The history of the world

THE PREFACE.

HOw vnfit, and how vnworthy a choice I haue made of my selfe, to vndertake a worke of this mixture; mine owne reason, though exceèding weake, hath sufficiently resolued me. For had it beene begotten then with my first dawne of day, when the light of common knowledge began to open it selfe to my younger yeares: and before any wound receiued, either from Fortune or Time: I might yet well haue doubted, that the darkenes of Age and Death would haue couered ouer both It and Mee, long before the performance. For beginning with the Creation: I baue proceede a with the History of the World; and lastly purposed (some few sallies excepted) to con∣fine my Discourse, within this our renowned Iland of Great Brittaine. I confesse that it had better sorted with my disability, the better part of whose times are runne out in other trauailes; to haue set together (as I could) the vnioynted and scattered frame of our English affaires, than of the vniuersall: in whom, had there beene no other defect, (who am all defect) then the time of the day, it were enough; the day of a tempestuous life, drawne on to the very euening ere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 began. But those inmost, and soule∣peircing wounds, which are euer aking while vncured: with the desire to sa∣tisfie those few friends, which I haue tryed by the fire of Aduersitie; the for∣mer enforcing, the latter perswading; haue caused me to make my thoughts legible, and my selfe the subiect of euery opinion wise or weake.

To the World I present them, to which I am nothing indebted: neither haue others that were, (Fortune changing) sped much better in any age. For, Prosperity and Aduersity haue euer-more tyed and vntied vulgar Affections. And as we see it in experience, That dogs doe alwayes barke at those they know not; and that it is their nature to accompany one another in those clamours: so it is with the inconsiderate multitude. Who, wan∣ting that vertue which wee call Honesty in all men, and that especiall gift of GOD which we call Charity in Christian men; condemne, without 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and wound, without offence giuen: led there-vnto by vncertaine report only;* 1.1 which his Maiesty truly acknowledgeth for the Author of all lies. Blame no man (saith Siracides) before thou haue enquired the matter; vn∣derstand* 1.2 first, and then reforme righteously. Rumor, res sine teste,

sine iudice, maligna, fallax; Rumor is without witnesse; without iudge, malicious and deceiuable. This vanity of vulgar opinion it was, that gaue St. Augustine Argument to affirme, That he feared the praise of* 1.3 good men, & detested that of the euill. And herein no man hath giuen a beter rule, then this of Seneca; Conscientiae satisfaciamus: nihil in famam* 1.4 laboremus; sequatur velmala, dum bene merearis. Let vs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our owne consciences, and not trouble our selues withfame: bee it neuer so ill, it is to be despised so we deserue well.

For my selfe, if I haue in any thiug serued my Country, and prised it before my priuate: the general acceptation can yeeld me no other profit at this time than doth a faire sunshine day to a Sea-man after shipwrack; & the contrary no other harme than an outragious tempest after the Port attained. I know that I lost the loue of many, for my fidelity towards Her, whom I must still honor in the dust; though further then the defence of her excellent person, I neuer persecuted any man. Of those that did it, and by what deuice they did it: He that is the Supreame Iudge of all the world, hath taken the accompt; so as for this kinde of suffering, I must say with Seneca, Mala opinio, bene parta, delectat.

As for other men; if there be any that haue made themselues Fathers of that fame, which hath beene begotten for them: I can neither enuy at such their purchased glory, nor much lament mine owne mishap in that kind; but content my selfe to say with Virgil, Sic vos non vobis, in many particulers.

To labour other satisfaction, were an effect of phrenzy, not of hope: seeing it is not Truth, but Opinion, that can trauell the World without a pass-port. For were it otherwise; and were there not as many internall formes of the minde, as there are externall figures of men; there were then some possibi∣lity, to perswade by the mouth of one Aduocate, euen Equity alone.

But such is the multiplying and extensiue vertue of dead Earth, and of that breath-giuing life whch GOD hath cast vp Slime and Dust: as that among those that were, of whom we read and heare, and among those that are, whom we see and conuerse with; euery one hath 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a seuer all picture of face, and euery one a diuers picture of minde; euery one a forme apart, euery one a fancy and cogitation differing: there being nothing wher∣in Nature so much triumpheth, as in dissimilitude. From whence it commeth that there is found so great diuersity of opinions; so strong a contrariety of inclinations; so many naturall and vnnaturall; wise, foolish; manly, and childish affections; and passions in mortall Men. For it is not the visible fa∣shion and shape of plants, and of reasonable Creatures, that makes the diffe∣rence, of working in the one, and of condition in the other; but the forme internall.

And though it hath pleased GOD, to reserue the Art of reading mens thoughts to himselfe: yet, as the fruit tells the name of the Tree; so doe the

outward workes of men (so farre as their cogitations are acted) giue vs whereof to guesse at the rest. Nay, it were not hard to expresse the one by the other, very neare the life: did not craft in many, feare in the most, and the worlds loue in all, teach euery capacity, according to the compasse it bath, to qualifie & maske ouer their inward deformities for a time. Though it be also true, Nemo potest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 personam ferre fictam: cito in natu∣ram suam residunt, quibus veritas non subest. No man can long continue masked in a counterfeite behauiour the thinges that are forced for pretences, hauing no ground of truth, cannot long dissemble their owne natures. Neither can any man (saith Plu∣tarch so change himselfe, but that his heart may be sometime seene at his tongues end.

In this great discord and dissimilitude of reasonable Creatures, if wee direct our selues to the Multitude; Omnis honestae rei malus iudex est vulgus. The common people are euill Iudges of honest things, and whose wisedome (saith Ecclesiastes) is to be despised; if to the better sort; euery vnderstanding hath a peculiar iudgement, by which it both cen∣sureth other men, and valueth it selfe. And therefore vnto me it will not seeme strange, though I finde these my wortbles papers torne with Rats: seeing the slothfull Censurers of all ages haue not spared to taxe the Reue∣rend Fathers of the Church, with Ambition; the seuerest men to themselues, with Hypocrisie; the greatest louers of Iustice, with Popularity; and those* 1.5 of the truest valour and fortitude, with vaine-glorie. But of these na∣tures which lye in wait to finde fault, and to turne good into euill, seeing* 1.6 Salomon complained long since: and that the very age of the world ren∣ders it euery day after other more malitious; I must leaue the professors to their easie wayes of reprehension, than which there is nothing of more facility.

To me it belongs in the first part of this Preface, following the common and approued custome of those, who haue left the memories of time past to after ages; to giue, as neare as I can, the same right to History which they haue done Yet seeing therein I should but borrow other mens wordes; I will not trouble the Reader with the repetition. True it is that among ma∣ny other benefits, for which it hath beene honoured; in this one it trium∣phetb ouer all humane knowledge, That it hath giuen vs life in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnder∣standing, since the world it selfe had life and beginning, euen to this day: yea it hath triuphed ouer time, which besides it nothing but eternity hath trium∣phed ouer: for it hath carried our knowledge ouer the vast and deuouring space of so many thousands of yeares, and giuen so faire and peircing eies to our minde; that we plainly behold liuing now (as if we had liued then) that great World, Magni Dei sapiens opus, the wise worke (saith Hermes) of a great GOD, as it was then, when but new to it selfe. By it I say it

is, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we liue in the very time when it was created: we behold how it was gouerned: how it was couered with waters, and againe repeopled: How Kings and Kingdomes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 florishid and fallen; and for what ver∣tue and piety GOD made prosperous; and for what vice and defor∣mity he made wretched, both the one and the other. And it is not the least debt which we owe vnto History, that it hath made vs acquainted with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dead Auncestors; and, out of the depth and darkensse of the earth, deli∣uered vs their memory and fame. In a word, wee may gather out of History a policy no lesse wise than eternall; by the comparison and appli∣cation of other mens fore-passed miseries, with our owne like errours and ill deseruings.

But it is neither of Examples the most liuely instructions, nor the words of the wisest men, nor the terror of future torments, that hath yet so wrought in our blind and stupified mindes; as to make vs remember, That the infi∣nite eye and wisdome of GOD doth peirce through all our pretences; as to make vs remember, That the iustice of GOD doth require none other ac∣cuser, than our owne consciences: which neither the false beauty of our appa∣rent actions, nor all the formallitie, which (to pacifie the opinions of men) we put on; can in any, or the least kind, couer from his knowledge. And so much did that Heathen wisdome confesse, no way as yet qualified by the knowledge of a true God. If any (saith Euripides) hauing in his life com∣mitted wickednesse, thinke he can hide it from the euerlasting gods, he thinkes not well.

To repeat GODS iudgements in particular, vpon those of all degrees, which haue plaied with his mercies; would require a volume a part: for the Sea of examples hath no bottome The markes, set on priuat men, are with their bodies cast into the earth; and their fortunes, written onely in the memories of those that liued with them: so as they who succeed, and haue not seene the fall of others, doe not feare their owne faults. GODS iudg∣ments vpon the greater and greatest, haue beene left to posterity; first, by those happy hands which the Holy Ghost hath guided; and secondly, by their vertue, who haue gathered the acts and ends of men, mighty and remarke∣able in the world. Now to poynt farre off, and to speake of the conuersion of Angells into Deuills, for Ambition: Or of the greatest and most glorious Kings, who haue gnawne the grasse of the earth with beasts, for pride and ingratitude towards GOD: Or of that wise working of Pharao, when he slue the Infants of Israel, ere they had recouered their Cradles: Or of the policy of Iezabel, in couering the Murder of Naboth by a triall of the Elders, according to the Law: with many thousands of the like: what were it other, than to make an hopelesse proofe, that farre-off exam∣ples would not be left to the same farre-off respects, as heretofore? For who hath not obserued, what labour, practise, perill, bloudshed, and

cruelty, the Kings and Princes of the world haue vndergone, exercised, taken on them, and committed; to make them-selues and their issues maisters of the world. And yet hath Babylon, Persia, Egypt, Syria, Macedon, Carthage, Rome, and the rest, noe fruit, flower, grasse, nor leafe, springing vpon the face of the earth, of those seeds: No; their very roots and ruines doe hardly remaine. Omnia quaemanu homi∣num fact a sunt, vel manu hominum euertuntur, vel stando & duran, do deficiunt: All that the hand of man can make, is either ouer∣turnd by the hand of man, or at length by standing and continuing consumed. The reasons of whose ruines, are diuersly giuen by those that ground their opinions on second causes. All Kingdomes and States haue fallen (say the Politicians) by outward and forraine force, or by inward negligence and dissension, or by a third cause arising from both: Others ob∣serue, That the greatest haue sunck downe vnder their owne weight; of which Liuie bath a touch: eo creuit, vt magnitudine laboret sua: Others, That the diuine prouidence (which Cratippus obiected to Pom∣pey) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set downe the date and period of euery estate, before their first foundation and erection. But hereof I will giue my selfe a day ouer to resolue.

For seeing the first bookes of the folowing story, haue vndertaken the discourse of the first Kings and Kingdomes: and that it is impossible for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 life of a Preface, to trauaile after and ouer-take farre off Anti∣quity, and to iudge of it; I will, for the present, examine what profit hath beene gathered by our owne Kings, and their Neighbour Princes: who hauing beheld, both in diuine and humane letters, the successe of in∣side litie, iustice, and crueltie, haue (notwithstanding) planted after the same patterne.

True it is that the indgements of all men are not agreeable; nor (which is more strange) the affection of any one man stirred vp a-like with ex∣amples of like nature: But euery one is touched most, with that which most neerely seemeth to touch his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priuate; Or otherwise best suteth with his apprehension. But the iudgements of GOD are for euer vn∣changeable; neither is hee wearied by the long processe of time, and won to giue his blessing in one age, to that which hee hath cursed in another. Wherefore those that are wise, or whose wisedome, if it be not great, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is true and well grounded; will be able to discerne the bitter fruites of ir∣religious policie, as well among those examples that are found in ages re∣moued farre from the present, as in those of latter times. And that it may no lesse appeare by euident proofe, than by asseueration, That ill doing hath alwaies beene attended with ill successe; I will here, by way of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, runne ouer some examples, which the worke ensuing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not reached.

Among our Kings of the Norman race, we haue no sooner passed ouer the violence of the Norman Conquest, than we encounter with a singular and most remarkable example of Gods Iustice, vpon the children of Henry the first. For that King, when both by force, craft and cruelty, hee had dispossest ouerreacht, and lastly made blinde and destroyed his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy, to make his owne sonnes Lords of this Land: GOD cast them all, Male and Female, Nephewes and Neeces (Maud excepted) into the bottome of the Sea, with aboue a hundred and fifty others that attended them; whereof a great many were Noble, and of the King dearely beloued.

To passe ouer the rest, till we come to Edward the Second; it is certaine, that after the murder of that King, the issue of blood then made, though it had sometimes of stay and stopping, did againe breake out; and that so often and in such aboundance, as all our Princes of the Masculine race (very few excepted) dyed of the same disease. And although the young yeares of Edward the Third, made his knowledge of that horrible fact no more then suspitious: yet in that he afterwards caused his owne Vncle the Earle of Kent to die, for no other offence than the desire of his Brothers redemp∣tion, whom the Earle as then supposed to be liuing; the King making that to be treason in his Vncle, which was indeed treason in him-selfe, had his Vncles intelligence beene true) this I say made it manifest, that he was not ignorant of what had past, nor greatly desirous to haue had it other∣wise; though he caused Mortimer to dye for the same.

