The history of Polybius the Megalopolitan The fiue first bookes entire: with all the parcels of the subsequent bookes vnto the eighteenth, according to the Greeke originall. Also the manner of the Romane encamping, extracted from the discription of Polybius. Translated into English by Edward Grimeston, sergeant at armes.

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Title
The history of Polybius the Megalopolitan The fiue first bookes entire: with all the parcels of the subsequent bookes vnto the eighteenth, according to the Greeke originall. Also the manner of the Romane encamping, extracted from the discription of Polybius. Translated into English by Edward Grimeston, sergeant at armes.
Author
Polybius.
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London :: Printed by Nicholas Okes for Simon Waterson,
1633.
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Subject terms
History, Ancient -- Early works to 1800.
Greece -- History -- Early works to 1800.
Rome -- History -- Republic, 510-30 B.C. -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A09833.0001.001
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"The history of Polybius the Megalopolitan The fiue first bookes entire: with all the parcels of the subsequent bookes vnto the eighteenth, according to the Greeke originall. Also the manner of the Romane encamping, extracted from the discription of Polybius. Translated into English by Edward Grimeston, sergeant at armes." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A09833.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 13, 2024.

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Page 446

A PARCELL OF the Sixteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS. (Book 16)

Of the Battaile giuen at Sea betwixt Philip and King Attalus.

PHilip was much troubled, seeing many things succcede vnfortunately in his siege, and withall that the Enemies were in the Hauen with a good number of couered Vessells, neither could hee well resolue what to do. And when as the present oc∣casions depriued him of all meanes of choice, in the end hee weighed Anchor, and set Saile contrary vnto the Enemies Hope. For Attalus and his Company ex∣pected that he should grow obstinate at the Siege, considering the pre∣paration which he had of Engines of Battery. Philip made all haste to saile away, imagining that hee might get before them, and make a safe retreate vnto Samos along the shore: Yet hee was deceiued in his conceite. For when as Attalus and Theophiliscus saw that hee had weighed Anchor, they suddainly resolued and set Saile, obseruing no order,* 1.1 for that they conceiued that Philip would haue perseuered in his Enterprize. Yet they charge him making great speed with their Oares: So as Attalus fell vpon the right wing which got before, and Theophiliscus vpon the left.

Philip seeing himselfe thus pestred, and suddainly surprized, hee

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gaue the signe of the Battaile to them of the right wing, commanding them to turne their prowes against the Enemies, and to charge them resolutely: Then he retired to the smaller Ilands, which were in the mid-way with the lighter Vessels,* 1.2 expecting the end of the Battaile. The number of Ships of Warre which Philip had, were fifty three co∣uer'd Vessels, with a hundred and fifty Foists and Galleyes vncouered. In regard of the Vessels remaining at Samos, hee could not arme them. Those of the Enemies were in number threescore Vessels couered, with those of Constantinople: with the which there were nine Galliots and three Galleyes.

When as Attalus Ships began the fight, presently they that were neare, charge one another without command. Attalus fell vpon a Ves∣sell with eight Oares, crushing it in such sort as it tooke water: and when as they which were vpon the hatches, had defended themselues long, in the end hee sunke it. On the other side Philips Galley of ten Oares, which was the Admirall, was by chance taken by the Enemies: For when as a Galliot sayl'd against it, it bruised it much in the midst of the Bulke, ioyning vnto it behind at the poope, to the which it remain'd grapled, for that the Pylot could not stay its violence. So as when this Vessell stucke close vnto her, she was much hindred, nei∣ther could they gouerne nor turne her. In the meane time two Quin∣queremes charge her, and bruising her in two places, sinke her with the Souldiers. Among the which was Democrites, Captaine Generall at Sea for Philip. At the same instant Dionysodorus and Dynocrates bre∣thren (who were Commanders of the Army vnder Attalus) giuing a charge,* 1.3 found themselues in great danger in the fight: So as Dynocra∣tes gaue charge to a Vessel with seuen Oares, and Dionisodorus to one of eight. Dynocrates was broken aboue water, and that of the Enemy vnder the water, yet he could not free himselfe from them, although hee had often attempted it in sawing.

