians.

This place Hierosolymitanus takes for Resem, others for Seleucia: but this Te∣lassar is the same, which Am. Marcellinus in the Historie of Iulian (whom he follow∣ed in the enterprize of Persia) calleth Thilutha in stead of Telassar, who describeth the exceeding strength thereof in his 24. Booke: It is seated in an Island of Eupbrates vp∣on a steepe and vnassaultable Rocke, in so much as the Emperour Iulian durst not attempt it; and therefore it was a conuenient place for a Garrison against the Assyri∣ans, being also a passage out of Mesopotamia into Babylonia, and in which the Edenites of the Countrey adioyning were lodged to defend the same. This place Ptolomie cal∣leth* 1.238 Teridata, hauing Reseph (which he calleth Resepha) on the left hand, and Canneh, (which he calleth Thelbe-canne) on the right hand, not far from whence is also found [unspec 10] the Citie of Mann-canne vpon Tigris, and all these seated together, as Esay and Eze∣chiel haue sorted them. But the vnderstanding of these places is the more difficult, because Assyria (which the Chaldaeans call Atturia) and Mesopotamia, were so often confounded: the one taken for the other by interchange of Dominion. Assyria & Mesopotamia in Babyloniae nomen transier unt (saith NIGER,) Assyria and Mesopota∣mia* 1.239 tooke the name of Babylonia. Lastly, it appeareth by those adiacent Regions by the Prophets named, in what part of the world Eden is seated, as, by Charran or Ha∣ran in Mesopotamia: also by Canneh and Reseph, according to the opinion of Vatablus, who in these wordes translateth this place: Plantauer at autem IEHOVAH Deus hor∣tum in Eden, ab Oriente, The Lord God planted a garden in Eden, Eastward: that is (saith [unspec 20] he in his Annotations.) Iusser at nasci arbores in Eden, Regione Orientali, in finibus Ara∣biae & Mesopotamiae, He commanded trees to grow in Eden, an Easterne Region in the bor∣ders of Arabia and Mesopotamia.

§. X. Of diuers other testimonies of the land of Eden; and that this is the Eden of Paradise.

ANd for a more particular pointing out of this Eden, it seemes by the two [unspec 30] Epistles of the Nestorian Christians, that inhabite Mesopotamia, which Epistles in the yeere 1552. they sent to the Pope about the confirming of their Patriarch, and Andraeas Masius hath published them, translated out of Syriac into Latine. By these Epistles (I say) it seemes we may haue some farther light for the proofe of that, which we haue said about the Region of Eden in those parts. For in them both there is mention of the Island of Eden in the Riuer Tigris, or at least, Tigris in both these Epistles is called the Riuer of Eden. This Island, as Masius in his Praeface to these Epistles saith, is commonly called Gozoria (as it were, the Island, by an eminencie) It hath (saith he) tenne miles in circuit, and was sometimes walled round about, which name of the Island Eden may (doubtlesse) re∣maine [unspec 40] to this day; though in the rest of the Region so called this name be swallow∣ed vp, with the fame of those flourishing Kingdomes of Mesopotamia, Assyria, Babylo∣nia, and Chaldaea. This Island of Eden hath vp the Riuer, and not farre beyond it, the Citie of Hasan-Cepha, otherwise Fortis Petra: below it, it hath Mosal or Mosel, from which (as in that which followeth it shall appeare out of Masius) it is not aboue twelue miles distant. Neither is it to trouble vs, that Mosal or Mosel by Marius Ni∣ger is remembred among the Cities higher vp Tigris, in these wordes. Iuxta autem* 1.240 Tigrim, Ciuitates sunt Dorbeta prope Taurum montem, quae nunc Mosel dicitur; magna sa∣nè, &c. (that is) By Tigris are these Cities, Dorbeta neere vnto mount Taurus (which is now called Mosel) which is a great one, &c. This opinion of Niger, displacing Mosel, [unspec 50] and making it to be Dorbeta (I say) needes not here to trouble vs: seeing for this mat∣ter, the testimonie of Masius informed by the Christians that dwelt there (the Seat of whose Patriarch it is) ought to be of credit, auowing that this Mosal (or Mozal) is in the confines of Mesopotamia and Assyria, seated vpon Tigris, and in the neighbour∣hood

of Niniue; and that it is the famous Seleucia Parthorum. The Nestorian Chri∣stians in their former Epistle, call it Attur in these words: Ex omnibus Ciuitatibus & pagis quae sunt circum Ciuitatem Mozal (hoc est) Attur in vicinia Niniues; Of all the Ci∣ties and townes which are about the Citie of Mozal (that is) Attur in the neighbourhood of Niniue. As also Niger acknowledgeth Ctesiphon, a Citie thereabout to be called As∣sur (which is the same as Attur, after the Dialect of those Nations, which change Sh into T.) Neither is it much that he should mistake Ctesiphon (which is not farre off Se∣leucia) for Seleucia, to be Assur. By this then wee may come somewhat neere the end of our purpose. For the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Eden, which lyeth in the brest of Tigris, is but twelue miles from Mosal, and that ancient Citie, which Ptolomie and Tacitus call Ninus, [unspec 10] and the Scriptures Nineue, Philostratus, and Simeon Sethi, Mosula, and Iohn Lean Mo∣sal, others Mosse, (though it bee not the same with Mosal) is set but a little higher vpon the same riuer of Tigris, neere Mosal: so that wee are like to finde this Ile of Eden here-about. For the same Andraeas Masius, which placeth it aboue Mosal, makes it to be belowe Hasan chepha, which is vpon the same riuer of Tigris.

The onely difficultie is this, that some perhaps may thinke, that the words of the Nestorians in both their Epistles, speake not of any Ile in Tigris, called the Ile of Eden, but of an Ile in Tigris, a riuer of Eden. But this sense of their words in my opinion see∣meth the more vnprobable. And yet if this were the meaning heere, we haue a testi∣monie from the learned of those parts, that not onely Euphrates, but also Tigris was [unspec 20] a riuer of Eden, and that the name of Eden in those parts is not yet quite worne out, though the Region hath beene subiect to the same change, that all other kingdomes of the world haue beene, and hath by conquest, and corruption of other languages, receiued new and differing names. For the South part of Eden, which stretcheth ouer Euphrates, was after the floud called Shinar, and then of the tower of Babel, Babylo∣nia; and the North part of Eden is that Tract of Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Armenia, which embraceth both the banks of Tigris, betweene Mount Taurus, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And of this Region of Eden. that ancient AETHICVS maketh mention, (not that latter AETHICVS, disciple of CALLINICVS, otherwise by PLVTARCH and ATHENAEVS called ISTRI, who liued in Aegypt in the reigne of PHILADEI∣PHVS, [unspec 30] but another of a farre higher and remotetime) the same being made Latine out of Greeke by S. HIEROME. And though by corruption of the ancient copie it bee written in AETHICVS, Adonis for Edenis; yet Adonis being a riuer of Phoeni∣cia, cannot be vnderstood to bee the Region named by AETHICVS. For AETHI∣CVS makes it a Countrie, and not a riuer, and ioyneth it with Mesopotamia and Ae∣thiopia, calling the land of CHVS Aethiopia, after the Vulgar, and Septuagint. And lastly, the Riuer which watereth the Regions (sayth AETHICVS) falleth into the Gulfe of Persia: which Riuer hee calleth Armodius, for Tigris; Tigris being but a name imposed for the swiftnesse thereof. And out of Armenia both Tigris and Eu∣phrates haue their originall: for out of Eden came a riuer, or riuers, to water the Gar∣den, [unspec 40] both which Riuers (to wit) Tigris and Euphrates, come out of Armenia, and both of them trauerse Mesopotamia, Regions first of all knowne by the name of E∣den for their beautie and fertilitie. And it is very probable, that Eden contained also some part of Armenia, and the excellent fertilitie thereof in diuers places, is not vn∣worthie the name of Eden. For in some part thereof (sayth STRABO) the leaues are alwayes greene, and therefore therein a perpetuall Spring. Also STEPHANVS de vrbibus mentioneth the Citie of Adana vpon Euphrates: and the name of Eden was in vse in Amos time, though he speake not of Eden in the East, but of Eden in Coe∣lesyria. But to the end I may not burden the Readers patience with too long a dis∣course, it may suffice to know, that Euphrates and Tigris (once ioyned together, and [unspec 50] afterward separate) are two of those foure heads, into which these Riuers which are said to water the Garden of Paradise, were diuided: whose courses being knowne, Eden, (out of which they are said to come) cannot be vnknowne. Now that Hidde∣kel and Perath were Tigris and Euphrates, it is agreed by all: for the Seuentie and all

others conuert Perath by Euphrates: & Hiddekel Tigrim omnes exponunt: and all men vnderstand Hiddekel by Tigris (sayth VATABLE.) And because that which I haue sayd of the Ile of Eden, shall not bee subiect to the censure of selfe-inuention, I haue heere-vnder set downe the words out of the two generall Epistles of the Nestorians, as Masius (ad verbum) hath conuerted them into Latine. The occasion of those Let∣ters and Supplications to the Pope were, that the Nestorian Christians which inhabit Mesopotamia, Assyria, Persia, and Babylonia, and haue to this day (at least in Queene Ma∣ries time they had) fifteene Churches in one Citie, called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parthorum, or Mo∣sel vpon the Riuer of Tigris, hauing no sufficient authoritie to choose themselues a Patriarch (which cannot be done without foure or three Metropolitane Bishops at [unspec 10] least) sent to the Bishop of Rome in the yeere of Christ 1552. (as aforesaid) a Peti∣tion to obtaine allowance vnto such an election as themselues had made: hauing three hundred yeere before that vpon the like defect, sent one Marius thither to bee confirmed; and in this negotiation they made knowne to the Bishop of Rome the state of the Christian Church in those parts: for vpon the death of their Patriarch (who of a couetous desire to enrich himselfe had forborne to institute Metropolitane Bishops, when the places fell void) they all assembled themselues together to consult of the Church-gouernment. And because all the Patriarchs for 100. yeeres had beene of one house and family to the preiudice of the Church, and that there yet remai∣ned one Bishop of the same Stocke and Kindred, who aspired to the same dignitie, [unspec 20] which his Predecessours had held, the rest of the Professours refused to allow him. Vpon which occasion, and for the choice of a Gouernour more sufficient, the Tea∣chers in all the Churches assembled themselues. The words of the generall Epistle to the Pope are these, about the middle of the said Epistle: Verùm nos non acceptaui∣mus ne{que} proclamauimus ipsum, sed subitò conuenimus ex omnibus locis Orientalibus, & ex omnibus Ciuitatibus & Pagis quae sunt circum Ciuitatem Mosel (hoc est) 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in vict∣nia Niniues, ex Babylonia, ex Charrha, ex Arbella, ex Insula quae est in medio Tigris, flu∣minis Eden, ex Tauris Persiae, ex Nisibi, &c. which is: But wee did neyther accept of this man, neyther pronounced him: but suddenly we assembled our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all parts of the East, and out of all the Cities and Villages which are about Mosel (or Attur) neighbouring [unspec 30] Niniue, and out of Babylon, Carrha, Arbella, and out of the Iland which lyeth in the middle of Tigris, a Riuer of Eden, or rather, out of the Ile of Eden, which lyeth in the Riuer Ti∣gris. And in a second Epistle at the same time sent, they vse these words: Ne{que} super∣sunt apud nos Metropolitae, quorum est ordinare Catholicum, sed soli pauct Episcopi, Epis∣copus Arbelae, Episcopus Salmasti, Episcopus Adurbeigan; en è vestigio conuenimus in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quae est intra Tigrim flumen, Eden, fecimus{que} compactum inter nos, &c. (which is) Neyther are there remaining among vs any Metropolitan Bishops to whom it belongs to or∣daine a Patriarch, but onely a few Bishops, as the Bishop of Arbela, the Bishop of Salmastus, and the Bishop of Adurbeigan: but loe, we assembled speedily in the Iland Eden, which is in Ti∣gris and agreed betweene our selues, &c. [unspec 40]

Now this Iland of Eden Masius describeth with other places; which being well conceiued, the Nestorian Epistles, and the state of the Church may bee in those parts (sayth he) the better vnderstood. And after hee hath distinguished the foure sorts of Christians in those parts of the World, and in the South part of Africa, which hee calleth Nestorians, Iacobites, Maronitae, and Cophti, hee goeth on in these wordes: Mox, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 morte, concurrisse aiebant tumultuario in illam quam modo dixi Tigris Insulam, quae duodecim circiter passuum millibus supra Mosal posita, decem ferè millia passuum suo ambitu continet, muris vndi{que} cincta, & à paucis alijs quàm Christianis hominibus habita∣ta: which is, Now hearing of the death of the Patriarch, (as those that came to Rome reported) they ran tumultuously together into that Iland of Tigris or Eden before spoken [unspec 50] of, which Iland is situated about 12. miles aboue Mosel, containing very neere ten miles in compasse, and euery where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with a wall, inhabited by a few other men than Chri∣stians. And afterward he maketh a recapitulation of the Christian Churches; among the rest he addeth the Isle of Eden by the name of Geserta, Insula Tigris: siue Geserta.

Furthermore, describing the Citie of Hosan-cepha, or Fortis Petra, he placeth it supra praedictam Tigris Insulam rupi asperae impositam; Aboue the foresaid Iland of Tigris, being seated on a steeperocke. Of this Iland of Geserta, Andrew Theuet maketh mention in his tenth booke of his generall Cosmographie in these wordes: Geserta ou Gesire est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 milieu de la riuiere du Tigre, & pense que c'est vne terre des plus fertiles de toutel' Asie; Ge∣serta or Gesire is in the middle of Tigris, the soule the most fertile of all Asia.

By this we see that the ancient name of Eden liueth, and of that Eden, which lyeth Eastward from Arabia Petraea, and the Desart where Moses wrote, and that Eden which bordereth Charran according to Ezechiel, and that Eden which is seated ac∣cording to the assertion of the said Prophet, and ioyned with those Nations of Re∣seph, [unspec 10] Canneh, and Charran, and the rest which traded with the Tyrians, and is found at this day in the parting of the two Regions of Assyria and Babylonia, where the Edenites in Thelassar were garrisond to resist the Assyrians, whose displantation Se∣nacherib vaunted of (as aboue written) and lastly, the same Eden, which embraceth Tigris, and looketh on Euphrates, two of the knowne Riuers of those foure, which are by all men ascribed to Paradise.

§. XI. Of the difficultie in the Text, which seemeth to make the foure [unspec 20] Riuers to rise from one streame.

BVt it may be obiected, that it is written in the Text, That a Riuer went out of Eden, and not Riuers, in the Plurall, which scruple Matthew Be∣roaldus hath thus answered in his Chronologie: The Latine Transla∣tion (saith he) hath these wordes: Et fluuius egrediebatur de loco volup∣tatis ad irrigandum Paradisum, qui inde diuidebatur in quatuor capita: Quae verba melius consentient cum rei narratione, & eiusdem explicatione, si ita reddantur. Et fluuius erat egrediens ex Edene, (hoc est) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 procedebant ex Edene regione ad rigan∣dam pomarium, & inde diuidebatur, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in quatuor capita: which is, And a Riuer went [unspec 30] out of the place of pleasure to water Paradise, and thence was diuided into foure heads: which wordes (saith Beroaldus) doe better agree with the narration and explication of the place, if they be thus translated: And a Riuer was going forth of Eden (that is) Riuers went forth, and ran out of the Region of Eden to water the Orchard, and from thence it was diuided, and they became foure heads. The Tigurine differs from the Vulgar or Latine, for it conuerts it thus: Et fluuius egrediebatur de delicijs; And a Riuer went out of pleasure, in stead of Eden; and the Latine addeth the word locus, or place, Et 〈◊〉〈◊〉 egredieba∣tur de loco voluptatis; And a Riuer went out of the place of pleasure: and so the word (place) may rightly be referred to Eden, which was (of all other) a Region most delightfull and fertile; and so also the word (inde) and thence was diuided, hath reference to the [unspec 40] Countrie of Eden, and not to the Garden it selfe.

And for the word (Riuer) for Riuers, it is vsuall among the Hebrewes: for it is written: Let the earth bud forth the bud of the herbe, that seedeth seede, the fruitfull tree,* 1.241 &c. Here the Hebrew vseth the Singular for the Plurall, Herbe and Tree, for Herbs* 1.242 and Trees; and againe, we eate of the fruit of the tree, in stead of (trees:) And thirdly, The man and his wife hid themselues from the presence of God; In medio ligni Paradisi; In* 1.243 the middle of the tree of the Garden, for (trees.) And of this opinion is Dauid Kimhi, and Vatablus, who vpon this place of Genesis say, that the Hebrewes doe often put the Singular for the Plurall, as illud, for vnumquod{que} illorum, and he giueth an instance in this question it selfe, as, A Riuer (for Riuers) went out of Eden. [unspec 50]

And this answere out of diuers of the learned, may, not without good reason, be giuen to the obiection, That Moses speaketh but of one Riuer, from which the heads should diuide themselues. Howbeit I denie not, but with as good (and perhaps bet∣ter) reason, we may expound the foure heads, to be foure notable passages into sa∣mous

Countries. And so we may take the word (Riuer) Verse the tenth for one Ri∣uer (to wit) Euphrates, as this name comprehendeth all the branches thereof. For this Riuer, after he is past the place, where we suppose Paradise to haue beene, diuides it selfe, and ere long yeeldeth foure notable passages into seuerall Countries, though not all the way downe streame, (for this is no where in the Text) where it is noted, that following the Riuer downward, there is conueyance into the Countries named in the Text, though part of the way to one of the Countries (to wit, to Assyria) were vp Tigris.

To this end the Text speaking of Hiddekel, as it riseth from the Riuer of Eden, doth not say it compasseth or washeth the whole Region of Assyria, (as it had vsed [unspec 10] this phrase of Pison and Gehon) but that it runneth toward Assyria. The first branch Pison, is Nahar-malcha, (by interpretation) Basilius, or flumen regium, which runneth into Tigris vnder Apamia, whence ariseth the name of Pasi-tigris, (as it were) Piso-ti∣gris. This leadeth to the Land of Hauila or Susiana. The second branch Gehon, is that which in Historians is Nabarsares, or Narragas, for Nahar-ragas: both which names signifie flumen deriuatum (a Riuer deriued) also 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quasi Ranosus, by reason of the froggie Fennes which it maketh: this Gehon leadeth to the first seate of Chus, about the borders of Chaldaea and Arabia, and it is lost at length in the Lakes of Chaldaea. The third branch, Hiddekel, may be expounded the vpper streame of Pi∣son, or Basilius, which runneth into Hiddekel properly so called (that is, into Tigris) [unspec 20] aboue Seleucia, where it sheweth a passage vp Tigris into 〈◊〉〈◊〉: where, because at length it is called Hiddekel, or Tigris, hauing before no knowne proper name, the Text in this place calleth it Hiddekel from the beginning. The fourth Perath or Eu∣phrates, so called per excellentiam, being the body of the Riuer Euphrates, which run∣neth through Babylon and Otris. But, be it a Riuer or Riuers, that come out of Eden, seeing that Tigris and Euphrates are noted in the Text, there can be no doubt, but that Paradise was not farre from these Riuers: for that Perath in Moses is Euphrates, there can be no question; and (indeede) as plaine it is that Hiddekel is Tigris. For Hiddekel goeth (saith Moses) Eastwards towards Assur, as we finde. that Tigris is the Riuer of Assyria propriè dicta, whose chiefe Citie was Niniue, as in Genesis the tenth it is writ∣ten: [unspec 30] That out of that Land (to wit) Babylonia, Nimrod went into Assur, and builded Niniue, which was the chiefe Citie of Assyria.

And as for the kinde of speech here vsed in the Text, speaking of foure heads; though the heads of Riuers be (properly) their Fountaynes, yet here are they to be vnderstood, to be spoken of the beginning of their diuision from the first streame. Caput aquae (saith VLPIANVS) illud est, vnde aqua 〈◊〉〈◊〉; siex fonte nascatur fons; si ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉, velex lacu prima initia, &c. If the beginning of the water be out of a Foun∣tayne, then is the Fountayne taken for the head: if out of a Lake, then the Lake; and if from a maine Riuer any branch be separate and diuided, then where that branch doth first bound it selfe with new bankes, there is that part of the Riuer, where the branch for∣saketh [unspec 40] the mayne streame, called the head of the Riuer.

§. XII. Of the strange fertilitie and happinesse of the Babylonian soile, as it is certayne that Eden was such.

IT may also be demanded, whether this Region of Eden, by vs descri∣bed, be of such fertilitie and beautie, as Eden the seate of Paradise was: [unspec 50] which if it be denyed, then must we also consider, that there was no part of the earth, that retayned that fertilitie and pleasure, that it had before the curse: neither can we ascribe the same fruitfulnesse to any part of the earth, nor the same vertue to any plant thereon growing, that they had

before the floud; and therefore this Region of Eden may be now no such flourish∣ing Countrie, as it was when it was first created in his perfection. Yet this I finde written of it: First in Herodotus, who was an eye-witnesse, and speaketh of the very* 1.244 place it selfe, for the Ile of Eden is but twelue miles or thereabout from Niniue, and so from Mosal. Ex Euphrate exiens in Tigrim, alterum flumen, iuxta quod Vrbs Ninus sita erat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 regio, omnium quas 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, optima est, &c. Where Euphrates runneth out into Tigris, not farre from the place where Ninus is seated, This Region, of all that we haue seene, is most excellent; and he addeth afterward: Cereris autem fructu procreando 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ferax est, vtnunquàm non ferè ducentareddit, &c. (that is) It is so fruitfull in bring∣ing forth Corne, that it yeeldeth two hundred fold: The leaues of Wheate and Barley being [unspec 10] almost foure fingers broade: As for the height of Millet and Sesame, they are euen in length like vnto trees, which although I know to be true, yet I for beare to speake hereof, well know∣ing, that those things which are reported of this fruitfulnesse, will seeme very incredible to those, which neuer were in the Countrie of Babylon. They haue commonly in all the Countrie Palme-trees growing of their owne accord, the most of them bearing fruit, out of which they make both meates, and wine, and honny, ordering them as the Fig-trees. Thus farre Herodotus.

To this Palme tree so much admired in the East India, Strabo and Niger adde a fourth excellencie, which is, that it yeeldeth bread; Ex quibus panem, & mel, & vinum, & acetum conficiunt; Of which these people make bread, wine, honny, and vineger. But [unspec 20] Antonius the Eremite findeth a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commoditie, not inferior to any of those foure, which is, that from this selfe-same Tree there is drawne a kind of fine flaxe, of which people make their garments, and with which in East India they prepare the cordage for their ships; and that this is true, Athanasius in the life of Antonius the Eremite, confesseth, saying: That he receiued a garment made thereof from the Eremite himselfe, which he brought with him out of this Region. So therefore those Trees, which the East Indies so highly esteeme and so much admire (as indeede the Earth yeeldeth no plant comparable to this) those Trees (I say) are in this vpper Babylon, or Region of Eden, as common as any Trees of the field. Sunt etiam (saith STRABO) passim per omnem regionem Palmae sua spontenascentes; There are of Palmes ouer all the whole Region, grow∣ing [unspec 30] of their owne accord. Of this place Quintus Curtius maketh this report: Euntibus a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arabiae odorum fertilitate nobilis, regio campestris interest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tigrim & Eu∣phratem, iacens tam vbere & pingui solo, vt à pastu repelli pecora dicantur, ne satiet as peri∣mat; (that is) As you trauaile on the lest hand of Arabia (famous for plentie of sweet o∣dors) there lyeth a Champaine Countrie placed betweene Tigris and Euphrates, and so fruit∣full and fat a soile, that they are said to driue their Cattell from the pasture, lest they should perish by satietie. Bis in anno segetes Babylonij secant; The Babylonians cut their Corne twice a yeere (saith Niger.) And as Countries generally are more fruitfull to the South∣ward, then in the Northern parts: so we may iudge the excellencie of this by that re∣port which Strabo maketh of the South part of Armenia, which is the North border [unspec 40] of Eden, or a part thereof; his wordes be these in the Latine: Tota enim haec regio fru∣gibus & arboribus abundat mansuetis, item{que} semper virentibus; This Region aboundeth with pleasant fruits, and trees, alwaies greene: which witnesseth a perpetuall Spring, not found elsewhere but in the Indies only, by reason of the Sunnes neighbourhood, the life and stirrer vp of nature in a perpetuall actiuitie. In briefe, so great is the fertilitie of the ground, that the people are constrayned twice to mow downe their Corne∣fields, and a third time to eate them vp with sheep: which husbandrie the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wanting in the Valley of Mexico, for the first fortie yeeres, could not make our kind of Wheat beare seede, but it grew vp as high as the trees, and was fruitlesse. Besides, those fields are altogether without weedes (saith Plinie) who addeth this singulari∣tie* 1.245 [unspec 50] to that soile, That the second yeere the very stubble (or rather falling downe of the seedes againe) yeeldeth them a haruest of Corne without any further labour: his wordes are these: Vbertatis tantae sunt, vt sequentianno 〈◊〉〈◊〉 restibilis fiat seges.

§. XIII. Of the Riuer Pison, and the land of Hauilah.

AFter the discouerie of Eden, and the testimonies of the fertilitie there∣of, it resteth to proue that Pison and Gehon are branches of Tigris, and Euphrates. For that the knowledge and certaintie of these two Riuers should trouble so many wise men, it is strange to me, seeing necessitie it selfe (Tigris and Euphrates being knowne) findeth them out: for Eu∣phrates or Tigris, or both be that riuer or riuers of Eden, which water Paradise, which [unspec 10] riuer or riuers Moses witnesseth afterward, diuided into foure heads, whereof the one is called Pison, the other Gehon, &c. Could there be a stranger fancie in the world, then when we finde both these (namely) Tigris and Euphrates in Assyria and Mesopo∣tamia, to seeke the other two in India and Aegypt, making the one Ganges, and the o∣ther Nilus? Two Riuers as farre distant, as any of fame knowne or discouered in the world: the Scriptures making it so plaine, that these Riuers were diuided into foure branches, and with the Scriptures, Nature, Reason and Experience bearing witnesse. There is no errour, which hath not some slipperie and bad foundation, or some ap∣parance of probabilitie, resembling truth, which when men (who studie to be singu∣lar) finde out, (straining reason according to their fancies) they then publish to the [unspec 20] world matter of contention and jangling: not doubting but in the variable defor∣mitie of mens mindes, to find some partakers or sectatours, the better by their helpe to nurse and cherish such weake babes, as their owne inuentions haue begotten.

But this mistaking (and first for the riuer of Pison) seemeth to haue growne out of the not-distinguishing of that Region in India, called Hauilah, from Hauilah, which adioyneth to Babylonia, afterward knowne by the name of Susiana. For Hauilah vp∣on Tigris tooke name from Hauilah the sonne of Cush; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in India, from Ha∣uilah the sonne of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the one remembred by Moses in the description of Paradise,* 1.246 the other where Moses setteth downe the generations of Noah, and his sonnes after the floud. For the sonnes of Cush were Seba, Hauilah, Sabtah, and Raamah, and the [unspec 30] sonnes of Ioctan were Ophir, and Hauilah, &c. of which latter (to wit) of Ophir and* 1.247 Hauilah the sonnes of Ioctan, that Iland of Ophir, (whence Salomon had gold) and Ha∣uilah adioyning had their names. Now because Ganges is a great and a famous Riuer of the East India, and Hauilah a Countrey of the same, and is situated vpon Ganges, hence it came that Ganges was taken for Pison, which Riuer is said by Moses to 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.248 the land of Hauilah. Or perhaps it was supposed that those foure Riuers, named by Moses, must of necessitie be foure of the greatest in the world; whence (supposing that Ganges was the next great and famous riuer after Tigris & Euphrates) they chose out this Riuer to make one of the foure. And yet certainely there is another Riuer, whom in these respects they should rather haue chosen then Ganges; for the Riuer [unspec 40] Indus on this side India, for beautie, for neernesse, & for abilitie, giueth no way place to Ganges, but exceedeth it in all. And how can any reasonable man conceiue, that Ganges can be one of the foure heads, seeing Indus commeth betweene it and Tigris? and betweene Tigris and Indus is all that large Empire of Persia, consisting of many Kingdomes. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉, farther toward the East, and beyond Indus, are all those ample Dominions of Indiaintra Gangem, which lie betweene those two proud Riuers of Indus and Ganges, now called the Kingdome of Mogor. So as if Indus bee not ac∣counted for any of the foure, because it is remoued from Tigris by all the breadth of Persia, then how much lesse Ganges, which falleth into the Ocean, little lesse then fortie degrees to the Eastward of Indus? Surely whosoeuer readeth the Storie of A∣lexander, [unspec 50] shall finde, that there is no riuer in Asia, that can exceede Indus. For Hydas∣pis was of that breadth and depth, as Alexander thereon in great Gallies transported himselfe, and the greatest part of his armie, and in sayling down that branch of Indus, found it so large and deepe, and by reason thereof so great a billow, as it endangered

his whole Fleete, which was ready to bee swallowed vp therein: Hydaspis (as afore∣said) being but one of many branches of Indus, comparable to it, and as great as it, hauing besides this, the Riuers of Coas, of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Acesines, Adris, (otherwise Hirotis, Hispalis, and Zaradrus, all which make but one Indus, and by it are swallowed vp with all their children and companions, which being all incorporate and made one streame, it crosseth athwart Asia, and then at Cambaia visiteth the Ocean Sea.

But because Pison, which compasseth Hauilah, as also Gehon, which watereth Cush,* 1.249 must some-where be ioyned with the rest in one body, or at least be found to proceed out of the same Countrey of Eden, out of which the other two heads doe proceede, out of doubt they cannot either the one or the other, bee Ganges, or Nilus: for [unspec 10] Nilus riseth in the vttermost of the South, and runneth Northward into the Medi∣terran Sea; and the Riuer Ganges riseth out of the mountaine Imaus, or (as others will haue it) Caucasus, which diuides the Northerne Scythia from India, and runneth from North to South into the Indian Ocean. And as for Perath and Hiddekel (that is, Euphrates and Tigris) the one of them is begotten in Armenia, neere Georgiana or Ibe∣ria, the other not farre off in the same Armenia, by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mountaines, so as Ganges, who onely trauaileth in her owne India, and Nilus through Aethiopia and Aegypt, neuer saw the land of Eden, or ioyned themselues in one Channell, either with themselues, or with either of the other; and therefore could not at any time from thence bee separated, or diuided into foure heads or branches, according to [unspec 20] Moses.

Therefore the Riuer Pison, which enricheth Hauilah, is the same which by ioy∣ning it selfe with Tigris, was therefore called Pisi-tigris, or Piso-tigris, of Pison and Tigris, which Riuer watereth that Hauilah, which Hauilah the sonne of Cush gaue* 1.250 name vnto, and not Hauilah of India, so called of Hauilah the sonne of Ioctan, who in∣habited with his brother Ophir in the East. And this Hauilah of the Cushites hath al∣so Gold, Bdellium, and the Onyx stone. This Bdellium is a tree, of the bignesse, of an Oliue, whereof Arabia hath great plenty, which yeeldeth a certaine gumme, sweete to smell to, but bitter in taste, called also Bdellium. The Hebrewes take the Load-stone for Bdellium. Beroaldus affirmeth, that Bdela in Hebrew signifieth [unspec 30] Pearle: so doth Eugubinus; and Hierome calls it Oleaster: be it what it will, a tree bearing gumme, or Pearle: Hauilah, or Susiana hath plenty of both. Now this Coun∣trey of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Hauilah stretcheth it selfe toward the North, as farre as the Altars of Hercules, and from thence imbraceth all that Tract of land Southward, as farre as the Persian Gulfe, on the East side thereof: from which East side had the Shebans (which traded with the Citie of Tyre, according to Ezekiel) their great plenty of gold, which Strabo also witnesseth, as was shewed before.* 1.251

The Greekes had a conceit, that Pison was Danubius: the Rabbines take it for* 1.252 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Aben-ezra (sayth Hopkins) out of Rabbi Saadia translateth Pison into Nilus: But Nilus findeth the same impossibility that Ganges doth: and Danubius hath the [unspec 40] Sea of Hellespont and all Asia the lesse, betweene it and Tigris. Now Pison, which run∣neth through Hauilah or Susiana, doth to this day retaine some signe of this name; for where it and Tigris embrace each other vnder the Citie of Apamia, there doe they agree of a ioynt and compounded name, and are called Piso-tigris. And it is strange vnto me, that from so great antiquitie there should bee found remaining any resembling sound of the first name: for Babylon it selfe, which dwelleth so neere these riuers, is by some writers knowne by the name of Bandas, as, by Postellus, by* 1.253 Castaldus, of Baldach: by Barius, of Bagdad; and of Boughedor, by Andrew Theuet; and yet all those that haue lately seene it, call it Bagdet. To this riuer of Pison, Ptolomie* 1.254 indeed with many others giue the name of Basilius, or Regius, and Gehon they terme [unspec 50] Mahar-sares and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Baarsares. So is Euphrates, neere the Spring and foun∣taine, by Strabo and Plinie called Pixirates: by Iunius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, out of the Hebrew,* 1.255 (that is) The profusion, or comming forth of Euphrates: where it breaketh through the mountaine Taurus, it takes the name of Omyra. Plutarch calls it Medus and Zaran∣da: the

Hebrewes Parath, (sayth Ar. Montanus:) Pagninus, Perath: Iosephus, Phorah; Eusibius, Zozimus: Ammianus, Chalymicus: Gistilanus, and Colinutius terme it Cobar: which Ezechiel calleth Chebar; but this is but a branch of Euphrates. The Assyrians know it by the name of Armalchar, or Nahor Malcha: but now commonly it is cal∣led Frat.

The same confusion of names bath Tigris, as Diglito, and Diglath, Seilax, and Sol∣lax: of the Hebrewes it was called Hiddikel: now of the inhabitants Tegil.

But Mercer vpon Genesis conceiueth rightly of these riuers: for Euphrates and Tigris (sayth he) streame into foure branches, two of which keepe their ancient names, and the other two are called Pison and Gehon. The reason, why these two ri∣uers [unspec 10] ioyned in one (below Apamia) lose their names, and are called Pisi-tigris, and the memorie of Euphrates extinguished, is, because the best part of Euphrates running through the channell of Gehon, sinketh into the Lakes of Chaldaea, not farre from Vr, the Citie of Abraham, and fall not intirely into the Persian Sea, as Tigris accompa∣nied with Pison doth.

This errour that Pison was Ganges, was first broched by Iosephus, (whose fieldes, though they be fertile, yet are they exceeding full of weedes) and other men (who take his authoritie to be sufficient in matter of description, whereupon depended no other important consequence) were not curious in the examination thereof. For Epiphantus, Augustine, and Hierome, take this for currant; whereof it followed, that [unspec 20] as Pison was transported into the East India, to find out Hauilah: so was Gehon drawne into Africa, to compasse Aethiopta. But if Hauilah, whereof Muses speaketh in the description of Paradise, be found to be a Region, adioining to Babylon on the one side, and Cush (which is falsly interpreted Aethiopia) fastened to it on the other side, wee shall not neede then to worke wonders (that is) to impose vpon men the transporta∣tion of riuers, from one end of the world to the other, which (among other vses) were made to transport men. Now it was in the valley of Shinar, where Cush the sonne of Ham first sate downe with his sonnes Shebah, Hauilah, Sabtah, Raamah, Nim∣rod, &c. and of Hauilah, the sonne of Cush, did that Region take name, which Pison compasseth; and the land (called Cush) which Gehon watereth, tooke name of Cush [unspec 30] himselfe. For as the sonnes of Ioctan, Ophir and Hauilah, seated themselues as neere together as they could in India, so did the sonnes of Cush in Shinar or Babylonia, where Nimrod built Babel: for Hauilah or Chauilah was first Chusea of Cush; then Chusa, Susa, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

From this Hauilah vnto the Desarts of Sur, did the Israelites and Amalechites pos∣sesse all the interiacent Countries: for Saul smote the Amalechites from Hauilah to* 1.256 Sur: which Sur, the Chaldaean Paraphrast conuerteth Hagra, and Hagra bordereth the red Sea; but this was not meant from Sur vpon the red Sea, to Hauilah in the East India, for Saul was no such trauailer or Conquerour, and therefore Hauilah must be found neerer home, where the sonnes of Ismael inhabited, and which Countrie [unspec 40] Saul wasted: for Amalek and the Amalechites possest that necke of Countrie, between the Persian Sea, and the red Sea; Hauilah being the extreme of the one towardes the East, and Sur of the other, towards Egypt and the West, leauing that great body of Arabia foelix towards the South, and they spred themselues with the Midianites and Edumaeans, from the East part, or backe side of the Holie Land, to the bankes of Euphrates, comprising the best parts of Arabia Petraea, and Deserta. [unspec 50]

§. XIIII. Of the Riuer Gehon and the Land of Cush: and of the ill translating of the Aethiopia for Cush, 2. CHRON. 21. 16.

NOw, as Hauilah in the East India drew Pison so farre out of his way thi∣ther, so I say did Cush (being by the Seuentie translated Aethiopia) force Gehon into Africa. For Cush being taken for Aethiopia by the Greekes, whom the Latines followed, Gehon consequently was esteemed for Ni∣lus.* 1.257 But Aethiopians are, as much, as blacke or burnt faces, whose proper [unspec 10] Countrie is called Thebaides, lying to the Southward of all Aegypt. And although there be many other Regions of Aethiopians, and far South in Africa, yet those of The∣baides are those so often remembred in the Aegyptian stories, and out of which Na∣tion they had many times their Kings of Aegypt: all which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are very neere, or else directly vnder the Equinoctiall line, which is very farre from that land inhabited by the Chusites; who are neither blacke of colour, nor in any sort neigh∣bouring Torrida Zona. But this Translation of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doth qualifie in this manner: There are (saith he) two 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the East, and the West: and this diuision he findeth in Strabo, out of Homer. Now because there is no colour to make Chush Aethiopia in Africa, Pererius will make Chush and the Land of the Chusites [unspec 20] (which is Arabia Petraea, and a part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Happy, with the Region of Madian) to be the East Aethiopia.

Now if it be granted, that Cush and the Land of the Chusites, be that Tract from Sur to Hauilah, according to the Scriptures: Habitauit ISMAEL ab Hauilah vnto Sur,* 1.258 quae respicit Aegyptum oeuntibus Assyrios; ISMAEL dwelt from Hauilah vnto Sur, that is towards Aegypt, as thou goest toward Assyria; The same sufficeth to proue that Gehon cannot be Nilus, but a Riuer which watereth Cush, and not Aethiopia. But this place of Scripture, Habitauit ISMAEL, &c. hath this sense: Ismael dwelt from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which is the way of Assyria, or the Countrie bordering Assyria; and Sur, which ly∣eth toward Aegypt, which is as much to say, as, The issues of Ismael (whereof there* 1.259 [unspec 30] were twelue Princes) whom God had promised to make a great people, inhabited all those Regions betweene the border of Aegypt and Assyria. And that they were (according to the word of God) so increased and multiplyed, it well appeared, when Zearah the Chusite, which others call Tharantha, brought an Armie of ten hundred* 1.260 thousand against Asa King of Iuda. Which Armie came not out of Aethiopia be∣yond Aegypt; for that had beene a strange progresse for such a multitude, as ten hundred thousand, hauing so mightie a King as the King of Aegypt, betweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Aethiopia. But these were the Chusites, Amalechites, Madianites, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Arabians. For it is written, that after Asa (strengthened by God) had defeated this world of an Armie, he in following his victorie tooke some of the Cities of King [unspec 40] Zearah round about, as Gerar. Now that Gerar is a Citie of the Aethiopians, it cannot be suspected: for these be the wordes of the Scripture disprouing it: And ABRA∣HAM* 1.261 departed thence toward the South Countrie, and dwelt betweene Cadesh and Sur, and soiourned in Gerar: Now Sur is that part, vpon which Moses and the Israelites first set* 1.262 their feete after they passed the Red Sea, where the Amalechites in Rephidim set on them, supposing that they had beene wearie, and vnable to resist. Againe, in the sto∣rie of Isaac it is written: Wherefore ISAAC went to ABIMELECH, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnto* 1.263 Gerar: and I am sure Abimelech and the Philistims were no Aethiopians. And lastly, Moses himselfe, where he describeth the bounds of Canaan, hath these words: Then* 1.264 the border of the Canaanites was from Sydon, as thou commest to Gerar: for Sydon was the [unspec 50] Frontier of Canaan towards the North, and Gerar by Gazah towards the South. But indeede, howsoeuer Pererius doth with an honest excuse salue his Translation of Chus for Aethiopia, yet it appeareth plainely, that the Septuagint and Iosephus did al∣together misvnderstand this place. And first, for Homers East and West Aethiopia,

they are both found elsewhere. For Plinie in his fift Booke and eighth Chapter, ci∣teth Homer for an Authour, of these two Aethiopia's. But the East Aethiopia is that which compasseth Nilus to the South of Aegypt, and is the South border thereof; now a part of the Empire of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, vnder Prester Iohn; And the West Aethiopia is that, which ioyneth it selfe with the Riuer Niger, which wee call Senega and Gam∣bra: for thereabouts are these Aethiopians called Perorsi, Daratites, with diuers other names, which Plinie numbreth. But all these are in Africa, and beyond the Desarts* 1.265 thereof, sayth Plinie out of Homer, Agrippa, and Iuba; which Regions indeede (I meane that of Niger, and that of Prester Iohn, and the Troglodytes) lye due East and West. But as for Cush and the Region of the Ismaelites, &c. they are extended di∣rectly [unspec 10] North from that Aethiopia, which is beyond Aegypt. Now, that Iosephus was exceeding grosse herein, it appeareth by that fiction, which hee hath of Moses when he serued Pharao, in the warres against the Aethiopians: for in that (to make Chus, Aethiopia) hee transporteth Madian by miracle ouer the Red Sea, and beyond all Aegypt, and setteth it in Aethiopia, as shall be shewed more at large in the Chapter of the Worlds Plantation. Againe, that Gehon was improperly translated 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Pere∣rius confesseth, and layeth it rather to the corruption of the Greeke Copie, than other∣wise. And whereas the Septuagint haue conuerted this place of the Prophet HIE∣REMIE; And what hast thou now to doe in the way of Aegypt, to drinke the water of Ni∣lus?* 1.266 Quidtibi vis in via Aegypti, vt bibas aquam Gehon? to this saith PERERIVS, pro∣fectò [unspec 20] Hebraicè ibi non est vox Gehon, sed Sichor, quae significat nigrum & turbidum; Truly (saith PERERIVS) the word Gehon in this place, is not found in the Hebrew, but Sichor, which signifieth blacke and troubled water.

Furthermore, this is a manifest and vnanswerable argument, that Chus was ill ta∣ken* 1.267 for Aethiopia. Moses married the Daughter of Iethro, Prince and Priest of Madian, whom both the Greeke and Latine call a Madianite, and not Aethiopissam, as (with 〈◊〉〈◊〉.)* 1.268 The Geneua conuerts it, though it helpe it a little with a marginall note. Now it is without dispute, that Zipporah was of the Countrie of Madian, which is that part of Arabia Petraea, bordering the Red Sea; for it is written in the second of [unspec 30] Exodus, that MOSES fled from PHARAO into the Land of Madian, and sate downe by a* 1.269 Well, &c. and againe, in the third of Exodus; when MOSES kept the sheepe of IETHRO* 1.270 his father in law, Priest of Madian, &c. Indeed, these foure nations are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where mixt in the Scriptures, because they dwell confusedly togther (to wit) the Madianites, the Ismaelites, the Amalekites, and the Chusites, which were all in one generall word, Ara∣bians, and in the Scriptures sometimes called by one of those names, and sometimes by another, as in Gen. 37. v. 25. 27. & 28. that Ioseph was sold to the Ismaelites; and in the same Chapter, v. 36. it is written, that the Madianites sold Ioseph to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Pha∣rao's Steward. The Geneuians, in a marginall note (to auoid this confounding of the Nations) say, that Moses wrote according to their opinion, who tooke the Madianites and Ismaelites to be all one. But Moses wrote not after any mans opinion, he wrote [unspec 40] the truth, and these were all Arabians, and so in this very place it appeareth by their merchandise, which they brought with them, when they bought Ioseph: for their Camels were loden with Spicery and Balme, and Myrrhe, which are the Trades of* 1.271 Arabia foelix: from whence chiefly, and from the East India, all the World is serued with Myrrhe and Frankincense; and their Spices they receiued from the East side of the Arabian Gulfe, as aforesaid. And in the 39. Chapter it is said: That Putiphar* 1.272 bought Ioseph of the Ismaelites, which the Chaldaean Paraphrast in the same place cal∣leth Arabians. Now, to make this the more manifest, it is written in the sixt of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, That when Israel had sowen, then came vp the Madianites, and the Amalekites, and* 1.273 they of the East, and came vpon them: they of the East, were Arabians of the Desart; [unspec 50] so as where before in the buying of Ioseph, the Madianites and the Ismaelites were confused, here the Madianites and Amalekites are made one Nation. For in the pro∣secution of the Story of Gedeon, the Madianites only are named, as comprehending* 1.274 both Nations; and in the eight Chapter, v. 24. these Nations are all called Ismaelites,

and neyther Madianites nor Amalekites. As when Gedeon desired, that euery man would giue him the golden eare-rings, which they had taken after the victory against Zebah and Zalmunna, Kings of Arabia, amounting to 1700. shickles of gold, it is writ∣ten: For they had golden eare-rings, because they were Ismaelites. And these Ismaelites* 1.275 were a great and valiant Nation, and euer in action of warre. Manus eius contr 〈◊〉〈◊〉,* 1.276 & manus omnium contra eum; His hand (sayth God of ISMAEL) shall bee against all men, and euery mans hand against him. Of these Ismaelites came the Mahometan Ara∣bians, though some Writers thinke Mahomet to be of the Schenitae. And these Ismae∣lites, which inhabit chiefly in Cedar, and the Desarts of Sur and Pharan (saith Iosephus) vse poyson vpon their Arrowes, as the Indians doe. Towards the South-east are the [unspec 10] Madianites, and Chusites: and beyond them, towards the Desarts of Arabia, the Ama∣lekites; and all are one Nation, and all Arabians.

Lastly, the ill translation of Aethiopia for Chus, is among other places, made most apparent, in the second of Chronicles, in these wordes: So the Lord stirred vp against* 1.277 IEHORAM, the spirit of the Philistines, and the Arabians, which confine the Aethiopians; so Hierome reades it: the Geneua translation hath it, which were besides the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Now, how farre it is off betweene the Philistines, and the Negro's, or the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 e∣uery man that looketh in a Map may iudge. For the Philistines and Arabians doe mixe and ioyne with the Land of the Chusites, and are distant from Aethiopia about two and thirtie, or three and thirtie degrees, and therefore not their next Neighbours; [unspec 20] but all Egypt, and the Desarts of Sur and Pharan, are betweene them. So as this place of the second of Chronicles, should haue beene translated in these words: So the Lord stirred vp against IEHORAM, the spirits of the Philistines, and the Arabians, which confine and border vpon the Chusites, who indeed are their next Neighbours. * 1.278 Nulla superest dubitatio quin Aethiopia in Sacris literis sit Arabiae propinqua; There remaineth no doubt (sayth STEVCHIVS) but Aethiopia in the Scriptures, is taken for that Countrey, which ioyneth to Arabia.

Now may we thinke is it probable, or possible, that Moses could bee ignorant of Nilus? No, he knew it, no liuing man so well, and therefore would neuer haue named Gehon, for Nilus, or Nilus for Gehon. Surely, if Moses had meant Nilus, when he named [unspec 30] Gehon, he would haue called the Riuer (into which he was cast vpon Reeds, and pre∣serued by God, working compassion in the Daughter of Pharao) a Riuer of Egypt,* 1.279 wherein he was borne and bred, and wrought so many Miracles. Besides, the Riuer of Nilus is often named in the Scriptures, but neuer by the name of Gehon. And if Moses had told the Israelites, that Nilus had beene a Riuer of Paradise, they might iustly haue thought, that hee had derided them: for they had liued there all dayes of their liues, and found no such Paradise at all, nor any memory, or speech thereof; ex∣cept wee shall beleeue the Paradise of Hesperides, where (sayth Plinie) there was no∣thing* 1.280 found in his time, but wild Oliues in stead of golden Apples. But Nilus is twice called Sichor, once in Esay, and once in the Prophet Hieremie; and yet in those places it* 1.281 [unspec 40] is not said to be a Riuer of Aethiopia, but of Egypt. For in a word, the Israelites had ne∣uer* 1.282 any communion or affaires with the Aethiopians, nor any intelligence, or trade, beyond Egypt, to the South; but the Enemies which they had on the South, and East-parts, were these Nations of the Chusites, Philistines, Ismaelites, Amalekites, and Madianites: who being often gouerned by many little Kings, or Reguli, were distin∣guished in names, according to the Fathers and Heads of those Nations; but in one generall name were all Arabians. On the North-side of Canaan, they were afflicted with the Coelesyrians, with the Magogians, Tubalines, and others their adherents; and thirdly within themselues, the Nations, which remained of the ancient 〈◊〉〈◊〉, held the strongest Cities vpon the Sea-coast (as) Tyre, Sidon, Acon, Gaza, and many o∣thers: [unspec 50] yea, Hierusalem it selfe was with-held from Israel (from the dayes of Moses, euen vnto the time of Dauid) by the Iebusites.

That which now remaineth of most difficultie is, that it doth not appeare, that any part of Gehon watereth that part of Arabia the stonie, which the Chusites inhabi∣ted

in the times of the Kings of Israel: and in this Desart it was that Matt. Beroaldus lost himselfe in seeking out Paradise: for hee was driuen (to my vnderstanding) to create two Riuers, and call them Gehon, and Pison; to the end that the one might wa∣ter Chus, and the other Hauilah, for I finde none such in rerum natura, as hee hath described: by which Riuers hee also includeth within Paradise, euen Arabiathe Desart.

And as he well proued that Pison was not Ganges, nor Gehon, Nilus: so where to find them else-where it seemeth he knew not. Certainely this Riuer of Gehon, which he maketh to fall into the Mediterran at Gaza, and whose Springs hee findeth farre East in Arabia, is but imaginary: for the Current by Gaza is but a small streame, [unspec 10] rising betweene it and the Red Sea, whose head from Gaza it selfe is little more then twentie English myles, as shall appeare hereafter. But questionlesse, hence it comes that many were mistaken. They all considered of the habitations of the Chusites, as they were planted when the state of Israel stood, and when it flourished, being then their neere Neighbours, and neuer looked backe to the first seates and plantation of CHVS. For after the Floud, CHVS and his children neuer rested, till they found the Valley of Shinar, in which, and neere which himselfe with his sonnes first inhabited. HAVILAH tooke the Riuer-side of Tigris chiefly on the East, which after his owne name he called HAVILAH, (now Susiana:) Raamah, and Sheba farther downe the Riuer, in the entrance of Arabia foelix. NIMROD seated himselfe in the best of the [unspec 20] Valley, where he built Babel, whereof that Region had afterwards the name of Baby∣lonia. CHVS himselfe and his brother MIZRAIM first kept vpon Gehon, which fal∣leth into the Lakes of Chaldaea, and in processe of time, and as their people increased, they drew themselues more Westerly towards the Red or Arabian Sea: from whence MIZRAIM past ouer into Aegypt, in which Tract the Chusites remained for many yeeres after. Now because there could bee no such Riuer found in Arabia the stonie, which they might entitle Gehon, they translated Chus Aethiopia, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Nilus. And if we doe examine this mistaking by example, wee shall the better perceiue it as it was. For let vs suppose, that BRVTE, or whosoeuer else that first peopled this Iland, had arriued vpon the Riuer of Thames, and calling the Iland after his name [unspec 30] BRITANNIA, it might be said that Thames or Tems was a riuer, that watered Bri∣tannia: and when afterwards in processe of time, the same BRVTE had also discoue∣red and conquered Scotland, which he also entituled by the same name of Britannia, after-ages might conclude that Scotland was no part thereof, because the riuer of Tems is not found therein. Or let vs suppose that EVROPA, the daughter of the King of Tyre in Phoenicia, gaue the name to Europe, according to Herodotus, and that* 1.283 the first discouerers thereof arriued in the mouth of some riuer in Thrace, which then watered as much of Europe, as hee first discouered, shall wee in like sort resolue, that France, Spaine, and Italie, &c. are no parts of Europe, because that Riuer is not found in them, or any of them? In like manner was it said by Moses in his description of [unspec 40] Gehon, that it watered the whole land of Chus; but not the whole land which the Chusites should or might in future time conquer, people, and inhabit, seeing in after∣ages they became Lords of many Nations, and they might (perchance) haue beene Masters in time, (as the Saracens which came of them were) of a great part of the world. For (though the Babylonian Empire, which tooke beginning in NIMROD the sonne of CHVS, consisted at the first but of foure Cities, (to wit) Babel, Erech, Acad, and Chalne, yet wee finde, that his Successours within a few yeares after com∣maunded all the whole world in effect: and the fame of Babel consumed the memo∣rie of Chusea. For of this Tower of Confusion did all that land take the name of Baby∣lonia: and the greatnesse of that Empire founded by NIMROD a yonger sonne, ob∣scured [unspec 50] the name and nation of his father CVSH in those parts, vntill they crept far∣ther off, and in places not yet entituled, and farther from the Babylonian Empire, where the Chusites retained their names, which also they fastned to the Soile and Territorie by themselues afterwards inhabited and held. And we may not thinke,

that CHVS or any of his could in haste creepe through those desart Regions, which the length of 130. yeares after the floud had (as it were) fortified with thickets, and permitted euery bush and briar, reede and tree to ioyne themselues (as it were) into one maine body and Forrest. For if wee looke with iudgement and reason into the worlds plantation, we shall finde, that euery family seated themselues as neere toge∣ther as possible they could; and though necessitie enforced them, after they grew full of people, to spread themselues, and creepe out of Shinar or Babylonia, yet did they it with this aduice, as that they might at all times resort, and succour one ano∣ther by riuer, the fields being then (without all doubt) impassable. So NIMROD, who out of wit and strength vsurped dominion ouer the rest, sate downe in the very [unspec 10] confluence of all those riuers, which watered Paradise: for thither it was to which the greatest troupes of NOAHS children repaired; and from the same place whence Mankinde had his beginning, from thence had they againe their increase. The first Father of men ADAM, had therein his former habitation. The second Father of Mankinde NOAH, began from thence his dispersion.

Now as NIMROD the yongest, yet strongest, made his choice of Babel (as afore∣said) which both Tigris and Euphrates cleansed and enriched; so did HAVILAH place himselfe vpon Piso-tigris: RAAMAH and his sonne SHEBA farther downe vpon the same Riuer, on the Sea-coast of Arabia: CHVS himselfe vpon Gehon, the fairest branch of Euphrates. And when they began to spread themselues farther off, [unspec 20] yet they alwayes fastened themselues to the Riuers sides: for Niniue, Charran, Reseph, Canneh, Vr in Chaldaea, and the other first-peopled Cities were all founded vpon these Nauigable Riuers, or their branches, by which the one might giue succour and assi∣stance to the other, as is alreadie often remembred.

§. XV. A conclusion by way of repetition of something spoken of before. [unspec 30]

BVT now to conclude this dispute, it appeareth to mee by the testimo∣nies of the Scriptures, that Paradise was a place created by God, and a part of this our Earth and habitable World, seated in the lower part of the Region of Eden, afterward called Aram fluuiorum, or Mesopota∣mia, which taketh into it also a portion of Shinar and Armenia: this Region standing in the most excellent temper of all other, (to wit) 35. degrees from the Aequinoctiall, and 55. from the North-pole: in which Climate the most excel∣lent Wines, Fruits, Oyle, Graine of all sorts are to this day found in abundance. And there is nothing that better proueth the excellency of this sayd soyle and temper, then the abundant growing of the Palme-trees, without the care and labour of man. [unspec 40] For wherein soeuer the Earth, Nature, and the Sunne can most vaunt, that they haue excelled, yet shall this Plant be the greatest wonder of all their workes: this Tree alone giueth vnto man whatsoeuer his life beggeth at Natures hand. And though it may bee said, that these Trees are found both in the East and West Indies, which Countries are also blessed with a perpetuall Spring and Summer, yet, lay downe by those pleasures and benefits the fearefull and dangerous Thunders and Lightnings, the horrible and frequent Earthquakes, the dangerous diseases, the multitude of ve∣nimous beasts and wormes, with other inconueniences, and then there will be found no comparison betweene the one and the other.

What other excellencies this Garden of Paradise had, before God (for mans in∣gratitude [unspec 50] and crueltie) cursed the Earth, we cannot iudge; but I may safely thinke, that by how much Adam exceeded all liuing men in perfection, by being the imme∣diate workemanship of God, by so much did that chosen and particular Garden ex∣ceed all parts of the Vniuersall World, in which God had planted (that is) made to

[illustration]

[illustration]

grow the Trees of Life, of Knowledge; Plants only proper, and becomming the Paradise, and Garden of so great a Lord.

The summe of all this is, That whereas the eyes of men in this Scripture haue beene dimme-sighted (some of them finding Paradise beyond our knowne World: some, aboue the middle Region of the Ayre: some, eleuated neere the Moone: o∣thers, as farre South as the Line, or as farre North, as the Pole, &c.) I hope that the Reader will be sufficiently satisfied, that these were but like Castles in the Ayre, and in mens fancies, vainly imagined. For it was Eastward in Eden (sayth Moses) East∣ward, in respect of Iudaea, that God planted this Garden, which Eden wee find in the Prophets where it was, and whereof the name (in some part) remaineth to this day. [unspec 10] A Riuer went out of Eden to water this Garden, and from thence diuided it selfe in∣to foure branches; and we find that both Tigris and Euphrates swimming through E∣den, doe ioyne in one, and afterward taking wayes apart, doe water Chus and Hauilah, according to Moses: the true seates of Chus and his Sonnes then being in the Valley of Shinar, in which Nimrod built Babel. That Pison was Ganges, the Scripture, Reason, and experience teach the contrary: for that which was neuer ioyned, cannot bee diui∣ded, Ganges, which inhabiteth India, cannot bee a branch of the Riuers of Eden; That Gehon was Nilus, the same distance maketh the same impossibilitie, and this Riuer is a greater stranger to Tigris and Euphrates, then Ganges is: for although there are betweene Tigris and Ganges aboue foure thousand miles, yet they both rise in the [unspec 20] same quarter of the World; but Nilus is begotten in the Mountaines of the Moone, almost as farre off as the Cape of good hope, and falleth into the Mediterran Sea: and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distilleth out of the Mountaines of Armenia, and falleth into the Gulfe of Persia: the one riseth in the South, and trauaileth North: the other riseth in the North, and runneth South, threescore and three Degrees the one from the o∣ther. In this lease following, I haue added a Chorographicall description of this ter∣restriall Paradise, that the Reader may thereby the better conceiue the preceding Discourse; and this is the reward I looke for, that my labours may but receiue an allowance suspen∣ded, vntill such time, as this description [unspec 30] of mine be reproued by a better. [unspec 40] [unspec 50]

CHAP. IIII. Of the two chiefe Trees in the Garden of Paradise.

§. I. [unspec 10] That the Tree of Life was a materiall Tree: and in what sense it is to be taken, that man by his eating the forbidden fruit, is made sub∣iect to death.

FOR eating the forbidden fruit of the Trre of Know∣ledge was Adam driuen out of Paradise, in exilium vita temporalis, into the banishment of temporall life, sayth Be∣da. That these Trees of Life and Knowledge were ma∣teriall Trees (though Figures of the Law and of the Gospell) it is not doubted by the most religious and [unspec 20] learned Writers: although the wits of men, which are so volatile, as nothing can fix them, and so slippery, as nothing can fasten them, haue in this also deliuered to the World an imaginarie doctrine.

The Tree of Life (say the Hebrewes) hath a plurall construction, and is to be vnderstood, Lignum vitarum, The Tree of liues, because the fruit thereof had a propertie, to preserue both the growing, sensitiue, and rationall life of man; and not only (but for Adams transgression) had prolonged his owne dayes, but also giuen a durefull continuance to all posteritie; and that, so long, as a* 1.284 bodie compounded of Elements could last. [unspec 30]

And although it is hard to thinke, that flesh and bloud could bee immortall, but that it must once perish and rot, by the vnchanged Law of God imposed on his crea∣tures, Man (notwithstanding) should haue enioyed thereby a long, healthfull, and vngrieued life: after which (according to the opinion of most Diuines) hee should haue beene translated, as Enoch was. And as before the Floud, the dayes of men had the long measure of eight hundred or nine hundred yeeres; and soone after the floud, of two hundred yeeres and vpwards, euen to fiue hundred: so if Adam had not diso∣beyed Gods first and easie Commandement, the liues of men on Earth might haue continued double, treble, or quadruple to any of the longest times of the first age, as many learned men haue conceiued. Chrysostome, Rupertus, Tostatus, and others were [unspec 40] of beliefe, that (but for Adams fall and transgression) Adam and his Posteritie had beene immortall. But such is the infinite wisedome of God, as he foresaw that the Earth could not haue contained Mankind; or else, that Millions of soules must haue beene vngenerated, and haue had no being, if the first number, wherewith the Earth was replenished, had abode thereon for euer: and therefore that of Chrysostome must bee vnderstood of immortalitie of bodies, which should haue beene translated and glorified.

But of what kind or Species this Tree of Life was, no man hath taken on him to teach: in which repect many haue conceiued, that the same was not materiall, but a meere Allegorie, taking their strength out of Salomon, where Wisedome is compared [unspec 50] to the Tree of Life, and from other places, where also Christ is called the Tree of Life, and out of the Apocalypsis, I will giue to him that ouer commeth, to eate of the Tree* 1.285 of Life, which is in the Paradise of God. But to this place Saint Augustines answere may suffice, (which is) That the one doth not exclude the other, but that, as there was a

terrestriall Paradise, so there was a celestiall. For although Agar and Sara were Fi∣gures of the Old, and New Testament, yet to thinke that they were not Women, and the Maid and Wife of Abraham, were meere foolishnesse. And so in this place the sense of the Scripture is manifest. For God brought out of the earth euery tree faire to sight, and sweet to taste; the tree also of Life in the midst of the garden: which sheweth, that among the trees, which the Earth by Gods commandement produced, the tree of Life was one, and that the fruit thereof was also to be eaten. The report of this Tree was also brought to the ancient Poets: for as from the indigested matter or Chaos, Hesiodus, Homer, Ouid, and others, steale the inuention of the created world; so from the Garden of Paradise, they tooke the Plat-forme of the Orchard of Al∣cinous, [unspec 10] and another of the Hesperides: and from the tree of Life, their Nectar and Am∣brosia; for Nectar, according to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, signifieth making yong, and Ambrösia, im∣mortalitie; and therefore said to be the meate and drinke of the gods.

§. II. Of BECANVS his opinion, that the Tree of Knowledge was Ficus Indica.

NOw for the Tree of Knowledge of good and euill, some men haue pre∣sumed [unspec 20] farther, especially Goropius Becanus, who giueth himselfe the ho∣nor to haue found out the kinde of this Tree, which none of the Wri∣ters of former times could euer ghesse at, whereat Goropius much mar∣uaileth. But as he had an inuentiue braine, so there neuer liued any man, that beleeued better thereof, and of himselfe. Surely, howsoeuer his opinion may be valued, yet he vsurpeth the praise due to others, at least if the inuention be at that price at which he setteth it. For Moses Bar-cephas fastened on this coniecture aboue sixe hundred yeeres before Becanus was borne: and Bar-cephas himselfe refer∣reth the inuention to an antiquitie more remote, citing for his Author Philoxenus [unspec 30] Maburgensis, and others, whose very wordes Goropius vseth, both concerning the Tree, and the reasons wherewith he would induce other men to that beliefe. For Moses Bar-cephas in his Treatise of Paradise (the first Part and fol. 49.) saith, That the Tree of Knowledge was Ficus Indica; The Indian Fig-tree, of which the greatest plentie (saith Becanus) are found vpon the bankes of Acesines, one of the Riuers which falleth into Inaus, where Alexander built his Fleet of Gallies in, or neere the Kingdome of Porus.

This Tree beareth a fruit of the bignesse of a great peaze, or (as Plinie reporteth)* 1.286 somewhat bigger, and that it is a tree, se semper serens; Alwayes planting it selfe; that it spreadeth it selfe so farre abroade, as that a troupe of horsemen may hide themselues vnder it. Strabo saith, that it hath branches bending downewards, and leaues no lesse* 1.287 [unspec 40] then a shield. Aristobulus affirmeth, that fiftie horsemen may shaddow themselues vnder one of these trees. Onesicritus raiseth this number to foure hundred. This tree (saith Theophrastus) exceedeth all other in bignesse, which also Plinie and Onesicritus confirme: to the trunke of which, these Authors giue such a magnitude, as I shame to repeate. But it may be, they all speake by an ill-vnderstood report. For this In∣dian Fig-tree is not so rare a plant, as Becanus conceiueth, who because he found it no where else, would needes draw the garden of Paradise to the Tree, and set it by the Riuer Acesines. But many parts of the world haue them, and I my selfe haue seene twentie thousand of them in one Valley, not farre from Paria in America. They grow in moist grounds, and in this manner: After they are first shot vp some twentie [unspec 50] or thirtie foote in length (some more, some lesse, according to the soile) they spread a very large top, hauing no bough nor twigge in the trunke or stemme: for from the vtmost end of the head branches there issueth out a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iuyce, which hang∣eth downe-ward like a cord or sinew, and within a few Moneths reacheth the

ground; which it no sooner toucheth but it taketh roote, and then being filled both from the top boughes, and from his owne proper roote, this cord maketh it selfe a Tree exceeding hastily. From the vtmost boughes of these yong Trees there fall againe the like cordes, which in one yeere and lesse (in that World of a perpetuall spring) become also trees of the bignesse of the nether part of a lance, and as straight, as arte or nature can make any thing, casting such a shade, and making such a kinde of groue, as no other Tree in the world can doe. Now one of these trees considered with all his yong ones, may (indeede) shrowd foure hundred or foure thousand horsemen, if they please; for they couer whole Vallies of ground where these trees grow neere the Sea-banke, as they doe by thousands in the inner part of Trinidado. [unspec 10] The cordes which fall downe ouer the bankes into the Sea, shooting alway downe∣ward to finde roote vnder water, are in those Seas of the Indies, where Oysters breed, intangled in their beds, so as by pulling vp one of these cordes out of the Sea, I haue seene fiue hundred Oysters hanging in a heape thereon; whereof the report came, that Oysters grew on trees in India. But that they beare any such huge leaues, or any such delicate fruit, I could neuer finde, and yet I haue trauailed a dozen miles together vnder them: but to returne to Goropius Becanus. This tree (saith he) was good for meate and pleasing to the sight, as the tree of Knowledge of good and e∣uill is described to be.

Secondly, this tree hauing so huge a trunke (as the former Authors report, and [unspec 20] Becanus beleeueth) it was in this tree that Adam and Eue hid themselues from the presence of God, for no other tree (saith he) could contayne them. But first it is cer∣tayne, that this Tree hath no extraordinarie magnitude, as touching the trunke or stemme, for among ten thousand of them it is hard to finde any one bigger then the rest, and these are all but of a meane size. Secondly, the wordes of Moses translated in medio ligni, are by all the interpreters vnderstood in the plurall number (that is) in the middest of the trees. But his third argument (or rather the argument of Moses Bar-cephas, word for word) is, That when Adam and Eue found themselues naked,* 1.288 they made them breeches of Fig-leaues; which proueth (indeede) that either the tree it selfe was a Fig-tree, or that a Fig-tree grew neere it: because Adam being possest [unspec 30] with shame, did not runne vp and downe the garden to seeke out leaues to couer him, but found them in the place it selfe; and these leaues of all other were most commodious by reason of their largenesse, which Plinie auoweth in these wordes; Latitudo foliorum peltae effigiem Amazoniae habet; The breadth of the leaues hath the shape* 1.289 of an Amazonian shield: which also Theophrast confirmeth; the forme of which Tar∣gets Virgil toucheth:

Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis* 1.290 PENTHESILAEA furens.

The Amazons with Crescent-formed shield [unspec 40] PENTHESILAEA leades into the field.

Here Becanus desireth to be beleeued, or rather threatneth vs all that reade him, to giue credit to this his borrowed discouerie, vsing this confident (or rather chole∣ricke) speech. Quis erit tam impudenter obstinatus, si haec à nobis de ficu hac ex antiquis scriptoribus cum MOSIS narratione comparet, vt audeat dicere aliam arborem inueniri posse, quae cum illa magis quadret? Who will be so impudently obstinate, if he compare these things which we haue reported of this Fig-tree, and out of ancient Writers deliuered, with the narration of MOSES, as to dare to auow, that any other tree can be found, which doth [unspec 50] more properly answere, or agree therewith? But for my selfe, because I neither find this tree, sorting in body, in largenesse of leaues, nor in fruit to this report, I rather incline to the opinion of Philo: That the Earth neuer brought forth any of these trees, nei∣ther before nor after; but I leaue euery man to his owne beliefe, for the matter is of

no great weight as touching his kinde: only thereby, and by the easie Commande∣ment by God giuen to Adam, to forbeare to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereon, it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God to make tryall of his obedience: Prohibita, non propter aliud, quàm ad commendandum pur ae ac* 1.291 simplicis Obedientiae bonum; Being forbidden, not for any other respect, then thereby to commend the goodnesse of pure and simple Obedience.

§ III. Of BECANVS his not vnwittie allegorizing of the Storie of his Ficus Indica.

BVt in this I must doe Becanus right, that he hath very wittily allegori∣zed [unspec 10] this Tree, allowing his supposition of the Tree it selfe to be true. The effects whereof, because his discourses are exceeding ample, I haue gathered in these few wordes. As this Tree (saith he) so did Man grow straight and vpright towards God, vntill such time as he had transgressed and broken the Commandement of his Creator; and then like vnto the boughes of this tree, he began to bend downeward, and stouped toward the earth, which all the rest of Adams posteritie after him haue done, rooting themselues therein and fastning themselues to this corrupt world. The exceeding vmbragious∣nesse of this tree, he compareth to the darke and shaddowed life of man, through [unspec 20] which the Sunne of iustice being not able to pierce, we haue all remained in the shad∣dow of death, till it pleased CHRIST to climbe the tree of the Crosse for our en∣lightning & redemption. The little fruit which it beareth, and which is hard to finde among so many large leaues, may be compared (saith he) to the little vertue, and vnperceiued knowledge among so large vanities, which obscure and shaddow it o∣uer. And as this fruit is exceeding sweet, and delicate to the taste and palate: so are the delights and pleasures of the world most pleasing, while they dure. But as all those things which are most mellifluous, are soonest changed into choller and bitternesse: so are our vanities and pleasures conuerted into the bitterest sorrowes and repen∣tances. [unspec 30] That the leaues are so exceeding large, the fruit (for such leaues) exceeding little, in this, by comparison we behold (saith he) the many cares and great labours of worldly men their sollicitude, their outward shewes, & publike ostentation, their apparent pride and large vanities; and if we seeke for the fruit, which ought to be their vertuous and pious actions, we finde it of the bignesse of the smallest peaze; glorie, to all the world apparent; goodnesse, to all the world inuisible. And further∣more, as the leaues, body, and boughes of this Tree, by so much exceede all other Plants, as the greatest men of power and worldly abilitie surpasse the meanest: so is the little fruit of such men, and such trees, rather fitting and becomming the vnwor∣thyest Shrub, and humblest Bryar, or the poorest and basest Man, then such a flou∣rishing statelinesse, and magnitude. Lastly, whereas Adam, after he had disobayed [unspec 40] God, and beheld his owne nakednesse and shame, sought for leaues to couer him∣selfe withall, this may serue to put vs in minde of his and our sinnes, as often as we put on our garments, to couer and adorne our rotten and mortall bodies: to pamper and maintaine which, we vse so many vncharitable and cruell practices in this world.

§. IIII. Of the name of the tree of Knowledge of good and euill: with some other notes touching the storie of ADAMS sinne.

NOw, as touching the sense of this tree of Knowledge of good and euill, [unspec 50] and what operation the fruit thereof had, and as touching the proper∣tie of the Tree it selfe, Moses Bar-cephas an ancient Syrian Doctor (translated by Masius) giueth this iudgement: That the fruit of this tree had no such vertue or qualitie, as that by the tasting thereof, there

was any such knowledge created in Adam, as if he had beene ignorant before; but as Iunius also noteth: Arbor scientiae boni & mali (id est) experientiae boni & mali ab euentu; The Tree of knowledge of good and euill (that is) the experience of good and euill by the euent. For thus much we may conceiue, that Adam being made (according to the Hebrew phrase) by the workemanship of Gods owne hand, in greater perfection then euer any man was produced by generation, being (as it were) the created plant, out of whose seede all men liuing haue growne vp; and hauing receiued immortali∣tie from the breath or spirit of God, he could not (for these respects) be ignorant, that the disobaying of Gods commandement was the fearfullest euill, and the ob∣seruation of his Precepts the happiest good. But as men in perfect health doe (not∣withstanding) [unspec 10] conceiue, that sicknesse is grieuous, and yet in no such degree of tor∣ment, as by the suffering and experience in themselues they afterwards witnesse: so was it with Adam, who could not be ignorant of the punishments, due to neglect and disobedience; and yet felt by the proofe thereof in himselfe another terror then he had fore-thought, or could imagine. For looking into the glasse of his owne guiltie foule, he beheld therein the horror of Gods iudgements, so as he then knew, he fee∣lingly knew, and had tryall of the late good, which could not be prized, and of the new purchased euill, which could not be exprest. He then saw himselfe naked both in body and minde; that is, depriued of Gods grace and former felicitie: and there∣fore was this tree called the tree of Knowledge, & not because the fruit thereof had [unspec 20] any such operation, by any selfe qualitie or effect: for the same phrase is vsed in many places of the Scriptures, and names are giuen to Signes and Sacraments, as to acts performed, and things done. In such sort as this tree was called the tree of Know∣ledge, by cause of the euent (as is aforesaid) so was the Well of contention therefore* 1.292 called Esek, and the Well of hatred Sitnath, because the Heardsmen of Isaac and Ge∣rar* 1.293 contended for them; and the heape of stones, called the heape of witnesse, be∣tweene Iacob and Laban, not that the stones bare witnesse, but for a memorie of the* 1.294 couenant. So Iacob called the house of God Bethel: and Hagar, the Well in the De∣sart,* 1.295 * 1.296 Viuentis, & videntis.

But Adam being both betrayed and mastered by his affections, ambitious of a [unspec 30] farther knowledge then he had perceiued in himselfe, and looking but slightly (as all his issues doe) into the miseries and sorrowes incident, and greatly affecting the sup∣posed glorie which he might obtaine by tasting the fruit forbidden, he was transpor∣ted and blowne forward by the gentle winde of pleasing perswasions vnawares; his progression being strengthened by the subtile arguments of Satan, who laboured to poyson mankinde in the very roote, which he moystned with the liquor of the same ambition, by which himselfe perished for euer.

But what meanes did the Deuill finde out, or what instruments did his owne sub∣tletie* 1.297 present him, as fittest and aptest to worke this mischiefe by? euen the vnquiet vanitie of the woman; so as by Adams harkening to the voyce of his wife, contrarie [unspec 40] to the expresse commandement of the liuing God, Mankind by that her incantation became the subiect of labour, sorrow, and death: the woman being giuen to man for a comforter and Companion, but not for a Counseller. But because thou hast obayed* 1.298 the voyce of thy wife, &c. (said God himselfe) Cursed is the earth for thy sake, in sor∣row shalt thou eate of it all thy life. It is also to be noted, by whom the woman was tempted; euen by the most vgly and vnworthy of all beasts, into whom the Deuill entred and perswaded.

Secondly, what was the motiue of her disobedience? euen a desire to know what was most vnfitting her knowledge, an affection which hath euer since remained in al the posteritie of her Sexe. Thirdly, what was it that moued the man to yeeld to [unspec 50] her perswasions? euen the same cause which hath moued all men since to the like consent, namely, an vnwillingnesse to grieue her and make her sad, lest shee should pine and be ouer-come with sorrow. But if Adam in the state of perfection, and Sa∣lomon the sonne of Dauid, Gods chosen seruant, and himselfe a man endued with the

greatest wisedome, did both of them disobay their Creator, by the perswasion and for the loue they bare to a Woman, it is not so wonderfull as lamentable, that other men in succeeding ages haue been allured to so many inconuenient and wicked pra∣ctices, by the perswasions of their wiues, or other beloued Darlings, who couer ouer and shaddow many malicious purposes with a counterfait passion of dissimulate sorrow and vnquietnesse.

CHAP. V. [unspec 10] Of diuers memorable things betweene the fall of ADAM, and the floud of NOAH.

§. I. [unspec 20] Of the cause and the reuenge of CAINS sinne: and of his going out from God.

THE same Pride and Ambition which began in Angels, and afterward possest Adam, Cain also inherited: for Cain (enuious of the acceptation of his Brothers prayer and sacrifice) slue him, making himselfe the first man-slayer, and his brother the first Martyr: the reuenge of which vnnaturall murther, although it [unspec 30] pleased God to mitigate, when Cain cryed out that his punishment was greater then he could beare: For the same offence chiefly (wherewith the sonnes of Adam, as it were, vrged and prouoked God) he destroyed all mankinde, but Noah and his family: for it is written. The earth also was corrupt before God: of which in the same place Moses giueth a rea∣son,* 1.299 for saith he, The earth was filled with crueltie: and anon after, God himselfe made the cause knowne vnto Noah, saying; An end of all flesh is come before me, for the earth is filled with crueltie through them, and behold, I will destroy them with the earth, or from the earth. Neither was this crueltie meant to haue beene in taking away the [unspec 40] liues of men only, but in all sorts of Iniustice and Oppression. After this murther of ABEL, CAIN went out from the presence of the Lord, and dwelt in the Land of NOD,* 1.300 towards the East side of Eden: in which wordes, The going out of Cain from the pre∣sence of the Lord, is not to be vnderstood after the literall sense; God being wholly in all parts of the world: Totus in coelo est, totus in terra, non alternis temporibus, sed* 1.301 Vtrum{que} simul; God (saith S. AVGVSTINE) is wholly in heauen, and wholly in earth, not by enterchanged times, but all at once; and that this is true, Dauid witnesseth: If I* 1.302 be in beauen (saith DAVID) thou art there; if in hell, thou art there also: but what is meant thereby? Exijt à facie Dei (saith CHRYSOSTOME) CAIN went out from* 1.303 the presence of the Lord (that is) he was left of God, disfauoured and bereaued of his [unspec 50] protection.

§. II. Of CAINS dwelling in the Land of NOD: and of his Citie Enoch.