This cruelty the secret and vnsearchable iudgement of GOD reuen∣ged, on the Grand-child of Edward the Third: and so it fell out, euen to the last of that line, that in the second or third descent they were all buried vnder the ruines of those buildings, of which the Mortar had beene tempe∣red with innocent bloud For Richard the second, who saw, both his Treasurers, his Chaucellor, and his Steward, with diuers others of his Counsailours, some of them slaughtered by the people, others in his absence executed by his enemies; yet he alwayes tooke himselfe for ouer wise, to be taught by examples. The Earles of Huntington and Kent, Montague and Spencer, who thought themselues as great Politicians in those dayes, as others haue done in these: hoping to please the King, and to secure them∣selues, by the Murder of Gloucester; died soone after, with many other their adherents, by the like violent hands; and farre more shamefully then did that Duke. And as for the King himselfe (who in regard of many deedes, vnworthy of his Greatnesse, cannot bee excused, as the disauowing him selfe by breach of Faith, Charters, Pardons, and Patents) He was in the prime of his youth deposed; and murdered by his Cosen Germane and vassall, Henry of Lancaster; afterwards Henry the fourth.

This King, whose Title was weake, and his obtaining the Crowne trai∣terous: who brake faith with the Loraes at his landing, protesting to in∣tend onely the recouery of his proper inheritance; brake faith with Richard himselfe; and brake Faith with all the Kingdome in Parliament, to whom he swore that the deposed King should liue. After that he had enioyed this Realme some few yeares, and in that time had beene set vpon on all sides by his Subiects, and neuer free from conspiracies and rebellions: he saw (if Soules immortall see and discerne anythinges after the bodies death) his Grand-childe Henry the sixt, and his Son the Prince, suddenly, and with∣out mercy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉; the possession of the Crowne (for which he had caused so much blood to be poured out) transferred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his race; and by the Is∣sues of his Enemies worne and enioyed: Enemies, whom by his owne pra∣ctise hee supposed, that he had left no lesse power lesse, than the succes∣sion of the Kingdome questionlesse; by entailing the same vppon his owne Issues by Parliament. And out of doubt, humane reason could haue iudged no otherwise, but that these cautious prouisions of the Father, seconded by the valour and signall victories of his sonne Henry the fift, bad buried the hopes of euery Competitor, vnder the despaire of all reconquest and re∣couery. I say, that humane reason might so haue iudged: were not this pas∣sage of Gasaubon alsatrue; Dies, hora, monumentum euertendis do∣minationibus sufficit, quae adamantinis credebantur radicibus esse fundatae; A day, an houre, a moment, is enough to ouerturne the things, that seemed to haue beene founded and rooted in Adamant.

Now for Henry the sixt, vpon whom the great storme of his Grandfa∣fathers grieuous faultes fell, as it formerly had done vpon Richard the Grand-childe of Edward: although he was generally esteemed for a gen∣tle and innocent Prince; yet as he refused the daughter of Armaignac, of the House of Nauarre, the greatest of the Princes of France, to whom hee was affianced (by which match he might haue defended his Inheritance in France) and married the Daughter of Aniou, (by which he lost all that hee had in France) so as in condiscendiug to the vnworthy death of his Vncle of Glocester, the maine acd strong 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the house of Lancaster; Hee drew on himselfe and this kingdome the greatest ioynt losse & dishonor, that euer it sustained since the Norman Conquest. Of whom it may truly be said which a Counsellor of his owne spake of Henry tht third of France, Q'uil estoit vne fort gentile Prince; mais son reigne est aduenu en vne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mauuois 〈◊〉〈◊〉. That he was a very gentle Prince; but his raigne happened in a very vnfortunate season.

It is true that Buckingham and Suffolke were the practisers & contri∣uers of the Dukes death: Buckingham and Suffolk, because the Duke gaue instructions to their authority, which otherwise vnder the Queene had bin absolute; the Queene, in respect of her personall wound, spretaeque 〈◊〉〈◊〉

formae, because Glocester disswaded her marriage. But the fruit was answer able to the seed; the successe to the Counsaile. For after the cutting downe of Gloucester, Yorke grew vp so fast, as hee dared to dispute his right both by arguments and armes; in which quarrell, Suffolke and Buck∣ing ham, with the greatest number of their adherents, were dissolued. And although for his breach of Oath by Sacrament, it pleased God to strike down Yorke: yet his sonne the Earle of March, following the plaine path which his Father had troden out, despoyled Henry the Father, and Edward, the sonne, both of their liues and Kingdomes. And what was the end now of that politique Lady the Queene, other then this, That she liued to behold the wretched ends of all her pertakers: that she liued to looke on, while her Husband the King, and her onely sonne the Prince, were hewen in sunder; while the Crowne was set on his head that did it. Shee liued to see her selfe despoyled of her Estate, and of her moueables: and lastly, her Father, by rendring vp to the Crowne of France the Earledome of Pro∣uence and other places, for the payment of fifty thousand crownes for her Ransome, to become a starke Beggar. And this was the end of that subtilty, which Siracides calleth fine but vnrighteous: for other fruit hath it neuer* 1.7 yeelded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the world was.

And now it came to Edward the fourths turne (though after many dif∣ficulties) to triumph. For all the Plants of Lancaster were rooted vpp; One onely Earle of Richmond excepted: whome also hee had once bought of the Duke of Brittaine, but could not hold him. And yet was not this of Edward such a Plantation, as could any way promise it selfe stability. For this Edward the King (to omit more than many of his other cruel∣ties) beheld and allowed the slaughter, which Gloucester, Dorset, Has∣tings, and others, made of Edward the Prince in his owne presence: of which tragicall Actors, there was not one that escaped the iudgement of GOD in the same kinde. And Hee, which (besides the execution of his brother Clarence, for none other offence then hee him-selfe had formed in his owne imagination) instructed Gloucester to kill Henry the fixt, his Predecessour; taught him also by the same Art to kill his owne sonnes and Successors Edward and Richard. For those Kings which haue sold the blood of others at a low rate; haue but made the market for their owne enemies, to buy of theirs at the same price.

To Edward the fourth succeeded Richard the Third, the greatest Maister in mischiefe of of all that fore-went him: who although, for the necessity of his Tragedie, hee had more parts to play, and more to per∣forme in his owne person, then all the rest; yet hee so well fitted euery affection that playd with him, as if each of them had but acted his owne interest. For he wrought so cunningly vpon the affections of Hastings, and Buckingham, enemies to the Queene and to all her kindred, as hee

easily allured them to condiscend, that Riuers and Grey, the Kings Mater∣nall Vncle and halfe brother, should (for the first) be seuered from him: se∣condly, hee wrought their consent to haue them imprisoned, and lastly) for the avoyding of future inconuenience) to haue their heads seuered from their bodies. And hauing now brought those his chiefe instruments to ex∣ercise that common precept, which the Deuill hath written on euery post,* 1.8 namely, To depresse those whom they had grieued, and to destroy those whom they had deprest; Hee vrged that argument so farre and so forcibly; as no∣thing but the death of the yong king himself, and of his brother, could fashion the conclusion. For he caused it to be hammered into Buckinghams head, That, whensoeuer the king or his brother, should haue able yeares to exercise their power; they would take a most seuere reuenge of that curelesse wrong, offered to their Vncle and Brother, Riuers and Grey.

But this was not his manner of reasoning with Hastings, whose fidelity to his Masters Sonnes was without suspect: and yet the Diuell, who neuer disswades by impossibility, taught him to try him. And so he did. But when hee found by Catesby, who sounded him, that he was not fordable; He first resolued to kill him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in councell: wherein hauing fayled with his sword; He set the Hangman vpon him, with a weapon of more weight. And because nothing else could moue his appetite; He caused his head to be strick∣en off, before he eate his dinner. A greater iudgement of GOD, than this vpon Hastings, I haue neuer obserued in any storie. For the selfe same daie that the Earle Riuers, Grey, and others, were (without triall of Law, or offence giuen) by Hastings aduice executed at Pomfret: I say Hastings him-selfe in the same daie, and (as I take it) in the same houre, in the same law-lesse manner, had his heaa stricken off in the Tower of London. But Buckingham liued a while longer; and with an eloquent oration perswaded the Londoners to elect Richard for their king. And hauing receiued the Earldome of Hereford for reward, besides the high hope of marrying his daughter to the Kings onely sonne; after many grie∣uous vexations of mind, and vnfortunate attempts, being in the end betray∣ed and deliuered vp by his trustiest seruant; He had his head seuered from his body at Salisbury, without the trouble of any of his Peeres. And what successe had Richard himself after all these mischefes and murders, policies, and counter-policies to Christian religion: and after such time, as with a most mercilesse hand he had pressed out the breath of his Nephews and Naturall Lords; other than the prosperity of so short a life, as it tooke end, ere him∣selfe could well looke ouer and discerne it? the great outcry of innocent bloud, obtaining at GODS hands the effusion of his; who became a spectacle of shame and dishonor, both to his friends and enemies.

This cruell King, Henry the seauenth cut off; and was therein (no doubt) the immediate instrument of GODS iustice. A politicke Prince hee was

if euer there were any, who by the ingine of his wisdome, beat downe and ouerturned as many strong oppositions both before and after hee ware the crowne as euer King of England did: I say by his wisdome, because as he euer left the raines of his affections in the hands of his profit, so he alwaies way∣ed his vndertakings by his abillities, leauing nothing more to hazard than so much as cannot be denied it in all humaine actions. Hee had well obserued the proceedings of Loys the eleuenth, whom hee followed in all that was royall or royal like, but hee was farre more iust, and begun not their processes whom hee hated or feared by the execution, as Loys did.

Hee could neuer indure any mediation in rewarding his seruants, and therein exceeding wise, for what so euer him-selfe gaue, he him-selfe recei∣ued backe the thanks and the loue, knowing it well that the affections of men (purchased by nothing so reddely as by benefits) were traynes that better be∣came great Kings, than great subiects. On the contrary, in what so-euer he greeued his subiects, he wisely put it off on those, that he found fit ministers for such actions. How-so-euer, the taking off, of Stanles head, who set the Crowne on his, and the death of the young Earle of Warwick, sonne to George D. of Clarence, shews, as the successe also did, that hee held some∣what of the errors of his Ancesters, for his possession in the first line ended in his grand children, as that of Edward the third and Henry the fourth bad done.

Now for King Henry the eight: if all the pictures and Patternes of a mercilesse Prince were lost in the World, they might all againe be painted to the life, out of the story of this King. For how many seruants did hee ad. uance in hast (but for what vertue no man could suspect) and with the change of his fancy ruined againe; no man knowing for what offence? To how ma∣ny others of more desert gaue hee aboundant floweres from whence to gather hony, and in the end of Haruest burnt them in the Hiue? How many wiues did he cut off, and cast off, as his fancy and affection changed? How many Princes of the bloud (whereof some of them for age could hardly crawle to∣wards the block) with a world of others of all degrees (of whom our com∣mon Chronicles haue kept the accompt) did he execute? yea, in his very death∣bed, and when hee was at the point to haue giuen his accompt to GOD for the aboundance of bloud already spilt: He imprisoned the Duke of Nofolke the Father; and executed the Earle of Surrey the sonne; the one, whose deser∣uings he knew not how to value, hauing neuer omitted any thing that con∣cerned his owne honour, and the Kings seruice; the other, neuer hauing com∣mitted any thing worth of his least displeasure: the one exceeding valiant and aduised; the other, no lesse valiant than learned, and of excellent hope. But besides the sorrowes which he heaped vpon the Fatherlesse, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at home: and besides the vaine enterprises abroade, wherein it is thought that hee consumed more Treasure, than all our victorious

Kinges did in their seuer all Conquests. what causelesse and cruell warres did he make vpon his owne Nephew King Iames the fift? What Lawes and Wills did he deuise, to establish this Kingdome in his owne issues? vsing his sharpest weapons to cut off, & cut downe those branches, which sprang from the same roote that him-selfe did. And in the end (not withstanding these his so many irreligious prouisions) it pleased GOD to take away all his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, without increase; though, for themselues in their seuer all kindes, all Princes of eminent vertue. For these wordes of Samuell to Agag King of the Amalikites, haue beene verified vpon many others: As thy sword hath made other women childlesse: so shall thy mother be childlesse among other women. And that blood, which the same King Henry af∣firmed, that the cold aire of Scotland had frozen vp in the North, GOD hath diffused by the sunshine of his grace: form whence His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 now liuing, and long to liue, is descended. Of whome I may say it truely, That if all the malice of the world were infused into one eie: yet could it not dis∣cerne in His life, euen to this daie, any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of those foule spots, by which the Consciences of all the forenamed Princes (in effect) haue beene defiled; nor any droppe of that innocent blood on the sword of his iustice, with which the most that fore-went him, haue stayned both their hands and fame. And for this Crowne of England; it may truely be a vowed. That he hath re∣ceiued it euen form the hand of GOD, and hath stayed the time of putting it on, howsoeuer he were prouoked to hasten it: That Hee neuer tooke re∣uenge of any man, that sought to put him beside it: That Hee refused the assistance of Her enemies, that wore it long, with as great glory as euer Princesse did. That his Maiesty entred not by a breach, nor by blood; but by the Ordinary gate, which his owne right set open; and into which, by a generall loue and Obedience, Hee was receiued And howsoeuer His Ma∣iesties praeceding title to this Kingdome, was preferred by many Princes (witnesse the Treaty at Gambray in the yeare, 1559) yet hee neuer, plea∣sed to dispute it, during the life of that renowned Lady his Praedecessor; no, notwithstanding the iniury of not being declared Heire, in all the time of Her long raigne.

