The philosophie, commonlie called, the morals vvritten by the learned philosopher Plutarch of Chæronea. Translated out of Greeke into English, and conferred with the Latine translations and the French, by Philemon Holland of Coventrie, Doctor in Physicke. VVhereunto are annexed the summaries necessary to be read before every treatise

OF THE MALICE of Herodotus

MAny men there be, ô Alexander, whom the stile & phrase of Hero∣dotus the Historiographer (because it seemeth unto them plaine, simple, naturall, and running smoothly upon the matters which he delivereth) hath much deceived: but more there are, who have bene [ 50] caught and brought into the same errour, by his maners and beha∣viour. For it is not onely extreame injustice, as Plato said, to seeme just and righteous, when a man is nothing lesse, but also an act of malice in the highest degree, to counterfait mildenesse and simpli∣city, and under that pretence and colour, to be covertly most bit∣ter and malicious. Now for that he sheweth this spight of his against the Boeotians and Co∣rinthians especially, although he spareth not any others whatsoever, I thought it my part and

duty doe defend heerein the honor of our ancesters in the behalfe of trueth, against this onely part of his writings, and no more. For to pursue and goe thorow all other lies and forged tales of his, dispersed in that historie, would require many great volumes. But as Sophocles said:

Of eloquence the flattering face, Prevaileth much and winneth grace,

especially when it meeteth with a tongue which is pleasant, and carieth such a force, asto cover among other vices, the malicious nature of an Historiographer. Philip king of Macedonie was woont to say unto those Greeks who revolted from his alliance, and sided with Titus Quintius, that they had changed their former chaines, and given them for others, that were indeed more polished; howbeit longer a faire deale. Even so a man may say, that the malignitie of Hero∣dotus [ 10] is smoother and more delicate than that of Theopompus, but it toucheth neerer to the quicke, and stingeth more; like as the windes are more sharpe and piercing, which blow through a narrow streight or close glade, than such as are spred more at large. I thinke there∣fore that I shall doe very well, first to describe generally, and as it were in grosse, the tracts and marks as it were of a narration which is not pure, sincere, and friendly, but spightfull and mali∣cious, for to apply the same afterwards to ech point that we shall examine, and see whether they doe agree fitly thereto.

First and formost therefore, he that useth the most odious nownes and verbs, when there be others at hand more milde and gentle, for to expresse things done: as for example; whereas he might say, that Nicias was very ceremonious, and somewhat supersticiously given; reporteth [ 20] that he was fanaticall; and chuseth rather to chalenge Cleon for rash audacitie, and furious mad∣nesse, than for light and vaine speech: surely he carieth not a good and gentle minde, but ta∣keth pleasure to make a narration in the woorst maner.

Secondly, when there is some vice otherwise in a man, which apperteineth not unto the hi∣story, and yet the writer catcheth hold thereof, and will needs thrust it into the narration of those affaires which require it not, drawing his historie from the matter, fetching a compasse about, after an extravagant maner, and all to bring in either the infortunitie or unhappy acci∣dent, or else some absurd and shamefull act of a man: it is very evident that such an one deligh∣teth in reprochfull and evill language. And therefore contrariwise, Thucydides, howsoever Cle∣on committed an infinite number of grosse and foule faults, yet he never traduced him openly [ 30] for them in his writings. And as touching the busie oratour Hyperbolus, he glanced at him one∣ly by the way, terming him a naughtie man, and so let him goe. Philistus likewise passed over all the outrages and wrongs (many though they were) of Dionysius the tyrant, which he offered unto the barbarous nations, so long as they were not interlaced among the affaires of the Greeks. For the digressions & excursions of an history, are allowed, principally for some fables or antiquities. Moreover, he who amōg the praises of some great personages, thrusteth in some matter tending to reproch & blame, seemeth to incurre the malediction of the tragicall Poet,

Cursed be thou, that lov'st a roll to have, Of mens mishaps, who now lie dead in grave.

Furthermore, that which is equipollent and reciprocall thereto, every man knoweth, that the [ 40] leaving out and passing over quite of some good qualitie, or laudable fact, seemeth not to be a thing reprehensible and subject to account, though done it were maliciously, and the same were left out in some such place as perteined well to the traine of the historie: for to commend a man coldly and after an unwilling maner, savoreth no more of civilitie, than to blame him af∣fectionately; and besides that, it is nothing more civill, it smelleth haply more of malice, and of the twaine is woorse.

The fourth signe of a malicious nature in an historian, in my account is this: when one and the same thing is interpreted or reported two waies, or more, to encline unto the harder con∣struction. For permitted it is unto Sophisters and Rhetoricians, either for to gaine their see, or to winne the name and reputation of eloquence, otherwhiles to take in hand for to defend [ 50] and adorne the woorse cause; because they imprint not deepely any credit or beliefe of that which they deliver: and they themselves doe not deny, that they undertake to proove things incredible, even against the common opinion of men. But he that composeth an historie, doeth his part and devoir, if he writeth that which he knoweth to be true: but of matters doubt∣full, obscure, and uncerteine, those which are better seeme to be reported more truely alwaies, than the worse. And many there be, who omit quite and overpasse the worse: as for example;

Ephorus having said as touching Themistocles, that he was privy to the treason that Pausamas plotted and practised, and what he treated with the lieutenants of the king of Persia: Howbeit, he consented not (quoth he) nor never could be induced to take part with him of those hopes, whereto he did sollicite him. And Thucydides left this matter wholly out of his storie, as not acknowledging it to be true. Againe, in matters confessed to have beene done, but yet not knowen, for what cause, and upon what intention; he that guesseth and casteth his conjecture in the woorse part, is naught and maliciously minded: and thus did the comicall Poets, who gave out, that Pericles kindled the Peloponnesian warre, for the love the of courtisan Aspasia, or else for Phidias sake, and not rather upon an high minde and contention to take downe the pride of the Peloponnesians, & in no wise to give place unto the Lacedaemonians. For of arts [ 10] approoved and laudable affaires, he that supposeth and setteth downe a leud and naughty cause, and by calumniations draweth men into extravagant suspicions, of the hidden and secret inten∣tion of him who performed the act, which he is not able to reproove or blame openly: as they who report of Alexander the tyrants death, which dame Thebe his wife contrived, that it was not a deed of magnanimity, nor upon the hatred of wickednesse and vice, but proceeding from the passionate jealousie of a woman: as also those who say; that Cato Uttcensis killed himselfe, fearing lest Caesar would execute him shamefully: these (I say) are envious and spightfull in the highest degree. Semblably, an historicall narration smelleth of malice, according as the maner of a worke or act done is related: as if it be put downe in writing, that it was by the meanes rather of money and corruption, than of vertue & valour, that some great exploit was [ 20] performed, (as some there were who did not sticke to say as much of Philip:) or else, that it was executed without any travel and danger, as others gave out of Alexander the Great: also not by forecast and wisedome, but by the favour of fortune; like as the enviour and ill willer of Timo∣theus, who in painted tables represented the pourtrature of divers cities and townes, that of themselves fell within the compasse of his net and toile, when he lay fast asleepe: evident it is, that it is that it tendeth to the empairing of the glorie, beautie, and greatnesse of those acts, when they take from them the magnanimity, vertue, and diligence of the authors, and give out they were not done and executed by themselves. Over and besides, those who professedly and directly speake evill of one, incurre the imputation of quarrellers, rash-headed and furious persons, in case they keepe not within a meane: but such as doe it after an oblique maner, as if [ 30] they discharged bullets, or shot arrowes at one side from some blinde corner, charging sur∣mises and suspicions; and then to turne behinde and shift off all, by saying, they doe not be∣leeve any such thing, which they desire most of all to be beleeved, howsoever they disclame all malice and evill will: over and besides their cancred nature, they are steined with the note of notorious impudencie. Next neighbours unto these, are they, who among imputations and blames, adjoine certaine praises: as in the time of Socrates, one Aristoxenus having given him the termes of ignorant, untaught, dissolute; came in with this afterwards: but true it is that he doeth no man wrong, and is woorst to himselfe: for like as they, who will cunningly and artifi∣cially flatter otherwhiles, among many and unmeasurable praises, mingle some light repre∣hensions, joining with their sweet flatteries, (as it were some tart sauce to season them) certeine [ 40] words frankly and freely spoken: even so the malicious person, because he would haue that be∣leeved which he blameth, putteth thereto some little sprinkling of a few praises. There may be exemplified and numbered many other signes and marks of malice: but these may suffice to give us to understand the nature and intention of this author whom now we have in hand.