THis word Nod or Naid, S. Hierome and many others vnderstand to sig∣nifie* 1.304 wandring, or incertayne habitation: vexation or agitation, saith* 1.305 〈◊〉〈◊〉; but the Seuentie conuert it otherwise, and take Nod for the proper name of a Countrie, and so doth Iosephus. But it seemeth to* 1.306 me, that Cain was rather a Vagabond or Wanderer in his cogitations, then any thing else, and that his thoughts and conscience had no quiet or rest, in re∣gard [unspec 10] of the murther committed, iustly fearing (by his owne words) the like violence: And whosoeuer findeth me (saith CAIN) shall slay me. Now that Nod or Naid was a* 1.307 Region wherein Cain inhabited, appeareth by the word (dwelt) for dwelling signi∣fieth an abiding: and we call those people Wanderers and Vagabonds that haue no dwelling place. And to make this dwelling and abiding more manifest, Moses teach∣eth* 1.308 in what part of the earth this his habitation was, which he affirmeth towards the East side of Eden. Secondly, it is said by Moses, that after Cain departed from the presence or fauour of God, he built a Citie, and called it by the name of his first* 1.309 borne, Enoch; which sheweth that he feared to wander, and rather sought to fortifie himselfe against reuenge. Cyrillus saith, that Cain and Abel were figures of Christ, [unspec 20] and of the Iewes; and that as Cain, after that he had slaine Abel vniustly, had thence∣forth no certayne abiding in the world: so the Iewes, after they had crucified the Sonne of God, became Runnegates: and it is true, that the Iewes had neuer since any certayne Estate, Common-weale, or Prince of their owne vpon the earth. Now this Land of Nod, Iunius taketh to be in Arabia Deserta, a Region of Nomades; but Ara∣bia the Desart is not Eastward, or on the East part of Eden, neither are these Nomades any particular People or Nation. For all these, in what part of the world soeuer, which in old time liued by pastorage, and fed (as we call it in Ireland) vpon white meate, without tilling of the ground, are called by the Greekes, Nomades, and by the Latines, Pastores vagi, as the Northerne Tartarians, the Getulians, and Numidians in [unspec 30] Africa, the ancient Brittans, and the Northerne Irish: yea, such were the inhabitants of Italie it selfe, till such time as Italus (who gaue them that name) taught them the husbandrie of tillage, vsed at this day. But the Region Eastward from Eden is that part of Assyria, called by Ptolemie, Calena, which also might be deriued of Carena, the Countrie of Cain. And that Cain inhabited in those parts, it may be gathered by the first possession of his Father Adam; for thus it is written, GEN. 3. Therefore the Lord* 1.310 God sent him forth from the garden of Eden to till the earth whence he was taken: and in the Verse following: Thus he cast out man, &c. and at the East side of the garden of Eden he* 1.311 set the Cherubins: which sheweth that the entrie into Paradise was from the East, by which entrance Adam was cast out, and therefore inhabiting on that side of Paradise [unspec 40] which was Eastward, according to the Text. Cain also in the same Region sought his dwelling place. Now, if the word Nod or Naid doe signifie profugus, that is, a fugi∣tiue, we can giue no longer time to this vncertayne habitation of Cain, then till he built the Citie of Enoch, the first of the world, which he inclosed either for his owne defence, or (as Iosephus writeth) to oppresse others thereby. So as for mine owne o∣pinion, I am resolued with the Septuagint, that Nod was the proper name of a Region; and for the word (vagabond) which Cain vseth of himselfe, it seemeth by the per∣close of the same Verse, that (vagabond) is therein vnderstood for such an one as trauaileth in feare of reuengement: for whosoeuer findeth me (saith CAIN) shall slay me; or else (vagabond) is taken for a man without protection, and cast out from the fa∣uour [unspec 50] of God.

And because these Henochians, so called of the Citie Henoch, were the first societie and ciuill assembly of all other, it is likely that the fame of these people (either for crueltie, strength, or other actions) liued in the memorie of Noah and his sonnes; so

that after the Floud (as there were of all sorts of natures, some vertuously, some im∣piously disposed, and euery actiue minde setting before it whom to follow or imi∣tate) those people, which delighted in crueltie and oppression tooke on them their names whose natures they most liked and allowed; of whom these Henochians were not the least. Perchance the place it selfe where Henoch stood before the Floud, and whereof the Monuments might remaine (as the pillars or the foundation of Iappe did) gaue occasion to the Planters of that place to cal themselues by the same names: for of those Henochians there were many Nations in the borders of Pontus, and Col∣chis in Iberia, Segdiana, and Bactria, and of the same name many Mountaines, as those which are otherwise called Coraxici. And seeing that it is hard to find out the truth of* 1.312 [unspec 10] these things, which the most aged Time hath couered ouer or defaced, we may (ac∣cording to the counsaile of Plato) exceedingly reioyce, and therewith satisfie our selues, if of so great and almost worne-out antiquitie, if of the eldest peoples names and Nations there remaine any printor foot-steps to Posteritie.

In* 1.313 〈◊〉〈◊〉, P. Mela, Strabo, Valerius Flaccus, Lucan, Stephanus, wee finde those Henochei described, though diuersly written, as in Plinie, sometimes Heniochij, in Mela Eniochi, in Flaccus Heniochi, in Lucan Enochij, all which inhabite vpon the Sea Euxinus, but yet none of these are on the East side of Eden, or (according to Moses words) East∣ward from Eden. For Moses, in all places where he describeth any Region, was so exceeding precise, as sometime hee vseth the word East or South without borrow∣ing* 1.314 * 1.315 [unspec 20] or addition, at other times with a borrowing, as Eastward or Southward, or to∣wards* 1.316 the East or South. In the place of Genesis the eleuenth hee writeth the word* 1.317 (East) simply and directly. And as they went from the East, they sound a Plaine in the* 1.318 Land of Shinar, but in this of Cain he addeth the word (towards) as, in the Land of Nod towards the East side of Eden; which may be taken, as inclining some one point or two eyther to the North or to the South of the East.

But as we may coniecture that these Nations tooke name of Henoch, the Citie of Cain, or of the Region wherein it stood, when the same was repeopled after the Floud: so it is probable that these Henochij of Colchis, and other parts adioyning were [unspec 30] not the first of that name, after the sonnes of Noah began to fill the World againe: because, had this Henoch the Citie of Cain stood in any of these parts, it had then beene seated North, and not East or Eastward from Eden. But as Plinie findeth their habitation towards Pontus, so afterwards he goeth on Eastward, till hee tracke them or trace them out to their originall. For he calleth these of Colchis (now Mengrelia)* 1.319 Sanni 〈◊〉〈◊〉; 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉; beyond which an hundred and fiftie myle Eastward* 1.320 hee findeth another Nation of them about Iberia and Albania; and beyond these a∣gaine hee discouereth a third Nation, from whence all the rest tooke beginning, which inhabited on the West side of the Mountaines of Paro-panisus, betweene them and the great Riuer of Oxus, which bordereth Bactria on the North side; and these Henochij are due East from the Region of Eden, and Eastward from the very Garden [unspec 40] it selfe.

And although we cannot be assured, that these Henochij tooke name from the me∣mory of the Citie of Enoch directly, yet because they inhabited due East from Para∣dise, and afterwards spred themselues Westward (as all Noahs sonnes did that came into Shinar) the coniecture is farre more probable, then that of Annius the Fryer, who sets Henoch in Phoenicia, quite contrary to Moses word: Phoenicia from all parts of Eden being directly West.

And besides these seueral Nations of the Henochij, Stephanus findeth a Region cal∣led* 1.321 Henochia, and the same also in the East, with diuers Mountaines about Bactria and Sogdiana of the same name. Onely the Graecians (according to their fabulous inuen∣tions [unspec 50] of all things else) out of the word (Heniochi) which signifieth Carts or Coach∣men,* 1.322 make these Nations to haue sprung from the Waggoners of Castor and Pollax (to wit) AMPHITES and Telchius, who attended them in the enterprize of Iason into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 And though I doe not deny, but that Iason with other Greekes ranged the* 1.323

Coasts of Asia the lesse in an open Boate or kind of small Galley,* 1.324 of whom I shal* 1.325 speake in his owne time: yet no man doubteth but that the tale of the Golden Fleece was for the most part Poeticall; and withall that in such an open Boate, which could hardly carie their owne Rowers, being foure and fiftie, there was no place, and lesse vse of Coach-horses or Waggoners.

§. III. Of MOSES his omitting sundry things concerning CAINS Generation.

BVT of the remembrance and testimonies of the name of the Citie of [unspec 10] Henoch in prophane Story, thus much may suffice; Now it followeth to answere some few obiections against certaine particulars in the fourth and fifth Chapter of Genesis: against which for the first it is de∣manded, how it was possible for Cain (hauing no other assistance then his sonne Henoch) to performe such a worke as the building of a Citie, seeing there is thereto required so many hands, and so great a masse of all sorts of Materials? To which it is answered, that we are first to consider, That of Cain (because he was the Parent of an impious race) MOSES vseth no ample declaration; and so it best agreeth with his diuine reason, seeing that he containeth the whole Story of the first race, [unspec 20] which wasted by the least account, 1656. yeeres, in fiue short Chapters. Yet thus much may euery man borrow of his owne weakest reason, That seeing it pleased God to bestow on the first generations of mens liues so long a measure, as 800. and 900. yeeres, that in such a space Cain had not want of leasure and meanes to build many such Cities as Henoch, be the capacitie answering to what other of the World soeuer: for in what age of Cains life he built it, the Scriptures are silent: as of whose times, and the times of his issues Moses had the least care. And as it was sayd of Cain, that he built a Citie: so was it sayd of Noah, that his three sonnes peopled all the World; but in both, the processe of time required to bee vnderstood: which aduice seeing Moses vseth where the space lesse requireth it, as knowing that hee writ the [unspec 30] Scriptures to reasonable men, wee may easily vnderstand, that such was his meaning also in all reports of like nature. For in making but a difference betweene the birth of Abel, and oblation of Cain, he spake it in this sort, Fuit autem post dies multos or à fine dierum (that is) in processe of time, it came to passe that CAIN brought an Oblation. And therefore it is in like sort to bee vnderstood of Cain, that many yeeres fore-gone, and when his people were increased, he built the Citie of Enoch or Henoch.

And where it is written, as of Cain, that he built Enoch, so of Salomon, that hee built the Temple of Hierusalem; yet it is well knowne of Salomon, that hee employed in* 1.326 that worke, 150000. Labourers: for this phrase or speech is common with our selues to say, The King inuaded; when hee caused an inuasion to bee made: and hee built, [unspec 40] when he commanded such a building. And therefore seeing wee find, that Moses had no regard to the ages, to the birth, or to the death of any of Cains issues, it is not to be maruailed at, why he also passeth ouer in a word the building of Enoch, without addition of any circumstance: for of Cain, Moses writeth in this manner: CAIN* 1.327 also knew his wife, who conceiued and bare HENOCH, and hee built a Citie, and called the name of the Citie after the name of his sonne HENOCH. And to HENOCH was borne* 1.328 IRAD, and IRAD begat MEHVIAEL, and MEHVIAEL begat METHVSAEL, and ME∣THVSAEL LAMECH.

Now of Seth, Moses writeth farre otherwise, and in this manner. And SETH 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.329 105. yeeres, and begat ENOCH, and SETH liued after hee begat ENOCH 807. yeeres, and [unspec 50] begat Sonnes and Daughters: so as all the dayes of SETH were 912. yeeres, and hee dyed: as for the yeeres and times of the wicked, they were not numbred in libro viuentium, sayth CYRIL. But in SETH was the Church of GOD established, from whom Christ descended, as touching his manhood: and therefore this way and worke Mo∣ses

walked in, and finished it with care, passing ouer the Reprobate Generation (as a∣foresayd. Of the Line of Adam by Cain, Moses remembreth but eight Generations, reckoning Adam for one, and of the Line of Adam by Seth ten, counting Adam also therein, as followeth:

❧ 1. ADAM.

2. Cain.	2. Seth.
3. Henoch.	3. Enosh.
4. Irad.	4. Cainan.
5. Mahuiael.	5. Mahaleel. [unspec 10]
6. Mathusael.	6. Iarad.
7. Lamech, who by Ada had	7. Henoch.
8. Iubal and Tubal, and by Silla Tubalcain, and Noëma.	8. Mathusalem.
9. Lamech, and
10. Noah.

These be the Generations of Adam by Cain, which the Scriptures mention: but Iosephus giueth vnto Lamech threescore and seuenteene Sonnes and Daughters, by his two wiues Ada, and Silla: and to these three sonnes of Lamech, Moses ascribeth the inuention of Pastorage, of Musicke, and the working in Metall; for it seemeth [unspec 20] that Iubal first gathered together, and made familiar those beasts which formerly were vntamed, and brought them into Heards and Droues: Tubal inuented Musicke,* 1.330 and Tubalcain the working in Brasse and Iron: the one being addicted to Husbandry, the other was Mechanicall, the third giuen to idlenesse and pleasure. In whom be∣gan these three meaner degrees of Sheep-heards, Handy-crafts-men, and Musicians. And in the issues of Seth began the Seruices of God, Diuinitie, Prophecie, and A∣stronomie: the children of the one beheld the Heauens, the other the Earth.

§. IIII. [unspec 30] Of the diuersities in the Ages of the Patriarchs when they begat their children.

A Second scruple hath beene made, How it came to passe that the Pa∣triarchs begat their children at so diuers Ages, as Cainan or Cenan at se∣uentie yeeres, Mahaleel and Enoch at threescore and fiue yeeres, whereas lared begat not any of his vntill hee was 162. yeeres olde: Mathusalem begat at 187. Lamech at 182. and Noah at 500. yeeres. Now this diffe∣rence hath bin the more enforced, because it cannot be coniectured, that eyther Iared, Mathusalem, or Lamech abstained from marriage out of the Religion of abstinence, seeing that Enoch, who was translated by God for his singular sanctities, begat chil∣dren [unspec 40] before he was threescore and ten yeeres olde.

The apparent difference hereof ariseth in this, that Moses did not number the ge∣nerations before the Floud precisely, according to the first begotten and eldest sonnes of the Patriarchs, but he drew downe the Line of Noah from Seth, and afterward from Noah to Abraham, by their true Ancestors, were they elder or yonger as hee found them: for it is likely that Henoch was not the eldest of Iarad, nor Lamech the first borne of Mathusalem, nor Noah of Lamech; neither is there any thing knowne to the contra∣rie, but that Noah might haue had many sonnes before Shem, Ham, and Iaphet, though these three were only named, and suruiuing, and which by God were reserued to bee the Fathers of Mankind after the Floud; and therefore when we find Mahaleel to bee [unspec 50] begotten by Kenan at threescore and ten yeeres who was the first sonne of Kenan, and then reck on that Mathusalem begat Lamech in the 187. yeere of his life, the difference seemeth strange, where Lamech is taken for the eldest. But Moses reiecteth all the o∣ther sonnes of Mathusalem but Lamech only, because he was the Father of Noah as a∣foresaid.

Of this Saint Augustine hath somewhat else in his 20. and 21. Chapters, De 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.

But as Moses counted the Generations of the first age, and so to Abraham, and the children of the promise after him, so doth S. Matthew recite the Genealogie of Christ, not by the eldest sonnes, but from those whom God had chosen and blessed, without respect of the first-borne, who haue hereby the prerogatiue in Estates, worldly and transitorie only; and therefore the Euangelist nameth Isaac, and not Ismael, though* 1.331 Ismael were first in time: so doth he take Iacob the yonger, and not Esau the elder; neyther is Chris̄t deriued from any of the three eldest Patriarchs, Reuben, Simeon, or Leui, but from Iuda a fourth brother, and so from Dauid a yonger sonne of Iessai; [unspec 10] and lastly we find, that the Kingdome it selfe of Iuda was not giuen to the Heire in* 1.332 nature, but to the Heire of grace, namely Salomon.

§. V. Of the long liues of the Patriarchs: and some of late memorie.

THE third Obiection is, that the great difference of yeeres betweene those of the first Age, whereof some of them had well-neere seene a thousand yeeres, makes it disputable, whether the account of times [unspec 20] were of the same measure as in after-ages, seeing, that soone after the Floud, men liued not a third part of that time, and in succeeding ages and to this day not the tenth.

They that haue hereon resolued that those yeeres were but Lunarie yeeres, (to* 1.333 wit) of a Moneth or thereabouts, or Egyptian yeeres, are easily confuted. For where∣as* 1.334 Seth begat Enosh in the yeere of his life 105. if those yeeres bee tāken but for* 1.335 Moneths, then had Seth liued but eight yeeres and one Moneth when hee begat E∣nosh:* 1.336 and if the time of Enosh haue the same allowance, when he begat Kenan, then could Enosh at that time haue beene but sixe yeeres and fortie eight weekes old; and so it may be gathered of the rest; excepting only Adam, who was created perfect in [unspec 30] his kind, as were the Trees in their kinde, bearing fruit and seed. But this were too ridiculous to imagine. For to giue an abilitie of Generation at 6. 7. or 8. yeeres, a∣greeth with the short liues of the Pigmies, and not with the constitutions of our first Fathers, who being descended from Adam, the workemanship of Gods hands, and begotten and borne in the strong youth of the World, had length of daies and ability of body agreeable. Againe, if we allow this idle conceit of the Lunarie yeeres, then there would follow this extremitie, that those which liued longest, and vpwards of nine hundred yeeres, had by that account but the time of fourescore and tenne and odde yeeres, which were not only lesse by farre then the Patriarchs liued after the Floud, but short of many mens liues in this decrepit age of the World, wherein ma∣ny [unspec 40] exceed fourescore, and some hundred yeeres. Further (if need bee) to disprooue this reckoning, whereas it is written, Gen. 25. That Abraham dyed in a good Age, an old man, and of great yeeres: all which (if the former account were of Lunarie yeeres) makes but seuentoene and an halfe of our yeeres.

And if we seeke for a cause of this long life in Nature, then is it reasonable, that the first man, created in highest perfection, should also beget children of equall strength or little differing: for of the first and purest seed there must of necessitie spring vp the fairest and fruitfullest Plants. Secondly, the Earth it selfe was then much lesse cor∣rupt, which yeelded her increase, and brought forth fruit and food for man, with∣out any such mixture of harmefull qualitie, as since that time the Curse of God for [unspec 50] the crueltie of mans heart brought on it and Mankind: Neither had the Waters of the Floud infused such an impuritie, as thereby the naturall and powerfull operation of all Plants, Herbes, and Fruits vpon the Earth receiued a qualification and harme∣full change. And as all things vnder the Sunne haue one time of strength, and an∣other

of weaknesse, a youth and beautie, and then age and deformitie: so Time it selfe (vnder the deathfull shade of whose wings all things decay and wither) hath wasted and worne out that liuely vertue of Nature in Man, and Beasts, and Plants; yea the Heauens themselues being of a most pure and clensed matter, shall waxe old as a garment; and then much more the power generatiue in inferiour Creatures, who* 1.337 by the ordinance of God receiue operatiue vertue from the superiour.

But besides the olde age of the World, how farre doth our education and simpli∣citie of liuing differ from that old time? the tender bringing vp of children, first fed and nourished with the milke of a strange Dugge; an vnnaturall curiositie hauing taught all women (but the begger) to find out Nurses, which necessitie only ought [unspec 10] to commend vnto them: The hastie marriages in tender yeeres, wherein, Nature being but yet greene and growing, we rent from her and replant her branches, while her selfe hath not yet any root sufficient to maintaine her owne top; and such halfe∣ripe seeds (for the most part) in their growing vp wither in the bud, and waxe olde euen in their infancie. But aboue all things the exceeding luxuriousnesse of this glut∣tonous Age, wherein we presse Nature with ouer-waightie burdens, and finding her strength defectiue, we take the worke out of her hands, and commit it to the artifi∣ciall helpe of strong Waters, hot Spices, and prouoking Sawces; of which Lucan hath these elegant Verses:

— — — O prodiga rerum* 1.338 [unspec 20] Luxuries, nunquam paruo contenta paratu: Et quaesitorum terra pelago{que} ciborum Ambitiosa fames, & lautae gloria mensae, Discite quàm 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liceat producere vitam: Et quantum Natura petat. Non auro myrrhâ{que} bibunt: sed gurgite puro Vitaredit: satis est populis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ceres{que}.

O wastfull Riot, neuer well content [unspec 30] With low-priz'd fare; hunger ambitious Of Cates by Land and Sea farre fetcht and sent: Vaine glorie of a Table sumptuous, Learne with how little life may be preserued. In Gold and Myrrhe they need not to carrouse, But with the Brooke the peoples thirst is serued: Who fed with Bread and Water are not sterued.

The Aegyptians affirme, that the longest time of mans life is a hundred yeeres, be∣cause* 1.339 the heart in a perfect bodie waxeth and groweth to strength fiftie yeeres, and [unspec 40] afterwards by the same degree decaieth and withereth. Epigenes findeth in his Philo∣sophie, that the life of man may reach to the period of an hundred and twenty yeeres, and Berosus to a hundred and seuenteene yeeres. These opinions Plinie repeateth and reprooueth, producing many Examples to the contrary. In the last taxation, number and reuiew of the eighth Region of Italie, there were found in the Roll (sayth Plinie)* 1.340 foure and fiftie persons of an hundred yeeres of age: seuen and fiftie of an hundred and ten: two, of an hundred and fiue and twentie: foure, of an hundred and thirtie: as many that were hundred and fiue and thirtie, or hundred and seuen and thirtie yeeres old: and last of all three men of an hundred and fortie: and this search was made in the times of Vespasian the Father and the Sonne. [unspec 50]

The simple dyet and temperate life of the Essaeaus gaue them long account of ma∣ny* 1.341 yeeres: so did it to the Secretaries of Aegyptian Ceremonies, to the Persians Ma∣gicians and Indian Brachmans. The Greckes affirme out of Homer, that Nestor liued* 1.342 three Ages, and Tiresias sixe, Sybilla three hundred yeeres, Endymion of the lesse Asia

little lesse: Also Masantssa of Numidia liued very long, and Dando of Illyria. Among the Kings of Arcadia many liued three hundred yeeres (sayth Ephorus.) Hellanicus af∣firmeth of the Epeians, that some of them liue full two hundred yeere: and so doth Diodorus Siculus of the Aegyptians; and that these reports are not fabulous; Iosephus bringeth many witnesses with himselfe, as Marethon, Berosus, Mochus, Estius, Hiero∣nymus Aegyptius, Hecataeus, Ephorus, and others. And Anthonie Fume an Histo∣rian of good reputation reporteth, that in the yeere 1570. there was an Indian pre∣sented to Solyman, Generall of the Turkes Armie, who had out-liued three hundred yeeres. I my selfe knew the old Countesse of Desmond of Inchiquin in Munster, who liued in the yeere 1589. and many yeeres since, who was married in Edward the [unspec 10] Fourths time, and held her Ioynture from all the Earles of Desmond since then; and that this is true, all the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Munster can witnesse. Stroz∣zius Cigogna, out of Torquemada Maffaeus, and the like Authours, telleth of some that haue not only farre exceeded the terme prescribed by Epigenes; but beene re∣payred from the withered estate of decrepit age to fresh youth. But for length of life, if we note but the difference betweene the abilitie of men in those dayes wherein Galen the Phisician liued, it may easily proue vnto vs what reeds we are in respect of those Cedars of the first age. For Galen did ordinarily let bloud sixe pound weight, whereas wee (for the most part) stop at sixe Ounces. But to conclude this part, there are three things (not counting Constellations) which are the naturall causes [unspec 20] of a long and healthfull life; (to wit) strong Parents, a pure and thin Ayre, and tem∣perate vse of dyet, pleasure, and rest: for those which are built of rotten timber, or mouldring stone, cannot stand long vpright; on Ayre wee feed alwayes and in euery instant, and on meates but at times: and yet the heauy load of abundance, where∣with we oppresse and ouercharge Nature, maketh her to sinke vnawares in the mid∣way; and therefore with a good constitution, a pure Ayre, and a temperate vse of those things which Nature wanteth, are the only friends and companions of a long life.

§. VI. [unspec 30] Of the Patriarchs deliuering their knowledge by Tradition: and that ENOCH writ before the Floud.

A Fourth scruple hath beene made, How the certaine knowledge of the Creation came to Moses, seeing there was no Storie thereof written, and if any such had beene, yet it is conceiued, that all memorie of Antiqui∣tie perished in the Vniuersall Floud.

But if we consider the curiositie and policie of elder ages, we shall find, that know∣ledge was the greatest treasure that men sought for, and which they also couered [unspec 40] and hid from the vulgar sort, as Iewels of inestimable price, fearing the irreuerent construction of the ignorant and irreligious: so as whatsoeuer was attained vnto con∣cerning God, and his working in nature, the same was not left to publike dispute, but deliuered ouer by heart and tradition from wise men to a posteritie equally zealous; Ex animo in animum sine 〈◊〉〈◊〉, medio intercedente verbo: From minde to minde without* 1.343 Letters, by way of tradition or word of mouth. And it was thought by Esdras Origen, and Hilaerius, (as Mirandula conceiueth) that Moses did not onely vpon the Mount* 1.344 receiue the Law from God, but withall, secretiorem & veram leg is enarrationem; a more secret and true explanation of the Law; which (saith he, out of the same Authours,) hee deliuered by mouth to Iosuah, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Elders: For to teach these mysteries, [unspec 50] which hee called secretiora, to the rude multitude, were no other quàm dare sanctum canibus, & inter Porcos spargere Margaritas, then to giue holy things to Dogges, and to cast Pearles before Swine. In succeeding times this vnderstanding and wisedome began to bee written in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Characters, and Letters bearing the forme of beasts,

birds, and other creatures; and to be taught onely to such as serued in their Tem∣ples, and to their Kings and Priests. Of the first the Cabala of the Iewes was an imi∣tation: the inuention of the other is ascribed to Zoroaster, Mercurius, Cadmus, and others; but falsely.

This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importeth a Law, receiued by tradition and vnwritten. Cabala in He∣brew* 1.345 is receptio in Latine, and a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in English. And this custome was also held by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Bards of our ancient Brittaines, and of later times by the Irish Chroni∣clers called Rymers. If then such as would seeme wisest in the vse of reason, will not* 1.346 acknowledge, that the storie of the Creation or beginning of all things was written by inspiration, the holy Ghost guiding the hand of Moses; yet it is manifest, that the [unspec 10] knowledge thereof might by tradition (then vsed) be deliuered vnto him by a more certayne presumption, then any or all the testimonies which prophane antiquitie had preserued and left to their successors: which their wise men (as they terme them) did lay vp and defend from the iniurie of the time and other hazzards. For, leauing to remember that Adam instructed Seth, and Seth his children and succes∣sors, which cannot be doubted of, it is manifest, that Methusalem liued together with Adam himselfe two hundred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and three yeeres, and Noah with Methusa∣lem no lesse then fiue hundred yeeres: and before Noah dyed, Abraham was fiftie and eight yeeres old; from whence this knowledge by an easie and ordinarie way might come to Israel, and so to Moses. [unspec 20]

But besides this tradition, it is questionlesse, that the vse of letters was found out in the very infancie of the world, proued by those prophecies written on pillars of stone and bricke by Enoch: of which Iosephus affirmeth, that one of them remayned* 1.347 euen in his time (meaning belike some ruine or foundation thereof) which pillars by others are ascribed to Seth. But of these prophecies of Enoch Saint Iude testifi∣eth;* 1.348 and some part of his Bookes (which contayned the course of the Starres, their names and motions) were afterward found in Arabia foelix, in the Dominion of the Queene of Saba (saith Origen) of which Tertullian affirmeth that he had seene* 1.349 and read some whole pages. It is not therefore strange, that Moses came to the know∣ledge of the Creation, and storie of the first Age, seeing he might receiue it both by [unspec 30] tradition and letters, had not the spirit of God instructed and inspired him as it did: which also his many and strange miracles (performed before he wrote the Scrip∣tures) make more manifest.

Now for the Bookes of Enoch, howsoeuer some men make question of them, sure I am that Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Beda, Procopius, Gazeus, (with others) cite* 1.350 them in their writings: although Medina, for an argument to proue them vnwrit∣ten traditions, alleageth that Pope Gelasius among other the Apocryphall Scriptures (which he reiecteth) named not these of Enoch; but that whatsoeuer was remem∣bred* 1.351 out of them, the same was deliuered by Tradition from the Iewes. But I ra∣ther thinke with Pererius, that such a Booke there was, and that the same was cor∣rupted [unspec 40] after the death of the Apostles, and many things added thereunto by He∣retikes, who tooke occasion vpon the antiquitie thereof, and out of that place of Michael contending with the Deuill about the body of Moses, to frame and adde thereunto many inuentions of their owne. One of the greatest arguments against these Bookes, is, that neither Philo, nor Iosephus (the most diligent searchers of An∣tiquitie) make mention thereof. But against it I will set this opinion of Saint AV∣GVSTINE, Scripsisse quidem nonnulla diuina ENOCH illum septimum ab ADAM nega∣re non possumus: That ENOCH the seuenth from ADAM did write diuers diuine things we cannot denie. Now his writings which came afterwards to light, were suspected be∣cause of the antiquitie, and of fables of Giants, supposed to be begotten of Angels, [unspec 50] and others; and by so much the more, because no such Booke was found amongst those Canonicall Scriptures, kept by the diligence of the Hebrew Priests in Armario Iu∣daico (saith Tertullian) who yet affirmeth that this Booke might be preserued by* 1.352 Noah. Surely, that Enoch wrote the prophecies remembred by Iude, no man can

denie; how they were deliuered to posteritie I know not, whether by the Iewes Cae-balae, or by what other meanes, the same is but mans coniecture. And (certainely) by the knowledge ascribed to Noah of the motions of the Heauens, and of the Natures and coniunctions of the Starres; and afterwards to some of his sonnes, to Zoroaster,* 1.353 and then to Abraham, it is very probable that Noah had seene and might preserue this booke. For it is not likely, that so exquisite knowledge therein (as these men had) was suddenly inuented and found out, but left by Seth to Enoch, and by Enoch to Noah, as hath beene said before. And therefore if letters and arts were knowne from the time of Seth to Enoch, and that Noah liued with Methusalem, who liued with Adam, and Abraham liued with Noah, it is not strange (I say) to conceiue how Moses [unspec 10] came to the knowledge of the first Age, be it by letters, or by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Tradition, had the vndoubted word of God neede of any other proofe then selfe-authoritie.

§. VII. Of the men of renownie before the floud.

NOw let vs consider the relation of Moses, who nameth seuen descents of Cains children, and of Adam by Seth ten: Seth being giuen by God in stead of Abel; and of Seth was Enosh begotten, in whose time men [unspec 20] began to professe Religion, and to offer sacrifice in publike. For al∣though Adam instructed his children in the knowledge of God their Creator, as appeared by the sacrifice offered by Cain and Abel; yet it seemeth that after the birth of Enosh men began publikely to call on the name of the Lord, that is, they serued and praised God by Communion and in publike manner, or calling vpon the name of the Lord, and thereby were the sonnes of God or the godly di∣stinguished from the wicked. From the birth of Enosh the sonne of Seth, to the time of Henoch the sonne of Iared, there is nothing remembred by Moses, but their owne births, the births of their sonnes, the length of their liues, and deaths. But of Henoch it is written, That he walked with God, and he was no more seene: for God tooke him a∣way.* 1.354 [unspec 30] By that, that he walked with God, was meant, that he was a iust and vpright man, and that he feared, loued, and obayed God. For the same phrase Moses vseth of Noah. NOAH was a iust and vpright man in his time, and NOAH walked with God. The Se∣uentie* 1.355 conuert it, ENOCH placuit Deo; HENOCH pleased God. And although Aben-Ezra and others vnderstand this place, (tulit eum Deus:) scilicet, mortuus est; God tooke him away (that is) he dyed, which (indeede) agreeth both with the phrase of the Scripture, and with our manner of speech to this day, to say, God tooke him a∣way, when he dyed; yet the difference which Moses maketh betweene the pietie of Henoch and the rest of the Patriarchs, and by omitting the word (death) which he v∣seth to all else, makes it manifest, that Henoch was not dissolued as the rest. For to all [unspec 40] the rest of the Patriarchs, Moses vseth these wordes, And he dyed; but of Henoch he spake otherwise, saying only, he was missing, or he was not seene. Et non inueniebatur (saith the Epistle to the Hebrewes) quia Deus eum transtulit; And he was not found, for the Lord tooke him away. In the same place it is expresly added, that he saw not death.

But whether this taking away of Enoch were not with the same kind of changing, which S. Paul promiseth, when he saith, that when the end shall come, we shall not all die,* 1.356 but all shall be changed, I leaue it to the learned Diuines.

After Henoch, Moses passeth ouer to Methusalem and Lamech, remembring (as of the rest) the times of their birth and death: sauing that Lamech prophecied of his sonne Noah, saying, This same shall comfort vs concerning our worke, and sorrow of our* 1.357 [unspec 50] hands, as touching the earth which the Lord hath cursed. Of Noah, Moses writeth more amply, then of any of the rest of Adams children by Seth, being the last of the ten ge∣nerations of the first Age, whom God (with his familie) preserued, because he was* 1.358 an vpright man in his time, and feared God.

But of the warre, peace, gouernement, and policie of these strong and mightie men, so able both in body and wit, there is no memorie 〈◊〉〈◊〉: whose stories if they had beene preserued, and what else was then performed in that newnesse of the world, there could nothing of more delight haue beene left to posteritie. For the exceeding long liues of men (who to their strength of body and naturall wits had the experience added of 800. and 900. yeeres) how much of necessitie must the same adde of wisedome and vndertakings? Likely it is that their works excelled all what∣soeuer can be told of after-times, especially in respect of this old age of the world, when we no sooner begin to know, but we begin to die; according to HIPPOCRA∣TES: 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 longa, tempus praeceps; (which is) Life is 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Arte is long, and Time is* 1.359 [unspec 10] headlong. And that those people of the first age performed many things worthy ad∣miration, it may be gathered out of these words of MOSES: These were mightie men,* 1.360 which in old time were men of renowne. But these men of renowne (whom the Scrip∣ture afterwards calleth Giants, both for strength of body and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of minde) tru∣sted so much to their owne abilities, as they forgat altogether the pietie of Seth, and the wayes wherein Henoch walked: for all the imaginations of their hearts were euill, only* 1.361 euill, and continually euill. And this wickednesse was not only found in the issues of Cain, but it was then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sall, when the children and sonnes of God (or of the god∣ly) were corrupted and misted by their idolatrous Wiues, the Daughters of Cain, or of those other men, louing themselues and the world only. [unspec 20]

That these sonnes of God were Angels, which being taken with the beautie of wo∣men,* 1.362 accompanied them and begat Giants, some of the Fathers supposed, namely, Lactantius and Eusebius, misled by 〈◊〉〈◊〉: of whom I cannot doubt, but that they afterward changed their former opinions. And of this mistaking many Writers haue taken great aduantage, and haue troubled themselues with large answeres and very needlesse: the question being vncapable of dispute, especially since S. Chryso∣stome and S. Augustine haue answered it largely long agoe. For, that good and godly men were honored with the title of Gods children, it doth euery where appeare in the Scripture; and on the contrary, to thinke that Angels, who (as Christ witnes∣seth) behold the face of God, (that is) alwayes attend his Commandements, should [unspec 30] after a separation from the rest which fell with Lucifer, for sake the glorious presence of their Creator, and become Incubi, or Succubi, contrarie both to Nature and Grace, were more then madnesse to imagine.

§. VIII. That the Giants by MOSES so called, were indeede men of huge bodies: as also diuers in later times. [unspec 40]

OF these Giants which Moses calleth mightie men, Goropius Becanus an Antuerpian (who thought his owne wit more Giganticall then the bodies of Nimrod or Hercules) hath written a large discourse, intituled Gigantomachia, and strained his braines to proue, that there were neuer any such men: his reasons (whosoeuer desires to lose time) he may finde them in the Treatises beforenamed. It is true that Cyrillus reproues the Grae∣cian Poets for their monstrous fictions: who affirme shamelesly, That the Giants haue in elder times not only cast vp Mountaynes vpon Mountaynes, but remoued Islands out of the Sea, with like fooleries. And for that inuention of casting vp Hils, and making warre with the Gods, no doubt but that the same was borrowed out of [unspec 50] the storie of Nimrod, as before remembred; and euen out of this Scripture, That the Sonnes of God saw the Daughters of Men, of whom the first Giants were be∣gotten, was that conceit taken of Orpheus and Hesiodus, That Giants were the sonnes of the Heauen and the Earth; meaning by the Heauens the sonnes of God, and by

the Earth the Daughters of men: which verses of Orpheus are by Iohn Cassam (who hath written a wittie discourse of this subiect) thus changed into Latine:

Nomine coelestes illos dixêre Gigantes Orti quòd terrâ fuerint & sanguine coeli.

From the Earth, and from thy bloud, ô heauen, they came, Whom thereupon the Gods did Giants name.

But what will not Opiniators and selfe-beleeuing men dispute of, and make doubt [unspec 10] of, if they cannot conceiue that there were in the first Age such kind of men; and of which there haue beene in all times since? Seeing the Scriptures auow the one ma∣nifestly, and common experience the other?

And for that superlatiue strayning of wordes, and the meaning of them, that the name of Giants was giuen to Oppressors and Tyrants, and not to strength of body and eminent stature: such men might with better reason call them Oppressors, be∣cause they were Giants, and therefore had abilitie to oppresse, then say, That they were called Giants onely, because Oppressors. For first, Moses himselfe calleth them mightie men; which sheweth a strength surpassing others: and afterwards, men of renowne, (that is) of great vndertaking and aduenterous action. And if the [unspec 20] same stature of body, and abilitie had not beene found among diuers Nations after the generall floud, then might this place of Moses haue more willingly harkened to a dispute, and yeelded to interpretation.

But besides all these famous Giants found in prophane Histories (which I will re∣serue to accompanie the Giants of Albion, in the storie of Britanie) the Scriptures doe cleerely and without all allegoricall construction auow, That, besides Nimrod, there were found of these Giants in the time of Abraham, of Moses, of Iosua, and of* 1.363 Dauid; namely, the Rephaims in Asteroth; the Zuzaei or Zanzummims in Ham, and the* 1.364 Emims, which dwelt anciently in the Land of Moab: whom Moses (for stature) com∣pareth* 1.365 with the Anakims, which dwelt in Hebron; for they also were taken for Giants [unspec 30] as the Anakims: Likewise, where Moses speaketh of the Land of Ammon, he vseth these words: That also was taken for a land of Giants, for Giants dwelt therein afore-times:* 1.366 and, whom the Ammonites call Zamzummims: a people that was great, and many, and tall as the Anakims. And these Giants called Rephaims in Asteroth and Karnaim, and the Zuzaei or Zanzummims, Chedorlaomer King of Elam ouer-threw, assisted by other Kings his associates. Also the Prophet Amos found among the Ammonites men of* 1.367 Giantlike stature, whom he compareth to the Cedar, and whose strength to the Okes; and the Prophet BARVCH, These were the Giants famous from the beginning, that were* 1.368 of so great stature, and so expert in warre. Particularly it is written of Og, King of* 1.369 Basan, that his bed of yron was nine cubits long, and foure cubits broad: for onely [unspec 40] Og King of Basan remayned of the remnants of the Giants, who commanded the Kingdome of Basan, foure hundred yeeres after the Expedition of Chedorlaomer. Moreouer, those Discouerers and Searchers of the Land of promise (sent by Moset from Cadesbarre in Paran) made report at their returne of the great stature of those people in generall, and especially of the sonnes of Anak, in these wordes: All the* 1.370 people which we saw in it are men of great stature: for there we saw Giants, the sonnes of ANAK, which come of the Giants, so that we seemed in our sights like Grasse-hoppers, and so we were in their sight, (that is) the Searchers found in their owne iudgements a mar∣uailous difference between the Anakims and themselues: insomuch that the Israelites were so stricken with feare, as they rather sought and desired to returne againe into [unspec 50] Aegypt, and were more willing to endure their former slauerie, then to fall by the* 1.371 strokes of those fearefull Nations. Furthermore, the Scriptures put vs out of doubt,* 1.372 that Goliah the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Gath, was a Giant of sixe cubits and a span long: the Ar∣mor which he wore waighed fiue thousand shickles of brasse: the shaft of his speare

was like a Weauers beame, and his speare head waighed sixe hundred shickles of y∣ron. Also in Samuel there is mention of another Goliah, surnamed Getheus, because* 1.373 he was of Gath: and of three other Giants; of which the first was slaine by Iehona∣than,* 1.374 Dauids 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who had twelue fingers, and as many toes: a man of great stature, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 were by sixes, euen foure and twentie.

Also 〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉 surpassing strength, no man doubteth, who tore a Lyon* 1.375 as it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beene a Kid, and after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thirtie of the Philistines, and (after that) a* 1.376 thousand more of them with a iaw-bone of an Asse: And lastly, he tooke the gates* 1.377 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the two Posts, and lifted them away with the barres, and put them vpon his shoulders, and carryed them to the top of the Mountayne before Ebron. [unspec 10] If then it be approued by euery iudgement, that both Nature and the Heauens waxe old, and that the great age of Time hath (with it selfe) infeebled and almost worne out the vertue of all things, then I say, That as in all other kindes the Earth (before that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had increased the curse and corruption) brought forth her yong ones more strong and beautifull, then it did in after-ages: so also those Giants, those mightie men, and men of renowne as farre exceeded the proportion, nature, and strength of those Giants, remembred by Moses of his owne time, and after him their successors, as the ordinarie proportion of all men in generall, soone after the floud and in times farre off, exceeded the bulkes and bodies of men which are now borne in the withered quarter and Winter of the world: If therefore Giants were com∣mon [unspec 20] in the third and fourth age, much more in the first flourishing youth and new∣nesse of the world.

But the wickednesse (especially in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and oppression) of these men was such, as God therefore by the floud gaue end to all flesh, but to the iust Noah and his fa∣mily. And God repented him that he had made man, which S. Augustine thus expoun∣deth:* 1.378 Ne{que} enim sicut hominem, ita Deum facti sui poenitet, cuius est de omnibus om∣ninò* 1.379 rebus tam fixa sententia, quàm certa praescientia. Sed si non vtatur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a talibus verbis, non se quodammodo familiarius insinuabit omni generi hominum, quibus vult esse consultum: vt & perterreat superbientes, & excitet negligentes, & exerceat quaerentes, & alat intelligentes; God (saith he) doth not repent him of any thing which he hath done: [unspec 30] (as men vse to doe) but if the Scripture did not vse those wordes or the like, it should not (in a sort) insinuate it selfe familiarly to all sorts of men, for whom it would prouide: that it might terrifie the proud, stirre vp the negligent, exercise the searchers of truth, and nourish those that vnder∣stand. [unspec 40]

CHAP. VI. Of idolatrous corruptions, quickly rising, and hardly at length vanishing in the world: and of the Reliques of Truth touching these ancient times, obscurely ap∣pearing in Fables and old Legends. [unspec 10]

§. I. That in old corruptions we may finde some signes of more ancient truth.

HERE before wee proceede any further, the occasion offereth it selfe for vs to consider, how the Greekes and other more ancient Nations, by fabulous inuentions, [unspec 20] and by breaking into parts the Storie of the Creation, and by deliuering it ouer in a mystical sense, wrapping it vp mixed with other their owne trumperie, haue sought to obscure the truth thereof; and haue hoped, that after-ages, being thereby brought into many doubts, might receiue those inter-mixt discourses of God and Nature, for the inuentions of Poets and Phi∣losophers, and not as any thing borrowed or stolne out of the bookes of God. But as a skilfull and learned Chymist can aswell by sepa∣ration of visible elements draw helpfull medicines out of poyson, as poyson out of [unspec 30] the most healthfull herbs and plants (all things hauing in themselues both life and death) so, contrarie to the purposes and hopes of the Heathen, may those which seeke after God and Truth finde out euery-where, and in all the ancient Poets and Philosophers, the Storie of the first Age, with all the workes and maruailes thereof, amply and liuely exprest.

§. II. That the corruptions themselues were very ancient: as in the family of NOAH, and in the old Aegyptians. [unspec 40]

BVt this defection and falling away from God, which was first found in Angels, and afterwards in Men (the one hauing erred but once, the other euer) as concerning mankinde it tooke such effect, that thereby (the liberall grace of God being with-drawne) all the posteritie of our first Parents were afterwards borne and bred in a world, suffering a perpetuall Eclipse of spirituall light. Hence it was that it produced plants of such imperfection and harmefull qualitie, as the waters of the generall floud could not so wash out or depure, but that the same defection hath had continuance in the very generation and nature of mankinde. Yea, euen among the few sonnes of Noah, there [unspec 50] were found strong effects of the former poyson. For as the children of Sem did inhe∣rit the vertues of Seth, Enoch, and Noah; so the sonnes of Cham did possesse the vices of the sonnes of Cain, and of those wicked Giants of the first Age. Whence the Cbal∣deans began soone after the floud to ascribe diuine power and honor to the Crea∣ture,

which was only due to the Creatour. First, they worshipped the Sunne, and then the fire. So the Aegyptians and Phoenicians did not only learne to leaue the true God, but created twelue seuerall gods, and diuine powers, whom they worshipped; and vnto whom they built Altars and Temples. For Herodotus sayth, Duodecim Deo∣rum* 1.380 nomina primos Aegyptios in vsu habuisse, at{que} Graecos ab illis cepisse mutuatos, eos{que} prius aras, & imagines, & templa Dijs sibi erexisse; The Aegyptians (sayth he) first deuised the names of the twelue Gods, which the Greekes receiued from them, who first erected vnto themselues Altars, Images, and Temples for the Gods. [unspec 10]

§. III. That in processe of time these lesser errours drew on greater: as appeareth in the grosse Superstitions of the Aegyptians.

BVT as men once fallen away from vndoubted truth, doe then after wander for euermore in vices vnknowne, and daily trauaile towardes their eternall perdition: so did these grosse and blind Idolaters euery Age after other descend lower and lower, and shrinke and slide down∣wards from the knowledge of one true and very GOD; and did not thereby erre in worshipping mortall men only, but they gaue diuine reuerence, and [unspec 20] had the same respect to Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Fowles, Winds, Earth, Water, Ayre, Fire, to the Morning, to the Euening, to Plants, Trees and Rootes, to Passions and and Affections of the Minde, to Palenesse, Sicknesse, Sorrowes, yet to the most vn∣worthy and basest of all these. Which barbarous blasphemie, Rhodius Anaxandrides* 1.381 derideth in this manner.

Bouem colis, ego Deis macto bouem. Tumaximum Anguillam Deum putas: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Obsoniorum credidi suauissimum. Carnes suillas tu caues, at gaudeo [unspec 30] Hijs maximè: canem colis, quem verbero Edentem vbi deprehendo fortè obsonium.

I sacrifice to God the Beefe, which you adore. I broyle the Aegyptian Eeles, which you (as God) implore: You feare to eate the flesh of Swine, I find it sweet. You worship Dogges, to beate them I thinke meet, When they my store deuoure.

And in this manner IVVENAL. [unspec 40]

Porrum aut cape nefas violare aut frangere morsu:* 1.382 O sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis Numina!

The Aegyptians thinke it sinne to root vp, or to bite Their Leekes or Onyons, which they serue with holy rite: O happy Nations, which of their owne sowing Haue store of gods in euery Garden growing! [unspec 50]

§. IIII. That from the reliques of ancient Records among the Ae gyptians and others the first Idols and Fables were inuented: and that the first IVPITER was CAIN, VVLCAN, TVBALCAIN, &c.

BVT in so great a confusion of vanities, were among the Heathens themselues there is no agreement or certaintie, it were hard to finde out from what example the beginnings of these inuentions were bor∣rowed, or after what ancient patterne they erected their building, were [unspec 10] it not certaine, that the Aegyptians had knowledge of the first Age, and of whatsoeuer was done therein, partly from some inscriptions vpon stone or metall remaining after the Floud, and partly from Mizraim the sonne of Cham, who had learnt the same of Cham, and Cham of his Father Noah. For all that the Aegyptians write of their ancient Kings, and date of times cannot be fained. And though other Nations after them had by imitation their Iupiters also, their Saturnes, Vulcans, and Mercuries with the rest, which S. Augustine out of Varro, Eusebius out of many pro∣phane* 1.383 Historians; Cicere, Diodorus Siculus, Arnobius, and many more haue obserued,* 1.384 to wit, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Phrygians, Cretians, Greekes, and other Nations; yet was Cain* 1.385 the sonne of Adam (as some very learned men conceiue) called and reputed for the [unspec 20] first and ancient 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and Adam for the first Saturne: for Iupiter was sayd to haue* 1.386 inuented the founding of Cities; and the first Citie of the World was built by Cain,* 1.387 which he called Enoch, of whom were the Henochij before remembred. And so much may be gathered out of Plato in Protagoras, which also Higinus in his 275. Chapter confirmeth. For besides that, many Cities were founded by diuers men; Tamen primam latissimam à primo & antiquissimo Iovae 〈◊〉〈◊〉: yet the first and largest was built by the first and most ancient IVPITER, seated in the East parts, or in India, according to that of MOSES: And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dwelt towards the East side of Eden, &c. where also the* 1.388 Henochij were found after the Floud. And therefore was Iupiter by the Athenians cal∣led Polieus, a Founder of Cities, and Herceios, an Incloser or strengthener of Cities; [unspec 30] (say Phornutus and Pausanias) and that to Iupiter Herceios there were in very many* 1.389 places Altars & Temples erected. And that there were Cities built before the Floud, Plato also witnesseth, as may be gathered in this his affirming, that soone after Man∣kind began to increase, they built many Cities; which as his meaning hee deliuereth in plaine termes, in his third Booke of Lawes: for he saith, that Cities were built an exceeding space of time before the destruction by the great Floud.

This first Iupiter of the Ethnickes was then the same Cain, the sonne of Adam, who marrying his owne Sister (as also Iupiter is sayd to haue done) inhabited the East, where Stephanus de vrbibus placeth the Citie Henochia. And besides this Citie of Henoch, Philo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conceiueth that Cain built sixe others, as Maich, Iared, Tehe, [unspec 40] 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Selet and Gebat: but where Philo had this I know not. Now as Cain was the first* 1.390 Iupiter, and from whom also the Ethnickes had the inuention of Sacrifice: so were Iu∣bal, Tubal and Tubalcain (Inuentors of Pastorage, Smiths-craft, and Musick) the same, which were called by the ancient prophane Writers, Mercurius, Vulcan and Apollo;* 1.391 and as there is a likelihood of name betweene Tubalcain and Valcan: so doth Augu∣stine expound the name of Noema or Naamath, the Sister of Tubalcain, to signifie Ve∣nusta, or beautifull Voluptas, or pleasure; as the wife of Vulcan is sayd to be Venus, the Ladie of pleasure and beautie. And as Adam was the ancient and first Saturne, Cain the eldest Iupiter, Eua, Rhea, and Noema or Naamah the first Venus: so did the Fable of the diuiding 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the World betweene the three Brethren the Sonnes of Saturne arise, [unspec 50] from the true Storie of the diuiding of the Earth betweene the three Brethren the Sonnes of Noah: so also was the Fiction of those Golden Apples kept by a Dragon taken from the Serpent, which tempted Euah: so was Paradise it selfe transported out of Asia into Africa, and made the Garden of the Hesperides: the prophecies, that

Christ should breake the Serpents head, and conquer the power of Hell, occasioned the Fables of Hercules killing the Serpent of Hesperides, and descending into Hell, and captiuating Cerberus: so out of the taking vp of Henoch by God, was borrowed the conuersion of their Heroes (the Inuentors of Religion, and such Arts as the life of man had profit by) into Starres and Heauenly Signes, and (withall) that leauing of the World, and ascension of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; of which Ouid:

Vltima 〈◊〉〈◊〉 terras Astraea reliquit;* 1.392 Astraea last of heauenly Wights the Earth did leaue.

For although thereby the Ethnickes would vnderstand Iustice it selfe to haue fai∣led,* 1.393 [unspec 10] as it is a vertue abstract, and may bee considered without a person; yet as it is v∣sual among the ancient Potes to describe Vertues and Vices by the persons of Men and Women, as Desire by Cupid, Valour by Mars, Beautie or Lust by Venus, so doe they also the persons of Men by like Vertues and Vices, and therfore by Iustice and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Enoch: the Iustice and pietie of Enoch being in the same manner exprest, as* 1.394 that of Noah was by Moses, for Noah was sayd to be a iust man; And NOAH walked* 1.395 with God. And of Enoch it is written, that he walked with God, and hee was no more seene:* 1.396 for God tooke him away.

From this Storie also of the first Age, and from that part where Moses remem∣breth [unspec 20] the Giants begotten by the Sonnes of good men vpon the Daughters of the wicked (whom Moses calleth mightie men, and men of renowne) did they steale those wondrous great acts of their ancient Kings, and powerfull Giants; and againe their warre vndertaken against the gods, from the building of the Towre of Babel by the Giant Nimord, as S. Augustine termeth him. Which warre of their Giants* 1.397 Cornelius Seuerus thus describeth:

Tentauêre (nef as) olim detrudere mundo Syder a, captiui{que} IOVIS transferre Gigantes [unspec 30] Imperium, & victo leges imponere coelo.

The Giants did aduance their wicked hand Against the Starres, to thrust them headlong downe, And robbing IOVE of his Imperiall Crowne, On conquered Heauens to lay their proud command.

Whereby was meant that Nimrod purposed to raise the building of Babel to that height, as God neither by drawing waters from the deepe, not by any coniunction of the Starres, should bury them vnder the moysture of a second Floud, but that by this building (if they had beene herein victorious) they would haue giuen the Law [unspec 40] to Heauen it selfe. Also the making of Leagues, Peace and Couenants among Hea∣then Nations and Kings, confirmed by Sacrifice, where of Virgil both in the eight and twelfth of his Aeneides hath a touch, was as it seemeth borrowed from Moses, Exod. 24. Who when he read the Booke of the Couenant, sprinkled the people with bloud.

We find also many remembrances of Seth, the paternall Ancester of Henoch and* 1.398 Noah: for Amenophis, the same King of Aegypt, which raigned at such time as Moses carried thence the children of Israel, (as of late some learned men mistaking his time supposed) called his Sonne and Successour Setho, of Seth, and of the same Seth (as many men of good iudgement haue granted) were the Princes of Thrace called Seuthes, whereof there were many very famous. But herein was the memorie of* 1.399 [unspec 50] Seth most manifestly preserued, that the Aegyptians worshipped Seth, as their most ancient parent, and of the first tradition: in honour of whome they called a princi∣pall Prouince Setheitica. Wee also finde in Bithynia the Citie of Sethia, and others of* 1.400 the same name elsewhere. And sure from the Aegyptians did the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 borrow

this kind of Theologie, though they scorned to acknowledge any antiquitie prece∣ding their owne; and that they might not seeme to learne elsewhere, they gaue the same names to their owne Idols which the Aegyptians did to theirs.

§. V. Of the three chiefest IVPITERS; and the strange Storie of the third.

BVT of all those Armies of Iupiters remembred by the Ancients, Cicero maketh but three, because those were of most fame: which other Wri∣ters haue also done, who sought out, and laboured in their originals. [unspec 10]

The first was Iupiter, the sonne of Aether and Dies, so called, because the one had reference to his celestiall conditions (〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is as much as shining or pure fire) the other discouered his naturall vertues, which dayes and times make more perfect, and are the witnesses of mens actions.

The second was said to bee the sonne of Coelum or Heauen, for the same former respect; and this Iupiter was an Arcadian, and King of Athens.

The third of whom all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fables were deuised, was of Creet (now Can∣die) the sonne of Saturne and Ops. The name deriued from the Latine is taken of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pater, from the Greeke Word Zeus, it signifieth life, but somewhat strained. Boccas in his Genealogie of the gods conceiueth, that his name was borrowed from [unspec 20] Iupiter the Planet; but whether that Starre had such a name, before the same was gi∣uen to men, I know not. Iupiter is hot and moist, temperate, modest, honest, aduen∣turous, liberall, mercifull, louing, and faithfull, (that is) giuing these inclinations. And therefore those ancient Kings beautified with these conditions, might be called there after Iupiter; but howsoeuer they were, or were not with those vertues en∣riched, yet, by imitation, all kings in the eldest times assumed those Titles and Sir∣names: great Princes affecting as high Titles of honor and reputation in the World, (howsoeuer deserued) as the worthiest, that euer were, acquired by their well defer∣uings. Ioues omnes Reges vocârunt antiqui, The Ancients called all Kings IVPITERS, as TZETZES in his Varia historia confirmeth: Regesolim IOVES vocârunt omnes: In olde [unspec 30] times all Nations called their Kings IVPITERS. But where this last and most remem∣bred IVPITER was borne it is vncertaine. Some there are that make him of Creet: others, that hee was but sent thither by his Mother Ops or Opis, to bee fostered and* 1.401 hidden from the furie of Titan his Vncle: because it was conditioned betweene Sa∣turne and Titan, that Saturne being a yonger brother, and raigning (for his owne life) by Titans permission, hee should put to death all his male children, lest the Titans might be interrupted by any of them in their succession; which agreement because Saturne performed in his first borne, it is fained that Saturne deuoured his owne chil∣dren. Hereof Lycophron, thus turned into Latine:

Haud fit pinguior, [unspec 40] Crudis sepulchrum quòd sit ipse 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Saturne to be the fatter is not knowne, By being the graue and buriall of his owne.

This composition betweene Titan and Saturne, Sybilla also witnesseth in these;

Conceptis verbis; TITAN iurare 〈◊〉〈◊〉 SATVRNVM, de senatum ne nutriat vllum, Quo possint regnare senis post fata Nepotes. [unspec 50]

Things thus agreed: Titan made Saturne sweare No Sonne to nourish; which by raigning might Vsurpe the right of Titans lawfull Heire.

But Opis the mother of Iupiter, being deliuered at once both of Iupiter and Iuno, conueied Iupiter (first called Lysanias) into Crete, as shee did afterwards his two brothers, Neptune and Pluto: where hee was brought vp in Gnossus, the chiefe Ci∣tie of that Iland, by Cresta the King, or by the Curetes, a people and Nation thereof.* 1.402

Other challenge him to be of Thebes, and a Thebane: others call him an Arcadian: others make him of Messena. The like contention is found among the Greekes tou∣ching his education and first fostering. Some affirme, that he was fed by Hony-bees: in recompence whereof he changed their blacke coats and skins into yellow; a re∣ward well fitting such a God: others, that he was nourished by Beares: others, by Goats: and of all these the idle Greekes haue many prettie Tales But in the end when [unspec 10] Titan had knowledge, that Saturne had broken his faith, he set on him, and tooke him and his wife Prisoners, whom Iupiter againe rescued and deliuered.

But lastly, the Father and the Sonne equally ambitious, the one doubted the other. Saturne being the lesse powerfull fled into Italie, and left his Kingdomes in Greece to his sonne. And although this Prince at the first purchased great honour, and for his many vertues the name of Iupiter was giuen him; yet, after he was once settled and became potent, he gaue himselfe ouer wholly to palliardize and adultery, without all respect of honour, Law, or Religion. And it is reported by such, as doe ascribe the actions of many to one Iupiter, that not therewith satisfied, hee was after∣wards knowne to offend in the sinne of Sodome with Ganimedes and others; and did [unspec 20] not onely begin with incest, marrying his owne sister Iuno, but he rauished, betrayed, stole away, and tooke by strong hand all the beautifull women borne in his time, within the limits of his owne Kingdomes, or bordering them. Among whom these hereafter written were of greatest fame, Niobe, Laodemia, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the wife of Amphitryon, by whom he had Pelasgus, Sarpedon, Argus, and Hercules: by Taygete he had Taygetus; of whom the Mountaine Taygetus tooke name, with another sonne called Saon, of whom Sauona: by Antiope he had Amphion and Zetus: by Leda Castor and Pollux, Helen and Clytemnestra: by Danaë Perseus: by Iordana Deucalion: by Charme (the daughter of Eubulus) Britomartis, by Protogenia hee had Athlius the Fa∣ther of Endymion; and by Io (the Daughter of Inachus) Epaphus, the Founder of [unspec 30] Memphis in Aegypt: which Epaphus married Libya, of whom that Countrey tooke name, for so the Greekes afterward called Africa. Hee rauished Aegina the Daugh∣ter of Aesopus, and carryed her into the Iland Oenopia or Oenotria, afterward called Aegina, on whom he begat Aeacus: by Torrhebia hee had Archesilaus and Carbius: by Ora Colaxes: he had also Dardanus by Electra, who built Dardanium, afterward Ilum and Troy. Hee begat the Brothers Talici, on Thalia, and on Garamantis Hiarhas. Hee had besides these (if they belye not their chiefe God) Phileus and Pilumnus, inuen∣tors of Bakers Craft; and I know not how many more; but I know well that hee could not be Father to all these, who were borne in Ages so farre differing. And of these his seuerall rauishments, betrayings, stealing away of mens Wiues, Daughters [unspec 40] and Sonnes, buying of Virgins, and the like, came in all those ancient Fables of his transformations into showres of Gold, Eagles, Buls, Birds, and Beasts; and of him, and by him (in effect) all that rabble of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Forgeries. And yet did not the Greekes and Romanes feare to entitle this Monster, Optimus Maximas, though 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in his second Booke de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Deorum affirme, that he deserued nothing lesse, and in his Oration pro domo sua, reprocheth Clodius for his Incest, by the name of Iupiter. His buriall was in Crete (saith Lucian) Cretenses non solùm natum apud se & sepultum* 1.403 IOVEM testantur, sedetiam sepulchrum eius ostendunt; The Cretians or Candians doe not onely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that IVPITER was borne and buried among them, but they shew his graue and sepulchre: which Epiphanius also confirmeth, for in his time there remained the Mo∣numents [unspec 50] of his Tombe in the Mountaine Iasius. This Callimachus in his Hymnes also witnesseth, but as offended thereat, sayth thus;

The Cretians euer Lyars were, they care not what they say: For they a Tombe haue built for thee, O King, that liu'st alway.

Diodorus Siculus tels by way of report from the Libyan Fables, confirmed (as hee* 1.404 saith) by some Greeke Writers, that the originall of these gods was from the Westerne parts of Africk. For there among the Atlantidae raigned one Vranus (which signifieth Heauen) called so for his great skil in Astrologie, and for his knowledge, and benefits to the people, honoured by them as a God after his death. He had by many Wiues 45. Sons; but by his principall Wife Titea, hee had 17. Sons and two Daughters, all which were called after their Mothers name the Titanes. Of Titea, likewise it is said, that she for her goodnesse was canonized as a Goddesse, being dead, and called the Earth, as her Husband was stiled Heauen. But of al the children of Titea, her Daugh∣ter Basilea (which name sounding as Queene in English, she is by the Latine Trans∣lator [unspec 10] of Diodorus called Regina) excelling the rest as far in vertue as in yeeres, was by generall consent of her Brethren, and of the people, appointed to rule as Queene af∣ter her Fathers death, being as yet a Virgin. Shee tooke to Husband her Brother Hyperion, to whom shee bare a Sonne and a Daughter, called Sunne and Moone. The beautie and towardlinesse of these children moued her Brethren to enuie, and bred in them a feare of being excluded from the Succession: wherefore they tooke the Boy and drowned him in the Riuer Eridanus, now called Poe. The losse of this childe caused his Sister to breake her owne necke; and the losse of both her Children made the Mother to play many mad prankes, dancing with Cymbals, after a wild fashion, in sight of all the people, before whom shee is said to haue vanished away. Ere shee [unspec 20] dyed, her Sonne (as the Fable hath it) signified vnto her in a Dreame, that he and his Sister by the prouidence of God should become immortall, that also the Sunne and Moone should bee called by their names, and that their death should bee reuenged vpon the Murderers. According to which it is said, that the people did so call those two Planets, and withall held her selfe as a Goddesse, and termed her the great Mo∣ther, which name they had formerly giuen to her, for her motherly care in cherishing her Brethren whilest they were young. Hyperion and his Race being extinguished, the other Sonnes of Vranus diuided the Kingdome. Of these Atlas and Saturne were chiefe. Atlas raigned ouer the Countries lying about the Mountaines, which afterward bare his name; a iust and wise Prince, deeply skilfull in Astrologie, and for [unspec 30] inuention of the Sphere, sayd to haue supported Heauen. Hee had many Sonnes; but the principall of them called Hesperus, being of his Fathers qualities and studies, was sayd to haue beene carried away by the Winde, from the top of an high Hill in the midst of his Contemplations, and his name in honour of him, imposed by the people vpon the Morning Starre. The seuen Daughters of Atlas were also sayd to haue beene excellent Ladies, who accompanying such as came to be deified, or registred among the Worthies, brought forth Children, answerable in qualitie to those that begat them. Of these it is held, that the seuen Starres called Pleiades tooke name. Saturne the Brother of Atlas raigned in Sicilia, part of Africk and Italie. Iupiter another of the Sonnes of Vranus, raigned in Crete; who had tenne Sonnes which he [unspec 40] called Curetes; he called that Iland after his Wiues name Idea; in which Ile he dyed, and was buried. But this Iupiter must not haue beene that great one, but Vncle to the Great Iupiter, if these Fables of the Libyans were true. Saturne (as these Libyans tell the Tale) was a great Tyrant, and fortified strong places, the better to keepe his people in subiection. His Sister Rhea was married to Hammon, who raigned in some part of Africk. Hammon louing others as well as his Wife, or better, got a Daughter, called Minerua, neere to the Riuer Triton, who thereupon was called Tritonia. Hee also begat on Amalthea a Sonne called Bacchus, whom he caused secretly for feare of his life to be brought vp at Nysa, an Iland in the Riuer Triton, vnder the tuition of his Daughter Minerua, and certaine Nymphes. To Amalthea he gaue in reward a goodly [unspec 50] Countrie, that lay on the Sea-coast, bending in forme of a horne, whence grew the Tale of Amaltheas plentifull Horne, famous among the Poets. When Rhea heard these newes, she fled from her Husband to her Brother Saturne, who not onely enter∣tained her as a Sister, but tooke her to wife, and at her instigation made warre vpon

Hammon, vanquished him by assistance of the Titanes, and made him flee into Crete. The Curetes, Iupiters children before mentioned, held the Iland at that time; which was new named Crete by Hammon, after the name of Creta the Kings Daughter, whom he tooke to wife, and had with her (women as may seeme being very gra∣cious in those times) the Kingdome. Bacchus was growne a proper yong man, had found out the making of wine, the arte of planting trees, and many things else com∣modious for mankinde, before the flight of his Mother in law. Now therefore hearing report of all that had hapned, and that Saturne was comming against him with the Titanes; he leuyed an Armie, to which the Amazons liuing not farre from Nysa, added great forces, in loue of Minerua, who was entred into their profession. [unspec 10] So Bacchus leading the men, and Minerua the women, they set forward against Sa∣turne, met him, ouerthrew him, and taking many of the Titanes prisoners, returned to Nysa; where pardoning the prisoners, that promised to become his true followers, he prepared for a second Expedition. In the second Expedition he behaued him∣selfe so well, that he wan the loue of all the people by whom he passed; insomuch that partly for good affection to him, partly in hatred of Saturnes rigorous gouerne∣ment, he was greatly strengthened, and the Enemie as much infeebled by daily re∣uolts. Comming to the Citie of Hammon, he wan a battaile of Saturne, before the very walls. After which Saturne with his wife Rhea fled by night, setting the Towne on fire to despight Bacchus. But they were caught in their flight, pardoned by Bac∣chus, [unspec 20] and kindly entreated. Saturne had a yong sonne by Rhea, called Iupiter. This child Bacchus tooke with him in a great Expedition that he made into the East coun∣tries; and comming into Aegypt, he left this Iupiter, being then a Boy, Gouernour of the Countrie; but appointed vnto him as an Ouer-seer, one Olympus, of whom Iupiter grew to be called Olympius. Whilest Bacchus trauayled through all Nations, as far as into India, doing good in all places, and teaching many things profitable to the life of man; the Titanes had found out his Father Hammon in Crete, and began to warre vpon him. But Bacchus returned out of India, with whom Iupiter from Ae∣gypt, and his sister Minerua, together with the rest that afterwards were held as gods, ioyning all their forces, went into Crete, ouerthrew the Titanes, chased them, [unspec 30] tooke, and slue them, and freed the world of them all. After all this, when Hammon and Bacchus were dead, they were deified; and the great Iupiter the sonne of Saturne succeeding them, reigned Lord alone ouer all the world, hauing none of the Titanes left aliue, nor any other to disturbe him. Betweene this tale of the Libyan Gods, and the Aegyptian fables of Osiris, there is a rude resemblance, that may cause them both to be taken for the crooked Images of some one true historie. For the expeditions of Osiris, and of Bacchus; the warres of the Giants in the one storie, of the Titanes in the other; the Kingdome of Aegypt giuen by Hercules Lybicus to Orus, by Bacchus to Iupiter, the Rattles of Isis, and the Cymbals of Basilea, with many pettie circumstan∣ces, neerely enough resemble each other, howsoeuer not alike fitted to the right [unspec 40] persons, Sanchoniato (as Eusebius cites him) would haue all these to be Phaenicians,* 1.405 and is earnest in saying, That it is a true storie, and no Allegorie. Yet he makes it seeme the more allegoricall, by giuing to Vranus or Heauen for Daughters, Fate and Beautie, and the like, with addition of much fabulous matter, omitted by Diodorus, though Diodorus haue enough. To the Genealogie he addes Elius or the Sunne, as Fa∣ther of Vranus, and among the children of Vranus, Iapetus, Baetilus, and Dagon (whom Diodorus doth not mention by their names) giuing withall to Vranus the proper name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Indigena, and of Illus to Saturne, but omitting Iupiter of Crete. The Pedigree of them is this: [unspec 50]

[illustration]

§. VI. Of CHAM, and other wicked ones, whereof some gat, some affected the name of Gods.

OF Iupiter Belus, the sonne of Saturnus Babylonicus, otherwise Nimrod, it seemeth that Cicero had not heard, (at least by that name) who was more ancient than any of the former three by him remembred: for long after these times were the Greekes but Saluages, if they seeke no farther off for their Gods.

But the Aegyptians, euen after the floud, began (somewhat before this Chaldaean Iupiter) to intitle Cham, the parent of their owne Mizraim, Iupiter Chammon, or Hammon. For the Etymologie of this word (Hammon) which the Greekes deduce* 1.406 ab arenis; from the sands, is ridiculous (saith Peucer;) neither yet is his owne much

better, who brings it from Hammath, which signifieth heate: because the said Tem∣ple of Iupiter Hammon was seated in Libya, where the ayre is exceeding hot and scortching. And as for the antiquitie of the latter Iupiter (among the Greekes and Romans the most renowned) it is certaine that he was borne not long before the war of Troy, as by many of his sonnes is made manifest; namely, Castor, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Hercules, Sarpedon, and others, which liued in that age of Priumus, vnder whom, and with whom Troy was destroyed.

Now seeing that mortall men, and the most wicked, were esteemed immortall a∣mong the Heathen; it was not to be wondred at, that Alexander Macedon, Tyberius, Nero, Caligula, and others, sought to be numbred among them, who were as defor∣med [unspec 10] monsters as the rest: For by what reason could the same Deitie be denyed vnto Laurentia and Flora, which was giuen to Venus? seeing they were as notorious and fa∣mous Harlots as shee was.

§. VII. That the wiser of the ancient Heathen had farre better opinions of God.

BVt that euer Pythagoras, or Plato, or Orpheus, with many other ancient [unspec 20] and excellently learned, beleeued in any of these fooleries, it cannot be suspected, though some of them (ouer-busily) haue mixed their owne inuentions with the Scriptures: for, in punishment for their fictions, did Pythagoras hang both Homer and Hesiodus in hell, where he fayned that they were perpetually stung and pinched with Serpents. Yet it can∣not be doubted, but that Homer had read ouer all the bookes of Moses, as by places stolne thence, almost word for word, may appeare; of which Iustine Martyr remem∣breth many in that Treatise conuerted by Mirandula. As for Plato, though he dis∣sembled in somethings, for feare of the Inquisition of the Areopagites, yet S. Augu∣stine [unspec 30] hath alreadie answered for him (as before remembred) Et mirificè ijs delectatus est, quae de vno Deo tradita fuerant; And he was greatly delighted in the doctrine of one God, faith Iustine Martyr. Now howsoeuer Lactantius pleased to reprehend Plato, because (saith he) Plato sought knowledge from the Aegyptians, and the Chaldaeans, neglecting the Iewes, and the bookes of Moses: Eusebius, Cyrillus, and Origen, finde* 1.407 reason to beleeue the contrarie, thinking that from thence he tooke the grounds of all by him written of God, or sauouring of Diuinitie: and the same opinion had S. Ambrose of Pythagoras.* 1.408

But whether it were out of the same vanitie, which possest all those learned Phi∣losophers* 1.409 and Poets, that Plato also published (not vnder the right Authors names) those things which he had read in the Scriptures; or fearing the seueritie of the A∣reopagites, [unspec 40] * 1.410 and the example of his Master Socrates, by them put to death by poyson, I cannot iudge. Iustine Martyr (as it seemeth) ascribeth it wholly to Platoes feare, whose wordes among many other of the same effect, are these: PLATO MOSIS mentionem facere, obid, quod vnum solum{que} Deum docuerat, sibi apud Athenienses tutum non putauit, veritus Areopagum; PLATO fearing the Areopagites thought it not safe for him among the Athenians to make mention of MOSES, that he taught that there is but one God. But for that Diuinitie which he hath written in TIMAEO; id ipsum de Deo dis∣seruit quod & MOSES; He discoursed and taught the same of God (saith IVSTINE MAR∣TYR) which MOSES did. For where it pleased God by his Angell to answer MOSES, Ego sum existens (which is) I am; and, existens misit me ad vos; I am hath sent me vnto [unspec 50] * 1.411 you, herein did Plato (saith Iustine Martyr) no otherwise differ then that Moses vsed the word (qui) and Plato the word quod: MOSES enim qui existit (inquit) PLATO quod existit; For MOSES saith, He who is; PLATO, That which is. Now of Gods in∣comprehensible nature, and of the difficultie either to conceiue, or expresse the same,

he giueth this testimonie: Genitorem Vniuersitatis tam difficile est inuenire, quàm inuen∣tum* 1.412 impossibile digne profari; It is as hard to finde out the Creator of the Vniuersall, as it is impossible, if he were found, to speake of him worthily. And what can be more agreeable to the Maiestie of Gods nature, then this propertie by Plato acknowledged? Deus* 1.413 bonus, & quidem, Deus causa bonorum: malorum autem omnium non causa; God is absolute∣ly good, and so (assuredly) the cause of all that is good: but of any thing that is euill he is no cause at all: and againe, Charitas Dei fuit causa faction is mundi, & origin is omnium re∣rum; The loue of God was the cause of the worlds creating, and the originall of all things. APVLEIVS the Platonist: Summus Deus infinitus est, non solum loci exclusione, sed etiam naturae dignitate: Et nihil est Deo similius & gratius, quàm vir animo perfecto bonus; The [unspec 10] most high God is also an infinite God, not only by exclusion of place, but by the dignitie of na∣ture: neither is there any thing more like or more acceptable to God then a man of a perfect heart. THALES affirmed, that God comprehended all things, and that God was of* 1.414 all things the most ancient: Quianunquam esse coepit; Because he neuer had any begin∣ning. ZENO, that God beheld euen the thoughts of men. Athenodorus, that there∣fore all men ought to be carefull in the actions of their life, because God was euery∣where present, and beheld all done. But what can be more agreeable to Moses storie of the Creation, then this opinion and description of the Worlds beginning in Eu∣ripides, Scholler of Anaxagoras?

Coelum terra{que} vnius formae fuit: [unspec 20] Sed cum fuissent abiuncta amplexu mutuo, Emersit omnis in lucem res progenita, Arbores, aues, ferae, quas{que} affert mare, Genus{que} mortalium.

Heauen and Earth one forme did beare: But when disioyned once they were
From mutuall embraces,

All things to light appeared then, [unspec 30] Of trees, birds, beasts, fishes, and men
The still-remayning races.

And as in Pythagoras, in Socrates, and in Plato: so we finde the same excellent vnder∣standing in Orpheus, who euery-where expressed the infinite and sole power of one God, though he vse the name of IVPITER, thereby to auoid the enuie and danger of the time; but that he could attribute those things to the sonnes of men, and mortall creatures, which he doth to this IVPITER, there is no man who hath euer heard of God, that can imagine.

Nomina Deorum (saith MIRANDVLA) quos ORPHEVS canit, non decipientium dae∣monum, [unspec 40] à quibus malum & non bonum prouenit; sed naturalium virtutum diuinarum{que} sunt nomina; The names of those Gods whom ORPHEVS doth sing, are not of deceiuing Deuils, from whom euill comes, and not goodnesse; but they are the names of naturall and diuine vertues. Yea, that he yet reacheth higher, and speaketh of God himselfe, this his instruction to Musaeus, and the Hymne following teach vs: Respiciens verò ad diui∣num hunc sermonem ei diligenter animum aduerte, intendens cordis rationis capax concepta∣culum: rectam autem ascendeviam, & solum aspice mundi Regem. Vnus est ex se genitus,* 1.415 ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnianata sunt: Ipse vero in illis versatur, nec quisquam cum intueri potest mortalium, sed ipse nihilominus omnes intuetur.

Then marking this my sacred speech, but truely lend [unspec 50] Thy heart, that's reasons sphere, and the right way ascend, And see the worlds sole King. First, he is simply one Begotten of himselfe, from whom is borne alone

All else; in which hee's still, nor could it ere befall A mortall eye to see him once, yet he sees all.

And againe the same Author,

IVPITER omnipotens, & primus, & vltimus idem; IVPITER est caput & medium: IOVIS omnia munus. IVPITER est fundamen humi & stellantis Olympi. IVPITER & mas est, & foemina nescia mortis. Spiritus est cunctis, validi vis IVPITER ignis. Et Pelagi radix, SOL, LVNA, est IVPITER ipse [unspec 10] Rex, & origo simul rerum est, & terminus idem. Nam priùs occuluit, magno post numine, sacrum Cor reserans bonus in dulcem dedit omnia lucem.

The first of all is GOD, and the same last is he. GOD is the head and midst, yea from him all things be. GOD is the Base of earth, and of the starred skie. He is the male and female too, shall neuer die. The spirit of all is GOD, the SVNNE, the MOONE, and what is higher. The King, th'originall of all, of all the end. [unspec 20] For close in holy brest he all did comprehend, Whence all to blessed light, his wondrous power did send.