Neither ought wee to forget, or neglect our thankefullnesse to GOD for the vniting of the Northern partss of Brittany to the South, to wit of Scotland to England, which though they were seuered but by small brookes and bankes, yet by reason of the long continewed 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the cruelties ex∣crcised vpon each other, in the affection of the Nations, they were infinitly seuered. This I say is not the least of Gods blessings which His Maiesty bath brought with him vnto this Land: No, put all our petty greeuances together, and heap them vpto their hight, thy wil appeare but as a Mole-hil compared with the Mountaine of this concord. And if all the Historians since

then; haue acknowledged the vniting of the Red-Rose, and the White, for the greatest happinesse, (Christian Religion excepted) that euer this King∣dome receiued from GOD, certainely the peace betweene the two Lions of gold and gules, and the making them one, doth by many degrees exceed the former; for by it, besides the sparing of our british blood, heretofore and du∣ring the difference so often & aboundantly shed, the state of England is more assured, the Kingdome more inable to recouer her auntient honor and rights, and by it made more inuincible, than by all our former alliances, practices, po, licies and conquests. It is true that hereof we do not yet finde the effect. But had the Duke of Parma in the yeare 1588, ioyned the army which hee com∣manded, with that of Spaine, and landed it on the south coast; and had his Maiesty at the same time declared himselfe against vs in the north: it is ea∣sie to diuine what had become of the liberty of England, certainely we would then without murmur haue brought this vnion a farre greater praise than it hath since cost vs.

It is true, that there was neuer any Common weale or Kingdome in the world, wherein no man had cause to lament. Kings liue in the world and not aboue it. They are not infinit to examine euery mans cause, or to re leiue euery mans wants. And yet in the latter, (though to his owne preiu∣dice) His Maiestey hath had more compassion of othermens necessities, than* 1.9 of his owne Coffers. Of whome it may be said as of Salomon Dedit Deus Salomonilatitudinem Cordis: Which if other men doe not vnderstand with Pineda, to be ment by Liberality, but by Latitude of knowledge; yet may it bee better spoken of His Maiesty, than of any King that euer England had; who as well in Diuine, as Humane vnderstanding, hath exceeded all that fore-went him, by many degrees.

I could say much more of the Kings Maiestey, without flatterie: did I not feare the imputation of presumption, and withall suspect, that it might befall these papers of mine, (though the losse were little) as it did the Pic∣tures of Queene Elizabeth, made by vnskilfull and common Painters; which by her owne Commandement, were knockt in peeces and cast into the fire. For ill Artists, in setting out the beauty of the externall: and weake writers, in describing the vertues of the internall; doe often leaue to poste∣rity, of well formed faces a deformed memory; and of the most perfect and Princely minaes, a most defectiue repraesentation. It may suffice, and there needes no other discourse; if the honest Reader but compare the cruell and turbulent passages of our former Kings, and of other their Neighbour-Prin∣ces (of whome for that purpose I haue inserted this breife discourse) with His Maiesties temperate, revengelesse, and liberall disposition: I say, that if the honest Reader weigh them iustly, and with an euen hand: and withall but bestow euery deformed child on his true Parent; He shall find, that there is no man that hath so iust cause to complaine, as the King him-selfe hath.

Now as we haue told the successe of the trumperies and cruelties of our owne Kings, and other great personages: so we fiende, that GOD is euery where the same GOD. And as it pleased him to punish the vsurpation, and vnnaturall cruelty of Henry the first, and of our third Edward, in their Children for many generations: so dealt He with the sonnes of Loys Debonaire, the sonne of Charles the great, or Charlemaine. For after such time as Debonaire of France, had torne out the eies of Bernard his Nephew, the sonne of Pipen, the eldest sonne of Charlemaine, and heire of the Empire, and then caused him to die in prison, as did our Henry to Ro∣bert his eldest brother: there followed nothing but murder; vpon murders, poysoning, imprisonments, and ciuill warre; till the whole race of that fa∣mous Emperour was extinguished.

And though Debonaire, after he had rid himselfe of his Nephew by a violent death; and of his Bastard Brothers by a ciuill death (hauing in∣closed them with sure gard, all the daies of their liues, within a Monasterie) held him selfe secure from all opposition: Yet GOD raised vp against him (which hee suspected not) his owne sonnes, to vex him, to inuade him, to take him prisoner, and to depose him; his owne sonnes, with whome (to satisfie their ambition) hee had shared his estate, and giuen them Crownes to weare, and Kingdomes to gouerne, during his owne life. Yea his eldest sonne Lothaire (for hee had foure, three by his first wife, and one by his second; to wit, Lothaire, Pipen, Loys, and Charles) made it the cause of his deposition, That he had vsed violence towards his Brothers and Kinsmen; and that he had suffered his Nephew (whome* 1.10 hee might haue deliuered) to be slaine, eo quod, saith the Text, fratri∣bus et propinquis violentiam intulerit, et nepotem suum, quem ipse liberare poterat, interfici permiserit. Because he vsed violence to his Brothers and Kinsmen, and suffred his Nephew to be slain whom he might haue deliuered.

Yet did hee that which few Kings doe; namely, repent him of his cruel∣tie. For among many other things, which hee performe in the Generall Assemblie of-the States, it followes. Post haec autem palam se errasse cō∣fessus, & imitatus Impe ratoris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exemplum, paenitentiam* 1.11 spontaneam suscepit, tam de his, quam quae in Bernardum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nepotem gesserat. After this hee did openly confesse him-selfe to haue erred, and following the example of the Emperour Theodofius hee vnder-went voluntary penance, as well for his other offences, as for that which hee had done against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his owne Nephew.

This hee did: and it was praise-worthie. But the bloud that is vniustly spilt, is not againe gathered vp from the ground by repen∣tance. These Medicines, ministred to the dead, haue but dead rewards.

This King, as I haue said, had foure Sonnes. To Lot haire his eldest he gaue the Kingdome of Italy; as Charlemaine, his Father, had done to Pepin the Father of Bernard, who was to succeed him in the Empire. To Pepin the second sonne he gaue the Kingdome of Aquitaine: to Loys, the Kingdome of Bauier: and to Charles, whome hee had by a second wife, called Iudith, the remainder of the Kingdome of France. But this second wife, being a Mother-in-law to the rest, perswaded Debonaire to cast his sonne Pipen out of A 〈◊〉〈◊〉; thereby to greaten Charles: which, after the death of his sonne Pipen, he prosequted to effect, against his Grandchild bearing the same name. In the meane while, being inuaded by his sonne Loys of Bauier, he dies for greife.

Debonaire dead: Loys of Bauier, and Charles afterwards called the bald, and their Nephew Pipen of A quitaine, ioyne in league against the Emporour Lothaire their eldest Brother. They fight neare an Auxerre the most blody battle that euer was stroken in France: in which, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 losse of Nobility, and men of warre, gaue courage to the Sara∣cens to inuade Italie; to the Hunnes, to fall vpon Almaine; and the Danes, to enter vpon Normandy. Charles the Bald by treason seizeth upon his Nephew Pepin, kills him in a Cloyster, Carloman rebells against his Father Charles the Bald, the Father burnes out the eies of his sonne Carloman; Bauire inuades the Emperour Lothaire his Brother, Lothai∣re quits the Emperour, Hee is assailed and wounded to the heart by his owne conscience, for his rebellion against his Father, and for his other cruelties, and dies in a Monestarie. Charles the Bald the Vncle oppresseth his Ne∣phewes the sonnes of Lothaire, hee vsurpeth the Empire to the preiudice of Loys ef Bauire his elder Brother, Bauiers armies and his sonne Carlo∣man are beaten, hee dies of griefe, and the Vsurper Charles is poysoned by Zedechias a Iew his Phisitian, his sonne Loys le Beque dies of the same drinke Beque had Charles the simple, and two Bastards, Loys and Car∣loman, they rebell against their Brother, but the eldest breakes his Neck, the younger is slaine by a wild Bore; the sonne of Bauiere had the same ill destiny and brake his neck by a fall out of a Window in sporting with his companions Charles the grosse becomes Lord of all that the sonnes of Debonaire held in Germanie, where with not contented, hee inuades Charles the simple, but being for saken of his Nobility, of his wife, and of his vnderstanding, hee dies a distracted begger. Charles the simple is held in Wardship by Eudes Maior of the Pallace, then by Robert the Brother of Eudes, and lastly being taken by the Earle of Vermandois, hee is forced to die in the prison of Peron: Loyes the sonne of Charles the simple breakes his Neck in Chasing a Wolfe, and of the two sonne of this Loys, the one dies of poysou, the other dies in the prison of Orleans, after whome Hugh Capet, of ano∣ther race, and a stranger to the French, makes him-selfe King. 〈◊〉〈◊〉:

These miserable ends had the issues of Debonaire: who after hee had once apparrelled iniustice with authority, his sonnes and successours tooke vp the fashion; and wore that Garment so long without other prouision, as when the same was torne from their shouldiers, euery man despised them as misera∣ble and naked beggers. The wretched successe they had, (saith a learned French-man) shewes, què en ceste mort il y avoit plus du fait des hommes que de Dieu, ou de la iusticè: that in the death of that Prince, to wit of Bernard the sonne of Pepin, the true heire of Charlemaine, men had more medling, than either GOD, or Iustice had.

But to come nearer home; it is certaine that Francis the first, One of the worthiest Kings (except for that fact) that euer the French men had, did neuer enioy him-selfe; after hee had commended the destruction of the Protestants of Mirandol and Cabrieres, to the Parliament of Prouence, which poore people were there-vpon burnt, and murdered; men, woemen, and children. It is true, that the said King Francis repented him-selfe of the fact, and gaue Charge to Henry his sonne, to doe iustice vpon the Murderers; threatning his sonne with GOD Siudgmeuts, if he neglected it. But this vnseasonable care of his, GOD was not pleased to accept for payment. For after Henry him-selfe was slaine in sport by Mont∣gomery; we all may remember what became of his foure sonnes, Francis Charles, Henry, and Hercules. Of which although three of them became Kings, and were married to beautifull and vertuous Ladies: Yet were they, one after another, cast out of the world, without stock or seed. And not-with-standing their subtilty, and breach offaith; with all their Massa∣cres, vpon those of the religion, and great effusion of bloud; the Crowne was set on his head, whom they all laboured to dissolue; the Protestants remaine more in number than euer they were; and hold to this day more strong citties than euer they bad.

Let vs now see if GOD be not the same GOD in Spaine, as in Eng∣land and France. Towards whom we will looke no further backe than to Don Pedro of Castile: in respect of which Prince, all the Tyrants of Sicil, our Richard the third, and the great Euan Vasilowick of Moscouia, were but pettie ones: this Castilian, of all Christian and Heathen Kings, hauing beene the most mercilesse. For besides those of his owne bloud and Nobility which hee caused to be slaine in his owne Court and Chamber, as Sancho Ruis the grert Master of Calatraua, Ruis Gonsales, Alphonso Tello, and Don Iohn of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whom he cut in peeces and cast into the streets, denying him Christian buriall: I say besides these, and the slaughter of Gomes Manriques, Diego Peres, Alphonso Gomes, and the great commander of Castile; He made away the two Infants of Arragon his Cosen-germans, his brother Don Frederick, Don Iohn de la Cerde, Al∣buquergues, Nugnes de Guzmā, Cornel, Cabrera, Tenorio, Mendes

de Toledo, Guttiere his great Treasurer, and all his Kindred; and a world of others. Neither did he spare his two youngest brothers, innocent Prin∣ces: whom after hee had kept in close prison from their Cradles, till one of them had liued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares, and the other, foureteene; hee murdered them there. Nay hee spared not his Mother, nor his wife the Lady Blanch of Bourbon. Lastly as he caused the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Deane, to bee killed of purpose to enioy their treasures: so did he put to death Maho∣met* 1.12 Aben Alhamar King of Barbary, with seauen and thirty of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉; that came vnto him for succour, with a great summe of money, to leuy (by his fauour) some companies of souldiers to returne withall. Yea, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would needs assist the Hangman with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 owne hand, in the execution of the old King; inso much as Pope Vrban declared him an enemie both to GOD and Man. But what was his end? Hauing beene formerly beaten out of his Kingdome, and re-established by the valour of the English Na∣tion, led by the famous Duke of Lancaster: He was stabbed to death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his younger Brother the Earle of Astramara, who dispossest all his Children of their inheritance; which, but for the Fathers iniustice and cruelty, had ne∣uer beene in danger of any such thing.