First and formost therefore to begin at heavenly wights, and as they say at Vesta, Io the daugh∣ter of Inachus, whom all the Greeks thinke to have bene deified and honored with divine honors by the barbarous nations, in such sort as that she hath left her name to manie seas, and noble ports, in regard of her great glory and renowme; and opened the source (as it were) and original beginning of many right noble, most famous and roiall families; this our gentle Historiogra∣pher saith, that she yeelded her selfe unto certaine marchants of Phoenicia, to be caried away, for [ 50] that she having bene defloured not against her will, by a master of a ship, feared lest she should be spied great with child; and withall belieth the Phoenicians themselves, as if they gave out as much of her. He reports himselfe also to the restimony of the sages and wise men of Persia, that the Phoenicians ravished and caried her away with other women: shewing withall directly his opinion a little after, that the most noble and bravest exploit that ever the Greeks atcheived, to wit, the war of Troy, was an enterprise begone in folly, for a leawd and naughty woman: for

it is very apparent quoth he, that these women if they had not bene willing themselves, they had never bene so ravished, and had away as they were. And therefore we may as well say that the gods did foolishly to shew themselves angry and offended, with the Lacedaemonians for the a∣busing of the daughters of Scedasus the Leuctrian; as also to punish Ajax, for that he forced lady Cassandra: for certeine it is according to Herodotus, that if they had not bene willing, they had never beene defloured: and yet himselfe saith that Aristomenes was taken alive, and caried a∣way by the Lacedaemonians, and afterwards Philopoemen captaine generall of the Achaeans tast∣ed the same fortune, and Atilius Regulus the consull of the Romans, fell likewise into the hands of his enimies: all of them such personages as hardly may be found more valiant and hardy warriors in the world. But what marvell is this, considering that men doe take leopards, and ty∣gres alive? Now Herodotus blameth the poore women, who were by force abused, and defendeth [ 10] those wicked men who offered them that abuse. Besides, so much affected he is in love unto the Barbarous nations, that he will acquite & cleere Busirides of that ill name which went of him, for slaying of his guests & sacrificing men, and attributing unto all the Aegyptians by all his testi∣monies, much godlinesse, religion and justice, returneth upon the Greeks this inhumaine and abhominable cruelty. For in his second booke he writeth that Menelaus having received Helena at the hands of king Proteus his wife, and bene by him honored with great and rich presents, shewed himselfe againe a most unjust and wicked man. For when the winde and weather served him not for to embarke and saile away, he wrought by his report, a most cursed and detestable fact, in taking two of the inhabitants male children of that countrey, and cut them in peeces for sacrifice: by occasion whereof being hated of the Aegyptians, and pursued, he fled directly with [ 20] his fleet, and departed into Libya. For mine owne part, I wot not what Aegyptian hath given out this report of Menelaus: but contrariwise I know full well, that in Aegypt they retaine still to this day many honors in the memoriall, both of him and also of his wife Helena. Moreover this writer holding on still his course, reporteth that the Persians learned of the Greeks, to abuse boies carnally and contrary to kinde. And yet how is it possible that the Persians should learne this vilany and filthinesse of the Greeks, considering that the Persians maner all doe confesse, that the children were there guelded, before they had ever seene the Greeks sea. Also he wri∣teth, that the Greeks were taught by the Aegyptians, their solemne pompes, festivall processi∣ons, and publicke assemblies: likewise to adore the twelve gods: yea & that Melampus had lear∣ned of the same Aegyptians the very name of Dionysus, that is to say, Bacchus, who taught it the [ 30] other Greeks. As touching the sacred mysteries, and secret ceremonies of Ceres, that they were brought out of Aegypt by the daughters of Danaus: as also that the Aegyptians beat them∣selves and are in great sorrow, yet will themselves name nothing why they so doe, but remaine close and keepe silence in the religious service of the gods. As touching Hercules and Bacchus whom the Aegyptians esteeme as gods, and the Greeks very aged men, he maketh mention in no place of this precise observation and distinction: howsoever he faith that this Aegyptian Hercules, was reckoned and ranged in the second order of the gods, and Bacchus in the third, as those who had a beginning of their essence, and were not eternall: and yet he pronounceth those other to be gods, but unto these, he judgeth that we ought to performe anniversarie fune∣rals, as having beene sometime mortall, and now canonized demi-gods, but in no wise to sacri∣fice [ 40] unto them as gods. After the same maner spake he of Pan, overthrowing the most holy and venerable sacrifices of the Greeks by the vanities and fables which the Aegyptians devised. Yet is not this the woorst, nor so intollerable; for deriving the pedegree of Hercules from the race of Perseus, he holdeth, that Perseus was an Assyrian, according to that which the Persians say: But the captaines and leaders of the Dorians (saith he) seeme to be descended in right line from the Aegyptians, and fetch their genealogie and ancestours from before Danae and Acri∣sius: for as concerning Epaphus, Io, Iasus and Argus, he hath wholly passed over and rejected, striving to make, not onely the other two Herculees Aegyptians and Phoenicians, but also this whom himselfe nameth to be the third, a meere stranger from Greece, and to enroll him among Barbarians, notwithstanding that of all the ancient learned men, neither Homer, nor Hesiodus, ne [ 50] yet Archilochus, Pisander, Stesichorus, Alcman, nor Pindarus, do make mention of any Hercules an Aegyptian or Phoenician, but acknowledge one alone, to wit, our Boeotian and Argien. And that which more is, among the seven sages, whom he termeth by the name of Sophisters, he will needs beare us downe, that Thales was a Phoenician borne, extracted from the ancient stocke of the Barbarians. And in one place, reproching in some sort the gods, under the vi∣sard

and person of Solon, he hath these words: O Croesus, thou demandest of me as touching hu∣mane things, who know full well, that the deitie is envious and full of inconstant incertitude: where attributing unto Solon, that opinion which himselfe had of the gods, he joineth malice unto impiety and blasphemy. And as for Pittachus, using him but in light matters, and such as are of no consequence, he passeth over in the meane while, the most worthy and excellent deed that ever the man did: for when the Athenians and Mitylenians were at warre about the port Sigaeum, Phrynon the captaine of the Athenians having given defiance, and challenged to com∣bat hand to hand, the hardiest warriour of all the Mitylenians, Pittachus advanced forward and presented himselfe to his face for to performe his devoir, where he bare himselfe with such dex∣terity, that he caught this captaine, as mighty a man as he was and tall of stature, and so entang∣led [ 10] him, that he slew him outright. And when the Mitylenians, for this prowesse of his, offered unto him goodly rich presents, he launced his javelin out of his hand as farre as ever he could, and demanded so much ground onely as he raught with that shot. And thereupon, that field, even at this day, is called Pittacium. But what writeth Herodotus, when he comes to this place? In lieu of reciting this valiant act of Pittachus, he recounteth the flight of Alcaeus the Poet, who flung from him his armour and weapons, and so ran away out of the battell: whereby it appea∣reth, that in avoiding to write of vertuous and valiant acts, but in not concealing vicious and foule facts, he testifieth on their side who say, that envie, to wit, a griefe for the good of ano∣ther, and joy in other mens harmes, proceed both from one root of malice.

After all this, the Alcmaeonidae who shewed themselves brave men and generous; and name∣ly, [ 20] by delivering their countrey from tyranny, are by him challenged for treason: for he saith, That they received Pisistratus upon his banishment, and wrought meanes for his returne again, upon condition, that he should espouse and marry the daughter of Megacles: and when the maiden said thus unto her mother, See my good mother, Pisistratus doth not company kindly with me, as he should, and according to the law of nature and marriage; heereupon the said Alcmaeonidae tooke such indignation against the tyrant for his perverse dealing, that they cha∣sed him into exile. Now, that the Lacedaemonians should taste aswell of his malice as the A∣thenians had done before them, see how he defaceth and traduceth Othryadas, a man esteemed and admired among them above all others, for his valiance: He only (saith he) remaining alive of those three hundred, ashamed to returne to Sparta, when all the rest of that company and [ 30] consort of his were slaine and left dead in the field, presently overwhelmed himselfe in the place under an heape of his enemies shields reared for a Trophae, and so died: for a little before, he said, that the victory betweene both sides rested doubtfull in even ballance; and now he witnes∣seth, that through the shame and bashfulnesse of Othryadas, the Lacedaemonians lost the day: for as it is a shame to live being vanquished, so it is as great an honor to survive upon a victorie. I forbeare now to note and observe, how in describing Croesus every where for a foolish, vain∣glorious and ridiculous person in all respects, yet neverthelesse he saith, that being prisoner he taught and instructed Cyrus, a prince who in prudence, vertue and magnanimitie surpassed all the kings that ever were. And having by the testimonie of his owne historie, attributed no goodnesse unto Croesus, but this onely, that he honoured the gods with great offerings, oblati∣ons [ 40] and ornaments, that he presented unto them; which very same (as himselfe declareth) was the most wicked and profanest act in the world: for whereas his brother Pantaleon and he were at great variance and debate, about succession in the kingdome during the life of their father; after that he came once to the crowne, he caught one of the nobles, a great friend and compani∣on of his brother Pantaleon, who had before-time beene his adversarie, and within a fullers mill all to beclawed and mangled him with tuckers cards and burling combs, so as he died therewith; and of his money which he did confiscate and seize upon, he caused those oblations and jewels to be made which he sent as a present to the gods. Concerning Deioces the Median, who by his vertue and justice atteined to the kingdome, hesaith, that he was not such an one indeed, but an hypocrite, and by semblance of justice was advanced to that regall dignitie. But what should [ 50] I stand upon the examples of Barbarous nations; for he hath ministred matter enough in wri∣ting onely of the Greeks. He saith, that the Athenians and many other Ionians, being ashamed of that as name were not only unwilling, but also denied utterly to be called Ionians: also, as many of them as were of the noblest blood, and descended from the very Senate and Prytaneum of the Athenians, begat children of Barbarous women, after they had killed their fathers and former children: by occasion whereof those women made an ordinance among themselves, which they