Wherefore when as the Macedonians defended themselues valiantly, he was in danger to be taken. But for that Attalus came to succour him, charging the Enemy, and parting the two ships which were grapled, Dynocrates saued himselfe by good fortune. In regard of the Enemies, they were all slaine fighting valiantly: so as the Vessell being destitute of Souldiers, was taken by Attalus. And when as Dionisodo∣rus sayl'd with great swiftnesse to fight, hee could not ouertake any, and passing through the Enemies he had the Pallisadoe on the right side disarmed, and the Beames broken which carried the Tower. This happening he was inuested round by the Enemy with great noise and cries. All the Marriners perisht with the Ship, and Dionisodorus swum away with two others vnto a Galliot which came to succour him. In regard of the other Vessels the danger was equall: For as the number of Philips Foists was greater, so was that of Attalus in couer'd Vessels. Finally, the Combat was so carried vpon Philips right Wing, as the Victory inclined to neither. It is true that Attalus was in better hope for the future.

The Rhodiens in the beginning of the party separated themselues

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from the Enemies, who hauing a great aduantage by the lightnesse of their Vessels, fought against the Macedonians making the Reare-ward. And when in the beginning they fell to flight, they carried away all their defences, charging them behinde and in poope. But when as Philips Vessels began to turne head altogether, giuing aide to those which were in danger, and that the Reare of the Rhodiens were ioy∣ned to Theophiliscus: then they charged with great fury, encouraging one another with great shouts and Trumpets. And if the Macedonians had not mingled their Foists among their couered Vessels, the Battaile had beene soone decided: for they tooke from the Rhodien ships all commodity in diuers sorts: For that when as by either side the order was broke, they were all mingled. Wherefore they could not easily enlarge themselues, nor turne their Vessels, nor assist themselues with those meanes whereof they were best prouided, for that the Foists did continually charge them, sometimes falling vpon the Pllisadoe, so as they could make no vse of their Rowers, and sometimes vpon the prow and poope, to depriue them of their Pylot and Oares. And when as they fought in a direct line, they inuented a stratagem: for abating the prowes they made their charge fruitlesse, breaking the Enemies Ves∣sels vnder water: To preuent the which they could finde no remedy. It is true, this happens seldome for that all auoided the encounter, for that the Macedonians fought valiantly hand to hand, and most common∣ly in passing they razed the Pallisadoe, making it vnprofitable. Then suddainly casting about, they assailed those that were in poope: and likewise giuing charge to those which shewed themselues vpon the flankes, or which turned aside, they brake some, and tooke the Equi∣page from others: so as fighting after this manner, they had sunke di∣uers of the Enemies Vessels.

There were three excellent Quinqueremes of the Rhodiens in dan∣ger: whereof the Admirall was one, in the which Theophiliscus com∣manded: Then that whereof Philostrates was Captaine, and the the third was gouerned by Antolice: in the which Nycostrates remained. It hap∣ned that shee gaue a charge to one of the Enemies Vessels, where she left her spurre, so as it sunke with the Souldiers: And Antolice's Com∣pany being inuested, for that they tooke water at the prowe, defended themselues valiantly: But Antolice being wounded fell into the Sea with his Armes and died, the rest fighting with great courage. At what time Theophiliscus comming to succour them with three Quinqueremes, he could not saue the ship being full of water

After that he had broken two of the Enemies Vessels, and cast the Souldiers into the Sea, hee lost the greatest part of his men fighting resolutely, for that he was suddainly inuested by many fregats and co∣uerd Vessels. It was hardly in his power to saue his ship, being woun∣ded in three places: for that hee had aduentured himselfe too boldly: But Philostrates came to succour him, vndertaking the apparent dan∣ger with great courage. But when hee was ioyned vnto these Vessels, he rechargeth the Enemy furiously againe: where he was seene weake of body by reason of his wounds, but much more excellent and con∣stant