If we can parallell any man with this King, it must bee Duke Iohn of Burgoigne: who, after his traiterous murder of the Duke of Orleans, caused the Constable of Armagnac, the Chancelour of France, the Bishops of Constance, Bayeux, Eureux, Senlis, Saintes, and other religious and reuerend Church-men, the Earle of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prè, Hector of Chartres, and (in effect) all the Officers of iustice, of the Chamber of Accompts, Treasurie, and Request, (with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hnndred others to accompany them) to bee sud∣denly and violently slaine. Hereby, while he hoped to gouerne, and to haue maistred France: He was soone after strucken with an axe in the face, in the presence of the Dauphin; and, without any leisure to repent his* 1.13 misdeeds, presently slaine. These were the Louers of other mens mise∣ries: and miserie found them out.

Now for the Kings of Spaine, which liued both with Henry the se∣uenth, Henry the eight, Queene Mary, and Queene Elizabeth; Fer∣dinand of Arragon was the first: and the first that layd the foundation of the present Austrian greatnesse. For this King did not content him-selfe to hold Arragon by the vsurpation of his Ancestor; and to fasten there∣vnto the Kingdome of Castile and Leon, which Isabel his wife held by strong hand, and his assistance, from her owne Neece the Daughter of the last Henry: but most cruelly and craftily, without all colour or pretence of right, Hee also cast his owne Neece out of the Kingdome of Nauarre; and, con∣trarie to faith, and the promise that hee made to restore it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the best places, and so wasted the rest, as there was no meanes left for any army to inuade it. This King I say, that betrayed also Ferdinand and Frederick

Kings of Naples, Princes of his owne bloud, and by double alliance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnto him; sold them to the French: and with the same Army, sent for their suc∣cour vnder Gonsaluo, cast them out; and shared their Kingdome with the French, whom afterwards he most shamefully betrayed.

This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and politique King, who sold Heauen and his owne Honour, to make his sonne, the Prince of Spaine, the greatest Monarch of the world: saw him die in the flower of his yeares; and his wife great with childe, with her vntimely birth, at once and together buried. His eldest daughter married vnto Don Alphonso Prince of Portugall, beheld her first husband breake his neck in her presence; and being with childe by her second, dyed with it. A iust iudgement of GOD vpon the race of Iohn, father to Alphonso, now wholly extinguished: who had not onely left many disconsolate Mothers in Portugall, by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their children; but had formerly slaine with his owne 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the sonne and onely comfort of his Aunt the Lady Beatrix, Duchesse of Viseo. The second Daughter of Ferdinand, married to the Arch-duke Philip, turned foole; and died mad and depriued. His third daughter, bestowed on King Henry the eight, He saw cast off by the King: the mother of many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in England; and the mother of a Daughter, that in her vnhappy zeale shed a world of innocent bloud; lost Callice to the French; and died heart-broken without increase. To conclude: all those Kingdomes of Ferdinand haue maisters of a new name; and, by a strange family are gouerned and possest.

Chatles the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sonne to the Arch-duke Philip, in whose vaine enter∣prises vpon the French, vpon the Almans, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other Princes and States, so many multitudes of Christian souldiers, and renowned Captaines, were consumed: who gaue the while a most perilous entrance to the Turkes, and suffered Rhodes, the Key of Christendome, to be taken; was in conclu∣sion chaced out of France, and in a sort out of Germany; and left to the French, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Toule, and Verdun, places belonging to the Empire; stole away from 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and scaled the Alpes by torch-light, pursued by Duke Maurice; hauing hoped to swallow vp all those dominions, wherein hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nothing saue his owne disgraces. And hauing, after the slaughter of so many Millions of men, no one foote of ground in eyther: Hee crept into a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and made himselfe a Pensioner of an hundred* 1.14 thousand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the yeare to his sonne Philip; from whom he very slow∣ly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his meane and ordinary maintenance.

His Sonne againe King Philip the second, not satisfied to hold Holland and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (wrested by his ancestors from Iaqueline their lawfull Prin∣cesse) and to possesse in peace many other Prouinces of the Nether∣lands: perswaded by that mischieuous Cardinall of Granuile, and other Romish Tyrants; not onely forgot the most remarkable serui∣ces, done to his Father the Emperour by the Nobilitie of those countries; not

onely forgot the present, made him vpon his entrie, of forty millions of Florens, called the Nouale aide; nor onely forgot, that hee had twice most solemnly sworne to the Generall States, to maintaine and preserue their aun∣cient* 1.15 rights, priuiledges, and customes, which they had enioyed vnder their thirty and fiue Earles before him, Conditionall Princes of those Prouin∣ces: but beginning first to constraine them, and enthrall them by the Spanish Inquisition, and then to impouerish them by many new deuised and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 impositions; Hee lastly, by strong hand and maine force, attempted to make him-selfe not onely an absolute Monarch ouer them, like vnto the Kings and Souer aignes of England and France; but Turke-like, to tread vnder his feet all their Nationall and fundamentall Lawes, Priuiledges, and ancient Rights. To effect which, after he had easily obtained from the Pope a Dispensation of his former Oathes (which Dispensation was the true cause of all the warre and bloudshed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then) and after he had tryed what hee could performe, by diuiding of their owne Nobilitie, vnder the gouern∣ment of his base 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Margaret of Austria, and the Cardinall Granuile; Hee employed that most mercilesse Spaniad Don Ferdinand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Toledo, Duke of Alua, followed with a powerfull army of strange Nations: by whom he first slaughtered that renowned Captaine the Earle of Egmont, Prince of Gauare; and Philip Montmorency Earle of Horn: made away Montigue, and the Marquis of Bergues; and cut off in those 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares (that Alua gouerned) of Gentlemen and others, eighteene thousand and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred, by the hands of the Hangman, besides all his other barba∣rous murders and massacres. By whose ministry when hee could not yet brings his affaires to their wished ends, hauing it in his hope to worke that by subtlety, which hee had failed to performe byforce: Hee sent for gouer∣nour his bastard brother Don Iohn of Austria; a Prince of great hope, and very gracious to those people. But hee, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same Papall aduantage that his predecessors had done: made no scruple to take Oath vpon the Holy Euangelists, to obserue the treaty made with the Generall States; and to discharge the Low Countries of all Spaniards, and other strangers, there∣in garrisond. Towards whose Pay and Pasport, the Netherlands strai∣ned them-selues to make payment of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred thousand pounds. Which monies receiued, He suddenly surprised the Citadells of Antwerp and Ne∣meures: not doubting (being vnsuspected by the States) to haue possest him-selfe of all the maistring places of those Prouinces. For whatsoeuer hee ouertly pretended: He held in secret a contrary councell with the Secre∣tary Escouedo, Rhodus, Barlemont, and others, Ministers of the Spanish tyranny; formerly practised, and now againe intended. But let vs now see the effect and end of this periurie, and of all other the Dukes cruelties. First, for him-selfe; after hee had murdered so many of the Nobilitie; executed (as aforesaid) eighteene thousand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred

in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares; and most cruelly slaine Man, Women, and Childe, in Mecklin, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Naerden, and other places: and after hee had consumed sixe and thirty millions of treasure in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares: notwithstanding his Spanish vant, That hee would suffocate the Hollanders in their owne butter-bar∣rells, and milke-tubbs: He departed the country no otherwise accompanied, than with the curse and detestation of the whole Nation; leauing his Mai∣sters affaires in a tenfold worse estate, than hee found them at his first arri∣uall. For Don 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whose haughty conceipt of him-selfe ouer-came the greatest difficulties; though his iudgement were ouer-weake to mannage the least: what wonders did his fearefull breach of faith bring forth, other than the King his brothers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and distrust; with the vntimely death that seized him, euen in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his youth. And for Escouedo his sharpe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Secretarie, who in his owne imagination had conquered for his Maister both England and the Netherlands; being sent into Spaine vpon some new proiect, He was at the first arriuall, and before any accesse to the King, by certaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appointed by Anthony Peres (though by better warrant than his) rudely murdered in his owne lodging. Lastly, if wee consider the King of Spaines carriage, his counsaile, and successe in this 〈◊〉〈◊〉; there is nothing left to the memory of man more remarkeable. For hee hath paid aboue an hundred Millions, and the liues of aboue foure hundred thousand Christians, for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all those countries; which, for beauty, gaue place to none; and for reuenue, did equall his VVest Indies: for the losse of a nation, which most willingly obeyed him; and who at this day, after forty yeares warre, are in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all his forces become free E∣state, and farre more rich and powerfull, than they were, when hee first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and oppresse them.

Oh by what plots, by what for swearings, betrayings, oppressions, impri∣sonments, tortures, poysonings, and vnder what reasons of State, and poli∣tique subteltie, haue these forenamed Kings, both strangers, and of our owne Nation, pulled the vengeance of GOD vpon them-selues, vpon theirs, and vpon their prudent ministers! and in the end haue brought those things to passe for their enemies, and seene an effect so directly contrary to all their owne counsailes and cruelties; as the one could neuer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hoped for them∣selues; and the other neuer haue succeeded; if no such opposition had euer beene made. GOD 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said it and performed it 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Perdam sapi∣entiam sapientum, I will destroy the wisdome of the wise.

But what of all this? and to what end doe we lay before the eyes of the li∣uing, the fal and fortunes of the dead: seeing the world is the same that it hath bin; & the children of the present time, wil still obey their parents? It is in the present time, that all the wits of the world are exercised. To hold the times we haue we hold all things lawfull: and either we hope to hold them for euer; or at least wee hope, that there is nothing after them to be hoped for.

For as wee are content to forget our owne experience, and to counterfeit the ignorance of our owne knowledge, in all things that concerne our selues; or perswade our selues, that GOD hath giuen vs letters patents to pursae all our irreligious affections, with a non obstante: so wee neither looke behinde vs what hath beene, nor before vs what shall be. It is true, that the quantitie which we haue, is of the body: wee are by it ioyned to the earth: wee are compounded of earth; and wee inhabit it. The Heauens are high, farre off and vnsearchable: we haue sense and feeling of corporall things; and of eternall grace, but by reuelation. No meruaile then that our thoughts are also earthlie: and it is lesse to be wondred at, that the words of worthlesse men cannot cleanse them; seeing their doctrine and in∣struction, whose vnderstanding the Holy Ghost vouchsafed to inhabite, haue not performed it. For as the Prophet Esai cryed out long agone, Lord, who hath beleeued our reports? And out of doubt, as Esai com∣plained then for him selfe and others: so are they lesse beleeued, euery day after other. For although Religion, and the truth thereof, be in euery mans mouth, yea in the discourse of euery woman, who for the greatest num∣ber are but Idols of vanitie: what is it other than an vniuersall dissimu∣lation?* 1.16 Wee professe that wee know GOD: but by workes wee deny him. For Beatitude doth not consist in the knowledge of diuine things, but in a diuine life: for the Diuells know them better than men. Beatitudo non est diuinorum cognitio, sed vita diuina. And certainly there is nothing more to be admired, and more to be lamented, than the priuate contention, the passionate dispute, the personall hatred, and the perpetuall warre, mas∣sacres, and murders, for Religion among Christians: the discourse where∣of hath so occupied the World, as it hath well neare driuen the practise there∣of out of the world. Who would not soone resolue, that tooke knowledge but of the religious disputations among men, and not of their liues which dispute, that there were no other thing in their desires, than the purchase of Heauen; and that the World it selfe were but vsed as it ought, and as an Inne or place, wherein to repose our selues in passing on towards our celestiall habitation? when on the contrary, besides the discourse and outward profes∣sion, the soule hath nothing but hypocrisie. We are all (in effect) become Comae∣dians in religion: and while we act in gesture and voice, diuine vertues, in all the course of our liues wee renounce our Persons, and the parts wee play. For Charitie, Iustice, and Truth, haue but their being in termes, like the Philosophers Materia prima.

Neither is it that wisdome, which Salomon defineth to be the Schoole∣Mistresse of the knowledge of God, that hath valuation in the world: it is enough that we giue it our good word; but the same which is altogether ex∣ercised in the seruice of the World, as the gathering of riches chiefly; by which we purchase and obtaine honour, with the many respects which attend it.

These indeed be the markes, which (when wee haue bent our consciences to the highest) wee all shoote at. For the obtaining whereof it is true, that the care is our owne; the care our owne in this life, the perill our owne in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and yet when wee haue gathered the greatest abundance, wee our selues enioy no more thereof, than so much as belongs to one man. For the rest; Hee that had the greatest wisdome, and the greatest abilitie that euer man had, hath told vs that this is the vse: VVhen goods increase* 1.17 (saith Salomon) they also increase that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them; and what good com∣meth to the Owners, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the beholding thereof with their eyes? As for those that deuour the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and follow vs in faire weather: they againe forsake vs in the first tempest of misfortune, and steere away before the Sea and Winde; leauing vs to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of our destinies. Of these, among a thousand examples, I will take but one out of Maister Dannet, and vse his owne words. VVhilest the Emperour Charles the fift, after the resig∣nation of his Estates, stayed at Vlushing for winde, to carry him his last iournie into Spaine; Hee conferred on a time with Seldius, his brother Fordinands Embassadour, till the deepe of the night. And when Seldius should depart: the Emperour calling for some of his seruants, and no bodie answering him (for those that attended vpon him, were some gone to their lodgings, and all the rest a sleepe) the Emperour tooke vp the candle him-selfe, and went before Seldius to light him downe the staires; and so did, notwithstanding all the re∣sistance that Seldius could make. And when Hee was come to the staires foot, He said thus vnto him: Seldius, remember this of Charles the Emperour, when hee shall be dead and gone, That Him, whom thou hast knowne in thy time enuironed with so many mighty Ar∣mies, and Guards of souldiors, thou hast also seene alone, abandoned, and forsaken, yea euen of his owne domesticall seruants, &c. I ac∣knowledge this change of Fortune to proceed from the mighty hand of GOD; which I will by no meanes goe about to withstand.