Now besides these former testimonies, that all the learned men of ancient times were not so stupid and ignorant, as the Aegyptians, Graecians, and other Nations by them infected 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I will onely repeate two or three other opinions, and leaue the Reader to those large and learned Collections of Iustine Martyr, Clemens, Lactan∣tius, Eusebius, Eugubinus, Peucer, Plessis, Danaeus, and others. For Cleanthes the Stoick, being demanded of what nature God was, described him by these attributes and properties: Bonus, iustus, sanctus, seipsum possidens, vtilis, speciosus, optimus, seuerus, [unspec 30] liber, semper commodus, tutus, gloriosus, charitas, &c. Good, iust, holy, possessing himselfe, profitable, beautifull, best, seuere, free, alwayes doing good, safe without feare, glorious, and selfe-charitie. EPICHARMVS affirmed, that God who beheld all things, and pierced euery nature, was only and euerywhere powerfull: agreeing with DEMOCRITVS: Rex omnium ipse solus; He is the only King of Kings: and with Pindarus the Poet, Deus vnus, Pater, creator summus, at{que} optimus artifex, qui progressus singuiis diuersos secun∣dum merit a praebet; One God, the Father, the most high Creator, and best artificer, who gi∣ueth to euery thing diuers proceedings according to their deserts. This God (saith ANTIS∣THENES) cannot be resembled to any thing, and therefore not elsewhere knowne; Nisi in patria illa perenni, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imaginem nullam habes: Saue onely in that euerlasting Countrey, [unspec 40] whose image thou hast none at all. Hereof also XENOPHANES COLOPHONIVS: Vnus Deusinter Deos & homines maximus, nec corpore, nec mente mortalibus similis; There is one God among gods and men most powerfull, neither corporally, nor mentally like vnto mortals: and XENOPHON, Deus qui omnia quatit, & omnia quicscere facit, magnus potens{que}, quod omnibus patet: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 autem forma sit, nemini, nisi ipsi soli, qui luce sua omnia perlüstrat; God who shaketh all things, and setteth all things at rest, is great and migh∣tie, as is manifest to all: but of what forme he is, it is manifest to none, saue only to himselfe, who illuminateth all things with his owne light. Finally, Plato saith: Totius rerum naturae causa, & ratio, & origo Deus, summus animi genitor, aeternus animantium sospitator, assi∣duus mundi sui opifex, sine propagatione genitor, ne{que} loco, ne{que} tempore vllo comprensus, [unspec 50] co{que} paucis cogitabilis, nemini effabilus; God is the cause, ground, and originall of the whole nature of things, the most high Father of the soule, the eternall preseruer of liuing creatures, the continuall framer of his world, a begetter without any propagation, comprehended neither in any place, nor time; therefore few can conceiue him in thought, none can expresse what he is.

Therefore was it said by S. HIEROME, Si enim cunctos Philosophorum reuoluas libros,* 1.416 necesse est vt in eis reperias aliquam partem vasorum Dei, vt apud PLATONEM, fabrica∣torem mundi, Deum: apud ZENONEM Stoicorum Principem, inferos & immortales ani∣mas, &c. If thou consider all the bookes of the Philosophers, thou canst not but finde in them some part of the Vessels of God, as in PLATO, God the Creator of the world: In ZENO Prince of the Stoicks, Hell and immortall soules, &c. And this is certayne, that if we looke into the wisedome of all Ages, we shall finde that there neuer was man of solid vnderstanding or excellent iudgement: neuer any man whose mind the arte of education hath not bended; whose eyes a foolish superstition hath not afterward blinded; whose apprehensions are sober, and by a pensiue inspection aduised; but [unspec 10] that he hath found by an vnresistable necessitie, one true God, and euerlasting being, all for euer causing, and all for euer sustayning; which no man among the Heathen hath with more reuerence acknowledged, or more learnedly exprest, then that Ae∣gyptian Hermes, howsoeuer it fayled afterward in his posteritie: all being at length by deuillish policie of the Aegyptian Priests purposely obscured; who inuented new gods, and those innumerable, best sorting (as the Deuill perswaded them) with vulgar capacities, and fittest to keepe in awe and order their common people.

§. VIII. [unspec 20] That Heathenisme and Iudaisme, after many wounds, were at length about the same time vnder IVLIAN miraculously confounded.

BVt all these are againe vanished: for the inuentions of mortall men are no lesse mortall then themselues. The Fire, which the Chaldaeans worshipped for a God, is crept into euery mans 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which the lacke of fuell starueth, water quencheth, and want of ayre suffoca∣teth: Iupiter is no more vexed with Iunoes ielousies; Death hath per∣swaded him to chastitie, and her to patience; and that Time which hath deuoured it selfe, hath also eaten vp both the Bodies and Images of him and his: yea, their [unspec 30] stately Temples of stone and durefull Marble. The houses and sumptuous buil∣dings erected to Baal, can no where be found vpon the earth; nor any monument of that glorious Temple consecrated to Diana. There are none now in Phoenicia, that lament the death of Adonis; nor any in Libya, Creta, Thessalia, or elsewhere, that can aske counsaile or helpe from Iupiter. The great god Pan hath broken his Pipes, Apolloes Priests are become speechlesse; and the Trade of riddles in Ora∣cles, with the Deuills telling mens fortunes therein, is taken vp by counterfait Aegy∣ptians, and coozening Astrologers.

But it was long ere the Deuill gaue way to these his ouer-throwes and disho∣nors: for after the Temple of Apollo at Delphos (one of his chiefe Mansions) was [unspec 40] many times robbed, burnt, and destroyed; yet by his diligence the same was often enriched, repayred, and reedified againe, till by the hand of God himselfe it receiued the last and vtter subuersion. For it was first robbed of all the Idols and Ornaments therein by the Euboean Pyrates: Secondly, by the Phlegians vtterly sackt: Thirdly, by Pyrrhus the sonne of Achilles: Fourthly, by the Armie of Xerxes: Fiftly, by the Captaynes of the Phocenses: Sixtly, by Nero, who carryed thence fiue hundred bra∣zen Images: all which were new made, and therein againe set vp at the common charge. But whatsoeuer was gathered betweene the time of Nero and Constantine, the Christian Armie made spoile of, defacing as much as the time permitted them; notwithstanding all this it was againe gloriously rebuilt, and so remayned till such [unspec 50] time as Iulian the Apostata sent thither to know the successe of his Parthian enter∣prise, at which time it was vtterly burnt and consumed with fire from Heauen; and the image of Apollo himselfe, and all the rest of the Idols therein molten downe and lost in the earth.

The like successe had the Iewes in the same Iulians time, when by his permission they assembled themselues to rebuild the Temple of Hierusalem: for while they were busied to lay the foundations, their buildings were ouerthrowne by an Earthquake, and many thousands of the Iewes were ouerwhelmed with the ruines, and others slaine, and scattered by Tempest and Thunder: though Am. Marcellinus report it more* 1.417 fauourably for the Iewes, ascribing this to the nature of that Element. For, saith hee, Allypius and the Ruler of the Prouince of Iudaea, being by Iulian busied in the reedi∣fying of this Temple, flaming Bals of fire issuing neere the foundation, and oft con∣suming the Workemen, made the enterprize frustrate. [unspec 10]

§. IX. Of the last refuges of the Deuill to maintaine his Kingdome.

NOw the Deuill, because hee cannot play vpon the open Stage of this World (as in those dayes) and being still as industrious as euer, findes it more for his aduantage to creepe into the mindes of men; and in∣habiting in the Temples of their hearts, workes them to a more effe∣ctuall adoration of himselfe then euer. For whereas hee first taught [unspec 20] them to sacrifice to Monsters, to dead stones cut into faces of Beasts, Birds, and o∣ther mixt Natures; hee now sets before them the high and shining Idoll of glorie, the All-commanding Image of bright Gold. He tels them that Truth is the God∣desse of dangers and opressions: that chastitie is the enemie of Nature; and lastly, that as all vertue (in generall) is without taste: so pleasure satisfieth and delighteth e∣uery sense: for true wisedome (sayth hee) is exercised in nothing else, then in the ob∣taining of power to oppresse, and ofriches to maintaine plentifully our worldly de∣lights. And if this Arch-politician finde in his pupils any remorse, any feare or fee∣ling of Gods future Iudgement, hee perswades them that God hath so great need of mens soules, that he will accept them at any time, and vpon any conditions: inter∣rupting by his vigilant endeuours all offer of timefull returne towardes God, by lay∣ing [unspec 30] those great blockes of rugged pouertie, and despised contempt in the narrow passage leading to his diuine presence. But as the minde of man hath two Ports, the one alwayes frequented by the entrance of manifold vanities; the other desolate and ouer-growne with grasse, by which enter our charitable thoughts and diuine contemplations: so hath that of death a double and twofold opening: worldly mi∣serie passing by the one, worldly prosperitie by the other: at the entrance of the one wee find our sufferings and patience to attend vs: (all which haue gone before vs to prepare our ioyes) at the other our cruelties, couetousnesse, licentiousnesse, iniustice, and oppressions (the Harbingers of most fearefull and terribe sorrow) staying for vs. And as the Deuill our most industrious enemie was euer most dili∣gent: [unspec 40] so is he now more laborious then euer: the long day of Mankind drawing fast towards an euening, and the Worlds Tragedie and time neere at an end. [unspec 50]

CHAP. VII. Of NOAHS Floud.

§. I. Of Gods fore-warning: and some humane testimonies: and some doubting touching the truth of NOAHS Floud. [unspec 10]

OF this destruction it pleased God to giue warning vn∣to* 1.418 Noah: who (saith Iosephus) fearing to perish among the rest, Secedens cum suis in aliam regionem migrauit: He departed with his children, and trauailed into another Region. And of these Giants from whom Noah with∣drew himselfe, Berosus writeth in this manner; That they exceeded in all sorts of inhumane and vnnaturall wic∣kednesse, and that they were contemptores & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Deorum, contemners of religion and of the Gods: a∣mong [unspec 20] which mightie men (sayth Berosus) vnus erat qui Deorum venerantior, & prudentior cunctis, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nomen erat NOAH, There was one more wise and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Gods then the rest, whose name was NOAH: who with his three sonnes Sem, Iaphetus and Cham, and with their Wiues, and the Wife of Noah, (namely Titea the great, Pandora, Noela, and Noegla) preserued themselues in the Arke. This Arke God commanded Noah to prepare: And God sayd vnto NOAH, Make thee an Arke of Pine-trees: thou shalt make Cabines in* 1.419 the Arke, and shalt pitch it within, and without with Pitch. For God made Noah to know that an end of all flesh was at hand, and that the graues of the rebellious and cruell Generations were alreadie fashioned in the Cloudes, which soone after should swal∣low [unspec 30] vp and couer all liuing creatures, which breathed in the Ayre: Noah and his Fa∣mily excepted.

But this vniuersall graue of waters, and generall Deluge hath not beene receiued by all: for diuine testimonies doe not perswade all naturall men to those things, to which their owne reason cannot reach: Dum obuoluta in obscuro verit as latet: Whilest* 1.420 the truth lieth wrapped vp in obscuritie. Many there are who hane disputed against the vniuersalitie of this ouerflowing, and haue iudged that this Floud of Noah fell but on some particular places and Kingdomes: moued so to thinke, because in elder ages there haue beene many other Flouds (as they suppose) of that nature. Hereof Nicholaus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 writeth in this manner, as his words are cited by IOSEPHVS: [unspec 40] Est super Minyadam excelsus mons in Armenia, qui Baris appellatur, in quo multos confu∣gientes* 1.421 sermoest diluuij tempore liberatos, & quendam simul in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deuectum in huius vertice haesisse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 relliquias multo tempore conseruatas, qui fortasse is 〈◊〉〈◊〉, de quo etiam MOSES 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Legislator scribit: thus farre this Authour. There is (sayth hee) aboue Minyada (or the Countrey of 〈◊〉〈◊〉) an exceeding high Mountaine in Ar∣menia, called Baris: on which it is reported, that many hauing fled thither, were saued in the time of the Deluge: and that one was carried in an Arke, and rested vpon the top of the Mountaine, whereon there remained a long time after certaine pieces thereof; and this might be the same, of which MOSES the Law-giuer of the Iewes maketh mention. And of this opinion were the Thalmudists (sayth Annius) that many Giants saued themselues [unspec 50] vpon Mount 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

But Berosus (who after Moses was one of the most ancient, howsoeuer hee haue beene since deformed and corrupted) doth in the substance of all agree with Moses as touching the generall Floud, taking from thence the beginning of his Historie in

these words: Ante aquarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 famosam, qua vniuersus perijt Orbis, &c. Before that famous destruction of Waters, by which the World Vniuersall perished: witnessing with∣all, that Noah with his Wife Titea, and his three Sonnes with their Wiues (in all eight persons) were onely saued.

§. II. Of the Floud in the time of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and that this was not NOAHS Floud.

BVT from the vanitie of the Greekes, the Corrupters of all truth, (sayth [unspec 10] Lactantius) who without all ground of certaintie vaunt their Antiqui∣tie, came the errour first of all: who therein flattering themselues al∣so, sought to perswade the World, that there was no Floud preceded the Floud of Ogyges, King of the Thebans in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or rather of Attica; and therefore sayth Rhodoginus; OGYGVM id appellant Poëtae, tanquàm peruetus dixeris,* 1.422 ab OGYGE vetustissimo: The Poets gaue the name of OGYGIA to things exceeding an∣cient, as of OGYGES the most ancient.

But let Ogyges be as ancient as those men can make him, yet it is manifest, that hee liued but in Iacobs time (though Eusebius makes him later, and in Moses time) and [unspec 20] * 1.423 was borne 67. yeeres after him. There is also an opinion, that Ogyges was Cadmus (and then was he farre later) as Rhodoginus in the ninth Booke of his Antiquities re∣membreth: Sunt tamen qui in Aegyptoregnâsse autument 〈◊〉〈◊〉: vnde sit CADMVS qui in Graeciam profectus Thebas condidit, à boue iugulato sic nuncupatas; quontam Syrorum lingua bos dicitur Thebe. There are (sayth he) who thinke that this OGYGES did raigne in Aegypt, whereby he should be CADMVS, who trauailing into Greece built Thebes, so na∣med of a Beefe slaine: because in the Syrian Language, a Beefe is called Thebe.

But this Floud of Ogyges fell in the yeere of the World 3440. according to Euse∣bius, who followed the account of the Septuagint: and the Floud of Noah in the yeere 2242. after the same account; and so there came 1200. yeeres betweene these Flouds, [unspec 30] wanting but two, though heerein Eusebius was much mistaken, and corrected this o∣pinion in his Chronologie. Now although the verie yeere and time of this ouerflowing in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or rather Attica, be not precisely set downe, but that there is a great diffe∣rence among Writers, yet whosoeuer makes it most ancient, finds aboue 500. yeeres difference betweene that and the generall Floud.

For Paulus Orosius affirmes, that this tempest fell vpon the Athenians, but 1040.* 1.424 yeeres before Rome built. Bucholzerus sayth it was 1043. elder then Rome; which was founded (according to the same Bucholzerus) in the Worlds yeere 3219. though after the account which I follow (and whereof I will giue my reasons in the Story of Abraham) it was built in the Worlds yeere 3280. Now the generall Floud prece∣ded the building of Rome (sayth Bucholzerus) 1563. yeeres: and the Floud of Ogyges (as before) 1043. Hence it followeth by easie calculation, that (if he place Ogyges [unspec 40] in his true age) the difference betweene these two Flouds must bee 520. yeeres, to which we (allowing 60. more) find 580. And that this of Ogyges was not the same of Noah (except we call Noah, Ogyges priscus, as some doe) it appeares by this, that* 1.425 the Floud of Ogyges then King of Attica or Ogygia, did not extend it selfe any fur∣ther then the bankes of Archi-pelago, or the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sea. For whereas Mela, Plinie, and* 1.426 Solinus witnesse, that the Citie of Ioppe in Iudaea was founded before the Floud; and that (notwithstanding the waight of Waters) there remained on certaine Altars* 1.427 of stone the Title of the King, and of his Brother PHINEVS, with many of the [unspec 50] grounds of their Religion: sure, it is no where found among prophane Historians nor in the Scriptures, that euer the Floud of Ogyges spred it selfe ouer any part of Sy∣ria, much lesse ouer all the Earth. But that it drowned both the Regions of Attica about Athens, and that of Achaia in Peloponnesus, it is very probable. For it see∣meth

that at that time it was, when Helice and Bura were swallowed vp (Cities sea∣ted on the North part of Peloponnesus) of which Ouid:

Si quaeras Helicoen, & Buran, Achaidos vrbes,* 1.428 Inuenies sub aquis.

Bura and Helice on Achaian ground Are sought in vaine, but vnder Sea are found.

Of this Floud of Ogyges was inuented the Fable of Apollo and Diana. For Latona [unspec 10] * 1.429 the Daughter of Coeus, the Son of Titan, being beloued and forced by IVPITER, and by him gotten with childe, IVNO thereat enraged, permitted her (as they say) no part of the Earth to bee deliuerd on; and withall caused the monstrous Serpent Python to follow and affright her, wheresoeuer shee trauailed, till at length arriuing at the Ile of Ortygia she was there receiued: in which she was deliuered, first of Diana, and then of APOLLO, being Twins; whereof BARLAAM makes this exposition: That at such time as the Deluge (which happened in Ogyges his Raigne) ceased, out of the abundant moisture of the Earth (heat by putrefaction being thereto mixed) there were exhaled such thicke mists and fogges, that in Attica, and along the Coasts of the Aegaean Sea, neyther the beames of the Sunne by day, nor of the Moone by [unspec 20] night could pierce the Ayre, or be perceiued by the inhabitants: so as when at length (the Earth being dryed, and these vapours dissipated) the Ayre began to be cleere, and the people of Ortygia espied the light of the Moone somewhat before day, and in the same morning the Sunne also appeared: fabulously (because DIANA re∣presented* 1.430 the Moone, and APOLLO the Sunne) they were reported to bee borne in the Ile of Ortygia, thereof afterwardes called Delos: which signifieth ma∣nifestation.

And surely it is not improbable, that the Floud of Ogyges, being so great, as Hi∣stories haue reported it, was accompanied with much alteration of the Ayre sensibly discerned in those parts, and some vnusuall face of the Skies. Varro in his Bookes, De [unspec 30] gente populi Romani (as he is cited by Saint AVGVSTINE) reporteth out of CASTOR,* 1.431 that so great a Miracle happened in the Starre of Venus, as neuer was seene before, nor in after-times: For the colour, the greatnesse, the figure, and the course of it, were changed. This fell out as ADRASTVS CYZICENVS, and Dion Neapolites, fa∣mous Mathematicians affirmed in the time of Ogyges.

Now concerning the course of that or any other Planet, I doe not remember, that I haue any where read, of so good Astrologers flourishing among the Greekes, or else where in those dayes as were likely to make any calculation of the reuolutions of the Planets so exact, that it should need no reformation. Of the colour and magni∣tude. I see no reason why the difference found in the Starre of Venus should bee [unspec 40] held miraculous; considering that lesser mists and fogges, than those which couered Greece with so long darknesse, doe familiarly present our senses with as great altera∣tions in the Sunne and Moone. That the figure should varie, questionlesse it was very strange: Yet I cannot hold it any prodigie: for it stands well with good reason, that the side of Venus which the Sunne beholds, being enlightned by him, the opposite halfe should remaine shadowed; whereby that Planet would, vnto our eyes, descrying onely that part whereon the light falleth, appeare to bee horned, as the Moone doth seeme; if distance (as in other things) did not hinder the apprehension of our 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

GALILAEVS, a worthy Astrologer now liuing, who by the helpe of perspectiue [unspec 50] Glasses hath found in the Starres many things vnknowne to the Ancients, affirmeth so much to haue beene discouered in Venus by his late obseruations. Whether some waterie disposition of the Ayre might present as much to them that liued with Ogy∣ges, as Galilaeus hath seene through his Instrument; I cannot tel: sure I am, that the dis∣couerie

of a truth formerly vnknowne, doth rather conuince man of ignorance, then nature of errour. One thing herein is worthy to be noted, that this great, but par∣ticular Floud of Ogyges, was (as appeareth by this of Saint AVGVSTINE) accom∣panied with such vnusuall (and therefore the more dreadfull, though naturall) signes testifying the concurrence of causes with effects in that inundation; whereas the Floud of Noah which was generall and altogether miraculous, may seeme to haue had no other token, or foreshewing, then the long preaching of Noah himselfe, which was not regarded: for they were eating and drinking, when the Floud came sodain∣ly,* 1.432 and tooke them all away. [unspec 10]

§. III. Of DEVCALIONS Floud: and that this was not NOAHS Floud: nor the Vmbri in Italie a remnant of any vniuersall Floud.

A Second Floud of great fame, and of which the time is more certaine, was that of Deucalion in Thessalia, of which Saint Augustine out of Varro: His temporibus (vt VARRO scribit) regnante Atheniensibus CRANAO, successore CECROPIS (vt autem nostri, EVSEBIVS & HIERONYMVS) adhuc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 CECROPE permanente, diluuium fuit, quod appellatum est [unspec 20] DEVCALIONIS: (that is) In these times (as VARRO reporteth) CRANAVS the suc∣cessour of CECROPS gouerning the Athenians, or (as our EVSEBIVS and HIEROME say) CECROPS yet liuing, that Floud (called DEVCALIONS) happened.

And in the beginning of the eleuenth Chapter of the same eighteenth Booke, hee vseth these words: Eduxit ergo MOSES ex Aegypto populum Dei nouissimo tempore CECROPIS Atheniensium Regis, cum apud Assyrios 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ASCATADES, apud Sicyo∣nios MARATHVS, apud Argiuos TRIOPAS: MOSES led the People of God out Aegypt about the latter times of CECROPS King of the Athenians, ASCATADES raigning ouer the Assyrians, ouer the Sicyonians MARATHVS, and ouer the Argiues TRIOPAS: so as leauing the curiositie of a few yeeres, more or lesse, it appeareth, that this Floud of [unspec 30] Deucalion was eyther at the egression of the children of Israel out of Aegypt, or neere it: and then after Noah 753. yeeres, according to Functius, who makes Cecrops to liue in the yeere of the World 2409. or if we follow MERCATOR, then 739. yeeres after Noah, and in the yeere of the World 2395. But if Deucalion were borne in the age of the World 2356. according to Codoman; then giuing vnto Deucalion fortie yeeres of age when this Floud happened, it falleth within one yeere of Mercators account. But Deucalion by all approoued Historians is said to haue beene 82. yeeres olde at that time. Now Clemens Alexandrinus dates the time of this Floud of Deu∣calion, and the conflagration and burning in phoëtons time, by the Raigne of Crotopus King of the Argiues; but Crotopus liued King of the Argiues sixe yeeres after Israel [unspec 40] departed Aegypt, which makes twentie yeeres difference, according to Functius, who will haue this Floud and burning to haue fallen fourteene yeeres before Moses left Aegypt: for he gaue of the Worlds yeeres to the Floud and burning the yeere 2440. and to Moses his egression the yeere 2454. And yet Cedrenus thinkes that Moses was* 1.433 more ancient, and liued with Inachus; but that cannot bee true: for then had the Floud of Deucalion, and the burning of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, preceded the Floud of Ogyges, which is denied by all: for that of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (called Deucalions) followed that of At∣tica (called Ogygia) at least 250. yeeres or thereabouts. Eusebius in his Chronologie makes it 230. and so doth P. Orosius: Eusebius about the 50. yeere of Moses life, and Cyrillus about the 67. and both after Noahs Floud 770. yeeres: for these bee Clemens [unspec 50] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his words: Fuit autem in Graecia tempore quidem PHORONEI, qui fuit* 1.434 post INACHVM, inundatio quae fuit tempore OGYGIS, There happened in Greece in the time of PHORONEVS, who liued after INACHVS, the Floud of OGYGES. Now if the Floud of OGYGES in Attica were 1020. or 1016. yeeres before the first Olympiad, ac∣cording

to Eusebius and Orosius; (as before) then is it manifest, that taking 763. out of this number of 1020. it fals out that Ogyges Floud happened before the Hebrewes left Aegypt 250. yeeres, or 260. yeeres, according to the difference betweene the o∣pinions of Eusebius and Orosius. And for my selfe (who rather follow those Chrono∣logers, * 1.435 which giue 60. yeeres more to Abraham after the Floud, then the rest) I rec∣kon the times which come betweene these Flouds in this sort. The generall Floud was in the yeere of the World 1656. Iacob was borne in the yeere of the World 2169 so as from the beginning of the Floud to IACOBS birth. there were consumed 513. yeeres. Ogyges Floud happened 100. yeeres after IACOB was borne; and therefore after the generall Floud 613. yeeres. Now Deucalion was borne in the yeere of the [unspec 10] World 2356. and had liued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeeres, when his Kingdome of Thessalie was ouer∣whelmed; (which added to 2356. make 2438.) his Floud was after Noahs Floud en∣ded 782. yeeres. And hereto Annius his Xenophon agreeth, who makes 700. yeeres betweene the generall Floud and Deucalions birth; to which adde 82. yeeres of his Age (as before) and then the Floud of Thessalie followed the generall 782. yeeres. The words of that Xenophon are these: Ab inundatione terrarum adortum DEVCALIONIS, secundo anno Sphaeri, septingenti supputantur anni, qui natus anno duos & octoginta Thes∣saliam vidit inundatam, From the drowning of the World to the birth of DEVCALION, in the second yeere of Sphaerus, are numbred 700. yeeres, and when DEVCALION was 82. yeeres old, he saw Thessalia drowned. This Floud happened in the Winter time a∣bout [unspec 20] Parnassus: witnesse Aristotle in the first of his Meteors. And Varro (whom Saint* 1.436 Augustine so often citeth for his excellent learning, especially in Antiquities) findeth this Floud of Deucalion to haue happened in the time of Cranaus, who succeeded Ce∣crops: Orosius thinkes it somewhat later, Amphitryon raigning in Athens, the third from Cecrops. Only this of Deucalion was very great, and reached not only ouer Thessalie it selfe, and the Regions adioyning Westward; but it couered the greatest part of Italie: and eyther the same, or some other particular Floud then happening opprest Aegypt, sayth Eusebius. And therefore did the Greekes eyther thinke it, or saine it to be vniuersall; and Deucalion, then King, sauing himselfe and some others on the Mountaine of Thessalie (of all other the highest, sayth Solinus) was by reason* 1.437 [unspec 30] thereof (as Strabo witnesseth) sayd to be the preseruer of Mankind. That this Floud* 1.438 couered a great part of Italie, Plinie and Solinus make it probable: who affirme that* 1.439 the people then inhabiting Italie were therefore called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: quia ab imbribus diluuij superfuissent; and therefore also were they esteemed the most ancient Nation, as Strabo confirmeth in his first Booke, and Trezenius in his second: which Vmbri these Authours make the Parents of the Sabines, and the Sabines to bee the Parents of the Samnites, Piceni, Lucani, Brutij, and all others inhabiting anciently the bankes of the Mediterrane Sea. But that these Vmbri were not the Inhabiters of Italie before the Floud of Noah, and so tooke name by sauing themselues vpon the Appenine Moun∣taines, the Scriptures teach vs: shewing who, and who only then were preserued, [unspec 40] which is sufficient. Report hath aduentured further, telling vs that the first people* 1.440 which after the generall Floud inhabited Italie, were the Camesenes; (so named from Camese, whom CATO in originibus, another of Annius his Authours names for a con∣sort of Ianus) which people liued altogether a sauage life; till such time as Saturne arriuing on those Coasts, deuised Lawes to gouerne them by: the memorie of whose acts in that Region Diodor and Thallus among the Greekes, Nepos Cassius and Varro a∣mong the Latines haue preserued; and of whom Virgil:

Primus ab aethereo venit SATVRNVS Olympo,* 1.441 Arma IOVIS fugiens, & regnis exul ademptis, [unspec 50] Is genus indocile, ac disper sum montibus altis Composuit, leges{que} dedit; Latium{que} vocari Maluit.

SATVRNE descending from the heauens high, Fearing the Armes of IVPITER his sonne, His Kingdome lost, and banisht thence doth flie. Rude people on the Mountayne tops he wonne To liue together, and by lawes: which done He chose to call it Latium.

And afterward in the Verses following he speaketh of the Ausones, and after them of the Sicani: Nations, which againe sought to displant the ancient Inhabiters: [unspec 10]

Tum manus Ausonia, & gentes venere Sicani,* 1.442 Then came th'Ausonian bands, and the Sicanian tribes.

Of these Sicani (which left Spaine and sate downe in Italie) Thucydides and Plinie giue* 1.443 testimonie: who were againe expelled by the Ligij, saith Thucydides. After all these plantations and replantations came the Vmbri, descended of the Gaules (saith Annius)* 1.444 not of those Gaules of France, but of those of Scythia, who commanded a great part of Italie, euen all Hetruria and Campania, as Herodotus, Plinie, and Dionysius haue as∣sured* 1.445 vs; and therefore this floud of Deucalion was long after that of Noah. For all [unspec 20] * 1.446 those Nations were planted in Italie, and dispossest of Italie againe, before the Vmbri* 1.447 were euer heard of, or had being. So that Kingdome was first called Camasene, then Latium or Saturnia, then Ausonia, then 〈◊〉〈◊〉; before the Vmbri (in whose time Deucalions floud happened) possest the same, about 306. yeeres before the war of Troy: Lycaon then gouerning Arcadia; who being the Father of two and twentie Sonnes, the yongest called Ocnotrius inuaded Italie, who gaue it the name of Oeno∣tria.* 1.448 This name it held vntill Italus of the same Nation changed it into Italie, after his owne name, about 250. yeeres before the fall of Troy. After these came the Pe∣lasgi,* 1.449 of whom Plinie in his third Booke and fift Chapter; and Strabo in his fift; Thucydides in his sixth speakes at large: and after them the Lydi vnder Tyrrhenus their [unspec 30] * 1.450 Captayne, that gaue name to the Tyrrheni; who casting thence the Vmbri, tooke* 1.451 from them three hundred Castles, and built therein twelue Cities; to which (after they had possest and past ouer the Appenine Mountaynes) they added diuers others, whereof Telsina (afterward Bononia) was one.

Now that there was not anciently such a Nation, as these Vmbri, in those parts, I doe not affirme: hauing respect to the testimonies before repeated. And Stephanus thinkes, that the name was deriued from the Greeke word Ombros; but that these Vmbri of Italie were descended of the Nation of Scythians (called Galli) it shall be shewed hereafter. [unspec 40]

§ IIII. Of some other records testifying the vniuersall floud: and of two ancient deluges in Aegypt: and of some elsewhere.

SAint AVGVSTINE out of Varro affirmeth, that the Greekes and Latines made not any mention of the vniuersall floud, because they had no∣thing of antiquitie foregoing that of Ogyges; and therefore (accor∣ding to Rhodoginus before remembred) were all things among the Greekes (which antiquitie had worne out of knowledge) called Ogygia, [unspec 50] which we in English commonly call (worme-eaten) or of defaced date. But as all the parts of the earth were successiuely planted and peopled; and as all Nations had their proper times, and not their beginning at once and at the instant: so did euery familie which afterward became a great People, with whom the knowledge of di∣uine

letters was not receiued, finde no parent of more antiquitie, then such as they had themselues, nor allow of any before their owne; and as the Graecians, so did o∣thers vaunt themselues to be Indigenae, and growing out of the earth, or inuent some other prophane or ridiculous beginning. But the Chaldaeans had certayne knowledge of Noahs floud, as Berosus witnesseth; and Nicolaus Damascenus maketh particular mention thereof (as is aforesaid) though he also affirme by heare-say, that some Gi∣ants saued themselues vpon the Mountaynes Baris in Armenia, but speaketh not thereof as from any authoritie approued: vsing the word sermoest; That such a speech there was. And Eusebius remembreth a place out of the ancient Historian A∣bydenus:* 1.452 who writeth that Sissithrus, to preserue himselfe from a floud foretold him [unspec 10] by Saturnus, fled to the hils of Armenia by ship, ad Armenian nauigio confugiebat: who the third day (after the waters were fallen) sent forth birds, that finding no land to rest on, returned againe; which he also did a second time, but at the third returne the birds feet were couered with mudde and slime. To this effect are Eusebius words out of Abydenus, which may seeme a true description (though in other termes) of Noahs floud.

Cyrillus also affirmeth, that Alex. Polyhistor maketh mention of this generall floud. And Plato in Timaeo produceth an Aegyptian Priest, who recounted to Solon out of the holy Bookes of Aegypt, the storie of the floud vniuersall, which (saith he) hap∣pened long before the Graecian inundations. Fryer Annius his Xenophon remembreth [unspec 20] a third floud, which also Diodorus Siculus confirmeth, somewhat more ancient then* 1.453 that of Ogyges in Attica. For he named the generall floud for the first, which happe∣ned (saith he) vnder the old OGYGES, Sub prisco Ogyge, which was Noah; he calleth the second Niliaca: Hercules and Prometheus then liuing, 44. yeeres before that of Attica, in the 34. yeere of Belochus King of the Assyrians, though I doe not beleeue him as touching the time. But this floud couered a great part of the nether Aegypt, especially all that Region subiect to Prometheus; and hereof came the fable of the Vulture on Prometheus his liuer, afterward slaine by Hercules of Aegypt: which fiction* 1.454 Diod. Siculus deliuereth in these wordes: Fluuium propter cursus velocitatem, profun∣ditatem{que} aquarum Aquilam tunc appellatum, HERCVLEM cum consilij magnitudine, [unspec 30] tum virtute, volunt è vestigio compressisse, & aquarum impetum ad priorem cursum con∣uertisse: Vnde & Graeci quidam Poetae rem gestam in fabulam vertentes, HERCVLEM tradunt Aquilam PROMETHEI 〈◊〉〈◊〉 depascentem occidisse; This floud (meaning of Nilus) for the swiftnesse of his course, as also for the depth, was in those dayes called the Eagle: but HERCVLES by his great iudgement and vertue did againe compresse and straighten this Riuer, so farre extended and ouer-spred, turning it into the old channels: Whence certayne Greeke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (conuerting this labour and worke of HERCVLES into a fable) deuised that HERCVLES slue the Eagle, which fed on PROMETHEVS liuer; meaning that he deliuered Prometheus of that sorrow and torment, which for the losse of his People and Countrie (by the waters destroyed and couered ouer) he [unspec 40] suffered.

A fourth floud chanced about Pharus in Aegypt, where Alexander Macedon built Alexandria, as Annius conceiueth out of his Xenophon, who in this briefe sort writeth of all these inundations: Inundationes plures fuere: prima nouimestr is inunda∣tio* 1.455 terrarum sub prisco OGYGE: secunda Niliaca, &c. There were many inundations (saith this same Xenophon) the first which was vniuersall of nine Moneths, and this happened vn∣der the first OGYGES: the second was Niliaca, and of one Moneths continuance in the time of Hercules and Prometheus Aegyptians: a third of two Moneths vnder Ogyges Atticus: the fourth of three Moneths in Thessalia vnder Deucoelion: and a fift of the like continuance (called Pharonica) vnder Proteus of Aegypt, about the time of Helens [unspec 50] rape. Diodorus in his fift Booke and eleuenth Chapter, taking the Samothraces for his Authors, remembreth a floud in Asia the lesse and elsewhere, of no lesse destruction then any of the other particular inundations, saying, that the same happened before that of Deucalion: the Sea of Pontus and Hellespont breaking in ouer the land.

But there haue beene many flouds in diuers times, and ages, not inferior to any of these two last remembred, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Pharonica in Aegypt: as in the yeere of our Redemption 590. when in October of the same yeere, Gregorie then being Bishop of Rome, there happened a maruailous ouerflowing in Italie, and especially in the Ve∣netian Territorie, and in Lyguria, accompanied with a most fearefull storme of thun∣der and lightning: after which followed the great plague at Rome, by reason of the many dead Serpents cast vp and left vpon the Land, after the waters decreased and returned. And in the yeere 1446. there perished 10000. people, by the breaking in* 1.456 of the Sea at Dordroch in Holland: of which kinde I take that floud to be of Achaia or Attica. Before that and in the yeere 1238. Trithemius speaketh of an earthquake [unspec 10] * 1.457 which swallowed many thousands: and after that of a floud in Friseland, in which there perished 100000. persons. Strozius Sigog. in his Magia omnifaria, telleth of an inundation in Italie, in the time of Pope Damasus, in which also many Cities of Sicil were swallowed: another in the Papacie of Alexander the sixth: also in the yeere 1515. Maximilian being Emperor. He also remembreth a perilous ouer-flowing in Polonia, about Cracouia, by which many people perished. Likewise Viginier a French Historian speaketh of a great floud in the South part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which fell in the yeere of our Lord 1557, with so dreadfull a tempest, as all the people attended therein the very end of the world, and iudgement day; saying, That by the violent descent of the waters from the Mountaynes, about Nismes there were remooued [unspec 20] diuers old heapes and mountures of ground, and many other places torne vp and rent: by which accident there was found both coyne of siluer and gold, diuers pee∣ces of plate, and vessels of other metall, supposed to be hidden at such time as the Goths inuaded that Prouince, in the yeere 1156.

§. V. That the floud of NOAH was supernaturall, though some say it might haue beene foreseene by the Starres.

NOw howsoeuer all these flouds and many other, which haue couered [unspec 30] at seuerall times seuerall Regions, not only in these parts of the world, but in America also, (as I haue learned of some ancient Southsayers a∣mong them) may be ascribed to natural causes and accidents; yet that vniuersall floud (in the time of Noah) was powred ouer the whole face of the earth by a power aboue nature, and by the especiall commandement of God himselfe, who at that time gaue strength of influence to the Starres, and abundance to the Fountaynes of the deepe: whereby the irruption of waters was made more forcible, then any abilitie of nature could effect, or any second causes by whatsoe∣uer vnion could performe, without receiuing from the Fountayne of all power, strength, and faculties supernaturall. Henricus Mechlimensis, a Scholler of Albertus Magnus, in his Commentaries vpon the great coniunctions of Albu Masar obser∣ueth, that before the floud of Noah, the like coniunction of Iupiter and Saturne, [unspec 40] happened in the last degree of Cancer, against that constellation since called the Ship of Argos; by which the floud of Noah might be foretold, because Cancer is both a waterie signe, and the house of the Moone, which is the Ladie of the Sea, and of moysture, according to the rules of Astronomie, and common experience. And this opinion Petrus de Aliaco vpon Genesis confirmeth, affirming that although* 1.458 Noah did well know this floud by diuine reuclation, yet (this coniunction being no∣torious) he could not be ignorant of the second causes thereof: for those were not only signes, but also working causes, by strength receiued from the first cause, which [unspec 50] * 1.459 is God himselfe: and further that by * 1.460 Catarractae coeli (Englished the windores of

heauen) Moses meant this great and waterie coniunction; the word (Catarractae) signifying flowing downe or comming downe. Now (saith P. de Aliaco) it pleased God to ordaine by the course of the Heauens such a constellation, by which all men might behold therein their destruction towards, and thereby forsake those wicked wayes wherein they walked, and call vnto God for mercy.

Of this iudgement was Gul. Parisiensis, who vnderstood that the wordes Catar∣ractae coeli, or windores of heauen, were to be taken for the former coniunction, or for these waterie signes, Cancer, Pisces, Pleiades, Hyades, and Orion, and of the Planets, Mars, Venus, and the Moone: which are the forcible causes of the greatest inunda∣tions. His owne words are these: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 intelligo Prophetam Hebraeorum catarract as [unspec 10] coelivocâsse, nisi partes illas coeli, quae generatiuae sunt pluuiarum & inundationum aquarum, quales sunt signa aquatica, vt Cancer, &c. as aforesaid. As yet (saith he) I perceiue not what the Prophet of the Hebrewes meaneth by those wordes (Catarractae coeli, or windores of Heauen) vnlesse he thereby vnderstand those celestiall powers, by whose influences are engendred the rayne, and inundations of waters, such as are the waterie signes of Can∣cer, &c.

But in a word, as it might please God, that in the course of his vnsearchable wise∣dome this coniunction should at such time be: so did he (as aforesaid) adde vigour and facultie, and gaue to euery operation increase of vertues, violent eruptions to Springs and Fountaynes, commanding them to cast out the whole treasure and [unspec 20] heape of their waters; taking retention from the cloudes, and condensing ayre into water by the ministerie of his Angels, or howsoeuer else best pleased his Al-power∣fulnesse.

§. VI. That there was no neede of any new Creation of matter to make the vni∣uersall floud: and what are Catarractae Coeli, GEN. 7. VERS. 11. [unspec 30]

NOw if it be obiected, that God doth not create any thing of new; (for God resteth the seuenth day: (that is) he did not then after create any new species) which granted, it may seeme that then all the earth and aire had not waters sufficient to couer the habitable world fifteen cubits aboue the highest Mountaynes. Of this proposition, whether God hath so restrayned himselfe or no, I will not dispute; but for the consequent (which is) that the world had want of water to ouer-couer the highest mountaynes, I take that conceit to be vnlearned and foolish; for it is written, that the fountaynes of the great deep were broken vp (that is) the waters forsook the very bowels of the earth; [unspec 40] and all whatsoeuer was disperst therein pierced and brake through the face thereof. Then let vs consider, that the Earth had aboue one and twentie thousand miles: the Diameter of the Earth according to that circle seuen thousand mile, and then from the Superficies to the Center some three thousand fiue hundred miles: Take then the highest Mountayne of the world, Caucasus, Taurus, Olympus, or Atlas, the Moun∣taynes of Armenia or Scythia, or that (of all other the highest) in Tenuerif, and I doe not finde, that he that looketh highest stretcheth aboue thirtie miles vpright. It is not then impossible, answering reason with reason, that all those waters mixed within the earth three thousand fiue hundred miles deepe, should not well helpe to couer the space of thirtie miles in height, this thirty miles vpright being found in the [unspec 50] depths of the earth one hundred and sixteene times: for the Fountaynes of the great Deepe were broken vp, and the waters drawne out of the bowels of the earth. Se∣condly, if we consider what proportion the earth beareth to the extension of the ayre ouer and aboue it, wee shall find the difference exceeding great. If then it plea∣sed

God to condense but so much of this ayre as euery-where compasseth and em∣braceth the earth, which condensation is a conuersion of ayre into water, a change familiar in those elements, it will not seeme strange to men of iudgement, yea but of ordinarie vnderstanding, that the Earth (God so pleasing) was couered ouer with waters without any new Creation.

Lastly, for the opinions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parisiensis, and Aliacensis, to which I may adde Berosus and others, That such a coniunction there was, foreshewing that de∣struction by waters which followed; and that by the word Catarractae coeli, or Win∣dores of heauen, was meant this coniunction; there needes no other answere then that obseruation of Ludouicus Viues, who affirmeth that by the grauest Astrologian [unspec 10] it was obserued, that in the yeere 1524 there should happen the like coniunction, as at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 floud, then which (saith he) there was neuer a more fayre, drie, and seaso∣nable yeere: the like destruction was prophecied of the yeere 1588. But Picus Earle of Mirandula proueth that there could not be any such coniunction at that time.

To conclude, I finde no other mysterie in the word Catarractae coeli, then that the cloudes were meant thereby: Moses vsing the word Windores of Heauen (if that be the sense of the word) to expresse the violence of the raynes, and powring downe of waters. For whosoeuer hath seene those fallings of water, which sometimes hap∣pen in the Indies, which are called the Spowts (where cloudes doe not breake into [unspec 20] drops, but fall with a resistlesse violence in one body) may properly vse that manner of speech which Moses did; That the windores or floud-gates of heauen opened: (which is) That waters fell, contrarie to custome, and that order which we call na∣turall. God then loosened the power retentiue in the vppermost ayre, and the wa∣ters fell in abundance: Behold (saith IOB) he which holdeth the waters, and they drie* 1.461 vp, or better in Latine, Et omnia siccantur; And all things are dryed vp; but when he sen∣deth them out, they destroy the earth: and in the 26. Chapter: He bindeth the waters in the cloudes; but these bonds God loosed at that time of the generall floud, and cal∣led vp the waters which slept in the great deepe: and these ioyning together couered the earth, till they had performed the worke of his will: which done, he then com∣manded* 1.462 [unspec 30] them to returne into their darke and vast Caues, and the rest (by a winde) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 againe into ayre, formerly condensed into drops.

§. VII. Of some remaynder of the memorie of NOAH among the Heathen.

NOAH commanded by God, before the fall of those waters, entred the Arke which he had built, with his owne Wife, and his Sonnes, and his sonnes wiues, taking with them of euery Creature, which tooke life by generation, seuen of the cleane, and of the vncleane, two. Noah, [unspec 40] according to Philo, signifieth quietnesse: after others, and according to the prophecie of his Father Lamech, cessation; to whom after-times gaue many names answering his antiquitie, zeale, vertue, and other qualities: as, The first Ogyges, because in the time of the Grecian Ogyges there was also a great floud of Achaia: Sa∣turne they called him, because he was the Father of Nations: Others gaue him the name of Prometheus, who was said to steale away Iupiters fire; fire in that place be∣ing taken and vnderstood for the knowledge of God and heauenly things. Others thinke that he was so called for his excellent wisedome and foresight. He had also the name of Ianus, (id est) vinosus, because Iain signifieth wine in the Hebrew. And [unspec 50] so Tertullian finds him written in libris ritualibus; In the bookes of ceremonies, preceding both Saturne, Vranus, and Ioue: which three enioyed an elder time then all the o∣ther ancientest fayned gods. And this name Iain is taken from the Hebrew and Sy∣rian, and not from the Latine: for it was in vse before there was any Latine Nation,

or any Kingdome by that name knowne. Of the antiquitie of Ianus, Fabius Pictor giueth this testimonie: IANI aetate nulla erat Monarchia, quia mortalibus pectoribus nondum haeserat vlla regnandi cupiditas, &c. Vinum & far primus populas docuit IANVS ad sacrificia: primus enim ar as & Pomoeria & sacra docuit; In the time of IANVS (saith he) there was no Monarchie: for the desire of rule had not then folded it selfe about the hearts of men. IANVS first taught the people to sacrifice Wine and Meale: hee first set vp Altars, instituted Gardens and solitarie Groues, wherein they vsed to pray; with other holy rites and ceremonies. A greater testimonie then this there cannot be found among the Heathen, which in all agreeth so well with the Scriptures. For first, whilest Noah flourished, there was not any King or Monarch: Nimrod being the first that [unspec 10] tooke on him soueraigne authoritie. Secondly, Noah after the floud was the first that planted the Vine, and became a Husbandman; and therefore offered the first* 1.463 fruits of both (to wit) Wine and Meale. Thirdly, he was the first that raysed an Altar, and offered sacrifice to God, a thankes-giuing for his mercifull goodnesse to∣wards* 1.464 him. Noah was also signified in the name of Bifrons (which was giuen to Ia∣nus) because he beheld the times both before and after the floud, Quia praeterita noue∣rit,* 1.465 & futura prospexerit, saith ARNOBIVS; Because he knew what was past, and prouided for what was to come. He was also in the person of Ianus shaddowed by the name of Chaos, and semen orbis; The seede of the world; because as out of that confused heape was drawne all the kindes of Beasts and Plants: so from Noah came all mankinde: whereof Ouid in the person of Ianus: [unspec 20]

Me Chaos antiqui (nam sum res prisca) vocabant,* 1.466 Aspice quàm longi temporis acta cano.

The ancient call'd me Chaos: my great yeares By those old times, of which I sing, appeares.

He was also intituled Coelum and Sol, Heauen and the Sunne, for his excellent know∣ledge in Astronomie: Vertumnus, Bacchus, and Liber Pater; not that latter, which [unspec 30] Diod. Siculus, and Alex. Aphrodiseus so call, because he was the restorer of the Greekes to their former libertie, but in respect of the floud. For the Greekes called Liber 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and his Nurses Hyades, of rayne, because 〈◊〉〈◊〉 entred the Arke, when the Sunne ioyned with the Starres Hyades, a constellation in the brow or necke of Taurus, and euer after a monument of Noahs floud. He was also by others surnamed Triton, a Marine God, the Sonne of Neptune: because he liued in safetie on the waters. So was he knowne by the name of DIONYSVS, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mentem pungens; Bite∣braine,* 1.467 or wit-stinger, though Diodorus conceiue otherwise, and deriue that name à patre & loco; Of his Father, and the place of his birth (to wit) of Ioue, and Nisa a Towne of Arabia foelix, saith Suidas out of Orpheus. He had also the by-name of* 1.468 [unspec 40] Taurus, or Taurophagus; because he first yoked Oxen and tilled the ground, according to that of MOSES: And NOAH became an husbandman. Now howsoeuer the Grecians* 1.469 vaunt of their Theban Bacchus (otherwise Dionysus) it is certayne that the name was borrowed, and the inuention stollen from Noah. But this name of Bacchus, more an∣ciently Boacus, was taken (saith Gul. Stuckius, and out of him Danaeus) from Noachus,* 1.470 (N) being changed into (B); and it is the more probable, because it cannot be doubted but that Noah was the first planter of the Vine after the floud: and of Noah (the first and ancient Bacchus) were all those fables deuised, of which Diodorus com∣playneth in his fourth Booke, and fifth Chapter. This first Bacchus (to wit) Noah, was surnamed Nysius, of the Mountayne Nysa in India, where the Grecian Bacchus ne∣uer [unspec 50] came, whatsoeuer themselues faine of his enterprises; and these Mountaynes of Nysa ioyne with those of Paropanisus, and those other Easterne Mountaynes, on which the Arke of Noah rested after the floud.

Furthermore, to the end that the memorie of this second parent of mankinde

might the better bee preserued, there were founded by his issues many great Cities which bare his name; with many riuers and mountaines: which oftentimes forgat that it was done in his regard, because the many names giuen him brought the same confusion to places as to himselfe. Notwithstanding all which, we find the Citie of* 1.471 Noah vpon the bankes of the red Sea and elsewhere: the Riuer of Noas in Thrace, which Strabo calleth Noarus; Ptolomie 〈◊〉〈◊〉; diuiding Illyria from Panonia. Thus much for the name.

§. VIII. [unspec 10] Of sundrie particulars touching the Arke: as the place where it was made, the matter, fashion and name.

NOw in what part of the world Noah built the Arke, it doth not ap∣peare in the Scriptures, neither doe I finde any approued Authour that hath written thereof: onely Goropius Becanus in his Indo-Scythia conceiueth, that Noah built his Arke neere the mountaines of Caucasus, because on those hils are found the goodliest Cedars: for when Alex. Macedon made the warre among a people, called Nysaei, inhabiting the other side of Caucasus, hee found all their burials and Sepulchers wrought ouer with Cedar. To [unspec 20] this place (saith Becanus) Noah repaired, both to separate himselfe from the repro∣bate Giants, who rebelled against God and Nature, as also because he would not be interrupted in the building of the Arke; to which also hee addeth the conueniencie ofriuers, to transport the Timber which he vsed, without troubling any other car∣riages.

Onely this wee are sure of, that the Arke was built in some part of the Easterne world; and to my vnderstanding, not farre from the place where it rested after the floud. For Noah did not vse any mast or saile (as in other ships) and therefore did the Arke no otherwise moue then the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or body of a ship doth in a calme Sea. Also because it is not probable, that during these continuall and downe-right raines [unspec 30] there were any windes at all, therefore was the Arke little moued from the place where it was fashioned and set together. For it is written: God made a winde to passe* 1.472 vpon the earth, and the waters 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and therefore it may be gathered, that during the fall of the waters, there was not any storme or forcible winde at all, which could driue the Arke any great distance from the place where it was first by the waters lif∣ted vp. This is also the more probable, if that ancient opinion bee true, as it is very likely, that the Arke had fundum planum, a flat bottome, and not raised in forme of a ship with a sharpnesse forward, to cut the waues for the better speede.

This kind of Vessell the Hebrewes call Thebet, and the Greekes Larnax, for so they termed Deucalions ship: and some say, that the hill Parnassus, to which in eight dayes [unspec 40] he arriued, was first called Larnassus, and by the change of (L) into (P) Parnassus;* 1.473 but Pausanias thinkes that it tooke name of a Sonne of the Nymphe Cleodorae, called Parnassus, the inuentour of Auguration.

Peucerus findes the word (Parnassus) to haue no affinitie with the Greeke, but* 1.474 thinkes it deriued from the Hebrew word Nahas, which signifieth Auguration and Diuination: or from Har or Parai, as in his Chapter of Oracles in the leafe before cited.

Iosephus cals the Arke Machina, by the generall name of a huge Frame: and Epi∣phanius* 1.475 out of the Hebrew Aron; but herein lieth the difference betweene Aron and Theuet, That Aron signifieth properly the Arke of the Sanctuarie, but Thebet such a [unspec 50] Vessell, as swimmeth, and beareth it selfe vpon the waters.

Lastly, this Arke of Noah differed from the fashion of a ship in this, that it had a couer and roofe, with a crest in the middest thereof, and the sides declining like the roofe of an house; to the end, both to cast off the waters, and that thereunder Noah

himselfe and his children might shelter, and separate themselues from the noysom∣nesse* 1.476 of the many beasts, which filled the other roomes and parts of the Arke.

Of what wood the Arke was built it is vncertaine. The Hebrew word Gopher once and in this place onely vsed is diuersly vnderstood; and though the matter bee of little importance, yet this difference there is, That the Geneua Translation cals it Pinetree, the Robbine Cedar, the Seuentie, square timber, the Latine smooth tim∣ber. Others will haue it Cypres trees, as dedicated to the dead, because Cypres is worne at funerals. But out of doubt, if the word Gopher signifie any speciall kind of timber, Noah obayed the voyce of God therein; if not, hee was not then curious as touching the kinde or nature of the wood, hauing the promise of God, and his grace [unspec 10] and mercie for his defence. For with Noah God promised to establish his couenant.* 1.477 Plinie affirmeth that in Aegypt it was the vse to build ships of Cedar, which the wormes eate not; and hee auoweth that hee saw in Vtica, in the Temple of Apollo Cedar beames, laid in the time of the foundation of the Citie, and that they were still sound in his time, which was about 1188. yeares after: prouing thereby, that this kinde of wood was not subiect to putrifying or moulding in a very long time. But in that it is easie to cut, light to carie, and of a sweete sauour, lasting also better then any other wood, and because neere the place where the Arke rested, there are found great store of these Cedar trees, as also in all the mountaines of the East, be∣sides those of Libanus, it is probable enough that the Arke might be of that wood: [unspec 20] which hath besides the other commodities the greatest length of Timber, and there∣fore fittest to build ships withall. Pererius conceiueth that the Arke had diuers sorts of timber, and that the bottome had of one sort, the decke and partition of another; all which may be true or false, if Gopher may be taken for timber in generall. True it is, that Cedar will serue for all parts of a ship, aswell for the body, as for masts and yards. But Noah had most respect to the direction receiued from God: to the length, breadth, and height, and to the partitions of the Arke; and to pitch it, and to diuide it into Cabines, thereby to seuer the cleane beasts from the vncleane, and to preserue their seuerall sorts of foode; and that it might bee capable of all kinde of liuing crea∣tures, according to the numbers by God appointed. All which when Noah had ga∣thered [unspec 30] together, he cast his confidence wholly on God, who by his Angels steered this ship without a rudder, and directed it without the helpe of a Compasse or the North starre. The pitch which Noah vsed, is by some supposed to haue beene a kinde of Bitumen, whereof there is great quantitie about the Valley of Sodome and* 1.478 Gomorra, now the dead Sea or Asphaltes: and in the Region of Babylon, and in the West India, and herein it exceedeth other pitch, that it melts not with the Sunne, but by the fire onely, after the manner of hard waxe.

§. IX. [unspec 40] That the Arke was of sufficient capacitie.

THe Arke according to Gods commaundement had of length three hundred cubites, fiftie of breadth, and thirtie deepe or high: by which proportion it had sixe parts of length to one of breadth, and ten times in length to one of depth; of which S. AVGVSTINE: 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.479 figura est peregrinant is in hoc seculo Ciuitatis Dei, (hoc est) Ecclesiae, quaefit salua per lignum, in quo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mediator Dei & hominum, homo Christus Iesus: nam & mensura ipsa longitudinis, altitudinis, latitudinis{que} eius significat corpus humanum, in cuius veritate ad homines praenunciatus est venturus, & venit, &c. Without doubt (saith he) it [unspec 50] is a figure of the Citie of God, trauailing in this world as a stranger (that is) of the Church, sa∣ued by the tree whereupon the Mediatour betweene God and Man, the man Iesus Christ did hang: for euen the very measure of the length, heighth, and breadth, answereth the shape of mans body, in the truth whereof the comming of Christ was foretold and performed.

By what kinde of Cubite the Arke was measured, it hath beene a disputed que∣stion among the Fathers, and others; and the differences are in effect these: The first kinde of cubit (called the Common) containeth one foot and a halfe, measured from the sharpe of the elbow to the point of the middle finger. The second (the palme cubit) which taketh one handfull more then the common. The third is called Regi∣us Cubitus, or the Persian Cubit, which exceedeth the common cubit three inches. The fourth is the sacred cubit, which containeth the common or vulgar cubit dou∣ble, wanting but a quarter or fourth part. Lastly, there is a fift cubit, called Geome∣tricall, which containeth sixe common cubits. But of all these sortes, which were commonly measured by the vulgar cubit, the alteration and diminution of mens sta∣tures [unspec 10] hath made the difference. For as there is now a lesse proportion of bodies: so is the common cubit, from the sharpe of the elbow to the point of the middle finger, of lesse length then it was in elder times.

S. Augustine considering the many sortes of beasts and birds which the Arke held, with their food and water, was sometimes of opinion, that the Arke had proportion after the Geometricall cubit, which containeth almost sixe of the Common. For measuring the Arke by the vulgar cubit, it did not exceede the capacitie of that vessel* 1.480 built by Hiero of Syracuse, or the ship of Ptolomie Philo-pater. But S. Augustine (who* 1.481 at the first was led by Origen) changed his iudgement as touching the Geometricall cubit; and found vpon better consideration, that there needed not so huge a bodie [unspec 20] to praeserue all sortes of creatures by God appointed to bee reserued. For it was not needfull to take any kindes of fishes into the Arke, because they were kept liuing (saith S. Augustine) in their owne element. Nòn fuit necesse conseruare in Arca quae pos∣sent in aquis vinere; nòn solùm mersa sicut pisces, verùm super-natantia, sicut multae alites. It was not needfull to conserue those creatures in the Arke, which could liue in the waters; and not only fishes which can liuevnder water, but also those fowls which sit and swim on them: and againe, Terra, nòn aqua, maledicta, quià Adam nòn huius, sed illius fructum vetitum come∣dit.* 1.482 It was the earth, and not the waters, which God cursed: for of the forbidden fruit of the earth and not of the Sea, did Adam eat; so as S. Augustine gathereth hereupon, (as afore∣said) that so huge a Frame needed not. [unspec 30]

And if wee looke with the eyes of iudgement hereunto, wee shall finde nothing monstrous therein; although the imaginations of men, who (for the most part) haue more of mischiefe and of ignorance, then of any reuerend reason, finde many impossibilities in this worke of God. But it is manifest, and vndoubtedly true, that many of the Species, which now sceme differing and of seuerall kindes, were not then in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 natura. For those beasts which are of mixt natures; either they were not in that age, or else it was not needfull to praeserue them: seeing they might bee generated againe by others, as the Mules, the Hyaena's and the like: the one be∣gotten by Asses and Mares, the other by Foxes and Wolues. And whereas by dis∣couering of strange landes, wherein there are found diuers beastes and birdes diffe∣ring [unspec 40] in colour or stature from those of these Northerne parts, it may be supposed by a superficiall consideration, that all those which weare red and pyed skinnes, or fea∣thers, are differing from those that are lesse painted, and were plaine russet or blacke: they are much mistaken that so thinke. And for my owne opinion I finde no diffe∣rence, but onely in magnitude, betweene the Cat of Europe, and the Ounce of India; and euen those dogges which are become wilde in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, with which the Spa∣niards vsed to deuoure the naked Indians, are now changed to Wolues, and begin to destroy the breed of their Cattle, and doe also oftentimes teare asunder their owne Children. The common Crowe and Rooke of India is full of red feathers in the* 1.483 drown'd and low Islands of Caribana; and the Blacke-Bird and Thrush hath his fea∣thers [unspec 50] mixt with blacke and carnation: in the North parts of Virginia. The dog-fish of England is the Sharke of the South Ocean: For if colour or magnitude made a difference of Species, then were the Negro's, which wee call the blacke-mores, non animalia rationalia, not men, but some kinde of strange beastes: and so

the Giants of the South America should be of another kinde, then the people of this part of the World. Wee also see it daily that the natures of fruites are changed by transplantation, some to better, some to worse, especially with the change of Cly∣mate. Crabs may bee made good fruit by often grafting, and the best Mellons will change in a yeere or two to common Cowcummers by being set in a barren soyle: Therefore taking the kindes precisely of all creatures, as they were by God created, or out of the earth by his ordinance produced: The Arke, after the measure of the common Cubit was sufficiently capacious to containe of all, according to the num∣ber by God appointed: For if we adde but halfe a foot of measure to the Common Cubit, which had a foot and a halfe of Giantly stature (and lesse allowance wee can∣not [unspec 10] giue to the difference betweene them and vs) then did the Arke containe 600. foot in length, and 100. foot in breadth, and 60. foot deepe.

But first of all to make it manifest, that the Geometricall Cubit is not vsed in the Scripture, the stature of the Giants therein named may suffice. For if the bed of Og* 1.484 King of Basan had beene nine Geometricall Cubites long, it had taken 54. Cubites of* 1.485 the common, which make 80. foot: and Goliah, who had the length of 6. Cubites and a handfull, which makes nine foote and a handfull, (a proportion credible) if these Cubites had beene Geometricall, then had beene 54. foot in heighth and vpwardes, which were monstrous and most incredible: for (according to this proportion) had the head of Goliah beene nine foot long, and farre waightier and bigger then all Da∣uids [unspec 20] body, who caried it away.

Againe, if the Geometricall Cubit had been vsed for a measure in the Scripture as many Commenters haue obserued, then had the Altar (appointed to containe fiue Cubites of length, fiue of breadth, and three of heighth) haue reached the length of 27. foot vpright, and so must their Priestes haue ascended by steps or ladders to haue performed their sacrifices thereon, which was contrarie to Gods Commandement giuen in these wordes: Thou shalt not goe vp with steppes vnto mine altar, that thy shame* 1.486 bee not discouered thereon; and therefore was the Altar but three Common Cubites high which make foure foot, that their Priests standing thereby might execute their office: Wherefore I may conclude, that the Cubit mentioned in the Scriptures was [unspec 30] not the Geometricall, but the ordinarie Cubit of one foot and a halfe, according to the measure of Giantly stature; which measure (doubtlesse) might giue much the more capacitie to the Arke, although it be also probable, that as the men were, so were the horses whereon they rode, and all other creatures of a correspondent size. And yet (as I take it) though by this meanes there were not any whit the more roome in the Arke, it were not hard to conceiue, how all the distinct Species of A∣nimals, whose liues cannot bee preserued in the waters, might according to their present quantities bee contained in a vessell of those dimensions which the Arke had; allowing to the Cubit one foot and a halfe of our now vsuall measure: whence it followeth of necessitie, that those large bodies which were in the daies of Noah [unspec 40] might haue roome sufficient in the Arke, which was measured by a Cubit of length proportionable.

How the appointed number of creatures to be saued, (that is) seuen of the cleane, two of the vncleane (with necessarie foode) might haue place in the Arke, Butaeo hath very learnedly declared: the briefe summe of whose discourse to that purpose is this. The length of the Arke was three hundred cubits, which multiplyed by the breadth, namely fistie cubits, and the product by the heighth of thirtie cubits, sheweth the whole concauitie to haue beene 450000. Now whereas the posts, walles, and other partitions of lodg∣ings may seeme to haue taken vp a great part of the hollow: the heighth of the roofe which (the perpendicular being one cubit) contained 7500. cubicall cubes, was a [unspec 50] sufficient recompence: If therefore in a ship of such greatnesse wee seeke roome for 89. distinct Species of beasts, or (lest any should be omitted) for 100. seuerall kinds, we shall easily finde place both for them, and for the birds, which in bignesse are no way answerable to them, and for meate to sustaine them all. For there are three

sorts of beasts, whose bodies are of a quantitie best knowne; the Beefe, the Sheepe; and the Wolfe: to which the rest may be reduced, by saying, (according to Aristo∣tle) that one Elephant is answerable to foure Beeues, one Lyon to two Wolues, and so of the rest. Of beasts, some feede on vegetables, others on flesh. There are one and thirtie kinds of the greater sort, feeding on vegetables: of which number, onely three are cleane, according to the law of Moses, whereof seuen of a kinde entred into the Arke, namely three couples for breede, and one odde one for sacrifice: the other eight and twentie kindes were taken by two of each kinde, so that in all there were in the Arke one and twentie great beasts cleane, and sixe and fiftie vncleane, estimable for largenesse as ninetie one Beeues; yet for a supplement (lest perhaps any Species [unspec 10] be omitted) let them be valued, as 120. Beeues. Of the lesser sort feeding on vege∣tables were in the Arke sixe and twentie kinds, estimable with good allowance for supplie, as fourescore Sheepe. Of those which deuoure flesh were two and thirtie kinds, answerable to threescore and foure Wolues. All these 280. beasts might bee kept in one storie or roome of the Arke in their seuerall Cabbines; their meate in a second: the Birds and their prouision in a third, with place to spare for Noah and his family, and all their necessaries.

§. X. [unspec 20] That the Arke rested vpon part of the hill Taurus (or Caucasus) betweene the East Indies, and Scythia.

†. I. A praeterition of some questions lesse materiall: with a note of the vse of this question, to finde out the Metropolis of Nations.

WHat time Noah tooke to build the Arke, I leaue to others to dispute, but he receiued the Commandement from God 100. yeares before the [unspec 30] waters sell: and had therefore choice of time and leisure sufficient. As for the number of deckes and partitions, which Origen deuides into foure, S. Augustine into three, I will not trouble the Reader with the controuersie: or whether those creatures which sometimes rest on the land, other times in the waters, as the Crocodiles (now called Alegartos) the Sea-cowes or Sea∣horses, were kept in the Arke, or no, I thinke it a needlesse curiositie; and yet to this saith Pererius, and others before him, that a fish-poole might bee made aswell within the Arke, as in Hiero his ship of Scyracuse. Lastly, to consider or labour to disproue the foolerie of the Hebrewes, who suppose that the Arke was lightened by a Car∣buncle, or had windores of Christall to receiue in light, and keepe out water, were [unspec 40] but to reuiue the buried vanities of former times. But that which I seeke most to sa∣tisfie my selfe and others in, is in what part of the world the Arke rested after the floud: because the true vnderstanding of some of these places (as the seate of the ter∣restriall Paradise, and the resting of the Arke) doe onely and truely teach the worlds Plantation, and the beginning of Nations, before and after the floud; and all storie, as well generall as particular, thereby may be the better vnderstood.

†. II. Aproposall of the common opinion, that the Arke rested vpon some of the hils of Armenia. [unspec 50]

ANd first, for the true place where the Arke rested after the floud, and from what part of the world the children of Noah trauailed to their first settlement

and plantation, I am resolued (without any presumption) that therein the most wri∣ters were vtterly mistaken. And I am not led so to thinke out of my humour or new∣nesse of opinion, or singularitie; but doe herein ground my selfe on the originall and first truth, which is the word of God, and after that vpon reason, and the most pro∣bable circumstances thereon depending. For whereas it is written, that the Arke stai∣ed* 1.487 vpon one of the mountaines of Ararat, which the Chaldaean Paraphrast hath conuer∣ted Kardu, meaning the hils Gordaei or Gordiaei in Armenia the greater: (as the wordes Gordaei and Kardu, seeme to bee one and the same) of which opinion also the most of our Interpreters are; I finde neither Scripture nor reason which teacheth any such thing: (to wit) that it rested on that part of Ararat, which is in the greater Armenis. [unspec 10] * 1.488 Nicolaus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cals this mountaine of Ararat, Baris, being the same which the Chaldaean nameth Kardu, to which mountaine the Fryer Annius (citing this place out of Iosephus) makes him finde another adioyning, called Ocila, and to say that the Arke (of which Moses the Lawgiuer of the Hebrewes wrote) did first take ground on this 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But I doe not finde any such mountaine in being, as this Ocila; neither is there any mention of it in the place of Iosephus. Strabo remembreth a Promontorie in A∣rabia foelix, of that name, and Plinie findes a Mart-towne so called in the same, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cals Ocilis, Pinetus Acyla, and Niger Zidon. But this Ocila of Damascenus, or ra∣ther of Annius, seemeth to bee one and a part of the Armenian mountaines. Berosus calleth those mountaines of Armenia Cordiaei, and Curtius Cordaei: Ptolomie Gordaei [unspec 20] and Gordiaei: of which the Countrie next adioyning is by this Nicolaus Damascenus cal∣led Ninyada, perhaps (as Becanus coniectures) for Milyada or rather Minni: which* 1.489 word is vsed for Armenia Minor. And the very word of Armenia seemes to be com∣pounded* 1.490 of this word Minni, and Aram: as if we should say Minni of Syria; for that Armenia also was a part of Syria, Plinie witnesseth. Epiphanius placeth the Cardyes a∣bout these mountaines, whom others call Gordieni or Gordeni. The mountaines are seated apart from all other to the North of that Ledge of mountaines called Taurus, or Niphates in the plaines of Armenia the great, neere the Lake Thospitis: whence the Riuer of Tigris floweth in 75. degrees of longitude, and 41. and 42. degrees of lati∣tude. One of the mountaines Gordiaei (that which surmounteth the rest) Epiphanius [unspec 30] cals Lubar, which in the Armenian signifieth a place of descent: but this out of Iose∣phus;* 1.491 which name (saith Iunius) was of the euent, because of Noahs comming downe with his children. But this also I take to bee a supposed euent; seeing any hill, from whence on euery side we must descend, may thus bee called: as Iunius corrects the place in Iosephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Kubaris.) That the place is thus to be read, he coniectureth, because Iosep. l. 1. c. 4. sayes, the place is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it were the descent or com∣ming downe) and Epiphan. l. 1. cont. Haeres. cals it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which word in the Armenian and Aegyptian tongue signifieth descent, of Lubar, which is to descend; whence also Lubra is a Synagogue, because it was commonly built on some high place: whereof al∣so the Latine Delubrum may seeme to be deriued; and Act. 6. 9. they that belonged to [unspec 40] the Synagogue of the Aegyptians are called Libertini, for Lubratenu. Yet this opinion hath beene embraced from age to age: receiuing a habit of strength by time, and al∣lowance without any farther examination; although the name of Lubar might other∣wise rightly be giuen, especially to that mountaine, by reason that the passage was more faire, vp and downe vnto it, then to any of the rest adioyning.

†. III. The first argument against the common opinion. They that came to build Babel, would haue come sooner, had they come from so neere a place as Armenia. [unspec 50]

BVt there are many arguments to perswade me, that the Arke of Noah did not rest it selfe in any part of Armenia, and that the mountaines Ararat was not Baris, nor any one of the Gordiaean mountaines.

For first, it is agreed by all which follow 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that it was in the 130. yeare, or* 1.492 in the yeare 131. after the floud, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came into the valley of Shinar, which Valley was afterward called Babylonia, Chush, and Chaldaea. If then the Arke had first found land in Armenia, it is very vnprobable, that the children of Noah which came into that valley could haue spent so many yeares in so short a passage: seeing the Re∣gion of Mesopotamia was onely interiacent, which might by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iourneies haue beene past ouer in twentie dayes; and to hasten and helpe which passage the nauiga∣ble riuer of Tigris offered it selfe, which is euery where transpassable by boates of great burden: so as where the Desart on the one side resisted their expedition, the ri∣uer on the contrarie side serued to aduance it; the riuer rising out of the same ri∣uer [unspec 10] of mountaines, or at the foote of them, where the Arke of Noah was first supposed to settle it selfe; Then, if the Nations which followed Nimrod still doubted the sur∣prise of a second floud (according to the opinions of the ancient Hebrewes) it soun∣deth ill to the eare of reason, that they would haue spent many yeeres in that low and ouerflowne Valley of Mesopotamia, so called of the many Riuers which imbroyder or compasse it: for the effects witnessed their affections, and the workes, which they vndertooke, their vnbeliefe; being no sooner arriued in Shinar, but they began to prouide themselues of a defence (by erecting Babel) against any future or feared in∣vndation. Now at Babel it was that Nimrod began his Kingdome, the first knowne Citie of the world founded after the floud, about 131. yeares, or (as others suppose) [unspec 20] ten yeeres later: though (for my selfe) I rather thinke, that they vndertooke that worke in two respects; first, to make themselues famous, To get vs a name (saith the* 1.493 Text:) Secondly, thereby to vsurpe dominion ouer the rest.

†. IIII. The second argument, That the Easterne people were most ancient in populositie, and in all humane glorie.

FOr a second Argument: The ciuilitie, magnificence and multitude of people [unspec 30] (wherein the East parts of the world first abounded) hath more waight then any thing which hath beene, or can be said for Armenia, and for Noahs taking land there. And that this is true, the vse of Printing and Artillerie (among many other things which the East had) may easily perswade vs, that those Sunne-rising Nations were the most ancient. The certaintie of this report, that the East Indians (time out of minde) haue had Gunnes and Ordnance of batterie, confirmed by the Portugals and others, makes vs now to vnderstand, That the place of Philostratus in vita Apollonij Tianaei. l. 2. c. 14. is no fable, though exprest in fabulous wordes: when he saith, that the wise men, which dwell betweene Hyphasis and Ganges, vse not themselues to goe forth into battaile: but that they driue away their enemies with thunder and light∣ning [unspec 40] sent from Iupiter. By which meanes there it is said, that Hercules Aegyptius and Bacchus, ioyning their forces were defeated there; and that this Hercules there cast away his golden shield. For the inuention of letters was ignorantly ascribed to Cad∣mus, because he brought them first into Greece: of which the people (then rude and sauage) had reason to giue him the honour, from whom they receiued the benefit. But it is true, that letters are no lesse ancient then Seth or Henoch were: for they are said to haue written on pillars of stone (as before remembred) long before the floud. But from the Easterne world it was that Iohn Cuthenberg a Germane, brought the de∣uice of Printing: by whom Conradus being instructed, brought the practice thereof to Rome: and after that Nicholaus Gerson a Frenchman, bettered both the letters and [unspec 50] inuention. And notwithstanding that this mysterie was then supposed to bee but newly borne, the Chinäos had letters long before either the Aegyptians or Phoenici∣ans; and also the Art of Printing, when as the Greekes had neither any ciuill know∣ledge, or any letters among them.

And that this is true, both the Portugals and Spaniards haue witnessed, who about an hundred yeares since discouered those Kingdomes, and doe now enioy their rich trades therein: for the Chinaos account all other Nations but Saluages, in respect of themselues.

And to adde strength to this argument, the conquest and storie of Alex. Macedon may iustly bee called to witnesse, who found more Cities and sumptuositie in that little Kingdome of Porus, which lay side by side to the East India, then in all his other trauailes and vndertakings. For in Alexanders time learning and greatnesse had not trauailed so farre to the West as Rome: Alexander esteeming of Italie but as a bar∣barous Countrie, and of Rome as of a Village. But it was Babylon that stood in his [unspec 10] eye, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the East pierced his 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And if wee looke as farre as the Sun∣rising, and heare Paulus Venetus what he reporteth of the vttermost Angle and Island thereof, we shall finde that those Nations haue sent out, and not receiued, lent know∣ledge, and not borrowed it from the West. For the farther East (to this day) the more ciuill, the farther West the more saluage. And of the Isle of Iapan (now Zipin∣gari) Venetus maketh this report: Incolae religioni, literis, & sapientiae sunt addictissimi, & veritatis indagatores acerrimi; nihil illis frequentius oratione, quam (more nostro) sa∣cris in delubris exercent: vnum cognoscunt Principem, vnum Deum adorant, The Ilan∣ders are exceedingly addicted to religion, letters, and Philosophie, and most diligent searchers out of truth: there is nothing among them more frequent then prayer, which they vse in their [unspec 20] Churches, after the manner of Christians. They acknowledge one King, and worship one God. The antiquitie, magnificence, ciuilitie, riches, sumptuous buildings, and po∣licie in gouernement, is reported to be such by those who haue beene employed in∣to those parts, as it seemeth to exceede (in those formerly named, and diuers other particulars) all other Kingdomes of the world.

†. V. The third argument, From the wonderfull resistance which SEMIRAMIS found in the East Indies. [unspec 30]

BVt for a third argument, and also of a treble strength to the rest, I lay the inuasi∣on of Semiramis before the indifferent and aduised Reader: who may consider in what age shee liued, and how soone after the worlds new birth shee gathered her Armie (as Diodorus Siculus out of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reporteth) of more then three Millions to inuade India, to which hee adioyned also 500000. Horse, and 100000. Waggons: whereof if we beleeue but a third part, it shall suffice to proue that India was the first planted and peopled Countrie after the floud. Now as touching the time wherein shee liued: All Historians consent, that shee was the wife of Ninus; and the most approued Writers agree, that Ninus was the Sonne of Belus, and Belus of Nimrod, [unspec 40] that Nimrod was the Sonne of Cush, Cush of Cham, and Cham of Noah. And at such time as Nimrod came to Shinar, hee was then a great Nation, as by the building of the Citie and Tower of Babel may appeare; and being then so multiplied and in∣creased, the two descents cast betweene Nimrod and Semiramis, brought foorth in that time those multitudes, whereof her Armie was composed. Let vs then see with whome shee encountred in that warre with this her powerfull Armie: euen with a multitude, rather exceeding, then equalling her owne, conducted by Stauro∣bates King of India beyond Indus; of whose multitudes this is the witnesse of Diod. Siculus. STAVROBATES, auit is maioribus quàm quae erant SEMIRAMIDIS copijs. STAVROBATES gathering together greater troupes then those of SEMIRAMIS. If then [unspec 50] these numbers of Indians had beene encreased but by a Colonie sent out from Shinar, (and that also after Babel was built, which no doubt tooke some time in the perfor∣mance) this encrease in the East, and this Armie of Staurobates must haue been made of stone, or somwhat else by miracle. For as the numbers which Semiramis gathered

might easily grow vp in that time, from so great a Troupe as Nimrod brought with him into Babylonia (as shall be demonstrated hereafter in the Storie of Israel) so could not any such time, by any multiplication naturall, produce so many bodies of men, as were in the Indian Army victorious ouer Semiramis, if the Colonies sent thither had beene so late as Babel ouerturned, and the confusion of Languages. For if we allow 65. yeeres time after the Floud, before Nimrod was borne: of which, 30. yeeres to Cush ere he begat Seba, after whom hee had Hauilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabtecha:* 1.494 and then 30. yeeres to Raamah, ere hee begat Sheba and Dedan, both which were borne before Nimrod: and fiue yeeres to his fiue elder brothers, which make 65. and then twice 30. yeeres for two Generations more, as for Nimrod, Sheba and Dedan [unspec 10] with others, to beget their sonnes; and that a third Generation might grow vp, which makes in all 125. yeeres, there will then remaine sixe yeeres to haue beene spent in trauailing from the East, ere they arriued in Shinar in the yeere after the Floud 131. And so the followers of Nimrod might bee of sufficient multitude. But as for those which make him to haue arriued at Shinaar in the yeere 101.: and the confusion to haue beene at Pelegs birth, these men doe all by miracle: they beget whole Nations without the helpe of time, and build Nimrods Towre in the Ayre; and not on those low and marish grounds (which require sound foundations) in the Plaines of Shinaar. For except that huge Towre were built in a day, there could be no confusion in that yeere 101. or at Pelegs birth. And therefore it is farre more [unspec 20] probable, that Nimrod vsurped Regall authoritie in the 131. yeere after the Floud, (according to Berosus) and that the worke of Babel lasted fortie yeeres (according to GLYCAS) Hominibus in ea perficienda totis 40. ann is incassum laborantibus: Men labou∣ring* 1.495 in vaine 40. yeeres to finish it. By which account it fals out, that it was 170. yeeres after the Floud, ere a Colonie was sent into East India; which granted (the one being the maine bodie, and the other but a Troupe taken thence) it can hardly bee beleeued, that Staurobates could haue exceeded Semiramis in numbers: who being then Empresse of all that part of the world, gathered the most of Nations into one bodie. [unspec 30]

†. VI. The fourth Argument from diuers considerations in the person of NOAH.