bound with an oth, and ministred the same unto their daughters, never to eat nor drinke with their husbands, nor to call them by their names: and that the Milesians at this day be descended from the said women. And having cleanly delivered thus much under hand, that those onely who celebrated the feast named Apalutia, were indeed true Jonians: And all (quoth he) doe keepe and observe that solemnity, save onely the Ephesians and Colophonians. By this slie de∣vice he doth in effect deprive these states, of the noble antiquity of their nation. He writeth like∣wise, that the Cumaeans and Mitylenaeans, were compacted and agreed withall, for a peece of mony, to deliver into the hands of Cyrus, Pactyas, one of his captaines, who had revolted from him: But I cannot say (quoth he) certainly, for how much, because the just summe is not exactly knowen. But he ought not by his leave to have charged upon any city of Greece such a note of infamy, without he had bene better assured thereof. And afterwards he saith, that the inhabi∣tants [ 10] of Chios pulled him, being brought unto them out of the temple of Minerva Poliuchos that is to say, Tutelar and protectresse of the city, for to deliver him unto the Persians; which the Chians did after they had received for their hire, a peece of land called Atarnes. Howbeit, Charon, the Lampsacinian, a more ancient writer, when he handleth the story of Pactyas, taxeth neither the Mitylenaeans, nor the Chians, for any such sacriledge: but writeth of this matter, thus word for word: Pactyas (quoth he) being advertised that the Persian army approched, fled first to Mitylenae, and afterwards to Chios: and there he fell into the hands of Cyrus. Moreover this our author in his third booke, describing the expedition or journey of the Lacedaemonians against Polycrates the tyrant, saith that the Samians, both are of opinion and also report, that it was by way of recompence and requitall, because they had sent them aid in their warre against [ 20] Messene, that the Lacedaemonians entred into armes and warred upon the tyrant, for to reduce the exiled persons home againe, and restore them to their livings and goods: but he saith, that the Lacedaemonians deny flatly this to have bene the cause: saying it was neither to set the Isle Samos at liberty, nor to succour the Samians, that they enterprised this warre: but rather to chastice the Samians, for that they had intercepted and taken away a faire standing cup of gold, sent by them as a present unto king Croesus: and besides a goodly cuirace or brestplate, sent unto them from king Amasis. And yet we know for certaine, that in all those daies, there was not a city in Greece so desirous of honour, nor so infest and deadly bent against tytants, as Lacedaemon was: for what other cuppe of gold, or cuirace was there, for which they chaced out of Corinth and Ambracia the usurping race of the Cypselidae; banished out of Noxos, the tyrant [ 30] Lygdamis; expelled out of Athens, the children of Pisistratus; drave out of Sicyone, Aeschines; ex∣iled from Theses, Symmachus; delivered the Phocaeans from Aulis; and turned Aristogenes out of Miletus: as for the lordly deminions over Thessaly, they utterly ruinated and rooted out, which Aristomedes and Angelus usurped, whom they suppressed and defaited by the meanes of Leotychidas their king? But of these things I have written else where more exactly and at large, Now if Herodotus saith true, what wanted they of extreame folly and wickednesse in the highest degree, indisavowing and denying a most just and honorable occasion of this warre, to confesse that they made an invasion upon a poorer and miserable nation oppressed and afflicted under a tyrant, and all in remembrance of a former grudge, to be revenged for a small wrong upon a base minde and mechanicall avarice. Now haply he had a fling at the Lacedaemonians and gave them a blur with his pen, because in the traine and consequence of the story, they came so just under it; but the city of the Corinthians, which was cleane out of his way, he hath notwithstan∣ding [ 40] taken it with him and bespurted and dashed as he passed by, with a most grievous slander and heavy imputation. The Corinthians also (quoth he) did favor and second with great affec∣tion this voiage of the Lacedaemonians, for to requite an hainous outrage and injury, which they had received before time at the Samians handes: And that was this? Periander the tyrant of Corinth, sent three hundred yoong boies, that were the sonnes of the most noble persons in all Corfu, to king Aliattes for to be guelded. These youths arrived in the Isle Samos, whō being lan∣ded the Samians taught how to sit as humble suppliants within the temple and sanctuary of Di∣ana, & set before them for their nourishment certaine cakes made of Sesam seed & hony. And [ 50] this forsoth was it that our trim historiographer calleth so great an outrage & abuse offred by the Samians unto the Corinthians; for which he saith, the Lacedaemonians also were stirred up and provoked against them, because they had saved the children of Greeks from eviration. But surely he that fasteneth this reproch upon the Corinthians, sheweth that the city was more wicked than the tyrant himselfe. As for him, his desire was to be revenged of the inhabitants of

Corfu, who had killed his sonne among them: but the Corinthians, what wrong received they of the Samians, for which they should in hostile maner set upon them, who opposed them∣selves and empeached so inhumane and barbarous crueltie to be committed? and namely, that they should revive and raise up againe an old cankred grudge and quarrels, that had lien dead and buried the space of three generations; and all in favour and maintenance of tyranny, which had laine very grievous and unsupportable upon them, and whereof, being overthrowen and ruined as it is, they cease not still to abolish and doe out the remembrance for ever. Loe, what outrage it was, that the Samians committed upon the Corinthians; but what was the revenge and punishment that the Corinthians devised against the Samians? For if in good earnest they tooke indignation and were offended with the Samians, it had beene meet, not to have [ 10] incited the Lacedaemonians, but to have diverted them rather, from levying warre upon Poly∣crates, to the end that the tyrant not being defaited and put downe, they might not have beene freed nor delivered from tyrannicall servitude. But that which more is, what occa∣sion had the Corinthians to bee angrie with the Samians, who though they desired, yet could not save the Corcyreans children, considering they tooke no displeasure against the Cnidians, who not onely preserved, but also restored them to their parents? And veri∣ly the Corcyreans, make no great regard, nor speake ought, of the Samians in this be∣halfe: mary the Cnidians, they remembred in the best maner; for the Cnidians they or∣deined honours, priviledges, and immunities, and enacted publicke decrees to ratifie and con∣firme the same. For these Cnidians sailing to the Isle of Samos, arrived there, drave out of the [ 20] foresaid temple the guard of Pertander, tooke the children foorth, and brought them safe to Corfu, according as Antenor the Candiot, and Dionysius the Chalcidian in the booke of Foun∣dations have left in writing. Now that the Lacedaemonians undertooke this expedition, not for to be quit with the Samians, and to punish them, but to deliver them rather from the tyrant, and for to save them; I will beleeve no other testimonie but the Samians themselves. For they af∣firme, that there is among them now standing, a tombe or monument by them erected at the publike charges of the citie, for the corps of Archias a citizen of Sparta, whose memoriall they doe honour, for that in the said service he fought valiantly, and lost his life: for which cause the posteritie descended from that man, doe yet unto this day, beare singular affection, and do all the pleasures they can unto the Samians, as Herodotus himselfe beareth witnesse. Further∣more, in his fifth booke he writeth, that Clisthenes, one of the most noble and principall perso∣nages [ 30] of all Athens, perswaded the priestresse Pythia, to be a false prophetesse, in mooving the Lacedaemonians alwaies by her answers that she gave out, for to deliver the citie of Athens from the thirtie tyrants: and thus unto a most glorious peece of worke and right just, he adjoin∣eth the imputation of so great an impietie, and a damnable device of falshood; and withall, be∣reaveth god Apollo of that prophesie which is so good and honest, yea and beseeming Themis, who also as they say assisteth him in the oracle. He saith also, that Isagoras yeelded his wife un∣to Cleomenes, for to use her at his pleasure, whensoever he came unto her: and then, as his ordi∣nary maner is, intermingling some praises among blames, because he would be the better be∣leeved: This Isagoras (quoth he) the sonne of Tisander, was of a noble house; but I am not [ 40] able to say of what antiquitie before-time his pedegree was; but onely that his knisfolke and those of his bloud, doe sacrifice unto Jupiter, surnamed Carius. Now I assure you, this our Hi∣storian is a proper and pleasant conceited fellow, to send away Isagoras thus to the Carians, as it were to ravens, in a mischiefe. And as for Aristogiton, he packeth him away not by a backe doore or posterne, but directly by the broad & open gate, as far as unto Phoenice; saying, that his first originall came long since from the Gephyrians: but what Gephyrians trow yee: not those in Euboea, or in Eretria, as some doe thinke: but he saith plainly they be Phoenicians, and that he is so perswaded of them by heare-say. And not being able to deprive the Lacedaemoni∣ans of their glory, for delivering the city of Athens from the servitude of the thirty tyrants, he goeth about to obliterate quite, or at leastwise in some sort to disgrace and dishonor that most [ 50] noble act, with as foule a passion, and as villanous a vice: for hee saith, that they repented in∣continently, as if they had not well done, by the induction of false and supposed oracles, thus to have chaced out of their countrey the tyrants their friends, guests, and allies, who promised to deliver Athens into their hands, and to have yeelded the city unto an unthankfull people; and that anon they sent for Hipptas, as farre as to Sigaeum, for to reduce him to Athens: but the Corinthians opposed themselves, and diverted them, whiles Sosicles discoursed and shewed