But you will say that there are some things else, and of greater regard than the former. The first, is the reuerend respect that is held of great men, and the Honour done vnto them by all sorts of people. And it is true indeed: prouided, that an inward loue for their iustice and piety, accompany the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worship giuen to their places and power; without which what is the ap∣plause of the Multitude, but as the outcrie of an Heard of Animals, who without the knowledge of any true cause, please themselues with the noyse they make? For seeing it is a thing exceeding rare, to distinguish Vertue and Fortune: the most impious (if prosperous) haue euer beene applauded; the most vertuous (if vnprosperous) haue euer beene despised. For as Fortunes man rides the Horse, so Fortune her-selfe rides the Man. Who, when hee is descended and on foote: the Man taken from his Beast, and

Fortune from the Man; a base groome beates the one, and a bitter contempt spurnes at the other, with equall libertie.

The second, is the greatning of our posterity, and the contemplation of their glory whom wee leaue behinde vs. Certainly, of those which conceiue that their soules departed take any comfort therein, it may truly be said of them, which Lactantius spake of certaine Heathen Philosophers, quod sapien∣tes sunt in re stulta. For when our spirits immortall shall be once seperate* 1.18 from our mortall bodies, and disposed by GOD: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remaineth in them no other ioy of their posteritie which succeed, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 doth of pride in that stone, which sleepeth in the Wall of a Kings Palace; nor any other sorrow for their pouertie, than there doth of shame in that, which beareth vp a Beg∣gars cotage. Nesciunt mortui, etiam sancti, quid agunt viui, etiam* 1.19 eorum filij, quia animae mortuorum rebus viuentium non intersunt. The dead though holy, know nothing of the liuing, no, not of their owne children: for the soules of those departed, are not conuersant with their affaires that remaine. And if wee doubt of Saint Augustine, wee cannot of Iob; who tels vs, That wee know not if our sonnes* 1.20 shall be honourable: neither shall we vnderstand concerning them, whether they shalbe of low degree. Which Ecclesiastes also confirmeth: Man walketh in a shadow, and disquieteth him-selfe in vaine: hee* 1.21 heapeth vp riches, and cannot tell who shall gather them. The li∣uing (saith hee) know that they shall die, but the dead know nothing at all: for who can shew vnto man, what shall be after him vnder the Sunne? Hee therefore accompteth it among the rest of worldly vanities, to labour and trauaile in the world; not knowing after death, whether a foole or a wise man should enioy the fruits thereof: which made mee (saith hee) endeauour euen to abhorre mine owne labour. And what can other men hope, whose blessed or sorrowfull estates after death GOD hath reser∣ued? mans knowledge lying but in his hope; seeing the Prophet Esai confes∣seth of the elect, That Abraham is ignorant of vs, and Israel knowes* 1.22 vs not. But hereof wee are assured, that the long and darke night of death: (of whose following day we shall neuer behold the dawne, till his returne that hath triumphed ouer it) shall couer vs ouer, till the world be no more. Af∣ter which, and when we shall againe receiue Organs glorified and incorrup∣tible, the seats of Angelicall affections: in so great admiration shall the soules of the blessed be exercised, as they cannot admit the mixture of any second or lesse ioy; nor any returne of foregone and mortall affection towards friends, kindred, or children. Of whom whether wee shall retaine any particular knowledge, or in any sort distinguish them: no man can assure vs; and the wisest men doubt. But on the contrary; If a diuine life retaine any of those faculties, which the soule exercised in a mortall body; wee shall not at that time so diuide the ioyes of Heauen, as to cast any part thereof on the memory

of their felicities which remaine in the World. No; be their estates grea∣ter than euer the World gaue, wee shall by the difference knowne vnto vs) euen detest their consideration. And whatsoeuer comfort shall remaine of all forepast, the same will consist in the charity, which we exercised liuing: and in that Pietie, Justice, and firme Faith, for which it pleased the infi∣nite mercy of GOD to accept of vs, and receiue vs. Shall wee therefore value honour and riches at nothing? and neglect them, as vnnecessary and vaine? Certainly no. For that infinite wisdome of GOD, which hath distinguished his Angells by degrees: which hath giuen greater and lesse light and beauty, to Heauenly bodies: which hath made differences be∣tweene beasts and birds: created the Eagle and the Flye, the Cedar and the Shrub: and among stones, giuen the fairest tincture to the Rubie, and the quickest light to the Diamond; hath also ordained Kings, Dukes or Leaders of the people, Magistrates, Judges, and other degrees among men. And as honour is left to posteritie, for a marke and ensigne of the vertue and vn∣derstanding of their Ancestors: so, seeing Siracides preferreth Death be∣fore* 1.23 Beggery: and that titles, without proportionable estates, fall vnder the miserable succour of other mens pitty; I accompt it foolishnesse to con∣demne such a care: Prouided, that worldly goods be well gotten, and that wee raise not our owne buildings out of other mens ruines. For as Plato* 1.24 doth first preferre the perfection of bodily health; secondly, the forme and beauty; and thirdly, Diuitias nulla fraude quaesitas: so Hieremie cryes, VVoe vnto them that erect their houses by vnrighteousnesse, and* 1.25 their chambers without equitie: and Esai the same, VVoe to those that spoyle and were not spoyled. And it was out of the true wisdome of Salomon, that hee commandeth vs, not to drinke the wine of vio∣lence;* 1.26 not to lie in wait for bloud; and not to swallow them vp aliue,* 1.27 whose riches we couet: for such are the wayes (saith hee) of euery one that is greedy of gaine.

And if wee could affoord our selues but so much leisure as to consider, That he which hath most in the world, hath, in respect of the world, nothing in it: and that he which hath the longest time lent him to liue in it, hath yet no proportion at all therein, setting it either by that which is past, when we were not, or by that time which is to come, in which we shall abide for euer: I say, if both, to wit, our proportion in the world, and our time in the world, differ not much from that which is nothing; it is not out of any excellency of vnderstanding, that wee so much prise the one, which hath (in effect) no be∣ing: and so much neglect the other, which hath no ending: coueting those mortall things of the world, as if our soules were therein immortall, and neg∣lecting those things which are immortall, as if our selues after the world were but mortall.

But let euery man value his owne wisdome, as hee pleaseth. Let the

Rich man thinke all fooles, that cannot equall his abundance; the Reuen∣ger esteeme all negligent, that haue not trodden downe their opposites; the Politician, all grosse, that cannot merchandize their faith: Yet when wee once come in sight of the Port of death, to which all windes driue vs; and when by letting fall that fatall Anchor, which can neuer be weighed againe, the Nauigation of this life takes end: Then it is I say, that our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cogi∣tations (those sad and seuere cogitations, formerly beaten from vs by our Health and Felicitie) returne againe, and pay vs to the vttermost for all the pleasing passages of our liues past. It is then that wee crie out to GOD, for mercie; then, when our selues can no longer exercise cruelty towards others: and it is onely then, that wee are strucken through the soule with this terrible sentence, That GOD will not be mockt. For if* 1.28 according to Saint Peter, The righteous scarcely be saued: and that* 1.29 GOD spared not his Angels: where shall those appeare, who, hauing serued their appetites all their liues, presume to thinke, that the seuere Com∣mandements of the All-powerfull GOD were giuen but in sport; and that the short breath, which wee draw when death presseth vs, if wee can but fashion it to the sound of Mercy (without any kinde of satisfaction or amends) is sufficient? O quam multi, saith areuerend Father, Cum hac spe ad aeternos labores & bella descendunt: I confesse that it is a great comfart to our friends, to haue it said, that we ended well: for we all desire (as Balaam did) to die the death of the righteous. But what shall wee call a disesteeming, an apposing, or (indeed) a mocking of GOD: if those men doe not appose him, disesteeme him, and mocke him, that thinke it enough for GOD, to aske him forgiuenesse at leisure, with the remainder and last drawing of a malicious breath? For what doe they otherwise, that die this kinde of well-dying, but say vnto GOD as followeth? Wee beseech thee O GOD, that all the falshoods, for swearings, and treacheries of our liues past, may be pleasing vnto thee; that thou 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for our sakes (that haue had no leisure to doe any thing for thine) change thy nature (though impos∣sible) and forget to be a iust GOD; that thou wilt loue iniuries and op∣pressions, call ambition wisdome, and charitie follisbnesse. For I shall pre∣iudice my sonne (which I am resolued not to doe) if I make restitution; and confesse my selfe to haue beene vniust, (which I am too proud to doe) if I deliuer the oppressed. Certainly, these wise worldlings haue either found 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a new GOD; or haue made One: and in all likelihood such a Leaden One, as Lewis the eleuenth ware in his Cappe; which, when he had caused any that he feared, or hated, to be killed, he would take it from his head and kisse it: beseeching it to pardon him this one euill act more, and it should be the last, which, (as at other times) hee did; when by the practise of a Cardinall and a falsified Sacrament, hee caused the Earle of Armagnack to be stabbed to death; mockeries indeed fit to be vsed towards a Leaden, but not towards the

euer-liuing GOD. But of this composition are all the deuout louers of the World, that they feare all that is durelesse and ridiculous: they feare the plots and practises of their opposites, and their very whisperings: they feare the opinions of men which beat but vpon shadowes: they flatter and forsake the prosperous and vnprosperous, be they friends or Kings: yea they diue vnder water, like Ducks, at euery pebble stone, that's but throwne towards them by a powerfull hand: and on the contrary, they shew an obstinate and Giant-like valour, against the terrible iudgements of the All-powerfull GOD: yea they shew themselues Gods against GOD, and slaues towards men; towards men whose bodies and consciences are alike rotten.

Now for the rest: If wee truly examine the difference of both conditions; to wit, of the rich and mighty, whom wee call fortunate; and of the poore and oppressed, whom wee account wretched: wee shall finde the happinesse of the one, and the miserable estate of the other, so tied by GOD to the ve∣ry instant, and both so subiect to enterchange (witnesse the sodaine downe∣fall of the greatest Princes, and the speody vprising of the meanest persons) as the one hath nothing so certaine, whereof to boast; nor the other so vn∣certaine, whereof to bewaile it selfe. For there is no man so assured of his honour, of his riches, health, or life; but that hee may be depriued of ei∣ther or all, the very next houre or day to come. Quid vesper vehat, in∣certum est, VVhat the euening will bring with it, it is vncertaine. And yet yee cannot tell (saith Saint Iames) what shalbe to morrow.* 1.30 To day hee is set vp; and to morrow hee shall not be found: for hee is turned into dust, and his purpose perisheth. And although the aire which compasseth aduersitie, be very obscure: yet therein wee better dis∣cerne GOD, than in that shining light which enuironeth worldly glorie; through which, for the clearenesse thereof, there is no vanitie which es∣capeth our sight. And let aduersitie seeme what it will; to happy men, ridiculous, who make them-selues merry at other mens misfortunes; and to those vnder the crosse, grieuous: yet this is true, That for all that is past, to the very instant, the portions remaining are equall to either. For be it that wee haue liued many yeares, and (according to Salomon) in them all wee haue reioyced; or be it that wee haue measured the same length of daies, and therein haue euer-more sorrowed: yet looking backe from our pre∣sent being, we finde both the one and the other, to wit, the ioy and the woe, sai∣led out of sight; and death, which doth pursue vs and hold vs in chace, from our infancie, hath gathered it. Quicquid aetatis retro est, mors te∣net: VVhat-so-euer of our age is past, death holds it. So as who∣so-euer hee be, to whom Fortune hath beene a seruant, and the Time a friend: let him but take the accompt of his memory (for wee haue no other keeper of our pleasures past) and truly examine what it hath re∣serued eyther of beauty and youth, or fore-gone delights; what it hath saued,

that it might last, of his dearest affections, or of what-euer else the amorous Spring-time gaue his thoughts of contentment, then vnualuable; and hee shall finde that all the art which his elder yeares haue, can draw no other vapour out of these dissolutions, than heauy, secret, and sad sighes. Hee shall finde nothing remaining, but those sorrowes, which grow vp after our fast-springing youth; ouer-take it, when it is at a stand; and ouer-top it vtterly, when it beginnes to wither: in so much as looking backe from the very instant time, and from our now being; the poore, diseased, and cap∣tiue creature, hath as little sence of all his former miseries and paines; as hee, that is most blest in common opinion, hath of his fore-passed pleasures and delights. For what-so-euer is cast behinde vs, is iust nothing: and what is to come, deceiptfull hope hath it. Omnia quae euentura sunt, in incerto iacent. Onely those few blacke Swannes I must except: who ha∣uing had the grace to value worldly vanities at no more than their owne price; doe, by retayning the comfortable memory of a well acted life, be∣hold death without dread, and the graue without feare; and embrace both, as necessary guides to endlesse glory.