FOurthly, it is no way probable, that Noah, who knew the world before the floud, and had liued therein the long time of 600. yeeres, was all that space 130. yeeres after the floud, without any certaine habitation: No, it will fall out, and better agree with reason, that Nimrod was but the conducter of those people, by Noah destined and appointed to fill and inhabite that middle part of the earth and the Westerne [unspec 40] world; (which trauailes Noah put ouer to yong and able bodies) and that Noah him∣selfe then couered with many yeeres, planted himselfe in the same place which God had assigned him: which was where he first came downe out of the Arke from the waters: For it is written, that after Noah came downe out of the Arke he planted a Vineyard, and became a Husbandman: whose businesse was to dresse and manure the earth; and not to range ouer so many parts of the world, as from Armenia into Arabia foelix, where he should (if the tradition be sound) haue left certaine Colonies: thence into Africa towards Triton; then into Spaine, where they say he settled other companies, & built Cities after the names of Noela and Noegla his sons wiues: from thence into Italie, where they say hee found his sonne Cham the Saturne of Aegypt, [unspec 50] who had corrupted the people and subiects of Gomer in his absence: with whom Noah (as they make the storie) had patience for three yeeres; but then finding no a∣mendment, they say he banisht him out of Italie. These be but the fancies of Bero∣sus Annianus, a plaine imitation of the Graecian fables. For let euery reasonable man

conceiue, what it was to trauaile farre in such a forrest as the World was, when after so great a rotting of the earth by the floud, the same lay waste and ouer-growne for 130. or 140. yeeres, and wherein there could hardly be found either path or passage through which men were able to creepe for woods, bushes and bryars that in those yeeres were growne vp.

And there are so many reasons, prouing that Noah neuer came into the valley of Shinaar, as we need not suspect his passage into Italie or Spaine: For Noah, who was Father of al those Nations, a man reuerenced both for his authoritie, knowledge, ex∣perience and pietie, would neuer haue permitted his children and issues to haue vn∣dertaken that vnbeleeuing presumptuous worke of Babel. Rather by his presence [unspec 10] and preualent perswasions he would haue bound their hands from so vaine labours, and by the authoritie which he receiued euen from God himselfe, hee would haue held them in that awfull subiection, as whatsoeuer they had vainely conceiued or feared, yet they durst not haue disobeyed the personall commandement of him, who in the beginning had a kinde of Regall authoritie ouer his children and people. Certainely, Noah knew right well, that the former destruction of mankinde was by themselues purchased through crueltie and disobedience; and that to distrust God, and to raise vp building against his Almightie power, was as much as in them lay, a prouocation of God to lay on them the same, if not a more sharpe affliction. Where∣fore, there is no probabilitie, that euer he came so farre West as Babylonia; but rather, [unspec 20] that hee sent those numbers which came into Shinaar (being the greatest troupe, be∣cause they had the greatest part of the world to plant) vnder Nimrod, or those vpon whom he vsurped. Nauclerus and Coelestinus take the testimonie of Methodius Bishop of Tyre for currant, that there were three Leaders of the people after their encrease (to wit) Nimrod, Suphene, and Ioctan: of which Nimrod commaunded the issues of Cham, Ioctan of Sem, and Suphene of Iaphet. This opinion I cannot iudge of, although I will not doubt, but that so great a worke as the worlds plantation, could not bee effected without order and conduction.

Of the Sonnes of Sem: Ioctan, Hauilah, and Ophir, are especially noted to haue dwelt in the East India. The rest of Sems issues had also the Regions of Persia and the [unspec 30] other adioyning to Indus, and held also a part of Chaldaea for a time: for Abraham inha∣bited Vr, till he was thence called by God; and whether they were of the Sonnes of Ioctan, or of all the rest a certaine number (Cham and his issue onely excepted) that Noah kept with himselfe, it cannot be knowne. Of which plantation I shal speake at large in the Chapter following.

Now another reason which moues me to beleeue, that Noah stayed in the East far away from all those that came into Shinar, is, that Moses doth not in any word make mention of Noah in all the storie of the Hebrewes, or among any of those Nations which contended with them. And Noah, being the Father of all mankinde, and the chosen seruant of God, was too principall a person, to bee either forgotten or negle∣cted, [unspec 40] had he not (in respect of his age and wearisome experience of the world) with∣drawne himselfe, and rested apart with his best beloued, giuing himselfe to the ser∣uice and contemplation of God and heauenly things, after hee had directed his chil∣dren to their destined portions. For hee landed in a warme and fertile soile, where hee planted his Vineyard, and drest the earth; after which, and his thankes giuing to God by sacrifice, he is not remembred in the Scriptures, because hee was so farre a∣way from those Nations of which Moses wrote: which were the Hebrewes chiefly, and their enemies and borderers. [unspec 50]

†. VII. Of the senselesse opinion of ANNIVS the Commentor vpon BEROSVS: who finds diuers places where the Arke rested; as the Caspian and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hils which are three hundred miles asunder; and also some place of Scythia.

IT remaineth now that we examine the Arguments and authorities of Frier An∣nius, who in his Commentaries vpon Berosus and others, laboureth maruailously to proue, that the Arke of Noah rested vpon the Armenian mountaines called Caspij; [unspec 10] which mountaines separate Armenia from the vpper Media, and doe equally belong to both. And because all his Authours speake of the mountaines 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hee hath no other shift to vnite these opinions, but by vniting those farre-distant mountaines together. To effect which, he hath found no other inuention, then to charge those men with errour, which haue carefully ouerseene, printed, and published Ptolomies* 1.496 Geographie, in which they are altogether disseuered. For that last edition of Merca∣tors, sets these hils fiue degrees (which makes three hundred English miles) asunder. And certainly, if we looke into those more ancient copies of Villanouanus and others, we shall finde nothing in them to helpe Annius withall: for in those the mountaines Caspij stand seuen degrees to the East of the Gordiaei, which make 420. miles. And [unspec 20] for those Authours by whose authoritie Annius strengtheneth himselfe, Diodorus whom hee so much followeth, giueth this iudgement vpon them in the like dispute. Aberrârunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnes, non negligentiâ, sed regnorum situs ignorantia, They haue all erred* 1.497 (saith he) not through negligence, but through ignorance of the situation of Kingdomes. But for an induction, to proue that the Arke of Noah stood on the mountaines of Arme∣nia, he beginneth with the antiquitie of the Scythians: and to proue the same hee ci∣teth Marcus Portius Cato, who auoweth that 250. yeares before Ninus, the earth* 1.498 was ouerflowne with waters, & in Scythia Sagarenatum mortale genus, and that in Scy∣thia Saga the stocke of mortall men was renewed. The same Authour also teacheth that the Vmbri before remembred (who were so called, because saued from Deucalions [unspec 30] floud) were the Sonnes of the Galli, a Nation of the Scythians. Ex hijs venisse IANVM cum DYRIM & Gallis progenitoribus Vmbrorum, From these Scythians, he saith, that IANVS came with DYRIM and with the Galli the progenitours of the Vmbri; And a∣gaine, Equidem principatus originis semper Scythis tribuitur, Certainely, the Prime anti∣quitie of off-spring is alway giuen to the Scythians. And herein truly I agree with Annius, that those Regions called Scythiae, and now Tartaria, and by some Writers Sarmatia Asiatica, were among the first peopled: and they held the greatest part of Asia vn∣der tribute till Ninus time. Also Plinie calleth the Vmbri which long since inhabited* 1.499 Italie, Gens antiquissima, a most ancient Nation, who descended of these Scythians. Now that which Annius laboureth, is to proue that these ancient Scythians (meaning the [unspec 40] Nephewes of Noah) did first inhabite that Region of the mountaines, on which the Arke rested; and confessing that this great ship was grounded in Armenia, he faineth a nation of Scythians called Araxea, taking name of the mountaine Ararat, neere the Riuer of Araxes. And because his Authour Cato helpeth him in part (to wit, That in Scythia mankinde was restored after the great floud, 250. yeares before Ninus) and in part vtterly destroyeth his conceit of Armenia, by adding the word Saga, as in Scythia Saga renatum mortale genus, in Scythia Saga mankinde was restored hee therefore in the Prooeme of his Commentarie vpon Berosus, leaueth out the addition of Saga al∣together* 1.500 in the repetition of Cato his wordes, and writes homines in Scythia saluatos. For Scythia Saga or Sacae, is vndoubtedly vnder the mountaines of Paropanisus, on* 1.501 [unspec 50] which, or neere which it is most probable that the Arke first tooke ground; and from those East parts (according to Moses) came all those companies which erected the* 1.502 Tower of Babel in Shinaar or Babylonia.

But now the best authoritie which Annius hath, is out of Diodorus: where he hath

read, that the Scythians were originally Armenians, taking name 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scytha Rege eorum, from Scytha their King. But (in a word) we may see his vanitie, or rather (indeede) his falshood in citing this place. For Diodorus a most approued and diligent Au∣thour beginneth in that place with these words: Fabulantur Scythae, The Scythians fa∣ble: and his Interpreter in the table of that worke giueth this title to that very Chapter. Scytharum origo & successus, fabula, The originall and successe of the Scythians, a fable. And (indeede) there needes no great disproofe hereof, since Ptolomie doeth directly delineate Scythia Saga, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and sets them in 130. degrees of longitude: and the Persians (saith Herodotus) call all the Scythians, Sacae, which Plinie confirmeth:* 1.503 for in respect that these Sacae (saith Plinie) are the next Scythians to the Persians, there∣fore [unspec 10] they giue all the rest that name. Now that any Nation in Armenia can neigh∣bour the Persians, there is no man beleeueth. But this supposed Scythia Araxea in Armenia lyeth in 78. degrees of longitude (that is) 42. degrees distant from the Sa∣cae; and the Countrie about Araxes, Ptolomie calleth Colthene and Soducene and Saca∣pene, without any mention of Scythia at all: and yet all those which are or were repu∣ted Scythians, either within Imatus or without, to the number of 100. seuerall Nati∣ons are by Ptolomie precisely set downe.* 1.504

But to come to those later Authours, whereof some haue written, others haue seene a great part of those North-east Regions, and searched their antiquities with great diligence: First, Marius Niger boundeth Scythia within Imaus, in this manner: [unspec 20] (for Scythia without these mountaines is also beyond our purpose.) Scythia intra Ima∣um montem ca est, quae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vocabulo Gassaria hoc tempore dicitur: ab Occasu Sarmatia Asiatica: ab Oriente Imao monte: à Septentrione terra incognita: à Meridiae Saccis, Sogdia∣nis, Margianis, vs{que} ostia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Hyrcanum mare exeuntis; & parte ipsius maris hinc vs{que} ad Rhafluminis ostia terminatur: Scythia within the mountaine Imaus is that part of the world, which in their ownc speech is at this time called Gassaria; and the same is bounded on the West side by Sarmatia Asiatica, (or of Asia) on the East by the Imaan mountaines: on the North by vnknowne lands: on the South by the Saccae (which are the Sacae) the Sog∣diani, and the Margiani, to the mouth of Oxus, falling into the Hyrcan Sea, and by a part of the same Sea as farre as the mouth of Rha.* 1.505 [unspec 30]

Now if Niger sets all Sarmatia Asiatica, to the West of Scythia, then Sarmatia (que* 1.506 magna sanè regio est, & quae innumer as nationes complectitur, Which is a great Region, comprehending innumerable Nations, (saith Niger) much of it being betweene Scythis and Armenia, doth sufficiently warrant vs, that Armenia can bee no part of Scythia; and to make it more plaine, he disseuereth Sarmatia it selfe from any part of Armenia,* 1.507 by the Regions of Colchis, Iberia, Albania, which he leaueth on the right hand of Sar∣matia, and yet makes Sarmatia but the West bound of Scythia.

And for Paulus Venetus, he hath not a word of Armenia among the Tartarian, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nations; neither doth his fellow Frier Iohn Plancarpio (cited by Vincentius in his description of Scythia) make any mention of Armenia; neither doth Haytonus an [unspec 40] Armenian borne, of the bloud of those Kings, (though afterward a Monke) euer acknowledge himselfe for a Tartarian, or of the Scythian races descended: though he write that storie at large, gathered by Nicholaus Salcuni, and (by the commandement of Pope Clement the fifth) in the yeare 1307 published.

Neither doth Mathias a Michou (a Canon of Craconia in Polonia) a Sarmatian borne, and that trauailed a great part of Sarmatia Asiatica, finde Armenia any way within the compasse of Tartaria, Scythia, or Sarmatia; and yet no man (whose trauailes are extant) hath obserued so much of those Regions as he hath done: prouing and dis∣prouing many things, heretofore subiect to dispute. And among others hee bu∣rieth that ancient and receiued opinion, That out of the mountaines Riphaei, and [unspec 50] Hyperborei in Scythia, spring the Riuers of Tanais or Don, Volga or Edel; prouing by vnanswerable experience, that there are no such mountaines in rerum natura; and (indeede) the heads and fountaines of those famous Riuers, are now by the trade of Muscouia knowne to euery Merchant, and that they arise out of Lakes, low, wooddie,

and marish grounds. The Riuer of Tanois or Don, ariseth to the South of the Citie Tulla, some twentie English miles, out of a Lake called Iwanowesero in the great wood Okenitzkilies or Iepiphanolies. Volga, which Ptolomie cals Rha, and the Tartars call Edel, riseth out of a Lake called Fronow, in the great Wood Vodkonzki: from which Lake the two other famous Riuers flow of Borysthenes (now Neyper) and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Di∣uidna.* 1.508 And this learned Polonian doth in this sort bound the Europaean Sarmatia. In Sarmatia of Europe are the Regions of Russians, Lithuanians, Muscouians, and those adioy∣ning, bounded on the West by the Riuer of Vissa, the name perchance misprinted* 1.509 Vissa for 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a Riuer which parts Germanie and Sarmatia: and for the East border hee nameth Tanais or Don. Sarmatia Asiatica hee cutteth from Europe by the same [unspec 10] Riuer of Tanais, and the Caspian Sea, to with-hold it from stretching farther East: this Asian Sarmatia being part of that Scythia which Ptolomie calleth Scythia intra Imaum montem: Scythia within the mountaine Imaus. And the same Mathias Michon farther affirmeth, that the Scythians (which Frier Annius would make Armenians) came not into Sarmatia Asiatica it selfe aboue three hundred and a few odde yeeres before his owne time: these be his wordes: Constat cam esse gentem nouam, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 à par∣tibus Orientis, (mutatis sedibus) paulò plus abhinc trecentis annis Asiae Sarmatiam ingres∣sam: It is manifest (sayth hee, speaking of the Scythian Nation) that this is a late planted Nation, come from the Coasts of the East: from whence they entred into Asia, and gat new seates a little more then three hundred yeeres since: For (indeed) before that time the [unspec 20] Gothes or Pouloci inhabited Sarmatia Asiaticae. And this Mathias liued in the yeere 1511. and this his Discourse of Sarmatia was printed at Augusta in the yeere 1506. as Bucholzerus in his Chronologie witnesseth. Now these Scythians (sayth hee) came from the East, for in the East it was that the Arke of Noah rested; and the Scythae Sacae were those people which liued at the North foot of those Mountaines of Taurus or Ararat, where they encounter or beginne to mixe themselues with the great Imaus. And were there no other testimonie then the generall description of the Earth now extant, and the witnesse of Ptolomie, it is plaine, that betweene al parts of Armenia and Scythia, there are not only those three Regions of Colchis, Iberia, and Albania, but the Caspian Sea: on the East shore of which Sea, but not on the West, or on that [unspec 30] part which any way toucheth Armenia, there are (indeed) a Nation of Scythians (called Ariacae) betweene Iaxartus and Iactus; but what are these Scythians to any Ariacae, or Scythia Araxea which ANNIVS placeth in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, more then the Scythians of Europe?

†. VIII. The fift argument, The Vine must grow naturally neere the place where the Arke rested. [unspec 40]

TO this if we adde the consideration of this part of the Text, That NOAH plan∣ted* 1.510 a Vineyard, wee shall finde that the fruit of the Vine or Raysin did not grow naturally in that part of Armenia, where this resting of the Arke was supposed: for if the Vine was a stranger in Italie and France, and brought from other Countries thither, it is not probable that it grew naturally in Armenia, being a farre colder Countrie. For Tyrrhenus first brought Vines into France, and Saturnus into Latium:* 1.511 yea at such time as Brennus and the Gaules inuaded Italie, there were few or no Vines in France. For (sayth Plutarch in the life of Camillus) the Gaules remained betweene the Pyrenae: and the Alpes, neere vnto the Senones, where they continued a long time, [unspec 50] vntill they drunke Wine, which was first brought them out of Italie; and after they tasted thereof they hasted to inhabite that Countrie, which brought forth such plea∣sant fruit: so as it appeared, that the Plant of the Vine was not naturall in France, but from Italie brought thither; as by Saturne from elsewhere into Italie.

Now it is manifest that Noah trauailed not farre to seeke out the Vine. For the Plantation thereof is remembred, before there was any counsaile how to dispose of the World among his children: and the first thing he did was to till the ground, and to plant a Vineyard, after his Sacrifice and Thankesgiuing to God; and wheresoe∣uer the Arke rested, there did the Vine grow naturally. From whence it doth no where appeare that hee trauailed farre: for the Scriptures teach vs, that hee was a Husbandman, and not a Wanderer.

†. IX. [unspec 10] Answere to an obiection out of the words of the Text: The Lord scattered them from thence vpon the face of the whole earth.

AND that all the children of Noah came together into Shinar, it doth not ap∣peare, sauing that it may be inferred out of these wordes (from thence) because it is written: So the Lord scattered them from thence vpon all the earth; which hath no other sense, but that the Lord scattered them (to wit) those that built this Towre: for those were from thence dispersed into all the Regions of the North and South, and to the Westward. And by these words of Sybilla (as they are conuerted) it see∣meth [unspec 20] that all came not together into Shinaar, for they haue this limitation: Quidam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 turrem adificarunt altissimam, quasi per eam coelum essent ascensuri: Certaine of them built a most high Towre, as if they meant thereby to haue scaled the Heauens.

†. X. An answere to the obiection from the name of Ararat, taken for Armenia: and the heighth of the Hils there.

BVT before I conclude this part, it is necessarie to see and consider, what part of Scripture, and what reason may be found out to make it true or probable, that [unspec 30] the Arke of Noah was forsaken by the waters on the Mountaines of Armenia. For the Text hath only these wordes: The Arke rested on (or vpon) the Mountaines of* 1.512 Ararat or Armenia, saith the marginall note of the Geneua, the Chaldaean Paraphrast cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kardu; of which the highest hath the name of Lubar, saith Epiphanius. Now this* 1.513 Ararat (which the Septuagint doe not conuert at all, but keepe the same word) is ta∣ken to be a Mountaine of Armenia, because Armenia it selfe had anciently that name: so as first out of the name, and secondly out of the heighth (which they suppose ex∣ceeded all other) is the opinion taken, That the Arke first sate 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

But these suppositions haue no foundation: for neyther is Ararat of Armenia a∣lone, neyther is any part, or any of those Mountaines of equall stature to many o∣ther [unspec 40] Mountaines of the World; and yet it doth not follow, that the Arke found the highest Mountaine of all other to rest on: for the Plaines were also vncouered, be∣fore Noah came out of the Arke. Now if there were any agreement among Wri∣ters of this Ararat, and that they did not differ altogether therein, wee might giue more credit to the conceit. For in the Bookes of the Sybils it is written, that the Mountaines of Ararat are in Phrygia, vpon which it was supposed that the Arke stayed after the Floud. And the better to particularize the place and seate of these Mountaines, and to prooue them in Phrygia, and not Armenia, they are placed where the Citie of Coelenes was afterward built. Likewise in the same description she maketh mention of Marsyas, a Riuer which runneth through part of Phrygia, [unspec 50] and afterward ioyneth it selfe with the Riuer Moeander, which is farre from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mountaines in Armenia. We may also find a great mistaking in IOSEPHVS, (though out of BEROSVS, who is in effect the Father of this opinion) that IO∣SEPHVS sets Ararat betweene ARMENIA and PARTHIA toward ADIABENE, and

affirmeth withall, that in the Pronince of Caron by others Kairos and Arnos, so cal∣led by reason that the waters haue from thence no descent, nor issue out, the people vaunt that they had in those dayes reserued some pieces of Noahs Arke. But Parthia toucheth no where vpon Armenia, for Armenia bordereth Adiabene, a Prouince of Assyria: so that all Media and a part of Assyria is betweene Parthia and Armenia. Now whereas the discouerie of the Mountaines Cordiaei was first borrowed out of Berosus by Iosephus; yet the Text which Iosephus citeth out of Berosus, differs farre from the wordes of that Berosus, which wandreth vp and downe in these dayes, set out by An∣nius. For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cited by Iosephus, hath these words: Fertur & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 huius pars in Armenia, apud montem Cordiaeorum superesse, & quosdam bitumen inde abrasum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [unspec 10] reportare, quo vice amuleti loci huius homines vti solent: (which is) It is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also that a part of this ship is yet remaining in Armenia vpon the Cordiaean Mountaines; and that di∣uers doe scrape from it the Bitumen or Pitch, and carrying it with them, they vse it in stead of an amulet. But Annius his Edition of the Fragment of Berosus vseth these wordes: Nam eleuata ab aquis in Gordiaei montis vertice quieuit, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 dicitur aliqua pars esse, & homines ex illa Bitumen tollere quo maximè vtuntur ad expiationem: For the whole Arke being lifted vp by the waters, rested on the top of the Gordiaean Mountaines, of which it is re∣ported that some parts remaine, and that men doe carry thence of the Bitumen to purge by Sacrifice therewith: so as in these two Texts (besides the difference of words) the name is diuersly written. The ancient Berosus writes Cordiaei with a (C.) and the Fragment [unspec 20] Gordiaei with a (G.) the one that the Bitumen is vsed for a preseruatiue against Poyson or Inchantment; the other in Sacrifice; And if it bee said that they agree in the ge∣nerall, yet it is reported by neither from any certaine knowledge, nor from any ap∣proued Authour: for one of them vseth the word (〈◊〉〈◊〉) the other (dicitur) the one, that so it is reported, the other, that so it is sayd; and both but by heare-say, and there∣fore of no anothoritie nor credit. For common bruit is so infamous an Historian, as wise men neyther report after it, nor giue credit to any thing they receiue from it.

Furthermore, these Mountaines which Ptolomie cals 〈◊〉〈◊〉, are not those Moun∣taines which himselfe giueth to Armenia, but hee calleth the Mountaines of Armenia Moschici. These be his owne wordes: Montes Armeniae nominantur ij, qui Moschici ap∣pellantur,* 1.514 [unspec 30] qui protenduntur vs{que} ad superiacentem partem Ponti Cappadocum; & mons qui Paryardes dicitur: The Mountaines of Armenia are they which are called Moschici, which stretch along to the higher part of Pontus of the Cappadocians: also the Hill which is called Paryardes; which Mountaines Plinie calleth Pariedri, and both which lye to the* 1.515 North of Gordiaei or Baris, in 43. and 44. and a halfe; and the Gordiaean Mountaines in 39. and a halfe: from the Northermost of which did the Georgians take their names, who were first Gordians and then Georgians, who amidst all the strength of the greatest Infidels of Persia and Turkie, doe still remaine Christians. Concerning the other suppositions, that the Mountaines of Gordiaei, otherwise Baris Kardu or Lu∣bar, (which Ptolomie calleth Togordiaion) are the highest of the World, the same is [unspec 40] absolutely false.

†. XI. Of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and diuers farre higher Hils then the Armenian.

FOR the best Cosmographers with other, that haue seene the Mountanes of Arme∣nia, find them farre inferiour, and vnder-set to diuers other Mountaines euen in that part of the World, and elsewhere: as the Mountaine Athos betweene Macedon [unspec 50] and Thrace, which Ptolomie cals Olympus, now called Lacas, (saith Castaldus) is farre surmounting any Mountaine that euer hath beene seene in Armenia: for it casteth shade three hundred furlongs, which is seuen and thirtie miles and vpwardes: of* 1.516 which Plutarch: Athos adumbrat latera Lemniae 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Athos shaddoweth the Cow of Lem∣nos.

Also the Mount of Olympus in Thessalie, is sayd to be of that heighth, as neither the Winds, Cloudes, or Raine ouertop it. Againe, the Mountaine of Antandrus in Mysia, not farre from Ida, whence the Riuer Scamandrus floweth, which runneth through Troy, is also of a farre more admiration then any in Armenia, and may bee seene from Constantinople. There are also in Mauritania neere the Sea, the famous Mountaines of Atlas, of which HERODOTVS: Extat in hoc mari Mons, cui nomen Atlas, ita sublimis esse dicitur, vt adillius verticem oculi mortalium peruenire non possint: Vpon this Coast there is a Mountaine called Atlas, whose heighth is sayd to be such, as the eye of no mortallman can discerne the top thereof. And if we may beleeue Aristotle, then are all* 1.517 these inferiour to Caucasus, which hee maketh the most notorious both for breadth [unspec 10] and heighth: Caucasus Mons omnium maximus, qui aestiuum ad ortum sunt, acumine at{que} latitudine, cuius iuga à Sole radiantur vs{que} ad conticinium ab ortu: & iterum ab occasu; Cau∣casus (saith ARISTOTLE) is the greatest Mountain both for breadth and heighth of all those in the North-east, whose tops are lightned by the Sun-beames, vs{que} ad conticinium (which is saith Macrobius) betweene the first crowing after mid-night and the breake of day: Others affirme, that the top of this Mountaine holds the Sunne-beames when it is darke in the Valley; but I cannot beleeue eyther: for the highest Mountaine of the World knowne is that of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Canaria: which although it hath nothing to the Westward of it for 1000. Leagues together but the Ocean Sea, yet doth it not enioy the Sunnes companie at any such late houres. Besides, these Mountaines which Ari∣stotle [unspec 20] calleth Caucasi, are those which separate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Iberia; though (indeed) Caucasus doth diuide both Colchis, Iberia, and Albania from Sarmatia: for he acknow∣ledgeth that the Riuer of Phasis riseth in the same Mountaine, which himselfe calleth Caucasus, and that Phasis springeth from those Hils which sunder Colchis from Iberia, falling afterward into Euxinus: which Riuer (it is manifest) yeeldeth it selfe to the Sea, two degrees to the North of Trapezus (now Trabesunda) howsoeuer Mercator bring it from Peryardes.

†. XII. [unspec 30] Of diuers incongruities, if in this Storie we should take Ararat for Armenia.

SO as it doth first appeare, that there is no certaintie what Mountaine Ararat was: for the Bookes of the Sybils set it in Phrygia: and Berosus in Armenia: and as for Be∣rosus authoritie, those men haue great want of proofes that borrow from thence.

Secondly, that Baris was the highest Hill, and therefore most likely that the Arke grounded thereon, the assertion and supposition haue equall credit: for there are many Hils which exceed all those of Armenia; and if they did not, yet it doth not follow (as is before written) that the Arke should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the highest. [unspec 40]

Thirdly, it cannot be proued that there is any such Hill in Armenia, or in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 natura, as Baris: for Baris (sayth Hierome) signifieth high Towres: and so may all high Hils bee called indifferently; and therefore wee may better giue the name of Baris to the Hils of Caucasus (out of which Indus 〈◊〉〈◊〉) then to any Hils of Armenia. For those of Caucasus in the East, are vndoubtedly the highest of Asia.

Fourthly, the Authours themselues doe not agree in what Region the Moun∣taines Gordiaei stand: for Ptolomie distinguisheth the Mountaines of Armenia from the Gordiaean, and calleth those of Armenia Moschici and Paryardes, as aforesaid. Now Paryardes is seated neere the middle of Armenia, out of which on the West-side riseth [unspec 50] Euphrates, and out of the East-side Araxis: and the Mountaines Moschici are those Hils which disioyne Colchis, Iberia, and Albania (now the Countrie of the Georgians) from Armenia.

†. XIII. Of the contrary situation of Armenia to the place noted in the Text: and that it is no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the same ledge of Hils running from Armenia to India, should keepe the same name all along: and euen in India bee called Ararat.

LAstly, we must blow vp this Mountaine Ararat it selfe, or else wee must digge it downe, and carry it out of Armenia; or find it elsewhere, and in a warmer Coun∣trie, and (withall) set it East from 〈◊〉〈◊〉: or else wee shall wound the Truth it selfe [unspec 10] with the weapons of our owne vaine imaginations.

Therefore to make the mistaking open to euery eye, wee must vnderstand, that Ararat (named by Moses) is not any one Hill, so called, no more then any one Hill among those Mountaines which diuide Italie from France is called the Alpes: or any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 among those which part France from Spaine is the Pyrenian; but as these being continuations of many Hils keepe one name in diuers Countries: so all that long ledge of Mountaines, which Plinie calleth by one name Taurus, and Ptolomie both* 1.518 Taurus, Niphates, Coatras, Coronus, Sariphi, vntill they encounter and crosse the Mountaines of the great Imaus, are of one generall name, and are called the Moun∣taines of Ararat or Armenia, because from thence or thereabout they seeeme to arise. [unspec 20] So all these Mountaines of Hyrcania, Armenia, Coraxis, Caspij Moschici, Amazonici, Heniochi, Scythici, (thus diuersly called by Plinie and others) Ptolomie cals by one name Caucasus, lying betweene the Seas Caspium and Euxinus: as all those Mountaines which cut asunder America, euen from the new Kingdome of Granado, to the streight of Magellan, are by one name called Andes. And as these Mountaines of Ararat runne East and West: so doe those maruailous Mountaines of Imaus stretch themselues North and South; and being of like extent well-neere, are called by the name of I∣maus, euen as Plinie calleth these former hils Taurus, and Moses the hils of Ararat. The reason of seuerall names giuen by Ptolomie was, thereby the better to distinguish the great Regions and Kingdomes, which these great mountaines bound and disseuer; [unspec 30] as Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Media, Susiana, Persia, Parthia, Caramania, Aria, Margiana, Bactria, Sogdiana, and Paropanisus: hauing all these Kingdomes either on the North or South side of them. For all the mountaines of Asia (both the lesse and the greater) haue three generall names, (to wit) Taurus, Imaus, and Caucasus: and they receiue other titles, as they seuer and diuide particular places and regions. For these mountaines which sunder Cilicia from the rest of Asia the lesse on the North side, are called Taurus; and those mountaines which part it from Comagena (a Pro∣uince of Syria) are called Amanus: the mountaines called Taurus running East and West, as Imaus doth North and South. Through Taurus the Riuer of Euphrates for∣ceth her passage, leauing the name of Amanus to the mountaines on her West banke; [unspec 40] and on her East side the mountaines are sometimes knowne by the name of Taurus, (as in Ptolomies three tables of Asia) and sometimes Niphates: (as in the fourth) re∣taining that vncertaine appellation so long as they bound Armenia from Mesopota∣mia: and after the Riuer of Tygris cutteth them asunder, they then take the name of Niphates altogether, vntill they separate Assyria and Media; but then they call themselues Coatras, though betweene the vpper and nether Media, they doe not ap∣peare, but altogether discontinue. For at Mazada in Media they are not found, but runne through the Easterne Media by pieces: in the middle of which Region they call themselues Orontes, and towards the East part Coronus; out of the Southerne part whereof the Riuer of Bagradus riseth, which diuideth the ancient Persia from [unspec 50] Caramania: and then continuing their course Eastward by the name of Coronus, they giue to the Parthians and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their proper Countries. This done, they change themselues into the mountaines of Sariphi, out of which riseth the Riuer Margus, af∣terward yeelding her selfe to Oxus: (now Abia) and drawing now neere their wayes

end, they first make themselues the South border of Bactria, and are then honoured with the Title of Paropanisus; and lastly of Caucasi, euen where the famous Riuer of Indus with his principal companions Hydaspis and Zaraedrus spring forth, and take be∣ginning. And here doe these Mountaines build themselues exceeding high, to equall the strong Hils called Imaus of Scythia, which encounter each other in 35. 36. and 37. degrees of Latitude, and in 140. of Longitude: of the which the West parts are now called Delanguer, and the rest Nagracot; and these Mountaines in this place onely, are properly called Caucasi (sayth Ptolomie) that is, betweene Paroponisus and Imaus: and* 1.519 improperly, betweene the two Seas of Caspium and Pontus. [unspec 10]

†. XIIII. Of the best Vine naturally growing on the South side of the Mountaines Caucasi and toward the East Indies: and of other excellencies of the Soile.

NOw in this part of the World it is, where the Mountaine and Riuer 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the Mountaine Nyseus (so called of Bacchus Niseus or Noa) are found: and on these highest Mountaines of that part of the World did Goropius Becanus conceiue [unspec 20] that the Arke of Noah grounded after the Floud: of all his coniectures the most probable, and by best reason approued. In his Indoscythia hee hath many good Ar∣guments, though mixt with other fantasticall opinions of this subiect. And as the same Becanus also noteth; that as in this part of the World are found the best Vines: so it is as true, that in the same Line, and in 34. 35. and 36. degrees of Septentrionall Latitude are the most delicate Wines of the World, namely, in Iudaea, Candia, and o∣ther parts of Greece: and likewise in this Region of Margiana, and vnder these Moun∣taines, Strabo affirmeth, that the most excellent Vines of the World are found; the clusters of Grapes containing two Cubits of length: and it is the more probable, because this place agreeth in Climate with that part of Palestina, where the Searchers [unspec 30] of the Land by Moses direction found bunches of equall bignesse at Escol.* 1.520

The fruitfulnesse of this place (to wit) on the South bottome of these Hils, Cur∣tius witnesseth. For in Margiana neere the Mountaine of Meros did Alexander feast himselfe and his Armie ten dayes together, finding therein the most delicate Wine of all other.

†. XV. The conclusion, with a briefe repeating of diuers chiefe points. [unspec 40]

AND therefore to conclude this opinion of Ararat, it is true, that those Moun∣taines doe also trauerse Armenia: yea, and Armenia it selfe sometime is knowne by the name of Ararat. But as Plinie giueth to this ledge of high Hils, euen from* 1.521 Cilicia to Paroponisus and Caucasus, the name of Taurus: and as the Hils of France and Germanie are called the Alpes: and all betweene France and Spaine the Pyrenes: and in America the continuation of Hils for 3000. miles together, the Andes: so was Ara∣rat the generall name which Moses gaue them; the diuersitie of appellations no o∣ther wise growing, then by their diuiding and bordering diuers Regions and diuers Countries. For in the like case doe we call the Sea, which entreth by Gibraltar, the [unspec 50] Mediterran and inland Sea; and yet where it washeth the Coasts of Carthage, and ouer against it, it is called Tyrrhenum: betweene Italie and Greece, Ionium: from Venice to Durazzo, Adriaticum: betweene Athens and Asia, Aegeum: betweene Sestus and Abydus, Hellespont: and afterward Pontus, Propontis, and Bosphorus. And as in

these, so is the Ocean to the North-east part of Scotland called 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and on this side, the Brittaine Sea: to the East, the Germane and Baltick, and then the Frozen.

For a finall end of this question we must appeale to that Iudge which cannot erre, euen to the word of Truth, which in this place is to be taken and followed accor∣ding to the plaine sense: seeing it can admit neither distinction, nor other constructi∣on then the words beare literally, because they are vsed to the very same plaine pur∣pose of a description, and the making of a true and precise difference of places. Surely, where the sense is plaine (and being so vnderstood, it bringeth with it no sub∣sequent inconuenience or contrarietie) we ought to be warie, how we fancie to our [unspec 10] selues any new or strange exposition; and (withall) to resolue our selues, that eue∣ry word (as aforesaid) hath his waight in Gods Booke. And therefore we must respect and reuerence the testimonies of the Scriptures throughout, in such sort as S. Augustine hath taught vs touching the Gospell of CHRIST IESVS (which is) Nequis aliter accipiat quod narrantibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christi) in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 legerit, quam si ipsam manum Des, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in proprio corpore 〈◊〉〈◊〉, conspexerit; That no man otherwise take or vnderstand that which he readeth in the Gospell (the Disciples of Christ hauing writ∣ten it) then if he had seene the very hand of the Lord, which he bare in his owne body, set∣ting it downe.

The wordes then of Moses which end this dispute, are these: And as they went* 1.522 [unspec 20] from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they found a Playne in the land of Shinaar, and there they abode: which pro∣ueth without controuersie, that Nimrod and all with him came from the East into 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and therefore the Arke of Noah rested and tooke land to the East-ward thereof. For wee must remember, that in all places wheresoeuer Moses maketh a difference of Countries, hee alwayes precisely nameth toward what quarters of the world the same were seated: as where he teacheth the plantation of Ioctan, he nameth Sephar, a Mount in the East: where he remembreth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 departure from the presence of God, he addeth: And CAIN dwelt in the land of Nod towards the East∣side* 1.523 of Eden: And when he describeth the Tents and Habitations of Abraham after* 1.524 he departed from Sechem, he vsed these wordes: Afterwards remoouing thence vnto* 1.525 [unspec 30] a Mountayne Eastward from Bethel, he pitched his Tents: hauing Bethel on the West∣side, and Hai on the East: and afterward in the ninth Verse of the same Chapter it is written: And ABRAHAM went forth iournying towards the South: also when Ezechiel* 1.526 prophecied of Gog and Magog, he sheweth that these Nations of Togorma were of the North quarters: and of the Queene of Saba it is written, that shee came from the* 1.527 South to visit SALOMON: And the Magi (or wisemen) came out of the East to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pre∣sents* 1.528 vnto Christ. And that all Regions, and these trauailes were precisely set downe vpon the points of the Compasse and quarters of the World, it is most manifest: for Eden was due East from Iudaea, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 South from Hierusalem: the way from Bethel to Aegypt directly South; and the Coelesyrians, the Tubalines and Magogians in∣habited [unspec 40] the Regions directly North from Palestina, and so of the rest. But Armenia answereth not to this description of Shinaar by Moses. For to come out of Armenia, and to arriue in that Vally of Babylonia, is not a iournying from the East, nor so neere vnto the East as the North: for Armenia is to the West of the North it selfe; and we must not say of Moses (whose hands the holy Ghost directed) that he erred toto coelo, and that he knew not East from West. For the body of Armenia standeth in fortie three degrees Septentrionall, and the North part thereof in fortie fiue; and those Gordiaean Mountaynes, whereon it was supposed that the Arke rested, stand in fortie one. But Babylonia, and the Valley of Shinaar are situated in thirtie fiue, and for the Longitude (which maketh the difference betweene East and West) the [unspec 50] Gordiaean Mountaynes stand in 75. degrees, and the Valley of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 79. and 80. And therefore Armenia lyeth from Shinaar Northwest, ninetie fiue degrees from the East; and if Armenia had beene but North, yet it had differed from the East one whole quarter of the Compasse. But Gregorie and Hierome warne vs, In scripturis ne

minima differentia omitti debet: nam singuli sermones, syllabae, apices, & puncta in diuina Scriptura a plena sunt sensibus; In the Scriptures the least difference may not be omitted: for euery speech, syllable, note, or accent, and point in diuine Scriptures are replenished with their meanings. And therefore seeing Moses teacheth vs that the children of Noah came from the East, we may not beleeue Writers (of little authoritie) who also speake by heare-say and by report, vt fertur, & vt dicitur, as Berosus and Nicolaus Damascenus, determining herein without any examination of the Text, at all-aduenture. But this is infallibly true, that Shinaar lyeth West from the place where the Arke of Noah rested after the floud; and therefore it first found ground in the East, from whence came the first knowledge of all things. The East parts were first ciuill, [unspec 10] which had Noah himselfe for an Instructer: and directly East from Shinaar in the same degree of 35. are the greatest grapes and the best Wine. The great Armies al∣so, which ouertopped in number those Millions of Semiramis, proue that those parts were first planted: And whereas the other opinion hath neither Scripture nor Rea∣son sufficient: for my selfe I build on his wordes who in plaine termes hath told vs, that the Sonnes of Noah came out of the East into Shinaar, and there they abode. And therefore did the Arke rest on those Easterne Mountaynes, called by one gene∣rall name Taurus, and by Moses the Mountaynes of Ararat, and not on those Moun∣taynes of the Northwest, as Berosus first fained, whom most part of the Writers haue followed therein. It was, I say, in the plentifull warme East where Noah rested, [unspec 20] where he planted the Vine, where he tilled the ground and liued thereon. Placuit vero NOACHO agriculturae studium, in qua tractanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dici∣tar: ob eam{que} rem sua ipsius lingua ISH-ADAMATH (hoc est) telluris vir appellatur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est; The studie of Husbandrie pleased NOAH (saith the excellent learned man ARIAS MONTANVS) in the knowledge and order of which it is said, that NOAH excelled all men: and therefore was he called in his owne language a man exercised in the earth. Which also sheweth that he was no Wanderer: and that he troubled not himselfe with the contentions, beginning againe in the world, and among men, but stayed in his destined places, and in that part of the world, where he was first deliuered out of the prison of the Arke, [unspec 30] whereinto God had committed him, to preserue him and man∣kinde. [unspec 40] [unspec 50]

[illustration]

[illustration]

CHAP. VIII. Of the first planting of Nations after the floud; and of the Sonnes of NOAH, SEM, HAM, and IA∣PHET, by whom the earth was repeopled. [unspec 10]

§. I. Whether SHEM and HAM were elder then IAPHET.

OF these Sonnes of Noah, which was the eldest, there is a question made. S. Augustine esteemed Shem for* 1.529 the eldest, Ham for the second, and Iaphet for the yon∣gest: and herein the opinions of Writers are diuers. But this we finde euerywhere in the Scriptures, and [unspec 20] especially in Moses, that there was neuer any respect giuen to the eldest in yeeres, but in vertue, as by the examples of Henoch, Abraham, Iacob, and Dauid, is made manifest. In a few wordes, this is the ground of the controuersie; The Latine translation, and so the Geneua, hath conuerted this Scripture of Genesis the 10. v. 21. in these wordes: Vnto SHEM also the Father of all the Sonnes of HEBER, and elder brother of IAPHET, were children borne. But Iunius agreeing with the Sep∣tuagint, placeth the same wordes in this manner: To SHEM also the Father of all the Sonnes of HEBER, and brother of IAPHET, the eldest sonne were children borne: So [unspec 30] the transposition of the word (elder) made this difference. For if the word (elder) had followed after Iaphet, as it is in the vulgar translation placed before it, then had it beene as plaine for Iaphet, as it is by these translations for Shem. Now (the matter being otherwise indifferent) seeing Gods blessings are not tyed to first and last in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but to the eldest in pietie, yet the arguments are stronger for Iaphet then for Shem. And where the Scriptures are plainely vnderstood without any danger or in∣conuenience, it seemeth strange why any man of iudgement should make valuation of coniecturall arguments, or mens opinions. For it appeareth that Noah in the fiue hundreth yeere of his life, begat the first of his three Sonnes, Shem, Ham, and Iaphet: and in the sixe hundreth yeere (to wit) the hundreth yeere following, came the ge∣nerall [unspec 40] floud; two yeeres after which Shem begat Arphaxad, which was in the yeere* 1.530 602. of Noahs life, and in the yeere of Shems life one hundred: so as Shem was but 100. yeeres old, two yeeres after the floud: and Noah begat his first borne being 500. yeeres old; and therefore, were Shem the elder, he had then beene a hundred yeeres old at the floud, and in the sixe hundreth yeere of Noahs life, and not two yeeres af∣ter. Which seeing the Scripture before remembred hath denyed him, and that it is also written: Then NOAH awoke from his wine, and knew what his yonger sonne had* 1.531 done vnto him (to wit) HAM; of necessitie the first place doth belong to Iaphet. This yonger sonne so conuerted by the vulgar and Geneua, Iunius turnes it filius minimus; His yongest sonne; but S. Chrysostome takes it otherwise, and findes Cham to be the [unspec 50] middle or second brother, and Iaphet the yongest sonne of all: which Cham for his disobedience and the contempt of his Father (whose nakednesse he derided) was disinherited, and lost the preeminencie of his birth, as Esau and Reuben did. Pere∣rius* 1.532 conceiueth that Ham was called the yonger in respect of Shem the eldest, but

auoweth withall, that the Hebrew hath not that precise difference of yonger and yongest, because it wanteth the comparatiue degree. It is true that Shem himselfe was alwaies named in the first place yet whereas in the first Verse of the tenth Chap∣ter of Genesis, Shem is accounted before Iaphet: in the second Verse Moses leaueth to begin with the issue by Shem, and reciteth the children of Iaphet first. So the first place was giuen to Shem for his election and benediction, and for this waightie re∣spect, that the Hebrew Nation, Abraham, the Prophets, Dauid, and Christ our Sa∣uiour were descended of him. And therefore, whether we shall follow the Vulgar Pagninus, and the Geneua, who agree in this conuersion, SHEM frater IAPHET maior; or with the Septuagint, Iunius, and Tremelius, SHEM fratri IAPHET maioris; [unspec 10] or with Pererius, SHEM frater IAPHET ille magnus: inferring that Shem was the great and famous brother of Iaphet, let the Reader iudge. But for ought that I haue seene to the contrarie, it appeareth to me that Iaphet was the eldest. For where Pe∣rerius qualifieth the strength of the former Argument, That Shems age at the time of the floud did not agree with his eldership (with a supposition that the Scriptures tooke no account of smaller numbers) I doe not finde in the Scriptures any such neglect at all: for it is written, that SHEM was an hundred yeeres old, and begat AR∣PHAXAD* 1.533 two yeeres after the floud; and againe in the 12. Verse: So SHELA liued after he begat EBAR, foure hundred and three yeeres, &c. so as the number of two yeeres, of three yeeres, of fiue yeeres, and afterward of two yeeres were alwayes [unspec 20] precisely accounted.

§. II. Of diuers things that in all reason are to be presumed, touching the first planting of the World, as that all Histories must yeeld to MOSES: that the world was not planted all at once, nor without great direction: and that the knowne great Lords of the first ages were of the issue of HAM. [unspec 30]

BVt let vs goe vnto the Worlds plantation after the floud, which being rightly vnderstood, we shall finde that many Nations haue supposed or fayned themselues those Ancestors and Fathers, which neuer saw or approched the bounds of their Countries, and of whom they are by no way or branch descended. For it is plaine in the Scriptures how the sonnes and issues of Noah were distributed, and what Regions were first planted by them, from whence by degrees the rest of the world was also peopled. And if a∣ny prophane Author may receiue allowance herein, the same must be with this caution, That they take their beginning where the Scriptures end. For so farre as the storie of Nations is therein handled, we must know that both the truth and an∣tiquitie [unspec 40] of the bookes of God finde no companions equall, either in age or authori∣tie. All record, memorie, and testimonie of antiquitie whatsoeuer, which hath come to the knowledge of men, the same hath beene borrowed thence, and therefore la∣ter then it, as all carefull obseruers of time haue noted: among which thus writeth Eusebius in the Prooeme of his Chronologie: MOSES is found more ancient then all those whom the Grecians make most ancient, as HOMER, HESIOD, and the Troian warre; and farre before HERCVLES, MVSAEVS, LINVS, CHIRON, ORPHEVS, CASTOR, POLLVX, AESCVLAPIVS, BACCHVS, MERCVRIVS, and APOLLO, and the rest of the gods of the Nations, their Ceremonies, or holy Rites, or Prophets: and before all the deeds of IVPITER, whom the Greekes haue seated in the top and highest Turret of their Diuinitie. [unspec 50]

For of the three Iupiters remembred by Cicero, the ancientest was the sonne of* 1.534 Aether, whose three sonnes begotten on Proserpina, were borne at Athens, of which Cecrops was the first King: and in the end of Cecrops time did Moses bring the chil∣dren of Israel out of Aegypt: Eduxit MOSES populum Deiex Aegypto nouissimo tem∣pore

CECROPIS Atheniensis Regis; MOSES brought the children of Israel out of Ae∣gypt, in the last dayes of CECROPS King of the Athenians, saith S. Augustine: and yet* 1.535 was not Cecrops the Founder of the Citie it selfe, but Theseus long after him. But because the truth hereof is diuersly proued, and by many learned Authors, I will not cut asunder the purpose in hand, by alleaging many authorities in a needlesse question, but leaue it to the proper place.

The Sonnes of IAPHET were, [unspec 10]

• Gomer,

The Sonnes of GOMER were,

• Magog,
• Madai,
• Iauan,
• Tubal,

• Askenaz,
• Riphath,
• Togorma.

The Sonnes of IAVAN were,

• Meshach, and
• Tiras.
• Elisha,
• Tarshis,
• Kittim, and
• Dodanim.

First, we are to consider that the world after the floud was not planted by imagi∣nation, neither had the children of Noah wings, to flie from Shinaar to the vttermost border of Europe, Africa, and Asia in haste, but that these children were directed by a wise Father, who knew those parts of the world before the floud, to which he dispo∣sed [unspec 20] his children 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it, and sent them not as Discouerers, or at all-aduenture, but as∣signed and allotted to euery Sonne and their issues, their proper parts. And not to harken to fabulous Authors, who haue no other end then to flatter Princes (as Virgil did Augustus in the fiction of Aeneas) or else to glorifie their owne Nations; Let vs build herein vpon the Scriptures themselues, and after them vpon Reason and Nature. First, therefore we must call to minde and consider, what manner of face the earth euery where had in the 130. yeere after the great inundation, and by com∣paring those fruitfullest Vallies with our owne barren and cold ground, informe our selues thereby, what wonderfull Desarts, what inpassable fastnesse of woods, reeds, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and rotten grasse, what Lakes and standing Pooles, and what Marishes, Fens [unspec 30] and Bogs, all the face of the earth (excepting the Mountaynes) was pestered with∣all. For if in this our Climate (where the dead and destroying winter depresseth all vegetatiue and growing Nature, for one halfe of the yeere in effect) yet in twentie or thirtie yeeres these our grounds would all ouer-grow and be couered (according to the nature thereof) either with Woods or with other offensiue Thickets and Bush∣ments: much more did all sorts of Plants, Reedes, and Trees, prosper in the most fruitfull Vallies, and in the Climate of a long and warme Summer, and hauing with∣all the start of 130. yeeres, to raise themselues without controlement.

This being considered, it will appeare, that all these people which came into Shi∣naar, and ouer whom Nimrod either by order or strength tooke the Dominion, [unspec 40] did after the confusion of Languages, and at such time as they grew to be a mightie People, disperse themselues into the Regions adioyning to the said Vally of Shinaar, which contayned the best part of Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Chaldaea; and from the borders thereof in time they were propagated: some of them towards the South, others towards the West and North. And although there were allotted to Shem many Regions, both East and West from Shinaar, with the Dominion of Palestina, which the Canaanites first possest; yet could he not enioy the lot of his inheritance on the suddaine, but by time and degrees. For we finde, that Abraham the true suc∣cessor of Shem dwelt in Chaldaea at Vr; and from thence (called by God) he rested at Charran in Mesopotamia: from whence after the death of Thare he trauailed [unspec 50] to Sichem in Palestina: and yet there had passed betweene Shem and Abraham (rec∣koning neither of themselues) seuen descents, before Abraham moued out of Chal∣daea: where, and in Babylonia, all those people by Nimrod commanded, inhabited for many yeeres, and whence Nimrod went out into Assyria, and founded Niniue. In∣deed

the great Masters of Nations (as farre as we can know) were, in that Age of the issues of Ham; the blessing of God giuen by Noah to Shem and Iaphet taking lesse effect, vntill diuers yeeres were consumed; and vntill the time arriued, which by the wisedome of God was appointed. For of Chus, Mizraim, and Canaan, came the People and Princes, which held the great Kingdomes of Babylonia, Syria, and Aegypt, for many descents together.

§. III. Of the Iles of the Gentiles in IAPHETS portion: of BEROSVS his too speedie sea∣ting [unspec 10] GOMER the sonne of IAPHET in Italie; and another of IA∣PHETS sonnes TVBAL in Spaine: and of the antiquitie of Longinque Nauigation.

TO begin therefore (where Moses beginneth) with the sonnes of Ia∣pheth, among whom the Iles of the Gentiles were diuided: which di∣uision, as well to Iaphets sonnes as to the rest which came into Shinaar, was (if the diuision were made at Phalegs birth) in the yeere of the World 1757. or 1758. and (by that account) in the yeere after the floud one hundred and one, of which question elsewhere. [unspec 20]

The habitations proper to the sonnes of Iaphet were the Iles of the Gentiles, which include all Europe with all the Ilands adioyning, and compassing it about: Europe being also taken for an Iland, both in respect that the Sea Hellespont and Ae∣geum, Bosphorus and Euxinus cut it off from the great Continent of Asia, as also be∣cause Europe it selfe is (in effect) surrounded with water, sauing that it is fastned to Asia by the North, for it hath those Seas before named to the East, the Mediterran to the South and Southwest, the Ocean to the West, and British, Germane, and Baltick Sea, with that of Glaciale to the North North-east, and North-west. Besides, it hath about it all the Cyclades or Iles lying betweene Greece and the lesser Asia, and the Iles of Rhodes, Cyprus, Crect or Candia, Sicilia, Corsica, Sardinia, Malta, the Iles of Brittanie and Zealand, with their yong-ones adiacent. [unspec 30]

This partition and portion of Iapheth, with the part which he held in Asia, and the North, which was also very great, answereth to that blessing of God by Noah. Dilatet Deus IAPHETH; Let God spreade abroad (or increase the posteritie of) Iapheth,* 1.536 and let him dwell in the Tents of SHEM. For though Iunius here vseth the word (〈◊〉〈◊〉) and not dilatet: and the Geneuapersuadeat; yet the Septuagint haue dilatet or amplificet; and such was the blessing giuen to our Fathers, which God promised to Abraham and his seede for euer. And the dwelling in the Tents or Tabernacles of Shem was a blessing by God to the posteritie of Iapheth: noting not onely an enlargement of Territories; but that thereby they should be made participant of Gods Church. [unspec 40] But to come to Iaphets sonnes, of whom Gomer is the eldest. This Gomer (if we may beleeue Berosus and Annius, whose authoritie the greatest number of all our late Writers haue followed) did in the tenth yeere of Nimrods reigne depart from Babylonia, and planted Italie: which also Functius confirmeth in these words: Anno de∣cimo* 1.537 NIMRODI, &c. In the tenth yeere of NIMRODS reigne, GOMERVS GALLVS planted a Colonie in that land afterward called Italie: and in the twelfth yeere of the same NIMRODS reigne TVBAL seated himselfe in Asturia in Spaine (now called Biscay) which was in the 140. and in the 142. yeeres after the floud, according to BEROSVS. But this opinion is very ridiculous. For before the confusion of tongues the children of Noah did not separate themselues, at least so many of them as came with Nimrod in∣to [unspec 50] Shinaar. Let vs therefore consider with reason, what time the building such a Citie and Towre required, where there was no prepared matter, nor any readie meanes to performe such a worke as Nimrod had erected (and as Functius himselfe out of his Author Berosus witnesseth) ad altitudinem & magnitudinem montium; To

the heighth and magnitude of the Mountaines. Sure that both this Citie and Towre were almost builded the Scriptures witnesse: But the Lord came downe to see the Citie* 1.538 and Towre, which the Sonnes of men builded. Let vs then but allot a time sufficient for the making of Bricke to such a Worke, of the greatest heighth (and therefore of cir∣cuit and foundation answerable) that euer was. For where the vniuersall Floud co∣uered the highest Mountaines fifteene Cubits; Let vs build vs a Citie and a Towre (saith NIMROD) whose top may reach vnto the Heauen: meaning, that they would rayse their Worke aboue fifteene Cubits higher then the highest Mountaine, otherwise they could not assure themselues from the feare of a second inundation: a great part whereof was finished before it fell, and before they left the Worke. They also be∣gan [unspec 10] this building vpon a ground, the most oppressed with waters of all the World: as by the great ruine which these waters forceably ouer-bearing and ouer-flowing, made in the time of the succeeding Emperours, is made manifest, approued also by the Prophet Hieremie, speaking of Babylon in these wordes: Thou that dwellest vpon many waters. It cannot be doubted but that there needed a substantiall foundation, for so high a raised building on a marish ground: and to which, Glycas vpon Genesis giueth fortie yeeres. For it seemeth, that the Towre was neere finished when God ouerthrew it: it being afterward written, So the Lord scattered them from thence vpon all the earth, and they left to build the Citie. Out of which place it may bee gathered (because the Towre is not then named) that they very neere had performed the [unspec 20] Worke of their supposed defence, which was the Towre: and that afterward they went on with the Citie adioyning, wherein they inhabited. It is also to bee noted, that till such time as this confusion seized them (whereupon the Towre was throwne downe) these Nations did not disperse themselues: for from thence the Lord scattered* 1.539 them vpon all the Earth, (that was) when they perceiued not one anothers speech. Now to thinke that this Worke in the newnesse of the World (wanting all instru∣ments and materials) could be performed in ten yeeres; and that Tubal and Gomer in the same yeere could creepe through 3000. miles of Desart, with Women, Chil∣dren, and Cattell: let those light Beleeuers, that neyther tye themselues to the Scrip∣ture, nor to reason, approoue it, for I doe not. And if the Arke of Noah was 100. [unspec 30] yeeres in building, or but neere such a time, (and then) when the World had stood 1556. yeeres, it were more then foolishnesse and madnesse it selfe, to thinke that such a Worke as this could be performed in ten; when the World (from the Floud to the arriuall at Babel, and beginning of this building there) had but 131. yeeres, and whereof they had spent some part in trauailing from the East. Againe, if all Asia set to their helping hands in the building of the Temple of Diana, and yet they consu∣med* 1.540 in that Worke 400. yeeres (or bee it but halfe that time) and in such an Age as when the World flourished in all sorts of Artificers, and with abundant plentie of materials and carriages: This Worke of the Towre of Babel could hardly (with all the former wants supposed) bee erected in those few yeeres remembred. And for [unspec 40] conclusion, let all men of iudgement waigh with themselues how impossible it was for a Nation or Family of men, with their Wiues and Children, and Cattell, to tra∣uaile 3000. miles through Woods, Bogs, and Desarts, without any Guide or Condu∣ctor; and we shall find it rather a Worke of 100. yeeres then of 100. daies. For in the West Indies of which the Spaniards haue the experience, in those places where they found neither path nor Guide, they haue not entred the Countrey ten miles in tenne yeeres. And if Nimrods people spent many yeeres by the account before remembred in passing from the East-India or the higher part thereof, which standeth in 115. De∣grees of Longitude, vntill they came into Shinaar which lyeth in 79. Degrees (the di∣stance betweene those places containing 36. Degrees, which make 720. Leagues, [unspec 50] which is 2160. miles) and did all the way keepe the Mountaines and hard ground; then the difference betweene Babylon and Biscay is much more: for the bodie of Bis∣cay lyeth in ten Degrees, and Babylon or Shinaar, (as aforesaid) in 79. so the length of way from Shinaar to Asturia or Biscay is 69. Degrees, which make 1380. Leagues, or

of miles 4140. And therefore if Nimrod tooke diuers yeeres to find Shinaar, which was but 2160. miles: or (supposing that the Arke rested in Armenia) little a∣boue 400. miles: there is no cause to the contrarie, but to allow as many yeeres to Gomer and Tubal to trauaile 3000. miles to Countries lesse knowne vnto them by farre; then the Land of Shinaar was to Nimrod. For Paradise was knowne to Noah before the Floud: and so was the Region of Eden by Moses afterward remembred; but what hee vnderstood of most part of the World else it is vnknowne. And there∣fore did Annius ill aduise himselfe to plant Gomer in Italie, and Tubal in Spaine, in the tenth and twelfth of Nimrods Raigne: Shall the earth be brought forth in one day, or shall* 1.541 a Nation be borne at one? But it may bee obiected, That the Sonnes of Iapheth might [unspec 10] come by Sea, and so saue this great trauaile through Desarts by Land. But we neuer read of any Nauigation in those dayes, nor long after. Surely he that knoweth what it is to imbarke so great a people as we may iustly suppose those Conducters carried with them, will not easily beleeue, that there were any Vessels in those dayes to trans∣port Armies, and (withall) their Cattell, by whose Milke they liued and fed their Children: for Milke and Fruit were the banquetting dishes of our Forefathers. And in the eldest times, euen the Kings and Fathers of Nations valued themselues by the Heards and numbers of their Cattel: who had flocks of Sheep, and great Droues and Heards of their owne, and their owne Sheep-heards and Heardsmen. Now if Tubal had past by Sea from any part of Palaestina, Syria, or Cilicia, he might haue made [unspec 20] good choice within the Streights, and not haue ouergone Granado, Valentia, and other Prouinces in that Tract: past the Streights of Gibralter, disdained all Andalusia and Portugal, with all those goodly Ports and Countries; and haue sought out the yron, wooddy, and barren Countrey of the World (called Biscay) by a long and dangerous Nauigation. But before the iourney of the Argonautae there were scarce any Vessels that durst crosse the Seas in that part of the World: and yet that which Iason had (if the Tale be true) was but a Galley, and a poore one (God knowes) and perchance such as they vse this day in Ireland: which although it carried but foure and fiftie Passengers, yet was it farre greater then any of the former times: Erat enim antea par∣uarum* 1.542 nauicularum vsus: For in former times they vsed very small Vessels. I denie not [unspec 30] but that the Tyrians gaue themselues of olde to farre-off Nauigations, whence Tibul∣lus ascribed the inuention of Ships vnto them:

Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyros,* 1.543 Tyrus knew first how Ships might vse the wind.

And for those boates called longaenaues or Gallies, Plinie saith that Aegesias ascribeth* 1.544 the deuice to Paralus: and Philostephanus to Iason: Ctesias to Samyras; and Saphanus [unspec 40] to Semiramis: Archimachus to Aegeon: to which inuention the 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 are said to haue added certaine numbers of Oares: and then Aminocles the Corinthian to haue* 1.545 increased them: the Carthaginians afterwards to haue brought them to foure Bankes: the Quin{que} Remi first to haue beene vsed by Nesichthon the Salaminian, with which Vessels in those parts of the World, the Romans serued themselues in the Punick War. But these be perhaps but the partialities of Writers, or their ignorance. For there are that as constantly cast the deuising of these Gallies on Sesostris, though Semira∣mis vsed them in the passage of her Armie ouer Indus in Abrahams time. So it is said, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was the first that brought a Ship into Greece: and yet the Samothracians* 1.546 challenge the inuention; and yet Tertullian (on the contrarie) giues it to Minerua: [unspec 50] others to Neptune: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Corinthians. And so ignorant were the people* 1.547 of those Ages, as the Aegyptians vsed to coast the Shores of the Red Sea vpon raffes, deuised by King Erythrus: and in the time of the Romans, the Brittans had a kind of Boat (with which they crost the Seas) made of small twigs, and couered ouer with

Leather: of which kind I haue seene at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Ireland, and elsewhere. Naues ex corio circumsutae in Oceano Britannico (saith Textor:) of which Lucan the Poet:

Primùm cana salix, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vimine, paruam Texitur in puppim, 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉, Vectoris patiens 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉. Sic Venetus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pado, fuso{que} Britannus Nauigat Oceano.

The moystned Osyer of the hoarie Willow [unspec 10] Is wouen first into a little Boat: Then cloth'd in Bullockes Hide, vpon the billow Of a proud Riuer, lightly doth it float Vnder the Waterman: So on the Lakes of ouerswelling Poe Sailes the Venetian: and the Brittaine so On th' out-spred Ocean.

And although it cannot bee denyed, when Noah by Gods inspiration was instructed in so many particulars concerning the Arke, that then many things concerning Na∣uigation [unspec 20] were first reuealed; yet it appeares that there was much difference be∣tweene the Arke of Noah, and such Ships as were for any long Nauigation. Yea an∣cient Stories shew, that it was long after these times, ere any durst presume vpon a∣ny long Voyages to Sea: at least with multitudes of Women, and Children, and Cat∣tell: as also common reason can tell vs, that euen now when this Arte is come to her perfection, such Voiages are very troublesome and dangerous. So as it doth appeare, that there was not in that Age of Nimrod any Ship, or vse of Ships fit for any long Nauigation. For if Gomer and Tubal had passed themselues and their people by Sea; the exercise of Nauigation would not haue beene dead for so many hundred yeeres after. Leauing therefore the fabulous to their Fables, and all men else to their fan∣cies, [unspec 30] who haue cast Nations into Countries farre off, I know not how, I will follow herein the Relation of Moses and the Prophets: to which Truth there is ioyned both Nature, Reason, Policie, and necessitie: and to the rest, neither probabilitie, nor possibilitie.

§. IIII. Of GOG and MAGOG, TVBAL, and MESECH, seated first about 〈◊〉〈◊〉, out of EZECHIEL [unspec 40] CAP. 38. 39.

NOw although many learned and reuerend men haue formed (I know not whereby led) a Plantation of the World, which also hath beene and is receiued: yet I hope I may be excused, if I differ altogether from them in many particulars. Certainely, that great learned man of this latter Age, Arias Montanus was also in some things much mistaken: and for Iosephus, as he hath many good things, and is a Guide to many errours with∣all, so was he in this Plantation of the World very grosse and fabulous, whereby both Eusebius, Hierosolymitanus, Epiphanius, and others, that haue taken his testimonies for currant, haue beene by him farre misted. But the better to conceiue what Regions [unspec 50] of the World Gomer the first sonne of Iaphet possest, as also Tubal, it is needfull to be∣ginne with Magog: because the Scriptures take most knowledge of Gog and Magog, which two names haue troubled many Commentators, saith Matth. Beroaldus, who hath laboured herein with great diligence, and whom (of all that euer I read) I find

most iudicious in the examination of this plantation. He takes authoritie from the Prophet Ezechiel chiefly, who in the 38: and 39: Chapter directeth vs, what Nati∣ons the Gomerians, Tubalines, and Togormians were, together with the Magogians: of which Gog was Prince or chiefe Conductor in their attempts against Israel. For besides the portions of Europe, and the North-east parts of the greater Asia, which Iapheths issues possest, all Asia the lesse was peopled by them. And that those of the issue of Iapheth (whom Ezechiel speakes of) were seated hereabout, it may best ap∣peare, if wee consider the circumstances of the place, and the dependencie vpon the former prophecie in the 37. Chapter. For in that 37. Chapter, Ezechiel prophecieth* 1.548 of the vniting of the two Kingdomes of Israel and Iuda, after their deliuerie from [unspec 10] captiuitie.

By which prophecie of Ezechiel, it appeareth, that God purposed to gather toge∣ther his people, to giue life to dead bones, and to rule them by one Prince. For to that purpose it is written; And DAVID my seruant shallbee King ouer them, and they shall haue one sheepe-heard, (that is) they shall bee vnited as they were in Dauids time. Heereupon in the 38. Chapter Ezechiel prophecieth against those Nations, which should seeke to impeach this Vnion, and disturbe the people of Israel, whom God purposed to receiue to grace, and promised to restore. And so in the same Chapter are those Nations coupled together, which infested the Israelites after their returne, and sought to subiect them: all which were the subiects or Allies of Gog, [unspec 20] Prince of the Magogians, or Coelesyrians, next bordering Palaestina, or the holy Land, followed also by the rest of the Nations of Asia the lesse, which lay North from Iu∣daea. The words of Ezechiel are these: Sonne of man, set thy face against GOG, and a∣gainst* 1.549 the land of MAGOG, the chiefe Princes of MESECH (or MOSOCH and TV∣BAL: and afterward; Behold, I come against the chiefe Prince of MESHECH and TV∣BAL: and in the sixth Verse; GOMER and all his bands, and the house of TOGORMA of the North quarters. Herein Ezechiel hauing first deliuered the purpose of his Pro∣phecie, teacheth what Nations they were, that should in vaine assaile Israel. Heioy∣neth them together vnder their Prince Gog, and sheweth that their habitations were on the North quarters of Iuda, and how seated and ioyned together. Gog signifieth [unspec 30] in the Hebrew (sayth Saint Hierome) tectum or couering of a house: and Pintus vpon Ezechiel affirmeth, that by Gog is meant Antichrist: for (sayth hee) Antichrist us erit Diabolitegumentum sub specie humana: That Antichrist shall be the couering of the Deuill vnder humane forme. Hee addeth that Magog is as much to say as Gog: the letter* 1.550 (M) being an Hebrew Preposition, and importeth as much as of or from: so he taketh Magog for those people which follow Antichrist. So farre Pintus; at least in this not amisse, that he expoundeth Magog not for any one person, but for a Nation, with which agreeth this obseruation of Beroaldus. Magog (sayth he) in Hebrew is written Ham-Magog, which sheweth Magog to bee a Region or Nation: for the letter (He) which is vsed but for an Emphasis (which the Hebrewes call Heliaiedia) is neuer added [unspec 40] to proper names of men, but often to place. So as Gog was Prince of that Nation (called eyther Magog, or according to others, the people of Gog) also Prince of Meshech, (or Mosoch) and of Tubal: as by the first Verse of the 39. Chapter is made manifest: Bchold, I come against thee GOG the chiefe Prince of MESHECH and TV∣BAI. This must needes bee meant by the Successours of Seleucus 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who did not (as other conquering Nations) seeke to make the Iewes their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 onely, but endeuoured by all meanes, and by all kind of violence to extinguish the Religion it selfe (which the Hebrews profest) and the acknowledging of one true God: and to force them to worship and serue the mortall and rotten gods of the Heathen; of which nothing remained but the very name, and dead Images. S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Isi∣dore* 1.551 [unspec 50] take Gog for the Nation of the Goths: belike because they inuaded Europe, and sacked Rome, and many other places and Cities thereabout. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 out of Pomp. Mela deriues the Turkes from the Scythians, esteemed Mago{que}ians of Gog Ma∣ny take Gog for the proper name of a Man: other of a Region: others for a Nation

inhabiting a Region, as Iunius, who saies that Gog is the name of a Nation, denomi∣nated from him whom the Greeke Stories call Gyges: who in former time hauing slaine Candaules the Lydian, gaue his owne name to that Nation, thence after called Gygades: and thereof also the Gygean Lake; which Lake Strabo also findeth in Lydia, (of which Gyges was King) fortie Furlongs from Sardis. Plinie calleth it Gygeum* 1.552 stagnum. Herodotus and Nicander set it about the Riuers of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Moeander; but the difference is not great. Marius Niger maketh mention of this Gyges King of Ly∣dia: who after he had subdued the Countrie about the Riuer Rhodius which runneth into the Hellespont, called the Promontorie Trapese after his owne name Gyges. These* 1.553 opinions doe also seeme to strengthen that of Iunius. For Magog, sayth hee, is that [unspec 10] part of Asia the lesse, which Halyattes obtained, and after him his sonne Croesus; who (as Iunius further notes) hauing mastred all those Regions as farre South as* 1.554 Libanus in that border built the Citie Gigarta or Gogkarta (which in the Syrian sig∣nifieth the Citie of Gog) seated in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whose people were the ancient Enemies of the Iewes.

Now that Magog is found in Coelesyria, Plinie affirmeth, saying; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 habet Bambycen, quaealio nomine Hierapo' is vocatur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 verò Magog. Coelesyria hath in it Bambyce, which by another name is called Hierapolis, but of the Syrians Magog. Hee fur∣ther telleth vs that the monstrous Idoll 〈◊〉〈◊〉, called by the Greekes Derceto, was here worshipped, Lucian makes mention hereof, saying that the Citie had ancient∣ly [unspec 20] another name, which yet hee expresseth not; forbearing perhaps the word Ma∣gog, as sounding nothing elegantly in the Greeke. But if wee may beleeue Strabo,* 1.555 then was Edessa in Mosopotamia the same Bambyce or Hierapolis, where the same Idoll was worshipped. Ortelius is doubtfull whether one of these Authours did not mistake the place of this Bambyce or Hierapolis. It may well enough bee that the same name and Religion was common to them both. Certaine it is, that both of them lay due North from Palestina, and were both subiect vnto the Kings of the Race of Seleucus. Now I doe not condemne the opinion of Hermolaus Barbarus fol∣lowing Iosephus, but grant that perhaps Magog might also bee the Father of the Scythians; notwithstanding that in this place, where Gog is made the Prince of Ma∣gog, [unspec 30] the Nations of Coelesyria and the North parts adioyning bee meant by Magog: for by a latter Plantation from these parts they might bee propagated into Scythia. Yet it is not to bee denied, that the Scythians in olde times comming out of the Northeast wasted the better part of Asia the lesse, and possest Coelesyria, where they built both Scythopolis and Hierapolis, which the Syrians call Magog. And that to this Magog 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had reference, it is very plaine: for this Citie Hierapolis or Magog standeth due North from Iudaea, according to the wordes of Ezechiel; that from the North quarters those Nations should come. For as the Kings of the South which infested the Israelites were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings of Aegypt: so those of the North were the Kings of Asia and Syria, the Successours of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Successour of Alexander [unspec 40] Macedon. Gulielmus Tyrins thinkes that this Hierapolis is that Rages, mentioned in the* 1.556 Storie of Tobias. Plinie takes it not onely to haue beene called Bambyce, as we haue said, but also Edessa: not that by Euphrates; but another of the same name; now the knowne name is Allepo: for so Bellonius expounds this Hierapolis, or Magog. This Ci∣tie had the title of Sacred, as the Sacred Citie, (for so the word Hierapolis signifieth) yet was it a place of most detested Idolatrie, and wherein was worshipped the Idoll of the Mermaide Atergatis, or Atirgitis, according to Plinie, which the Greekes call Derceto.

If then wee conferre the words of Ezechiel in the third verse of the thirtie eight Chapter, wherein hee ioyneth together Gog Mesech, and Tubal: and withall remem∣ber [unspec 50] that Hierapolis was the Citie of Magog, which also is seated directly North from Iudaea: with whom also Ezechiel coupleth Gomer, and all his bands of the North quarters; we may (as I conceiue) safely conclude, that these Followers and Vassals of Gog (which were Northerne Nations in respect of Iudaea) were not the Gomeri∣ans

of France, nor the Tubalines of Spaine, but a people of the lesser Asia, and Coelesy∣ria: and therefore that the opinions of Berosus, Iosephus, and whosoeuer else hath followed them therein are to bee reiected. But if Iosephus referre himselfe to later times, and thinke that some Colonie of the Tubalines might from Iberia and Asia passe into Spaine (to wit, from that piece of Land betweene Colchis (or Mengrelia) and Al∣bania: (most part possest by the Georgians) then is his iudgement of better allowance. For without any repugnancie of opinions, it may bee granted, that in processe of time these people might from their first habitation passe into the Countries neere the Euxine Sea, and from thence in after-Ages into Spaine.

Iosephus makes mention of the Iberi, saying, that they were anciently called Tho∣belos, [unspec 10] as of Tubal; from whence (saith Iustine) they passed into Spaine to search out the Mines of that Region: hauing belike vnderstood that it was a Southerly Countrie and Mountainous. For it seemeth that the Tubalines called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liued altogether by the exchange of Iron, and other Metals, as Apollonius witnesseth in these follow∣ing Verses, telling how the Argonautes did visit them;

Haec gens tellurem rigido non vertit aratro, Sed ferrivenas scindit sub montibus altis: Mercibus haec mutat, quae vitae alimenta ministrant: [unspec 20]

The Calybes plough not their barren soyle But vndermine high Hils for Iron Veines: Changing the purchase of their endlesse toyle For marchandize, which their poore liues sustaines.

But it is more probable, that Spaine was first peopled by the Africans, who had euer since an affection to returne thither, and to repeople it anew. This appeared by the Carthaginians of old, who were easily drawne to passe ouer the Streights into that Countrie; and after by the Moores who held Granado, and the South parts eight hun∣dred yeeres, till the time of Ferdinand and Isabel. And either of these opinions are [unspec 30] more probable, then that in the twelfth yeere of Nimrods raigne, Tubal past into Spaine, and therein built S^t. Vual: a poore Towne, and a poore deuice, God knowes. Certaine it is that we must finde Mosoch or Mesech, and Tubal neighbours, and Gomer and Togarma not farre off, or else we shall wrong Ezechiel: for he called Gog the Lea∣der or Prince of Mesech and Tubal, and maketh Gomer and Togorma their assistants. And that Mesech inhabited Asia, Functius (though he followed Berosus) confesseth, for these be his wordes: MESACVS, qui à MOSE MESECH, priscos Mesios ab A∣dula monte vs{que} ad Ponticam regionem posuit: haec regio posteà Cappadocia dicta est, in qua 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mazica, &c. haec est terra MAGOG principalis. MESACVS, whom MOSES calleth MESECH, placed the ancient Mesians from the mount Adulas, vnto the coast of Pontus. [unspec 40] This Region was afterward called Cappadocia, in which is the Towne Mazica, &c. this is the principall Countrie of MAGOG. And this doth Annius also auow, and yet forgets that Gog was Prince both of Mesech and Tubal: and therefore, that the one was a Na∣tion of Spaniards, the other of Cappadocians, is very ridiculous; Spaine lying directly West, and not North from Iudaea. Also Ezechiel in the 27. Chapter, where he pro∣phecieth of the destruction of Tyre, nameth Mesech and Tubal ioyntly. And for a finall proofe, that these Nations were of a Northerne neighbour land (how farre so∣euer stretched) Ezechiel in the 38. Chapter makes them all horsemen. Thou, and much people with thee, all shall ride vpon horses, euen a great multitude and a mightie. Then if any man beleeue that these troupes came out of Spaine ouer the Pyrenes, and [unspec 50] first passed ouer a part of France, Italie, Hungarie, and Sarmatia, and imbarqued againe about the Hellespont, or else compassed all Pontus Euxinus, to come into the lesser A∣sia, which is halfe the length or compasse of the then knowne world, he may be cal∣led a strong beleeuer, but he shall neuer be iustified thereby. But on the contrarie it

is knowne, that Seleucis was a Prouince neighbouring Palestina or Iudaea, and that Hierapolis (or Magog) ioyned vnto it: whose Princes commanded all Syria, and Asia the lesse, (namely the Seleucidae) and held it, till 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Asiaticus ouerthrew Antiochus the Great: after which they yet possest Syria till the time of Tigranes: and whether Meshech be in Cappadocia, or vnder Iberia, yet is it of the Tubalines, and one and the same Dominion.

Of Gomer the like may be said. First he seated himselfe with Togorma, not farre from Magog and Tubal, in the borders of Syria and Cilicia. Afterward he proceeded further into Asia the lesse; and in long tract of time his valiant issue filled all Germany, rested long in France and Brittaine, and possessed the vtmost borders of the earth, ac∣complishing [unspec 10] (as Melancton well notes) the signification of their parents name, which is Vtmost bordering. But when these borderers wanted further place, whereinto they might exonerate their swelling multitudes, that were bounded in by the great Ocean, then did they returne vpon the Nations occupying the Countries, through which they had formerly passed, oppressing first their Neighbours, afterwards the people more remote. Hereupon it was (as the worthy restorer of our antiquities, M. Wil∣liam Cambden hath noted) that they were called Cimbri, which in their old language doth signifie Robbers; necessitie inforcing them to spoile their Neighbours, to whom in their originall they were as neere ioyned, as afterwards in the seates which they possessed. For that the warlike Nations of Germanie were in elder ages accusto∣med [unspec 20] to be beaten by the Gaules, the authoritie of Caesar affirming it is proofe sufficient. But in times following they pursued richer conquests, and more easie though further distant, by which (to omit their other enterprises not here to be spoken of) they were drawne at length into Asia the lesse, and occupyed those parts, which had for∣merly beene held by their Progenitors. I say not that they claymed those Lands as theirs by descent; for likely it is, that they knew little of their owne pedigree. Nei∣ther can any man therefore denie, that they were of old seated in Asia, because in late ages they returned thither; vnlesse he will thinke, that all those Nations which from farre parts haue inuaded and conquered the land of Shinaar, may by that argument be proued not to haue issued from thence at the first. [unspec 30]

Now concerning Samothes for his excellent wisedome surnamed Dis, whom An∣nius makes the brother of Gomer and Tubal (which brother Moses neuer heard of, who spake his knowledge of Iaphets sonnes) they must finde him in some old Poet: for Functius, a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉, confesseth: Quis hic SAMOTHES fuerit incertum est; Who* 1.557 this SAMOTHES was it is vncertayne; neither is there any proofe that he was that same Dis, whom Caesar saith the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suppose to be their Ancester; yea, and Vignier con∣fesseth* 1.558 with FVNCTIVS: Mais on ne scayt qui il estoit; No man knowes who he was.