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in courage then before. It happened that there were two Com∣bats at Sea very farre one from another: For Philips right Wing coa∣sting still along the shore, neuer abandoned the Coast of Asia, but the left Wing succouring the Reare-ward, had fought with the Rho∣diens, for that they were not farre from Chios. When as Attalus seemed to haue gloriously Vanquished Philips right Wing, and that hee approached neere vnto the Iland, where he Anchored, expecting the end and conclusion of the Battaile, he perceiued one of his Quin∣queremes in danger to be sunke by a shippe of the Enemles, and made hast to succour it with two other of his Quinqueremes. When as the E∣nemies shippes turned away to recouer Land, the more hee prest desiring to take it. The which Philip perceiuing, that Attalus stray∣ed too boldly and aduenturously from his Company, hee made hast being accompanied with foure Quinqueremes, three Gallotts, and the neerest Frigats, hoping hee should be able to take it, as it fortu∣nately happened; forcing him to get vnto the neerest shore in great distresse. Then leauing his Vessell there, hee fled on foote with the Sea men, to saue himselfe in Erythee.* 1.4 Wherefore Philip recouered the shp and the Kings plate.

They which were with Attalus in this great danger, bethought themselues of a pollicy in Warre, and set the richest of the Kings plate vpon the Hatches.* 1.5 Wherefore the first of the Macedonians approa∣ching with their Frigats, and seeing great store of plate with a purple Robe, and other rich furniture lying there, they gaue ouer the pur∣suite, and attended the spoile, so as Attalus retired vnto the Port of Erythree without any disturbance. And although that Philip were absolutely the weaker in this Battaile at Sea, yet he returned very am∣bitious and proud through Attalus mis-fortune, making great haste to come vnto his Company. Where after he had drawne and gathered together all his Vessells, he perswaded them to be of good Courage and Resolution, seeing hee had wonne the Battaile. And in trueth, such was the opinion of men, as if Attalus had beene dead in lying, seeing that Philip returned, bringing the royall Vessell prisoner.

Dyonisodorus considering what was become of the King, gathe∣red the Vessels together and sounded a rereate: after which he retired safely to the Porst of Asia.

At the same time the Macedonians, who fought against the Rho∣diens, hauing beene well beaten, they retired out of danger: For e∣uery ship got him away vnder colour to giue succours to those that were in danger and distresse. In regard of the Rhodiens they retired to the Port of Chios, hauing taken some of the shippes, and broken patt of their spurs.* 1.6 There was sunke in this Battaile at Sea which Philip had against Attalus, the Gallies of ten Oares, nine Oares, seauen Oares, and sixe Oares, and moreouer ten Vessells couered, three Galliots, and fiue and twenty Foists, withall the Marriners. And in that which was against the Rhodiens, ten couered Vessells, and forty Foists: and there were two Quadriremes, and seauen Foists taken with the Mar∣riners. In regard of that of Attalus, one Galliot with two Quinqueremes

Page 450

were sunke, with the royall Skiffe. And of the Rhodiens two Quin∣queremes and Galleyes, but there was nothing taken. As for the losse of men, there died three score Rhodiens, and about three score and ten of Attalus men, and of the Macedonians vnder Philip, to the number of three thousand, and aboue sixe thousand Marriners: and there were taken aliue, as well Allies as Macedonians two thousand, and seuen hundred Egyptians. Such was the end of the Battaile at Sea neare vnto Chios.

Philip attributed the Victory vnto himselfe for two principall cau∣ses:* 1.7 First for that hee had forced Attalus to flye to Land, and had ta∣ken the royall Vessell: the other for that hee anchored in the place which they call Argennon, among the Enemies, wrackes, and that the next Day hee carryed himselfe as a Conquerour, gathering toge∣ther the Reliques of the fight, and drawing together the Bodies of such as might be knowne, to the end hee might confirme this Opini∣on. But the Rhodiens with Dyonisodrus made him soone after con∣fesse that it was not true, so as hee did not hold himselfe to haue had the Victory: For the next day the King being busied about these things, they set sayle against him, the one being aduertised of the o∣ther: and when (after they had put their ships in Front) no man durst present himselfe, they retired to Chios.