For my selfe, this is my consolation, and all that I can offer to others, that the sorrowes of this life, are but of two sorts: whereof the one hath respect to GOD; the other, to the World. In the first wee complaine to GOD against our selues, for our offences against him; and confesse, Et tu iustus es in omnibus quae venerunt super nos, And thou O Lord art iust in all that hath befallen vs. In the second wee complaine to our selues against GOD: as if hee had done vs wrong, either in not giuing vs worldly goods and honours, answering our appetites: or for taking them againe from vs hauing had them; forgetting that humble and iust acknow∣ledgement of Iob, The Lord hath giuen, and the Lord hath taken. To the first of which Saint Paul hath promised blessednesse; to the second, death. And out of doubt hee is either a foole or vngratefull to GOD, or both, that doth not acknowledge, how meane so-euer his estate be, that the same is yet farre greater, than that which God oweth him: or doth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acknowledge, how sharpe so-euer his afflictions be, that the same are yet farre lesse, than those which are due vnto him. And if an Heathen wise man call the aduersities of the world but tributa viuendi, the tributes of liuing: a wise Christian man ought to know them, and beare them, but as the tributes of offending. He ought to beare them man-like, and resoluedly; & not as those whining souldiors doe, qui gementes sequuntur imperatorē,

For seeing God, who is the Author of all our tragedies, hath written out for vs, and appointed vs all the parts we are to play: and hath not, in their distribution, beene partiall to the most mighty Princes of the world; That gaue vnto Darius the part of the greatest Emperour, and the part of the most miserable begger, a begger begging water of an Enemie,

to quench the great drought of death; That appointed Baiazet to play the Gran Signior of the Turkes in the morning, and in the same day the Foot∣stoole of Tamerlane (both which parts Valerian had also plaid, being taken by Sapores) that made Bellisarius play the most victorious Captaine, and lastly the part of a blinde beggar; of which examples many thousands may be produced: why should other men, who are but as the least wormes, complaine of wrongs? Certainly there is no other account to be made of this ridiculous world, than to resolue, That the change of fortune on the great Theater, is but as the change of garments on the lesse. For when on the one and the other, euery man weares but his owne skin; the Players are all alike. Now if any man, out of weaknesse, prise the passages of this world otherwise (for saith Petrarch, Magni ingenij est reuocare mentem a sen∣sibus) it is by reason of that vnhappy fantasie of ours, which forgeth in the braines of Man all the miseries (the corpor all excepted) whereunto he is subiect: Therein it is, that Misfortune and Aduersitie worke all that they worke. For seeing Death, in the end of the Play, takes from all, whatsoeuer Fortune or Force takes from any one: it were a foolish madnesse in the ship∣wracke of worldly things, where all sinkes but the Sorrow, to saue it. That were, as Seneca saith, Fortunae succumbere, quod tristius est omni fato, to fall vnder Fortune, of all other the most miserable destinie.

But it is now time to sound a retrait; and to desire to be excused of this long pursuit: and withall, that the good intent, which hath moued me to draw the picture of time past (which wee call Historie) in so large a table, may also be accepted in place of a better reason.

The examples of diuine prouidence, euery where found (the first diuine Histories being nothing else but a continuation of such examples) haue per∣swaded me to fetch my beginning from the beginning of all things; to wit, Creation. For though these two glorious actions of the Almightie be so neare, and (as it were) linked together, that the one necessarily implyeth the other: Creation, inferring Prouidence: (for what father for saketh the childe that he hath begotten?) and Prouidence presupposing Creation) Yet many of those that haue seemed to excell in worldly wisedome, haue gone about to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this coherence; the Epicure denying both Creation and Prouidence, but granting that the world had a Beginning; the Aristotelian granting Proui∣dence, but denying both the Creation and the Beginning.

Now although this doctrine of Faith, touching the Creation in time (for by Faith we vnderstand, that the world was made by the word of God) be too weighty a worke for Aristotles rotten ground to beare vp, vpon which he hath (notwithstanding) founded the Defences & Fortresses of all his Verball Doctrine: Yet that the necessity of infinite power, and the worlds beginning, and the impossibility of the contrary euen in the iudgement of Naturall rea∣son, wherein hee beleeued, had not better informed him; it is greatly to be

maruailed at. And it is no lesse strange, that those men which are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of knowledge (seeing Aristotle hath failed in this maine point; and taught little other than termes in the rest) haue so retrencht their mindes from the following and ouertaking of truth, and so absolutely subiected them selues to the law of those Philosophicall principles; as all contrary kinde of teaching, in the search of causes, they haue condemned either for phantasticall, or curi∣ous. But doth it follow, that the positions of Heathen Philosophers, are vndoubted grounds and principles indeed, because so called? Or that ipsi dixerunt, doth make them to be such? certainely no. But this is true, That where naturall reason hath built any thing so strong against it selfe, as the same reason can hardly assaile it, much lesse batter it downe: the same in euery question of Nature, and finite power, may be approued for a fun∣damentall law of humane knowledge. For saith Charron in his booke of wisdome, Tout proposition humaine a autant d'authoritè quel' autre,* 1.31 sila raison n'on fait la difference; Euery humane proposition hath equall authoritie, if reason make not the difference, the rest being but the fables of principles. But hereof how shall the vpright and vnpartiall iudgement of man giue a sentence, where opposition and examination are not admitted to giue in euidence? And to this purpose it was well said of Lactantius, Sapientiam sibi adimunt, qui sine vllo iudicio inuenta* 1.32 maiorum probant, & ab alijs pecudum more ducuntur: They neg∣lect their owne wisdome, who without any iudgement approue the inuention of those that fore-went them; and suffer them-selues, after the manner of Beasts, to be led by them. By the aduantage of which slouth and dulnesse, ignorance is now become so powerfull a Tyrant: as it hath set true Philosophie, Phisick, and Diuinity, in a Pillory; and written ouer the first, Contra negantem Principia; ouer the second, Vertus speci∣fica; and ouer the third, Ecclesia Romana.

But for my selfe, I shall neuer be perswaded, that GOD hath shut vp all light of Learning within the lanthorne of Aristotles braines: or that it was euer said vnto him, as vnto Esdras, Accendam in Corde tuo Lu∣cernam intellectus: that GOD hath giuen inuention but to the Heathen; and that they onely haue invaded Nature, and found the strength and bot∣tome thereof; the same Nature hauing consumed all her store, and left no∣thing of price to after-ages. That these and these be the causes of these and these effects, Time hath taught vs; and not reason: and so hath experi∣ence, without Art. The Cheese-wife knoweth it as well as the Philoso∣pher, that sowre Rennet doth coagulate her milke into a curd. But if wee aske a reason of this cause, why the sowrenesse doth it? whereby it doth it? and the manner how? I thinke that there is nothing to be found in vulgar Philosophie, to satisfie this and many other like vulgar questions. But man to couer his ignorance in the least things, who cannot giue a true reason

for the Grasse vnder his feete, why it should be greene rather then red, or of any other colour; that could neuer yet discouer the way and reason of Natures working, in those which are farre lesse noble creatures than him∣selfe; who is farre more Noble than the Heauens them-selues: Man* 1.33 (saith Salomon) that can hardly discerne the things that are vpon the Earth, and with great labour finde out the things that are before vs; that hath so short a time in the world, as hee no sooner beginnes to learne, than to die; that hath in his memory but borrowed knowledge; in his vn∣derstanding, nothing truly; that is ignorant of the Essence of his owne soule, and which the wisest of the Naturalists (if Aristotle be hee) could neuer so much as define; but by the Action and effect, telling vs what it workes (which all men know as well as hee) but not what it is, which neither hee, nor any else, doth know, but GOD that created it; (for though I were perfect, yet I know not my soule, saith Iob.) Man J say, that is but an Idiot in the next cause of his owne life, and in the cause of all the actions of his life: will (notwithstanding) examine the Art of GOD in crea∣ting the World; of GOD, who (saith Iob) is so excellent as wee know* 1.34 him not; and examine the beginning of the worke, which had end before Man-kinde had a beginning of being. Hee will disable GODS power to make a world, without matter to make it of. He will rather giue the mothes of the Aire for a cause; cast the worke on necessity or chance; bestow the ho∣nour thereof on Nature; make two powers, the one to be the Author of the Matter, the other of the Forme; and lastly, for want of a worke-man, haue it Eternall: which latter opinion Aristotle, to make him-selfe the Au∣thor of a new Doctrine, brought into the World: and his Sectatours haue maintained it; parati ac coniurati, quos sequuntur, Philosophorum animis inuictis opiniones tueri. For Hermes, who liued at once with, or soone after, Moses, Zoroaster, Musaeus, Orpheus, Linus, Anaxi∣menes,* 1.35 Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Melissus, Pherecydes, Thales, Cle∣anthes, Pythagoras, Plato, and many others (whose opinions are exquisite∣ly gathered by Steuchius Eugubinus) found in the necessitie of inuincible reason, One eternal and infinite Being, to be the Parent of the vniuersall. Horum omnium sententia quamuis sit incerta, eodemtamen spectat, vt Prouidentiam vnam esse consentiant: siue enim Natura, siue Ae∣ther, siue Ratio, siue mens, siue fatalis necessitas, siue diuina Lex; idem esse quod a nobis dicitur Deus: All these mens opinions (saith Lactantius) though vncertaine, come to this; That they agree vpon one Prouidence; whether the same be Nature, or light, or Reason, or vnderstanding, or destinie, or diuine ordinance; that it is the same which we call GOD. Certainly, as all the Riuers in the world, though they haue diuersrisings, and diuers runnings; though they some times hide them-selues for a while vnder ground, and seeme to be lost in Sea-like

Lakes; doe at last finde, and fall into the great Ocean: so after all the sear∣ches that humaine capacitie hath; and after all Philosophicall contemplation and curiositie; in the necessitie of this infinite power, all the reason of man ends and dissolues it selfe.

As for others; and first touching those, which conceiue the matter of the World to haue been eternall, and that God did not create the World ex nihi∣lo, but ex materiâ praeexistente: the Supposition is so weake, as is hardly worth the answering. For (saith Eusebius) Mihi videntur qui hoc di∣cunt,* 1.36 fortunam quoque Deo annectere, They seeme vnto me, which affirme this, to giue part of the work to God, and part to Fortune: in∣somuch as if God had not found this first matter by chance; Hee had neither beene Author, nor Father, nor Creator, nor Lord of the Vniuersall. For were the Matter or Chaos, eternall: it then followes, That either this supposed Matter did fit it selfe to God; or God, accommodate himselfe to the matter. For the first; it is impossible, that things without sense could proportion themselues to the Workmans will. For the second; it were horrible to conceiue of God, That as an Artificer he applyed himselfe, according to the propor∣tion of Matter which he lighted vpon.

But let it be supposed, That this matter had beene made by any Power, not Omnipotent, and infinitely wise: I would gladly learne how it came to passe, that the same was proportionable to his intention, that was Omnipo∣tent and infinitely wise; and no more, nor no lesse, than serued to receiue the forme of the Vniuersall. For, had it wanted any thing of what was suffici∣ent; then must it be granted, That God created out of nothing so much of new matter, as serued to finish the worke of the World: Or had there beene more of this matter, than sufficed; then God did dissolue and annihilate whatsoeuer remained and was superfluous. And this must euery reasonable soule confesse, That it is the same worke of God alone, to create any thing out of nothing, And by the same art and power, and by none other, can those things, or any part of that eternall matter, be againe changed into No∣thing; by which those things, that once were nothing, obtained a beginning of being.

Againe, to say that this matter was the cause of it selfe; this, of all other, were the greatest idiotisme. For, if it were the cause of it selfe at any time; then there was also a time when it selfe was not: at which time of not being, it is easie enough to conceiue, that it could neither produce it selfe, nor anything else. For to be, and not to be, at once, is impossible. Nihil au∣têm seipsum praecedit, ne{que} seipsum componit corpus. There is no∣thing that doth praecede it selfe, neither doe bodies compound them∣selues.

For the rest; Those that faine this matter to be eternall, must of necessitie confesse, that Infinite cannot be separate from Eternitie. And then had infi∣nite

matter left no place for infinite forme, but that the first matter was finite, the forme which it receiued proues it. For conclusion of this part; who-so-euer will make choyce, rather to beleeue in eternall deformitie, or in eternall dead matter, than in eternall light and eternall life: let eternall death be his reward. For it is a madnesse of that kinde, as wanteth tearmes to expresse it. For what reason of man (whom the curse of presumption hath not stupified) hath doubted, That infinite power (of which wee can comprehend but a kind of shadow, quia comprehensio est intra terminos, qui infinito repugnant) hath any thing wanting in it selfe, either for mat∣ter or forme; yea for as many worlds (if such had beene GODS will) as the Sea hath sands? For where the power is without limitation; the worke hath no other limitation, than the workmans will. Yea Reason it selfe findes it more easie for infinite power, to deliuer from it selfe a finite world, without the helpe of matter prepared; than for a finite man, a foole and dust, to change the for me of matter made to his hands. They are Diony∣sius his words, Deus in vna existentia omnia praehabet: and againe, Esse omnium est ipsa Diuinitas, omne quod vides, & quod nō vides; to wit, causaliter, or in better tearmes, non tanquam forma, sed tan∣quam causa vniuersalis. Neither hath the world vniuersall closed vp all of GOD: For the most parts of his workes (saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉) are* 1.37 hid. Neither can the depth of his wisdome be opened, by the glorious worke of the world: which neuer brought to knowledge all it can; for then were his infinite power bounded, and made finite. And here of it comes; That we seldome entitle GOD the all-shewing, or the all-willing; but the all∣mighty, that is, infinitely able.