how many miseries and calamities the citie of Corinth had endured whiles Periander & Cypselus held them under their tyrannicall rule: and yet of all those enormous outrages which Periander committed, they could not name any one more wicked and cruell, than that of the three hun∣dred children which he sent away for to be gelded: Howbeit, this man dareth to say, that the Corinthians were mooved and provoked against the Samians, who had saved the said youthes, and kept them from suffering such an indignity, and caried the remembrance thereof for re∣venge, as if they had done them some exceeding great injurie: so full is his malice and gall of inconstancie, of repugnance and contradiction in all his speeches, which ever and anon is ready to offer it selfe in all his narrations. After all this, comming to describe the taking of the citie Sardis, he diminished, deformeth, and discrediteth the exploit all that ever he can, be∣ing [ 10] so armed with shamelesse audacitie, that he termeth those shippes which the Athenians set out, and sent to succor the king, and to plague the Ionians, who rebelled against him, the origi∣nall causes of all mischiefe, for that they assaied to set at liberty and deliver out of servitude, so many goodly and faire cities of the Greeks, held forcibly under the violent dominion of the barbarous nations. As touching the Eretrians, he maketh mention of them onely by the way, & passeth in silence a most woorthy and glorious piece of service, which they performed at that time: for when all Ionia was now already in an uprore & hurliburly, and the kings armada neere at hand, they put out their navie, and in the maine sea of Pamphylia, defeated in a navall bat∣tell the Cyprians: then returning backe, and leaving their navie in the rode before Ephesus, they went by land to lay siege unto the capitall citie of Sardis, where they beleagured Artaphernes within a castle, into which he was fledde, intending thereby to raise the siege before the citie [ 20] Miletus: which service they put in execution and performed; causing their enemies to re∣moove their campe, and dislodge from thence, in a woonderfull great feare and affright: but seeing a greater number of enemies to presse hard upon them, they returned. Many Chroni∣clers report the historie in this maner; and among the rest Lysanias Mallotes, in his chronicle of the Eretrians. And verily it would have beseemed well, if for no other reason, yet after the taking and destruction of their citie, to have added this their act of valour and prowesse. How∣beit, this good writer, contrariwise saith, that being vanquished in the field, the Barbarians fol∣lowed in chase, and pursued them as farre as to their shippes: and yet Charon the Lampsaceni∣an, maketh no mention thereof, but writeth thus, word for word: The AThenians (quoth he) put to sea with a fleet of twentie gallies, for to aid the Ionians, and made a voiage as farre as to [ 30] Sardeis, where they were masters of all, except the kings fortresse or wall; which done, they re∣turned to Miletus. In the sixth booke, our Herodotus, after he had related thus much of the Plataeans, that they had yeelded and committed themselves to the protection of the Lacedae∣monians, who made remonstrance unto them, that they should doe farre better to raunge and side with the Athenians their neighbours, and able to defend them: he addeth moreover and saith afterwards, not by way of opinion and suspicion, but as one who knew it was so indeed, that the Lacedaemonians thus advised and counselled them at that time, not for any good will and loving affection that they bare unto them, but because they were all very well appaied to see the Athenians to have their hands full, and to be matched with the Baeotians. If then Herodotus be not malicious, it cannot chuse, but that the Lacedaemonians were very cautelous, fraudu∣lent, [ 40] and spightfull; and the Athenians as blocking and senselesse, not to see how they were thus deluded and circumvented. The Plataeans likewise were thus posted from them, not for any love or honor entended unto them, but because they might be the occasion of war. Further∣more, he is convinced to have falsly devised, and colourably pretended the excuse of the full moone against the Lacedaemonians, which whiles they attended and staied for, he saith, they failed and went not in that journey of Marathon, to aid the Athenians: for not onely they be∣gan a thousand voiages, and fought as many battels in the beginning of the moneth and new of the moone, but also at this very battell of Marathon, which was fought the sixth day of the moneth Boedromion, that is to say, November, they missed very little, but they had arrived in due time: for they came soone enough to finde the dead bodies of those that were slaine in the [ 50] field, and lying still in the place: and yet thus hath he written of the full moone. It was impossi∣ble for them to doe this out of hand, being as they were, not willing to breake the law; for that as yet it was but the ninth day of the moneth: and they made answere, that they might not set foorth, unlesse the moone were at the full. And thus these men waited for the full moone. But you good sir transferre the ful moone into the beginning of the halfe moone or second quarter,

confounding the course of heaven, and the order of daies, yea, and shuffling every thing to∣gether. Over and besides, promising in the forefront and inscription of your historie, to write the deeds and affaires of the Greekes, you employ all your eloquence to magnifie and ampli∣fie the acts of the Barbarians; and making semblance to be affectionate to the Athenians, yet for all that, you make no mention at all of that solemne pompe and procession of theirs at Agrae, which they hold even at this day, in the honour of Hecate, or Proserpina, by way of thankes giving for the victorie, the feast whereof they do celebrate. But this helpeth Herodotus verie much to meet with that improperation and slander that went of him, namely, that he flat∣tered the Athenians in his storie, for that he had received a great summe of money of them for that purpose: for if he had read this unto the Athenians, they would never have neglected [ 10] nor let passe that wicked Philippides, who went to moove and sollicite the Lacedaemonians to be at that battell, from which himselfe came, and he especially, who as he saith himselfe, with∣in two daies was in Sparta, after he had beene at Athens, if the Athenians after the winning of the field did not send for the aide of their confederates and allies. But Diyllus an Athenian, none of the meanest Chroniclers, writeth, that he received of the Athenians, the summe of ten talents of silver, by vertue of an an act that Anytus propounded.

Moreover, many are of opinion, that Herodotus in his narration of the battell of Marathon, himselfe marred the whole grace and honour of the exploit, by the number that he putteth downe of them who there were slaine: for he saith, that the Athenians made a vow to sacrifice unto Proserpina or Diana surnamed Agrotera, as many yeere-old goats as they slew of the Bar∣barians: [ 20] but when after the discomfiture and overthrow, they saw that the number of the dead bodies was infinit, they made supplication to the gooddesse for to be dispensed for their vow and promise, and to acquit them for five hundred every yeere to be killed in sacrifice for her. But to passe over this, let us see what followed after the battell. The Barbarians (quoth he) with the rest of their ships drawing backe and retiring into the open sea, and having taken a ship boord those slaves of Eretria, out of the Isle where they had left them, doubled the point of Sunium, with a full purpose to prevent the Athenians before they could recover the citie. And the Athenians were of opinion, that they were advised thus to do by a secret complot betweene them and the Alc∣maeonidae who had apponted and agreed with the Persians to give them a signall so soone as they were all embarked, by holding up aloft and shewing them a shield afarre off. And so they [ 30] fetched a compasse about the cape of Sunium. And here I am content that he should go cleere away with this, that he called those prisoners of Eretria by the name of slaves, who shewed as much courage and valour in this warre, yea, and as great a desire to win honour, as any Greeks whatsoever, although their vertue sped but ill, and was unworthily afflicted. And lesse account I make also of this, that he defameth the Alcmaeonidae, of whom were the greatest families and noblest persons of all the citie. But the worst of all is this, that the honour of this brave victorie is quite overthrowen, and the issue or end of so woorthy and renowmed a piece of service is come just to nothing in a maner, neither seemeth it to have beene any such battell or so great an exploit, but onely a short scuffling or light skirmish with the Barbarians when they were lan∣ded, as evill willers, carpers and envious persons give out to deprave the service, if it be so, that after the battell, they fled not when they had cut the cables of their ships, permitting themselves to the winde, for to cary them as far as possibly might be frō Attica, but that there was a shield or targuet lifted up aloft in the aire as a signall unto them of treason, and that of purpose they made [ 40] saile toward the city of Athens, in hope to surprise it; and having without any noise in great si∣lence doubled the foresaid point of Sunium, and were discovered a float, hovering about the port Phalerae, insomuch as the principall and most honourable personages of the Athenians, being out of all hope to save the citie, betraied it into their hands: for afterwards he dischargeth and cleereth the Alcmaeonidae, and attributeth this treason unto others: And certeine it is (quoth he) that such a targuet or shield was shewed. And this he saith so confidently, as if himselfe had seene the thing. But impossible it is that it should be so, in case the Athenians won the victorie [ 50] cleere: and say it had so beene, the Barbarians never could have perceived it, flying so as they did in great affright and danger, wounded also as they were, and chased both with sword and shot into their ships, who left the field every man, and fled from the land as fast as ever he could. But afterwards againe, when he maketh semblance to answere in the behalfe of the Alcmaeonidae, and to refute those crimes which himselfe broched, and charged upon them: I woonder (quoth he) and I can not beleeve the rumour of this imputation, that ever the Alcmaeonidae, by any