§. V. [unspec 40] Against the fabulous BEROSVS his fiction, That the Italian IANVS was NOAH.

BVT before I goe on with Noah his sonnes, I thinke it necessarie to disproue the fiction which Annius hath of Noah himselfe: an in∣uention (indeede) very ridiculous, though warranted (as he hath wrested) by those Authors of whom himselfe hath Commented: as the Fragment of Berosus, Fabius, Pictor, Cato, Lauinius and others.* 1.559 For Annius seekes to perswade vs, that Noah (surnamed Ianus) was the same which [unspec 50] founded Genoa, with other Cities in Italie, wherein he liued 92. yeeres. This to dis∣proue,* 1.560 by Moses silence, is a sufficient argument to me, if there were nothing else to disproue it. For if he vouchsafed to remember the building of Babel, Erec, Achad,

Chalne and Niniue by Nimrod, Noah was a man of too great marke to be forgotten, with all the acts he did in 92. yeeres. But it were a needlesse labour for me to dis∣proue the authoritie of that 〈◊〉〈◊〉, on whom Annius groundeth, seeing so many learned Men haue so demonstratiuely proued that Fragment to be counterfeit. Be∣sides that, Tatianus the Assyrian in his Oration against the Greekes auoweth, that the ancient and true Berosus wrote onely three Books, dedicated to Antiochus the suc∣cessor of Seleucus Nicanor: but Annius hath deuised fiue Bookes, wherewith he ho∣noreth* 1.561 Berosus. And whereas Berosus handled onely the estate of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Assyrians, Annius hath filled this Fragment with the businesse of all the world. And if we may beleeue Eusebius better then Annius, then all the Kings of the La∣tines [unspec 10] (before Aeneas) consumed but 150. yeeres: whereas no man hath doubted, but that from Noah to Aeneas arriuall into Italie there past 1126. (after the least rate of the Hebrew account) and (after Codoman) 1291. For Ianus (who was the first of their Kings) liued at once with Ruth, who marryed Booz, in the Worlds yeere (as some reckon) 2717. after the floud 1064. and Noah dyed 350. yeeres after the 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and so there past betweene Ianus of Italie and Noah surnamed Ianus 704. yeeres. For Saturnus succeeded Ianus, Picus after Saturnus, Faunus after Picus, and Latinus followed Faunus: which Latinus liued at once with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 27. King of Assyria; with Pelasgus of Peloponnesus; with Demophoon of Athens; and Sampson Iudge of Israel. Now all these fiue Kings of the Latines hauing consumed but one [unspec 20] hundred and fiftie yeeres; and the last of them in the time of Sampson: then recko∣ning vpwards for one hundred and fiftie yeeres, and it reacheth Ruth, with whom Ianus liued.

True it is, that the Greekes had their Ianus; but this was not Noah: so had they Ion the sonne of Xuthus, the sonne of Deucalion, from whom they draw the Iones, who were indeede the children of Iauan, the fourth sonne of Iapheth. For the vulgar* 1.562 translation (where the Hebrew word is Iauan) writes Greece, and the Septuagint, Hellas; which is the same. So had they Medus the sonne of Medea, whom they make the parent of the Medes, though they were descended of a farre more ancient Father (to wit) Madai the third sonne of Iapheth. [unspec 30]

Lastly, we see by a true experience, that the Brittish language hath remayned among vs aboue 2000. yeeres, and the English speech euer since the inuasion of the Angles, and the same continuance haue all Nations obserued among themselues, though with some corruption and alteration. Therefore, it is strange if either Noah (by them called Ianus) had left in Italie his grand-child Gomer after him, or Tubal in Spaine, that no plaine resemblance of the Hebrew, Syrian, or Scythian (which no time could haue quite extinguished) should haue beene found in the languages of those Coun∣tries. For which reasons we doubt not but these personall plantations of Ianus, Go∣mer, Tubal, &c. in Italie, Spaine, or France, are meerely fabulous. Let the Italians therefore content themselues with the Graecian Ianus, which commanded them and [unspec 40] planted them, and who preceded the fall of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but 150. yeeres (saith Eusebius) which was in the time of Latinus the fift King: which also S. Augustine and Iustine confirme: and this agreeth with reason, time, and possibilitie. And if this be not sufficient to disproue this vanitie, I may out of themselues adde thus much: That whereas some of them make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (others Camasena) the wife of this 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who in∣stituted the holy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Vestal Virgins in Rome (the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all their Idolatrous and Heathenish ceremonies) there is no man so im∣pious, as to beleeue that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe (who is said by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 God, to be a iust man, and whom God of all mankinde made choice of) could be either ignorant of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and only God, or so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and vngratefull, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp or deuise [unspec 50] any Heathen saluage, or idolatrous 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or haue instituted any ceremonie, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to that which he knew best pleasing to God himselfe.

§. VI. That GOMER also and his sonne TOGORMA of the posteritie of IAPHETH were first seated about Asia the lesse: and that from thence they spred Westward into Europe: and Northward into Sarmatia.

TO turne now to the sonnes of Noah, and the worlds plantation after the floud: therein I obserue, that as both reason and necessitie taught them; so, when they multiplyed in great numbers, and dispersed [unspec 10] themselues into the next Countries bordering to their first habitati∣ons, & from thence sent forth Colonies elsewhere, it was in such a man∣ner as that they might repaire to each other, and keep intelligence by Riuer: because the Land was yet Desart and ouer-prest with Woods, Reedes, Bogs, and rotten Ma∣rishes. As when Nimrod seated in Babylonia, Chus tooke the South part of Chaldaea, downe the Riuer of Gehon, by which he might passe to and fro from Babylon to his owne plantation: those also, which were of the race of Shem, inhabiting at Vr or Orchoa neere the Lakes of Chaldaea, might by the same Riuer get vp to Babylon, and receiue succour from thence. All which Tract of Land vpon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Southward, Moses in the description of Paradise calleth the Land of Chush: because the Domini∣on [unspec 20] and Empire was then in the hands of Nimroda Cushite, by whom the children of Shem (which came into that Valley and stayed not in the East) were for a while op∣prest, till God afterward by the seede of Abraham made them his owne Nation and victorious. Hauilah, the brother of Nimrod, and sonne of Cush, tooke both bankes of Tigris, especially on the East side of the Riuer: by which Riuer his people might al∣so passe to and fro to Babel.

The Imperiall seate of which Region of Hauilah or Susian, was anciently called Chusian or Chusan, afterward Susa. Cush himselfe tooke the bankes of Gehon, and planted those Countries Westward, and Southwest-ward towards Arabia the Stony, and the Desart, where Ptolemie placeth the Citie of Chusidia, first Chusia.* 1.563 [unspec 30]

Seba, and Sheba with the rest that planted Arabia foelix, had Tigris to conuey them into the Persian Gulfe, which washeth the bankes of Arabia foelix on the East side: so as those sonnes of Cush might take Land downe the Riuer as they pleased. Also the Citie of Niniue was by Nimrod founded on the said Riuer of Tigris; and from thence a Colonie past to Charran, standing also vpon a nauigable branch of Euphrates. In like manner did Iapheths 〈◊〉〈◊〉 settle themselues together, and tooke their seates in Asia the lesse: from whence they might indifferently stretch themselues North∣ward, and Westward, into the next parts of Europe, called the Isles of the Gentiles. And it seemeth very agreeable to reason, that both Gomer, Magog, and Tubal, sate downe first of all in that part of Syria, to the North of Palestina and Phoenicia: and [unspec 40] from thence Gomer or his children past on into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the lesse, as those of Magog and Tubal did; from whence the Tubalines spred themselues into Iberia: and the Mago∣gians more Northerly into Sarmatia. The first Gomerians, and first planters in Asia the lesse, held the Countrie of the Cymmerians (witnesse Herodotus) the same Re∣gion* 1.564 which was afterward by the Gallo-greekes called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to whom S. Paul wrote his Epistle so intituled. This Nation of the Cymmerians (whom the inuincible Scy∣thians afterwards dispersed, and forced from their first plantations) gaue names to diuers places; as to the Mountaynes aboue Albania (called Cymmerini) and to the Citie of Cymmeris in Phrygia: also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cymmerius tooke appellation from this Nation, in the out-let whereof was also a Citie of that name, called Cymmerian: which [unspec 50] Plinie saith (mistaking the place) had sometime the name of Cerberion; but Cerbe∣rion was a Towne in Campania, so called of the vnhealthfull waters, sauouring of brimstone, which Augustus caused to be cleansed by letting in the water of the Lake Lucrinus.

The children of Tubal ranged as farre as Iberia, to whom the Moschici were neigh∣bours, which others write Meshech. The Prophet Ezechiel (coupling them toge∣ther) calleth Gog the Prince of Meschech and Tubal. For these Meschi (which Ptole∣mie calleth Moschi) inhabite Syracena a Prouince of Armenia, directly South from the Mountaynes Moschici, in the Valley betweene the Mountaynes Moschici, and the Mountaynes Paryardes: out of whose North part springeth the Riuer Phasis; from the East part Araxis; and from the West Euphrates: and of this Meschech are des∣cended also the Moscouians (saith Melanchton) and it may be, that in processe of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some of them inhabited those Regions also: For Meshech (saith Melanchton) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 extendens, enlarging or stretching forth. Togorma also at first did inhabite a∣mongst [unspec 10] his parents and kindred. The Togormians were also called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a people neighbouring the Sydonians in Gabala, a Tetrarchie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the same which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 calleth Gaben: from whence Salomon had his most excellent Masons, which hewed* 1.565 stones for the Temple of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Thence the Togormians stretched into the lesse Armenia, whose Kings were hence called Tigranes, and their Cities 〈◊〉〈◊〉:* 1.566 of which Cities Tigranes subdued by Lucullus the Roman, built one. Hierosolymita∣nus hath planted the Togormians in Barbarie: forgetting the prophecie of Ezechiel a∣gainst the Tyrians. They of the house of TOGORMA, brought to thy Fayres horses, and* 1.567 horse-men, and mules, which could not well be driuen ouer the whole length of the Mediterran Sea, but from the neighbour Countries by land. But Iosephus takes them [unspec 20] for the parents of the Phrygians; which I doe not denie, but they might be in the en∣suing ages: and so might the Tubalines be of the Spaniards; but it was from Iberia, and many hundred yeeres after the twelfth of Nimrods reigne. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conceiue that the Turkes came of those Togormians, because their Emperor is called Togar. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make them the Fathers of the Germanes. But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 affirmes, that the Turkes descended of the Crim Tartar, which borders 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But for these sub∣deriuations it were infinite to examine them. Only of the first and second planta∣tion, and of the first Nations after the floud is the matter which I labour to discouer; and therein to open the ignorance of some, and the corruption of other fabulous Writers. And this we must Note, that those grand-children of Noah which were* 1.568 [unspec 30] of a more quiet, or (perchance) of lesse vnderstanding, and had not therefore the leading of Colonies sent out, their proper habitations can be hardly knowne: onely reason hath taught vs, that they dwelt among the rest, and were couered with the fame of others, who tooke on them the Conduction and Dominion ouer the rest.

From Madai the third sonne of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, were the Medes. The Grecians bring them (as before) from Medus the sonne of Medea.

§. VII. Of IAVAN the fourth sonne of IAPHETH: and of MESCH, of ARAM, and MESHECH of IAPHETH. [unspec 40]

OF Iauan the fourth sonne of Iapheth came the Iones, which were af∣terwards called the Greekes: and so the Latine and Greeke Interpreters for Iauan write Greece, as in ESAT: Et mittam ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fuerint ad gentes, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in Italiam, & Graeciam; And I will send those that e∣scape of them to Nations in the Sea, in Italie and in Greece. The Geneus here vseth the word (Tarshich) for Tarsus, a Citie in Cilicia, though Tarsis in many places be taken for the Sea. The Tigurine and the Geneua vse the names Tubal and [unspec 50] Iauan, and not Italie and Greece: keeping the same Hebrew wordes. Of these Iones were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, though themselues dreame that they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or men without Ancesters, and growing (as it were) out of the soile it selfe: who aboun∣ding in people sent Colonies into Asia the lesse, of whom came the Iones of those

parts. Others deriue the Athenians from Ion the sonne of Xuthus, the sonne of Deu∣calion;* 1.569 but the antiquitie of Iauan marres the fashion of that supposition, who so many yeeres preceded Xuthus, Ion, or Deucalion. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tells vs that Xuthus stole out of Thessalie with all his Fathers treasure, and his Brothers portions, and arriuing at Athens, he was graciously receiued by Erictheus, who gaue him his Daughter in marriage; of whom he receiued two sonnes, Ion, and Achaeus, the supposed Ance∣sters of the Athenians. For Attica was called Ionia (saith Plutarch in the life of The∣seus) who, when he had ioyned Megara to Attica, erected a piller in that Isthmos or Strait, which fastneth Peloponnesus to the other part of Greece: writing on that part which looketh towards the East, these wordes: Haec non sunt Peloponnesus, ast Ionia; [unspec 10] These Countries are not of Peloponnesus, but of Ionia: and on the other side which loo∣ked towards the South and into Peloponnesus, this: These parts are Peloponnesus, and not Ionia.

Strabo out of Hecataeus affirmeth, that the Iones came out of Asia into Greece, which is contrarie to the former opinion: That the Iones of Greece transporting certayne companies into Asia the lesse, the name of Iones was thereby therein retayned. And though Strabo knew no more thereof then he learned of the Greekes themselues, yet I finde this coniecture of Hecataeus reasonable enough. For though it were to him vn∣knowne, yet sure I am that Asia the lesse had people before Greece had any: and that Iauan did not flie from Babylonia into Greece, but tooke Asia the lesse in his pas∣sage; [unspec 20] and from thence past ouer the neerest way, leauing his owne name to some Maritimate Prouince on that side, as he did to that part of Greece so called. But yet Strabo himselfe beleeued, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tooke the name from Ion the sonne of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: for so much he had learned from themselues; which was also the opinion of Pau∣sanias. True it is, that the Greekes in after-times cast themselues into that part of A∣sia the lesse, opposite vnto them, which they held for diuers yeeres. And howsoe∣uer the Greekes vaunt themselues to be the Fathers of Nations, and the most ancient; yet all approued Historians (not their owne) deride and disproue their pride, and vanitie therein. For this dispute of Antiquitie (among prophane Writers) rested betweene the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Aegyptians, as Iustine out of Trogus, in the warre be∣tweene [unspec 30] Vexoris of Aegypt, and Tanais of Scythia, witnesseth: which preceded far the reigne of Ninus, and was long before the name of Greece was euer heard of. And it is also manifest, that in Cecrops time the Greekes were all saluages without law or reli∣gion, liuing like brute beasts in all respects: and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith S. Augustine) liued to∣gether* 1.570 with Moses.

The sixth sonne of Iapheth was Meshech, whom the Septuagint cal Mosoch: (a part of those Nations commanded by Gog the chiefe Prince of Meshech and Tubal.) But this we must remember, that betweene Mesech the sonne of Aram, and Meshech (or Mosoch) the sonne of Iapheth, there is little difference in name, and both by diuers In∣terpreters diuersly written. Montanus with the Vulgar writeth Mesch, the sonne of [unspec 40] Aram, Mes; the Geneua, Mash; Iunius, Mesch. But it may be gathered out of the 120. Psalme, that either Meshech the sonne of Iapheth, was the parent of those people, or gaue name to that Prouince wherein Dauid hid himselfe: or else (which may rather seeme) that it tooke name from Mesch the sonne of Aram. For Dauid bewayling his exile (while he liued among a barbarous and irreligious People) vseth these words: Woe is me that I remayne in Mesech, and dwell in the Tents of Kedar: which Iunius con∣uerteth* 1.571 thus: Hei mihi quia peregrinor tam 〈◊〉〈◊〉: habito tanquàm Scenitae Kedareni: The Septuagint giues it this sense: Woe is me because my habitation (or abode) is prolonged, who dwell with the inhabitants of Kedar; with which this of the Latine agreeth: Heu mihi, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 incolatus meus prolongatus est, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cum habitantibus Kedar: The Chal∣daean [unspec 50] otherwise, and in these wordes: O me miserum, quia peregrinatus sum Asianis, ha∣bitaui cum taber 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arabum; O wretch, that I am, for I haue trauailed among those of Asia: I haue dwelt in the Tabernacles of the Arabians. But howsoeuer or which soeuer conuersion be taken for the best, yet all make mention of Kedar: which is a Prouince

of Arabia Petraea; and the Chaldaean putteth Asia in stead of Mesech, but the Hebrew it selfe hath Mesech. And if it be to be taken for a Nation, (as it is most likely, be∣cause it answeres to Kedar, the name of a Nation) seeing Mesh the sonne of Aram, 1. Chron. 17. is called Meshec, it is indifferent whether this Nation tooke name from Meshech or Mesh, both bordering Iudaea, and like enough to be commanded by one Prince; for so Ezechiel makes Mesech and Tubal. But as for those that take Mesech out of the word Mosoch (giuen by the Septuagint) to be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉: sure they presume much vpon the affinitie of names, as aforesaid. And sure I am that Dauid neuer trauailed so farre North; (for to him Muscouia was vtterly vnknowne) but about the border of Kedar (it may be) he was often in all the time of his persecuti∣on: [unspec 10] the same being a Citie on the Mountaynes of Sanir or Galaad. And yet Arias Montanus makes Mosoch the father of the Muscouians: and herein also Melanchton runnes with the tyde of common opinion, and sets Mesech in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, though with some better aduice of iudgement; as, first seated in Cappadocia, and from thence tra∣uailing Northward: expounding the places of the 120. Psalme, (Hei 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quòd exulo in Mesech) to signifie, Gentis eius feritatem insignem esse; That the feritie of that Nation exceeded: which siercenesse or brutalitie of the Muscoutans, Dauid neuer proued, or (perchance) neuer heard of. But the same feritie or crueltie which those Northerne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had, may aswell be ascribed to the Arabians and Kedarens. For this Countrie tooke name of Kedar the second sonne of Ismael, of whom a people of e∣quall* 1.572 [unspec 20] fiercenesse to any of the world were begotten, both in those times and long af∣ter, euen to this day (if the Arabians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Saracens, may be accounted one people:) the same being foreshewed by the speech of the Angell to Hagar, Gen. 16. v. 12. And he shall be a wild man: his hand shall be against euery man, and euery mans hand against him. Now Arabia the Desart (saith Plinie) confronteeth the Arabians Cochlei on the East, and the Cedraei Southward, both which ioyne together vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. So it appeareth (as before) that Mesech, Tubal, Gomer, Togorma, and Magog, neighboured Canan and Israel, and that Kedar also did ioyne to Mesech: all which were Regions of Syria, or of Asia the lesse, commanded by the Successors of Seleu∣cus, enemies of the reestablishment of Israel and Iuda. But (as I haue alreadie said) [unspec 30] it might well be, that long after the first plantation the issue of Mesech (or Mosoch) might passe into Cappadocia, and thence into Hyrcania, and giue names, both to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the one, and to the Mountaynes Moschici in the other, and from thence might send people more Northerly into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and so all opinions saued. But all sal∣uage Nations ouer-growne and vncultiuated, doe (for the most part) shew a late plantation, euen as Ciuilitie, Letters, and magnificent Buildings, witnesse anti∣quitie.

〈◊〉〈◊〉, the seuenth sonne of Iapheth, which Montanus reckons among the sonnes* 1.573 of Gomer, was the Father of the Thracians, as all Authors (worthie the examinati∣on) affirme. Iosephus was the first that determined hereof: and because the Scrip∣tures [unspec 40] are altogether silent, what part of the world Tiras peopled, the coniectures are indifferent, and giue no ground at all of dispute. It followeth now to speake of the sonnes of Gomer, which were three:

• ...Ascanez,
• ...Riphath,
• and
• ...Togorma. [unspec 50]

§. VIII. Of ASCANEZ and RIPHATH, the two elder Sonnes of GOMER.

ASCANEZ was the Father of those which the Greekes call Regini, (sayth Iosephus) but he giues no reason why.

Eusebius makes Ascanez the Father of the Goths. The Iewes in their Thargum make him the root of the Germane Nation, but their exposi∣tions are commonly very idle. Plinie findeth Ascania in Phrygia, neere [unspec 10] the Riuers of Hylas and Cios: Melanchton being of the same opinion, that the Tuiscones were descended of the Ascanez, (for Tuiscones, sayth hee, is as much to say, as of the Ascanez, praeposito articulo die ASCANEZ) and that the word signifieth a Religious Keeper of fire: it being an ancient superstition to pray at the fire of Sacrifices, as af∣terwards* 1.574 at the Tombes of Martyrs. Not farre from Phrygia was the Lake Ascania, knowne by that name in the Romanes time. And among the Kings which came to the succour of Troy, was Ascanius (Deo similis, sayth Homer) like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God: because* 1.575 he was beautifull and strong: for in the same manner doth Virgil grace Aeneas, Os humcros{que} Deo similis, in face and bodie like one of the Gods. Virgil also remembreth such a Riuer together with the Hils Gargara: as, Illas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 amor trans Gargara, trans{que} so∣nantem* 1.576 [unspec 20] ASCANIVM, Appetite leades them both ouer the Mountaines Gargara, and the ro∣ring ASCANIVS. But this Plinic maketh more plaine in the description of Phrygia. For he placeth the Citie of Brillion vpon the Riuer 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which is adioyning to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. and is neere the border of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Empire: and the Lake Ascanez he directs vs to find by the description of Prusia, founded by Hannibal at the foot of Olympus, which Iyeth farre within the Countries of Bithynia: and then from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are ac∣counted fiue and twentie miles, in which way this Lake lyeth, euen betweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Nicea. And so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as I conceiue him) takes them of Ascanez, to bee the inha∣bitants of Pontus, and Bithynia, and those North parts of Asia. Stephanus de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 makes it a Citie of Troâs, built by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sonne of Aeneas: saying, that there [unspec 30] was another of that name in Mysia. Of Ascania a Lake of Bithynia, Ptolomie witnes∣seth: and Strabo giueth Ascania both a Lake, a Riuer, and a Towne in Mysia, neere vnto Cio; which also agreeth with Plinie. For Plinie findeth Prusia (before spoken of) neere Cio, and calleth the Islands before Troy Ascanes.

Now, whether these places tooke name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sonne of Gomer, or of Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas, it might be questioned: sure it is, that Ascanius which brought succour to the Troians, could not take his name from Aeneas sonne, who was then eyther exceeding yong, or rather vnborne: and it seemeth that the Coun∣tries whence those succours came, were not out of any part of Phrygia or Mysia, but farther off, and from the North parts of all Asia the lesse, which by Hieremie is cal∣led [unspec 40] Ascanez, by the figure Synechdoche, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thinketh. Out of those testimo∣nies therefore which deceiue not, we may confidently determine. For of the Pro∣phet Hieremie we shall learne of what Nation the Ascenez were, whose wordes are these: Set vp a Standard in the Land, blow the Trumpet among the Nation against her, call* 1.577 vp the Kings of Ararat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Ascanez against her, &c. meaning against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ararat was Armenia the greater, as most Interpreters consent, so called of the Mountaines of Ararat which runne through it: Minni the lesser Armenia: Ar∣menia being compounded of Aram and Minni. For Minni was the ancient name: (sayth Iunius and others before him) and Aram anciently taken for Syria, which con∣tained all that Tract from Euphrates to the Sea-coasts of Phoenicia and Palaestina; and [unspec 50] therefore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being in elder times but a Prouince of Syria, the Scriptures dif∣ference it in the Storie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and call it Aram-padam. Then if these two Nations were of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ioyned with them (who altogether vni∣ted vnder Cyrus and Darius, came to the spoile of the Babylonian Empire) we shall erre

much to call Askenaz Germanie or Almaine, for wee heare of no Swart Ruttiers at that siege. But the Askenaz were of those Nations which were either subiect or allied to the Medes: of which, if any of them came afterward into Phrygia, I know not: for the dispersion of Nations was in aftertimes without account. But for the opinion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who makes them to be Goths; or that of Iosephus, who cals them Rhegini; or of the Iewes, who will haue them to be Almaines; when they confirme it either by Scriptures or Reason, I will thinke as they doe.

Of Riphath the second sonne of Gomer there is mention in the first of Chronicles. Beroaldus and Pererius thinke that hee wandered farre off from the rest of his Bro∣thers, and therefore no memorie of his plantation. But I see nothing to the contra∣rie, [unspec 10] but that he might seate himselfe with the rest of his Family: for there wanted no roome or soile in those dayes for all the sonnes and Grand-children of Noah. There∣fore I take it to bee well vnderstood, that the Riphei were of Riphath, which the Greekes afterwards (according to Iosephus) called the Paphlagones: and Riphei (sayth Melanchton) signifieth Giants. These people were very famous in the North parts, and in Sarmatia: the most of number and power among them, Sarmatarum gens ma∣xima Heneti, The greatest number of the Sarmatians were the Heneti; who spake the an∣cient Polac: which being first called Riphei (for the loue of some of their Leaders or Kings) changed their names and became Heneti, (a custome exceeding common in those times) and dwelt first in Paphlagonia, as Homer witnesseth, and so doth Apollo∣nius [unspec 20] in his Argonauticks: Now, when these Rephei (afterward Heneti) sought new Re∣gions, they came along the shores of Euxinus, and filled the North part of Europe, contayning Russia, Lituania, and Polonia. From thence they crost thwart the Land, and peopled Illyria, desirous (sayth Melanchton) of a warmer soile of fruit and Wine. These Heneti or Veneti, whom Melanchton taketh to be one people, filled al that Land* 1.578 betweene the Baltick and Adriaticke Sea; and to this day the name of the Gulfe Vene∣dicus is found in Russia. This Nation, after they were possest of Lituania and Polonia, disturbed the plantation of the Boij and Hermondurij. Therefore, it seemeth to mee, that of Riphath came the Riphei, afterward Heneti; and so thinketh Arias Montanus, first seated in Paphlagonia, but in course of time Lords of Sarmatia, and those other [unspec 30] parts before remembred, chiefly betweene the Riuers of Vistula and Albis. The name (saith Melanchton) signifieth wandering or Wanderers, or Nomades: a people which liued by White-meates and fruits, as (indeed) all Nations did in the first Ages.

Of the third sonne of Gomer, Togorma, I haue spoken alreadie; now therefore of Iauans children, which were foure:

• ...Elisa,
• ...Tharsis,
• ...Cethim,
• ...Dodanim. [unspec 40]

§. IX. Of the foure Sonnes of IAVAN: and of the double signification of Tharsis, either for a proper name or for the Sea.

OF Elisa or Elipha, came the Aeoles: and of this Elisa all the Greekes were called Hellenes, sayth Montanus. Melanchton makes Elisa the Father of [unspec 50] the Aeoles in Asia side: others of Elis in Peloponnesus, or of both. And seeing the Greekes were descended in generall of Iauan, it is pro∣bable that the Aeoles and the Elei, tooke name of Elisa, his eldest Sonne. Ezechiel in the 27. speaking of Tyre, nameth the Isles of Elisa. Hyacynthus* 1.579

& purpur a de insulis Elisae facta sunt operimentum tuum: Blue Silke and Purple, brought from the Isles of Elisa, was thy couering: The Chaldaeans for Elisa write Italia: but the Vulgar, the Tigurine, the Geneua, and Iunius, keepe the word Elisa: and so I thinke they might doe with reason. For there was not found any such Purple Dye in Italie in those dayes nor since, that I can read of: but those Isles of Elisa, were by a better coniecture the Isles of Greece; and the best Purple was found afterward at Tyre it selfee and before that, among the Cyclades, and on the Coast of Getulia.

Tharsis, the second Sonne of Iauan, inhabited Cilicia, of which Tharsis is the Metro∣polis. Montanus for Tharsis in Cilicia, vnderstands Carthage in Africa; but (reseruing the respect due to so learned a man) he was much mistaken in that coniecture. The [unspec 10] Chaldaean Paraphrast puts Carthage for Tharsis, but it hath no authoritie, nor warrant of reason therein. So likewise, where it is written, that the Ships of Salomon went euery three yeeres to Tharsis, and brought thence Gold, Siluer, Elephants teeth, &c. the Chaldaean Paraphrast translates Tharsis (Africa.) But Salomons Ships were pre∣pared in the Red Sea at Esion Gaber, in the Bay of Elana, neere vnto Madian, where Iethro (Moses Father in Law) inhabited; a Prouince of Arabia Petraea, Idumaea, or of the Chusites; and they sayled to the higher part of the East India. For it had beene a strange Nauigation to haue spent three yeers in the passage betweene Iudaea and Car∣thage, or any other part of Africa, which might haue beene sayled in six or ten daies. And if so great riches might haue beene found within the bounds of the Mediterran [unspec 20] Sea, all other neighbouring Princes would soone haue entertained that Trade also. But this enterprize of Salomon is in this sort written of in the first of Kings: Also King SALOMON Made a Nauie of Ships in Esion Gaber, which is beside Elath and the brinke of the Red Sea in the Land of Edom: and HYRAM sent with the Nauie his seruants, that were Mariners, and had knowledge of the Sea, with the seruants of SALOMON: and they came to Ophir, and fet from thence 420. Talents of Gold, &c. But as the Nations about Pontus thought no Sea in the World like vnto their owne, and doubted whether there were any other Sea but that only: (whereof it came, that Pontus was a word vsed for the Sea in generall) so, because the Israelites and the Phoenicians knew no o∣ther Sea then that of the Mediterran in the beginning; and that the people of Thar∣sis [unspec 30] had the greatest Ships, and were the first Nauigators in those parts with such Ves∣sels, they were therefore called men of the Sea: and the word Tharsis vsed often for the Sea. And whereas it is said that the Ships of Salomon went euery three yeeres to Tharsis, that phrase is not strange at all; for we vse it ordinarily wheresoeuer wee na∣uigate, (namely) that the Kings Ships are gone to the Sea, or that they are set out e∣uery yeere, or euery three yeere to the Sea, and therefore Tharsis was not therein named, eyther for Carthage, Africa, or India, but vsed for the Sea it selfe. But in this place Tharsis is truly taken for Tharsis, the chiefe Citie in Cilicia, founded by Tharsis the second sonne of Iauan, or by his Successours in memorie of their first parent. To this Citie arriued Alex. Macedon, before he gaue the first ouerthrow to Darius, and [unspec 40] casting himselfe into the Riuer to bathe and wash his bodie, he fell into an extreme Feuer, and great danger of death: and in this Citie of Tharsis was Saint Paul borne. Now this agreeth with the reason and nature of a Plantation. For (Gomer and his other sonnes inhabiting Asia the lesse, and that part of Syria adioyning) Iauan, who was to passe ouer the Sea into Greece, tooke the edge of the same Coast, and first planted the Iones on that shore: gaue the Islands betweene Asia the lesse and Greece, to Elisa, and left Tharsis vpon the Sea-side in Cilicia; of whom that Citie tooke name.

The third sonne of Iauan was Cethim, of whom were the Romans and Italians, saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but I allow better of Melanchtons opinion, who makes Cethim the Fa∣ther [unspec 50] of the Macedonians. Cethim is a voice plurall (saith he) and signifieth percusso∣res, though in that respect it may be meant by either. But it seemeth more probable, that the place of Esai. 23. (according to Melanchton) had relation to Alexander and the Macedonians: Hac calamitas ab ESAI praedicta est, quicapite vicessimo tertio inquit,

〈◊〉〈◊〉 esse euersores Tyriex terra Cittim, This calamitie (sayth MELANCHTON) was foreshewed by ESAI the Prophet, who in the three and twentieth Chapter pronounced, that the Destroyers of Tyre were to come out of Cittim. And although the children of Israel esteemed all men Islanders, which came vnto them by Sea, and separate from that Continent; (and so also Cittim might be taken for Italie, saith Beroaldus) yet wee must take the first performance of the former Prophesie, which tooke effect with the destruction of the Tyrians by Alexander, who after seuen Moneths siege entred that proud Citie, and cut in pieces 7000. principall Citizens; strangled 2000. and changed the freedome of 13000. others into bondage and slauerie. Now, that Ma∣cedon was taken for Cethim, it appeareth plainly in the first of the Maccabees, in these [unspec 10] wordes. After that ALEXANDER the Macedonian, the Sonne of PHILIP, went forth of the Land of Cethim, and slew DARIVS King of the Persians and Medes. IOSEPHVS sets Cethim in the Isle of Cyprus, in which (sayth hee) there remaineth the Citie Ci∣tium, the Countrey of Zeno the Philosopher (witnesse Laertius) which Citie Pintus vpon Ezechiel affirmeth, that it stood in Saint Hicromes time. So it may be that all the Islands in ancient times by the Hebrewes were called the Islands of Cethim: and in that sense might Cyprus bee so called also; and yet because Tharsis was the very next Port to Cyprus, and directly ouer against it, it is also very probable, that Cethim dwelt by his brother Tharsis: and finding that Island too streight for his people after they were increased, and that the rest of the Coasts, both on Asia side and Greece, were in∣habited [unspec 20] by his Father and Brothers, he sent Colonies ouer the Aegaean Sea, and inha∣bited Macedonia.

Dodanim the fourth sonne of Iauan, and the youngest Brother (by the most opi∣nions) sate downe at Rhodes, as neere Cethim, Tharsis, and Elisa, as he could. For Do∣danim and Rhodanim are vsed indifferently by many Translators: the Hebrew (D) and the Hebrew (R) are so like, as the one may easily bee taken for the other, as all Hebricians affirme. There is also found in Epirus the Citie of Dodona, in the Pro∣uince of Molossia. And as Cethim, when he wanted soile in Cyprus: so Dodanim (sea∣ted in a farre lesse Island) did of necessitie send his people farther off; and keeping a∣longst the Coast, and finding Peloponnesus in the possession of Elisa, hee passed a little [unspec 30] farther on the Westward, and planted in Epirus. And though the Citie of Dodona was not then built, or (perchance) not so ancient as Dodanim himselfe, yet his Poste∣ritie might giue it that name in memorie of their first parent, as it happened all the World ouer. For names were giuen to Cities, Mountaines, Riuers, and Prouinces, after the names of Noahs children, and grand-children; not in all places by them∣selues, but by their successours many yeeres after: euery of their Families being de∣sirous to retaine among them by those memories, out of what branch themselues were taken, and grafted elsewhere. And because great Kingdomes were often by new Conquerers newly named, and the greatest Cities often fired and demolished: therefore those that hoped better to perpetuate their memories, gaue their owne [unspec 40] names, or the names of their Ancestors, to Mountaines and Riuers, as to things (af∣ter their iudgements) freest from any alteration.

Thus then did Iauan settle himselfe and his children, in the edge and frontier of Asia the lesse, towards the Sea-shore: and afterward in Greece, and the Islands, and neighbour Prouinces thereof, as Iapheth their Father had done in the body of the lesser Asia, together with Iauans brethren, Gomer, Magog, Madai, Tubal, Mesech, and the rest round about him. And in like sort did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (the sonne of Cham) people Ba∣hylonia, Chaldaea, and the borders thereof towards the West and Southwest: and the sonnes of Chush (all but Nimrod, who held Babylonia it selfe) trauailed Southward in Arabia foelix, and Southwestward into Arabia petraea: the rest of his children holding [unspec 50] the Regions adioyning to Nimrod. Mizraim the brother of Chush in like manner tooke the way of Aegypt: and his brother Canaan the Region of Palestina adioyning. The Sonnes of Canaan had their portions in Canaan, of whom all those Nations came, which were afterward the Enemies both to the Hebrewes, and to those of the

sonnes of Shem, which spred themselues towards the West, and the borders of the Mediterran Sea: of which I shall speake hereafter. But first of the sonnes of Cham or Ham, which were foure:

• ...Chush,
• ...Mizraim,
• Phut, and
• ...Canaan.

§. X. [unspec 10] That the seate of CHVSH the eldest sonne of HAM, was in Arabia, not in Aethiopia: and of strange Fables, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Translations of Scripture, grounded vpon the mistaking of this point.

†. I. Of IOSEPHVS his Tale of an Aethiopesse wife to MOSES, grounded on [unspec 20] the mistaking of the seate of CVSH.

THat Ham was the Father of the Egyptians, it is made manifest in many Scriptures, as in the 105. Psalme verse 51. Then ISRAEL came to E∣gypt, and IACOB was a stranger in the land of HAM: and in the 78. Psalme, Hee slew all the first-borne in Egypt, euen the beginning of their strength, in the Tabernacles of HAM. There is also found a great Citie in Thebaida, called Cheramis: (as it were the Citie of Ham) of which name 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.580 also dicouers an Iland in the same Region. But because Chush is the elder sonne of Ham, it agreeth with order to speake first of him. Now though I haue already in [unspec 30] the description of Paradise handled this question, and (I hope) prooued that Chush could not be Aethiopia: yet seeing it commeth now to his turne to speake for him∣selfe, I will adde some farther proofe to the former. For the manifestation hereof sets many things straight, which had otherwise very crooked constructions, and senselesse Interpretations. Surely, how soeuer the Septuagint and Iosephus haue here∣in failed, yet it is manifest that Chush could not be Aethiopia, but Arabia: (to wit) both that Arabia called Petraea, and a part of Arabia the Happie and the Desart: which Regions Chush and the Chusites presently planted, after they left Babylonia to Nimrod, wherein they first sate downe altogether. And there is nothing which so well cleereth this Controuersie, as the true interpretation of the place, Num. 12. v. 1. [unspec 40] where Moses his Wife is called a Chusite; together with some places which speake of Nabuchodonosors Conquests. For whereas Iosephus and the Septuagint in the place, Num. 12. v. 1. as also elsewhere, vnderstand Chush for Aethiopia, we must giue credit to Moses himselfe herein; and then it will appeare that Iosephus was grosly mistaken, or vainely led by his owne inuention. For Iosephus presuming that Chush was Aethiopia, and therefore that the Wise of Moses (which in Scripture, Num. 12. verse 1. is called a woman of Cush) was a woman of the land of Aethiopia, faineth that Tharbis the Daughter of the King of Aethiopia, fell in loue with the person and fame of Mo∣ses, while he besieged Saba her Fathers Citie; and to the end, to obtaine Moses for her Husband, shee practised to betray both her Parents, Countrie, and friends, with [unspec 50] the Citie it selfe, and to deliuer it into Moses hands. The Tale (if it bee worth the reciting) lyeth thus in Iosephus. After hee had described the strength of the Aethio∣pian Citie Meroe, which he saith at length Cambyses called so from the name of his Sister, (the olde name being Saba) he goeth on in these wordes: Hic cùm MOSES de∣sidere* 1.581

exercitum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aegrè ferret, hoste non audente manus 〈◊〉〈◊〉, tale quiddam acci∣dit. Erat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Regi 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nomine THARBIS, &c. which Tale hath this sense in English: When MOSES was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that his Armie lay idle, because the Enemie besieged, durst not sally and come to handy strokes, there happened this accident in the meane while. The Aethiopian King had a Daughter called THARBIS, who at some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 giuen beheld the person of MOSES, and withall admired his valour. And knowing that MOSES had not only vp-held and restored the falling estate of the Egyptians, but had also brought the conquering 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the very brinke of subuersion: these things working in her thoughts, together with her owne affection, which daily increased, shee made meanes to send vnto him by one of her trustiest seruants to offer her selfe vnto him, and become his Wife; [unspec 10] Which MOSES on this condition entertained, that shee should first deliuer the Citie into his possession: where unto shee 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and MOSES hauing taken oath to performe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contract, both the one and the other were instantly performed.

†. II. A dispute against the Tale of IOSEPHVS.

THis Tale (whereof Moses hath not a word) hath Iosephus fashioned, and therein also vtterly mistaken himselfe, in naming a Citie of Arabia for a Citie of Ae∣thiopia: [unspec 20] as he names Aethiopia it selfe to haue beene the Countrie of Moses his Wife, when (indeed) it was Arabia. For Saba is not in Aethiopia, but in Arabia, as both Strabo and all other Geographers, ancient and moderne teach vs, saying that the Sabaeans are Arabians and not Aethiopians; except Iosephus can perswade vs, that the Queene of Saba which came from the South to heare the wisedome of Salomon, were a Negro, or Blacke-Moore. And though Damianus à Goes speake of certaine Let∣ters to the King of Portugall from Prester Iohn, of the Abissines: wherein that Aethio∣pian King would perswade the Portugals that hee was descended of the Queene of Saba, and of Salomon; yet it doth no where appeare in the Scriptures, that Salomon had any Sonne by that great Princesse: which had it beene true, it is likely that [unspec 30] when Sishac King of Egypt inuaded Roboam, and sackt Hierusalem, his Brother (the Sonne of Saba and Salomon) who ioyned vpon Egypt, would both haue impeached that enterprize, as also giuen aide and succour to Roboam against Ieroboam, who drew from him tenne of the twelue Tribes to his owne obedience. Neyther is it any thing against our opinion of Moses his Wife, to haue beene an Arabian, that the Scriptures teach vs, that Moses married the daughter of Iethro Priest of Midian or Madian: which standing on the North Coast of the Red Sea, ouer against the bodie of Egypt, and neere Esion Gaber, where Salomon prouided his Fleet for India, in the Regi∣on of Edom, may well bee reckoned as a part of Arabia, as the Red Sea is called Si∣nus Arabicus. For Edumaea ioyneth to the Tribe of Iuda by the North, to Arabia Pe∣traea [unspec 40] by the East, to the Mediterran by the West, and to the Red Sea by the South∣east. And if wee marke the way which Moses tooke when he left Egypt, and condu∣cted Israel thence, it will appeare that hee was no stranger in Arabia: in the border whereof, and in Arabia it selfe, hee had formerly liued fortie yeeres; where it see∣meth, that besides his carefull bringing vp in Egypt, hee was instructed by Iethro in the Egyptians learning. For Iosephus confesseth, and Saint Stephen confirmeth, that he was learned in all the wisedome of the Egyptians. But on the other side this Text makes much against Iosephus, where it is written in Exodus the second, Therefore* 1.582 MOSES fled from PHARAO, and dwelt in the Land of Madian or Midian, and not in Aethiopia. And in the third Chapter it is as plaine as wordes can expresse, in what [unspec 50] Region Madian was, where it is written, When MOSES kept the sheepe of IETHRO his Father in Law, Priest of Madian, and draue the Flocke to the Desart, and came to the Mountaine of GOD in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Now that Mount Horeb is not in Aethiopia, euery Infant knoweth. And if wee may beleeue Moses himselfe, then was not the Wife of

Moses purchased in that manner which Iosephus reporteth (which was for betraying her Countrie and Friends) neither had shee the name of Tharbis, but of Sippora, or Zippora: neither was shee a Negro, but a Madianitish. And as God worketh the greatest things by the simplest meanes: so it pleased him from a Sepherd to call Moses, and after him Dauid, and by them to deliuer his people first and last. For Mo∣ses sitting by a Well (as disconsolate and a stranger) defended the daughters of Re∣guel* 1.583 from the other shepherds, and drew them Water to water their sheepe: vpon which occasion (by God ordayned) he was entertayned by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whose Daughter he marryed: and not for any betraying of Townes or Countries.

From hence also came Iethro to Moses at 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not farre from Idumaea, and fin∣ding [unspec 10] the insupportable gouernement of such a multitude, he aduised him to distri∣bute this waightie charge, and to make Gouernours and Iudges of euery Tribe and Familie. And if Iethro had beene an Aethiopian, it had beene a farre progresse for him to haue passed through all Egypt with the Wife and Children of Moses, and to haue found Moses in the border of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: the Egyptians hating Moses and all that fauoured him. But the passing of Moses through Arabia Petraea (which ioyneth to Madian) proueth that Moses was well acquainted in those parts: in which the se∣cond time he wandred fortie yeeres, and did by these late trauailes of his, seeke to instruct the children of Israel in the knowledge of one true God, before he brought them to the Land of plentie and rest. For he found them nourished vp with the milke [unspec 20] of Idolatrie, and obstinate in the Religion of the Heathen, and finding that those stiffe plants could not be bowed or declined, either by perswasion or by miracle, he ware them out in the Desarts, as God directed, and grasted their branches a new, that from those he might receiue fruit, agreeable to his owne desire, and Gods Com∣mandements.

Lastly, this opinion of Iosephus is condemned by Augustinus Chrisamensis, where also he reprehendeth Apollinaris, who auowed that Moses had marryed both Thar∣bis and Sephora: His owne wordes haue this beginning: Mentitur ettam APOLLI∣NARIS* 1.584 duas vxores habuisse MOSEN, &c. APOLLINARIS also lyeth in affirming that MOSES had two wiues: and who doth not perceiue these things fayned by them? for it is [unspec 30] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the wife of MOSES was ZEPHORA, Daughter to the Priest or President of Madian: and that Madian cannot be taken for Aethiopia beyond Egypt; being the same that ioyneth to Arabia: so farre Chrisamensis.

†. III. Chush ill expounded for Aethiopia, EZECH. 29. 10.

NOw as Chush is by the Septuagint conuerted Aethiopia, and the wife of Moses 〈◊〉〈◊〉 called Aethiopissa: so in the conquest of Nabuchodonosor is Aethiopia [unspec 40] written for Arabia. For by the wordes of Ezechiel it is manifest that Nabuchodonosor* 1.585 was neuer in Aethiopia. Behold (saith Ezechiel, speaking of the person of this great Assyrian) I come vpon thee and vpon thy Riuers, and I will make the Land of Egypt vtter∣ly waste and desolate, from the Towre of Seueneh, euen to the borders of the Black-moores: which last wordes should haue beene thus conuerted: From the Towre of Seueneh to the borders of the Chusites or Arabians: betweene which two is situated all Egypt. For to say, from the borders of Seueneh to the Aethiopians, hath no sense at all. Seue∣neh it selfe being the border of Egypt, confronting and ioyning to Aethiopia, or the Land of the black-Moores. So as if Nabuchodonosors conquest had beene but between Seueneh and the border of Aethiopia, it were as much to say, and did expresse no o∣ther [unspec 50] victorie then the conquest of all that Land and Countrie, lying between Middle∣sex and Buckingham, where both the Countries ioyne together; or all the North parts of England, betweene Barwick and Scotland: for this hath the same sense with the former, if any man sought to expresse by these two bounds, the Conquest of

England: Barwick being the North border of England, as Seueneh or Syene is the South bound of Aegypt, seated in Thebaida which toucheth Aethiopia. But by the wordes of Ezechiel it appeareth, that Nabuchodonosor neuer entred into any part of Aethiopia, although the Septuagint, the Vulgar, the Geneua, and all other (in effect) haue written Aethiopia for Chush.

†. IIII. Another place of EZECHIEL, cap. 30. vers. 9. in like manner mistaken.

ANd as the former, so is this place of Ezechiel mistaken, by being in this sort [unspec 10] conuerted: In dieilla 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nuncij à facie mea in trieribus ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ae∣thiopiae confidentiam: Which place is thus turned in English by the Geneuans: In that day shall there Messengers goe forth from me in ships to make the carelesse Moores afraid. Now the Latine for (ships) hath the Greeke word Trieres for Triremes which are Gallyes of three bankes, and not ships. But that in this place the Translation should haue beene (as in the former) amended by vsing the word Chush, or Arabia for Aethiopia or the blacke Moores, euery man may see which meanely vnderstandeth the Geographie of the World, knowing, that to passe out of Aegypt into Aethiopia there neede no Gal∣leys nor ships, no more then to passe out of Northampton into Leicestershire: Aethio∣pia [unspec 20] being the conterminate Region with Aegypt, and not diuided so much as by a Riuer. Therefore in this place of Ezechiel it was meant, that from Aegypt Nabucho∣donosor should send Galleyes alongst the coast of the Red Sea, by which an Armie might be transported into Arabia the Happy and the Stony (sparing the long weari∣some march ouer all Aegypt, and the Desarts of Pharan) which Armie might there∣by surprise them vnawares in their securitie and confidence. For when Nabuchodono∣sor was at Seueneh within a mile of Aethiopia, he needed neither Galley nor Ship to passe into it: being all one large and firme Land with Aegypt, and no otherwise par∣ted from it, then one In-land shire is parted from another; and if he had a fancie to haue rowed vp the Riuer but for pleasure, he could not haue done it: for the fall of [unspec 30] Nilus (tumbling ouer high and steepie Mountaynes) called Catadupae Nili, were at hand.

Lastly, as I haue alreadie obserued, the sonnes of euery father seated themselues as neere together as possibly they could, Gomer and his sonnes in Asia the lesse; Iauan and his sonnes in Greece, and the Ilands adioyning; Shem in Persia and Eastward. So the Sonnes and Grand-children of Chush from the Riuer of Gehon (their Fathers first seat) inhabited vpon the same, or vpon some other contiguat vnto it, as Nimrod and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the one side, and Saba, Sheba, and Sabtecha (with the rest) did on the other side. And to conclude in a word, the Hebrewes had neuer any acquaintance or fel∣lowship, any warre, treatie of peace, or other intelligence with the Aethiopian blacke [unspec 40] Moores, as is alreadie remembred in the Chapter of Paradise.

†. V. A place, ESAY 18. v. 1. in like manner corrupted, by taking Chush for Aethiopia.

ANd as in these places before remembred, so in diuers other is the word Aethio∣pia put for Arabia or Chush, which puts the storie (where it is so vnderstood) quite out of square; one Kingdome thereby being taken for another. For what sense [unspec 50] hath this part of Scripture Esay 18. Vae terrae Cymbalorum alarum quae est trans flumina Aethiopiae, or according to the Septuagint in these wordes: Vae terrae nauium alarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est trans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aethiopiae? Wo to the land shaddowing with wings, which is beyond the Riuers of Aethiopia, sending Ambassadors by sea, euen in vessels of reeds vpon the waters. Vae terrae

〈◊〉〈◊〉; Woe to the Land of the shadie coast, saith Iunius. The former Translators vnderstand it in this sense. That the waters are shaddowed with the sailes, which are significatiuely called the wings of the ships, the other, that the Coast of the Sea was shaddowed by the height of the Land.

But to the purpose: That this Land here spoken of by the Prophet Esay, is Egypt, no Interpreter hath doubted. For they were the Egyptians that sent this message to the Israelites which Esay repeateth, and by the former translation euery man may see the transposition of Kingdomes: for hereby Egypt is transported vnto the other side of Aethiopia, and Aethiopia set next vnto Iudaea, when it is the Land of Chush and Arabia indeed that lyeth betweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Egypt, and not Aethiopia, which is sea∣ted [unspec 10] vnder the Equinoctiall line. And of this Beroaldus asketh a materiall question, (to wit) what Region that should be, of which the Prophet speaketh, and placeth it beyond the Riuers of AETHIOPIA: Nam de ignotaagi regione dici nequit; For it can∣not be said that he treateth of an vnknowne Region. Now if Aethiopia it selfe be vnder the Equinoctiall line, with whom the Iewes had neuer any acquaintance, why should any man dreame that they had knowledge of Nations farre beyond it againe, and beyond the Riuers of Aethiopia? except we shall impiously thinke that the Prophet spake he knew not what, or vsed an impertinent discourse of those Nations, which were not discouered in 2000. yeeres after, inhabiting as farre South as the Cape of good Hope, commonly knowne by the name of Bona esperanza. [unspec 20]

†. VI. That vpon the like mistaking, both TERRHAKA in the storie of SENA∣CHERIB, and ZERA in the storie of ASA are vn∣aduisedly made Aethiopians.

ANd by this translation is the storie of Senacherib vtterly mistaken in the cause of his retrait. For Senacherib was first repulsed at Pelusium, at the very entrance of Egypt from Iudaea: when hauing certayne knowledge that 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (which all [unspec 30] the Interpreters call King of Aethiopia) was on the way to set on him, he began to* 1.586 with-draw himselfe: and fearing to leaue his Armie in two parts, he sent threatning Messengers to Ezechia King of Iuda, perswading him to submit himselfe: the Tenor whereof is set downe in the second of Kings in these wordes: Haue any of the gods of the Nations deliuered his Land out of the hands of the King of 〈◊〉〈◊〉? Where is the god of Hamah? &c. By which proud Ambassage, if he had obtayned entrance into Hieru∣salem, he then meant to haue vnited that great Armie before Hierusalem, commanded by Rabsekeh, with the other which lay before Pelusium, a great Citie vpon the branch of Nilus next Arabia. For Senacherib had alreadie mastered the most part of all those* 1.587 Cities in Iudaea and Beniamin with a third Armie, (which himselfe commanded) be∣ing [unspec 40] then at the siege of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But vpon the rumor of that Arabian Armie led by their King Thirrbakeh (whom Iosephus calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉) Rabsakeh hasted from the siege* 1.588 of Hierusalem, and found Senacherib departed from Lachis & set downe before Lebna,* 1.589 which was afterwards called Eleuthoropolis, as some haue supposed. But while he had ill successe at Pelusium and feared Thirrbakeh, God himselfe whom he least fea∣red, strooke his Armie before Hierusalem by the Angell of his power, so as 185000. were found dead in the place, as in the life of Ezechias is hereafter more largely writ∣ten. And that this Armie of Tirrakeh was from Arabia, Iosephus himselfe makes it plaine. For he confesseth in the tenth Booke the first Chapter of the Iewes Antiqui∣ties, that it was come to Senacheribs knowledge, that the Armie which was afoote [unspec 50] (both to releeue the Aegyptians and the Iewes) marched towards him by the way of the Desart: Now the Desart which lay indifferent betweene Hierusalem and 〈◊〉〈◊〉,* 1.590 was that of Pharan or Sur, which also toucheth on the three Arabiaes, to wit, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, of which it is a part: the Desart, and the Happy; and by no other way 〈◊〉〈◊〉

could the Arabians come on to succour either Pelusium or Hierusalem. But, that there is any Desart betweene Pelusium and the South part of Egypt, hath neuer yet beene heard of, or described by any Cosmographer or Historian. So then this Scrip∣ture of the second of Kings, Verse the ninth, hath the same mistaking as the rest. For here the word (Chush) is also translated Aethsopia; and in this sense haue all the Interpreters, (but Iunius) expressed the beginning of the ninth Verse: He heard also men say of THIRRHAKEH King of Aethiopia, &c. whereas it should haue beene thus conuerted with IVNIVS: Audiens autem de THIRRHAKEH Rege Chushi; Hee heard also of THIRRHAKEH King of the Chushites. For they were the Chusites and Arabians, whose Houses and Cities were next the fire, and vpon whom the very [unspec 10] smoke of Iuda flaming was blowne, being their neerest Neighbours: and so were not the Aethiopian blacke-Moores vnder the Equinoctiall, whom neither warre nor peace (which discouereth all Regions) euer found out, saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For this King* 1.591 was no more King of Aethiopia then Zerah was, who inuaded Asa King of Iuda, with an Armie of a Million and three thousand Charriots. Indeed, how such an Ar∣mie* 1.592 and those Charriouts should passe through all Egypt, (the Kings of Egypt being mightie Kings) let all men that know how these Regions are seated, and how farre distant, iudge. For Princes doe not easily permit Armies of a Million to runne through them; neither was there euer any such strength of Black-Moores heard of in that part of the World, or else where. Neither are these Aethiopians such trauai∣lers [unspec 20] or Conquerors; and yet is this King Zerah also called King of Aethiopia. But the word Chush being first so conuerted for AEthiopia, the rest of the Interpreters (not looking into the seates of Kingdomes, or the possibilities of attempts, or inuasions) followed one another in the former mistakings.

†. VII. A farther exposition of the place, ESAY 18. 1.

COncerning these wordes in that eighteenth Chapter of ESAY, Nauium alarum; [unspec 30] Winged ships, (so the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 turne it) or Cymbalo alarum (according to the La∣tine) sayles whistling in the windes, or terr aevmbrosae orae (after IVNIVS) the Land of a shaddowed coast, or the Land shaddowing with wings, as our English Geneua hath it. The two first interpretations of the Septuagint and S. Hierome haue one sense in effect. For the sailes are commonly called the wings of a ship; and we vse to say ordinarily when our ships saile slowly, that shee wanteth wings: (that is) when her sailes are either worne or too narrow; and we also vse the same phrase of the winde whistling in the sailes. And it may be that the Egyptians employed so many of those small ships, as their sailes were said to giue a shaddow ouer the Red Sea. But to make both inter∣pretations good, Pintus (vpon Esay) affirmeth, that the word (Sabal) doth signifie [unspec 40] both to shaddow and to gingle (which is) to make a kinde of Cymbaline sound: so as the meaning of this place (saith Pintus) is this: Woe to thee, O Egypt, which doest pro∣mise to others safegard, vnder the shaddow of thy wings, which (indeede) seemeth to a∣gree with the argument of the eighteenth Chapter of Esay: and this phrase is often else where vsed, as in the sixteenth Psalme: Sub vmbra alarum tuarum protege me; De∣fend me vnder the shaddow of thy wings. The Boates of reede spoken of are of two kindes; either of basket-willow couered with hides (as anciently in 〈◊〉〈◊〉) or a Tree made hollow in the bottome, and built vpon both sides with Canes. Of the one sort I haue seene in Ireland, of the other in the Indies. [unspec 50]

§. XI. Of the plantation and antiquities of Egypt.

†. I. That MIZRAIM the chiefe planter of Egypt, and the rest of the sonnes of HAM, were seated in order, one by another.

THe second sonne of Ham was Mizraim, who (according to the place [unspec 10] of a second brother) was sent somewhat farther off to inhabite. For Chush first possest Chaldaea on the West side of Gehon chiefly: and from thence, as he increased in people, so he entred Arabia, and by time came to the border of the Red Sea, and to the South-east-side of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mizraim his brother (with Phut) past ouer into Africa. Mizraim held Egypt: and Phut (as a third brother) was thrust farther off into Mauritania. Canaan tooke the Sea-coast, and held the side of Palestina: and these foure brothers possest all that Tract of Land, from Gehon in Chaldaea, as farre to the West as the Mediterrane Sea: comprehending all Arabia Deserta, and Petraea, all Canaan which embraceth [unspec 20] 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Samaria, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉; with the two Egypts, whereof the nether is bounded by Memphis on the South, and by the Mediterrane Sea on the North: and Thebaida (called the vpper Egypt) stretcheth it selfe toward the South as farre as Syene, the border of the Aethiopians or black- Moores. All the rest of the coast of Africa West∣ward Phut peopled; which brothers had not any other Nation or Familie that dwelt betweene them. And in the same manner did all their sonnes againe, and all the sonnes of the rest of Noahs children, sort themselues.

†. II. [unspec 30] Of the time about which the name of Egypt began to be knowne: and of the Egyptians Lunarie yeeres, which made their antiquities seeme the more fabulous.

THis flourishing Kingdome possest by Mizraim, changed her ancient name, and became Egypt, at such time as Aegyptus (otherwise Ramesses, as some thinke) the sonne of Belus, chased thence his elder brother Danaus, shifting him into that part of Greece now called Morea, by whom the Argiues were made Danai, abando∣ning their proper names: which happened 877. yeeres after the floud, in the time of Iosua, as S. Augustine coniectureth out of Euscbius. But in Homers Odysses it ap∣peareth [unspec 40] that the Egyptians were so called at the time of the Troian Warre. And be∣fore this, Egypt was knowne by diuers other names, as Oceana, Aria, Osiriana, &c. And Manethon (whom Iosephus citeth in his first booke against Appion) numbreth all the Kings of Egypt after Moses departure, who consumed 393. yeeres. By which other men coniecture, that the Egyptians tooke on them that name 330. yeeres after Iosua, and about 1000. yeeres after the floud. But where Iosephus in the same booke taketh Israel to be those Hycsos, which he also calleth Pastores or Shepherds, which are said to haue reigned in Egypt 511. yeeres: whom also he calleth his Ancesters, (meaning the Ancesters of the Iewes) in this I am sure he was grosly deceiued, or that he vainely boasted: for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had no such Dominion as Manethon fayneth: [unspec 50] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abode in Egypt so long a time by many yeeres.

Of the Egyptian Antiquities there are many fancies in Trogus, Herodotus, Plato, Diod. Siculus, Mela, and others. For they affirme (saith Pomp. Mela) that there had reigned in Egypt 330. Kings before Amasis, who was contemporarie with Cyrus;

and that they had memorie and storie of 13000. yeeres; and that the Starres had foure times changed their course, and the Sunne twice set in the East. These Riddles are also rife among the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Arcadians, who dare affirme, that they are more ancient then Iupiter and the Moone, whereof Ouid:

Ante IOVEM genitum terr as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 feruntur* 1.593 Arcades: & LVNA gens prior illa fuit.

The Arcadians the earth inhabited Ere yet the MOONE did shine, or IOVE was bred. [unspec 10]

But for those 13000. yeeres it may well be true: seeing it is certayne that the Ae∣gyptians reckon their yeeres by Moneths, which makes after that account not aboue 1000. or 1100. yeeres, whether we take their Moneths or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeeres to haue beene of the first kinde of 27. dayes and eight houres; or otherwise 29. dayes and twelue houres; or after any other of those siue diuersities of their Lunarie yeeres.

†. III. Of certayne vaine assertions of the Antiquitie of the [unspec 20] Aegyptians.

GERARDVS MERCATOR in his Chronologie, reasoneth for the Aegyptians An∣tiquitie in this manner: That the sixteenth Dynastie (where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 begins to reckon the Aegyptians times) had beginning with the generall floud: and that there∣fore the first of the other fifteene reached the Creation, or soone after it. To which coniecture of Mercator, Pererius maketh this answere. That therein Mercator was first deceiued, because he taketh it for granted, that the beginning of the sixteenth Dynastie was at once with the generall floud: which Eusebius maketh 292. yeeres af∣ter, and in the time of Abraham. Secondly, Mercator maketh the beginning of the [unspec 30] shepherds Dynastia (being in number the 17.) in the time of their first King, Saltis, to haue beene in the yeere of the World 1846. which Eusebius findeth in the Worlds age 2140. For the 16. Dynastia was begunne but in the 292. yeere after the floud, as they account, and continued 190. yeeres. Thirdly, whereas Mercator ma∣keth euery Dynastia to endure 115. yeeres, Eusebius reckoneth many of them at lesse then 100. yeeres: for the 28. had but sixe yeeres; the 29. but 20. and the 30. but 18. yeeres.

Now Annius in his Supplement of Manethon affirmeth, That all these 15. Dyna∣sties lasted but 162. yeeres: and that the first of the 15. beganne but in the 131. yeere after the floud: so as where Mercator makes all the 15. to precede the floud, [unspec 40] and the 16. to haue beene then in being at the time of the floud, Annius makes them all after it. But the contrarietie of falshood cannot be hidden, though disguised. For Annius had forgotten his former Opinion and Assertion, that it was in the 131. yeere that Nimrod with the sonnes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came into the Valley of Shinaar: so he forgets the time which was consumed in the building of Babel: and that before the confusion of Speech there was no dispersion, nor farre-off plantation at all. And though he hastily conueyed Gomer into Italie, and Tubal into Spaine, in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeere of Nimrods reigne: (which was ten yeeres after his arriuall into Babylonia) yet herein he is more vnaduised. For he makes Aegypt possest, and a gouernement established in the very first veere of the arriuall of Nimrod into Shinaar, before all partition, or [unspec 50] any expedition farre off or neere in question: for from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (that is, from Babel) did the Lord scatter them vpon all the earth.

†. IIII. Against PERERIVS: that it is not vnlikely, but that Aegypt was peopled within 200. yeeres after the Creation; at least, that both it, and the most parts of the World were peopled before the Floud.

BVT whereas Pererius seeketh to ouerthrow this Antiquitie of the Aegyptians touching their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (which Eusebius doth not altogether destroy, but lessen) I doe not find any great strength in this opinion of Pererius; (to wit) that it was ey∣ther [unspec 10] vnlikely or impossible that Aegypt should be peopled within 100. or 200. yeeres after Adam, in the first Age. And whereas he supposeth that it was not inhabited at all before the generall Floud, I doe verily beleeue the contrarie: and that not only of Aegypt, but the better part of all the World was then peopled: Pererius his words are these: 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 primos mundi ducentos, vel etiam centum annos ADAMI proles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 multiplicari potuit, vt ad Aegyptum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 habitandum & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 propagata sit, &c. For how could the children of ADAM bee so multiplied in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two hundred, or in the first hundred yeeres of the World, and so propagated as to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and fill Aegypt? for allowing this (saith Pererius) wee must also confesse, that there were then both the Assyrians, and other Nations. [unspec 20]

Now seeing that the Scriptures are silent herein, and that it is no point of our sa∣uing 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it is lawfull for euery man to bee guided in this and the like questions by the best reason, circumstance, and likelihood; and herein, as in the rest, I protest that I doe not gainsay any mans opinion out of any crossing or cauelling humour: for I thinke it the part of euery Christian, rather to reconcile differences, where there is possibilitie of vnion, then out of froward subtletie, and preiudicate resoluednesse, to maintaine factions needlesse, and dangerous contentions.

First therefore, to this opinion, that Aegypt was not planted so soone after Adam, no, not at all before the Floud, I say that there is no reason why wee should giue a lesse increase to the sonnes of Adam, then to the sonnes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For their length of [unspec 30] life, which exceeded those which came after the floud double; & (after a few yeeres) treble, is an infallible proofe of their strength and abilitie, to beget many Children: and at that time they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no degrees of kindred, nor consanguinitie. And that there was a speedie increase of people, and in great numbers, it may in some sort appeare by this, that Cain, who (being fearefull that the death of Abel would haue beene reuenged on him) withdrew himselfe from the rest, which were after∣ward begotten, and dwelt in the Land of Nod, and there, by the helpe of his owne issues built a Citie, (called Enoch) after the name of his first 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Now if it bee ga∣thered that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came into the Valley of Shinaar with so many multitudes, as suf∣ficed to build the Citie and Towre of Babel: and that to this increase there was gi∣uen [unspec 40] but 130. yeeres by Berosus, and after the account of the Scriptures (reckoning, as it is commonly vnderstood, by the birth of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Selah, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Phalegh) but one hundred and one yeere: I see no cause to doubt, but that in the infancie of the first age, when the bodies of men were most perfect, euen within 130. yeeres, the same (if not a greater) number might be increased; and so within 70. yeeres af∣ter (that is, by such time as the World had stood 200. yeeres) aswell Assyria, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Aegypt might be possest before the Floud, as they were within the same or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time after it. Neyther doth it agree with the circumstance or true Storie of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Assyrian Empire, that all those people, which were increased in the first hundred or 130. yeeres after the Floud, came into Shinaar and Babylonia. For that e∣uer [unspec 50] Noah himselfe came out of the East, as there is no Scripture or Authoritie to prooue it, so all probable coniecture and reason it selfe denies it. Againe, those mul∣titudes and powerfull numbers, which Semiramis (but the third from Nimrod) found in India, considered with her owne Armie of three Millions, (and shee left not

all her Kingdomes emptie) doe well prooue, that if the World had such plentie of people in so few yeeres after the Floud, it might also bee as plentifully filled in like time before it. For after their owne account Ninus gouerned Babylonia and Assyria but 292. yeeres after the Floud of Noah. And these Troupes of Semiramis were ga∣thered out of all those Easterne Kingdomes, from Media to the Mediterran Sea; when there had now past from the Floud to the time of this her inuasion, somewhat lesse or more then 360. yeeres: for much more time the true Chronologie cannot al∣low; though I confesse, that in respect of the strange greatnesse of Semiramis Armie, and the incredible multitudes gathered, this is as short a time as can well bee giuen. And if but the one halfe be true of that which is said, That her Armie consisted of [unspec 10] 1300000. Footmen, and 500000. Horsemen, it must needes bee, that long before Semiramis Raigne, the greatest part of Asia (whence her huge Armie was gathered) was full of people: yea Arabia it selfe (much part whereof is barren) must long be∣fore this time of Semiramis haue beene plentifully peopled; when Ninus hauing a determination to make himselfe Master of all Nations, entred (notwithstanding) in League with the King thereof: whom therefore he eyther feared, or sought his assi∣stance. And if Arabia were then so well replenished, I see no cause but Aegypt might also be peopled. Now if we may beleeue Trogus Pompeius (Epitomiz'd by Iu∣stine) Aegypt was a most flourishing and magnificent Nation before Ninus was borne. For these be his owne wordes, speaking of NINVS. Fuêre quidem tempori∣bus [unspec 20] * 1.594 antiquioribus VEXORIS Rex Aegypti, &c. But there were in times more ancient VEXORIS King of Aegypt, and TANAIS King of the Scythians: of which the one in∣uaded Pontus, the other Aegypt. And how full of people all that part of the World was, the Conquests of Ninus witnesse, who subdued with no small force the Arme∣nians, the Medes, and afterwards the Bactrians; yea, all that whole bodie of Asia on this side India. For Diodorus out of Ctesias numbreth the Armie, wherewith Ninus inuaded Zoroaster, at 1700000. Footmen, and 200000. Horsemen: and the Stories generally shew, that though Zoroasters Armie was farre short of this, yet it was grea∣ter then any that those parts of the World euer since beheld. But to what end should I seeke for forraine authoritie? for no man doubteth but that Aegypt was possest by [unspec 30] Mizraim, the sonne of Ham; and that it was an established Kingdome, filled with many Cities in Abrahams time, the Scriptures tell vs. And sure to prepare and cul∣tiue a desolate and ouergrowne ground, to beautifie it with many Cities, Lawes, and Policies, cannot be esteemed a labour of a few dayes: and therefore it must bee inhabited in a lesse time then 200. yeeres after the Floud; and in the same time (if not in a shorter) before the Floud. For if so many Millions of men were found with∣in 300. yeeres after the generall Floud; so as not only Babylon, and Assyria, Bactria, Armenia, Media, Arabia, Aegypt, Palaestina, yea the farre-off Lybia on the one side, and India on the other, and Scythia (inferiour to neyther) were all filled: into what small corners could then all those Nations be comprest, which 1656. yeeres brought [unspec 40] forth before the Floud? euen necessitie, which cannot be resisted, cast the abundance of mens bodies into all parts of the knowne World; especially, where Death for∣bare the Father, and made no place for the Sonne, till he had beheld liuing Nations of his owne bodie.

†. V. Of some other reasons against the opinion of PERERIVS.

FOR what a strange increase did the long liues of the first Age make, when they [unspec 50] continued 800. or 900. yeeres. Surely, we haue reason to doubt, that the World could not containe them, rather then that they were not spred ouer the World. For let vs now reckon the date of our liues in this Age of the World: wherein if one ex∣ceed 50. yeeres, tenne for one are cut off in that passage, and yet wee find no want of

people; nay, wee know the multitude such, as if by warres or pestilence they were not sometimes taken off by many thousands, the earth with all the industrie of man could not giue them food. What strange heapes then of soules had the first Ages, who enioyed 800. or 900. yeeres, as aforesaid? These numbers, I say, cannot bee counted nor conceiued. For it would come to the same reckoning in effect, as if all those which haue beene borne in Brittaine since 3. or 4. hundred yeeres before the Norman Conquest (sauing such as by accident or by violence were cut off) were now aliue; and if to these there were added as many as by Polygamie might haue beene increased. For (to omit, that the Giants and mightie ones of the first Age obserued no law of Matrimony) it is to be thought that those Louers of the world and of plea∣sure, [unspec 10] when they knew the long and liberall time which Nature had giuen them, would not willingly or hastily present themselues to any danger which they could flye from or eschew. For what humane argument hath better perswasion to make men carelesse of life, and fearelesse of death, then the little time which keepes them asunder, and that short time also accompanied with so many paines and diseases, which this enuious olde Age of the World mingleth together, and soweth with the seeds of Mankind?

Now if that Berosus or Annius may be alleaged for sufficient Authours, whom Pe∣rerius himselfe in this question citeth, then is it by them affirmed, and by Iosephus confirmed, that the Citie of Enoch was seated neere Lybanus in Syria: and if other [unspec 20] parts of Syria were peopled in Cains time, I see no cause why Palaestina (which is also a Prouince of Syria) and Aegypt (which neighboureth it) could bee left desolate both all the life time of Cain, and all those times betweene his death and the Floud, which were by estimation 700. or 800. yeeres. And sure though this Fragment of Berosus with Annius his Comment bee very ridiculous in many places (the ancient Copies being corrupted or lost) yet all things in Berosus are not to bee reiected. Therefore Saint Hierome for such Authours giues a good rule. Bona eorum eligamus, vitemus contraria; Let vs choose what is good in them, and reiect the rest. And certainly in the very beginning of the first Booke, Berosus agreeth (in effect) with Moses, touch∣ing the generall Floud: and in that first part Berosus affirmeth, that those mightie [unspec 30] men and Giants which inhabited Enoch, commanded ouer all Nations, and subiected the vniuersall World: and though that phrase (of all the World) bee often vsed in the Scriptures for a part thereof; as in the second of the Acts, That there were dwelling at Hierusalem Iewes: men that feared God of euery Nation vnder Heauen: yet by wordes which follow in Berosus, it is plaine that his words and sense were the same: for hee addeth from the Sunnes rising to the Sunnes setting, which cannot be taken for any small part thereof. Againe, wee may safely coniecture, that Noah did not part and proportion the World among his sonnes at aduenture, or left them as Discouerers, but directed them to those Regions which he formerly knew had beene inhabited. And it cannot be denyed that the earth was more passable and easie to trauaile ouer [unspec 40] before the Floud, then after it. For Pererius himselfe confesseth, that Attica (by rea∣son of mudde and slime which the water left vpon the Earth) was vninhabited 200. yeeres after Ogyges Floud, whereby wee may gather that there was no great pleasure in passing into farre Countries after the generall Deluge, when the earth lay (as it were) incopsed for 100. or 130. yeeres together. And therefore was the face there∣of in all coniecture more beautifull, and lesse cumbersome to walke ouer, in the first Age then after the generall ouerflowing. [unspec 50]

†. VI. Of the words of MOSES, GEN. 10. V. vltimo, whereupon PERERIVS grounded his opinion.

LAstly, whereas Pererius drawes this Argument out of the last Verse of the tenth of Genesis, And out of these were the Nations diuided after the Floud: Quo significatur talem diuisionem non fuisse ante diluuium, By which it appeareth (sayth Pererius) that there was no such diuision before the Floud; which hee also seeketh to confirme out of the e∣leuenth of Genesis, because the diuision of tongues was cause of the dispersion of the [unspec 10] people. This consequence, quo significatur, &c. seemeth to me very weake: the Text it selfe rather teaching the contrarie: for out of these (sayth MOSES) were the Nations diuided in the earth after the Floud; inferring, that before the Floud the Nations were diuided out of others, though after the Floud out of these only. But whatsoeuer sense may be gathered from this place, yet it can no way bee drawne to the times be∣fore the Floud, or to any Plantation or diuision in that Age: for if there were none else among whom the earth could bee diuided after the Floud, but Noahs Sonnes, wherein doth that necessarie diuision controule the planting of the World before it? And whereas it is alleaged that the confusion of speech was the cause of this disper∣sion, it is true, that it was so for that present; but if Babel had neuer beene built, nor [unspec 20] any confusion of Languages at all, yet increase of people and time would haue en∣forced a farther-off and generall Plantation: as Berosus sayes well, that when Man∣kind* 1.595 were exceedingly multiplyed, Ad comparandas nouas sedes necessitas compellebat, They were driuen by necessitie to seeke new Habitations. For we find (as is before said) that within 300. yeeres after the Floud, there were gathered together into two Armies, such multitudes as the Valley about Babylon could not haue sustained those numbers with their increase for any long time: all Asia the greater and the lesser; all Scythia, Arabia, Palaestina, and Aegypt, with Greece, and the Islands thereof; Mauritania and Lybia being also at that time fully peopled. And if we beleeue Berosus, then not on∣ly those parts of the World, but (within 140. yeeres after the Floud) Spaine, Italie [unspec 30] and France were also planted: much more then may wee thinke, that within 1656. yeeres before the Floud, in the time of the chiefe strength of Mankind, they were re∣plenished with people. And certainly seeing all the World was ouerflowne, there were people in all the World which offended.

†. VII. A conclusion, resoluing of that which is most likely, touching the Aegyptian An∣tiquities: with somewhat of PHVT (another Sonne of HAM) which peopled Lybia. [unspec 40]

THerefore, for the Antiquitie of the Aegyptians, as I doe not agree with Merca∣tor, nor iudge with the Vulgar, which giue too much credit to the Aegyptians Antiquities: so I doe not thinke the report of their Antiquities so fabulous, as either Pererius or other men conceiue it. But I rather incline to this, That Aegypt being peopled before the Floud, and 200. or 300. yeeres, more or lesse after Adam, there might remaine vnto the Sonnes of Mizraim some Monuments in Pillers or Altars of stone or metall) of their former Kings or Gouernours: which the Aegyptians ha∣uing added to the list and Roll of their Kings after the Floud, in succeeding time (out of the vanitie of glory or by some corruption in their Priests) something beyond the [unspec 50] truth might be inserted. And that the memorie of Antiquitie was in such sort pre∣serued, Berosus affirmeth it of the Chaldaeans, and so doth Epigenes. For they both write that the vse of Letters and the Art of Astronomie was knowne to the Babylo∣nians 3634. yeeres before Alexanders Conquest: and this report Annius findeth to

agree and reach to the time of Enosh, who was borne 1034. yeeres before the Floud, and wrote of the Worlds destruction, both by Water and Fire; as also of Christ his comming in iudgement, as Saint Iude hath witnessed. But leauing these Antiquities to other mens iudgements, and euery man to his owne reason, I will conclude this Plantation of Aegypt. It is agreed by all, that it was peopled by Mizraim, and that it tooke the name of Aegypt from Aegyptus the sonne of Belus, as aforesaid. Being diuided into two Regions, that part from Memphis or Nicopolis to the Mediterran Sea, was called the inferiour Aegypt; surnamed also Delta: because the seuerall branches of Nilus breaking asunder from one bodie of the Riuer, gaue it the forme of the Greeke letter Delta, which is the forme of a Triangle. That branch, which [unspec 10] ranne toward the North-east and imbraced the Sea, next vnto the Desarts of Sur and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, had on it the Citie of Pelusium, where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was repulsed: The other branch, which yeelded it selfe to the Salt-water towards the North-west, is beautified by that famous Citie of Alexandria: The vpper part of Aegypt is bounded btweene Memphis and Syene neere Aethiopia, and had the name of Thebaida, of that ancient Citie of Thebes, which (according to Homer) was adorned with 100. Gates: and therefore called Ciuitas as contum portarum; and by the Greekes Diospolis; in the Scriptures No-hamon, which signifieth multitudes of Inhabitants, exceeding beliefe. Iosephus cals Aegypt Mersin of Mizraim: and Herodotus affirmes that it had* 1.596 once the name of Thebais. [unspec 20]

Phut the third sonne of Ham tooke the next portion of Land to his other Miz∣raim, and inhabited Lybia: whose people were anciently called Phutei; (sayth Iose∣pbus) and Plinie mentioneth the Riuer Fut in Mauritania: which Riuer from the* 1.597 Mountaine Atlas (knowne to the Inhabitants by the name of Dyris) hee maketh to bee distant the space of two hundred miles. It also appeareth in the thirtieth Chap∣ter of Ezechiel, that Phut, Chush and Lud were contermini and Associates with the Aegyptians.