But Philip who had neuer before at one time lost so many men, nor such, carryed his misfortune impatiently, and was in a manner desperate, although hee laboured by all meanes to hide his conceite, matters seeming vnsupportable: for besides many other occasions, the misfortunes which happened after the Battaile, had put all those that were present in feare. Beleeue mee, that after so great a slaughter of men, all the Countrey where the Combate was fought, was full of Carkases, blood, Armes, and the wrackes of Ships. And the daies following you might haue seene the shoare full of all these things eaped together. So as it was not onely displeasing vnto him, but to all the Macedonians.

In regard of Theophiliscus, hauing suruiued a day, and written into the Countrey of the successe of the Combate at Sea, and had appoin∣ted Cleoneus to command the Army in his place, hee dyed of the wounds hee had receiued:* 1.8 who had shewed himselfe a valiant man in danger, and who by the prouidence of his Councell, was worthy to haue his Name preserued in memory. For if hee had not giuen aduice to follow Philip, all the rest had neglected the opportunity of the Victory, being amazed at his courage: so as in beginning of the fight hee forced his Citizens to follow the occasions of the time. Hee likewise perswaded Attalus not to temporize, nor to waste time in the preparation of things concerning the Warre: But contrari∣wise to fight valiantly, and to vndergoe the present danger. Where∣fore the Rhodiens haue with good reason, after his death done him such honours, as the liuing and those that were present were not onely incited to fight valiantly for their Countrey, but also the posterity.

What doe wee then see in this violence? No other thing but

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Nature. It oftentimes falls out that many vpon a bare shew of hope, desire impossible things, vanquishing euery mans hope with their co∣uetousnesse: and when they haue once begun, they cannot diuert their fancies: for that they haue their vnderstanding blinded and deceiued with the impossibility of their attempts, and the discontent of the acci∣dents. When as Philip had in vaine giuen some assaul to a small Towne, for that it was well fortified, hee retired, after he had rui∣ned some places with the whole Countrey.

Being gone from thence, he planted his Campe about Prinasse,* 1.9 and besieged it by myning. Where when he lost his time, for that the place was stony, he vsed this inuention: hee causeth a great noise to be made by day in the Mynes, as if he laboured to ouerthrow the Walls, causing in the night great store of earth to be brought and to be laid at the entry of the Mynes, to the end he might terrifie the Inhabitants by a view of so great a digging in the ground. It is true that at the first the Pri∣nasseins were constant and couragious: but when as Philip had signifi∣ed vnto them that their Wall was vndermined the length of the third part of a Furlong, and had demanded of them if they would deliuer the City and saue their liues, or perish with it, the foundations be∣ing burnt, then giuing credit vnto his words, they presently deli∣uered it.

A Parcell of the City of the Iasseens.

THe City of the Iasseens is scituated in Asia vpon the Gulfe ioyning to Neptune of Milesia,* 1.10 and called of the Myndiens. According to the aduice of many, it takes its name from the Cities of the Vargylietes, which are built vpon the backe part. They say that in the begin∣ning they were peopled by Argines: and that after∣wards the Milesiens predecessors being brought in, and the Children of Neleus, they built the City of Myletum,* 1.11 after their defeate in the Warres of Carya. This City hath ten Furlongs in circuite. The com∣mon bruite is, and they beleeue it among the Vargylietes,* 1.12 that although the statue of Diana Cindiades be vncouered, yet it endures no fogs nor raine, like vnto that of Vesta among the Iasseens: the which some Histo∣riographers haue auerr'd. For my part, I know not how I contradict and blame boldly in all this treaty this aduice of Historiographers. In truth they seeme to mee wholy to fauour of their Childishnesse, who

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without consideration comprehend not onely idle and sottish things, but those which are impossible. For if any one should say that some body may bee so illuminated and transparent, as he shall make no sha∣dow, this would shew a transported Iudgement, as Theopompus hath done, saying that they which enter into the Temple of Iupiter in Ar∣cadia, make no shadow. Whereunto that is conformable which is now spoken. Wherefore wee must pardon some Historiographers in all things which preserue the deuotion of the people towards the Gods, who relate monstrous things, but in that which exceeds this course, they are not to be pardoned. Peraduenture in euery thing there is a different quality to describe them, yea, sometimes impossible: where∣fore we must pardon if any one through ignorance doth stray a little from the truth: and according to my iudgement reproue all that which exceeds reason.