compact with the Barbarians, shewed them the signall of a shield, as willing that the Athenians should be in subjection to the Barbarians under Hippias. In thus doing, he putteth me in mind and remembrance of a certeine clause running in this maner: Take him you will; and having taken him, let him goe you will. Semblably, first you accuse, and anon you defend: write you do and frame accusatorie imputations against honourable persons, which afterwards you seeme to cancile, discrediting herein (no doubt) and distrusting your selfe: for you have heard your owne selfe to say, that the Alcmaeonidae set up a targuet for a signal to the Barbarians vanquished and flying away; but in relieving them againe and answering in their defence, you shew your selfe to be a slanderous sycophant: for if that be true which you write in this place, that the Alc∣maeonidae were worse, or at leastwise, as badly affected to tyrants, as Callias the sonne of Phenip∣pus [ 10] and father of Hipponicus, where will you bestow and place that conspiracie of theirs against the common wealth, which you have written in your former books? saying, that they contrac∣ted alliance and affinitie in marriage with Pisistratus; by meanes whereof, they wrought his re∣turne from exile to exercise tyrannie: neither would they ever have banished him againe, had it not beene that their daughter had complained and accused him, that he used her not according to law of marriage & of nature. Thus you see what confused variations, contradictions and re∣pugnances there be in that imputation and suspicion of the Alcmaeonidae: but in sounding out the praises of Callias the sonne of Phenippus, with whom he joineth his sonne Hipponicus, who by the report of Herodotus himselfe, was in his time the richest man in all Athens, he confesseth plainly, that for to insinuate himselfe into the favor of Hipponicus, and to flatter him, without any [ 20] reason or cause in the world arising out of the matter of the story, he brought Callias. All the world knowes, that the Argives refused not to enter into that generall confederacy and associa∣tion of the Greeks, requiring onely, that they might not be ever at the Lacedaemonians com∣mand, nor forced to follow them, who were the greatest enemies, & those who of all men living hated them most: when it would not otherwise be, he rendereth a most malicious and spightfull cause and reason thereof, writing thus: When they saw (quoth he) that the Greeks would needs comprise them in that league, knowing full well, that the Lacedaemonians would not impart un∣to them any prerogative to command, they seemed to demand the communion thereof, to the end that they might have some colourable occasion and excuse to remaine quiet and fit still: which he saith, that Artaxerxes long after, remembred unto the embassadors of the Argives, [ 30] who came unto him at Susa, and gave this testimonie unto them, That he thought there was not a city in all Greece friended him more than Argos. But soone after, as his accustomed maner is, seeming to retract all, and cleanly to cover the matter, he comes in with these words: Howbeit, as touching this point, I know nothing of certeinty; but this I wot wel, all men have their faults; and I doe not beleeve, that the Argives have caried themselves woorst of all others: but howso∣ever (quoth he) I am bound to say that which is commonly received, yet I beleeve not all: and let this stand thorowout the whole course of mine historie. For this also is given out abroad, That they were the Argives who sollicited and sent for the king of Persia to levie warre upon all Greece; because they were not able in armes to make head against the Lacedaemonians, and ca∣red not what became of them, to avoid the present discontentment and griefe wherein they [ 40] were. And may not a man very well returne that upon himselfe, which he reporteth to be spo∣ken by an Aethiopian, as touching the sweet odours and rich purple of the Persians? * 1.1 Deceit∣full are the Persian ointments, deceitfull are their habilliments. For even so a man may very well say of him: Deceitfull are the * 1.2 phrases, deceitfull are the figures of Herodotus his speeches;

So intricate and tortuous, so winding quite throughhout, As nothing sound is therein found, but all turn's round about.

And like as painters make their light colours more apparent and eminent, by the shadowes that they put about them; even so Herodotus by seeming to denie that which he affirmeth, doth en∣force [ 50] and amplifie his calumniations so much the more; and by ambiguities and doubtfull speeches, maketh suspicions the deeper. But if the Argives would not enter into the common league with all other Greeks, but held off and stood out upon a jelousie of sovereigne command or emulation of vertue and valour against the Lacedaemonians; no man will say the contrary, but that they greatly dishonoured the memorie of their progenitour Hercules, and disgraced the nobilitie of their race. For better it had beene, and more beseeming, for the Siphnians and

Cithnians, the inhabitants of two little Isles, to have defended the libertie of Greece, than by stri∣ving thus with the Spartans, and contesting about the prerogative of command, to shift off and avoid so many combats and so honourable pieces of service. And if they were the Argives, who called the king of Persia into Greece, because their sword was not so sharpe as the Lacedae∣monians was, and for that they could not make their part good with them; what is the reason, that when the said king was arrived in Greece, they shewed not themselves openly to band with the Medes and Persians? And if they were unwilling to be seene in the field and campe with the Barbarian king; why did they not, when they staied behinde at home, invade the territory of the Laconians? why entred they not againe upon the Thurians countrey, or by some other meanes prevented & impeached the Lacedaemonians? for in so doing, they had beene able greatly to [ 10] have endamaged the Greeks, namely, by hindring them from comming into the field at Plateae with so puissant a power of armed footmen. But the Athenians verily in this service, he highly extolleth and setteth out with glorious titles, naming them, The saviours of Greece; which had beene well done of him and justly, if he had not intermingled with these praises, many blames and reprochfull termes. Howbeit now, when he saith, that the Lacedaemonians were abando∣ned of the other Greeks, and neverthelesse, thus forsaken and left alone, having undertaken ma∣ny woorthy exploits, died honourably in the field, foreseeing that the Greekes favouring the Medes, complotted and combined with king Xerxes; is it not evident heereby, that he gave not out those goodly words directly to praise the Athenians, but rather, that he commended them, to the end that he would condemne and defame all other Greeks? For who can now be angrie [ 20] and offended with him, for reviling and reproching in such vile and bitter termes the Thebans and Phoceans continually as he doth, considering that he condemneth of treason (which ne∣ver was, but as he guesseth himselfe might have so fallen out) even those who were exposed to all perils of death for the liberties of Greece? And as for the Lacedaemonians themselves, he put∣teth a doubt into our heads, Whether they died manfully in fight, or rather yeelded? making slight arguments, God wot, and frivolous conjectures, to impaire their honour, in comparison of others that fought at Thermopylae.

Moreover, in relating the overthrow and shipwracke which hapned to the king of Persias fleet, wherein a mighty and infinit masse of money and money worth was cast away: Aminocles [ 30] a Magnesian citizen (quoth he) and sonne of Cretines, was mightily enriched; for he met with infinit treasure aswell in coine as in plate both of silver and gold. But he could not passe over so much as this, and let it go, without some biting nip savouring of malice: For this man (quoth he) who otherwise before-time was but poore and needy, by these windfalles and unexpected cheats became very wealthy: but there befell unto him also an unhappy accident, which trou∣bled him and disgraced his other good fortune, for that he killed his owne sonne. For who seeth not, that he inserteth in his historie these golden words of wrecks, and of great treasure found floating or cast upon the sands by the tides of the sea, of very purpose, to make a fit roume and a convenient place, wherein he might bestow the murder committed by Aminocles upon the person of his owne sonne. And whereas Aristophanes the Boeotian wrote, that having de∣manded money of the Thebans, he could receive none of them; and that when he went about [ 40] to reason and dispute scholastically with the youth of the city in points of learning, the magi∣strates (such was their rusticitie and hatred of good letters) would not suffer him: other proofe and argument thereof he putteth downe none: but Herodotus gave testimonie with Aristopha∣nes, whiles those imputations wherewith he chargeth the Thebans, hee putteth downe some falsely, others ignorantly, and some againe upon hatred, as one that had a quarrell against them: for he affirmeth, that the Thessalians combined and sided with the Medians at the first upon meere necessitie, wherein he saith true. And prophesying as it were of other Greeks, as if they minded to betray and forsake the Lacedaemonians, he commeth in afterwards with this shift, that this was not voluntarily and with their good liking, but upon constraint and necessity, be∣cause they were surprised city by city, one after another. But yet he alloweth not unto the The∣bans [ 50] the excuse of the same compulsion, albeit they had sent a band of five hundred men under the conduct of captaine Mnamias, for to keepe the streights of Tempe, and likewise unto the passe of Thermopylae, as many as king Leonidas demanded, who onely together with the Thespi∣ans stucke to him and remained with him, when he was forsaken of all other, after they saw how he was environed round about on every side. But after that the Barbarous king, having gotten all the Avennes, was entred upon their confines, and Demaratus the Spartan, being in right of