§. XII. [unspec 30] Of the eleuen sonnes of CANAAN, the fourth sonne of HAM.

†. I. Of the bounds of the Land of Canaan: with the names of his eleuen sonnes. [unspec 40]

CANAAN (the fourth sonne of Ham) possest all that Region called by the Romanes Palaestina; in the Scriptures 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Samaria, and Iudaea; in the latter times knowne by the name of the Holy Land and Iurie: the limits whereof are precisely set downe by MOSES, Genesis the tenth, Then the border of the Canaanites was from Zidon as thou goest to Gerar vntill Azzah, and as thou goest vnto Sodome and Gomorha, and Admah, and Ze∣boim, euen vnto Lasha. Now howsoeuer these words of the Hebrew Text (as thou goest) be conuerted, Moses meaning was that Gerar was the South bound of Canaan and Zidon the North; Sodome and Gomorha the East, and the other Cities named stood on the Frontiers thereof. For Gerar standeth in a right Line from Gaza in the way of [unspec 50] Aegypt, the vttermost Territorie of Canaan Southward: and this was properly the Land of Canaan.

Now the sonnes of Canaan which possest this Countrie, and inhabited some part of the borders thereof, were in number eleuen:

• 1. Zidon.
• 2. Heth or Chethus.
• 3. Iebusi or Iebusaeus.
• 4. Emori or Emoreus, or Amoreus.
• 5. Girgeshi or Girgeseus.
• 6. Heui or Chiueus.
• 7. Arki or Harkeus.
• 8. Seni or Sinaeus.
• 9. Araadi or Aruadaeus.
• 10. Zemari or Samareus, or Tzemareus. [unspec 10]
• 11. Hamathi or Hamatheus, or Chamaethaeus.

Of which the most renowned were the Hethites, Gergesites, Amorites, Heuites, Iebusites, and Perizzites: which Perizzites were descended of Zemari or Samareus, or from some of his.

†. II. Of the portions of ZIDON and HETH. [unspec 20]

ZIDON the first borne of Canaan, built the famous Citie of Zidon in Phaenicia, which afterward fell in partition to the Tribe of Asser: for Asser, Zabulon, and Nephtali had a great part of the ancient Phoenicia distributed among them; but the Asserites could neuer obtaine Zidon it selfe.

The second sonne of Canaan was Heth or Cethus: of whom came the Hethites, or Hittites, one of those seuen principall Nations (Commanders of Canaan) appointed by God to bee rooted out; namely, the Gergesites, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Perizzites, and Heuites, and the Iebusites. The Hittites inhabited about Bersabe, and towards Hebron neere the Torrent Besor, and about Gerar, which Moses maketh* 1.598 [unspec 30] the vttermost limit of Canaan, hauing the Desart of Pharan to the South: for about Bersabe (otherwise Puteus iuramenti) foure miles from Gaza dwelt Heth and his Po∣steritie,* 1.599 as farre to the Northeast as Hebron, and Mamre; and of Ephraim the Hittite* 1.600 did Abraham buy the field of Sarahs buriall. Of which Nation Rebecca bewailed her selfe to Isaac, saying, That shee was wearie of her life for the Daughters of HETH. The Giants Anakim were of these Hittites, a strong and fierce Nation, whose enter∣tainment by the Kings of Israel against them the Syrians greatly feared: as in the* 1.601 fourth of the Kings; Israel hath hired against vs the Kings of the Hittites.

†. III. [unspec 40] Of the Iebusites and Amorites.

IENVSAEVS, the third sonne of Canaan, of whom came the Iebusites, and whose principall seat was Iebus, (afterward Hierusalem) were also a valiant and stubborne Nation, and held their Citie and the Countrie neere it, till such time as Dauid by Gods assistance recouered both: yet were not the Iebusites extinguished, but were Tributaries to Salomon.

Amoreus was the fourth sonne of Canaan, of whom the Amorites tooke name, who inhabited that Land to the East of Iordan below the Sea of Galilee, hauing Ar∣non [unspec 50] and the Mountaines of Galaad on the East, and Iordan on the West: of whom Og (King of Basan) and Sihon (ouerthrowne by Moses) were Princes.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had also many other habitations dispersed within the bounds of Canaan: as behind Libanus in the edge of Caelesyria, or Syria Libanica. They had also

their being in the Mountaynes of Iuda, and in Idumaea neere the Metropolis thereof,* 1.602 * 1.603 called Duma. And hereof it came that all the Canaanites were sometime called Amo∣rites: as in Genesis the fifteenth: For the wickednesse of the Amorites is not yet full. And that this was also a powerfull Nation, we finde in the Prophet AMOS: Yet de∣stroyed* 1.604 I the Amorite before them, whose heighth was like the heighth of a Cedar, and he was strong as the Okes.

†. IIII. Of the Gergesites, Heuites, and Harkites. [unspec 10]

THe fift sonne of Canaan was Gergeseus or Gergesion, (otherwise Girgasi) who in∣habited on the East side of the Lake of Tiberias, or the Sea of Galilee, where Ptolemie sets the Citie Gerasa, which Iosephus calls Gesera in the Territorie of Decapo∣lis. Here it was that CHRIST dispossest the possessed with Deuills; and the Gerge∣sites desired him to depart their Coasts: because their Swine filled with the euill spi∣rits, drowned themselues in the Sea of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gergeseus also built Berytas (some∣time Geris) afterward Foelix Iulia, three miles from the Riuer Adonis in Phoenicia: in which the Romanes held a Garrison: and to which Augustus gaue many large priuiledges. [unspec 20]

〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sixth sonne; and Father of the Heuites, inhabited vnder Libanus neere Emath. These 〈◊〉〈◊〉, howsoeuer the Caphthorim expelled a good part of them (as in Deuteronomie the second is remembred) yet many of them remayned all the warre of Iosua, and afterward to the time of Salomon. For God was not pleased vtterly to roote out these Nations, but they were sometimes made Tributaries to the Israelites, and at other times serued (in their falling away from the true worship of God) to afflict them: for as it is written, Iudges the third: They remayned to proue ISRAEL by them, whether they would obey the Commandements of God.

The seuenth sonne was Araccus or Harki, who betweene the foote of Libanus and the Mediterran Sea, (ouer against Tripolis) built the Citie of Archas, Arce, or [unspec 30] Arca, afterwards Arachis.

†. V. Of SINI and ARVADI.

SINEVS the eighth sonne, Hierosolymitanus sets at Caparorsa, which Ptolemie findes in Iudaea, not farre from Iebus; to the South thereof, saith Iunius. But it is more probable, that Sineus founded Sin, which S. Hierome calls Sim; Ptolemie, Simyra: Me∣la and Plinte, Simyrus: Brochard, Sycon, (called Synochis) neere Arca. Pererius thinkes [unspec 40] that Sineus inhabited the Desarts of Sinai or thereabout; but hereof there is no o∣ther certaintie then the report of Brochard, who tooke view of all these places, affir∣ming, that Sineus built Synochis, as Zidon built Zidon. There is also another Nation of Cini (written with the letter C. otherwise Kenaei) who descended of Hobab the sonne of Raguel the Madianite, who assisted the Israelites in their conduction through the Wildernesse of Pharan. But these Cinaei were admitted among the Israelites, and had a portion of Land with the Nephtalims, beside their habitations with the* 1.605 Amalekites: against these Cinaei, Balaam prophecied, that they should be destroyed by* 1.606 the Assyrians.

The ninth sonne was Aradeus or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who in the Ile of Aradus built the* 1.607 [unspec 50] Citie Arados: opposite against which Iland on the Maine of Phoenicia, they foun∣ded another Citie of that name, which for opposition was afterwards called Anta∣radus. To this Citie came S. Peter (saith Clement) and in this Ile preached the Go∣spell, and founded a Church in honor of our Lady: but we finde no such worke

of his in the Acts of the Apostles. Both these two were very famous, and places of skilfull Sea-men: whom Ezechiel remembreth in his prophecies against the Tyrians. The Inhabitants of Zidon and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were thy Mariners.* 1.608

†. VI. Of ZEMARI.

OF Samareus, or Zemari, the tenth sonne, there are diuers opinions. Some thinke that he first inhabited in Coelesyria at Edessa, and founded Samaraim, [unspec 10] which in Iosua is placed in the Tribe of Beniamin. There is also Samaraijm (of the same Orthographie) vpon the Mountaynes of Ephraim (saith Beroaldus) mentioned* 1.609 in the second of Chronicles c. 13. v. 4. which the Latine conuerteth amisse (saith he) by Semeron. The Hierosolymitan Paraphrast makes Samareus (of whom were the Perizzites) the parent of the Emissani, which Plinie calls the Hemisceni, in Coelesyria; and it may be that it was their first habitation, and that they afterwards inhabited those other places before remembred. But that they founded Samaria, both the He∣brew Orthographie, and this place in the first of Kings (speaking of Omri) dispro∣ueth: And he bought the Mountayne Samaria or Shemeron of one SHEMER, for two talents* 1.610 of siluer, and built in the Mountayne: and called the name of the Citie which he built, after [unspec 20] the name of SHEMER, Lord of the Mountayne Samaria. But of all these places I shall speake more at large in the conquest of the holy Land, by the children of Israel. Of whomsoeuer the Samaritanes were descended, sure I am, that they were euer a per∣fidious Nation, and base: for as long as the state of the Iewes stood vp, they alwayes called themselues Iewes: when it suffered or sanke, they then vtterly denyed to be of that Nation or Familie; for at such time as they were returned from their first cap∣tiuitie, they became a mixt Nation; partly of the Colonies of the Assyrians; and partly of the naturalls.

†. VII. [unspec 30] Of HAMATHI.

THe last of Canaans sonnes was Hamatheus, or (according to the Hebrew) Hama∣thi, of Hamath: (saith Beroaldus) of which (the aspiration taken away) the same is pronounced Emath, whereof Hamatheus was parent. Iosephus and S. Hierome confound Emath with Antioch, not that Antioch which standeth on the Riuer Oron∣tes, on the frontier of Comagena, betweene the Mountayne Cassius and the Pro∣uince of Pieria, and Seleucis, of which S. Peter was Bishop, and in which S. Luke and Ignatius were borne: but Antioch, surnamed Epiphania, as Beroaldus supposeth, [unspec 40] which standeth betweene Apamea and Emesa in Cassiotis. Yet, indeede, Emath can∣not be taken for either: for both that Antioch vpon Orontes, and that which neigh∣boureth Emesa, are farther off seated from Canaan, then euer any of those Nations straggled. And whereas S. Hierome setteth Emath, which he confoundeth with E∣piphania, in the Tribe of Nephtali; it is manifest, that Epiphania, which standeth to the North of Emesa, hath all the Prouince of Laodicea, betweene it and any part of the Land diuided. And if Libanon it selfe were not shared among the Tribes, then could not Epiphania belong vnto them: for both the Prouinces Laodicea and Libani∣ca, are betweene Epiphania and any part of the holy Land: and therefore Emath so taken could not be a part of Nephtali, as in the thirteenth of Iosua is directly proued. [unspec 50] For Iosua counting the lands that remayned vnpossest, reckoneth all Mount Libanon towards the Sunne-rising, from Baalgad vnder mount Hermon, vntill we come to Ha∣math. And this reason (among others) is vsed, that Emath was not in Nephtalim, or any way belonging to the children of Israel: because Dauid accepted the presents of* 1.611

Tohu King of Emath, and (therewithall) conditions of peace: which he would not haue done, if that Territorie had euer belonged to the children of Israel, but would haue recouered it without composition, and by strong hand, as he did the rest. But this Argument (as I take it) hath no great waight. For if the promise which God made, be considered, as it is written in Deuteronomie, then might Emath be compre∣hended,* 1.612 though seated altogether without the bounds of the Land promised, ac∣cording to the description of Moses and Iosua: for Emath is indeede situate on the o∣ther side of the Mountayne of Hermon, which ioyneth to Libanus: and is otherwise called Iturea. But whereas Hamath is named in Iosua the 19. v. 35. and written in the Latine conuersion Emath, therein (saith Beroaldus) was S. Hierome mistaken. Emath [unspec 10] or Iturea is that ouer the Mountaynes, and the Citie in Nephtalim should be written Hamath: and so the Septuagint (vnderstanding the difference) write it Ammath and not Emath, the same which indeede belonged to the Nephtalims, seated on the South side of Libanus, to the East of Assedim: which Citie S. Hierome writes Emath; Iose∣phus, Hamath; others, Emathin, or Amatheos, and the people Amathein; of which (as I take it) Rabsakeh vaunteth in the second of KINGS: Where is the god of Hamath?* 1.613

§. XIII. Of the sonnes of CHVSH (excepting NIMROD) of whom hereafter. [unspec 20]

The sonnes of Chush were,

• ...Seba,
• ...Hauila,
• ...Sabta,
• ...Raama,
• ...
  And the sonnes of Raama were,
  • Sheba, and Dedan.
• ...Sabteca,
• ...Nimrod.

†. I. [unspec 30] That the most of the Sonnes of CHVSH were seated in Arabia the Happy: and of the Sabaeans that robbed IOB: and of the Queene that came to SALOMON.

SEBA or Saba was the eldest sonne of Chush, the eldest sonne of Ham, to make a difference betweene Him and his Nephew Sheba, the sonne of his brother Raama, or Regma (or Ragma after Montanus) his name is written with a single (S) Samech, and Sheba the sonne of Regma with an (S) asperate, which is the Hebrew Schin. Seba the eldest sonne [unspec 40] of Chush, Regma his brother, and Sheba the sonne of Regma possest-both the shores of Arabia Foelix. Saba tooke that part toward the Red Sea, as neerest his Father Chush, and the Land of the Chusites: Regma and Sheba the East coast of the same Ara∣bia, which looketh into the Gulfe of Persia; of which PLINIE: Sabaei Arabum populi propter thura clarissimi ad vtra{que} maria porrect is gentibus habitant; The Sabaeans people of Arabia, famous for their Frankincense, extending their Nations, dwell along both the Seas, (to wit) the Persian, and the Arabian, or Red Sea. This Countrie was afterwards cal∣led Arabia, à populi mixtione, saith Postellus. To this agreeth Ptolemie, who setteth the Citie of Saba towards the Arabian or Red Sea, and the Citie Rhegama towards the Persian, with whom also we may leaue Sabta: for so much Montanus gathereth [unspec 50] out of Ptolemie, because he remembreth a Nation (called Stabaei) neere the Persian Sea; and Massabathae which descended of them. But Montanus hath sent Regma, or (as he calls him Rahma) into Carmania, for which I see no reason. Iosephus, who on∣ly attended his owne fancies, hath banished Saba or Seba to the border of Aethiopia.

But Beroaldus thinkes it strange, that the Sabaei, which stole away Iobs Cattle, should runne through all Egypt, and all Arabia Petraea, and finde out Iob in Traconitis, be∣tweene Palaestina and Coelesyria 1200. miles off. Now, as this coniecture was more then ridiculous, so doe I thinke, that neither the Sabaei on the Red Sea, nor those to∣ward the Persian Sea, could by any meanes execute the stealth vpon Iob, which soe∣uer Beroaldus shall take for neerest. But these were the Sabaei of Arabia the Desart, where Guilandinus Melchior affirmeth out of his owne experience, that the Cittie Sa∣ba is seated: the same which Ptolomie calls Saue, now Semiscasac: and from this Saba in Arabia the Desart, came those Magi or Wisemen which worshipped Christ, saith Melchior, whose wordes are these: The Magi came neither out of Mesopotamia (as [unspec 10] Chrysostome, Hierome, and Ambrose supposed) nor out of Arabia the Happie, as many wise men doe beleeue, but out of Saba in Arabia the Desart: which Citie when my selfe was there, was (as I iudged it) called Semiscasac. And to approue this opinion of Guilandinus, it appeareth that these Shabaei were neighbours to Iob, and lay fit to inuade and rob him. For both the other Nations (aswell those on the Persian Sea, as those on the Red Sea) are so disioyned with large Desarts, as there is no possibilitie for strangers to passe them, especially with any numbers of Cattle, both in respect of the moun∣taines, of the sands, and of the extreme want of water in those parts: Vbi nec homines, nec bestiae videntur, nec aues, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nec arbores, nec germen aliquod, sed non nisimontes saxosi, altissimi, asperrimi; Where there are found neither men, nor beasts, no not so much as birds, [unspec 20] or trees, nor any pasture or grasse, but onely sharpe, and high stonie, and craggie mountaines. Beroaldus and Pererius conceiue, that the Queene of Saba which came to visite Salo∣mon, was of the Sabaei on the East side of Arabia Foelix; but the contrarie seemeth more probable, and that shee was Queene of Saba towardes the Red Sea: for Salomon at that time commanding all that part of Arabia Petraea, twixt Idumaea and the Red Sea, as farre downe as Midian or Madian, and Ezion Gaber: and this Queene of Saba which inhabited the West part of Arabia Foelix, being his neighbour, might without any farre trauaile enter his Territories, free from all danger of surprise by any other Prince or Nation.

But to auoid tediousnesse, it is manifest that Seba or Saba, Sabta, Raama, or Regma, [unspec 30] with his Sonnes Sheba and Dedan, and Sabteca, were all the possessors of Arabia the Happie, and the Desart: onely Hauilah and Nimrod dwelt together on the East side Chush, who held Arabia Petraea. Now for Sabta, there is found of his name the Cittie of Sabbatha or Sabota in the same Arabia: of which both Plinie and Ptolomie;* 1.614 who withall nameth Sabotale, within the walls whereof there were sometimes found* 1.615 sixtie Temples. Ezechiel ioyneth the Father and the Sonne together, The Mer∣chants* 1.616 of Sheba and Raama were thy Merchants. And that they were the Easterne A∣rabians their merchandise witnesseth, formerly repeated in the Chapter of Paradise. For Iosephus his fancies, that Saba was the parent of the Aethiopians about Meroe, and Sabta of the Aethiopians Astabari, they bee not worthie any farther answere then [unspec 40] hath already beene giuen: especially seeing these Citties preseruing the memorie of the names of Saba, and of Sabta in Arabia were yet remaining in Ptolomtes time, though in some letters changed. As also in the coastes adioyning, the names of other of the brethren of the familie of Cush, with little alterations are preserued. In Arabia the Desart is found the Cittie Saba or Saue, (now Semiscasac) with the Cittie of Rhegana for Rhegma; and the Nation by Ptolomie himselfe called Raabeni of Raamah. In A∣rabia the Happie is found the Cittie of Rhegama, and Rabana; which also keepeth the sound of Rhegma, the Cittie of Saptha or Saptah, not far from the East coast of Arabia; as also the Metropolis and chiefe Cittie in the body of the South part of Arabia, called without difference or alteration Sabatha; and to the West of Sabatha towards the [unspec 50] Red Sea the great Cittie of Saba; and the Nation adioyning, Sabaei: & to the South thereof againe toward the streight entrance of the Red Sea, the Region of Sabe. To all these his Brothers and Nephewes which were seated on the East side of Arabia, Hauilah by the passage of Tigris was a neighbour, to whom he might passe by Boate

euen vnto Rhegma the Citie of Raama, or Rhegma, set neere the Riuer of Lar towards the mouth of the Persian Sea, which stood in Ptolemies time.

†. II. IOSEPHVS his opinion of DEDAN, one of the issue of CHVSH to haue beene seated in the West Aethiopia, disproued out of EZECH: and HIEREMIE.

ANd whereas Iosephus (whom in this S. Hierome followeth, as not curious here∣in) [unspec 10] sent Dedan the sonne of Raamah into West Aethiopia, it is strange that Eze∣thiel should couple Sheba, Raamah, and Dedan together; Dedan in the 15. Verse, and Sheba, and Raamah in the 22. Verses to be the Merchants of Tyre, if Dedan had dwelt in West Aethiopia, which is distant from Raamah and Sheba (the habitation of his fa∣ther and brother) aboue 4000. miles. Besides which the merchandise that the Deda∣nites brought to Tyre doth not make them naked Black-mores. For they of Dedan (saith Ezechiel) were thy Merchants in precious clothes for thy Charriots; and these Westerne Aethiopians neuer saw cloth, till the Portugals seeking those Coasts traded with them: the merchandise of the Countrie being Hides, Elephants teeth, some Gold and Amber, Ciuet Cats, and Rice, but nothing at all of any manufacture: and [unspec 20] all these they exchanged for linnen, or yron chiefly.

But in those dayes the West part of Africa within the body of the land was known onely by imagination: and, being vnder the burnt Zone was held vninhabitable. And therefore that the Negros of the West Aethiopia, which inhabite about Serra Liona, or Niger, could either passe by Sea or Land to Tyre in the bottome of the Me∣diterran Sea, were a strange, or rather a foolish fancie. Now to put it out of dispute that Dedan also dwelt by the rest of the children of Chush, which seates they held by that name in the time of Hieremie the Prophet, let vs heare Hieremie his owne words: Fly, yee Inhabitants of Dedan, for I haue brought the destruction of ESAV vpon him. Hereby it appeareth that Dedan was a Neighbour to the Idumaeans: and Idumaea is [unspec 30] a Prouince of Arabia Petraea: and Dedan which dwelt on the North part of Arabia Foelix, ioyned in that part to Petraea, the seat of his Grand-father Chush; which neigh∣bourhood and fellowship of Dedan and the Idumaeans, is also confirmed by Ezechiel:* 1.617 I will stretch outmine hand vpon Edom, and destroy Man and Beast out of it, and I will make it desolate from Teman: and they of Dedan shall sall by the sword.

§. XIIII. Of the issue of MIZRAIM: and of the place of HIEREMIE, Chap. 9. Vers. 7. [unspec 40]

AFter Chush it followeth to speake of Mizraims sonnes, whose names (saith Saint Augustine) were plurall, to signifie the Nations, which* 1.618 came of them. Ludim, the eldest sonne of Mizraim, was the father of the Lybians in Africa: and the rest of his brothers dispersed themselues in∣to all Regions adioyning. Among the sonnes of Shem there is also Lud; but he is difference from Lud the sonne of Mizraim by the singular number: the sonne of Shem being written Lud, the sonne of Mizraim, Ludim: and yet these Names and Nations are often confounded, notwithstanding the apparent difference both of Names and Nations. For that Ludim the sonne of Mizraim was the parent [unspec 50] of the Lybians in Africa, and that he was seated not farre from Mizraim his father, ap∣peareth by the Prophet Hieremie, who ioyneth them in this sort together: Come vp ye* 1.619 Horses, and rage ye Charriots, and let the valiant men come forth, the Black-moores, and the Lybians which beare the shield: for those Nations assisted the Aegyptians being of

one parent descended. And in Ezechiel, Phut and Lud are ioyned together. Aethio∣pia (or Chush) saith Ezechiel c. 30. v. 3. And PHVT and LVD, and all the common people, and the men of the Land that are in league shall fall with them by the sword: which is as much to say, as the sonnes of Chush; (which were the Chusites) the sonnes of Mizraim, which were the Aegyptians) and the Lybians (descended of his sonne Lud) with other the inhabitants of Aegypt and Africa shall fall together. Hierosoly∣mitanus findes also in Africa a Nation of the Lydians. And I beleeue it: because Hiere∣mie ioyneth the Lybians and Lydians together in the place before remembred. But Lybia in Africa is by the Hebrewes called Ludim (saith Arias Montanus) though 2. Chron. 12. 3. they seeme to be called Lubim or Lubaei, a name somewhat neerer the [unspec 10] word Lybies, and by which it may seeme that the truer writing is, not Libyes, but Ly∣bies. Neither is it here to be omitted, that Pintus (vpon the thirtieth of Ezechiel) vnderstandeth that which is spoken in the third Verse of Lud, not to be meant of the Libyans at all: for he will haue this threatning to be meant against the people of Ly∣di, a Citie (saith he) betweene Aegypt and Palaestina, which opinion I could not mis∣like if the Citie of Lyda were so seated. But Lyda (which should be written Lydda with a double D, and is the same Citie which was afterward Diospolis, in which S. Peter cured Aeneas of the palsey) standeth neere the Torrent 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not farre from Ioppe the Port of Hierusalem. Yet it is not impossible but that this Citie might haue Lud for the Founder. For there are many Cities of one name founded in all the [unspec 20] Regions of the World, and farre asunder; as after the names of Alexander, Seleucus, and Antiochus, many Cities called Alexandria, Seleucia, and Antiochia, so of diuers others. S. Hierome maketh Lehabim to be the Father of Libya, who was the third sonne of Mizraim: and so doth Postellus; and either opinion may be true.

The rest of Mizraims sonnes haue no proper Countries giuen them in the Scrip∣tures, sauing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Caphtorim, of whom came the Philistims, whom the Scrip∣tures call Peleset:

These 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inhabited Cassiotis, a Region lying in the entrance of Aegypt from Palaestina, in which the Lake Sirbonis, and the Mountayne Cassius are found: not farre from whence Pompey was buried. [unspec 30]

Caphtorim seated neere Cosluhim in that Tract of Aegypt called Sethroitis, not farre from Pelusium. Strabo calls it Sethroitis; Stephanus and Plinie, Sethroites, of the Citie Sethron: which Ortelius takes to be the same which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 calls Hercules parua. Of the Casluhim and Caphtorim came the Philistims, which are called by the Septuagint Allophyli (which is) Alienigenae, Strangers, or of a strange kindred. These Philistims inhabited the South part of the holy Land towards Aegypt, of whom Palaestina tooke name. For the Hebrewes (saith Isidore) doe not vse the letter (P) but in stead of it (ph.) Their principall Cities were Gaza, Ascalon, Azotus, Geth, and Accaron: and the people of them called Gasaei, Ascalonitae, Azotij, Gethaei, and Accaronitae. Isi∣dore affirmes, that Ascalon was first called Philistim: and of that Citie the Countrie [unspec 40] adioyning. But where Isidore had it, I know not.

The first knowne King of the Philistims was that Abimelech, who had a liking to Abrahams wife; with whom Abraham made a couenant and league. This Abime∣lech dwelt indeede at this time in Gerar; but it is written that he was also King of the Philistims, in these wordes: Wherefore ISAAC went to ABIMELECH King of the* 1.620 Philistims vnto Gerar. Now in regard that this or some ancienter Abimelech gouerned the commonwealth greatly to his glorie, the rest of his successors called themselues by the same name. The Philistims commanded that Tract of land vpon the Mediter∣ran Sea to the Northward, from the Castle of Pilgrims (otherwise Caesarea Palaestinae, or Stratons Towre) which was the South-border of Phoenicia, to Gasa, or to the Ri∣uer [unspec 50] of Aegypt. The Anakims or strong Gyants were of these Philistims: and Goliah was of Geth one of the fiue Cities aboue named. They had sometimes fiue Kings, saith Lyranus. They mastered the Israelites at seuerall times aboue 150. yeeres, and kept them Tributaries, till they were weakened by Sampson and Samuel, but

in the end this yoke was taken off by Dauid, and laid on themselues.

It is obiected, that because these Cities and the Countries adioyning, were held by the sonnes of Mizraim, therefore did the Israelites dispossesse the sonnes of Miz∣raim, and not of Canaan, by forcing those places.

To this saith Pererius, that although the Palaestines or Philistims held it in the time of Iosua, yet at the time of the promise it was possest by the Canaanites; as in the se∣cond of Deuteronomie. The Heuites dwelt in the Villages vnto Gaza. And what maruaile, if (the Canaanites being the greater part) the denomination were from them? For that the Philistims were of Caphtor, and so of Mizraim and not of Canaan, besides Moses the Prophet Hieremie witnesseth: The Lord will destroy the Philistims,* 1.621 [unspec 10] the remnant of the issue of Caphtor: and in like manner in the ninth of Amos, the Phi∣listims are said to be the reliques of Caphtorim; Haue not I brought vp ISRAEL out* 1.622 of the Land of Aegypt, and the Philistims from Caphtor, and ARAM from Kir? so I reade this place with diuers of the learned. For whereas the Vulgar hath, & Palae∣stinos de Cappadocia, & Syros de Cyrene, this conuersion Beroaldus condemneth; where Caphtor is taken for Cappadocia, and Cyrene for Kir. For Cyrene is a Citie di∣rectly West from Aegypt, betweene Ptolemais or Barce and Apollonia: but Kir in A∣sia vnder the Assyrians: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hath it Kir, and not Cyrene: and so hath the Geneua. But Pererius cals Caphtorim Cappadocia, according to the Vulgar translation, to which he is bound: and yet it is not altogether improbable if he meane Cappadocia in Palae∣stina [unspec 20] and not that Cappadocia by the Sea Pontus in the North of Asia the lesse. For* 1.623 whether they inhabited 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Cappadocia of Palaestina, it is not certainely knowne. And sure in this manner he may expound Cappadocia to be ambiguous, as well as he doth Cyrene: taking it here not for Cyrene in Africa, but for a place in Media. For it is written in the second of Kings, that Teglatphalasser King of the As∣syrians* 1.624 carryed away the Inhabitants of Damascus into Kir: and so Iosephus seemes to vnderstand this Kir, for Cyrene in Media, calling this Cyrene, Media superior: for it was the manner and policie of the Assyrians to transplant the people conquered by them, as they did the Samarians or Israelites, and other Nations. And hereof it came that Kir was called Syro-Media: because the Syrians by the Assyrians were [unspec 30] therein captiued.

§. XV. Of the issue of SEM.

†. I. [unspec 40] Of ELAM, ASSVR, ARPHAXAD, and LVD.

It remayneth lastly to speake of the Sonnes of Sem, who were these:

• 1. Alam, or Elam,
• 2. Ashur,
• 3. Arphaxad,
• 4. Lud, and
• 5. Aram.

THe posteritie of Sem, Moses recounteth after the rest: because from [unspec 50] them he proceedeth in order with the Genealogie and Storie of the Hebrewes: For of Sem was Abraham descended.

Of these fiue sonnes the Scriptures remember the length of the life of Arphaxad only, and only the children of him and Aram, the rest

are barely spoken of by rehearsal of their names, sauing that it may be gathered, that Assur (who was supposed to found Niniueh) was also said to be the Father of the Assyrians, whose issues, and the issues of Cham, instantly contended for the Em∣pire of the East: which sometimes the Assyrians, sometimes the Babylonians obtay∣ned, according to the vertue of their Princes. This is the common opinion, which also teacheth vs, that all the East parts of the World were peopled by Assur, Elam, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (sauing India) which I beleeue Noah himselfe first inhabited: and to whom Ophir and Hauilah the sonnes of Ioctan afterward repayred. Hij filij SEM ab Euphrate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partem Asiae vs{que}, ad Oceanum Indicum tenuerunt; These sonnes of SEM (saith S. HIEROME) held all those Regions from Euphrates to the Indian Ocean. [unspec 10]

Of Elam came the Elamites, remembred Acts 2. vers. 9. and the Princes of Persia;* 1.625 which name then began to be out of vse and lost, when the Persians became Masters of Babylonia: the East Monarchie being established in them. Some prophane Wri∣ters distinguish Elam from Persia, and make the Elamites a people apart. But susa (which the Scriptures call Susan) in Elam was the Kings seate of Persia (witnesse DANIEL:) And I saw (saith he) in a vision, and when I saw it, I was in the Palace of Su∣san, * 1.626 which is in the Prouince of Elam. This Citie is embraced by the Riuer Eulaeus (ac∣cording to Ptolemie) in Daniel, Vlai: and seated in the border of Susiana.* 1.627

Ashur (as most Historians beleeue) the second sonne of Sem, was Father of the Assyrians, who disdayning the pride of Nimrod, parted from Babel, and built Niniue, [unspec 20] of equall beautie and magnitude with Babylon, or exceeding it. But we shall in due place disproue that opinion. Euery mans hand hath beene in this Storie, and there∣fore I shall not neede herein to speake much: for the Assyrians so often inuaded and spoyled the Israelites, destroyed their Cities, and led them Captiues, as both in Diuine and Humane letters there is large and often mention of this Nation.

But howsoeuer Herodotus and D Siculus extend this Empire, and honor this Na∣tion with ample Dominion; yet was not the state of the Assyrians of any such power, after such time as Sardanapalus lost the Empire. For Senacherib who was one of the powerfullest Princes among them, had yet the Mountayne Tanrus for the vtmost of his Dominion toward the North-east, and Syria bounded him toward the West, [unspec 30] notwithstanding those vaunts of Senacherib in Esay the 37. Haue the gods of the Na∣tions* 1.628 deliuered them whom my Fathers haue destroyed? as GOZAN, and HARAN, and RESEPH, and the Children of EDEN which were at Telassar. Where is the King of Ha∣math, and the King of Arphad, and the King of the Citie Sepharuaim, Hena and Iuah? All these were indeede but pettie Kings of Cities, and small Countries; as Haran in Mesopotamia: Reseph in Palmyrena: Hamath or Emath in Ituraea, vnder Libanus: the Ile of Eden: Sepher, and others of this sort. Yea, Nabuchodonosor, who was most powerfull, before the conquest of Aegypt had but Chaldaea, Mesopotamia, and Syria, with Palaestina and Phoenicia parts thereof. But in this question of Assur, I will speake my opinion freely when I come to Nimrod, whose plantation I haue omitted among [unspec 40] the rest of the Chusites, because he established the first Empire: from whom the most memorable storie of the World taketh beginning.

Of Arphaxad came the Chaldaeans, saith S. Hierome, and Iosephus, but it must be those Chaldaeans about Vr: for the sonnes of Cham possest the rest. It is true that he was the Father of the Hebrewes: for Arphaxad begat Shela; and Shela, Heber; of whom hereafter.

And that Lud, the fourth Sonne of Shem, gaue name to the Lydians in Asia the lesse, is the common opinion, taken from Iosephus and S. Hierome; but I see not by what reason he was moued to straggle thither from his friends. [unspec 50]

†. II. Of ARAM, and his Sonnes.

ARAM the fift and last Sonne of Shem was the parent of the Syrians: of which Damascus was head. Their name was changed from Aram or Aramites by Sy∣rus* 1.629 (sayth Eusebius out of Iosephus) which Syrus liued before Moses was borne; the* 1.630 same which others call the sonne of Apollo. Mesopotamia also being but a Prouince of Syria had the name of Aram 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which is as much to say, as Syria duorum fluuiorum, Syria compassed with two Riuers: (to wit) Tigris and Euphrates. The Scrip∣tures [unspec 10] call it Mesopotamia, Syria, and Padan Aram: and the Greekes Mesopotamia simply.

Arise and get thee to Padan Aram (sayth Isaac to Iacob) to the house of BETHVEL* 1.631 thy mothers father, and thence take thee a wise. Strabo also remembreth it by the ancient name of Aram or Aramea, as these his owne words conuerted witnesse: Quos nos Sy∣ros vocamus, ipsi Syri Aramenios & Arameos vocant; Those which we call Syrians (sayth hee) themselues call Aramenians and Arameans.

Against this opinion, that Aram the sonne of Sem was the Father and Denomina∣tor of the Syrians in generall; (and not only of those in Syria, Inter-amnis, which is Mesopotamia) some reade, Genes. 22. 21. Kemuel, the Father of the Syrians: where o∣ther [unspec 20] out of the originall read Kemuel, the sonne of Aram. Neither is it any inconue∣nience for vs to vnderstand the word (Aram) here, not for the Nation, but for the name of some one of note; the rather, because in the Historie of Abraham and Isaac (which was in time long before Kemuels Posteritie could bee famous) wee find Mesopotamia called Aram; and that with an addition: sometimes with Naharaijm, and sometimes of Padan, to distinguish it from another Aram, which (as it seemes) then also was called Aram. For whereas Iunius thinkes in his note vpon Genes. 25. 20. that Padan Aram ought to bee restrained to some part of Mesopotamia, (to wit) to that part which Ptolomie cals Ancobaritis (so called from the Riuer Chaboras, which diuiding it runneth into Euphrates) the promiscuous vse of Padan Aram, and Aram [unspec 30] Naharaijm (which latter appellation qhestionlesse comprehends the whole Mesopo∣tamia) may seeme to refute this opinion: especially seeing the signification of this appellation agreeth with the whole Region. For it signifieth as much as the yoke of Syria, which name agrees with this Region: because the two Riuers, (as it were) yoked together goe along it. The Reliques of the name Padan appeare in the name of two Cities in Ptolomie, called Aphadana: (as Iunius hath well noted) the one vpon Chaboras, the other vpon Euphrates.

The Sonnes of Aram were, [unspec 40]

• Vz or Hus,
• ...Hul,
• Gether, and
• Mesch or Mes.

Vz or Hus inhabited about Damascus, and built that Citie, saith Iosephus and Saint Hierome. But Tostatus mistaking this opinion, both in them and in Lyra, who also* 1.632 followeth Iosephus, affirmeth that Abrahams Steward Eliezer was the Founder there∣of; though it were likely that Hus the eldest sonne of Aram dwelt neere vnto his fa∣ther, who inhabited the bodie of Syria. For Hus was a Region of the same, adioyning to Arabia the Desart, and to Batanea or Traconitis: whereof the Prophet Hieremie: Reioyce and be glad O Daughter of Edom that dwellest in the Land of Hus. Hus therefore* 1.633 [unspec 50] is seated beyond Iordan, in the East Region of Traconitis, adioyning to Basan, hauing Batanea Gaulonitis, and the Mountaine Seir to the East, Edrai to the South, Damascus North, and Iordan West: hauing in it many Cities and people, as may also bee ga∣thered out of HIEREMY: And all sorts of people: and all the Kings of the Land of Hus.* 1.634

In this Region dwelt Iob, descended of Hus, the sonne of Nahor, the brother of A∣braham (sayth Saint Hierome) and married Dina the Daughter of Iacob, sayth Philo.

Hul the second sonne of Aram, Saint Hierome makes the Father of the Armenians: and Gether the third sonne, parent to the Arcananians or Carians: which opinion, (because I find not where to set him) I doe not disprooue, though I see no reason why Gether should leaue the fellowship of his owne brethren, and dwell among Strangers in Asia the lesse. Iunius giues Hul (whom hee writes Chul) the Desart of Palmyrena, as farre as Euphrates, where Ptolomie setteth the Citie of Gindareni.

Gether (sayth Iosephus) founded the Bactrians: but Iosephus gaue all Noahs children feathers, to carrie them farre away in all haste. For mine owne opinion I alwayes [unspec 10] keepe the rule of Neighbour-hood, and thinke with Iunius: (to wit) That Gether seated himselfe neere his brothers, in the bodie of Syria, and in the Prouince of Cas∣siotis, and Seleucis, where Ptolomie placeth Gindarus, and the Nation by Plinie called Gindareni.

Iunius also giueth to Mes or Mesch the North part of Syria, betweene Cilicia and Mesopotamia, neere the Mountaine Masius. The certaintie of those Plantations can no otherwise be knowne then by this probabilitie, that Aram the father (of whom that great Region tooke name) planted his sonnes in the same Land about him: for hee wanted no scope of Territorie for himselfe and them; neyther then when the World was newly planted, nor in many hundred yeeres after: and therefore there is [unspec 20] no reason to cast them in the Desart parts of the World, so farre asunder. And as necessitie and policie held them together for a while: so Ambition (which began to∣gether with Angels and Men) inhabiting the hearts of their children, set them a∣sunder. For although these sonnes of Aram, and the sonnes of the rest of Noahs chil∣dren, kept themselues within the bounds of some one large Kingdome; yet therein euery one also sought a Prouince apart, and to themselues; giuing to the Cities there∣in built their owne names, thereby to leaue their memorie to their Posteritie: the vse of Letters being then rare, and knowne to few.

In this sort did the pride of the Spaniards in America cast them into so many Pro∣uinces: euery one emulating and disdayning the greatnesse of other, as they are [unspec 30] thereby to this day subiect to inuasion, expulsion, and destruction: so as (Noua Hi∣spania and Peru excepted, because those Countries are vnaccessable to Strangers) an easie force will cast them out of all the rest.

Mes the fourth sonne is made the parent of the Moeonians: of whom something hath beene spoken alreadie. Arphaxad the third sonne of Shem, begat Shelah, and* 1.635 Heber. Heber had two sonnes, Phaleg and Ioctan: and in Phalegs time was the Earth diuided.

†. III. [unspec 40] Of the diuision of the Earth in the time of PHALEG, one of the sonnes of HEBER, of the issue of SEM.

THE many people which at the diuision (at Phaleghs birth) were then liuing, and the through Plantation of all the East part of the World (at his death) hath made a doubt, whether the Earth were diuided at eyther. The Hebrewes (sayth Pererius out of Sedar Holam, one of their Chronicles) affirme that this partition hap∣pened at the death of Phaleg: and Phaleg was borne in the yeere after the Floud 101. and liued in all 239. yeeres, which numbers added makes 340. And therefore was it so many yeeres after the Floud, ere the children of Noah seuered themselues. But [unspec 50] to this opinion of the Hebrewes, and the doubt they make how in so few yeeres as 101. (the time of Phalegs birth) so many people could bee increased, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 giues this answere, that if 70 persons of the Family of Iacob increased to 600000. fighting men in 215. yeeres, (besides women, children, and impotent persons) how much

more is it likely, that so soone after the Floud the children of Noah might in a shor∣ter time bring forth many multitudes, hauing receiued the blessing of God, Increase and multiply, and fill the Earth? What strength this answere hath, let others iudge: for the children of Israel were 70. and had 215. yeeres time: and the sonnes of Noah were but three, and had but 101. yeeres of time, to the birth of Phalegh.

Others conceiue that Phalegh tooke that name after the diuision, in memorie thereof: as Iosephus and Saint Augustine, who reason in this manner. If the diuision* 1.636 were at Phaleghs death (which happened in the yeere, which is commonly held to be the 48. of Abraham, but was by more likely computation 12. yeeres before his birth) then was the diuision 38. yeeres after Ninus, who gouerned 52. yeeres: in the 43. yeere [unspec 10] of whose raigne Abraham was borne. But when Ninus began to rule the Assyrians, 80* 1.637 yeeres before this diuision (as this diuision is placed by the Hebrewes, Hiercme and Chrysostome) then was the earth so peopled in all the East and Northerne parts, as greater numbers haue not beene found at any time since. For Ninus associating to himselfe Ariaeus King of Arabia, a people who at that time (sayth DIOD. SICVLVS) plurimum opibus at{que} armis praestabant, Exceeded both in riches and bodies of men, sub∣dued many Cities in Armenia; receiued Barzanis into grace; then inuaded Media, and crucified Pharnus the King thereof, with his Wife and seuen Children; vanqui∣shed all those Regions betweene Nilus and Tanais, the Aegyptians, Phoenicians, the Kingdomes of Syria, and all the Nations of Persia, to the Hyrcanian Sea. For the [unspec 20] numbers which followed Ninus (alreadie remembred out of Ctesias) against Zoro∣after and others: and Zoroaster on the other side, who made resistance with foure hundred thousand, prooue it sufficiently, that if the diuision had not happened be∣fore the death of Phaleg, there had needed no diuision at that time at all. For some of them were so ill satisfied with their partitions, as they sought to be Masters of all; and greater Armies were there neuer gathered then by Ninus and Semiramis: wherefore in this opinion there is little appearance of the truth.

But for that conceit that if the diuision had beene made at the birth of Phaleg, there were not then sufficient numbers borne to fill the earth: It was neuer meant that the earth could bee filled euery where at the instant, but by times and degrees: [unspec 30] And surely whatsoeuer mens opinions haue beene herein, yet it is certaine, that the diuision of tongues and of men must goe neere together with the ceasing of the worke at Babel: and that the enterprize of Babel was left off instantly vpon the confu∣sion of Languages, where followed the execution of the diuision; and so neyther at the birth nor death of Phaleg: for Phaleg was borne in the yeere 101. after the Floud, which was the yeere that Nimrod came into Shinaar, or 10. yeeres after hee arriued, sayth Berosus.

Now if it bee obiected that Phaleg (the Etymologie of whose name signifieth di∣uision) must haue liued without a name, except the name had beene giuen him at the time of this confusion and partition: to this obiection it may be answered, That the [unspec 40] change of names vpon diuers accidents is not rare in the Scriptures: for Iacob was called Israel after he had wrestled with the Angell; Abraham was first Abram; and E∣dom Esau; and that Phaleg being a principall man in this diuision had his first name vpon this accident changed, it is most probable.

And lastly, whereas the Hebrewes, Saint Hierome and Chrysostome account Heber a great Prophet, if that by giuing his sonne the name of Phaleg, hee foretold the diui∣sion which followed: to this I say, I doe not find that Heber deserued any such ho∣nour, if he had thereupon so called his sonne: for diuision and dispersion followeth increase of people of necessitie; and this Prophesie (if any such had beene) might also haue reference to the diuision, which afterwards fell among the Hebrewes them∣selues. [unspec 50]

But if we giue a reasonable time to the building of the Towre and Citie of Babel, by which time many people (by reason and by demonstratiue proofe) might bee in∣creased: and that vpon the fall thereof the confusion and diuision followed (where∣vpon

Phaleg tooke name) then in this opinion there is nothing either curious or monstrous.

†. IIII. Of the sonnes of IOCTAN, the other sonne of HEBER.

The sonnes of Ioctan were

• 1. Elmodad. [unspec 10]
• 2. Saleph, or Selep, or Sheleph.
• 3. Asamath, or Chatzar.
• 4. Iare, or Iarahh, or Ierath.
• 5. Hadoram.
• 6. Vzal, or Vxal.
• 7. Dicklach, or Dicla.
• 8. Obal, or Ebal, or Hobal.
• 9. Abimael.
• 10. Sheba, or Seba.
• 11. Ophir, or Opir. [unspec 20]
• 12. Hauila, or Chauila, and
• 13. Iobab.

ALL those sonnes of Ioctan (according to Saint Hierome) dwelled in the East parts of the World, or India, euen from the Riuer Cophe or Choas, which is one of the branches or heads of Indus.

But the certaine places of those thirteene Sonnes cannot bee gathered out of the Scriptures, the words of Moses being generall. And their dwelling was from Mesha* 1.638 as thou goest vnto Sephar a Mount in the East. Of all these thirteene Sonnes, there were only three memorable, (to wit) Sheba, Ophir, and Hauilah. Concerning whose [unspec 30] names, to auoide confusion it is to bee obserued, that among the Sonnes of Chush, two of them had also the names of Seba and Hauilah. Abraham had also a third Saba or Sheba, his grand-child by his wife Ketura. But Seba the sonne of Chush, and Sheba the sonne of Rhegma his Nephew, wee haue left in Arabia Foelix: and Hauilah the sonne of Chush vpon Tigris. Saba the grand-childe of Abraham was (as some haue thought (the Father of the Sabaeans in Persia: of which Nations Dionysius de Orbis si∣tu, maketh mention. Primùm Sabaei; post hos sunt Passagardae; prope verò hos sunt Tasci,* 1.639 The first are Sabaeans: after these be Passagardae; and neere these the Tasci. And whereas it is written: But vnto the Sonnes of the Concubines which ABRAHAM had, ABRAHAM gaue gifts, and sent them away from ISAAC his sonne (while hee yet lined) Eastward to [unspec 40] the East-Countrey: hereupon it is supposed, that this Saba the sonne of Abraham wan∣dered into Persia: for Persia was accounted the furthermost East-Countrey in respect of Iudaea; which also Ouid setteth vnder the Sun-rising. Yet seeing the rest of Abra∣hams* 1.640 sonnes seated themselues on the borders of Iudaea, I rather choose to leaue Saba the sonne of Abraham in Arabia the Desart, where Ptolomie setteth a Citie of that name.

But Saba the sonne of Ioctan, the sonne of Heber, (as I conceiue) inhabited India it selfe. For Dionysius Afer in his Periegesis, (or description of the World) which hee* 1.641 wrote in Greeke Verse, among the Regions of India findeth a Nation called the Sa∣baei. Taxilus hos inter medios habitat{que} Sabaeus: In the middest of these dwell the Sabaei, and [unspec 50] the Taxili, sayth this Dionysius.

†. V. Of OPHIR one of IOCTANS sonnes, and of Peru, and of that voyage of SALOMON.

OPHIR also was an Inhabitant of the East India, and (as S. Hierome vnderstands it) in one of the Ilands plentifull of gold, which are now knowne by the name of Moluccae. Iosephus vnderstands Ophir to be one of those great head-lands in India, which by a generall name are called Chersonesi, or Peninsulae: of which there are two very notorious; Callecut, and Malacca. Pererius takes it rightly for an Iland, as Saint [unspec 10] Hierome doth, but he sets it at the head-land of Malacca. But Ophir is found among the Molucces farther East.

Arias Montanus out of the second of Chronicles, the third Chapter and sixt Verse, gathers that Ophir was Peru in America, looking into the West Ocean, commonly called Mare del Sur, or the South Sea; by others Mare pacificum. The wordes in the second of the Chronicles are these: And be ouerlayed the house with precious stones for* 1.642 beautie; and the gold was gold of Paruaim. IVNIVS takes this gold to be the gold of Hauilah, remembred by Moses in the description of Paradise: And the gold of that* 1.643 Land is good: finding a Towne in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Prouince of Susiana called Barbatia; so called (as he thinkes) by corruption for Paruaim: from whence those Kings sub∣iected [unspec 20] by Dauid brought this gold, with which they presented him; and which Da∣uid preserued for the enriching of the Temple.

But this fancie of Peru hath deceiued many men, before Montanus, and Plessis, who also tooke Ophir for Peru. And that this question may be a subiect of no farther di∣spute; it is very true, that there is no Region in the World of that name: sure I am that at least America hath none, no not any Citie, Village, or Mountayne so called. But when Francis Pisarro first discouered those Lands to the South of Panama, arri∣uing in that Region which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commanded (a Prince of magnificence, Riches and Dominion inferior to none) some of the Spaniards vtterly ignorant of that lan∣guage, demanding by signes (as they could) the name of the Countrie, and poin∣ting [unspec 30] with their hand athwart a Riuer, or Torrent, or Brooke that ranne by, the In∣dians answered Peru, which was either the name of that Brooke, or of water in ge∣nerall. The Spaniards thereupon conceiuing that the people had rightly vnderstood them, set it downe in the Diurnall of their enterprise, and so in the first description made, and sent ouer to Charles the Emperor, all that West part of America to the South of Panama had the name of Peru, which hath continued euer since as diuers Spaniards in the Indies assured me; which also Acosta the Iesuite in his naturall and morall Historie of the Indies confirmeth. And whereas Montanus also findeth, that a part of the Indies (called 〈◊〉〈◊〉) tooke that name of Ioctan, who as he sup∣poseth nauigated from the vtmost East of India to America: it is most true, that Iu∣catan [unspec 40] is nothing else in the language of that Countrie, but [What is that] or [What say you?] For when the Spaniards asked the name of that place (no man conceiuing their meaning) one of the Saluages answered Iucatan (which is) What aske you, or What say you? The like hapned touching Paria, a mountaynous Countrie on the South side of Trinidado and Margarita: for when the Spaniards inquiring (as all men doe) the names of those new Regions which they discouered, pointed to the Hills afarre off, one of the people answered, Paria, which is as much to say; as high Hills or Moun∣taynes. For at Paria begins that maruailous ledge of Mountaynes, which from thence are continued to the Strait of Magellan: from eight degrees of North lati∣tude to 52. of South; and so hath that Countrie euer since retayned the name of [unspec 50] Paria.

The same hapned among the English, which I sent vnder Sir Richard Greeneuile to inhabite Virginia. For when some of my people asked the name of that Countrie, one of the Saluages answered, Wingandacon, which is as much to say, as, You weare

good clothes, or gay clothes. The same hapned to the Spaniard in asking the name of the Iland Trinidado: for a Spaniard demanding the name of that selfe place which the Sea incompassed, they answered, Caeri, which signifieth an Iland. And in this manner haue many places newly discouered beene intituled, of which Peru is one. And therefore we must leaue Ophir among the Moluccas, whereabout such an Iland is credibly affirmed to be.

Now although there may be found gold in Arabia it selfe (towards Persia) in Ha∣uilah, now Sufiana, and all alongst that East Indian shore; yet the greatest plentie is taken vp at the Philippines, certayne Ilands planted by the Spaniards, from the West India. And by the length of the passage which Salomons ships made from the Red [unspec 10] Sea, (which was three yeeres in going and comming) it seemeth they went to the vttermost East, as the Moluceas or Philippines. Indeede these that now goe from Por∣tugal, or from hence, finish that nauigation in two yeere, and sometimes lesse: and Salomons ships went not aboue a tenth part of this our course from hence. But we must consider, that they euermore kept the coast, and crept by the shores, which made the way exceeding long. For before the vse of the Compasse was knowne, it was impossible to nauigate athwart the Ocean; and therefore Salomons ships could not finde Peru in America. Neither was it needfull for the Spaniards themselues (had it not beene for the plentie of gold in the East India Ilands, farre aboue the mines of any one place of America) to saile euery yeere from the West part of America thi∣ther, [unspec 20] and there to haue strongly planted, and inhabited the richest of those Ilands: wherein they haue built a Citie called Manilia, Salomon therefore needed not to haue gone farther off then Ophir in the East, to haue sped worse: neither could he nauigate from the East to the West in those dayes, whereas he had no coast to haue guided him.

Tostatus also gathereth a fantasticall opinion out of Rabanus, who makes Ophir to be a Countrie, whose Mountaynes of gold are kept by Griffins: which Mountaynes Solinus affirmeth to be in Scythia Asiatica, in these wordes: Nam cùm auro & gemmis affluant, Griphes tenent vniuersa, alites ferocissimae, Arimaspi cum his dimicant, &c. For whereas these Countries abound in gold, and rich stone, the Griffins defend the one and the [unspec 30] other: a kinde of Fowle the fiercest of all other; with which Griffins a Nation of people cal∣led Arimaspi make warre. These Arimaspi are said to haue been men with one eye only, like vnto the Cyclopes of Sicilia: of which Cyclopes, Herodotus and Aristeus make men∣tion: and so doth Lucan in his third Booke: and Valerius Flaccus: and D. Siculus in the* 1.644 storie of Alexander Macedon. But (for mine owne opinion) I beleeue none of them.* 1.645 And for these Arimaspi, I take it that this name signifying One-eyed, was first giuen them by reason that they vsed to weare a vizzard of defence, with one sight in the middle to serue both eyes; and not that they had by nature any such defect. But Solinus borroweth these things out of Plinie, who speakes of such a Nation in the extreme North, at a place called Gisolitron, or the Caue of the Northeast winde. For [unspec 40] the rest, as all fables were commonly grounded vpon some true stories or other things done: so might these tales of the Griffins receiue this Morall. That if those men which fight against so many dangerous passages for gold, or other riches of this World, had their perfect senses, and were not depriued of halfe their eye-sight (at least of the eye of right reason and vnderstanding) they would content themselues with a quiet and moderate estate; and not subiect themselues to famine, corrupt aire, violent heate, and cold, and to all sorts of miserable diseases. And though this fable be fayned in this place, yet if such a tale were told of some other places of the World, where wild Beasts or Serpents defend Mountaines of gold, it might be auow∣ed. For there are in many places of the world, especially in America, many high and [unspec 50] impassable Mountaynes which are very rich and full of gold, inhabited only with Tygres, Lyons, and other rauenous and cruell beasts: into which if any man ascend (except his strength be very great) he shall be sure to finde the same warre, which the Arimaspi make against the Griffins: not that the one or other had any sense of

gold, or seeke to defend that metall, but being disquieted, or made afraide of them∣selues or their yong-ones, they grow inraged and aduenturous. In like sort it may be said that the Alegartos, (which the Aegyptians call the Crocadyles) defend those Pearles which lye in the Lakes of the Inland: for many times the poore Indians are eaten vp by them, when they diue for the pearle. And though the Alegartos know not the pearle, yet they finde sauour in the flesh and bloud of the Indians, whom they deuoure.

†. VI. [unspec 10] Of HAVILAH the sonne of IOCTAN, who also passed into the East Indies: and of MESHA and SEPHER named in the bordering of the Families of IOCTAN: with a Conclusion of this discourse touching the plantation of the World.

OF Hauilah the sonne of Ioctan, there is nothing else to be said, but that the ge∣nerall opinion is, that he also inhabited in the East India in the Continent, from which Ophir past into the Ilands adioyning. And whereas Ganges is said to water Hauilah, it is meant by Hauilah in the East India, which tooke name of Hauilah the sonne of Ioctan: but 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which Pison compasseth, was so called of Hauilah, the [unspec 20] sonne of Chush, as is formerly proued by this place of Scripture: SAVL smote the* 1.646 Amalekites from Hauilah, as thou commest to Shur, which is before Aegypt. But that Saul euer made Warre in the East India, no man hath suspected. For an end we may conclude, that of the thirteene sonnes of Ioctan, these three, Saba, Hauilah, and Ophir; though at the first seated by their brethren about the hill Masius or Mesh, GEN. 10. 30 (to wit) betweene Cilicia and Mesopotamia; yet at length either themselues or their issues remoued into East India, leauing the other Families of Ioctan, to fill the Countries of their first plantation, which the Scripture defines to haue beene from Mesh vnto Sephar. And although S. Hierome take Mesh to be a Region of the East India, and Sephar a Mountaine of the same (which Mountaine, Montanus would haue [unspec 30] to be the Andes in America) those fancies are farre beyond my vnderstanding. For the word (East) in the Scriptures, where it hath reference to Iudaea, is neuer farther extended then into Persia. But Mesch is that part of the Mountaynes of Masius in the North of Mesopotamia, out of which the Riuer Chaboras springeth which run∣neth by Charran: and in the same Region we also finde for Sephar (remembred by Moses) Sipphara by Ptolemie, standing to the East of the Mountaynes Masius; from whence Ioctan hauing many sonnes, some of them might passe into India, hearing of the beautie and riches thereof. But this was in processe of time.

The other fashion of planting I vnderstand not, being grounded but vpon mens imaginations, contrarie to reason and possibilitie. And that this Mountayne in the [unspec 40] East was no farther off then in those Regions before remembred, it appeareth by many places of the Scripture where the same phrase is vsed: as in Numbers 23. BA∣LAC* 1.647 the King of Moab hath brought me from Aram, out of the Mountayne of the East; which was from the East part of Mesopotamia. For Balac brought Balaam out of Me∣sopotamia, (witnesse this place of DEVTERONOMIE:) Because they hyred BALAAM* 1.648 the sonne of BEOR, of Pethor in Aram Naharaijm, to curse thee: for Aram Naharaijm was Syria fluniorum, which is Mesopotamia, as aforesaid.

This plantation of the World after the floud doth best agree (as to me it seemes) with all the places of Scripture compared together. And these be the reports of Reason and probable coniecture; the Guides which I haue followed herein, and [unspec 50] which I haue chosen to goe after, making no valuation of the opinions of men, con∣ducted by their owne fancies, be they ancient or moderne. Neither haue I any end herein, priuate, or publike, other then the discouerie of truth. For as the partialitie of man to himselfe hath disguised all things: so the factious and hireling Historians

of all Ages (especially of these latter times) haue by their many Volumes of vntrue reports left Honor without a Monument, and Vertue without Memorie: and (in stead thereof) haue erected Statues and Trophies to those, whom the darkest forget∣fulnesse ought to haue buryed, and couered ouer for euermore. And although the length and dissoluing Nature of Time, hath worne out or changed the Names and memorie of the Worlds first planters after the floud (I meane the greatest number and most part of them) yet all the foot-steps of Antiquitie (as appeares by that which hath beene spoken) are not quite worne out nor ouer-growne: for Babylon hath to this day the sound of Babel; Phoenicia hath Zidon, to which Citie the eldest Sonne of Canaan gaue name; so hath Cilicia Tharsis; and the Armenians, Medes, [unspec 10] Hiberians, Cappadocians, Phrygians, the Syrians, Idumaeans, Libyans, Moores, and other Nations, haue preserued from the death of forgetfulnesse some signes of their first Founders and true Parents.

CHAP. IX. Of the beginning and establishing of [unspec 20] Gouernement.

§. I. Of the proceeding from the first Gouernement vnder the eldest of Families to Regall, and from Regall absolute, to Regall tempered with Lawes.

IT followeth now to entreate how the World beganne [unspec 30] to receiue Rule and Gouernement, which (while it had scarcitie of People) vnder-went no other Domi∣nion then Paternitie and Eldership. For the Fathers of Nations were then as Kings, and the eldest of Fa∣milies as Princes. Hereof it came, that the word (Elder) was alwayes vsed both for the Magistrate, & for those of Age and Grauitie: the same bearing one significa∣tion almost in all languages. For in the eleuenth of Numbers God commanded Moses to gather together [unspec 40] 70. of the Elders of the people, and Gouernors ouer them: the Hebrew bearing the same sense, which the Latine word Senes or Seniores doth. So it is written in SVSANNA, Then the Assembly beleeued them as those that were the Elders and Iudges of the People. And so in the words of those false Iudges and wit∣nesses to DANIEL, Shew it vnto vs, seeing God hath giuen thee the office of an Elder. DE∣MOSTHENES vseth the same word for the Magistrate among the Graecians. Cicero in Cato giueth two other reasons for this appellation: Apud Lacedaemonios qui amplissi∣mum Magistratum gerunt, vt sunt, sic etiam appellantur Senes; Among the Lacedaemo∣nians the chiefe Magistrates, as they are, so are they called Eldermen: and againe, Ratio & prudentia nisi essent in senibus, non summum Concilium Maiores nostri appellâssent Sena∣tum; [unspec 50] If reason and aduisement were not in old men, our Ancesters had neuer called the high∣est Councell by the name of a Senate. But though these reasons may well be giuen, yet we doubt not but in this name of (Elders) for Gouernours or Counsailers of State, there is a signe that the first Gouernors were the Fathers of Families; and vnder

[illustration]

[illustration]

them the eldest Sonnes. And from thence did the French, Italian, and Spaniard take the word (Signor) and out of it (Seignourie) for Lordship and Dominion: signifying (according to Loyseau) puissance in proprietie, or proper power. The kinds of this Seignourie, Seneca makes two: the one, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aut imperium; Power or command: the other, Proprietas aut dominium; Proprietie or Mastership: the correlatiue of the one is the subiect, of the other the slaue. Ad Caesarem (saith he) potestas omnium pertinet, ad singulos proprietas; Caesar hath power ouer all; and euery man proprietie in his owne: and againe, Caesar omnia imperio possidet, singuli dominio; Caesar holdeth all in his power, and euery man possesseth his owne. But as men and vice beganne abundantly to increase: so obedience, (the fruit of naturall reuerence, which but from excellent seede sel∣dome [unspec 10] ripeneth) being exceedingly ouershadowed with pride, and ill examples vt∣terly withered and fell away. And the soft weapons of paternall perswasions (after mankinde beganne to neglect and forget the originall and first giuer of life) became in all ouer-weake, either to resist the first inclination of euill, or after when it be∣came habituall) to constraine it. So that now, when the hearts of men were onely guided and steered by their owne fancies, and tost to and fro on the tempestuous Seas of the world, while wisedome was seuered from power, and strength from charitie: Necessitie (which bindeth euery nature but the immortall) made both the* 1.649 Wise and Foolish vnderstand at once, that the estate of reasonable men would be∣come farre more miserable then that of beasts, and that a generall floud of confusion [unspec 20] would a second time ouer flow them, did they not by a generall obedience to order and dominion preuent it. For the Mightie, who trusted in their owne strengths, found others againe (by interchange of times) more mightie then themselues: the feeble fell vnder the forcible; and the equall from equall receiued equall harmes. In so much that licentious disorder (which seemed to promise a libertie vpon the first acquaintance) proued vpon a better tryall, no lesse perilous then an vnindurable bondage.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arguments by Necessitie propounded, and by Reason maintained and confirmed perswaded all Nations which the Heauens couer, to subiect themselues to a Master, and to Magistracie in some degree. Vnder which Gouernment, as the [unspec 30] change (which brought with it lesse euill, then the former mischiefes) was generally 〈◊〉〈◊〉: so time (making all men wise that obserue it) found some imperfection and corrosiue in this cure. And therefore the same Necessitie which inuented, and the same Reason which approued soueraigne power, bethought it selfe of certaine equall rules, in which Dominion (in the beginning boundlesse) might also discerne her owne limits. For before the inuention of Lawes, priuate affections in supreme Rulers made their owne fancies both their Treasurers and Hangmen: measuring by this yard, and waighing in this ballance both good and euill.

For as wisedome in Eldership preceded the rule of Kings; so the will of Kings fore-went the inuentions of Lawes. Populus nullis legibus tenebatur: arbitria princi∣pum [unspec 40] pro legibus erant; The people were not gouerned by any other lawes then the willes of Princes: Heereof it sollowed, that when Kings left to bee good, neither did those mens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 value them which were not fancied by their Kings, nor those mens vices deforme them that were. Amor interdum nimis videt, interdum nihil videt, Loue sees one while too much, another while starke nothing. Hence it came to passe, that after a few yeeres (for direction and restraint of Royall power) Lawes were esta∣blished: and that gouernment which had this mixture of equalitie (holding in an euen ballance supreme power and common right) acquired the title of Regall: the other (which had it not) was knowne for Tyrannicall: the one God established in fauour of his people: the other he permitted for their affliction. [unspec 50]

In the infancie of this Regall authoritie, Princes as they were chosen for their vertues only so did they measure their powers by a great deale of moderation. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith Fabius Pictor) Principes, quia iusti erant, & religionibus dediti, iure habiti* 1.650 Dij & 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Princes, because they were iust and religious, were rightly accounted and called Gods.

And though (speaking humanely) the beginning of Empire may be ascribed to Reason and Necessitie; yet it was God himselfe that first kindled this light in the mindes of men, whereby they saw that they could not liue and be preserued with∣out a Ruler and Conducter: God himselfe by his eternall prouidence hauing or∣dayned Kings; and the law of Nature Leaders, and Rulers ouer others. For the ve∣ry Bees haue their Prince; the Deere their Leaders; and Cranes (by order impo∣sed) watch for their owne safetie. The most High beareth rule ouer the Kingdomes of* 1.651 Men; and appointeth ouer it whomsoeuer he pleaseth. By me (saith Wisedome, spoken by* 1.652 the Sonne of God) Kings reigne; By me Princes rule, and it is God (saith DANIEL)* 1.653 that setteth vp Kings, and taketh away Kings: and that this power is giuen from God, [unspec 10] CHRIST himselfe witnesseth, speaking to PILATE: Thou couldest haue no power at all* 1.654 against me, except it were giuen thee from aboue.

It was therefore by a threefold Iustice that the world hath beene gouerned from the beginning, (to wit) by a Iustice naturall: by which the Parents and Elders of fa∣milies gouerned their Children, and Nephewes, and Families, in which gouernment the Obedience was called naturall Pietie: Againe, by a Iustice diuine, drawne from the Lawes and Ordinances of God: and the Obedience hereunto was called Con∣science: And lastly, by a Iustice ciuill, begotten by both the former: and the Obe∣dience to this we call Dutie. That by these three those of the eldest times were com∣manded: and that the rule in generall was Paternall, it is most euident: for Adam [unspec 20] being Lord ouer his owne Children, instructed them in the seruice of God his Crea∣tor; as we reade, Cain and Abel brought Oblations before God, as they had beene taught by their Parent, the Father of mankinde.

§. II. Of the three commendable sorts of Gouernement with their opposites: and of the degrees of humane societie.

WHat other Policie was exercised, or State founded after such time as [unspec 30] mankinde was greatly multiplyed before the floud, it cannot be cer∣tainly knowne, though it seeme by probable coniecture, that the same was not without Kings in that first age: it being possible that many Princes of the Aegyptians (remembred among their antiquities) were before the generall floud; and very likely, that the cruell Oppressions in that Age proceeded from some tyrannie in Gouernement, or from some rougher forme of Rule, then the Paternall.

Berosus ascribeth the rule of the World in those dayes to the Gyants of Libanus,* 1.655 who mastred (saith he) all Nations from the Sunne-rising to the Sunne-set. But in the second Age of the World, and after such time as the rule of Eldership fayled, [unspec 40] three seuerall sorts of Gouernement were in seuerall times established among men, according to the diuers natures of Places and People.

The first, the most ancient, most generall, and most approued, was the Gouerne∣ment of one, ruling by iust Lawes, called Monarchie: to which Tyrannie is opposed, being also a sole and absolute Rule, exercised according to the will of the Comman∣der, without respect or obseruation of the Lawes of God, or Men. For a lawfull Prince or Magistrate (saith Aristotle) is the Keeper of Right and Equitie: and of this condition ought euery Magistrate to be, according to the rule of Gods word: Iudges and Officers shalt thou make thee in thy Cities: And these shall iudge the people with* 1.656 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iudgement. [unspec 50]

The second Gouernement is of diuers principall Persons established by order, and ruling by Lawes, called Aristocracie, or Optimatum potestas; to which Oligarchia (or the particular faction and vsurpation of a few great-ones) is opposed: as the Decemviri, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the like.

The third is a State popular, (or Gouernment of the people) called Democratia, to which is opposed Ochlocratia, or the turbulent vniust ruling of the confused mul∣titude, seditiously swaying the State, contrarie to their owne Lawes and Ordinances. These three kinds of Gouernment are briefly exprest by Tholosanus; Vnius, paucorum, & multorum, Of one, of few, of many.

Now as touching the beginning and order of policie since the second increase of Mankind, the same grew in this sort: First of all, euery Father, or eldest of the Fami∣ly, gaue Lawes to his owne issues, and to the people from him and them increased. These as they were multiplyed into many Housholds (man by nature louing socie∣tie) ioyned their Cottages together in one common Field or Village, which the La∣tines [unspec 10] call Vicus; of the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a House, or of the word (Via) be∣cause it hath diuers wayes and paths leading to it. And as the first House grew into a Village, so the Village into that which is called Pagus, (being a societie of diuers Villages) so called of the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a Fountaine: because many people (hauing their habitations not farre asunder) dranke of one Spring or Streame of water. To this word the English Hundreds, or (as some thinke) Shires answereth not vnfitly.

But as men and impietie beganne to gather strength, and as emulation and pride betweene the Races of the one and the other daily increased: so both to defend themselues from outrage, and to preserue such goods as they had gathered, they [unspec 20] beganne to ioyne and set together diuers of their Villages, inuironing them first with bankes and ditches, and afterwards with wals: which being so compassed were then called Oppida; eyther ab opponendo se hostibus, Because wals were opposed against E∣nemies, or ab opibus, because thither they gathered their riches for safetie and defence: as also they were called Vrbes, ab orbe; because when they were to build a Citie, they made a Circle with a Plough (sayth Varro) therewith measuring and compassing the ground which they went to inclose or fortifie. And although Vrbs and Ciuitas bee often confounded, yet the difference was anciently in this, that Vrbs signified no o∣ther then the very wals and buildings, and Ciuitas was taken for the Citizens, inha∣biting therein: so called of Ciuis; and that, ab eo quòd multitudo coiuit, of comming to∣gether. [unspec 30] But all inhabitants within these wals are not properly Citizens, but only such as are called Free-men: who bearing proportionably the charge of the Citie, may by turnes become Officers and Magistrates thereof: the rest goe vnder the name of Subiects, though Citizens by the same generall name of Subiects are also knowne. For euery Citizen is also a subiect, but not euery Subiect a Citizen: perhaps also some Citizen (as the chiefe Magistrate, if hee bee to bee termed one of the Citizens) is no subiect; but of this wee need not stand to inquire. The word (Magistrate) is taken à 〈◊〉〈◊〉, from a Master, and the word (Master) from the Aduerbe Magis (as also Magisteria, Precepts of Art) or else from the Greeke word (Megistos:) and so the Greekes call them Megistanes, whom the Latines call Magnates, or Magi∣stratus. [unspec 40]

The office and dutie of euery Magistrate Aristotle hath written in few wordes.* 1.657 A Magistrate or Prince (sayth hee) is the keeper of right and equitie; but the same is best taught by Saint Paul, who expresseth both the cause efficient, and finall, (that is) by whom Magistrates and Princes are ordained, together with their duties and of∣fices. A Magistrate is the Minister of God for thy wealth; but if thou doe euill, feare: for* 1.658 he beareth not the sword for nought. For hee is the Minister of God, to take vengeance on him that doth euill. He also teacheth in the same place; That euery soule ought to bee* 1.659 subiect to the higher powers, because they are by God ordained; and that whosoeuer resisteth* 1.660 that power, resisteth God, the giuer and fountaine thereof: and shall not only be there∣fore [unspec 50] subiect to the iudgement and condemnation of Man, but of God: For yee must* 1.661 be subiect (saith he) not because of wrath only, but also for conscience sake.

The examples are not to be numbred of Gods punishments vpon those that haue resisted Authoritie, by God ordained and established. Neyther ought any subiect

therefore to resist the power of Kings, because they may be taxed with iniustice or crueltie: for it pleaseth God sometimes to punish his people by a tyrannous hand: and the Commandement of obedience is without distinction. The Prophets and Christ himselfe subiected themselues to the power of Magistracie. Christ comman∣ded that all due to Caesar should be giuen vnto him: and he payed Tribute for him∣selfe and Peter. Hieremie commanded the Israelites (euen those that were Captiues* 1.662 vnder Heathen Kings) to pray for them, and for the peace of Babylon. So Abraham prayed for Abimelech; and Iacob blessed the King of Aegypt: And it is acceptable in the* 1.663 sight of our Sauiour (sayth PAVL) that yec make Supplications and Prayers for Kings, and for all that are in authoritie: and if for such Kings as were Idolatrous, much more for [unspec 10] Christian Kings and Magistrates. And so much did Saint Chrysostome in his Homily to the people preferre Monarchicall Gouernment, as hee rather commended the rule of Kings (though Tyrants) then that they should be wanting: Praestat Regem tyran∣num habere, quàm nullum; Better a tyrannous King, then no King: to which also Tacitus subscribeth: Praestat (sayth Tacitus in the first of his Historie) sub malo Principe esse quàm nullo; It is better to haue a bad Prince then none at all. And bee they good Kings (which is generally presupposed) then is there no libertie more safe, then to serue them: Ne{que} enim libertas tutior vlla est (sayth CLAVDIAN) quàm Domino seruire bo∣no: No libertie (sayth hee) more safe for vs then to be seruants to the vertuous. And cer∣tainly howsoeuer it may be disputed, yet is it safer to liue vnder one Tyrant, then vn∣der [unspec 20] 100000. Tyrants: vnder a wise man that is cruell, then vnder the foolish and barbarous crueltie of the multitude. For as Agesilaus answered a Citizen of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that desired an alteration of the Gouernment, That kind of rule which a man would disdaine in his owne house, were very vnfit to gouerne great Regions by.

Lastly, as many Fathers erected many Cottages for their many children: and as (for the reason before remembred) many Housholds ioyned themselues together, and made Villages; many Villages made Cities: so when these Cities and Citizens ioyned together, and established Lawes by consent, associating themselues vnder one Gouernour and Gouernment, they so ioyned were called a Commonwealth: the same being sometimes gouerned by Kings; sometimes by Magistrates; sometimes [unspec 30] by the people themselues.

§. III. Of the good Gouernment of the first Kings.

NOw this first Age after the Floud, and after such time as the people were increased, and the Families became strong and dispersed into se∣uerall parts of the World, was by ancient Historians called Golden: Ambition and Couetousnesse being as then but greene, and newly [unspec 40] growne vp, the seeds and effects wherof were as yet but potential, and in the blowth and bud. For while the Law of Nature was the rule of mans life, they then sought for no larger Territorie then themselues could compasse and manure: they erected no other magnificent buildings, then sufficient to desend them from cold and tempest: they cared for no other delicacie of fare, or curiositie of dyet, then to maintaine life: nor for any other apparell then to couer them from the cold, the Raine and the Sunne.

And sure if wee vnderstand by that Age (which was called Golden) the ancient simplicitie of our Fore-fathers, this name may then truely be cast vpon those elder times: but if it be taken otherwise, then, whether the same may bee attributed more [unspec 50] to any one time then to another, (I meane to one limited time and none else) it may bee doubted. For good and Golden Kings make good and Golden Ages: and all times haue brought forth of both sorts. And as the infancie of Empirie, (when Princes played their Prizes, and did then only woo men to obedience) might bee

called the Golden Age: so may the beginning of all Princes times bee truely called Golden. For be it that men affect honour, it is then best purchased; or if honour af∣fect men, it is then that good deseruings haue commonly the least impediments: and if euer Liberalitie ouerflow her bankes and bounds, the same is then best war∣ranted both by policie and example. But Age and Time doe not only harden and shrinke the openest and most Iouiall hearts, but the experience which it bringeth with it, layeth Princes torne estates before their eyes, and (withall) perswadeth them to compassionate themselues. And although there bee no Kings vnder the Sunne whose meanes are answerable vnto other mens desires; yet such as value all things by their owne respects, doe no sooner find their appetites vnanswered, but they com∣plaine [unspec 10] of alteration, and account the times iniurious and yron. And as this fal∣leth out in the Raigne of euery King, so doth it in the life of euery man, if his dayes be many: for our yonger yeeres are our Golden Age; which being eaten vp by time, we praise those seasons which our youth accompanied: and (indeed) the grieuous al∣terations in our selues, and the paines and diseases which neuer part from vs but at the graue, make the times seeme so differing and displeasing: especially the qualitie of mans nature being also such, as it adoreth and extolleth the passages of the former, and condemneth the present state how iust soeuer: Fit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 malignitatis vitio, vt* 1.664 semper vetera in laude, praesentia in fastidio sint; It comes to passe (sayth TACITVS) by the vice of our malignitie, that we alwayes extoll the time past, and hold the present fastidious: [unspec 20] For it is one of the errours of wayward Age: Quod sint laudatores temporis acti; That they are praysers of fore-passed times, forgetting this aduice of SALOMON: Say not then,* 1.665 Why is it that the former dayes were better then these? for thou dost not inquire wisely of this thing: to which purpose SENECA; Maiores nostri questi sunt, & nos querimur, posteri querentur, euersos esse mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res hominum & in omne nefas labi: Our Ancesters haue complained, wee doe complaine, our children will complaine, that good manners are gone, that wickednesse doth raigne, and all things grow worse and worse, and fall into all euill. These are the vsuall discourses of Age and misfortune. But here∣of what can we adde to this of ARNOBIVS? Nouares quando{que} vetus fict, & vetus tem∣poribus* 1.666 quibus coepit noua fuit & repentina: Whatsoeuer is new, in time shall be made old: and [unspec 30] the ancientest things when they tooke beginning were also new and sodaine. Wherefore not to stand in much admiration of these first times, which the discontentments of pre∣sent times haue made Golden, this wee may set downe for certaine, That as it was the vertue of the first Kings, which (after God) gaue them Crownes: so the loue of their people thereby purchased, held the same Crownes on their heads. And as God gaue the obedience of Subiects to 〈◊〉〈◊〉: so (relatiuely) hee gaue the care and iu∣stice of Kings to the Subjects; hauing respect, not only to the Kings themselues, but euen to the meanest of his Creatures: Nunquàm particulari bono seruit omne bo∣num;* 1.667 The infinite goodnesse of God doth not attend any one only: for hee that made the small and great, careth for all alike: and it is the care which Kings haue of all theirs, [unspec 40] which makes them beloued of all theirs; and by a generall loue it is, that Princes hold a generall obedience: For Potest as humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum: All humane power is rooted in the will or dispositions of men. [unspec 50]

§. IIII. Of the beginning of Nobilitie: and of the vaine vaunt thereof without vertue.