A Parcell of Publius Scipio.

PVblius Scipio being soone after returned from Affricke When as the expectation of the people was conformable to the greatnesse of his actions, it fell out that they con∣ceiued a great loue and affection towards him: The which was not without cause. For whereas they feared neuer to chase Hannibal out of Italy, nor to free themselues nor their Allies from the eminent danger: they seemed then certainly not onely to bee deliuered from all feare and misery, but also to domineere ouer their Enemies: wherefore they were confounded with ioy. When he tri∣umphed▪ being moreouer by the effects of things which were brought in, aduertised of the precedent dangers, they were toucht with an ex∣ceeding loue as well to the Gods, as to the Author of so great an alte∣ration.

Syphax King of the Masaisylins was led in triumph through the Ci∣ty with the other Prisoners,* 1.13 who soone after died in Prison. These things thus perfromed, the Romans made continuall Combats for ma∣ny Dayes, and celebrated Feasts in their assemblies, hauing where∣withall to satisfie it by the liberality and bounty of Scipio. Many at∣tempt great Warres brauely, and striue with a certaine vehemency to augment a Common-wealth: But it is a rare thing to bring them to the propounded end, and to accomplish by reason and industry, if For∣tune sometime opposeth that which wants courage and speedy action. Wherefore some may with reason blame the sloth of Attalus and of

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the Rhodiens, in commending the royall courage of Philip, and his constancy in his enterprize: not that his conceite is alwayes worthy of Commendation but so farre as it concernes his present Enterprize and attempt. I propound this distinction to the end no man should suspect vs of contradiction: for that (as we haue heretofore) commended and blamed Philip, so now I doe the contrary. They must vnderstand that in the beginning of this Worke I haue so made my distinction, saying that it was necessary sometimes to commend and blame the same persons,* 1.14 for that moments and euents of things doe many times change the hearts of men, when they incline to better or worse. It happens likewise sometimes, that men by Nature indeauour things which are reasonable, and sometimes the contrary: whereof in my Opinion the one happened now to Philip. When hee was inflamed for the prece∣dent losses, shewing more choller and rage then reason, hee accom∣modated himselfe to the present occasions, with a constant and admi∣rable courage, and hath by this course enioyed those things which fol∣lowed, in aduancing himselfe against the Rhodiens and Attalus. I thought good to deliuer this, for that some giue ouer their enterpri∣zes in leauing their first heate, like vnto bad and lazy runners: Some likewise vanquish their Enemies in this onely, that they are constant in their enterprizes.

Of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes Maritine and opposite.

I Hold it lost time to vse any long discourse of the commo∣dities of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes: for that matters of small moment are knowne to all, by reason of the ordi∣nary frequenting of the places: yet I doe not thinke for the present that a summary aduertisment to the Reader, would bee vnprofitable in regard of them. You must vnderstand that the things which are now to be spoken of the sayd Cities) are not so much drawne from their scituation, as from their opposition and confe∣rence. Whereas the Nauigation of the Sea, which some call by the name of Ocean, others Attlantique, is not passable, but at the streights which are at the Pillars of Hercules: Neither can they in our Sea, in the Propontis and Pontus, vnlesse it be made by the streight betwixt Aby∣dos and Sestes.* 1.15 As Fortune hath prepared two Gulfes with some rea∣son, it falls out that the streight of the Pillars of Hercules is broader then that of Hellesponte: For it is of three score Furlongs, and that of Abydos onely of two. The which wee may coniecture hath beene

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made for a greater spaciousnesse of the exteriour Sea,* 1.16 then ours. That of Abydos is more commodious then that of the Pillars of Her∣cules. For the first is inhabited on either side, and in manner of a Port, for the mutuall communication of Traffique, and hath in some place a Bridge for those which passe on foote from one firme land to another. They also salie continually on the other side. In regard of that of the Pillars of Hercules, it is little frequented, for that the people which inhabite some in Affricke, some in Europe, haue little commerce to∣gether: and this exteriour Sea is little frequented and tryed. The City of the Abydeins* 1.17 is environed on either side with the farthest bounds of Europe: hauing a Port from whence Sailors with what wind soeuer, may be seene. But it is not possible for any man to come vnto the City, being without this ingulfement of the Sea to the Port, by reason of the swiftnesse and vehemence of the current.