mutuall hospitalitie friendly affected to Apaginus a chiefe unholder and principall pillar of the Oligarchie, or faction of some few, usurping principalitie, wrought so, as that he brought him first acquainted and afterwards into familiar friendship with the Barbarian king, whiles all other Greeks were embarked and at sea, and none seene upon the land to encounter the enemies. By this meanes, at the last driven they were to accept conditions of peace, and to grow into a composition with the Barbarians, finding themselves brought to so heard termes of necessitie: for neither had they sea at hand, nor a navy at command as the Athenians, neither dwelt they farre off from the heart of Greece in a most remote angle thereof, as did the Lacedaemonians, but were not above one daies journey and an halfe from the Medians roiall campe, and had al∣ready encountred in the streight passages with the kings power, assisted onely with the Spartans [ 10] and Thespians, where they had the worse and were defaited. And yet this our historiographer is so just and equall, that he saith, The Lacedaemonians seeing themselves forsaken and abando∣ned of all their allies, were faine to give eare unto any composition whatsoever, & to accept at a∣venture what was offered: and so being not able to abolish nor utterly blot out so brave and so glorious an act, nor to denie, but that it was atchieved; he goeth about to discredit and deface it with this vile imputation and suspicion, writing thus: The allies then and the confederats being sent backe, returned into their countreys and obeied the commandement of Leonidas: only the Thespians and Thebans remained still with the Lacedaemonians: and as for the Thebans, it was full against their willes, for that Leonidas kept them as hostages; but the Thespians were willing thereto, for they said, they would never forsake Leonidas nor his company. Sheweth he not ap∣apparently [ 20] heerein, that he carrieth a spightfull and malicious minde particularly against the Thebans, whereby not onely he slandereth the city falsly and unjustly, but also careth not so much, as to make the imputation seeme probable, no nor to conceale at leastwise unto few men, that he might not be espied to have beene privie unto himselfe of contradictions: for having written a little before, that Leonidas seeing his confederates and allies out of heart and altogether discouraged to hazard the fortune of the field, commanded them to depart: a little after, clean contrary he saith, that he kept the Thebans perforce with him and against their wils, whom by all likelihood he should have driven from him, if they had bene willing to stay, in case that he had them in jelousie and suspition, that they tooke part with the Medians: for seeing he would not have those about him who were cowardly affected, what boot was it to keepe among [ 30] his soldiers men suspected? For being as he was, a king of the Spartans, and captaine generall of all the Greeks, he had not beene in his right wits nor sound in judgement, if he would have staied with him in hostage foure hundred men well armed, when his owne company were but three hundred in all, especially at such a time when as he saw himselfe hardly bested and beset with enimies, who pressed upon him at once, both before and behind. For how soever before time he had led them about with him as hostages, probable it was that in such an extremity they would either have had no regard of Leonidas and so departed from him, or else that Leonidas might have feared to be environed by them rather then by the Barbarians. Over and besides, had not king Leonidas bene ridiculous and worthy to be laughed at, to bid other Greeks to de∣part, as if by tarying they should soone after lose their lives: and to forbied the Thebans, to the [ 40] end that he might keepe them for the behalfe of other Greekes, he I say who was resolved anon to died in the field; for if he led the men about with him in trueth as hostages, or no better than slaves, he never should have kept them still with those who were at the point to perish and be slaine, but rather deliverd them unto other Greeks who went from him. Now whereas there remaineth one cause yet, that a man may alledge, why he retained them still with him, for that peradventure they should all die with him, this good writer hath overthrowen that also, in that he wrieth thus of the honorable mind & magnanimity of Leonidas, word for word in this wise: Leonidas (quoth he) casting and considering all these matters in his minde, & desiring that this glory might redound unto the Spartans alone, sent away his friendly allies every one into their owne countries, therefore rather than because they were of different minds & opinions: for ex∣ceeding [ 50] folly it had bene of his part, to keepe his enemies for to be pertakers of that glory, frō which he repelled his friends. It appeareth then by the effects, that Leonidas distrusted not the Thebans, nor though amisse of them, but reputed them for his good and loiall friends: For he marched with his army into the city of Thebes, and at his request obtained that which to no o∣ther was ever granted, namely to be lodged all night and sleepe within the temple of Hercules, and the next morning related unto the Thebans, the vision which appeared unto him: For he

saw as he thought, all the greatest and most principall cities of Greece in a sea, troubled and dis∣quieted with rough windes and violent tempests, wherein they floted and were tossed to and fro. But the city of Thebes surpassed all the rest, for mounted it was on high up to heaven, & after∣wards suddenly the sight therof was lost, that it would no more be seene. And verily these things as a type resembled that which long time after befell unto that city. But Herodotus in writing of this conflict, burieth in silence the bravest act of Leonidas himselfe, saying thus much barely: They all lost their lives in the straights, about the top of a certaine hill. But it was far othewise. For when they were advertised in the night that the enimies had invested them round about, they arose and marched directy to their very campe, yea and advanced so far forth as they came within a little of the kings roiall pavilion, with a full resolution there to kill him, and to [ 10] leave their lives all about him. And verily downe they went withall before them, killing, slaying and puting to flight, as many as they met, even as farre as to his tent. But when they could not meet with Xerxes, seeking as they did for him in so vast and spacious a campe, as they wandred up and downe searching for him with much adoe, at the last hewed in peeces they were by the Barbarians, who on ever side in great number came about them. And albeit we will write in the life of Leonidas, many other noble acts and worthy sayings of his, which Herodotus hath not once touched, yet it shall not be amisse to quote heere also by the way, some of them. Before that he and his noble troupe departed out of Sparta in this journey, there were exhibited so∣lemne funerall games for his and their sakes, which their fathers and mothers stood to behold: & Leonidas himselfe, when one said unto him, That he led forth very few with him to fight a bat∣tell: Yea but they are many enough (quoth he) to die there. His wife asked him when he tooke his leave ofher, what he had else to say? No more (quoth he) turning unto her but this, that thou marry againe with some good man, and beare him good children. When he was with∣in the vale or passe of Thermopylae, and there invironed, two there were in his company of his owne race and family, whom he desired to save: So he gave unto one of them al letter to carry whether he directed it, because he would send him away: but the party would not take it at his hands, saying in great cholarand indignation, I am come hither to fight like a warrior, and not to conveigh letters as a carrier. The other he commanded for to goe with credence, and a mes∣sage from him unto the magistrates of Sparta: but he made answere not by word of mouth, but by his deed: for he tooke up his shield in hand and went directly to his place, where he was ap∣pointed [ 30] to fight. Would not any man have blamed another for leaving out these things? But this writer having taken the paines to collect and put in writing the bason and close stoole of Amasis, and how he brake winde over it; the comming in of certaine asses which a theese did drive; the congiary or giving of certaine bottles of wine, and many other matters of such good stuffe; can never be thought, to have omitted through negligence, nor by oversight and forgetfullnesse, so many worthy exploits, and notable sayings: but even of peevishnesse, malice and injustice, to some. And thus he saith, that the Thebans at first being with the Greeks, fought indeed, but it was by compulsion, because they were held there by force. For it should seeme forsooth, that not only Xerxes, but Leonidas also, had about him a company that folowed the campe with whips, to scourge those I trow, who lagged behinde, and these good fellowes [ 40] held the Thebans to it, and made them to fight against their willes: And thus he saith that they fought perforce, who might have fled and gone their waies: and that willingly they tooke part with the Medes, whereas there was not one came in to succor them. And a little after, he wri∣teth, that when others made hast to gaine the hill, the Thebans being disbanded and divied a∣sunder, both stretched forth their hands unto the Barbarians, and as they approched neere unto them, said that which was most true, namely, that they were Medians in heart, and so in token of homage and fealty, gave unto the king water and earth: that being kept by force they were com∣pelled to come into this passe of Thermopylae, and could doe withall, that their king was wounded, but were altogether innocent therof: By which allegations they went clere away with their matter: For they had the Thessalians witnesses of these their words and reasons. Lo how [ 50] this apologie and justificarion of theirs, had audience among those barbarous outcries of so ma∣ny thousand men, in those confused shouts and dissonant noises, where there was nothing but running and flying away of one side, chasing and pursuit of another: See how the witnesses were deposed, heard and examined. The Thessalians also amid the throng and rout of those that were knocked downe and killed, and over those heapes of bodies which were troden under foot (for all was done in a very gullet and narrow passage) pleaded no doubt very formally for the

Thebans: for that a little before they having conquered by force of armes all Greece, chased them as far as to the city Thespiae, after they had vanquished them in battell, and slaine their leader and captaine Lattamias. For thus much passed even at that very time betweene the Thebans and the Thessalians: whereas otherwise there was not so much as civill love and humanity, that ap∣peared by mutuall offices from one to the other. Besides, how is it possible that the Thebans were saved, by the testimony of the Thessalians? For the Barbarous Medes, as himselfe saith, partly killed outright such as came into their hands: and in part whiles their breath was yet in their bodies, by the commandement of Xerxes, set upon them a number of the kings markes, beginning first at the captaine himselfe Leontiades. And yet neither was Leontiades the generall of the Thebans at Thermopylae, but Anaxander as Aristophanes writeth out of the Annals, and [ 10] records in the arches of Thebes, as touching their soveraigne magistrates: and so Nicander like∣wise the Colophonian hath put downe in his cronicle: neither was there ever any man before Herodotus who knew that Xerxes marked & branded in that maner any Theban: for this had bin an excellent plea in their defence against the foresaid calumniation, and a very good meanes for this city to vaunt and boast of such markes given them, as if king Xerxes meant to punish and plague as his greatest and most mortall enimies, Leonidas and Leontiades. For he caused the one to be scourged, and his body to be hanged up when he was dead; and the other to be prick∣ed whiles he was alive. And this our Historiographer hath used this cruelty which they shew∣ed unto Leonidas dead, for a manifest proofe that the Barbarous king hated Leonidas in his life time above all men in the world. And in avouching that the Thebans who sided with the [ 20] Medes at Thermopylae were thus branded & marked as slaves, and afterwards, being thus marked, fought egerly in the behalfe of the same Barbarians before Plateae, me thinks he may well say as Hippoclides the feat moriske dancers, unto whom, when at a feast he bestirred his legges, and hopped artificially about the tables, one said unto him, Thou dancest truly. Hippoclides answered againe, Hippoclides careth not greatly for the trueth. In his eighth booke he writeth that the Greeks being affrighted like cowards, entred into a resolution for to flie from Artemisium into Greece: and that when those of Euboea besought them to tarry still a while, untill such time as they might take order how to bestow their wives, children and familie, they were nothing mo∣ved at their praiers, nor gave any eare unto them, untill such time as Themistocles tooke a peece of mony of them, and parted the same betweene Eurybiades and Adimantus the Pretour or cap∣taine [ 30] of the Corinthians. And then they staied longer, and fought a navall battell with the Bar∣barians. And verily Pindarus the Poet, albeit he was not of any confederate city, but of that which was suspected and accused to hold of the Medians side, yet when he had occasion to make mention of the battell at Artemisium, brake forth into this exclamation:

This is the place where Athens youth; sometime as writers say, Did with their bood, of liberty the glorious groundworke lay.