AND with this Supreme Rule and Kingly authoritie beganne also other degrees and differences among Subiects. For Princes made election of others by the same Rule, by which themselues were chosen; vnto whom they gaue place, trust, and power. From which imployments and Offices sprung those Titles, and those degrees of Honour, which [unspec 10] haue continued from Age to Age to these dayes. But this Nobilitie, or difference* 1.668 from the Vulgar, was not in the beginning giuen to the Succession of Bloud, but to Succession of Vertue, as hereafter may bee prooued. Though at length it was suffi∣cient for those whose Parents were aduanced, to bee knowne for the Sonnes of such Fathers: and so there needed then no endeuour of well-doing at all, or any conten∣tion for them to excell, vpon whom glorie or worldly Nobilitie necessarily des∣cended. Yet hereof had Nobilitie denomination in the beginning, That such as ex∣celled others in vertue, were so called: Hinc dictus Nobilis, quasi virtute proe alijs nota∣bilis. But after such time as the deserued Honour of the Father was giuen in reward to his Posteritie, Saint Hierome iudged of the Succession in this manner: Nihil a∣liud [unspec 20] video in Nobilitate appetendum, nisi quod Nobiles quadam necessitate constringantur, ne ab antiquorum probitate degenerent; I see no other thing to bee affected in Nobilitie, then that Noblemen are by a kind of necessitie bound, not to degenerate from the vertue of their Ancesters. For if Nobilitie be Virtus & antiquae diuitiae; Vertue and ancient riches, then to excced in all those things which are extra hominem, asriches, power, glo∣rie, and the like, doe no otherwise define Nobilitie, then the word (animal) alone doth define a reasonable man. Or if honour (according to L. Viues) bee a witnesse of vertue and well-doing: and Nobilitie (after Plutarch) the continuance of vertue in a Race or Linage: then are those in whom Vertue is extinguished, but like vnto painted and printed Papers, which ignorant men worship in stead of Christ, our [unspec 30] Ladie, and other Saints: men, in whom there remaine but the dregges and vices of ancient Vertue: Flowers, and Herbes, which by change of soile and want of manu∣ring are turned to Weeds. For what is found prayse-worthy in those waters, which had their beginning out of pure Fountaines, if in all the rest of their course they runne foule, filthie, and defiled? Ex terra fertili producitur aliquando 〈◊〉〈◊〉 venenosa,* 1.669 & ex terra sterili pretiosum aurum; Out of fruitfull ground ariseth sometimes poysoning Henbane: and out of barren soile precious Gold. For as all things consist of matter and forme, so doth Charron (in his Chapter of Nobilitie) call the Race and Linage but the matter of Nobilitie: the forme (which giues life and perfect being) he maketh to be Vertue, and Qualitie, profitable to the Commonweale. For he is truly and entire∣ly [unspec 40] Noble, who maketh a singular profession of publike Vertue, seruing his Prince and Countrie, and being descended of Parents and Ancesters that haue done the like. And although that Nobilitie, which the same Authour calleth personall, (the same which our selues acquire by our Vertue and well deseruings) cannot bee ballanced with that which is both naturall by Descent, and also personall; yet if Vertue bee wanting to the naturall, then is the personall and acquired Nobilitie by many de∣grees to be preferred: For (sayth this Charron) this Honour (to wit) by Descent, may light vpon such a one, as in his owne nature is a true Villaine. There is also a third Nobilitie which hee calleth Nobilitie in Parchment, bought with Siluer or fauour: and these bee indeed but Honours of affection, which Kings with the change of [unspec 50] their fancies wish they knew well how to wipe off againe. But surely, if wee had as much sense of our degenerating in worthinesse, as we haue of vanitie in deriuing our selues of such and such Parents, wee should rather know such Nobilitie (without Vertue) to bee shame and dishonour, then Noblenesse, and glorie to vaunt thereof.

What calamitie is wanting (sayth 〈◊〉〈◊〉) to him that is borne in sinne, of a Potshare* 1.670 bodie and barren minde? for (according to the same Father:) Dele fucum fugacis hono∣ris huius, & male coronatae nitorem gloria, &c. Wipe away the painting of this fleeting ho∣nour, and the glittering of the ill-crowned glorie, that then thou maiest consider thy selfe 〈◊〉〈◊〉: for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 camest naked out of thy Mothers wombe. Camest thou thence with thy My∣tre, or glissening with Iewels, or garnished with Silkes, or adorned with Feathers, or stuffed with Gold? If thou scatter and blow away all these by thy consideration as certaine morning cloudes, which doe or will soone passe ouer, thou shalt meet with a naked, and poore, and wret∣ched, and miserable man, and blushing, because he is naked, and weeping because hee is borne, and repining because he is borne to labour, and not to honour. [unspec 10]

For, as touching the matter of all men, there is no difference betweene it and dust: which if thou doest not beleeue (saith Saint CHRYSOSTOME) looke into the Sepulchres* 1.671 and Monuments of thy Ancesters, and they shall easily perswade thee by their owne example, that thou art dust and dirt: so that if man seeme more Noble and beautifull then dust, this proceedeth not from the diuersitie of his Nature, but from the cunning of his Creatour.

For true Nobilitie standeth in the Trade* 1.672 Of vertuous life; not in the fleshly Line: For bloud is brute, but Gentrie is Diuine.

And howsoeuer the custome of the World haue made it good, that Honours be cast [unspec 20] by birth vpon vnworthy Issues: yet Salomon (as wise as any King) reprehendeth the same in his Fellow-Princes: There is an euill (sayth hee) that I haue seene vnder the Sun,* 1.673 as an errour that proceedeth from the face of him that ruleth. Folly is set in great excellencie.

CHAP. X. Of NIMROD, BELVS, and NINVS: and of memora∣ble things about those times. [unspec 30]

§. I. That NIMROD was the first after the Floud that raigned like Soueraigne Lord: and that his beginning seemeth to haue beene of iust authoritie. [unspec 40]

THE first of all that raigned as Soueraigne Lord after the Floud was Nimrod, the Sonne of Cush, distinguished by Moses from the rest (according to Saint Augustine) in one of these two respects: eyther for his eminencie, and because hee was the first of fame, and that tooke on him to command others: or else in that hee was be∣gotten by Chush, after his other children were also be∣come Fathers; and of a later time then some of his Grand-children and Nephewes. Howsoeuer, seeing [unspec 50] Moses in expresse wordes calleth Nimrod the Sonne of Chush, other mens coniectures to the contrarie ought to haue no respect. This Empirie of Nimrod, both the Fathers and many later Writers call tyrannicall: the same beginning in Babel, (which is) confusion.

But it seemeth to mee that Melanchton conceiued not amisse hereof: the same expo∣sition being also made by the Authour of that worke called Onomasticum Theologi∣cum, who affirmes that Nimrod was therefore called Amarus Dominator, A bitter or seuere Gouernour, because his forme of rule seemed at first farre more terrible then Paternall authoritie. And therefore is he in this respect also called a mightie Hunter; because he tooke and destroyed both Beasts and Theeues. But Saint Augustine vnder∣stands it otherwise, and conuerts the word (ante) by (contra) affirming therein, that Nimrod was a mightie Hunter against God: Sic ergo intelligendus est Gigas ille, Venator contra Dominum; So is that Giant to be vnderstood, a Hunter against the Lord. But how∣soeuer this word (a mightie Hunter) bee vnderstood; yet it rather appeareth, that as [unspec 10] Nimrod had the command of all those, which went with him from the East into Shi∣naar: so, this charge was rather giuen him, then by him vsurped. For it is no where found, that Noah himselfe, or any of the Sonnes of his owne bodie came with this troupe into Babylonia: no mention at all being made of Noah (the yeeres of his life excepted) in the succeeding Storie of the Hebrewes: nor that Sem was in this disobe∣dient Troupe, or among the builders of Babel.

The same is also confirmed by diuers ancient Historians, that Nimrod, Suphne, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were the Captaines and Leaders of all those which came from the East. And though Sem came not himselfe so farre West as Shinaar (his lot being cast on the East parts) yet from his Sonnes Nephew Heber, the name and Nation of the He∣brewes [unspec 20] (according to the generall opinion) tooke beginning, who inhabited the Southermost parts of Chaldoea about the Citie of Vr; from whence Abraham was by God called into Charran, and thence into Canaan.

And because those of the Race of Sem which came into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, were no partners in the vnbeleeuing worke of the Towre: therefore (as many of the Fathers con∣iecture) did they retaine the first and most ancient language, which the Fathers of the first Age had left to Noah; and Noah to Sem and his Issues: In familia HEBER reman∣sit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lingua; In the Family of HEBER this Language remained (saith Saint Augustine* 1.674 out of Epiphanius;) and this Language Abraham vsed: yea it was anciently and be∣fore the Floud the generall speech: and therefore first called (saith Coelestinus) lingus [unspec 30] humana: the humane tongue.

We know that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Becanus following Theodoret, Rabbi Moses, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Ver∣gara, and others, is of another opinion; but howsoeuer we determine of this point, we may with good probablitie resolue, that none of the godly seed of Sem were the chiefe Leaders of this presumptuous multitude. And seeing it is not likely but that some one was by order appointed for this charge, we may imagine that Nimrod ra∣ther had it by iust authoritie, then by violence of vsurpation.

§. II. [unspec 40] That NIMROD, BELVS, and NINVS were three distinct persons.

BENZO, and out of him Nauclerus with others make many Nimrods. Eusebius confounds him with Belus; and so doth Saint Hierome vpon Ose: and these wordes of S. Augustine seeme to make him of the same* 1.675 opinion: Ibi autem NINVS regnabat post mortem patris sui BELI, qui primus illie regnauer at 65. annos; There did NINVS raigne after the death of his Father BELVS, who first gouerned in Babylon sixtie fiue yeeres. But it could not bee vnknowne to Saint Augustine, that Nimrod was the Establisher of that Empire: Moses being plaine and direct therein. For the beginning of NIMRODS [unspec 50] Kingdome (saith he) was Babel, Erec, Accad, and Chalne, in the Land of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Wherefore Nimrod was the first King of Babel. And certainly it best agreeth with reason, that Ninus was the third, and not one with Nimrod, as Mercator (led by Clement) suppo∣sed: for in Ninus time the World was maruailously replenished. And if S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉

had vndoubtedly taken Belus for Nimrod, he would haue giuen him the name which the Scriptures giue him, rather then haue borrowed any thing out of prophane Au∣thors. And for those wordes of S. AVGVSTINE (qui primus illic regnauerat; Who was the first that reigned there) supposed to be meant by Belus: those wordes doe not dis∣proue that Nimrod was the Founder of the Babylonian Empire. For although Iulius Caesar ouerthrew the libertie of the Romane Commonwealth, making himselfe a per∣petuall Dictator, yet Augustus was the first established Emperor: and the first that reigned absolutely by soueraigne authoritie ouer the Romanes, as an Emperor. The like may be said of Nimrod, that he first brake the rule of Eldership and Paternitie, laying the foundation of soueraigne Rule, as Caesar did; and yet Belus was the first, [unspec 10] who peaceably, and with a generall allowance exercised such a power. Pererius is of opinion, that Belus and Nimrod were the same, because many things are said of them both agreeing in time: for it was about 200. yeeres after the floud (as they ac∣count) that Belus reigned: but such agreement of times proues it not. For so Edward the Third, and his grand-child Richard the Second, were Kings both in one yeere: the one dyed; the other in the same yeere was crowned King.

And yet the opinion (that Nimrod and Belus were one) is farre more probable then that of Mercator, who makes Ninus and Nimrod to be the same. For it is plaine that the beginning of Nimrods Kingdome was Babel, and the Townes adioyning: but the first and most famous worke of Ninus was the Citie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. [unspec 20]

Now whereas D. Siculus affirmeth, that Ninus ouercame and supprest the Babylo∣nians, the same rather proueth the contrarie, then that Ninus and Nimrod were one person. For Ninus established the seate of his Empire at Niniue in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whence the Babylonians might (perchance) in disdayne thereof fall from his obedience, whom he recouered againe by strong hand; which was easie: Babylon being not walled till Semiramis time.

— 〈◊〉〈◊〉 altam Coctilibus 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 SEMIRAMIS 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

SEMIRAMIS with walls of bricke the Citie did inclose.

[unspec 30]

Further, where it is alleaged, that as the Scriptures call Nimrod mightie: so Iustine hath the same of Ninus, which is one of Mercators arguments; It may be answered, that such an addition might haue beene giuen to many other Kings aswell. For if we may beleeue Iustine; then were Vexoris King of Aegypt, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Scythia mightie Kings before Ninus was borne. And if we may compare the wordes of Mo∣ses (touching Nimrod) with the vndertakings of Ninus, there will be found great dif∣ference betweene them. For whereas Mercator conceiueth, that it was too early for any that liued about the time of the confusion of languages, to haue inuaded and [unspec 40] mastered those Cities so farre remoued from Babel, namely, Erec, Accad, and Chalne: which worke he therefore ascribeth to Ninus, as a man of the greatest vndertaking; and consequently would haue Nimrod to haue beene long after the time, in which we suppose he flourished; and both those names of Nimrod and Ninus to belong to one person, to wit, to Ninus: to these things to make some answere. First, I doe not finde that supposition true, That euer Nimrod inuaded any of these Cities; but that hee founded them and built them from the ground, being the first after the floud, that conducted the children of Noah into those parts: and therefore had no∣thing built or erected to his hands.

Besides, whereas these Cities in many mens opinions are found to stand farre a∣way [unspec 50] from Babylon, I finde no reason to bring me to that beliefe. The Citie of Ac∣cad which the Septuagint calls Archard, and Epiphanius, Arphal; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 takes to be Ni∣sibis in Mesopotamia for the Region thereabout the Cosmographers (saith he) call Accabene for Accadene, Others vnderstand Nisibis and Niniue to be one Citie: so

doe Strabo and Stephanus confound it with Charran; but all mistaken. For Nisibis, Accad, and Charran are distinct places. Though I cannot denie Accedene to be a Re∣gion of Mesopotamia, the same which Arias Montanus out of S. Hierome cals Achad: and so doe the Hebrewes also call Nisibis, which seemeth to be the cause of this mi∣staking. As for the Citie of Erec, which the Septuagint call Orech; S. Augustine, Oreg; and Pagninus, Erec; this place Iunius vnderstands for Aracca in Susiana: but there is also a Citie in Comagena called Arace: and indeede likelihood of name is no certaine proofe, without the assistance of other circumstances.

Concerning the third Citie (called Chalneh) some take it for Calinisis: of which Am. Marcellinus. S. Hierome takes it for Seleucia; Hierosolymitanus for Ctesiphon: others [unspec 10] * 1.676 doe thinke it to be the Agrani vpon Euphrates, destroyed and razed by the Persians. But let Moses be the Moderator and Iudge of this dispute, who teacheth vs directly, that these Cities are not seated in so diuers and distant Regions; for these be his wordes: And the beginning of his Kingdome (speaking of NIMROD) was Babel, Erech, Accad, and Chalneh, in the land of Shinaar: so as in this Valley of Shinaar, or Babylonia, or Chaldaea (being all one) we must finde them. And therefore I could (rather of the two) thinke with Viterbiensis, that these foure made but one Babylon, then that they were Cities farre remoued, and in seuerall Prouinces, did not the Prophet Amos precisely distinguish Chalne from Babylon. Goe you (saith AMOS) to Chalne, and from* 1.677 thence goe you to Hamath, and then to Gath of the Philistims. The Geneua translation fa∣uouring [unspec 20] the former opinion, to set these Cities out of Shinaar, hath a marginall note expressing that Shinaar was here named: not that all these Cities were therein seated, but to distinguish Babylon of Chaldaea, from Babylon in Aegypt; but I finde little sub∣stance in that conceit. For sure I am, that in the beginning of Nimrods Empire there was no such Babylon, nor any Citie at all to be found in Aegypt: Babylon of Aegypt being all one with the great Citie of Cairo, which was built long after, not farre from the place where stood Memphis the ancient Citie, but not so ancient as Babylon vpon Eupbrates. Now that Chalne is situate in the Valley of Shinaar, it hath beene formerly proued in the Chapter of Paradise. So as for any argument that may be brought to the contrarie, from the remote situation of these three Cities from Babylon, we may [unspec 30] continue in our opinion, That Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus, were distinct and succes∣siue Kings.

§. III. That NIMROD, not ASSVR, built Niniue: and that it is probable out of ESAY 23. 13. that ASSVR built Vr of the Chaldees.

NOW as of Nimrod: so are the opinions of Writers different touching Assur, and touching the beginning of that great state of Babylon and [unspec 40] Assyria: a controuersie wearisomely disputed without any direct proofe, conclusion, or certaintie. But to me (of whom, where the Scriptures are silent, the voyce of Reason hath the best hearing) the interpretation of Iunius is most agreeable; who besides all necessarie consequence doth not disioyne the sense of the Scriptures therein, nor confuse the vnderstanding thereof. For in this sort he conuerteth the Hebrew Text: Erat enim principium re∣gni eius Babel, & Erech, & Accad, & Chalneh, in terra Shinaar is; è terra hac 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Assyriam vbi aedificauit Niniuen; (which is) For the beginning of this Kingdome was Ba∣bel, and Erech, and Accad, and Chalneb, in the land of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and he went forth of this land into Assyria, and built Niniue. So as Iunius takes Assur in this place, not for any [unspec 50] person, but for the Region of Assyria: the land being so called in Moses time, and be∣fore it. For certainely, the other construction, (where the word (Assur) is taken for Assur the sonne of Sem) doth not answer the order which Moses obserueth through all the Bookes of Genesis, but is quite contrarie vnto it. For in the beginning of the

tenth Chapter he setteth downe the sonnes of Noah, in these wordes: Now these are the Generations of the sonnes of NOAH: SEM, HAM, and IAPHETH, vnto whom sonnes were borne after the floud: then it followeth immediately: The sonnes of IA∣PHETH were GOMER, &c. so as Iapheth is last named among Noahs sonnes, be he eldest or yongest: because he was first to be spoken of: with whom (hauing last named him) he proceedes and sets downe his issue, and then the issue of his sonnes: first, the issue of Gomer, Iapheths eldest sonne; and then speakes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and his sonnes: for of the rest of that Familie hee is silent. Anon after hee numbreth the sonnes of Ham, of which Cush was the eldest: and then the sonnes of Cush and Miz∣raim; and afterward of Canaan; leauing Shem for the last, because he would not dis∣ioyne [unspec 10] the Storie of the Hebrewes. But after he beginneth with Sem, he continueth from thence by Arphaxad, Shela, and Heber, vnto Abraham, and so to Iacob, and the Fathers of that Nation. But to haue brought in one of the sonnes of Shem in the middle of the generations of Ham, had beene against order; neither would Moses haue past ouer so slightly the erection of the Assyrian Empire, in one of the sonnes of Shem, if he had had any such meaning: it being the storie of Shems sonnes which he most attended. For he nameth Nimrod apart, after the rest of the sonnes of Cush, because he founded the Babylonian and Assyrian Empire: and in the eleuenth Chapter he returnes to speake of the building of Babel in particular, hauing formerly named it in the tenth Chapter, with those other Cities which Nimrod founded in Shinaar. [unspec 20] And as he did in the tenth Chapter, so also in the eleuenth he maketh no report of Shem, till such time as he had finished so much of Nimrod as he meant to touch: and then he beginneth with the issue of Shem, which he continueth to Abraham and Is∣rael. And of Iunius opinion touching Assur, was Caluin: to which I conceiue that P. Comestor, in historia Scholastica, gaue an entrance, who after he had deliuered this place in some other sense, he vseth these wordes: Vel intelligendum non est de ASSVR filio SEM, &c. sed ASSVR (id est) Regnum Assyriorum inde egressum est, quod tempore SARVG proaui ABRAHAMI factum est, (which is) Or else it is not to be vnderstood of ASSVR the sonne of SEM, &c. but ASSVR (that is, the Kingdome of the Assyrians) came from thence (videlicet, from Babylon) or was made out of it: which happened in the [unspec 30] time of SARVG the great grand-father of ABRAHAM. After which he reconcileth the differences in this sort: If you take the ancient Belus (meaning Nimrod) to be the first Erecter of the Assyrian Empire, or the first Founder thereof, it is true, Quan∣tum ad initium; Respecting the beginning; but others conceiue that it had beginning from Ninus, which is also true, Quantum ad regni ampliationem; Regarding the enlarge∣ment of the Empire. To this I may adde the opinion of Epiphanius, confirmed by Cedrenus, who takes Assur to be the sonne of Nimrod: and so doth Methodius, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, S. Hierome, and Cyrillus, and now lastly Torniellus: who saith he tooke* 1.678 vpon him that name of Assur after he had beaten the Assyrians, as Scipio did of A∣fricanus, after his conquest in Africa: and that Assur was a common name to the Kings [unspec 40] of Assyria, as it appeareth by many Scriptures, as Psalme 81. Esay 10. Ose 5. &c. but to helpe the matter, he makes Nimrod of the race of Shem, and the sonne of Irari. But Rabanus Maurus, who was Arch-Bishop of Mentz in the yeere of Christ 854. an ancient and learned Writer, vnderstands this place with Commestor, or Commestor with him, agreeing in substance with that translation of Iunius: to which wordes of Moses he giueth this sense: De hac terra Assyriorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imperium, qui ex nomine NINI, BELI filij, Ninum condiderunt, vrbem magnam, &c. Out of this land grew the Empire of the Assyrians, who built Ninus the great Citie, so named of NINVS the sonne of BELVS. On the contrarie Caluin obiecteth this place of ESAY: Behold the land of* 1.679 the Chaldaeans, this was no people, ASSVR founded it by the inhabitants of the Wildernesse; [unspec 50] then which there is no one place in the Scriptures, that hath a greater diuersitie in the translation and vnderstanding; insomuch as Michael de Palatio vpon Esay (though in all else very diligent) passeth it ouer. But Caluin seemeth hereby to in∣ferre, that because Assur founded the state of the Chaldaeans, therefore also Assur ra∣ther

then Nimrod established the Assyrian Empire, and built Niniue: contrarie to the former translation of Iunius, and to his owne opinion. Now out of the Vulgar (cal∣led Hieromes translation) it may be gathered that Assur both founded and ruined this Estate or Citie of the Chaldoeans, by Esay remembred: vnto which Citie, People, or State, he plainely telleth the Tyrians that they cannot trust, or hope for reliefe thence. Or rather it may be taken, that the Prophet maketh this Citie of Chaldaea, and that Estate, an example vnto those Phoenicians, whom in this place he fore-tel∣leth of their ruine: which Citie of Chaldaea being of strength, and carefully defen∣ded, was (notwithstanding) by the Assyrians vtterly wasted and destroyed: where∣by he giueth them knowledge, and foretelleth them, that their owne Citie of Tyre, [unspec 10] (inuincible, as themselues thought) should also soone after be ouer-turned by the same Assyrians: as (indeede) it was by Nabuchodonosor. And these be the wordes af∣ter HIEROME: Ecce terra Chaldoeorum, talis populus non fuit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fundauit eam, in captiuitatem traduxerunt robustos eius, suffoderunt domos eius, posuerunt eam in ruinam, (which is) Behold the Land of the Chaldoeans, such a people there were not (or, this was no people, after the Geneua) ASSVR (or the Assyrians) founded it, they carried away their strong men captiue, they vndermined their houses, and ruined their Citie. The Septuagint expresse it but in a part of another Verse, in these wordes: Et in terra Chaldoeorum, & hoec desolata est ab Assyrijs, quoniam murus eius corruit, making the sense perfect by the preceding Verse, which all together may be thus vnderstood: If thou goe ouer to Chit∣tim [unspec 20] (which is Macedon or Greece) yet thou shalt haue no rest (speaking to the Tyrians) neither in the Land of the Chaldoeans, for this is made desolate by the Assyrians, because their walls fell together to the ground. PAGNINVS and VATABLVS conuert it thus: Ecce terra Chasdijm, iste populus non erat illic olim; nam ASSVR sundauit eam nauibus, erexerunt arces illius; contriuerunt oedes eius, posuit eam in ruinam: which may be thus Englished: Behold the Land of the Chaldoeans, this people was not once therein inhabiting: for ASSVR built it a harbour for ships, they erected the Towers thereof, and againe brake downe the houses thereof, and ruinated it. IVNIVS in the place of ships sets the word (pro Barbaris) that is, for the Barbarians: and the Geneua, by the Barbarians. But this is vndoubted that the Prophet Esay (as may be gathered by all the sense of the Chap∣ter) [unspec 30] did therein assure the Tyrians of their future destruction, which (accordingly) fell on them: wherein (for the more terror) he maketh choice to note the calamities of those Places, Cities, and Regions, by whose Trade the state and greatnesse of the Tyrians was maintayned; as by the Cilicians from Tharsis; from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and other Groecians vnder the name of Cittim; also by the Aegyptians, the Chaldoeans, and the rest. For Tyre was then the Mart Towne of the World most renowned. And (as it appeares in our discourse of Paradise) not the least part of her chiefe mer∣chandize came in by the Citie Vr or Vrchoa in Chaldoea, where the body or chiefe streame of Euphrates (euen that streame which runneth through Babylon and Otris, which now falleth into Tigris) had his passage into the Persian 〈◊〉〈◊〉: though now [unspec 40] it be stopped vp. For (as we haue heretofore noted) the Arabians (that descended from Sheba and Raamah) dwelling on the East bankes of the Persian Gulfe, trading with the Tyrians (as those of Eden, Charran, and Chalne did) transported their mer∣chandise by the mouth of Tigris, that is, from Teredon and of Euphrates, that is, from Vr or Vrchoa: and then by Babylon, and thence by Riuer and ouer Land they conuey∣ed it into Syria, and so to Tyre: as they doe this day to Aleppo. So then Vr of the Chaldees was a Port Towne, and one of those Cities which had Intelligence, Trade, and Exchange with the Tyrians: for it stood by the great Lakes of Chaldoea, through which that part of Euphrates ranne, which passage is now stopt vp. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cursum vetu∣stas aboleuit (saith Niger.) And PLINIE, Locus vbi Euphratis oftium fuit, flumen salsum; [unspec 50] Time hath worne away the channell of Euphrates: and the place where the mouth there of was, is a Bay of salt water. These things being thus, certainely (not without good proba∣bilitie) we may expound the Citie of the Chaldees, whose calamities Esay here no∣teth for terror of the Tyrians, to be the Citie anciently called Vr; and (by Hecatoeus)

Camerina; by Ptolemie, Vrchoa: and by the Greekes, Chaldoeopolis, The Citie of Chaldoea: which the sonnes of Shem, vntill Abrahams time, inhabited. And whereas in all the Translations it is said, that Assur both founded it and ruined it: it may be vn∣derstood, that Assur the Founder was the sonne of Shem; and Assur the destroyers were the Assyrians, by whom those that inhabited Vr of Chaldoea, were at length op∣pressed and brought to ruine: which thing God fore-seeing commanded Abraham thence to Charran, and so into Canaan. And if the Hebrew word by Vatablus and Pagninus conuerted (by ships) doe beare that sense, the same may be the better ap∣proued; because it was a Port Towne: and the Riuer so farre vp as this Citie of Vr was in ancient time nauigable, as both by Plinie and Niger appeareth. And if the [unspec 10] word (for the Barbarians) or (by the Barbarians) be also in the Hebrew Text, it is no lesse manifest, that the most barbarous Arabians of the Desart were and are the confronting, and next people of all other vnto it. For Chaldoea is now called Ara∣chaldar, which signifieth desart Lands, because it ioyneth to that part of Arabia so called: and Cicero (calling those Arabians by the name of Ituraeans) addeth, that they are of all other people the most saluage; calling them, Homines omnium maxime barbaros.

So as this place of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which breedeth some doubt in Caluin, proueth in no∣thing the contrarie opinion, nor in any part weakeneth the former translation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nor the interpretation of Comestor and Rabanus. For though other men haue [unspec 20] not conceiued (for any thing that I haue read) that Assur is in this place diuersly ta∣ken (as for the sonne of Sem, when he is spoken of as a Builder of Vr; and when as a Destroyer thereof, then for the Assyrian Nation) yet certainely the euidence of the truth, and agreement of circumstances seeme to enforce it. And so this Founding of the Citie of the Chaldees by Assur (into which the most of the posteritie of Sem that came into Shinaar, and were separate for the Idolatrie of the Chusites and Nim∣rodians, retyred themselues) hath nothing in it to proue that the same Assur built Ni∣niue, or that the same Assur was all one with Ninus; except wee will make Assur, who was the sonne of Shem, both an Idolater, and the sonne of Belus. For (out of doubt) Ninus was the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacrificer to Idols; and the first that set vp a Statue [unspec 30] to be honored as god. Now if Assur must be of that Race, and not of the Familie of Sem, as he must be if he founded Niniue, then all those which seeke to giue him the honor thereof, doe him by a thousand parts more iniurie, by taking from him his true Parent and Religion.

Besides, if this supposed Assur whom they make the Founder of Niniue (and so the sonne of Belus) were any other, and not the same with Ninus; then what became of him? Certainely he was very vnworthy and obscure, and not like to be the Foun∣der of such an Empire and such a Citie, if no man haue vouchsafed to leaue to po∣steritie his expulsion thence, and how he lost that Empire againe or quitted it to Ni∣nus: whose acts and conquests are so largely written, and (according to my appre∣hension) [unspec 40] farre differing from truth. It will therefore be found best agreeing to Scrip∣ture and to Reason, and best agreeing with the storie of that age written by prophane Authors, that Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, and Accad, and Chalne, the first workes and beginnings of his Empire, according to Moses, and that these workes being fi∣nished within the Valley of Shinaar, he looked farther abroad, and set in hand the worke of Ninus, lying neere vnto the same streame that Babel and Chalne did: which worke his grand-child Ninus afterward amplified and finished, as Semiramis (this Ninus his wife) did Babylon. Hence it came to passe, that as Semiramis was counted the Foundresse of the Citie which shee only finished: so also Ninus of Ninine: Quam quidem Babylonem potuit instaurare; She might repaire or renew Babylon, saith S. Augu∣stine. [unspec 50] For so did Nabuchodonosor vaunt himselfe to be the Founder of Babylon also, because he built vp againe some part of the wall, ouer-borne by the furie of the Ri∣uer: which worke of his stood till Alexanders time, whereupon he vaunted thus: Is* 1.680 not this great Babel which I haue built?

§. IIII. Of the acts of NIMROD and BELVS, as farre as now they are knowne.

BVt to returne to the Storie, it is plaine in Moses, that Nimrod (whom Philo interpreteth transfugium; and Iulius Africanus surnamed Saturne) was the establisher of the Babylonian Monarchie, of whom there is no other thing written, then that his Empire in the beginning consisted of those foure Cities before remembred, Babel, Erec, Accad, and [unspec 10] Chalne: and that from hence he propagated his Empire into Assyria; and in Assyria built foure more Cities (to wit) Niniue, Rehoboth, Celah, and Resen. And seeing that he spent much time in building Babel it selfe and those adioyning, and that his trauailes were many ere he came into Shinaar: that worke of Babel (such as it was) with the other three Cities, and the large foundation of Niniue, and the other Ci∣ties of Assyria which he builded (considered with the want of materials, and with other impediments) were of greater difficultie then any thing performed by his Successors in many yeeres after: to whose vndertakings time had giuen so great an increase of people; and the examples and patternes of his beginning so great an aduancement and encouragement: in whose time (saith Glycas) all these Nations [unspec 20] were called Meropes, à sermonis linguarum terrae{que} diuisione; By reason that the earth and the speech were then diuided.

Belus, or Bel, or Iupiter Belus, succeeded Nimrod, after he had reigned 114. yeeres; of whose acts and vndertakings there is little written. For it is thought that he spent much of his time in disburdening the low Lands of Babylon, and drying and making firme ground of all those great Fennes and ouer-flowne Marishes which adioyned vnto it. For any of his Warres or Conquests there is no report, other then of his begun enterprise against Sabatius King of Armenia, and those parts of Scythia which Berosus calls Scythia Saga, whose sonne and successor Barzanes became subiect and Tributarie to Ninus, that followed the warre to effect, which was by his Father [unspec 30] Belus begunne.

§. V. That we are not to maruaile how so many Kingdomes could be erected about these times: and of VEXORIS of Aegypt, and TANAIS of Scythia.

THat so many Kingdomes were erected in all those Easterne parts of the World so soone after Nimrod, (as by the storie of Ninus is made [unspec 40] manifest) the causes were threefold, (namely) Oportunitie, Example, and Necessitie. For Oportunitie being a Princesse liberall and power∣full, bestoweth on her first Entertayners many times more bene∣fits, then either Fortune can, or Wisedome ought; by whose presence alone the vn∣derstanding mindes of men receiue all those helps and supplyes, which they either want or wish for: so as euery Leader of a troupe (after the diuision of tongues and dispersion of People) finding these faire offers made vnto them, held the power which they possest, and gouerned by discretion all those people, whom they con∣ducted to their destined places. For it cannot be conceiued, that when the Earth was first diuided, mankinde straggled abroade like beasts in a Desart; but that by a∣greement [unspec 50] they disposed themselues, and vnder-tooke to inhabite all the knowne parts of the World, and by distinct Families and Nations: otherwise, those remote Regions from Babylon and Shinaar, which had Kings, and were peopled in Ninus time, would not haue beene possest in many hundreds of yeeres after, as then they

were; neyther did those that were sent, and trauailed farre off (order being the true parent of prosperous successe) vndertake so difficult enterprizes without a Condu∣cter or Commander. Secondly, the Example of Nimrod with whom it succeeded well, strengthened euery humour that aspired. Thirdly, Necessitie resolued all men by the arguments of common miseries, that without a Commander and Magi∣strate, neither could those that were laborious, and of honest dispositions, enjoy the haruest of their owne Trauailes: nor those which were of little strength, secure themselues against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 violence: nor those which sought after any proportion of greatnesse, eyther possesse the same in quiet, or rule and order their owne Ministers and Attendants. [unspec 10]

That these causes had wrought these effects, the vndertakings and Conquests of Ninus (the sonne of Belus) made it apparent: for hee found euery where Kings and Monarches, what way soeuer his Ambition led him in the Warres.

But Nimrod (his Grand-father) had no companion King, to vs knowne, when he first tooke on him Soueraignetie and sole commandement of all those the children of Noah, which came from the East into Babylonia: though in his life time others al∣so raysed themselues to the same estate; of which hereafter. Belus (his sonne and Successour) found Sabatius King of Armenia and Scythia, sufficiently powerfull to resist his attempts: which Sabatius I take to bee the same, which Iustine cals Tanais; and should coniecture, that Mizraim had beene his Vexoris, were it not that I vehe∣mently [unspec 20] suspect some errour, (as Iustine placeth him) in the time of that Vexoris, who* 1.681 by many circumstances seemes to me rightly accounted by the Iudicious and Lear∣ned Reineccius all one with the great Sesostris, that liued certaine Ages after Ninus. This Belus, the second King of Babylon, raigned 65. yeeres, according to the common account.

§. VI. Of the name of BELVS, and other names affine vnto it.

WHence this second King and Successour of Nimrod had the name of [unspec 30] Bel, or Belus, question hath beene made: for it seemeth rather a name imposed, or (of addition) giuen by Ninus, then assumed by Belus him∣selfe.

Cyrillus against Iulian cals the Father of Ninus Arbelus, affirming that hee was the first of all men that caused himselfe to be called a God: which were it so, then might the name of Belus bee thence deriued. But Bel, as many Learned Wri∣ters haue obserued, signifieth the Sunne in the Chaldoean Tongue; and therefore did Ninus and Semiramis giue that name to their Father, that hee might bee honoured as the Sunne, which the Babylonians worshipped as a God. And as this Title was assu∣med [unspec 40] in after-times by diuers others of the Chaldoean Princes, and Babylonian Satrapae: so was it vsed (in imitation) by the chiefe of the Carthaginians and other Nations, as some Historians haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

To this Bel, or Belus, pertaine (as in affinitie) those voyces of Baal, Baalim, Belphegor, Beelphagor, Belsebub, and Beelsephon. Those that are learned in the Hebrew and Chal∣doean conuert the word Baal by the Latine, Princeps militiae, Chiefe in the Warre; though Daniel was so called (sayth SVIDAS) Ob honorem explicationis arcanarumrerum; In honour of his expounding secrets. Saint Hierome makes Bel, Beel, and Baal, to haue the* 1.682 same signification: and sayth, that the Idoll of Babylon was so called, which Ninus in memory of his father set vp to be worshipped: to which that he might adde the more [unspec 50] honour and reuerence, he made it a Sanctuarie and refuge for all offendors. Hence (sayth Lyranus) came Idolatrie, and the first vse of Images into the World. Isidore* 1.683 doth interprete Bel by Vetus, old or ancient; adding, that as among the Assyrians it is taken for Saturne and the Sunne: so in the Punicke or Carthaginian Language it signifi∣eth

God. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 makes it an Assyrian name properly; and Iosephus a Tyrian. Hee al∣so affirmeth that the Idoll which the Moabites worshipped (by them erected on the Mountaine Phegor, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and called Baal) is the same which the Latines call Pria∣pus, the God of Gardens; which was also the opinion of Saint Hierome. But that the* 1.684 word Bel, or Beel, was as much to say as God, appeareth by the word Beelzebub, the Idoll of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For Bel, or Beel soundeth (God) and Sebub (Flies or Hornets:) by which name (notwithstanding) the Iewes expresse the Prince of Deuils. But the Prophet Ose teacheth vs the proper signification of this word from the voice of God himselfe; And at that day (sayth the Lord) thou shalt call mee ISHI, and shalt call mee no more BAALIM: for I will take away the name of BAALIM out of their mouthes. For al∣though [unspec 10] the name of Baal, or Bahal, be iustly to bee vsed towards God; yet in respect that the same was giuen to Idols, God both hated it and forbad it. And the vsing of the word Bel among the Chaldaeans for the Sunne, was not because it properly signi∣fieth the Sunne, but because the Sunne there was worshipped as a God: as also the Fire was, tanquam Solis particula. As for the wordes compounded (before remem∣bred (as Belphegor, and Belsephon; Belsephon is expounded out of FACIVS, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Speculoe vel 〈◊〉〈◊〉, The Lord of the Watch-towre, or of the Guard: the other word noteth the Idoll, and the place wherein it was worshipped. It is also written Belpeor, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Baalpeor: and Peor (they say) is as much as Denudauit; and therefore the word ioy∣ned expresseth a naked Image. Some there are that call this Belus, the sonne of Sa∣turne: [unspec 20] for it was vsed among the Ancients to name the Father Saturne, the Sonne Iupiter, and the Grand-child Hercules. SATVRNI dicuntur familiarum Nobilium, Re∣gum* 1.685 qui vrbes condiderunt senissimi; primogeniti eorum IOVES & IVNONES; HER∣CVLES vero nepotes eorum fortissimi; The ancientest of Noble Families, and Kings which founded Cities, are called SATVRNES; their first-borne IVPITERS and IVNOES; their valiant Nephewes HERCVLES. But this Belus (sayth L. Viues) was famous by reason of his warlike sonne Ninus, who caused his Father to bee worshipped as a GOD by the name of Iupiter Babylonius, whom the Aegyptians (transported by the Dreames* 1.686 of their Antiquitie) make one of theirs. For Neptune (say they) vpon Libya the Daughter of Epaphus begat this Iupiter Belus, who was Father to Aegyptus. They [unspec 30] adde, that this Belus carrying a Colonie to the Riuer of Euphrates there built a Citie, in which he ordained 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after the Aegyptian manner. But were there any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sonne of Epaphus and Isis, or of Neptune and Libya, or (with Eusebius) of Telegonus, who after the death of Apis married Isis, (Cecrops then raigning in Athens) the same was not this Babylonian Belus of whom wee speake, but rather some other Belus, of whom the Aegyptians so much vaunted.

§. VII. Of the worshipping of Images begunne from BELVS [unspec 40] in Babel.

AS for the Babylonian Belus, hee was the most ancient Belus, and the In∣uentour of Astronomie, if Plinie say true: from whence the Aegyptians might borrow both the name and the Doctrine. Some part of the Temple, in which his Statue or Image was honoured as a God, the same Authour affirmeth that it remained in his time.

Of the Sepulchre of Belus, Strabo writeth thus. Ouer the Riuer (sayth hee) there* 1.687 are Gardens, where they say the ruines of BELVS his Tombe, which XERXES brake vp, are yet remaining. It was a square Pyramis made of Bricke, a furlong high, and on [unspec 50] euery side it had a furlong in breadth. It appeares by Cyril against 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that hee ob∣tained* 1.688 diuine worship yet liuing: for so hee writes of him (calling him ARBELVS.) ARBELVS, vir superbus & arrogans, primus hominum dicitur à subditis Deitatis nomen accepisse: perseuerârunt igitur Assyrij, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illis gentes sacrificantes ei.

〈◊〉〈◊〉, a man very proud and arrogant, is accounted to be the first of all men that was euer honoured by their subiects with title of Deitie; (or with the name of God.) The Assy∣rians therefore and the bordering Nations haue perseuered, sacrificing to him. Euen Arius also, whom Suidas cals Thuras, who succeeded next after Ninyas, was made an Idoll∣god among them, if we credit Suidas.

After Ninus (that is, after Ninyas) Thuras raigned (saith Suidas) whom they called after the name of the Planet Mars; a man of sharpe and fierce disposition, who bid∣ding battaile to Caucasus of the Stocke of Iapheth slue him. The Assyrians worship∣ped him for their God, and called him Baal (that is) Mars; thus farre Suidas. Nei∣ther is it vnlikely but that many among Idolatrous Nations were Deified in their [unspec 10] life-times, or soone after: though I denie not but that the most of their Images and Statuae were first erected without diuine worship, only in memorie of the glorious acts of Benefactors, as Glycas rightly conceiueth; and so afterward the Deuill crept into those woodden and brazen carcasses, when Posteritie had lost the memorie of their first inuention. Hereof Isidore speaketh in this manner: Quos autem Pagani Deos 〈◊〉〈◊〉 homines fuerunt, & pro vniuscuias{que} vitae meritis vel magnificentia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣pud suos post mortem coeperunt: sed (Daemonibus persuadentibus) quos illipro sua memoria 〈◊〉〈◊〉 âuerunt, minores Deos existimârunt: ad istavero magis excolenda accesserunt Poeta∣rum figmenta; They were men (sayth he) whom the Pagans affirmed to be Gods: and euery one for his merits or magnificence beganne after his death to bee honoured of his owne. [unspec 20] But at length (the Deuils perswading) they accounted them lesser Gods, whose memories, they honoured: and the Fictions of the Poets made the opinions (concerning the honours of the dead) much more superstitious.

And that the worshipping of Images was brought in by the Pagans, and Heathen Nations, it is not Isidore alone that witnesseth; but Gregorie: Gentilitas (sayth hee)* 1.689 inuentrix & caput est imaginum; Gentilisme is the inuentresse and ground of Images: and Ambrose; Gentes lignum adorant, tanquam imaginem Dei; The Gentiles adore wood as it* 1.690 were the Image of God. Eusebius also affirmeth as much, and calleth the worshipping* 1.691 of Images a custome borrowed of the Heathen. The like hath Saint Augustine* 1.692 against ADIMANTVS. Et verentur (sayth LACTANTIVS) nereligio vana sit, sinibil [unspec 30] * 1.693 videant quod adorent; They feare their Religion would bee vaine, should they not see that which they worship.

And (out of doubt) the Schoolemen shift this fearefull custome very strangely. For seeing the very workemanship is forbidden, how can the heart of a wise Christi∣an satisfie it selfe with the distinction of Doulia and Hyperdoulia, which can imply no∣thing but some difference of worshipping of those Images after they are made? And it is of all things the most strange, why religious and learned men should straine their wits to defend the vse of those things, which the Scriptures haue not only no where warranted, but expresly in many places forbidden, and cursed the Practisers thereof. Yet this doctrine of the Deuill was so strongly and subtilly rooted, as neither the [unspec 40] expresse Commandement of God himselfe, Thou shalt not make any grauen Image, nor all the threatnings of Moses and the Prophets after him could remooue, weed it, or by feare, or by any perswasions lead the hearts of men from it. For where shall we find words of greater weight, or of plainer instruction then these? Take there∣fore good heed to your selues (for yee saw no Image in the day that the Lord spake vnto you in Horeb out of the midst of the fire) that yee corrupt not your selues; and make you a grauen Image, or representation of any Figure, whether it bee the likenesse of Male or Female.

And besides the expresse Commandement, Thou shalt make thee no grauen Image, and the prohibition in many Scriptures, so it is written in the Booke of Wisedome, [unspec 50] That the inuention of Idols was the beginning of Whoredome: and the finding of them the corruption of life: for they were not from the beginning, neyther shall they continue for euer.

And whereas the Schoolemen affirme, that the Prophets spake against the wor∣shipping

of the Heathen Idols, it is manifest that Moses spake of Images of the li∣uing God, and not of Baal and the rest of that nature, for you saw no Image (sayth MO∣SES) that day that the Lord spake vnto you in Horeb. Surely it was excellently sayd of BASIL; Noli aliquam in illo formam imaginari, ne circumscrib as eum mente 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Doe not imagine any forme to be in God, lest thou limit or circumscribe him in thy minde too. Now, if the great Basil thought it a presumption vnlawfull to represent a patterne of the infinite God to our owne thoughts and mindes, how farre doe those men presume that put him vnder the greazie Pensill of a Painter, or the rustie Axe or other Instru∣ment of a Carpenter or Caruer.

For as this dishonour to the infinite and incomprehensible God beganne in Babel: [unspec 10] so did the Deuill transport and speed this inuention into all the Regions adioyning, and into Aegypt and Greece.

The Romanes for a while resisted the erection of these Idols and Images, refusing to set them in their Temples for 170. yeeres, obseruing therein the Law of 〈◊〉〈◊〉: who thought it impietie to resemble things most beautifull, by things most base. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tarquinius Priscus afterwards preuailing, and following the vanitie of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a Nation of all others vnder the Sunne most deluded by Satan) setvp the Images of their Gods; which (as Saint Augustine witnesseth) that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Varro both* 1.694 bewailed, and vtterly condemned: and which Seneca thus derideth; Simulachra deorum venerantur, illis supplicant, genu posite illa adorant, & cùm haec suspiciant, fabros [unspec 20] qui illa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contemnunt; The Images of the Gods are worshipped, those they pray vnto with bended knees; those they adore, and while they so greatly admire them, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Handi-craftsmen that made them: which also Sedulius the Poet in this sort scof∣feth at:

Heu miseri qui vana colunt, qui corde sinistro Religiosa sibi sculpunt simulachra, suum{que} Factorem fugiunt, & quae fecere verentur. Quis furor est? quoe tanta animos dementia ludit? Vt volucrem, turpem{que} bouem, Draconem, [unspec 30] Semi-hominem{que} 〈◊〉〈◊〉 supplex homo pronus adoret.

Ah wretched they that worship vanities, And consecrate dumbe Idols in their heart, Who their owne Maker (God on high) despise, And feare the worke of their owne hands and art. What furie? what great madnesse doth beguile Mens minds? that man should vgly shapes adore, Of Birds, or Buls, or Dragons, or the vile Halfe-dogge-halfe-man on knees for aide implore. [unspec 40]

And though this deuice was barbarous, and first, and many yeeres practised by Heathen Nations onely, till the Iewes were corrupted in Aegypt, yet it is not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alone that laugheth to scorne the ignorant stupiditie of his Nation: but Iustin 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remembreth how the Sibyls inueighed against Images: and Hospinian, how So∣phocles taught, that it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the soules of men to erect and adore those Babels. Strabo and Herodotus witnesse, that the Persians did not erect or set vp any Statue of their Gods. Lycurgus neuer taught it the Lacedoemonians, but thought it im∣pietie to represent immortall natures by mortall Figures. Eusebius also witnesseth in his sixt Booke deproeparatione Euangelica, that it was forbidden by a Law in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, [unspec 50] or among the Brachmans in India, that Images should be worshipped. The same doe Tacitus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Crinitus report of the ancient Germans. Many other Authours might bee remembred that witnesse the disdaine which the Heathen themselues had of this childish Idolatrie: of which Hospinian hath written at large in his Tract, de origine

imaginum. And it was truly said, Omnia mala exempla bonis initijs orta sunt, All ill ex∣amples haue sprung from good beginnings. The Heathen at first made these Statuoe and Images, but in memorie of such remarkable men, as had deserued best of their Coun∣tries and Common-wealths: Effigies hominum (sayth PLINIE) non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exprimi, nisi aliqua illustri causa perpetuitatem merentium: Men were not wont to make Pictures, but of men which merited for some notable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remembred. And though of the more ancient Papists, some haue borrowed of the Gentiles (as appeareth in La∣ctantius) that defence for Images: That Simulachra are pro 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, vt 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 homines 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inuisibilem cognoscere: Images (say they, and so before them the Heathen said) are in stead of Letters, whereby men might learne to know the inuisi∣ble [unspec 10] God: in which vnderstanding (perhaps they no otherwise esteemed them then Pi∣ctures indeed; yet as that of Baal or Bel set vp in memorie of Belus the Babylonian, be∣came afterwards the most reuerenced Idoll of the World, by which so many Na∣tions (and they which were appropriate to God himselfe) were misled and cast away: so those very stockes and stones, and painted Canuases (called the pictures of Christ, our Ladie, and others) were by thousands of ignorant people, not onely adored, but esteemed to haue life, motion, and vnderstanding. On these stockes wee call (sayth the Booke of Wisedome) when we passe through the raging waues, on these stockes more rotten then the Ship that carieth vs.

This Heathen inuention of Images became so fruitfull in after-times, breeding [unspec 20] an infinite multitude of gods, that they were forced to distinguish them into de∣grees and orders; as Dij Consentes, seu maiorum gentium; selecti, patrilij, insigniores, dijmedij: Counselling Gods, or Gods of the mightiest Nobilitie, select Gods, Patrian, Gods of marke, and common Gods (which the Romanes called Medioxumi) dij infimi, and terre∣striall Heroes, and multitudes of other Gods: of which Saint Augustine hath made large mention in his Booke de Ciuitate Dei. But (saith Lactantius) among all those* 1.695 miserable soules and rotten bodies, worshipped by men more like to their Idols, did Epimenides Cretensis (by what good Angell mooued I know not) erect in the Athe∣nian Fields, Altars to the vnknowne God, which stood with the same title and dedi∣cation euen to the times of Saint Paul: who made them first know to whom those [unspec 30] Altars belonged, and opened their eyes which were capable of grace, that they might discerne the difference betwixt that light which lighteneth euery man, and the obscure and stinking mist wherin the Deuil had so many yeeres led and misled them. And it sufficed not that the multitude of these Gods was so great in generall, or that euerie Nation had some one which tooke particular and singular care of them; as Iu∣piter in Creete, Isis in Aegypt, in Athens Minerua, in Samos Inno, in Paphos Venus, and so of all other parts; but euery Citie, and almost euery Family had a God a-part. For as it is written in the second of Kings: the men of Babel, made Succoth Benoth, and the* 1.696 men of Cuth made Nergal, and the men of Hamath made Ashima, and the Auns made Nibhaz and Tarrak, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burnt their children in the fire to Adrame∣lech. [unspec 40] All which how plainly hath the Prophet Esay derided? Men cut downe Trees, rinde them, burne a part of them, make readie their meate, and warme themselues by the fire thereof, and of theresidue he maketh a God; an Idoll, and prayeth vnto it: but God hath shut their eyes from sight, and their hearts from vnderstanding. It is therefore safest for a Chri∣stian to beleeue the Commandements of God so direct against Idolatrie, to beleeue the Prophets, and to beleeue Saint Paul: who speaketh thus plainely and feelingly,* 1.697 My beloued, flye from Idolatrie, I speake as vnto them which haue vnderstanding, iudge yee what I say. [unspec 50]

§. VIII. Of the Warres of NINVS: and lastly of his Warre against ZOROASTER.

VNTO this Belus succeeded Ninus, the first that commanded the exer∣cise of Idolatrie, the first that iniuriously inuaded his Neighbour Prin∣ces; and the first that without shame or feare committed adulterie in publique. But as of Belus there is no certaine memorie (as touching particulars:) so of this Ninus (whose Storie is gathered out of Pro∣phane [unspec 10] Authours) I find nothing so warrantable, but that the same may bee dispu∣ted, and in the greatest part doubted. For although that piece of Berosus set out and commented vpon by Annius, hath many good things in it, and giueth great light (as Chytraeus noteth) to the vnderstanding of Diodorus Siculus, Dion, Halycarnassaeus, and others: yet Lodouicus Viues, B. Rhenanus, and others after them haue layed open the imperfection and defects of the Fragment; proouing directly that it cannot bee the same Berosus which liued in Alexanders time, cited by Athenaeus and Iosephus: and* 1.698 whose Statue the Athenians erected, sayth Plinie. Yet it is from him chiefely, that ma∣ny haue gathered the succession of the Babylonian and Assyrian Princes, euen from Nimrod to the eighteenth King Ascatades, and to the times of Iosua. For of Metasthe∣nes [unspec 20] an Historian, of the Race of the Persian Priests, there are found but certaine Pa∣pers, or some few lines of the Chaldaean and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monarchies: but hee afterwards in the collection of the Persian Kings is not without his errours.

Ctesias of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a Citie adioyning to 〈◊〉〈◊〉) who liued together with Cyrus the yonger, and with Artaxerxes Mnemon, gathered his Historie out of the Per∣sian Records, and reacheth as farre vpwards as Ninus and Semiramis: and though in the Storie of Cyrus the yonger, Xenophon approoueth him in some things, and Athe∣naeus, Pausanias and Tertullian cite him; yet so base and apparent are his flatteries of the times and Princes with whom he liued, and so incredible are the numbers which he finds in the Armies of Ninus, and especially of Semiramis; as whatsoeuer his re∣ports [unspec 30] were, times haue consumed his workes, sauing some very few excerptions late∣ly published.

And therefore in things vncertaine, seeing a long discourse cannot bee pleasing to men of iudgement, I will passe ouer the Acts of this third Assyrian, in as few words as I can expresse them. Saint Augustine affirmes that Ninus mastered all Asia, India ex∣cepted. Others say that he wanne it all, saue India, Bactria, and Arabia. For he made Aricus of Arabia the Companion of his Conquests, with whom hee entred into a straight league of amitie, because he commanded many people and was his Kinsman, and a Chusite, and the neerest Prince confronting Babylonia. His first enterprize was vpon Syria, which he might easily subdue, both because he inuaded it on the sodaine, [unspec 40] and because it lay next him: and also because the Arabians and their King Aricus (which bordered Syria) assisted him in the Conquest thereof.

The King of Armenia, Barzanes, he forced to acknowledge him, and to aide him in his Warre against Zoroaster: for from Armenia hee bent himselfe that way toward the East; but that euer he commanded the lesser Asia, I doe not beleeue, for none of his Successours had any possession therein.

His third Warre was against Pharnus, King of the Medes, whom it is sayd that hee ouerthrew, and cruelly murthered with his seuen children, though others affirme that they all dyed in one battaile against him. Whether hee inuaded Zoroaster be∣fore the building or amplifying of Niniue, or after, it is vncertaine. It is said that [unspec 50] he made two expeditions into Bactria: and that finding little or ill successe in the first, he returned, and set the worke of Niniue forward: and then a second time entred Bactria with 1700000. Foot, and 200000. Horse, and 10000. sixe hundred Cha∣riots:

being encountred by Zoroaster with 400000. But Ninus preuayling, and* 1.699 Zoroaster slaine, he entred farther into the Countrie, and besieged the chiefe Citie thereof, called Bactra or Bactrion (saith Stephanus:) which by a passage found, and* 1.700 an assault giuen by Semiramis (the wife of Menon) he entred and possest. Vpon this occasion Ninus both admiring her iudgement and valour, together with her person and externall beautie, fancied her so strongly, as (neglecting all Princely re∣spects) he tooke her from her husband, whose eyes he threatned to thrust out if he refused to consent. He therefore yeelding to the passion of loue in Ninus, and to the passion of sorrow in himselfe, by the strong perswasions of shame and disho∣nor, [unspec 10] cast himselfe head-long into the water and dyed.

CHAP. XI. Of ZOROASTER, supposed to haue beene the chiefe Author of Magick arts: and of the diuers kindes of Magicke. [unspec 20]

§. I. That ZOROASTER was not CHAM, nor the first Inuenter of Astrologie, or of Magicke: and that there were diuers great Magicians of this name.

ZOROASTER King of the Bactrians, Vincentius sup∣poseth [unspec 30] to be Cham, the sonne of Noah: A fancie of little probabilitie. For Cham was the Paternall An∣cester of Ninus, the Father of Chus, the Grand-father of Nimrod, whose sonne was Belus, the Father of Ni∣nus. It may be that Vincentius had heard of that booke which was called Scripturae Cham, deuised by some wicked Knaue, and so intituled: of which Sixtus Se∣nensis hath made the due mention.

It is reported by Cassianus, that Serenus Abbas gaue* 1.701 the inuention of Magicke to Cham, the sonne of Noah: [unspec 40] so did Comestor in his Scholasticall Historie: which Arte (saith he) with the seuen liberall Sciences he writ in fourteene Pillers: seuen of which were made of brasse, to resist the defacing by the waters of the Floud; and seuen of brick against the iniurie of fire. There was also another deuised discourse, which went vnder the title of Prophetia Cham. Cassianus out of Serenus hath somewhat like vnto this of Comestor: These be Cassianus wordes: CHAM (filius NOAH) qui superstitionibus istis & sacri∣legis fuit artibus infectus, sciens nullum se posse super hijs memorialem librum in Arcam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inferre, in qua erat cum patre iusto, &c. CHAM (the sonne of NOAH) who was infected with these superstitions, and sacrilegious Arts, knowing that he could not bring any booke or memoriall of that nature into the Arke, wherein he was to remayne with his godly [unspec 50] Father, caused the Precepts and Rules thereof to be grauen in metall and hard stone.

S. Augustine noteth that Zoroaster was said to haue laught at his birth, when all other children weepe; which presaged the great knowledge which afterward he at∣tayned vnto: being taken for the Inuenter of naturall Magick and other Arts; for the

Corrupter, saith Plinie and Iustine. But I doe not thinke that Zoroaster inuented the doctrine of the Horoscopes or Natiuities; or first found out the nature of herbs, stones, and mineralls, or their Sympatheticall or Antipatheticall workings; of which, I know not what King of Chaldaea is also made the Inuenter. I rather thinke that these knowledges were farre more ancient, and left by Noah to his sonnes. For Abraham who had not any acquaintance with Zoroaster, (as Iosephus reporteth) was no lesse learned herein then any other in that age, if he exceeded not all men then liuing: differing from the wisedome of after-times in this, that he knew and acknow∣ledged the true cause, and giuer of life and vertue to nature and all naturall things; whereas others (forgetting Gods infinite, dispersed, and vniuersall power) admired [unspec 10] the instruments, and attributed proper strength to the things themselues, (from which the effects were sensible) which belonged to that wisedome, Which being one,* 1.702 and remayning in it selfe, can doe all things and reneweth all.

Now whether this Zoroaster (ouer-throwne by Ninus) were the same which was so excellent a Naturalist, it is doubted. For Zoroaster the Magician, Ctesias calls Oxyartes, whom Plinie findes of a later time. And if Zoroaster were taken away by a Spirit (being in the midst of his Disciples) as some Authors report, then Zoroaster, slaine by Ninus, was not the Magician: which is also the opinion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.* 1.703

Againe, Iosephus and Cedrenus affirme, that Seth first found out the Planets, or* 1.704 wandring Starres, and other Motions of the Heauens: for if this arte had beene in∣uented* 1.705 [unspec 20] by Zoroaster, he could not haue attayned to any such excellencie therein, in his owne life time; but being a man (as it seemeth) of singular iudgement, he might adde somewhat to this kinde of knowledge, and leaue it by writing to posteritie.

But of this Zoroaster there is much dispute: and no lesse iangling about the word and arte of Magick. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remembreth foure, to whom the name of Zoroaster, or Zoroastres was giuen: which by Hermodorus and Dinon seemeth to be but a cognomen, or name of arte, and was as much to say, as astrorum cultor. The first, Arnobius calleth the Bactrian, which may be the same that Ninus ouerthrew: the second, a Chaldaean, and the Astronomer of Ninus: the third was Zoroaster Pamphylius, who li∣ued in the time of Cyrus, and his familiar: the fourth, Zoroaster Armenius, the Ne∣phew [unspec 30] of Hostianes, which followed Xerxes into Greece: betweene whom and Cyrus there past threescore and eighteene yeeres. Suidas remembreth a fift, called Per some∣dus sapiens: and Plato speaketh of Zoroaster the sonne of Oromasdes; which Picus Mi∣randula confirmeth.

Now of what Nation the first and chiefe Zoroaster was, it is doubted. Plinie and Laertius make him a Persian. Gemisthius or Pletho, Ficinus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, make him a Chaldaean. But by those bookes of one Zoroaster, found by Picus Mirandula, it appea∣reth plainely, that the Author of them was a Chaldaean by Nation, though the word (Chaldaean) was as often giuen to the learned Priests peculiarly, as for any distinguish∣ment of Nations. Porphyrius makes the Chaldaei and Magi diuers; Picus the same. [unspec 40] But that this Zoroaster was a Chaldaean both by Nation and Profession, it appeareth by his Bookes, which (saith Picus) were written in the Chaldaean tongue; and the Comment in the same language. Now that the Magi and they were not differing, it may be iudged by the name of those bookes of Zoroaster, which in an Epistle of Mirandula to Ficinus, he saith, to be intituled, Patris EZRE ZOROASTRIS, & MELCHIOR magorum oracula. [unspec 50]

§. II. Of the name of Magia: and that it was anciently farre diuers from Coniuring, and Witchcraft.

NOw for Magicke it selfe; which Arte (saith MIRANDVLA) pauci intelli∣gunt,* 1.706 multi 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Few vnderstand, and many reprehend. Et sicut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ignotos semper allatrant; As Dogs barke at those they know not: so they condemne and hate the things they vnderstand not: I thinke it not amisse (leauing Ninus for awhile) to speake somewhat thereof.

It is true that many men abhorre the very name and word (Magus) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of [unspec 10] Simon Magus: who being indeede, not Magus, but Goës, (that is) familiar with euill spirits, vsurped that title. For Magicke, Coniuring, and Witcherie, are farre differing Arts, whereof Plinie being ignorant scoffeth thereat. For Nero (saith Plinie) who* 1.707 had the most excellent Magicians of the East sent him by Tyridates King of Arme∣nia, who held that Kingdome by his grace, found the arte after long studie and labour altogether ridiculous.

Magus is a Persian word primitiuely, whereby is exprest such a one as is altoge∣ther* 1.708 conuersant in things diuine. And (as Plato affirmeth) the arte of Magicke is the* 1.709 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of worshipping God. To which effect Apollonius in his Epistles expounding the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) saith, that the Persians called their gods 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: whence he addeth that [unspec 20] Magus is either: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (that is) that Magus is a name some∣time of him that is a God by nature; sometimes of him that is in the seruice of God: in which latter sense it is taken, Matth. 2. v. 1. And this is the first and highest kinde: which Piccolominie calleth diuine Magicke: and these did the Latines newly* 1.710 intitle Sapientes or Wisemen: For, the feare & worship of God is the beginning of knowledge.* 1.711 These Wisemen the Greekes call Philosophers: the Indians, Brachmans: which name they somewhat neerely retayne to this day, calling their Priests Bramines; among the Ae∣gyptians they were termed Priests; with the Hebrewes they were called Cabalistes, Prophets, Scribes, and Pharisees: amongst the Babylonians they were differenced by the name of Chaldaeans: and among the Persians, Magicians: of whom Arnobius (spea∣king [unspec 30] of Hostanes, one of the ancient Magicians) vseth these wordes: Et verum Deum* 1.712 merita maiestate prosequitur, & Angelos ministros Dei, sed veri, eius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nouit as∣sistere, Idem daemonas prodit terrenos, vagos, humanitatis inimicos; SOSTHENES (for so M. Foelix calleth him, not HOSTANES) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the due maiestie to the true God, and ac∣knowledgeth that his Angels are ministers and messengers which attend the worship of the true God. He also hath deliuered that there are Deuills earthly and wandering, and enemies to mankinde.

HIS MAIESTIE also in his first Booke of Daemonologie c. 3. acknowledgeth, that in the Persian tongue the word (Magus) imports as much as a contemplator of di∣uine & heauenly sciences; but vniustly so called, because the Chaldaeans were ignorant [unspec 40] of the true diuinitie. And it is also right which HIS MAIESTIE auoweth, that vn∣der the name of Magick al other vnlawfull arts are comprehended, and yet doth HIS MAIESTIE distinguish it from Necromancie, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the rest: of all which he hath written largely and most learnedly. For the Magicke which HIS MAIESTIE* 1.713 condemneth, is of that kinde whereof the Deuil is a partie. Daniel in his second chap∣ter nameth foure kindes of those Wisemen: Arioli, Magi, Malefici, and Chaldaei. Arioli the old Latine translation calleth Sophistes: Vatablus and Pagninus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Philosophers, or (according to the note of Vatablus) Naturalists: Nempè sunt Magi apud 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quod Philosophi apud Graecos (〈◊〉〈◊〉) diuinarum humanarum{que}, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 scientiam profitentes; For the Magi are the same with the Barbarians, as the Philosophers [unspec 50] are with the Graecians (that is) men that professe the knowledge of things both diuine and humane. The Greeke and the English call them Inchanters; Iunius, Magicians; Castalion, Coniectarers: in the Syrian they are all foure by one name called Sapientes Babylonis; The Wisemen of Babel.

The second sort Vatablus, Pagnin, Iunius, and our English, call Astrologers; Hierome and the Septuagint, Magicians.

The third kinde are Malefici, or Venefici; in Hierome, Pagnin, and the Septuagint, Witches, or Poysoners: in Iunius, Praestigiatores, or Sorcerers, as in English.

That Witches are also rightly so called Venefici, or Poysoners; and that indeede there is a kinde of Malefici, which without any arte of Magicke or Necromancie vse the helpe of the Deuill to doe mischiefe, HIS MAIESTIE confirmeth in the first Chapter of his second Booke: speaking also in the fifth Chapter of their practice, to mixe the powder of dead bodies with other things by the Deuill prepared; and at o∣ther times to make pictures of Waxe, or Clay, or otherwise (as it were 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉) [unspec 10] to effect those things, which the Deuill by other meanes bringeth to passe.

The fourth, all Translators call Chaldaeans: who tooke vpon them to foretell all things to come, as well naturall as humane, and their euents: and this they vaunted to performe by the influences of the Starres by them obserued, and vnderstood.

Such were, and to this day partly (if not altogether) are the corruptions, which haue made odious the very name of Magicke, hauing chiefly sought (as is the man∣ner of all impostures) to counterfait the highest and most noble part of it, yet so as they haue also crept into the inferior degrees.

A second kinde of Magicke was that part of Astrologie, which had respect to sow∣ing and planting, and all kindes of agriculture and husbandrie: which was a know∣ledge [unspec 20] of the motions and influences of the Starres into those lower Elements.

Philo Iudaeus goeth farther, affirming, that by this part of Magicke or Astrologie, together with the motions of the Starres and other heauenly bodies, Abraham found out the knowledge of the true God, while he liued in Chaldaea: Qui contemplatione creaturarum cognouit Creatorem, (saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.) Who knew the Creator by the* 1.714 contemplation of the creature. IOSEPHVS reporteth of Abraham, that he instructed the Aegyptians in Arithmeticke and Astronomie, who before ABRAHAMS comming vnto them knew none of these sciences.

And so doth Archangelus de Burgo, in defence of Mirandula against Garsias: ALEX∣ANDER & EVPOLEMON 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quod ABRAHAM sanctitate & sapientia omnium [unspec 30] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chaldaeos primum, deinde Phoenices, demum Aegyptios sacerdotes Astrolo∣giaem & diuina docuerit; ALEXANDER (saith he, meaning ALEXANDER POLYHI∣STOR) and EVPOLEMON affirme, that ABRAHAM the holyest and wisest of men, did first teach the Chaldaeans, then the Phoenicians; lastly, the Aegyptian Priests, Astrologie and diuine knowledge.

The third kinde of Magicke contayneth the whole Philosophie of nature; not* 1.715 the brabblings of the Aristotclians, but that which bringeth to light the inmost ver∣tues, and draweth them out of natures hidden bosome to humane vse, Virtutes in centro centri latentes; Vertues hidden in the center of the center, according to the Chymists. Of this sort were Albertus, Arnoldus de villanoua, Raymond, Bacon, and many others: [unspec 40] and before these, in elder times, and who better vnderstood the power of nature, and how to apply things that worke to things that suffer, were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before spoken of: Apollonius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remembred by S. Hierome to Paulinus; in some mens opinion Numa Pompilius among the Romanes: among the Indians, Thespian: among the Ae∣gyptians, Hermes: among the Babylonians, Budda: the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had Zamolxis: the Hy∣perborians (as is supposed) Abbaris: and the Italians, Petrus Aponensis. The Magicke which these men profest is thus defined: Magia est connexio à viro 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 per 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cum patientibus, sibi congruenter respondentibus, vt inde opera prodeant non sine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admiratione qui causam ignorant; Magicke is the connexion of naturall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and patients, answerable each to other, wrought by a wise man to the bringing forth of such [unspec 50] effects, as are wonderfull to those that know not their causes. In all these three kindes which other men diuide into foure, it seemeth that Zoroaster was exceedingly lear∣ned: especially in the first and highest. For in his Oracles he confesseth God to be the Creator of the Vniuersall: he beleeueth of the * 1.716 Trinitie, which he could not in∣uestigate

by any naturall knowledge: he speaketh of Angels, and of Paradise: ap∣proueth the immortalitie of the soule: teacheth Truth, Faith, Hope, and Loue, dis∣coursing of the Abstinence and Charitie of the Magi: which Oracles of his, Psellus,* 1.717 Ficinus, Patritius, and others haue gathered and translated.

Of this Zoroaster, Eusebius in the Theologie of the Phoenicians, vsing Zoroasters owne wordes: Haec ad verbum scribit (saith EVSEBIVS) 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉* 1.718 sempiternus, ingenitus, expers partium, sibijpsi simillimus, benorum omnium auriga, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 expectans, optimus, prudentissimus, pater iuris, sine doctrina iustitiam perdo∣ctus, natura perfectus, sapiens, sacrae naturae vnious inuentor, &c. Thus writeth ZOROA∣STER word forword. God the first incorruptible, euerlasting, vnbegotten, without parts, [unspec 10] most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe, the guide of all good, expecting no reward, the best, the wisest, the father of right, hauing learn'd iustice without teaching, perfect wise by nature, the onely inuenter thereof.

Sixtus Senensis speaking of the wisedome of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, doth distinguish those* 1.719 wise men into fiue orders, (to wit) Chascedim, or Chaldaeans: Asaphim, or Magicians: Chartumim; (which he translates Arioli, or Sophists) Mecasphim, or Malefici, or Venefici; Witches; or Poysoners; and Gazarim Augures, or Aruspices, or Diuiners.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 were those which had the name of Chaldaeans, which were Astronomers: Hij coelorum motus diligentissimè spectârunt; These did most diligently contemplate the mo∣tions of the heauens: whom Philo in the life of Abraham describeth. [unspec 20]

Asaphim were in the old Latine translation called Philosophers: of the Septuagint and of Hierome, Magicians: Qui de omnium tam diuinarum quàm humanarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cau∣sis Philosophati sunt; Who discoursed of the causes of all things, as well diuine as humane: of whom Origen makes Balaam (the sonne of Beor) to be the first: but Laertius ascri∣beth* 1.720 the inuention of this arte to Zoroastres the Persian.

Chartumim, or Inchanters, the Disciples (saith Saint Augustine, Plinie, and Iustine) of another Zoroastres: who corrupted the admirable wisedome of the Magi, which he receiued from his Ancesters.

Mecasphim, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Witches, are those of which we haue spoken alreadie out of HIS MAIESTIES booke of Daemonologia. [unspec 30]

Gazarim, or Aruspices (after S. Hierome) which diuine from the entrailes of beasts slaine for sacrifices: or by Gazarim others vnderstand Augures, who diuine by the flying, singing, or feeding of birds.

By this distinction we may perceiue the difference betweene those wise men which the Kings of Babylon entertayned; and that the name and profession of the Magi among the ancient Persians was most honest. For as Peucer truely obserueth, Praeerant religioni Persicae, vt in populo Dei 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 verae Philosophiae dediti erant:* 1.721 nec quisquam Rex Persarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 esse, qui non antea Magorum disciplinam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 percepisset; The Magi (saith he) were the chiefe Ministers of the Persian Religion: as the Leuites among Gods people, and they were giuen to the studies of true Philosophie: neyther [unspec 40] could any be King of the Persians, who had not first beene exercised in the mysteries and know∣ledge of the Magi. SIXTVS SENENSIS in defence of Origen against Polychronius and Theophilus, hath two kindes of Magicke, his owne wordes are these: Et ne quem* 1.722 moueant praemissa POLYCHRONIJ & THEOPHILI testimonia, sciendum est dupli∣cem esse Magiam; alteram 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ab ORIGINE 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per foedera cum daemo∣nibus inita aut verè aut apparenter operatur; alteram ab ORIGINE laudatam, quaead practicen naturalis philosophiae pertinet, docens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 res 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex applicatione mutua naturalium virtutum ad inuicem agentium ac patientium; That the testimonies of THEO∣PHILVS and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith he) may 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 any 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 be vnder∣stood that Magicke is of two sorts, the one euerywhere condemned by ORIGEN; which [unspec 50] worketh (whether truely or 〈◊〉〈◊〉) by couenants made with Deuills; the other com∣mended by ORIGEN; which appertayneth to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of naturall Philosophie, teaching to worke admirable things by the mutuall application of naturall vertues, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and suffering reciprocally. This partition Hierome doth embrace in the first of his

Commentaries vpon Daniel: where considering of the difference which Daniel makes betweene these foure kindes of wise Men formerly remembred, he vseth this distin∣ction: Quos nos hariolos; caeteri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (id est) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 interpretati sunt, videntur mihi esse qui verbis rem peragunt; Magi, qui de singulis philosophantur; 〈◊〉〈◊〉, qui san∣guine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & victimis, & saepe contingunt corpora mortuorum: porro in Chaldaeis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 significari puto, quos vulgo Mathematicos vocant. Consuetudo autem communis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pro maleficis accipit, qui aliter habentur 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 suam, eo quòd sint Philosophi 〈◊〉〈◊〉: & ad artis huius scientiam Reges 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Principes eiusdem gentis omnia 〈◊〉〈◊〉; vnde & in natiuitate Domini Saluatoris ipsi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ortum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 intellexerunt, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in sanctam Bethlehem adorauerunt puerum, stella de super ostendente; They whom we call [unspec 10] Sorcercrs, and others interpret Inchanters, seeme to me such as performe things by wordes; Magicians, such as handle euery thing philosophically; Witches, that vse bloud and sacrifices, and often lay hands on the body of the dead: further, among the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I take them to be signified by the name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon natiuities, whom the vulgar call Mathematicians. But common custome takes Magicians for Witches, who are otherwise reputed in their owne Nation: for they are the Philosophers of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉: yea Kings and Princes of that Na∣tion doe all that they doe according to the knowledge of this arte: whence at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Lord our Sauiour they first of all vnderstood his birth, and comming vnto holy Bethlehem did worship the Child: the starre from aboue shewing him vnto them. By this therefore it appeareth that there is great difference betweene the doctrine of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and [unspec 20] the abuse of the word. For though some Writers affirme, that Magus hodie dicitur, qui ex foedere facto vtitur diaboli opera adrem 〈◊〉〈◊〉; That he is called a Magician now adayes, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 entred league with the Deuill, vseth his helpe to any matter: yet (as our Sauiour said of 〈◊〉〈◊〉) it was not so from the beginning. For the Arte of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is of the wisedome of Nature; other Artes which vnder-goe that title, were inuen∣ted by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, subtletie, and enuie of the Deuill. In the latter there is no other doctrine, then the vse of certayne ceremonies, Per malam fidem; By an euill faith: in the former no other ill, then the inuestigation of those vertues and hidden properties, which God hath giuen to his Creatures, and how fitly to apply things that worke to things that suffer. And though by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, those excellent 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Philosophers, [unspec 30] and Diuines, which came to worship our Sauiour Christ, were termed Mechaschephim, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉; yet had they no other reason, then common custome therein. Consuetu∣do* 1.723 autem communis Magos pro maleficis accipit; Common custome (saith S. HIEROME) vnderstandeth Witches vnder the name of Magicians: And antiquitie (saith Peter Martyr)* 1.724 by the word (Magi) vnderstood good and wise men. Quid igitur 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 formidolose, nomen Euangelio gratiosum, quod non maleficum & veneficum, sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sonat & Sacerdotem? O thou fearefull one (saith FICINVS) why doubtest thou to vse the* 1.725 name of Magus, a name gracious in the Gospell, which doth not signifie a Witch or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but a wise man and a Priest? For what brought this slander to that studie and profes∣sion but only idle ignorance: the parent of causelesse admiration? 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fuit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [unspec 40] quorundam 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quaere vera opera naturalia sunt: veruntamen quia procuratione daemonum natur as ipsas vel coniungentium, vel commiscentium, vel aliter ad operandum ex∣pedientium facta sunt, opera daemonum credebantur ab ignorantibus baec. De operibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est Magianaturalis, quam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 multi impropriè vocant; The 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.726 of some workes, which (indeed) are naturall, hath beene the cause of this slander: but because these workes haue beene done by procurement of Deuils, ioyning the natures together or mingling them, or howsoeuer fitting the natures to their working, they were thought the workes of the Deuils by the ignorant. Among these workes is naturall Magicke, which men call very improperly 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 in his Apologie goeth further: For by vnderstanding (saith he) the vt∣termost* 1.727 [unspec 50] actiuitie of naturall agents we are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to know the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Christ: for other∣wise (to vse his owne wordes) ignoratis terminis potentiae & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rerum naturalium stat nos 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illa eadem opera, quae fecit Christus, posse fieri per media naturalia; The termes or limits of naturall power and vertue not vnderstood, we must needes doubt whether those

verie workes which Christ did may not bee done by naturall meanes: after which he goeth on in this sort: Ideo non 〈◊〉〈◊〉, non superstitiosè dixi, sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Catholicè per talem Magiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nos in cognoscenda 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉: Therefore I said not 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not superstitiously, but most truly and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that by such Magicke wee are furthered in knowing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Christ. And seeing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and others the enemies of Christian Religion, doe impudently and impiously obiect, that those Miracles which Christ wrought were not aboue Nature, but by the exquisite knowledge thereof performed: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a man for his yeeres fuller of knowledge then any that this latter Age hath brought forth, might with good reason auow, that the vttermost of Natures workes being knowne, the workes which Christ did, and which (as himselfe [unspec 10] witnesseth) no man could doe, doe manifestly testifie of themselues, that they were performed by that hand which held Nature therein but as a Pencill, and by a power infinitely supreme and diuine; and thereby those that were faithlesse, were eyther conuerted or put to silence.