Another Parcell of Philip of Macedon.

YEt when as Philip had fortified one part with Pallisa∣does,* 1.18 and cast a Ditch about the other, he besieged the Abydeins by Sea and Land. In regard of the meanes of their defence, it was not admirable, neither for the greatnesse of the preparation, nor for the diuersity of in∣uentions, which are declared in the same worke, by the which the besiegers and besieged doe vsually practise and surprize one another by policies: But for the good directions and vallour of the be∣sieged, it is worthy of memory, if euer any were, and which ought to come vnto posterity. In the beginning the Inhabitants of Abydos rely∣ing in themselues, maintained the attempts of Philip valiantly: and as for his Engines set vp at Sea, they brake some with casting of Stones, and they burnt others: so as the Enemies could hardly saue their Ves∣sels from this danger: In regard of those at Land, for time they made a valiant resistance, neuer despairing to obtaine the Victory against their Enemies. But when as the Fort which stood without the Wall had beene ouerthrowne by Mynes, and that the Macedonians were after∣wards come vnto the Wall which they had built within, in the end they sent Iphias and Pantacnote in Embassie, to yeeld the City vnto Philip, but vpon condition that hee should suffer the Souldiers of the Rhodiens and Attalus to depart, and their Bodies free, to saue themselues where they thought good with their Apparrell. And when as

Page 455

Philip had giuen them charge to submit themselues vnto his will, or to fight it our brauely, the Embassadours retired.* 1.19 This being heard, the Abydeins assemble the people, and consult in despaire of their necessities. First of all they decree to giue liberty to their Slaues, to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat: And consequently drawe all their Wiues into Diana's Temple: and the Children with their Nurses into the Schooles, and finally their Gold and Siluer into the Market place, and the richest apparrell into the Rhodiens Galley, and that of the Cyziceneins.

When they had decreed these things, and had with one accord ex∣ecuted the resolution, they make another assembly, choosing fifty of the most ancient, and men of credite, being strong and able to ex∣ecute the decree, and make them sweare in the presence of all the Ci∣tizens, that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy, they should then kill their Wiues and Children, and set fire of the sayd Galleyes, casting (according to their Oath) the Gold and Siluer into the Sea. Finally, they call their Prelates, who coniure them all to van∣quish their Enemies, or to dye fighting for their Countrey. This done, after they had sacrificed, they force their Prelates, and their Wiues to make execrations vpon the Sacrifices of the said things. These things thus confirmed, they did not countermine aginst the E∣nemies Mynes, resoluing that if the Wall sell, they would stand vp∣on the ruines, fighting to the death. Wherefore some one may with reason say, that the folly of the Phocenses and the ioy of the Acarna∣nians, hath beene vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins. The Phocenses seeme to haue decreed the like for their Kinsfolkes, although they were not wholly in despaire of the Victory, for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians.

The Acarnanians fore-seeing the attempts of the Etoliens, resolued the same in their eminent danger, whereof wee haue formerly spoken in particular. The Abydeins being shut vp, and in a manner despe∣rate of their safety, desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wiues and Children, then liuing to deliuer them into their Enemies hands. For which reason wee may blame For∣tune for the ruine of the Abydeins: Seeing that hauing compassion of the calamities of the former, shee hath suddainly relieued them▪ yeelding vnto the desperate hope and safety: whereas contrariwise shee hath beene incensed against the Abydeins. The men were slaine and the City taken: their Children with their Wiues fell into their Enemies hands: For after the fall of the Wall, planting them∣selues vpon the ruines, according to their Oath, they fought with such great courage, as when as Philip had sent supplies vnto the Macedonians at the assault vntill Night, hee was in the end forced to take breath, and to despaire of his attempt. The Abydeins did not onely fight with great confidence, standing vpon the dead bodies in danger, and with resolution with their Swords and Iauelings: But ha∣uing no meanes to vse them, they cast themselues with fury vpon the Ma∣cedonians, ouerthrowing some with their armes, charging others alwaies

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with the stockes of their broken Iauelings: and repulsing them, thrust∣ing directly at their Faces and other naked parts.* 1.20 Night being come, and the Combat ceasing, Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient, changed (for the hope of their priuate safeties) that seuere and noble vow of the Citizens, in regard of the great number that had beene slaine at the Wall, and for that the rest were weakned with toile and wounds. Wherefore they resolued to abandon their Wiues and Children to Captiuity, and at the breake of day to send their Priests and Wiues, with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip, to the end that intreating him vpon their knees, they might deliuer him the City.