But Herodotus contrariwise, by whom some give out that Greece hath bene graced and adorned, writeth that the said victory was an act of corruption, bribery and mere theft, and that the [ 40] Greeks fought against their wils, as being bought and sold by their captaines, who tooke mony therefore. Neither is here an end of his malice. For all men in maner doe acknowledge and confesse, that the Greeks having gotten the upper hand in sea fight upon this coast, yet abando∣ned the cape Artemisium, and yeelded it to the Barbarians, upon the newes that they heard of the overthrow received at Thermopylae. For it had bene no boot nor to any purpose, for to have sitten still there, and kept the sea for the behoofe of Greece, considering that now the warre was hard at their dores within those straights, and Xerxes, master of all the Avenies. But Herodotus feigneth, that the Greeks, before they were advertised of Leontidas death, held a counsell and were in deliberation to flie: For these be his words: Being in great distresse (quoth he) and the Athenians especially, who had many of their ships, even the one halfe of their fleet shrewdly [ 50] brused and shaken, they were in consultation to take their flight into Greece. But let us permit him thus to name or to reproch rather this retrait of theirs before the battell: but he termed it before, a flight: and now at this present he calleth it a flight: and hereafter he will give it the name of flight, so bitterly is he bent to use this vile word, flight. But (quoth he) there came to the Barbarians presently after this, in a barke or light pinnace a man of Estiaea, who advertised them, how the Greeks had quit the cape Artemisium and were fledde: which because they

could not beleeve, they kept the messenger in ward and safe custody, and thereupon put forth certaine swift foists in espiall to discover the trueth. What say you Herodotus? What is it you write? That they fled as vanquished, whom their very enimies themselves after the battell could not beleeve that they fled, as supposing them to have had the better hand a great deale? And deserveth this man to have credit given him, when he writeth of one perticular person, or of one city apart by it selfe, who in one bare word, spoileth all Greece of the victory? He overthroweth and demolisheth the very Trophaee and monument, that all Greece erected. He abolisheth those titles and inscriptions, which they set up in the honor of Diana, on the East side of Artimi∣sium, calling all this but pride and vaineglory. And as for the Epigram, it ran to this effect.

From Asia land, all sorts of nations stout [ 10] When Athens youth, sometime in navall fight Had vanquished, and all these coasts about Disperst their fleet; and therewith put to flight And staine the hast of Medes: Loe heere in sight What monuments to thee with due respect, Diana virgin pure, they did erect.

He described not the order of the battels, and how the Greeks were ranged, neither hath he shewed what place every city of theirs held, during this terrible fight at sea: but in that retrait of their fleet, which he termeth a flight, he saith, that the Corinthians sailed formost, and the A∣thenians hinmost: he should not then have thus troden under foot, and insulted too much over [ 20] those Greeks, who tooke part with the Medes: he (I say) who by others is thought to be a Thurian borne, and reckoneth himselfe in the number of the Halicarnasseans, and they verily being descended from the Dorians, come with their wives and children to make warre against the Greeks. But this man is so farre off from naming and alledging before the streights and ne∣cessities whereto those states were driven, who sided with the Medians, that he reporteth thus much of the Medians, how notwithstanding the Phocaeans were their captiall enemies, yet they sent unto them aforehand, that they would spare their countrey, without doing any harme or damage unto it, if they might receive from them as a reward, fifite talents of silver. And this wrote he as touching the Phocaeans in these very termes: The Phocaeans (quoth he) were the onely men who in these quarters sided not with the Medians, for no other cause as I finde upon [ 30] mature consideration, but in regard of the hatred which they bare against the Thessalians: for if the Thessalians had bene affected to the Greeks, I suppose the Phocaeans would have turned to the Medes. And yet a little after, himselfe wil say, that thirteene cities of the Phocaeans were set on fire, and burnt to ashes by the Barbarian king, their countrey laid waste, the temple with∣in the citie Abes consumed with fire, their men and women both put to the sword, as many as could not gaine the top of the mount Pernassus: Neverthelesse he rangeth them in the number of those that most affectionatly tooke part with the Barbarians, who indeed, chose rather to endure all extremities and miseries that warre may bring, than to abandon the defence and maintenance of the honour of Greece. And being not able to reproove the men for any deeds committed, he busied his braines to devise false imputations, forging and framing with his pen [ 40] divers surmises and suspicions against them, not willing that their intentions should be judged by their acts, if they had not beene of the same minde and affection with the Thessalians, as if they would have renounced the treason, because their countrey was already seized by others. If then, a man, who would goe about to excuse the Thessalians for siding with the Medes, should say, that they were not willing thereto, but for the harted which they bare unto the Phocaeans, seeng them adhere and allied to the Greeks, therefore they tooke the contrary side, and clave to the Medes, even against their will and judgement: might not he seeme to be an egregious flatterer, who thus in favour of others, searching honest pretenses to colour and cover foule facts, perverteth the trueth? Yes verily, as I thinke. How them can it otherwise be, but that he shall be taken for a plaine sycophant, who saith; that the Phocaeans followed not the better for vertue, [ 50] but because they knew the Thessalians were of a contrary minde and judgement? For he doeth not turne and father this slander and calumniation upon others, as his maner is else where to doe, saying, that he heard say, &c. but he affirmeth, that in conferring all things to∣gether, himselfe found no other occasion thereof. He ought then to have alledged withall, his presumptions and proofes; whereby he was perswaded, that they who performe all acti∣ons semblable to the best, are yet in will and intention all one with the woorst. For the occasion

which he alledgeth, to wit, enmitie, is frivolous, and to be laughed at, because neither the en∣mitie that was betweene those of Aegina and the Athenians; nor that which the Chalcidians bare against the Eretrians; nor the Corinthians against the Megarians; was a barre to empeach them for joining together in the league of Greece, for the defence of common libertie: like as on the contrary side, the Macedonians most bitter and mortall enemies unto the Thessalians, and those who plagued them most, diverted them not from the confederacie and alliance with the Barbarians. For the publicke perill, covered and hidde their private quarrels: insomuch as abandoning and banishing their passions, they gave their consent, either to honesty for vertue, or to profit for necessitie. And yet beside this necessitie, wherewith they found themselves overtaken, yea, and forced to submit themselves to the Medes, they returned againe to the [ 10] Greeks side: and heereof Leocrates the Spartane, giveth direct testimonie in their behalfe. Yea and Herodotus himselfe being forced and compelled thereto, confesseth in the description of the affaires that passed at Plateae, that the Phocians sided with the Greeks. And no marvell is it, if he be so rough and violent with such as have beene infortunate; when as, even those who were present in the action, and hazarded their whole estate for the good of the common-wealth, he transposeth into the ranke of enemies and traitors. For the men of Naxos sent three gallies or shippes of warre to aide the Barbarians in their service: but one of the captaines of those ves∣sels named Democritus, perswaded his other two fellowes, to turne, and range rather on the Greeks side. See how he can not for his life, praise, but he must withall dispraise: but looke when some particular person is commended, he must needs by and by condemne a whole citie and nation: Witnesse heereof, among ancient writers, Hellanicus, and of our moderne authors, [ 20] Ephorus: for the one saith, that the Naxians came to succour the Greekes with sixe gallies, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other saith with five: yea and Herodotus himselfe is convinced to have feigned and falsified this: For the particular chroniclers of the Naxians write, that before time they had repulsed Megabetes the lieutenant of the kings, who with two hundred saile arrived at their Isle, & there ridde at anchor: afterwards drave away Datis another generall of his, who as he passed by, burnt their cities. And if it be so as Herodotus saith elsewhere, that they themselves destroied their city, by setting it on fire, but the people saved themselves, by flying into the mountaines, had they good cause to send aid unto those, who were the cause of the ruin and destruction of their owne country, and not to joine with them who fought for the common liberty? But that it was not so much to praise Democritus, as to blame the Naxians, that he devised this lie, he sheweth evi∣dently [ 30] by this, that he concealeth and omitteth to speake of the valiant feats of armes, which at that time captaine Democritus exploited, according as Simonides shewed by this Epigram.

Democritus in third place gave the charge with all his might, What time as Greeks nere Salamis, with Medes at sea did fight, Five ships of enimies he tooke: a sixth there chanc'd to be, [ 40] One of the Greeks in Barbarous hands, and that recovered he.