But now for those, who from that ground, That out of nothing no∣thing is made, inferre the Worlds eternity; and yet not so saluage therein, as those are, which giue an eternall being to dead matter: It is true, if the word (nothing) be taken in the affirmatiue; and the making, imposed vpon Naturall Agents and finite power; That out of nothing, nothing is made. But seeing their great Doctor Aristotle him-selfe confesseth, quod omnes antiqui decreuerunt quasi quoddam rerum principium, ipsum{que} infinitum, That all the ancient decree a kinde of beginning, and the same to be infinite: and a little after, more largely and plainely, Principium eius est nullum, sed ipsum omnium cernitur esle princi∣pium,* 1.38 ac omnia complecti ac regere: it is strange that this Philosopher, with his followers, should rather make choyce out of falshood, to conclude falsly; than out of truth, to resolue truly. For if wee compare the world Vniuersall, and all the vnmeasurable Orbes of Heauen, and those merueilous bodies of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, with ipsum infinitum: it may truly be said of them all, which him-selfe affirmeth of his imaginary Ma∣teria prima, That they are neither quid, quale, nor quantum; and there∣fore

to bring finite (which hath no proportion with infinite) out of infinite (qui destruit omnem proportionem) is no wonder in GODS power. And therefore Anaximander, Melissus, and Empedocles, call the world vniuersall, but particulam Vniuersitatis and infinitatis, a parcell of that which is the vniuersalitie and the infinitie it selfe; and Plato, but a shadow of GOD. But the other, to proue the worlds eternitie, vrgeth this Maxime, That, A sufficient and effectuall cause being granted, an answerable effect thereof is also granted: inferring, that GOD being for euer a sufficient and effectuall cause of the world, the effect of the cause should also haue beene for euer; to wit, the world vniuersall. But what a strange mockery is this in so great a Maister, to confesse a suf∣ficient and effectuall cause of the world, (to wit, an almighty GOD) in his Antecedent; and the same GOD to be a GOD restrained in his conclusion; to make GOD free in power, and bound in will; able to effect, vnable to determine; able to make all things, and yet vnable to make choyce of the time when? For this were impiously to resolue of GOD, as of naturall neces∣sitie; which hath neither choice, nor will, nor vnderstanding; which can∣not but worke matter being present; as fire, to burne things combustible.

Againe he thus disputeth, That euery Agent which can worke, and doth not worke: if it after-ward worke, it is either thereto moued by it selfe, or by some-what else; and so it passeth from power to Act. But GOD (saith he) is immouable, and is neither moued by him-selfe, nor by any other; but being alwaies the same, doth alwaies worke: Whence he concludeth, if the world were caused by GOD, that hee was for euer the cause thereof; and therefore eternall. The answer to this is very 〈◊〉〈◊〉, For that GODS performing in due time that, which hee euer determined at length to per∣forme, doth not argue any alteration or change, but rather constancie in him. For the same action of his will, which made the world for euer, did also with-hold the effect to the time ordained. To this answere, in it selfe sufficient, others adde further, that the patterne or Image of the World may be said to be eternall: which the Platonicks call, spiritualem mundum; and doe in this sort distinguish the Idaea and Creation in time. Spiritu∣alis ille mundus, mundi huius exemplar, primumque Dei opus, vita* 1.39 aequali est Architecto; fuit semper cum illo, erit que semper. Mun∣dus autem corporalis, quod secundum opus est Dei, decedit iam ab opifice ex parte vna, quia non fuit semper; retinet alteram, quia sit semper futurus. That representatiue, or the intentionall world (say they) the sampler of this visible world, the first worke of GOD, was aequally ancient with the Architect; for it was for euer with him, and euer shalbe. This materiall world, the second worke or creature of GOD, doth differ from the worker in this, That it was not from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and in this it doth agree, that it shall be for euer to come.

The first point, That it was not for euer, all Christians confesse: The other they vnderstand no other-wise, than that after the consummation of this World, there shall be a new Heauen and a new Earth; without any new creation of matter. But of these things wee need not here stand to argue: though such opinions be not vnworthy the propounding; in this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣tion, of an eternall and vnchangeable cause, producing a changeable and tem∣porall effect. Touching which point Proclus the Platonist disputeth, That the compounded essence of the World (and because compounded, there∣fore dissipable) is continued, and knit to the Diuine Being, by an indiuiduall and inseperable power, flowing from diuine vnitie; and that the Worlds naturall appetite of GOD sheweth, that the same proceedeth from a good∣nesse and vnderstanding diuine; and that this vertue, by which the World is continued and knit together, must be infinite, that it may infinitely and euerlastingly continue and preserue the same. Which infinite Vertue, the finite World (saith hee) is not capable of, but receiueth it from the diuine infinite, according to the temporall Nature it hath, successiuely euery mo∣ment by little and little; euen as the whole Materiall World is not alto∣gether: but the abolished parts are departed by small degrees, and the parts yet to come, doe by the same small degrees succeed; as the shadow of a tree in a Riuer, seemeth to haue continued the same a long time in the water, but it is perpetually renued, in the continuall ebbing and flowing thereof.

But to returne to them, which denying that euer the World had any begin∣ning, withall denie that euer it shall haue any end; and to this purpose affirme, That it was neuer heard, neuer read, neuer seene, no not by any reason per∣ceiued, that the Heauens haue euer suffered corruption; or that they appeare any way the Elder by continuance; or in any sort other-wise than they were; which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they beene subiect to finall corruption, some change would haue beene discerned in so long a time: To this it is answered, That the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 change as yet perceiued, doth rather proue their newnesse, and that they haue not continued so long; than that they will continue for euer as they are. And if coniectur all arguments may receiue answer by con∣iectures: it then seemeth that some alteration may be found. For either Aristotle, Plinie, Strabo, Beda, Aquinas, and others, were grossely* 1.40 mistaken: or else those parts of the world, lying within the burnt Zone, were not in elder times habitable, by reason of the Sunnes heat; neither* 1.41 were the Seas, vnder the Equinoctiall, nauigable. But wee know by* 1.42 experience, that those Regions, so 〈◊〉〈◊〉, are filled with people, and exceeding temperate; and the Sea, ouer which wee Nauigate, passable enough. Wee read also many Histories of deluges: and how that in the time of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, diuers places in the world were burnt vp, by the Sunnes violent heat.

But in a Word, this obseruation is exceeding feeble. For we know it for certaine, That stone-wals, of matter moldring and friable, haue stood two, or three thousand yeares: that many things haue beene digged vp out of the earth, of that depth, as supposed to haue beene buried by the generall floud; without any alteration either of substance or figure, yea it is beleiued, and it is very probable, that the gold which is daily found in Mynes, and Rockes, vnder ground, was created together with the Earth.

And if bodies elementary, and compounded, the eldest times haue not inuaded and corrupted: what great alteration should wee looke for in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and quintessentiall bodies? And yet wee haue reason to thinke, that the Sunne, by whose helpe all Creatures are generate, doth not in these latter Ages assist Nature, as here-to-fore. We haue nei∣ther Gyants, such as the eldest world had: nor mighty men, such as the elder world had; but all things in generall are reputed of lesse vertue, which from the Heauens receiue vertue. Whence, if the nature of a Preface would permit a larger discourse, wee might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fetch store of proofe; as that this world shall at length haue end, as that once it had beginning.

And I see no good answer that can bee made to this obiection: If the World were eternall; why not all things in the World Eternall? If there were no first, no cause, no Father, no Creator, no in∣comprehensible wisedome, but that euery Nature had beene a-like eternall; and Man more rationall than euery other Nature: Why had not the eternall reason of Man, prouided for his eternall being in the World? For if all were equall: why not equall conditions to all? why should heauenly bodies liue for euer; and the bodies of Men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and die?

Againe, who was it that appointed the Earth to keepe the center, and gaue Order that it should hang in the Aire: that the Sunne should trauaile betweene the Tropicks, and neuer exceed those bounds, nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to performe that Progresse once in euery yeare: the Moone to liue by bor∣rowed light: the first Starres (according to common opinion) to be fastned like Nailes in a Cart wheele; and the Planets to wander at their plea∣sure? Or if none of these had power ouer other: was it out of Charity and Loue, that the Sunne by his perpetuall trauaile within those two Circles, hath visited, giuen light vnto, and releiued all parts of the Earth, and the Creatures therein, by turnes and times? Out of doubt, if the Sunne haue of his owne accord kept this course in all eternitie: He may iustly be called eternall Charity, and euerlasting Loue. The same may be said of all the Stars: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being all of them most large and cleare fountaines of vertue and operation, may also be called eternall vertues: the Earth

may be called eternall patience; the Moone, an eternall borrower and begger; and Man of all other the most miserable, eternally mortall. And what were this, but to beleiue againe in the old Play of the gods? Yea in more gods by Millions, than euer Hefiodus dreampt of. But in steed of this mad follie, wee see it well enough with our feeble and mortall eyes: and the eyes of our reason discerne it better; That the Sunne, Moone, Starres, and the Earth, are limited, bounded, and constrained: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they haue not constrai∣ned, nor could. Omne determinatum causam habet aliquam effici∣entem, quae illud determinauerit, Euery thing bounded hath some efficient cause, by which it is bounded.

Now for Nature; As by the ambiguity of this name, the schoole of Aristotle hath both commended many errours vnto vs, and sought also thereby to obscure the glory of the high Moderator of all things, shining in the Creation, and in the gouerning of the World: so if the best definition be taken out of the second of Aristotles phisicks, or primo de Caelo, or out of the fifth of his Metaphysicks; I say that the best is but nominall, and ser∣uing onely to difference the beginning of Naturall motion, from Artificiall: which yet the Academicks open better, when they call it A Seminary strength, infused into matter by the Soule of the VVorld: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 giue the first place to Prouidence, the second to Fate, and but the third to Na∣ture. Prouidentia (by which they vnderstand GOD) dux & caput; Fatum, medium ex prouidentia prodiens; Natura postremum. But be it what hee will, or be it any of these (GOD excepted) or participating of all: yet that it hath choice or vnderstanding (both which are necessarily in the cause of all things) no man hath avowed. For this is vnanswerable of Lactantius, Is autem facit aliquid, qui aut voluntatem faciendi habet, aut scientiam; Hee onely can be said to be the doer of a thing, that hath either will or knowledge in the doing it.

But the will and science of Nature, are in these words truely exprest by Ficinus: Potest vbique Natura, vel per diuersa media, vel ex diuersis* 1.43 materijs, diuersa facere: sublata vero mediorum materiarumque di∣uersitate, vel vnicum vel similimum operatur, neque potest quan∣do adest materia non operari; It is the power of Nature by diuersity of meanes, or out of diuersity of matter, to produce diuers things: but taking away the diuersity of meanes, and the diuersity of matter, it then workes but one or the like worke; neither can it but worke, matter being present. Now if Nature made choice of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of matter, to worke all these variable workes of Heauen and Earth, it had then both vnderstanding and will; it had counsaile to beginne; reason to dispose; ver∣tue and knowledge to finish; and power to gouerne: without which, all things had beene but one and the same: all of the matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Heauen; or all of the matter of Earth. And if we grant Nature this will, and this vnderstanding,

this counsaile, reason, and power: Cur Natura potius quam Deus nomi∣netur? Why should wee then call such a cause rather Nature, than God?* 1.44 God, of whom all men haue notion, and giue the first and highest place to Diuine power: Omnes homines notionem deorum habent, omnes{que}* 1.45 summum locum diuino cuidam numini assignant. And this I say in short; that it is a true effect of true reason in man (were there no authority more binding than reason) to acknowledge and adore the first and most sub∣lime power. Vera Philosophia, est ascensus ab his quae fluunt, & ori∣untur, & occidunt, ad ea quae vere sunt, & semper eadem: True Phi∣losophy, is an ascending from the things which flow, and rise, and fall, to the things that are for euer the same.