At the same time King Attalus being aduertised of the Siege of the Abydeins, sailes by the Egean Sea to Tenedos. In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman, came by Sea to Abydos. For when the Romans had beene truely aduertised of the Siege of Abydos, and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge, and to vnderstand the cause why hee assailed the Kings,* 1.21 they sent this Emilius vnto him. Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos, he let him vnderstand that the Senate admonished him, not to make Warre against any Gre∣cians, nor to meddle with the affaires of Ptolomy: And whereas hee had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus, he should make a pro∣mise to giue them satisfaction: in doing which hee should remaine in peace, but if he would not obey, he should prepare to haue Warre with the Romans. When as Philip laboured to let him vnderstand that the Rhodiens had beene the first Assailants, Marcus interrupting him said; What haue the Athenians? Cianeins, and Abydeins done? which of them hath first assailed you? The King studying what to answere to these three demands,* 1.22 told him that hee pardoned his arrogancy in words, for that first he was young and without experience: Secondly, that he was the best man amongst them, as in truth he was. The Ro∣mans (sayd he) haue no reason to breake the Accords, nor to make Warre against mee: but if they did, he would defend his owne valiant∣ly and inuocate the Gods for aide. This Speech being ended, they parted one from the other.

Philip hauing gotten the City of the Abeydeins, he presently tooke all the Goods which had beene carryed away by them.* 1.23 When he saw the people and their fury, who slew, burnt, and strangled themselues, their Wiues, and Children, casting them into Wells, and hanging them in their houses, hee was amazed: And being discontented at that which was done, he let them know that he gaue them three dayes re∣spite that would hang or kill themselues. But the Abydeins preuen∣ting him (according to their first resolution) could not suffer any one of those to liue, which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of ne∣cessity, holding themselues in not doing it, for Traytors towards those which had fought, and were dead for their Countrey. All the rest without delay dyed according to their Races.

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Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins.

ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities, and that they might come to Tegee by one way, hee wrote Letters to all the Cities, and sends them to those which were farthest off, and diuides them in such sort, as euery City had not onely those which were directed vnto it,* 1.24 but also those for other Cities lying vpon the same way. Hee hath written to the Magistrates in these termes: When you shall haue receiued these Letters, vse all diligence, that such as are able to beare Armes, may assemble in the Market place, euery man furnished with fiue Dayes victuals, and seuenteene Sous, and sixeteene Deniers in Money. And when they shall be all assembled, lead them to the next City: where being arriued, deliuer the Letters to the Magistrate, and performe the contents. In the which was contained the charge which had bin giuen to the former, only the name was al∣tred, but he place was not named whither the Voyage was intended.

This course being continued, no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made, nor whither they went out of the next Ci∣ty. All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on. But for that the Cities which were beyond, had not an equall distance from Tegee, hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time, but particularly according to their order: so as vnknowne to the Inha∣bitants, and to those which arriued, what should succeed, all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates. Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement, by a Military stratagem, for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had. The which the Tyrant had. The same day that the multitude of the A∣cheins should assemble, hee sent choise men, who in the Night should passe the Selasia: and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon. But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them, he giues them charge to recouer Scotite, o∣beying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things. For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize. These men went resolutely to the place appointed. And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheins o suppe earely, hee goes with his Army out of Tegee: and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage, hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite, the mid-way betwixt

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Tegee and Lacedemon. The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome,* 1.25 and assailed the Enemy suddainly, who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts. And when the Acheins (according to the Commandment they had receiued) retired, they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage. But suddainly they fell into the Ambush, where some of them were slaine by the A∣cheins, and others taken.

Notes

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