§. III. That the good knowledge in the ancient 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is not to bee condemned: though the Deuill here as in other kinds hath sought to obtrude euill things, vnder the name and colour of good things. [unspec 20]

SEeing therefore it is confessed by all of vnderstanding, that a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (according to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 word) is no other then, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 & in∣terpres: A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obseruer and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of diuine things: and the Art it selfe (I meane the Art of naturall Magicke) no other, Quàm naturalis Philosophiae absoluta consummatio; Then the absolute perfection of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Philosophie: Certainely then it proceedeth from common ignorance, and no way sorteth with wise and learned men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and without difference and distinction, to confound lawfull and praise-worthy knowledge with that impious, and (to vse Saint Pauls words) with those beggerly 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which the Deuill hath shuffled in, [unspec 30] and by them bewitcheth and befooleth gracelesse men. For if we condemne natu∣rall Magicke, or the wisedome of Nature, because the Deuill (who knoweth more then any man) doth also teach Witches and Poysoners the harmefull parts of Herbes, Drugges, Minerals, and Excrements: then may wee by the same rule con∣demne the Physician, and the Art of healing. For the Deuill also in the Oracles of Amphiaraus, Amphilochus, Trophonius, and the like, taught men in Dreames what Herbes and Drugges were proper for such and such diseases. Now no man of iudge∣ment is ignorant, that the Deuill from the beginning hath sought to thrust himselfe into the same imployment among the Ministers and Seruants of God, changing him∣selfe for that purpose into an Angell of Light. Hee hath led men to Idolatrie as a do∣ctrine [unspec 40] of Religion; he hath thrust in his Prophets among those of the true God; hee hath corrupted the Art of Astrologie, by giuing a diuine power to the Starres, teach∣ing men to esteeme them as Gods, and not as instruments. And (as Bunting obser∣ueth)* 1.728 it is true, that iudiciall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is corrupted with many superstitions: but the abuse of the thing takes not away the Art; considering that heauenly bodies (as euen general experience sheweth) haue and exercise their operation vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For the Sunne, and the Starre of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doe drie; the Moone doth moi∣sten, and gouerne the Tides of the Sea. Againe, the Planets, as they haue seuerall and proper names, so haue they seuerall and proper vertues: the Starres doe also differ in beautie and in 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and to all the Starres hath God giuen also their [unspec 50] proper names, which (had they not influences and vertues different) needed not: He counteth the number of the Starres, and calleth them by their names. But into the good* 1.729 and profitable knowledge of the celestiall influences, the Deuill ceaseth not to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and so to the knowledge of the secret vertues of Nature hath he

fastened his doctrine of Characters, Numbers, and Incantations; and taught men to beleeue in the strength of Words and Letters: (which without Faith in God are but Inke or common breath) thereby eyther to equall his owne with the All-powerfull Word of God, or to diminish the glorie of Gods creating Word, by whom are all things.

Moreouer, hee was neuer ignorant, that both the wise and the simple obserue when the Sea-birds forsake the shores and flye into the Land, that commonly some great storme followeth; that the high flying of the Kite and the Swallow betoken faire weather; that the crying of Crowes and bathing of Duckes foreshew raine: for they feele the Ayre moistened in their Quils. And it is written in Hieremie the* 1.730 [unspec 10] Prophet, Euen the Storke in the ayre knoweth her appointed times, und the Turtle, and the Crane, and the Swallow. Hereupon, this enemie of Mankind working vpon these as vpon the rest of Gods creatures, long time abused the Heathen by teaching them to obserue the flying of Fowles, and thereby to iudge of good or ill successe in the Warre: and (withall) to looke into their entrailes for the same, as if God had written the secrets of vnsearchable prouidence in the liuers and bowels of birds and beasts. Againe, because it pleased God sometimes by Dreames, not only to warne and teach* 1.731 his Prophets and Apostles, but Heathen Princes also; as Abimelech to restore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ABRAHAM; because he admonished Ioseph, and by Dreame informed Iacob, Laban, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Salomon, Paul, Ananias, the Magi of the East, and others. For as it is remem∣bred [unspec 20] in IOB: In Dreames and Visions of the night when sleepe falleth vpon men, &c. Then* 1.732 God openeth the eares, that he might cause man to returne from his enterprize: therefore, I say, doth the Deuill also practise his Diuinations by Dreames, or (after Parisiensis)* 1.733 diuinitatis imitationes, his mocke-diuinitie. This in the end grew so common, as ARI∣STIDES compiled an Ephemerides of his owne Dreames: Mithridates of those of his Concubines. Yea the Romanes finding the inconuenience hereof, because all Dreames (without distinction of causes) were drawne to Diuination, forbad the same by a Law, as by the words of prohibition (aut narrandis somnijs occultam aliquam artem diui∣nandi)* 1.734 it may appeare. Likewise by the Law of God in Deuteronomie cap. 13. seducing Dreamers were ordered to be slaine. Yet it is to be contemned, not that Marcus An∣tonius [unspec 30] was told a remedie in his Dreame for two grieuous diseases that opprest him; nor that of Alexander Macedon for the cure of Ptolomies poysoned wound; nor that* 1.735 which Saint AVGVSTINE reporteth of a Millanoise; whose sonne (the Father dead) being demanded a debt alreadie payed, was told by his Father in a Dreame where the Acquittance lay to discharge it: nor that of Astyages of his Daughter, and many others of like nature. Of the reason of all which, forasmuch as the cause is not in our selues, this place denieth dispute.

§. IIII. [unspec 40] That DANIELS mistiking NABVCHODONOSORS condemning of the Magicians doth not iustifie all their practices.

BVT it may be obiected, that if such Diuination as the Heathens com∣monly vsed were to be condemned in them, who tooke on them verie many and strange Reuelations: how came it to passe that Daniel both condemned the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sentence of Nabuchodonosor against the Magi∣cians of Chaldaea, and in a sort forbad it? especially considering that such kind of people God himselfe commanded to be slaine. To this diuers answeres* 1.736 [unspec 50] may be giuen. First, it seemeth that Daniel had respect to those Chaldaeans, because they acknowledged that the Dreame of the King, which himselfe had forgotten, could not be knowne to any man by any Art eyther Naturallor Diabolicall: For there is none other (sayd the Chaldaeans) that can declare it before the King, except the Gods,

whose dwelling is not with flesh: and herein they confessed the power of the Euer-liuing God.

Secondly, it may be coniectured (and that with good reason) that among so ma∣ny learned men, some of them did not exercise themselues in any euill or vnlawfull Artes, but were meerely Magicians and Naturalists: and therefore when the King commanded to kill all, Daniel perswaded the contrarie, and called it a hastie iudge∣ment, which proceeded with furie without examination. And that some of those mens studies and professions were lawfull, it may be gathered by Daniels instruction: for himselfe had beene taught by them, and was called chiefe of the Inchanters; of which some were termed Soothsayers, others Astrologians, others Chaldaeans, others [unspec 10] Magi or Wisemen: and therefore of distinct professions.

Thirdly, Daniel misliked and forbad the execution of that iudgement, because it was vniust. For howsoeuer those men might deserue punishment for the practice of vnlawfull Arts (though not vnlawfull according to the Law of that State) yet here∣in they were altogether guiltlesse. For it exceeded humane power to pierce the Kings thought, which the Deuill himselfe could not know. So then in Daniels dislike, and hindering of the execution of sentence of death pronounced against the Magicians, there is no absolute iustifying of their practice and profession.

§. V. [unspec 20] The abuse of things which may bee found in all kinds, is not to condemne the right vse of them.

NOtwithstanding this mixture euery where of good with euill, of false∣hood with truth, of corruption with cleannesse and purity: The good, The truth, The puritie in euery kind may well be embraced: As in the ancient worshipping of God by Sacrifice; there was no man knowing God among the Elders, that therefore forbare to offer Sacrifice to the God of all power, because the Deuill in the Image of Baal, Astaroth, Chemoth, Iupiter, [unspec 30] Apollo, and the like was so adored.

Neyther did the abuse of Astrologie terrifie Abraham (if we may beleeue the most ancient and religious Historians) from obseruing the motions and natures of hea∣uenly* 1.737 bodies; neyther can it dehort wise and learned men in these dayes from attri∣buting those vertues, influences, and inclina ions to the Starres and other lights of Heauen, which God hath giuen to those his glorious creatures.

The Sympatheticall and Antipatheticall working of Herbes, Plants, Stones, Mi∣nerals, with their other vtmost vertues, sometimes taught by the Deuill, and applyed by his Ministers to harmefull and vncharitable ends, can neuer terrifie the honest and learned Physician or Magician from the vsing of them to the helpe and com∣fort [unspec 40] of Mankind: neyther can the illusions, whereby the Deuill betrayeth such men as are fallen from God, make other men reiect the obseruations of Dreames; so farre as with a good Faith and a Religious caution they may make vse of them.

Lastly, the prohibition to marke flying of Fowles (as signes of good or euill suc∣cesse)* 1.738 hath no reference at all to the crying of Crowes against Raine, or to any ob∣seruation not superstitious, and whereof a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or cause may bee giuen. For if we confound Arts with the abuse of them, wee shall not only condemne all honest Trades and enterchange among men (for there are that deceiue in all professions) but wee shall in a short time burie in forgetfulnesse all excellent knowledge and all [unspec 50] learning, or obscure and couer it ouer with a most scornefull and beggerly igno∣rance: and (as Plinie teacheth) wee should shew our selues ingratos erga eos, qui labo∣re cur a{que} lucem nobis aperuerunt in hac luce: Vnthankefull we should shew our selues towards those, who with paines and care haue discouered vnto vs light in this light.

Indeed not only these naturall knowledges are condemned by those that are ig∣norant; but the Mathematickes also and Professors thereof: though those that are ex∣cellently learned iudge of it in this sort: In speculo Mathematico verum illud, quod in* 1.739 omni scibili quaeritur, relucet; non modo remota similitudine, sed fulgida quadam 〈◊〉〈◊〉: In the Glasse of the Mathematickes that Truth doth shine, which is sought in euery kind of knowledge; not in an obscure image, but in a neere and manifest representation.

§ VI. Of the diuers kindes of vnlawfull Magicke. [unspec 10]

IT is true that there are many Artes, if wee may so call them, which are couered with the name of Magicke: and esteemed abusiuely to bee as branches of that Tree, on whose root they neuer grew. The first of these hath the name of Necromancie or Goetia: and of this againe there are diuers kinds. The one is an Inuocation at the Graues of the dead, to whom the Deuill himselfe giues answere in stead of those that seeme to appeare. For certaine it is, that the immortall soules of men doe not inhabit the dust and dead bo∣dies, but they giue motion and vnderstanding to the liuing: death being nothing else but a separation of the bodie and soule: and therefore the soule is not to be found in the Graues. [unspec 20]

A second practice of those men, who pay Tribute or are in league with Satan, is that of coniuring or of raysing vp Deuils, of whom they hope to learne what they list. These men are so distract, as they beleeue that by terrible words they make the Deuill to tremble; that being once impaled in a Circle (a Circle which cannot keepe out a Mouse) they therein (as they suppose) insconce themselues against that great Monster. Doubtlesse, they forget that the Deuill is not terrified from doing ill and all that is contrarie to God and goodnesse, no, not by the fearefull Word of the Al∣mightie: and that he feared not to offer to sit in Gods seat, that hee made no scruple to tempt our Sauiour Christ, whom himselfe called the Sonne of God. So, forget∣ting these proud parts of his, an vnworthy wretch will yet resolue himselfe, that hee [unspec 30] can draw the Deuill out of Hell, and terrifie him with a Phrase: whereas in verie truth, the obedience which Deuils seeme to vse, is but thereby to possesse themselues of the bodies and soules of those which rayse them vp; as His Maiestie in his Booke aforenamed hath excellently taught: That the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obedience is only, secundum quid, scilicet ex pacto; respectiuè, that is, vpon bargaine.

I cannot tell what they can doe vpon those simple and ignorant Deuils, which* 1.740 inhabite Iamblicus imagination; but sure I am the rest are apt enough to come vncal∣led: and alwayes attending the cogitations of their seruants and vassals, doe no way need any such inforcement.

Or it may be that these Coniurers deale altogether with Cardans mortall Deuils, [unspec 40] following the opinion of Rabbi Auornathan and of Porphyrius, who taught that these kind of Deuils liued not aboue a thousand yeares: which Plutarch in his Trea∣tise de Oraculorum defectu confirmeth, making example of the great God Pan. For* 1.741 were it true that the Deuils were in awe of wicked men, or could bee compelled by them, then would they alwaies feare those wordes and threats, by which at other* 1.742 times they are willingly mastered. But the Familiar of Simon Magus when hee had* 1.743 lifted him vp in the Ayre, cast him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of his clawes, when he was sure hee should perish with the fall. If this perhaps were done by S. Peters Prayers (of which S. Peter no where vaunteth) yet the same pranck at other times vpon his own accord* 1.744 the Deuill played with 〈◊〉〈◊〉: who transported (as Simon Magus was supposed [unspec 50] to haue beene) had the same mortall fall that he had. The like successe had Budas, a principall pillar of the Manichaean Heresie, as Socrates in his Ecclesiasticall Historie* 1.745 witnesseth: and for a manifest proofe hereof wee see it euery day, that the Deuill leaues all Witches and Sorcerers at the Gallowes, for whom at other times hee ma∣keth

himselfe a Pegasus, to conueigh them in haste to places farre distant, or atleast makes them so thinke: For to those that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not the truth (sayth Saint PAVL) God* 1.746 shall send them strong illusions. Of these their supposed transportations (yet agreeing with their confessions) His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the second Booke and the fourth Chapter of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hath confirmed by vnanswerable reasons, that they are meerely illu∣siue. Another sort there are who take on them to include Spirits in Glasses and Cri∣stals: of whom CVSANVS: Fatui sunt incantores, qui in vngue & vitro volunt spiritum* 1.747 includere: quia Spiritus non clauditur corpore: They are foolish Incbanters which will shut vp their spirits within their nailes or in Glasse: for a Spirit cannot beinclosed by a body.

There is also another Art besides the afore mentioned, which they call Theurgia, [unspec 10] or White Magicke; a pretended conference with good Spirits or Angels, whom by Sacrifice and Inuocation they draw out of Heauen, and Communicate withall. But the administring Spirits of God, as they require not any kind of adoration due vnto their Creatour: so seeing they are most free Spirits; there is no man so absurd to thinke (except the Deuill haue corrupted his vnderstanding) that they can bee con∣strained or commanded out of Heauen by threats. Wherefore let the professours thereof couer themselues how they please by a professed puritie of life, by the mini∣sterie of Infants, by fasting and abstinence in generall; yet all those that tamper with immaterial substances and abstract natures, either by Sacrifice, Vow, or inforcement, are men of euill faith and in the power of Satan. For good Spirits or Angels cannot [unspec 20] be constrained; and the rest are Deuils which willingly obey.

Other sorts there are of wicked Diuinations: as by fire, called Pyromantia: by wa∣ter, called Hydromantia: by the ayre, called Mataeotechnia, and the like.

The last, and (indeed) the worst of all other is Fascination or Witchcraft: the Practisers whereof are no lesse enuious and cruell, reuengefull and bloudie, then the Deuill himselfe. And these accursed creatures hauing sold their soules to the Deuil, worke two wayes; either by the Deuill immediately, or by the art of poysoning. The difference betweene Necromanciers and Witches, His Maiestie hath excellently taught in a word: that the one (in a sort) command; the other obey the Deuill.

There is another kind of pettie Witcherie (if it be not altogether deceit) which [unspec 30] they call charming of Beasts and Birds, of which Pythagoras was accused, because an* 1.748 Eagle lighted on his shoulder in the Olympian fields. But if the same exceeded the Art of Falconrie, yet was it no more to be admired then Mahomets Doue, which he had vsed to feed with Wheate out of his eare: which Doue, when it was hungrie, lighted on Mahomets shoulder, and thrust his Bill therein to find his breake-fast: Ma∣homet perswading the rude and simple Arabians, that it was the Holy Ghost that gaue him aduice. And certainely if Bankes had liued in elder times hee would haue shamed all the Inchanters of the World: for whosoeuer was most famous among them, could neuer master or instruct any Beast as he did his Horse.

For the drawing of Serpents out of their Dens, or killing of them in the holes by [unspec 40] Inchantments (which the Marsians a people of Italie practised: Colubros disrumpit* 1.749 Marsia cantu: Inchanting Marsia makes the Snakes to burst.) That it hath beene vsed it appeares, Psal. 58. 6. though I doubt not, but that many Impostures may bee in this kind; and euen by naturall causes it may be done. For there are many Fumes that will either draw them out or destroy them; as womens haire burnt, and the like. So many things may be laied in the entrance of their holes that will allure them: and therein I find no other Magicke or Inchantment; then to draw out a Mouse with a piece of tosted Cheese. [unspec 50]

§. VII. Of diuerswayes by which the Deuill seemeth to worke his wonders.

BVT to the end that we may not dote with the Manichees, who make two powers of gods: that we doe not giue to the Deuil any other dominion then he hath (not to speake of his abilitie, when hee is the Minister of Gods vengeance, as when Aegypt, according to Dauid, was destroyed by euill Angels) he otherwise worketh but three wayes. The first is by [unspec 10] mouing the cogitations and affections of men: The second by the exquisite know∣ledge of Nature: and the third by deceit, illusion, and false semblance. And that they cannot worke what they would, G. Parisiensis giueth three causes: the first, a na∣turall impotencie: the second, their owne reason disswading them from daring ouer∣much, or indeed (and that which is the only certaine cause) the great mercie of the Creatour, Tenens eas ligatas (sayth the same Authour) velut immanissimas bellu as. Saint* 1.750 Augustine was of opinion that the Frogges which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sorcerers produced were not naturall, but that the Deuill (by betraying of their senses that looked on) made them appeare to be such. For as Vairus obserueth, those Frogges of the Inchanters were not found corrupted as those of Moses were, which might argue that they were [unspec 20] not creatures indeed. Hereof sayth Saint AVGVSTINE: Nec sanè Daemones naturas creant, sed quae à Deocreatae sunt commutant, vt videantur esse quodnon sunt: The Deuils create not any natures, but so change those that are created by God, as they seeme to bee that which they be not: of which in the 83. Question he giueth the reason. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 nebulis implet omnes meatus intelligentiae, per quos aperire lumen rationis radius mentis so∣let, (that is) The Deuill fils with certaine cloudes all passages of the vnderstanding, by which the beame of the mind is wont to open the light of reason.

And as Tertullian in his Booke de anima rightly conceiueth, if the Deuill can pos∣sesse himselfe of the eyes of our mindes, and blind them, it is not hard for him to da∣zell those of the body. For (out of doubt) by the same way that God passeth out, [unspec 30] the Deuill entreth in, beginning with the fantasie, by which he doth more easily be∣tray the other faculties of the soule: for the fantasie is most apt to bee abused by* 1.751 vaine apprehensions.

Aquinas on the contrarie held that those Frogges were not imaginarie, but such indeed as they seemed: not made Magicae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ludibrio, which indeed agreeth not with the Art but (according to THOMAS) Per aptam & idoneam agentium & patien∣tium applicationem: By an apt and fit applying of agents and patients. And this I take to be more probable. For Moses could not bee deceiued by that sleight of false sem∣blance; and Saint Augustine in another case like vnto this, (to wit) of the turning of Diomedes his Companions into Birds, per actiua cum passiuis, inclineth rather to this o∣pinion: [unspec 40] though I am not perswaded that Saint Augustine beleeued that of Diomedes. And this opinion of Thomas, G. Parisiensis a man very learned also confirmeth. For speaking of naturall Magicke hee vseth these words: De 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 est* 1.752 subita generatio 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & pediculorum, & vermium, aliorm{que} animalium quorundam: in quibus omnibus sola natura operatur, verùm adhibitis adiutorijs, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 semina naturae confortant & acuunt, it a vt opus generationis tantum accelerent, vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nesciunt non opus natur & videatur (quae tar dius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 efficere consueuit) sedpotentia Daemonum, &c. to which he addeth: Qui autem in hijs docti sunt talia non mirantur, sed solum Creatorem in hijs glorificant: In such workes (sayth he) the sodaine generation of Frogges, and Lice, and Wormes, and some other creatures is: in all which Nature alone worketh; but by meanes [unspec 50] strengthning the Seeds of Nature, and quickning them; in such wise that they so hasten the worke of generation, that it seemeth to the ignorant not to bee the worke of Nature, which vsually worketh more 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but they thinke it is done by the power of Deuils. But they who are learned in these Arts maruaile not at such working, but glorifie the Creatour. Now by

these two wayes the Deuills doe most frequently worke, (to wit) by knowing the vttermost of nature; and by illusion: for there is no incomprehensible or vnsearch∣able power, but of God only.

For shall we say, he causeth sometimes thunders, lightnings, and tempests; and can infect the ayre, as well as moue it or compresse it; who knowes not that these things are also naturall? Or may it be obiected that he fore-telleth things before they happen, which exceedeth nature, and is no illusion? it is true, that he some∣times doth it; but how? In elder ages he stole his knowledge out of the predictions of the Prophets: and he fore-told the death of Saul, at such time as he was in his owne possession and power to dispose of. And he that hath liued from the infancie [unspec 10] of the world to this day, and obserued the successe of euery counsaile: he that by reason of his swift motions can informe himselfe of all places, and preparations: he that is of counsaile with al those that studie and practise subuersion and destruction:* 1.753 he that is Prince of the ayre, and can thence better iudge, then those that inhabite* 1.754 the earth: if he should not sometimes, yea if he should not very oftentimes ghesse rightly of things to come (where God pleaseth not to giue impediment) it were very strange. For we see that wise and learned men doe oftentimes by comparing like causes conceiue rightly of like effects, before they happen: and yet where the Deuill doubteth and would willingly keepe his credit, he euermore answereth by Riddles, as [unspec 20]

CROESVS Halym penetrans magnam subuertit opum vim.

If Croesus ouer Halys goe, Great Kingdomes he shall ouerthrow.

Which answere may be taken either way: either for the ouerthrow of his owne Kingdome, or of his Enemies. And thus farre we grant the Deuill may proceed in predictions, which (otherwise) belong to God only; as it is in ESAY: Shew the things that are to come hereafter, that we may know that yee are Gods: shew vs at all times [unspec 30] and certaynely what is to come. Solius enim diuinae intelligentiae ac 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nosse* 1.755 & reuelare; It is only proper to Gods vnderstanding and wisedome, to know and reueale hidden things.

§. VIII. That none was euer raysed from the dead by the power of the Deuill: and that it was not the true SAMVEL which appeared to SAVL.

TO conclude, it may be obiected that the Deuill hath raysed from the [unspec 40] dead: and that others by his power haue done the like, as in the ex∣ample giuen of Samuel raysed by the Witch of Endor: which were it true, then might it indeed be affirmed, that some of the Deuils acts ex∣ceed all the powers of nature, false semblance, and other illusions. Iu∣stine* 1.756 Martyr was sometimes of the opinion, that it was Samuel indeede: and so was Ambrose, Lyra, and Burgensis; from which authorities those men borrow strength which so beleeue. But Martyr changed his opinion: and so did S. Augustine, who at first seemed to be indifferent: For in his questions vpon the Old and New Testa∣ment, he accounteth it detestable to thinke that it was Samuel which appeared: and [unspec 50] these be his wordes elsewhere to the same effect: In requie sunt animae piorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 separatae, impiorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 poenas luunt, donecistarum ad 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, illarum verò ad 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 secunda dicitur corpora 〈◊〉〈◊〉; The soules of the godly sepa∣rated from their bodies are at rest, but those of the wicked suffer punishment, till the 〈◊〉〈◊〉

of the iust rise to eternall life, and of the wicked to an eternall and second death.

And (besides S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉) Iustine Martyr, Hilarius, Tertullian, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Chry∣sostome,* 1.757 and others, beleeued firmely, and taught it: that the soules of men being once* 1.758 separate from their bodies, did not wander on the earth at all: Credere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith CYRIL) quum à corporbus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 animae abierint, tanquam in manus charissimi patris bonitati diuinae commendari; We must beleeue when the soules of holy men are departed from* 1.759 their bodies, that they be commended to the diuine Goodnesse, as into the hands of a most* 1.760 deare Father. If then they be in Heauen, the power of the Deuill cannot stretch so high: if in Hell, Ab 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nulla est redemptio; From hell there is no redemption. For there are but two habitations after death: Vnum (saith AVGVSTINE) in igne ae∣terno; [unspec 10] alterum in regno aeterno; The one in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fire; the other in Gods eternall King∣dome. And though it be written in Iure Pontificio, that many there are who beleeue that the dead haue againe appeared to the liuing; yet the Glosse vpon the same Text findes it ridiculous: Credunt, & malè, quia sunt Phantasmata (saith the Glosse) They* 1.761 beleeue, and they beleeue amisse, because they be but Phantasmes, or Apparitions. For where∣as any such voice hath beene heard, saying, I am the Soule of such a one: Haec oratio à fraude à fraude at{que} deceptione diabolica est; That speech is framed by the fraud and deception of the deuill, saith Chrysostome. Likewise of the same, saith TERTVLLIAN: Absit vt ani∣mam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sancti, nedum Prophetae, à daemonio credamus extractam; God forbid that we should thinke that the soule of any holy man, much lesse of a Prophet, should be drawne vp [unspec 20] againe by a Deuill.

It is true that the Scriptures call that apparition Samuel; so doe they the woodden images Cherubins: and false brazen gods are called gods, and the like. And where∣as these of the contrarie opinion build vpon that place of the 26. of Ecclesiasticus (a booke not numbred among the Canonicall Scriptures, as S. Augustine himselfe in his Treatise, if it be his, De cura pro mortuis agenda, confesseth) yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 following the literall sense and phrase of the Scriptures, proueth nothing at all: For though the Deuill would willingly perswade, that the soules (yea euen of iust men) were in his power, yet so farre is it from the promises of the Scriptures, and from Gods iust and mercifull nature, and so contrarie to all diuine reason, as Saint Augustine (or [unspec 30] whosoeuer wrote that booke before cited) might rightly terme it a detestable opi∣nion so to thinke. For if God had so absolutely forsaken Saul, that he refused to an∣swere him either by dreames, by Vrim, or by his Prophets: it were sottish to conceiue, that he would permit the Deuil, or a wicked Witch, to raise a Prophet from the dead in Sauls respect: it being also contrarie to his owne diuine Law to aske counsaile of* 1.762 the dead; as in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 18. and elsewhere. Therefore it was the Deuill, and* 1.763 not the soule of a dead body, that gaue answere and aduice.* 1.764

But because Helias and Helizeus had raised some from the dead by the power of God; those Deuils which S. Augustine calleth ludificatores animantium sibi subiectorum; Mockers of their owne vassals, casting before their eyes a semblance of humane bodies, [unspec 40] and framing sounds to their eares like the voyces of men, doe also perswade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gracelesse and accursed attendants, that themselues both possesse, and haue power ouer the soules of men. Eludit Diabolus aciem tum spectantium, tum etiam cogitantium, saith L. VIVES; The Deuill beguileth the sense both of the beholders, and of those that so imagine. These then are the bounds of the Deuils power, whom if we will not feare, we must feare to sinne. For when he is not the instrument of Gods venge∣ance, he can touch no man that makes not himselfe his voluntaire vassall: Potest ad malum inuitare, non potest trahere, saith S. AVGVSTINE, he can 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but he cannot in∣force to euill. Such as thinke otherwise, may goe into the number remembred by Lucretius. [unspec 50]

Nam veluti pueri trepidant, at{que} omnia coecis In tenebris metuunt: sic nos in luce timemus.

We feare by light, as children in the darke.

CHAP. XII. [unspec 10] Of the memorable buildings of NINVS, and of his wife SEMIRAMIS: and of other of her acts.

§. I. [unspec 20] Of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 building of Niniue by NINVS: and of Babylon by SEMIRAMIS.

BVt to come backe to Ninus the amplifier and finisher of Niniue: whether he performed it before or after the ouerthrow of Zoroaster, it is vncertayne. As for the Citie it selfe, it is agreed by all prophane Writers, and confirmed by the Scriptures, that it exceeded all other in circuit, and answerable magnificence. For it* 1.765 had in compasse 440. stadia, or furlongs; the walls* 1.766 [unspec 30] whereof were an hundred foot vpright, and had such a bredth as three Charriots might passe on the Ram∣pire in front: these walls were garnished with 1500. Towres which gaue exceeding beautie to the rest, and a strength no lesse admirable for the nature of thosetimes.

But this Citie (built in the Plaines of Assyria, and on the bankes of Tigris, and in the Region of Eden) was founded long before Ninus time; and (as ancient I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 report, and more lately Nauclerus) had the name of Campsor, at such time as Ninus amplified the same, and gaue it a wall, and called it after his owne name.

For these workes of Babylon and Niniue begun by Nimrod in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and in Assy∣ria, [unspec 40] Ninus and Semiramis made perfect. Ninus finished Niniue, Semiramis Babylon:* 1.767 wherein shee sought to exceede her husband by farre. Indeed in the first Age when* 1.768 Princes were moderate, they neither thought how to inuade others, nor feared to be inuaded: labouring to build Townes and Villages for the vse of themselues and their people, without either Walls or Towres; and how they might discharge the earth of Woods, Bryars, Bushments, and Waters, to make it the more habitable and fertile. But Semiramis liuing in that Age, when Ambition was in strong youth: and purposing to follow the conquest which her husband had vnder-taken, gaue that beautie and strength to Babylon which it had. [unspec 50]

§. II. Of the end of NINVS: and beginning of SEMIRAMIS reigne.

THis shee did after the death of her husband Ninus: who after he had mastred Bactria, and subiected vnto his Empire all those Regions be∣tweene it and the Mediterran Sea and Hellespont (Asia the lesse excep∣ted) and finished the worke of Niniue, he left the World in the yeere thereof 2019. after he had reigned 52. yeeres. Plutarch reporteth that Semiramis desired her husband Ninus, that he would grant vnto her the absolute [unspec 10] soueraigne power for one day. Diod. Siculus out of Athenaeus, and others, speakes of fiue dayes. In which time (moued either with desire of rule, or licentious libertie, or with the memorie of her husband Menon, who perished for her) shee caused Ni∣nus her husband to be slaine. But this seemeth rather a scandall cast on her by the Greekes, then that it had any truth.

Howsoeuer Ninus came to his end, Semiramis tooke on her after his death the sole rule of the Assyrian Empire: of which, Ninus was said to be the first Monarch, because he changed his seat from Babylonia in Chaldaea to Niniue in Assyria. Iustin re∣ports,* 1.769 that Semiramis (the better to invest herselfe, and in her beginning without murmure or offence to take on her so great a charge) presented herselfe to the people [unspec 20] in the person of her sonne Ninias or Zameis, who bare her externall forme and pro∣portion without any sensible difference.

This report I take also to be fayned, for which many arguments might be made. But as she ruled long, so she performed all those memorable acts which are written of her by the name of Semiramis, and subscribed that letter which shee sent to the King of India (her last challenge and vndertaken conquest) by her owne name. And were it true that her sonne Ninias had such a stature at his Fathers death, as that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (who was very personable) could be taken for him; yet it is very vnlikely that she could haue held the Empire from him 42. yeeres after by any such subtil∣tie: (for so long shee reigned after the death of her husband:) but it may be true [unspec 30] that Ninias or Zameis (being wholly giuen to his pleasures, as it is written of him) was well pleased with his Mothers prosperous gouernement and vnder-takings.

§. III. Of SEMIRAMIS parentage and education, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of her Mother.

SOme Writers (of which Plutarch is one) make this famous woman to haue beene of base parentage, calling her after the name of her Coun∣trey, [unspec 40] a Syrian. Berosus calls her after the name of her Citie wherein shee was borne, Semiramis Ascalonitis; of Ascalon, the ancient Citie and Metropolis of the Philistims. Others report her to be the daughter of Derceta, a Curtizan of Ascalon, exceeding beautifull. Others say that this Derceta or Dercetis, the Mother of Semiramis, was sometimes a Recluse, and had profest a holy and a religious life, to whom there was a Temple dedicated, seated on the banke of a Lake adioyning to Ascalon; and afterward falling in loue with a goodly yong man, she was by him made with child, which (for feare of extreme punishment) she con∣uayed away, and caused the same to be hidden among the high reedes which grew on the bankes of the Lake: in which (while the child was left to the mercy of wild [unspec 50] beasts) the same was fed by certayne birds, which vsed to feede vpon or neere those waters. But I take this tale to be like that of Lupa the Harlot that fostered Romulus. For some one or other adioyning to this Lake, had the charge and fosteridge of this child, who being perchance but some base and obscure creature, the mother might

thereby hope the better to couer her dishonor and breach of vow; notwithstan∣ding which she was cast from the top of her Temple into the Lake adioyning, and (as the Poets haue fayned) changed by Venus into a Fish, all but her face, which still held the same beautie and humane shape. It is thought that from this Derceta the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of that Idoll of the Philistims (called Dagon) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken: for it is true, that Dagon had a mans face, and a fishes body: into whose Temple when the Arke of God was brought, the Idoll fell twice to the ground: and at the second fall there remayned only the Trunke of Dagon, the head being broken off: For so S. Hierome hath conuerted that place. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Pagninus, and Iunius, write it by Dagon onely, which signifieth a fish, and so it only appeared: the head thereof by the second fall [unspec 10] being sundred from the body.

For my selfe I rather thinke, that this Dagon of the Philistims was an Idoll repre∣senting Triton, one of those imaginarie Sea-gods vnder Neptune. For this Citie be∣ing maritimate (as all those of the Philistims were, and so were the best of Phoenicia) vsed all their deuotions to Neptune, and the rest of the pettie gods which atten∣ded him.

§. IIII. Of her Expedition into India, and death after discomfiture: with a note of the [unspec 20] improbabilitie of her vices.

BVt for her Pedigree, I leaue it to the Assyrian Heralds: and for her vicious life, I ascribe the report thereof to the enuious and lying Grecians. For delicacie and ease doe more often accompanie licentiousnesse in men and women, then labour and hazzard 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And if the one halfe be true which is reported of this Lady, then there neuer liued any Prince or Princesse more worthy of fame then Semiramis was, both for the workes she did at Babylon and elsewhere, and for the warres she made with glorious successe: all but her last enterprise of India; from whence both Strabo and Arianus report that [unspec 30] she neuer returned: and that of all her most powerfull Armie there suruiued but on∣ly twentie persons: the rest being either drowned in the Riuer of Indus, dead of the famine, or slaine by the sword of Staurobates. But as the multitude which went out are more then reason hath numbred: so were those that returned lesse then could haue escaped of such an Armie, as consisted of foure millions & vpwards. For these* 1.770 numbers which she leuied by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lieutenant Dercetaeus (saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉) did consist of Foot-men three millions; of Horse-men one million; of Charriots armed with hookes on each side one hundred thousand; of those which fought vpon Camels as many; of Camels for burden two hundred thousand; of raw Hides for all vses three hundred thousand; of Galleyes with brazen heads three thousand, by which [unspec 40] shee might transport ouer Indus at once three hundred thousand Souldiers: which Gallies were furnished with Syrians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cilicians, and men of Cyprus. These incredible and impossible numbers, which no one place of the earth was able to nourish (had euery man and beast but fed vpon grasse) are taken from the authority of Ctesias whom Diodorus followeth. But as the one may be taxed with many fri∣uolous reports: so Diodorus himselfe hath nothing of certaynetie, but from Xerxes expedition into Greece and afterwards: whose Armie (though the same was farre in∣ferior to that of Semiramis) yet had it weight enough to ouerlode the beliefe of any reasonable man. For all Authors consent, that Xerxes transported into Greece an Ar∣mie of 1700000. and gathered together (therein to passe the Hellespont) three thou∣sand [unspec 50] Gallies, as Herdotus out of the seuerall Prouinces whence those Galleyes were taken hath collected the number.

But of what multitude soeuer the Armie of Semiramis consisted: the same being broken and ouerthrown by Staurobates vpon the banks of Indus, canticum cantauit ex∣tremum:

shee sang her last song; and (as Antiquitie hath fayned) was changed by the gods into a Doue (the bird of Venus) whence it came that the Babylonians gaue a Doue in their ensignes.

§. V. Of the Temple of BELVS built by SEMIRAMIS: and of the Py∣ramides of Aegypt.

AMong all her other memorable and more then magnificent workes [unspec 10] (besides the wall of the Citie of Babylon) was the Temple of Bel, ere∣cted in the middle of this Citie, inuironed with a wall carryed foure∣square of great heighth and beautie, hauing on each square certayne brazen gates curiously engrauen. In the Core of the square she raised a Towre of a furlong high, which is halfe a quarter of a mile; and vpon it againe (taking a Basis of a lesse circuit) she set a second Towre; and so eight in all, one aboue another: vpon the top whereof the Chaldaeans Priests made the obseruation of the starres, because this Towre ouer-topped the ordinarie cloudes.

By beholding the ruines of this Towre haue many Trauailers beene deceiued; [unspec 20] who suppose that they haue seene a part of Nimrods Towre, when it was but the foundation of this Temple of Bel: (except this of Bel were founded on that of Nim∣rod.) There were burnt in this Temple one hundred thousand talents of frankin∣cense euery yeere (saith Herodotus.) This Temple did Nabuchodonosor adorne with the spoiles of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and of the Temple of Salomon: all which vessels and orna∣ments Cyrus redeliuered. This temple Xerxes euened with the soile; which Alexander is said to haue repaired by the perswasions of the Chaldaeans. I denie not that it might haue been in his desire so to doe; but he enioyed but a few yeeres after Babylon taken, and therefore could not performe any such worke. The Aegyptians (saith Proclus)* 1.771 inhabiting a low and leuell ground, and giuen to the same superstition of the starres [unspec 30] that the Chaldaeans were, erected in imitation, and for the same seruice and vse, the Py∣ramides by Memphis, which were conspicuae vndi{que} nauigantibus, saith Plinie. Of these Pyramides, Bellonius a carefull obseruer of rarities (who being in Aegypt mounted by* 1.772 steps to the top of the highest) maketh this report: Le 〈◊〉〈◊〉 archer qui seroit a sa sommite, & tirant vne fleche en l'air, a peine pouroit l'enuoyer hors de sabase qu'elle ne se tombast sur les degrez; The best archer standing on the top of one of these Pyramides, and shooting an arrow from thence into the ayre as farre as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 can, with great difficul∣tie shall be able so to force the same, but that it will fall vpon [unspec 40] some of the degrees or steps.

Finis Libri primi. [unspec 50]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Hugo super Ec∣cles. Hom. 8. Greg. in Mor. Herm. ad sil. Tat. l. 5. Vnus verò ingenitus, & non apparens & immanife∣stus, omnia au∣tem manife∣stans, per omnia apparet, & in omnibus. Appa∣rentia solùm ge∣neratorum est, nihil apparitio quàm generatio. Iohn. 5. 3.
• * 1.2

  1. Tim. 6. 16. Origen. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. cap. 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Iohn, Hom. 14. Greg. Naz. l. 2. Theolog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Esaiam. Aug. l. 2. de Trin. c. 12. & 13. Greg. Magn. l. 18. mor. Euar. Epist. 1. Decret. Alouin. l. 2. de Trin. c. 16. D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 4. Cael. Hierar. Thom. p. 2. q. 12. art. 11. & alibi.
• * 1.3

  Deus, qui natura 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est, vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 visibilibus pos∣set sciri, opus se∣cit, quod Opifi∣cem sui visibili∣ter manifesta∣vet, vt per cer∣tum incertum sciretur, & ille Deus omnium esse crederetur. Amb. in epist. ad Rom. c. 1.
• * 1.4

  Cusan. de gen. dialog.
• * 1.5

  Rom. 1. 20. A. Mont. Nat. Hist. fol. 7.
• * 1.6

  Herm. in Poe∣mandro, & in 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.7

  Deut. 4. 24.
• * 1.8

  Hebr. 12. 19.
• * 1.9

  Orph. de sum. Ioue.
• * 1.10

  Vid. cap. 6.
• * 1.11

  Cusan. demonte lib. 3.
• * 1.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hex. Stra∣bo super Genes. Eug. Cos. & de nat. incorp.
• * 1.13

  Psal. 104. 12. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lux facta, sed sapientia Dei, non creata, sed nata.
• * 1.14

  Apoc. 21. 23. Mercer. in Gen. cap. 7. vers. 7.
• * 1.15

  Bar. 3. 24. 25.
• * 1.16

  Cusan. in com∣pend. fol. 224. Operis.
• * 1.17

  Caluin, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.18

  Psal. 102. 26. Esai 11.
• * 1.19

  Gen. 1. v. 9.
• * 1.20

  Psal. 104. 6.
• * 1.21

  Zeno.
• * 1.22

  Gul. Paris. 600.
• * 1.23

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉. denat.
• * 1.24

  Gen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.25

  12.
• * 1.26

  Ouid. Metam. lib. 1.
• * 1.27

  Basil. Hexam.
• * 1.28

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.29

  Psal. 147. 18. Ar. Mont. vt. sup. Eugub. in Cos. fol. 13.
• * 1.30

  Ar. Mont. de na∣tura, pag. 149.
• * 1.31

  Esay. 55. 8.
• * 1.32

  Aug. Tract. 20. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 17. 25.
• * 1.33

  Lact. in Praefat.
• * 1.34

  Nazian. lib. 2. Theol.
• * 1.35

  Wisd cap. 1. Vers. 7.
• * 1.36

  Virg. Aeneid. lib. 8. 724.
• * 1.37

  Iob c. 26. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.38

  Gen. 1. 5.
• * 1.39

  Gen. 1. 14.
• * 1.40

  Lux dicitur, quae se, & omnia 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. Cu∣san. in Compend. cap. 7. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 5.
• * 1.41

  Ficin. lib. de Lu∣mine. cap. 11.
• * 1.42

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. definit.
• * 1.43

  〈◊〉〈◊〉,
• * 1.44

  Lucida 〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉, 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉. 〈7 words〉〈7 words〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.45

  Scal. subt. ex. 71.
• * 1.46

  Genes. 1.
• * 1.47

  Vers. 12.
• * 1.48

  9.
• * 1.49

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. dum Rex aliquis &c. Procop. in Gen. 1.
• * 1.50

  Iob 38. 24.
• * 1.51

  9.
• * 1.52

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 2. c. 6. 40.
• * 1.53

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.54

  Ficin.
• * 1.55

  Ouid. Met. l. 1.
• * 1.56

  Iob. 1. 9. & 14.
• * 1.57

  46.
• * 1.58

  Gen. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.59

  Mont. nat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fol. 152.
• * 1.60

  Psal. 104. 12.
• * 1.61

  Gen. 49. 25.
• a 1.62

  Gen. 19. 24. Cap. 27. 28.
• * 1.63

  Deut. 11. 11.
• * 1.64

  Iob. 38. 29.
• * 1.65

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6. 26.
• * 1.66

  Gen. 11. 4.
• * 1.67

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Sal. c. 1. 14.
• * 1.68

  Natura enim re∣mota prouiden∣tia & potestate diuina, prorsus nibil est. Lact. de fals. Sapientia, l. 3. cap. 28.
• * 1.69

  Cyprian. de men∣te, lib. 3.
• * 1.70

  12. Metaph.
• * 1.71

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. sat. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.72

  Basil. Esa. 4. Aug. de haeres. 70. c. 35.
• * 1.73

  Tho. cont. Gent. 3. cap. 83.
• * 1.74

  Ficin. in 12. de leg.
• * 1.75

  Cic. de fat.
• * 1.76

  Gen. 1. 15.
• * 1.77

  Eccl. 43. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.78

  Wisd. 9. 16.
• * 1.79

  Aristotle.
• * 1.80

  Aug. 20. super 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lit.
• * 1.81

  5.
• * 1.82

  Gal. l. mor. an seq. temp.
• * 1.83

  Quint.
• * 1.84

  Aug. de Ciuit, Dei, lib. 5.
• * 1.85

  Hex. lib. 4. de∣term. 3.
• * 1.86

  Hor. lib: 4. Od. 4. 30.
• * 1.87

  Mat. 6. 13.
• * 1.88

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 18. 4.
• * 1.89

  Plat. pol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.90

  Ficin. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7. pol.
• * 1.91

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de con∣sol.
• * 1.92

  Psal. 147. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.93

  9.
• * 1.94

  Psal. 104. 27.
• * 1.95

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 15.
• * 1.96

  1. Reg. 17. 4.
• * 1.97

  Mat. 6. 26.
• * 1.98

  Luke 12. 6. 7.
• * 1.99

  1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7.
• * 1.100

  Psal. 36. 6.
• * 1.101

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 23. 24.
• * 1.102

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 42. 8.
• * 1.103

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ep. 1. c. 4. v. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God is loue.
• * 1.104

  Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 9.
• * 1.105

  Lomb. l. 1. dist. 39 Thom. part. 1. dist. 23. Bern. in Probl. de p. d.
• * 1.106

  Aug. l. 15. c. 1. de Ciuit. Dei.
• * 1.107

  Cal. in cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rom. v. 11. Bez. in magn. an∣not. in cap. 9. ad Rom.
• * 1.108

  Danaeus, l. 3. de Salut.
• * 1.109

  Greg. Magn. Iob 9.
• * 1.110

  Aug. ad Polin. ep. 59.
• * 1.111

  Sen. ep. 91.
• * 1.112

  Aur 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sen. ep. 74 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & often changes of his Fortune, is said to haue vsed to cry out vpon Fortune, applying to her a Verse of Aeschylus, Tu me extulisti, eadem me is (sentio) perditum.
• * 1.113

  Te facimus For∣tun a Deam, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, locamus.
• * 1.114

  Sat. 10. 366.
• * 1.115

  Exod. 21. 12, 13.
• * 1.116

  Vers. 5.
• * 1.117

  Vers. 33.
• * 1.118

  Cic. ac. quaest. l. 1.
• * 1.119

  Senec. l. 4. c. 7.
• * 1.120

  Ouid. rem. am. lib. 1.
• * 1.121

  1. Cor. c. 8. v. 6.
• * 1.122

  Cap. 12. vers. 6.
• * 1.123

  Gen. 1. 26.
• * 1.124

  Trism. Ascl. 2. & de volunt. Dei. Plat. leg. l. 1.
• * 1.125

  Sanctum, quia pars potior im∣mortalis, ani∣mal, quia in mortali.
• * 1.126

  In locum Ouid. Met. l. 1. 76.
• * 1.127

  1. Cor. 15. 49.
• * 1.128

  Iam. 3. 9.
• * 1.129

  Vt supra.
• * 1.130

  Aug. vt sup.
• * 1.131

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10.
• * 1.132

  Rom. 1. 23.
• * 1.133

  Zanch de op. Dei l. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.134

  In Gen.
• * 1.135

  Eph 6. 12. 10. 18. 36.
• * 1.136

  Plat. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.137

  Osorius de Iust. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.138

  Reyn. de ment.
• * 1.139

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.140

  De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Idiota. l. 3.
• * 1.141

  Sen. Ep. 65. f. & 31. f.
• * 1.142

  Lib. 9. cap. 5
• * 1.143

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Dei. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. lib. 1. cap. 2.
• * 1.144

  Pag. 185. & se∣quent.
• * 1.145

  Ad imaginem Dei 〈◊〉〈◊〉 il∣lum, id est, sapi∣entiae, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣potem, qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 intuitus Creato∣rem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suum, at{que} imita∣ri, pro{que} ingenij, pro{que} 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sibi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ratione 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Exana.
• * 1.146

  Gen. 5. 22.
• * 1.147

  2. Cor. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.148

  2. Cor. 3. 9. S. Ambrose.
• * 1.149

  Arias Mont. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. f. 156.
• * 1.150

  Gen. 18. 27.
• * 1.151

  Iob. 4. v. 27.
• * 1.152

  Iob. 10. 21. 17. 13.
• * 1.153

  Eccl. 12. 14.
• * 1.154

  Bern. in Ps. Qui habitat.
• * 1.155

  Iob. 33. 4.
• * 1.156

  Eccles. 12. 7.
• * 1.157

  Acts 7. 59.
• * 1.158

  Ioh. 19. 30.
• * 1.159

  Gen. 1. 20.
• * 1.160

  24.
• * 1.161

  26.
• * 1.162

  Gen. 2. 7.
• * 1.163

  Eccl. 12. 7.
• * 1.164

  Arist. Phys. lib. 8. cap. 2. 1. 17. f.
• * 1.165

  Greg. Nazianz. Epist.
• * 1.166

  〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 crea. ura, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & terra.
• * 1.167

  Aug. l. qu. 83. 4. 67. retr. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.168

  Ouid Met. l. 1.
• * 1.169

  Iob. 4. 18.
• * 1.170

  Arist. 10. Me∣taph. c. 1. f.
• * 1.171

  Eccles. 15. 14.
• * 1.172

  Matth. 7. 15.
• * 1.173

  Matth. 3. 7.
• * 1.174

  Iohn 5. 17.
• * 1.175

  Gen. 1. 28. 22. 24.
• * 1.176

  2. Cor. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.177

  Matt. 24. 36.
• * 1.178

  Jude Ep. v. 27.
• * 1.179

  Job 28. 12.
• * 1.180

  13.
• * 1.181

  4. 18.
• * 1.182

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. sem. 2. l. 1. 143.
• * 1.183

  Amb. de Parad.
• * 1.184

  Vers. 26.
• * 1.185

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉
• * 1.186

  〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉.
• * 1.187

  Gen. cap. 2.
• * 1.188

  Vers. 16.
• * 1.189

  Iohn 8. 44.
• * 1.190

  Gen. 3. 24.
• * 1.191

  Verse 18.
• * 1.192

  Verse 10.
• * 1.193

  Ezech. c. 27. 23.
• * 1.194

  Ezech. 31. 9.
• * 1.195

  Gen. 13. 10.
• * 1.196

  Ouid. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1
• * 1.197

  Aug. de Ciuit.
• * 1.198

  Dei. l. 13. c. 21. Suidas in verbo Paradisus.
• * 1.199

  Bare. conuerted by Masius.
• * 1.200

  Gen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10.
• * 1.201

  Gen. 8. 1.
• * 1.202

  Gen. 4. 17.
• * 1.203

  Gen 8. 11.
• * 1.204

  Gen. 1. 28.
• * 1.205

  Acts 17. 26.
• * 1.206

  Gen. 2. 8.
• * 1.207

  3. 24.
• * 1.208

  Diog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Sco.
• * 1.209

  Iustin. Mart. adm. ad Gent. Aug.
• * 1.210

  Cicero Somn. Scip.
• * 1.211

  1. Cor. 15. 36. 51.
• * 1.212

  1. Pet. 3. 20.
• * 1.213

  Gen. 7. 19.
• * 1.214

  Exod. 14. 21.
• * 1.215

  Isay 45. 18.
• * 1.216

  Isai. 37. v. 12.
• * 1.217

  Cap. 27. vers. 23.
• * 1.218

  Cap. 1. vers. 1.
• * 1.219

  Strabo.
• * 1.220

  Ezecb. 27. v. 23.
• * 1.221

  Vers. 24.
• * 1.222

  Plin. l. 6. c. 26.
• * 1.223

  Strabo l. 16.
• * 1.224

  Gen. 11. 31.
• * 1.225

  Iud. 1.
• * 1.226

  Act. 7. 1.
• * 1.227

  Lucan, l. 1. 105.
• * 1.228

  Gen. 10. 10.
• * 1.229

  Vers. 2.
• * 1.230

  Vers. 7.
• * 1.231

  Strabo, l. 16.
• * 1.232

  Esa. 37. v. 12.
• * 1.233

  2. Kings 19. 35.
• * 1.234

  20. 12.
• * 1.235

  Esa. 39. 1.
• * 1.236

  Esa. 37. 38.
• * 1.237

  Esa. 39. 1.
• * 1.238

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Tab. 4.
• * 1.239

  Cosmog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.240

  Vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.241

  Gen. 1. 11.
• * 1.242

  3. 2.
• * 1.243

  8.
• * 1.244

  Herod. Clia. l. 1.
• * 1.245

  Plin. Net. hist. l. 18. c. 17.
• * 1.246

  Gen. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.247

  10. 29.
• * 1.248

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 11.
• * 1.249

  Gen. 2. 15.
• * 1.250

  Gen. 2. v. 12.
• * 1.251

  Steuch.
• * 1.252

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de Par.
• * 1.253

  Post. Cosmog. Theuet. Cosmog.
• * 1.254

  Asiae tab. 4.
• * 1.255

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 5. c. 24.
• * 1.256

  1. Sam. 15. 7.
• * 1.257

  See more of this point, c. 7. § 10.
• * 1.258

  Gen 25. 18.
• * 1.259

  Vers. 16.
• * 1.260

  2. Chron. 14. 9.
• * 1.261

  Gen. 10. v. 11.
• * 1.262

  Exod. 17. 8.
• * 1.263

  Gen. 26. 1.
• * 1.264

  10. 19.
• * 1.265

  Plin. l. 5. c. 8.
• * 1.266

  C. 2. v. 18.
• * 1.267

  Exod. 2. 21. 3. 1.
• * 1.268

  Num. 12. 1.
• * 1.269

  V. 15
• * 1.270

  V. 1.
• * 1.271

  Gen. 37. 25.
• * 1.272

  V. 1.
• * 1.273

  V. 3.
• * 1.274

  C. 7.
• * 1.275

  C. 8. v. 24.
• * 1.276

  Gen. 16. 12.
• * 1.277

  Chro. 2. c. 21. 16.
• * 1.278

  Steuch. Eu∣gub. in Gen. c. 2.
• * 1.279

  Exod. 2.
• * 1.280

  Plin. l. 5. c. 1.
• * 1.281

  C. 23. v. 3.
• * 1.282

  C. 2. v. 18.
• * 1.283

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1. & 4.
• * 1.284

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. sept. 2. l. 1. 174.
• * 1.285

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. 7.
• * 1.286

  Plin. l. 11. c. 5.
• * 1.287

  Lib. 1. cap. 2.
• * 1.288

  Gen. 3. 7.
• * 1.289

  Pl. l. 12. c. 5.
• * 1.290

  Virg. AEn. l. 1. 494.
• * 1.291

  August. de 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 13. c. 20.
• * 1.292

  Num. 20. 13.
• * 1.293

  Gen. 26. 20. 21.
• * 1.294

  Cap. 31. 48.
• * 1.295

  Cap. 28. 19.
• * 1.296

  Cap. 16. 14.
• * 1.297

  Bart. sem. 2. l. 2.
• * 1.298

  Gen. 3. 17.
• * 1.299

  Gen. 6. v. 11. 13.
• * 1.300

  Gen. 4. v. 16.
• * 1.301

  Aug. de Ciuitat. Dei, l. 12. c. 19.
• * 1.302

  Psal. 139. 8.
• * 1.303

  Chrysost. in Gen. Homil. 2.
• * 1.304

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. rad.
• * 1.305

  Hebi.
• * 1.306

  Ioseph. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.307

  Gen. 4. 14.
• * 1.308

  Gen. 4. 16.
• * 1.309

  17.
• * 1.310

  Vers. 23.
• * 1.311

  24.
• * 1.312

  Quotidièaliquid in boc magno or∣be mutatur, noua vrbium 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iaciuntur, noua Gentium nomina (extinctis nominibus prio∣ribus) oriuntur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad Albi∣num.
• * 1.313

  Plin. l. 6. c. 9. 11. & 16.
• * 1.314

  Mel. l. 1. c. vlt.
• * 1.315

  Strabo lib. 11.
• * 1.316

  Val. Flacc. l. 6.
• * 1.317

  Lucan. l. 3. v. 37.
• * 1.318

  V. 2.
• * 1.319

  Plin. l. 6. c. 4. 5.
• * 1.320

  Ptol. tab. Asiae. 3.
• * 1.321

  Steph. de Vrb.
• * 1.322

  Nat. Comes cal∣leth them Rhecas.
• * 1.323

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Com. l. 8. c. 9.
• * 1.324

  In the second Booke of this first Part, Cap. 13. §. 5.
• * 1.325

  Strab. l. 11.
• * 1.326

  2. King 6.
• * 1.327

  Gen. 4. 17.
• * 1.328

  18.
• * 1.329

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6. v. 5.
• * 1.330

  Gen. 4. 20. 21. 22
• * 1.331

  Mat. 1. 2.
• * 1.332

  1. Kings 2.
• * 1.333

  Solin. Poli Hist. cop. 3.
• * 1.334

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Satur.
• * 1.335

  l. b. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.336

  Plin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7. c. 98.
• * 1.337

  Psal. 102. v. 25.
• * 1.338

  Pharsal. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.339

  Pier. Hierog. l. 2.
• * 1.340

  Plin. l. 7. c. 29.
• * 1.341

  Ioseph. antiq. l. 13 cap. 8.
• * 1.342

  Plin. l. 7. c. 48.
• * 1.343

  Dion. Arcop.
• * 1.344

  Fol. 18.
• * 1.345

  Cabala est stien∣tia Theologiae non 〈◊〉〈◊〉, P. M. 82.
• * 1.346

  Mirand. 110. fol
• * 1.347

  Ios l. 1.
• * 1.348

  Iud. Ep. v. 14.
• * 1.349

  Origen. Homil. 1 in Num.
• * 1.350

  Orig. Homil. 2 & in Num. & Comment. in Euang, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.351

  Gelas. dist. 15.
• * 1.352

  Tertul. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.353

  Hebr. 11. 5.
• * 1.354

  Gen. 5. 24.
• * 1.355

  6. 9.
• * 1.356

  1. Cor. 15. 51.
• * 1.357

  Gen. 5. 29.
• * 1.358

  Gen. c. 6. 9.
• * 1.359

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.360

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. 4
• * 1.361

  Vers. 5.
• * 1.362

  Gen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. v. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.363

  Gen. 14. 5.
• * 1.364

  Num. 15. 34.
• * 1.365

  Deut. 2. v. 21. 20
• * 1.366

  Vers. 21.
• * 1.367

  Amos c. 1.
• * 1.368

  Bar. 3. v. 26.
• * 1.369

  Deat. 3. v. 11.
• * 1.370

  Num. 13. v. 34.
• * 1.371

  Cap. 14. 4.
• * 1.372

  1. Sam. 17. 4.
• * 1.373

  2. Sam. 21. v. 19.
• * 1.374

  1. Cbron. 20. 21.
• * 1.375

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 14. 6.
• * 1.376

  14. 19.
• * 1.377

  16. 3.
• * 1.378

  Gen. 6. 6.
• * 1.379

  De Ciuit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 15. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.380

  Herod. in Eu∣terpe.
• * 1.381

  Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 7
• * 1.382

  Sat. 15. 2. 9.
• * 1.383

  Aug. l 19. c. 22.
• * 1.384

  De Ciuit. Dei.
• * 1.385

  Euseh. l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Euang. c. 7. & li. 2. c. 23.
• * 1.386

  Cic. l. 3. de nat. Dcorum.
• * 1.387

  Arnob. 4. contra Gent.
• * 1.388

  Gen. 4. 16.
• * 1.389

  Phorn. l. dena∣tura Deorum. Pansan. l. 4. 5. & 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.390

  Gen. 4. 20. 21. 22
• * 1.391

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 4. c. 27.
• * 1.392

  Ouid. Met. l. 1.
• * 1.393

  Nat. Com. l. 2. c. 2
• * 1.394

  V. 1.
• * 1.395

  Gen. 7.
• * 1.396

  Gen. 5. 22. 24.
• * 1.397

  L. de Ciuit. Dei.
• * 1.398

  Ioseph. l. 1. contra Appian.
• * 1.399

  Plut. in Iside.
• * 1.400

  Strab. l. 17.
• * 1.401

  Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 7
• * 1.402

  Euseb. in Temp.
• * 1.403

  Luc. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.404

  Diod. l. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.405

  Euseb. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.406

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Oracul.
• * 1.407

  Euseb. Praep. E∣uang. lib. 11. Cyril. cont. Iu∣lian.
• * 1.408

  Origen. cont. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.409

  Ambr. ad Iren. Ep. 6. lib. 1.
• * 1.410

  Areopagus, or domus seu mons Martis, Mars his hill: a house wherein capi∣tall matters were tryed: so called at first: because Mars therein first pleaded his cause for the murder of Hu∣lirrothos.
• * 1.411

  Pausan, in Attic. Nat. Com. l. 2. c. 7 Iust. Mart. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gent. fol. 8. 14. vt sup. Exod. 3. 14.
• * 1.412

  In Timaeo.
• * 1.413

  De Legib. 1. 10.
• * 1.414

  Laertius.
• * 1.415

  Autogenes.
• * 1.416

  Hieron. in Com. in Dan. In prin∣cip.
• * 1.417

  Am. Mar. l. 23, cap. 1.
• * 1.418

  Ioseph. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.419

  Gen. 6. 14. V. 13.
• * 1.420

  Lact. in Praef. de falsa relig.
• * 1.421

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 1 c. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 9. cap. 4.
• * 1.422

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 15. c. 33.
• * 1.423

  Euseb. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 10. c. 3. Ca. 22.
• * 1.424

  Lib. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.425

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. An∣nianus.
• * 1.426

  Mela. lib. 3. Plin. lib. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 47.
• * 1.427

  Ioppe 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 orbe toto, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ante inundatio∣nem terrarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ibid.
• * 1.428

  Ouid. Metam. lib. 15. 303.
• * 1.429

  Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 6
• * 1.430

  Plin. l. 4. c. 11.
• * 1.431

  Aug de Ciuit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, l. 21. cap. 8.
• * 1.432

  Luke 17. v. 27.
• * 1.433

  Cedron. l. 1. f. 34.
• * 1.434

  Clem. Alex. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ex Ctes.
• * 1.435

  Euseb. in Chron.
• * 1.436

  c. 14.
• * 1.437

  Solin l. 14.
• * 1.438

  Strab 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9.
• * 1.439

  Plin. l. 3. c. 14. Sol. c. 7. Plin. ibid.
• * 1.440

  Athenaeus dipno∣soph. l. 15. out of Draco 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sayth that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was the wife and sister of Ianus. Lact. l. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.441

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 8. 319.
• * 1.442

  Virg. l. 8. Aen.
• * 1.443

  Thucyd. l. 6. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.444

  Annius ex Sa∣muele Thalmu∣dista.
• * 1.445

  Herod. l. 1.
• * 1.446

  Plin. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.447

  Dion. l. 1. & 2.
• * 1.448

  Pausan. Arcad. lib. 8.
• * 1.449

  Arist. pol. 7. c. 10.
• * 1.450

  Herod. l. 2.
• * 1.451

  Plin. l. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.452

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 9. c. 4.
• * 1.453

  Diod l. 1.
• * 1.454

  Nat. Com. l. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.455

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de aequia. Comm. per An∣nium, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 37.
• * 1.456

  Munster.
• * 1.457

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 motus 〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉. 〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉 tota 〈◊〉〈◊〉 submersa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & perierunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 100000.
• * 1.458

  Also de Concor∣dia Theolog. & Astrolog.
• * 1.459

  Gen. 7. 11.
• * 1.460

  The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 properly signifieth any place of stoppage, against which the force of the water being naturally carryed downewards, dasheth and breaketh; of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or frango. Hence, because windores doe not only open but also shut, the word hath beene expounded (Windores) for barres or floud-gates.
• * 1.461

  Iob c. 12. v. 15.
• * 1.462

  Gen. 8. 1.
• * 1.463

  Gen. 9. 20.
• * 1.464

  Gen. 8. 20.
• * 1.465

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. cont. Gent. lib. 6.
• * 1.466

  Ouid. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 1.
• * 1.467

  Nat. Com. lib. 5. cap. 13.
• * 1.468

  Coelius.
• * 1.469

  Gen. 9. 20.
• * 1.470

  Stuck. in libris conuiualibus, & Danaeus de pri∣ma mundi aetate.
• * 1.471

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 6. Steph. de Vrb. Herod. l. 4. Strabo. l. 7.
• * 1.472

  Gene. 8. 1.
• * 1.473

  Steph. de Vrb. fol. 227.
• * 1.474

  De Oracul. fol. 94.
• * 1.475

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Ancor.
• * 1.476

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6. 4.
• * 1.477

  V. 18. Plin. l. 16. c. 40.
• * 1.478

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.479

  De Ciultat. Dei. l. 15. c. 26.
• * 1.480

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 4.
• * 1.481

  Plutar. in vita Demetry.
• * 1.482

  Aug. de Ciuit. Dei lib. 5. ca. 27.
• * 1.483

  Acost. bist. India.
• * 1.484

  Deut. 3. 11.
• * 1.485

  1. Sam. 17. 4.
• * 1.486

  Exod. 20. 26.
• * 1.487

  Gene. 8. 4.
• * 1.488

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 7. §. 1.
• * 1.489

  Hierem. 51. 27.
• * 1.490

  Naet. hist. l. 5. c. 12
• * 1.491

  Ioseph. de Antiq. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.492

  Beros. l. 1.
• * 1.493

  Gene. 10. 10. Beros. l. 1.
• * 1.494

  Gen. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.495

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Gen. & de Turris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ctione. sol. 173.
• * 1.496

  Ptol. tab. Asiae. 3.
• * 1.497

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
• * 1.498

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de orig. pars 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.499

  Plin. l. 3. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.500

  Beros. l. 1.
• * 1.501

  Pto. Asiae. tab. 7.
• * 1.502

  Gene. 11. 2.
• * 1.503

  L. 6, c. 17.
• * 1.504

  Tab. Asia. 7. & 8
• * 1.505

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 now Wolga.
• * 1.506

  Com. 2. Asiae. sol. 472.
• * 1.507

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 meridiem 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 pars septentrio∣nalis ponte 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coracis fluuij: 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 à parte dextra 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Iberis, Albanisq, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hyrcani 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prouenit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. bist. l. 30.
• * 1.508

  Sig. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.509

  〈◊◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊◊〉
• * 1.510

  Gen. 9. 20.
• * 1.511

  Seruius Aeneid. Eutropius.
• * 1.512

  Gen. 8. 14.
• * 1.513

  Epiph. l. 1. centra 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.514

  Pto. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.515

  Plin. l. 6. c. 9.
• * 1.516

  Plut. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.517

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Met. cor. l. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.518

  Plinie in his description of Lycia. l. 5. c. 27.
• * 1.519

  Ptol. tab. Asia.
• * 1.520

  Num. 13. 24.
• * 1.521

  L. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 27.
• * 1.522

  Gen. c. 11. v. 2.
• * 1.523

  Gen. 10. 30.
• * 1.524

  Gen. 4. 16.
• * 1.525

  Gen. 12. 8.
• * 1.526

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 38. 6.
• * 1.527

  Matth. 12. 42.
• * 1.528

  Matth. 2. v. 1,
• * 1.529

  August, de Ciuit. Dei, l. 16. c. 3.
• * 1.530

  Gen. 11. 10.
• * 1.531

  Gen. 11. v. 24.
• * 1.532

  In Gen.
• * 1.533

  Gen. 11. v. 10.
• * 1.534

  Cicero de Nat. Deorum, l. 3.
• * 1.535

  De Ciuit. Dei, l. 18. c. 11.
• * 1.536

  Gen. 9. v. 27.
• * 1.537

  Funct. Chronol.
• * 1.538

  Gen. c. 11.
• * 1.539

  Gen. 11.
• * 1.540

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.541

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. 66. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 8.
• * 1.542

  Diod. Sicul. l. 4. 6. 4. fol. 115.
• * 1.543

  Tibull. Eleg. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.544

  Diod. Sicul. l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7. c. 56.
• * 1.545

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.546

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 7. c. 56. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.547

  Euang. c. 1. Tert. de Coron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.548

  c. 37. v. 19.
• * 1.549

  c. 58. v. 2.
• * 1.550

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.551

  L. 2. de Fide.
• * 1.552

  Strab. l. 13.
• * 1.553

  Suid. col. 207.
• * 1.554

  Iun. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 38
• * 1.555

  Strab. l. 16.
• * 1.556

  Lib. 4. cap. de bello. Sacro.
• * 1.557

  In Cbron.
• * 1.558

  Caesar Comment. Vigni. pars 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.559

  Ann. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Pict. de aur. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.560

  Cato de origin. Lauin, illust. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.561

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1.
• * 1.562

  Ezech. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19. 13 & so the place of Esai 66. 19. (for Iauan) 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and (for the plurall Ia∣uamin) Hellenae.
• * 1.563

  Ptol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, tab. 4
• * 1.564

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.565

  1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. v. 18.
• * 1.566

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Gen. 10. vers. 3.
• * 1.567

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 7. 14.
• * 1.568

  Note.
• * 1.569

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.570

  Lib. 18. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Dei. c. 10.
• * 1.571

  Psal. 120. v. 5.
• * 1.572

  Gen. 25. v. 13.
• * 1.573

  Montan. in Chr.
• * 1.574

  Melan. in car. l. 1
• * 1.575

  Hom. Iliad. 2.
• * 1.576

  Virg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉; l. 3.
• * 1.577

  c. 51. v. 17.
• * 1.578

  Melanch in Cation.
• * 1.579

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.580

  Herod. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.581

  Antiq. l. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.582

  V. 15.
• * 1.583

  Exod. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.584

  Sixt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bibl.
• * 1.585

  Ezech. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10.
• * 1.586

  Ioseph. l. 10. 6. 3.
• * 1.587

  Kings 2. 19.
• * 1.588

  Antiq. l. 10.
• * 1.589

  Kings 2. 19.
• * 1.590

  Lib. 10. cap. 1.
• * 1.591

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 9.
• * 1.592

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2 c. 14.
• * 1.593

  De Fast. l. 1.
• * 1.594

  Iustin. l. 1.
• * 1.595

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.596

  Ios. l. 1. Ant. c. 7. Herod. Enterpc.
• * 1.597

  L. 5. c. 1.
• * 1.598

  Gen. 10. v. 19.
• * 1.599

  Gen. 23.
• * 1.600

  Gen. 27. v. 46.
• * 1.601

  4. Kings e. 7. v. 6
• * 1.602

  Deut. 1.
• * 1.603

  Num. 13.
• * 1.604

  Amos 2.
• * 1.605

  Iudg. 4.
• * 1.606

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 19. 33.
• * 1.607

  Gul. Tyr. Vitria.
• * 1.608

  Cap. 7. v. 8.
• * 1.609

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 4.
• * 1.610

  1. Kings 16. 28.
• * 1.611

  2. Sam 8. 9.
• * 1.612

  Cap. 11. v. 24.
• * 1.613

  Cap. 18. & 19.
• * 1.614

  Plin. l. 12. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.615

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. tab. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.616

  Ezech. 27. 22.
• * 1.617

  Ezech. cap. 15. vers. 15.
• * 1.618

  The termina∣tion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Hebrew, is commonly a signe of the plurall num∣ber, as aim of the dual.
• * 1.619

  Cap. 46. vers. 9.
• * 1.620

  Basil vpon the 33. Psalme. Hierome vpon the 29. of E∣zechiel.
• * 1.621

  Hierem. 47. 4.
• * 1.622

  Amos c. 9. v. 7.
• * 1.623

  Of which see in the second Booke, Chap. 7 §. 3. †. 5.
• * 1.624

  Cap. 16. v. 9.
• * 1.625

  Ios. Ant. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.626

  Cap. 8. vers. 2.
• * 1.627

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. Dan. 8. 2.
• * 1.628

  Vers. 11.
• * 1.629

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 7. v. 8.
• * 1.630

  Euscb. p. 10. 6.
• * 1.631

  Gen. 28. 2. See Gen. 25. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Also Deut. 23. 4. Iudg. 3. Paral. 1. 19. Psal. 59. Strabo. l. 1.
• * 1.632

  Hieron. in trad. Hebraic.
• * 1.633

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 4. ver. 21.
• * 1.634

  C. 25. v. 20.
• * 1.635

  Chap. 8. §. 7.
• * 1.636

  Ioseph. l. 1. Ant. Aug. de Ciuit. Dei. l. 16. c. 11.
• * 1.637

  Perer. in Gen. li. 15. c. 10.
• * 1.638

  Gen. c. 10. v. 30.
• * 1.639

  Gen. 25. v. 6.
• * 1.640

  Metam. lib. 1.
• * 1.641

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.642

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.643

  Gen 2. 11. & 12 Plin. lib. 6. c. 28.
• * 1.644

  Flaccus, lib. 6.
• * 1.645

  Diod. Sicul. l. 16.
• * 1.646

  1. Sam. 15. 7.
• * 1.647

  Vers. 7.
• * 1.648

  Cap. 23. vers. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.649

  Necessitasest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iudicium, & immutabilis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 po∣testas.
• * 1.650

  De aureo 〈◊〉〈◊〉, part. 1.
• * 1.651

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. 21.
• * 1.652

  Prouerb. 8. v. 15.
• * 1.653

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19. v. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.654

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19. v. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.655

  Beros. lib 1.
• * 1.656

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 16. v. 18.
• * 1.657

  Ethic 5.
• * 1.658

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 13. 4.
• * 1.659

  V. 1.
• * 1.660

  2.
• * 1.661

  Ibid. v. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.662

  Hierem. 29. v. 7.
• * 1.663

  Gen 20. v. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. v. 10.
• * 1.664

  Tacit. in Dial. de Orat.
• * 1.665

  Eccles. 3.
• * 1.666

  Arnob. lib. 2.
• * 1.667

  Wisd. 6. 7.
• * 1.668

  Verus nobilis nō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sed fit.
• * 1.669

  Pint. in Ezech.
• * 1.670

  Bernard. l. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Consider. ad Eu∣gen. Pap.
• * 1.671

  Chrysost. bomil. 2. de incomposita Dei natura. con. 5.
• * 1.672

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.673

  Eccles. 10.
• * 1.674

  Aug. de Ciuit. Dei. l. 6. c. II.
• * 1.675

  De Ciuit. Dei.
• * 1.676

  Lib. 23.
• * 1.677

  Cap. 6. vers. 2.
• * 1.678

  Torniell. Annal. sacr. in Gen. 10.
• * 1.679

  23. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.680

  Dan. 4. 27.
• * 1.681

  See more of this, l. 2. of this first Part. cap. 2. §. 6.
• * 1.682

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 2.
• * 1.683

  Lyr. in Sapien. Salom. c. 11. Isid. l. 8. c. 11.
• * 1.684

  Hieron. in Ose. c. 4. & 9.
• * 1.685

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 aequi. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• * 1.686

  Diod. l. 3.
• * 1.687

  Strabo. l. 13. c. 3.
• * 1.688

  L. 4. cont. Iulian.
• * 1.689

  Greg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.690

  Ambros. in Psal. 108.
• * 1.691

  Euseb. li. 7. c. 18.
• * 1.692

  Aug. c. 13.
• * 1.693

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 2. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.694

  De Ciuit. Dei. li, 4. cap. 31.
• * 1.695

  Lib. 14.
• * 1.696

  Cap. 17. v. 18. 31
• * 1.697

  Cap. 44.
• * 1.698

  Athen. l. 14. Ioseph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ap∣pion. l. 1. & 7.
• * 1.699

  Aug. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.700

  Steph. de Vrb.
• * 1.701

  Cassian. in Octa. Col. cap. 21.
• * 1.702

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 7.
• * 1.703

  Scalig. in Euseb.
• * 1.704

  Iosep. lib. 1.
• * 1.705

  Antiq. c. 4.
• * 1.706

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mir. fol. 81.
• * 1.707

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 30 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nat.
• * 1.708

  Porphyr. & A∣pul.
• * 1.709

  Plato. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.710

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. 7.
• * 1.711

  Piccol. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.712

  〈◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊〉 cum 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pa. 360.
• * 1.713

  Daemonolog. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 1.
• * 1.714

  De vit. sanct. Glyc. Annal. fol. 180.
• * 1.715

  See vpon his Comment. in Aug. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. Dei, l. 18. c. 2.
• * 1.716

  Toto in mun∣do lucet Trias, cuius Monas est 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cuncta namque perfecit 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉.
• * 1.717

  Psell. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.718

  De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Euang lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.719

  Lib. 2. fol. 46.
• * 1.720

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1.
• * 1.721

  Peucer. de Diui∣nat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. de mag. fol. 135. & 136.
• * 1.722

  Bibl. l. 6. fol. 424.
• * 1.723

  Hieron. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.724

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mart. Loci.
• * 1.725

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part. prim. fol. 573.
• * 1.726

  Gul. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉, cap. 14.
• * 1.727

  Fol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.728

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.729

  Psal. 147.
• * 1.730

  Ca. 8. ver. 7.
• * 1.731

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 12. 17.
• * 1.732

  Iob. 33. 17.
• * 1.733

  G. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de leg. 24. cap.
• * 1.734

  Codex de male∣fic. & Mathe∣mat. leg. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ac∣cepta.
• * 1.735

  Aug. de cura pro mortuis agenda
• * 1.736

  Deut. 13. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Leuit. 20.
• * 1.737

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.738

  Deut. 18. 20.
• * 1.739

  Cusan. Comp. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 1.
• * 1.740

  Sunt in mundo genus quoddam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 val∣de 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in∣discretum & in∣consideratum; & quod 〈◊〉〈◊〉, verum a falso nc{que}, possi∣bile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ab impossibili.
• * 1.741

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Viues in cap. 11. lib. 10.
• * 1.742

  Aug. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Dei, lib. 10.
• * 1.743

  Cusan. exerc. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.744

  Euseb. hist. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 16.
• * 1.745

  Lib. 1 c. 21.
• * 1.746

  Corint. 5. 5.
• * 1.747

  Exercitat. l. 2.
• * 1.748

  Aelian. l. 6. not. bistor.
• * 1.749

  Lucil. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.750

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 70.
• * 1.751

  Maxima vis est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad er∣reres.
• * 1.752

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 24. fol. 67.
• * 1.753

  Ephes. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 6. 12.
• * 1.754

  Diabolus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 habet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 v∣sum: quae res multum habet momenti in quo∣uis negotio, Aug. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉, c. 26. 27. &c.
• * 1.755

  Guil. Parisiensis de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 24.
• * 1.756

  Iust. Martyr in colloq. cum Try∣phone in resp. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 52. Ambr. in Luc. l. s. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Lyra in Reg. 1. Aug. ad Simpl. l. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Dei, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 13. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.757

  Aug. de verb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 18.
• * 1.758

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mart. ad Orthodox. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 75. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Psal. 2. in fine.
• * 1.759

  Tert. de. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in fin.
• * 1.760

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. q. 13. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 19. in Euang. Matth.
• * 1.761

  26. q. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.762

  1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.763

  2. Kings 4. 34.
• * 1.764

  Nullus enim magus 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 verè vnquam excitauit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de fascin.
• * 1.765

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1. Diod. l. 2.
• * 1.766

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1.
• * 1.767

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1.
• * 1.768

  Iustin. l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 2. & 3.
• * 1.769

  Aelian. l. 7. ex Didone.
• * 1.770

  Suid. f. 845. lit. S.
• * 1.771

  Procl. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, lib. 1.
• * 1.772

  Bellon. l. 2.