For the rest, I do also account it not the meanest, but an impiety monstrous, to confound God and Nature: be it but in tearmes. For it is God, that only disposeth of all things according to his owne will; and maketh of one Earth, Vessels of honor and dishonor. It is Nature that can dispose of nothing, but according to the will of the matter wherein it worketh. It is God, that commandeth all: It is Nature that is obedient to all. It is God that doth good vnto all, knowing and louing the good hee doth: It is Nature, that seconda∣rily doth also good, but it neither knoweth nor loueth the good it doth. It is God, that hath all things in himselfe: Nature, nothing in it selfe. It is God, which is the Father, and hath begotten all things: It is Nature, which is begotten by all things; in which it liueth and laboureth; for by it selfe it existeth not. For shall we say, that it is out of affection to the earth, that hea∣uy things fall towards it? Shall wee call it Reason, which doth conduct euery Riuer into the salt Sea? Shall we tearme it knowledge in fire, that makes it to consume combustible matter? If it be Affection, Reason, and Knowledge in these: by the same Affection, Reason, and Knowledge it is, that Nature work∣eth. And therefore seeing all things worke as they doe, (call it by forme, by Nature, or by what you please) yet because they worke by an impulsion, which they cannot resist; or by a faculty, infused by the sepremest power: we are nei∣ther to wonder at, nor to worship, the faculty that worketh, nor the Creature wherein it worketh. But herein lyes the wonder: and to him is the worship due, who hath created such a Nature in things, and such a faculty, as neither knowing it selfe, the matter wherein it worketh, nor the vertue and power which it hath; doth yet worke all things to their last and vttermost perfe∣ction. And therefore euery reasonable man, taking to himselfe for a ground that which is granted by all Antiquity, and by all men truly learned that euer the world had; to wit; That there is a power infinit, and eternall (which also necessity doth proue vnto vs, without the helpe of Faith; and Reason, without the force of Authoritie) all things doe as easily follow which haue beene deliuered by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 letters, as the waters of a running Riuer doe suc∣cessiuely pursue each other from the first fountaines.

This much I say it is, that Reason it selfe hath taught vs: and this is the beginning of knowledge. Sapientia praecedit, Religio sequitur: quia* 1.46 prius est Deum scire, consequens colere; Sapience goes before, Religion followes: because it is first to know God, and then to worship 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This Sapi∣ence Plato calleth, absoluti boni scientiam, The science of the absolute good: and another, scientiam rerum primarum, sempiternarum, perpe∣tuarum.* 1.47 For Faith (saith I sidore) is not extorted by violence; but by rea∣son and examples perswaded: fides nequaquam vi extorquetur; sed ra∣tione & exemplis sua detur. I confesse it, That to enquire further, as of the essence of God, of his power, of his Art, and by what meane He created the world: Or of his secret iudgement, and the causes; is not an effect of Reason: Sed cum ratione insaniunt, but they grow mad with reason, that inquire after it: For as it is no shame nor dishonor (saith a French Author) de faire arrest au but qu'on nasceu surpasser, For a man to rest himselfe there, where he finds it impossible to passe on further: so whatsoeuer is beyond, and out of the reach of true reason, It acknowledgeth it to be so; as vnderstan∣ding it selfe not to be infinite, but according to the Name and Nature it hath,* 1.48 to be a Teacher, that best knowes the end of his own Art. For seeing both Rea∣son and Necessity teach vs (Reason, which is pars diuini spiritus in corpus humanū mersi) that the world was made by a power infinite; and yet how it was made, it cannot teach vs: and seeing the same Reason and Necessity make vs know, that the same infinit power is euery where in the world; and yet how euery where, it cannot informe vs: our beleefe hereof is not weakned, but greatly strengthened, by our ignorance; because it is the same Reason that tels vs, That such a Nature cannot be said to be God, that can be in all con∣ceiued by man.

I haue beene already ouer-long, to make any large discourse either of the parts of the following Story, or in mine owne excuse: especially in the excuse of this or that passage; seeing the whole is exceeding weake and defectiue. Among the grosest, the vnsutable diuision of the bookes, I could not know how to excuse, had I not beene directed to inlarge the building after the foun∣dation was laid, and the first part finished. All men know that there is no great Art in the diuiding euenly of those things, which are subiect to number and measure. For the rest, it sutes well enough with a great many Bookes of this age, which speake too much, and yet say little; Ipsi nobis furto subdu∣cimur, We are stollen away from our selues, setting a high price on all that is our owne. But hereof, though a late good Writer, make complaint, yet shall it not lay hold on me, because I beleeue as hee doth; that who so thinkes him∣selfe the wisest man, is but a poore and miserable ignorant. Those that are the best men of war, against all the vanities and fooleries of the World, doe alwaies keepe the strongest guards against themselues, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defend them from themselues, from selfe loue, selfe estimation, and selfe opinion.

Generally concerning the order of the worke, I haue onely taken counsaile from the Argument. For of the Assyrians, which after the downefall of Babel take vp the first part, and were the first great Kings of the World, there came little to the view of posteritie: some few enterprises, greater in fame than faith, of Ninus and Semiramis excepted.

It was the story of the Hebrewes, of all before the Olympiads, that ouercame the consuming disease of time; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it selfe, from the very cradle and beginning to this day: and yet not so entire, but that the large discourses thereof (to which in many Scriptures wee are referred) are no where found. The Fragments of other Stories, with the actions of those Kings and Princes which shot vp here and there in the same time, I am driuen to relate by way of digression: of which we may say with Virgil.

Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto; They appeare here and there floting in the great gulfe of time.

To the same first Ages doe belong the report of many Inuentions therein found, and from them deriued to vs; though most of the Authors Names, haue perished in so long a Nauigation. For those Ages had their Lawes; they had diuersity of Gouernment; they had Kingly rule; Nobilitie, Pollicie in warre; Nauigation; and all, or the most of needfull Trades. To speake therefore of these (seeing in a generall Historie we should haue left a great deale of Nakednesse, by their omission) it cannot properly be called a digression. True it is that I haue also made many others: which if they shall be layd to my charge, I must cast the fault into the great heape of hu∣mane error. For seeing wee digresse in all the wayes of our liues: yea, see∣ing the life of man is nothing else but digression; I may the better be excu∣sed, in writing their liues and actions. I am not altogether ignorant in the Lawes of Historie, and of the Kindes.

The same hath beene taught by many; but by no man better, and with greater breuity, than by that excellent learned Gentleman Sir Francis Ba∣con. Christian Lawes are also taught vs by the Prophets and Apostles; and euery day preacht vnto vs. But wee still make large digressions: yea the teachers themselues doe not (in all) keepe the path which they point out to others.

For the rest; after such time as the Persians had wrested 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Empire from the Chaldaeans, and had raised a great Monarchie, producing Acti∣ons of more importance then were else-where to be found: it was agreeable to the Order of Story, to attend this Empire; whilest it so florished, that the affaires of the nations adioyning had reference there-vnto. The like obseruance was to be vsed towards the fortunes of Greece, when they againe began to get ground vpon the Persians, as also towards the affaires of

Rome, when the Romans grew more mighty then the Greekes.

As for the Medes, the Macedonians, the Sicilians, the Carthaginians, and other Nations, who resisted the beginnings of the former Empires, and afterwards became but parts of their composition and enlargement: it seemed best to remember what was knowne of them from their seuer all beginnings, in such times and places, as they in their flourishing estates opposed those Monarchies; which in the end swallowed them vp. And herein I haue follow∣ed the best Geographers: who seldome giue names to those small brookes, whereof many, ioyned together, make great Riuers; till such time as they become vnited, and runne in a maine streame to the Ocean Sea. If the Phrase be weake, and the Stile not euery-where like it selfe: the first, shewes their legitimation and true Parent; the second will excuse it selfe vpon the Variety of Matter. For Virgil, who wrote his Eclogues, gracili auena, vsed stronger pipes, when he sounded the warres of Aeneas. It may also be layd to my charge that I vse diuers Hebrew words in my first booke, and else-where: in which language others may thinke, and I my-selfe acknow∣ledge it, that I am altogether ignorant: but it is true, that some of them I finde in Montanus; others in lattaine Carecter in S. Senensis, and of the rest I haue borrowed the interpretation of some of my learned friends. But say I had beene beholding to neyther, yet were it not to be wondred at, ha∣uing had a eleuen yeares leasure, to attaine the knowledge of that, or of any other tongue; How-soeuer, I know that it will be said by many, That I might haue beene more pleasing to the Reader, if I had written the Story of mine owne times; hauing beene permitted to draw water as neare the Well-head as another. To this I answere, that who-so-euer in writing a moderne Hi∣story, shall follow truth too neare the heeles, it may happily strike out his teeth. There is no Mistresse or Guide, that hath led her followers and ser∣uants into greater miseries. Hee that goes after her too farre off, looseth her sight, and looseth him-selfe: and hee that walkes after her at a midle di∣stance; I know not whether I should call that kinde of course Temper or Base∣nesse. It is true, that I neuer trauailed after mens opinions, when I might haue made the best vse of them: and I haue now too few dayes remaining, to imitate those, that eyther out of extreame ambition, or extreame cowardise, or both, do yet, (when death hath them on his shoulders) flatter the world, be∣tweene the bed and the graue. It is enough for me (being in that state I am) to write of the eldest times: wherein also why may it not be said, that in speaking of the past, I point at the present, and taxe the vices of those that are yet li∣uing, in their persons that are long since dead; and haue it laid to my charge? But this I cannot helpe, though innocent. And certainely if there be any, that finding themselues spotted like the Tigers of old time, shall finde fault with me for painting them ouer a new; they shall therein accuse themselues iustly, and me falsly.

For I protest before the Maiesty of GOD, That I malice no man vn∣der the Sunne. Impossible I know it is to please all: seeing few or none are so pleased with themselues, or so assured of themselues, by reason of their sub∣iection to their priuate passions; but that they seeme diuers persons in one and the same day. Seneca hath said it, and so doe I: Vnus mihi pro po∣pulo erat: and to the same effect Epicurus, Hoc ego non multis sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉; or (as it hath since lamentably fallen out) I may borrow the resolution of an ancient Philosopher, Satis est vnus, Satis est nullus. For it was for the seruice of that inestimable Prince Henry, the successiue hope, and one of the greatest of the Christian World, that I vndertooke this Worke. It pleased him to pervse some part thereof, and to pardon what was amisse. It is now left to the world without a Maister: from which all that is pre∣sented, hath receiued both blowes and thankes. Eadem probamus, eadem reprehendimus: hic exitus est omnis iudicij, in quo lis secundum plures datur. But these discourses are idle. I know that as the charitable will iudge charitably: so against those, qui gloriantur in malitia, my pre∣sent aduersity hath disarmed me. I am on the ground already; and therefore haue not farre to fall: and for rising againe, as in the Naturall priuation there is no recession to habit; so it is seldome seene in the priuation poli∣tique. I doe therefore for-beare to stile my Readers Gentle, Courteous, and Friendly, thereby to beg their good opinions, or to promise a second and third volume (which I also intend) if the first receiue grace and good ac∣ceptance. For that which is already done, may be thought enough; and too much: and it is certaine, let vs claw the Reader with neuer so many courteous phrases; yet shall wee euer-more be thought fooles, that write foo∣lishly. For conclusion; all the hope I haue lies in this, That I haue already found more vngentle and vncourteous Readers of my Loue towards them, and well-deseruing of them, than euer I shall doe againe. For had it beene otherwise, I should hardly haue had this leisure, to haue made my selfe a foole in print.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Daemonolog. l. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.2

  Eccl. c. 11. v. 7.
• * 1.3

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 â 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, & ama∣ri 3 malis 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de ira. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. c. 22.
• * 1.5

  Eccl. c. 11.
• * 1.6

  Nibil 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quam 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.7

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 19.
• * 1.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 secle∣ribus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sen: de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 comment. in Sal. 1. K 4.
• * 1.10

  Step. Pasquiere recher. l. 5. c. 1.
• * 1.11

  Pasq 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. of Spaine
• * 1.13

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. in Anno. 1418.
• * 1.14

  Nehter. Hist. l. 7. sol. 313:
• * 1.15

  Histo: of the Netherlands.
• * 1.16

  Paul to Titus Ch. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10.
• * 1.17

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. 10.
• * 1.18

  Lact. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sap 3. c. 19.
• * 1.19

  S. Aug 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.20

  Iob 1. 14. 21.
• * 1.21

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9. 5. & 1. 2.
• * 1.22

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 63. 16.
• * 1.23

  Sica. c. 40. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 28
• * 1.24

  Pla. de leg. 1. 2. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.25

  Ier. 22. 13.
• * 1.26

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 18. 12.
• * 1.27

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 23. 1. 3. 8. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9. 8.
• * 1.28

  Gala. 6. 7.
• * 1.29

  Pet. 1. 4.
• * 1.30

  Iam. 4. 14.
• * 1.31

  Charrou de Sagesse.
• * 1.32

  Lact. de orig: Erroris. l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.33

  Salomon 1. 9.
• * 1.34

  Iob 26.
• * 1.35

  Lact. 5.
• * 1.36

  Euseh: de prep. Euang. l. 7. c. 8.
• * 1.37

  Cap. 16. v. 211
• * 1.38

  Steuc. Eug. l. 3. c. 9. ex Arist: Phys. 3. 20.
• * 1.39

  Mor. Ficin. de immort. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 18. c. 1.
• * 1.40

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Met. 2. Plin. l. 2 c. 8. Strab. l. 3.
• * 1.41

  Beda de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tem. 11. c. 32.
• * 1.42

  Thom. 1. p. q. 102. art. 2.
• * 1.43

  Ficin: in Plat.
• * 1.44

  Lact. de ira Dei. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.45

  Arist. l. 1. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 3. T. 22.
• * 1.46

  Lact. l. 4. c. 4. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sapi∣entia.
• * 1.47

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de defin.
• * 1.48

  Quod est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & non secundum 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, non continetur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 scientia. Arist. poster.