But why should any man be angry with him about the Naxians? For if their be any Antipodes, as some say there are, who dwell in the other Hemisphaere and goe opposit unto us, I suppose that they also have heard of Themistocles, and the counsell that he gave unto the Greeks for to fight a navall battel before Salamis, who afterwards caused a temple to be built in the Isle of Me∣lite, unto Diana the wise counseller, after that the Barbarous king was discomfited. Now this kinde and gentle cronicler of ours, refusing as much as lieth in him to avow this exploit, and to transfer the glory thereof unto another, writeth expresly thus. When things stood upon these termes, as Themistocles went a boord into his owne gally, there was a citizen of Athens named Mnesiphelus, who demanded of him what they had resolved upon in their councell? And when [ 50] he heard that concluded it was to retire with their fleet unto Isthmus or the streights, there to fight a battell at sea even before Peloponnesus: I say unto you (quoth he) againe that if they re∣moove the navy from Salamis, you shall never fight more upon the sea for any country of your owne: for every man will presently returne home to his owne city. And therefore if there be any device and meanes in the world, goe your waies and indevor to breake this resolution, and if it be possible deale so with Eurybiades, that he may change his minde and tarry here still: And a

little after, when he had said that this advice pleased Themistocles wondrous much, & that with∣out making any answere at all he went directly to Eurybiades, he writeth againe in these very tearmes: And sitting neere unto him, he relateth what counsell he had heard Mnesiphilus to give, taking it upon himselfe, and addeth more things besides. Thus see you not how in some sort he brings Themistocles unto an ill name and opinion of leaudnesse, in that he attributeth unto himselfe a counsell which was none of his owne, but the invension of Mnesiphilus? And afterwards deriding still the Greeks more and more, he saith that Themistocles was no such wise man, as to see what was good and expedient, but failed in his foresight, notwithstanding that for his prudence and cunning he caried the surname of Ulisses. Mary, lady Artemisia borne in the same city that Herodotus was, without the prompting or teaching of any person, but even of her [ 10] own head, fortold Xerxes that the Greeks could not hold out long, nor make head against him, but would disband and disperse themselves, & every one flie home unto his owne city: Neither it is like (quoth she) if you march with your army by land unto Peloponnesus, that they will be quiet and sit still, and take no care to fight at sea for the Athenians: Whereas, Sir, if you make hast to give them a navall battell, I feare me greatly that if your armada receive any foile or da∣mage, it wil greatly prejudice your land forces. But here Herodotus wanted nothing but his pro∣pheticall verses, to make Artemisia another Sibylla, prophesying of things to come so exactly. Well in regard of this advertisement Xerxes gave her commission to carry his children with her to the city of Ephesw: for he had fogotten belike, to bring any women with him from his toi∣all city ofSusa, in case his children needed a convoy of women to conduct them. But I make [ 20] no account of such lies as these which he hath devised against us: yet let us onely examine a lit∣tle what slanders he hath raised upon others. He saith that the Athenians give out, how Adi∣mantus the captaine of the Corinthians, when the enimies were at the point of giving the charge, and joining battell, in great feare and astonishment fled, not by shoving the ship backe∣ward at the poupe by little and little after a soft maner of retreat, nor yet making way of evasion and escape closely and with silence through his enimies; but hoising up and spreding full saile, and turning the proes and beake heads about of all his vessels at once. And then there was a fregat or swift pinnace sent out after him, which overtooke him about the coasts of Salamis, out of which one cried out unto him: What Adimantus, doe you flie indeed, and have you abando∣ned and betraied the Greeks? And yet they have the better hand, according as they made their [ 30] praiers unto the gods for to vanquish their enemies. Now this fregat, we must thinke verily came downe from heaven: for what need had he to use any such tragique engine, or fabricke to worke sueh feats, who every where else surpasseth all the Poets tragicall in the world, forlying and vanity. Well Adimantus beleeving the said voice, was reclaimed and returned againe to the armada, when all was done, and the businesse dispatched by others to his hands. Thus goes the bruit and speech among the Athenians. But the Corinthians confesse not so much, saying that they themselves were the formost who in the vaward gave the first onset and charged the enimies in this battell at sea: and on their side beare witnesse all the other Greeks. And thus dealeth this man in many other places: He soweth slanders here and there upon one or o∣ther, to the end that he may not misse but light upon some, fall it out as it will, who may ap∣peare [ 40] most wicked. Like as in this place he speedeth very well in his purpose. For if his slander and accusation be beleeved, the Corinthians shall sustaine infamie: if discredited, the Athe∣nians shall beare the dishonor: or if the Athenians have not lied upon the Corinthians, yet himselfe hath spared neither of them, but told a lie of them both. For proofe hereof, Thucydi∣des who bringeth in an embassador of Athens, to contest against a Corinthian at Lacedaemon, and speake bravely of their owne worthy exploits against the Medes, and namely, of the navall bat∣tell of Salamis, chargeth upon the Corinthians no matter of treason nor cowardise in abando∣ning their colours: for there is no likelihood, that the Athenians would have reproched the ci∣ty of Corinth in such termes, considering that they saw it ingraven in the third place after the Lacedaemonians, and those inscriptions of spoiles which woon from the Barbarians, were con∣secrated [ 50] to the gods. And at Salamis, they permitted them to interre and bury their dead neere to the citie side, as who were brave warriours, and had borne themselves most valiantly in that service, with an inscription in Elegick verses to this effect:

Once (passenger) we dwelt in Corinth towne, Well watered with sea on either side: And now our bones thu Isle of renowme,

Hight Salamis, within drie mould doth hide: Phoenician ships we sunke, that here did ride: The Medes so stout we slew and Persians brave, That sacred Greece from bondage we might save.

But their Cenotaph or imaginary tombe which was erected in Isthmus, carieth this Epitaph:

Loe heere we lie, who with our lives set free All Greece, neere brought to shamefull slaverie.

Likewise over the offerings which Diodorus one of the captaines of the Corinthian gallies, cau∣sed to be set up in the temple of Latona, there was this superscription:

From cruell Medes, these armes which hang in sight, The mariners of Theodorus won: [ 10] And as memorials of their navall fight, To dame Latona offred them anon.

Adimantus himselfe, whom Herodotus evermore doth revile and reproch, saying, That he alone of all the captaines, went away with a full purpose to flie from Artemisium, and would not stay untill the conflict; see what honour he had:

Friend passenger, heere lies sir Adimant Entombed, by whose prowesse valiant, All Greece is crown'd with freedome at this day, Which els had beene to thraldome brought for ay. [ 20]

For neither is it like that such honour should have beene done unto him after his death, if hee had beene a coward and a traitour; neither would he ever have dared to name one of his daugh∣ters Nausinice, that is to say, Victorie in battell at sea; another, Acrothinion, which is as much, as the First fruits of spoiles won from enemies; and a third, Alexibia, that is to say, Aide against force: also to give unto his sonne the name of Aristeus, which signifieth a brave warriour: if he had not won some glory and reputation by worthy feats of armes. Moreover, it is not credible, I will not say, that Herodotus, but the meanest and most obscure Carian that is, was ignorant of that glorious and memorable praier which in those daies the Corinthian dames alone of all o∣ther Grecian wives made, That it might please the goddesse Venus to inspire their husbands with the love and desire to give battell unto the Barbarians. For this was a thing commonly knowen and divulged abroad, insomuch as Simonides made an Epigram engraven over those [ 30] their images of brasse, which are set up in the temple of Venus, which by report was founded in times past by Medea, as some say, to this end, that she herselfe might cease to love her husband; but as others, that Jason her husband might give over the love of one Thetis. And the said Epi∣gram goeth in this maner:

These ladies here, whose statues stand in place, Did whilom praiers to goddesse Venus make, In Greeks behalfe; that it might please her grace Them to incite, the warres to undertake. Dame Venus then, for those good womens sake [ 40] To Median archers expos'd not as a pray The Greeks, nor would their Citadel betray.

Such matters as these, he should have written and made mention of, rather than inserted into his historie, how Aminocles killed his owne sonne. Over and besides, after he had satisfied himselfe to the ful with most impudentimputations which he charged upon Themistocles, accusing him, that he ceased not secretly to rob and spoile the Isles, without the knowledge of the other cap∣taines joined in commission with him; in the end, taketh from the Athenians the crowne of principall valiance, and setteth it upon the head of the Aeginets, writing thus: The Greeks ha∣ving sent the first fruits of their spoiles and pillage unto the temple at Delphos, demanded of A∣pollo in generall, whether he had sufficient, and stood content with that portion of the bootie: unto whom he answered, that of all other Greeks, he had received enough, & wherewith he was [ 50] well pleased: but of the Aeginets not so; at whose hands he required the chiefe prise and honor of prowesse, which they woon at the battell of Salamis. Thus you see he fathereth not upon the Scythians, the Persians or Aegyptians his lying tale, which he coggeth and deviseth, as Aesope doth upon crowes, ravens and apes; but he useth the very person of god Apollo Pythius, for to disappoint and deprive the Athenians of the first place in honor, at the battell of Salamis; as also

The mistocles of the second, which was adjudged unto him at Isthmus or the streights of Pelopon∣nesus; for that ech captaine there, attributed the highest degree of prowesse to himselfe, and the next unto him: and thus the judgement heereof growing to no end and conclusion, by reason of the ambition of the said captaines, he saith, All the Greeks weighed anchor and departed, as not being willing to conferre upon Themistocles the sovereigne honour of the victorie. And in his ninth and last booke, having nothing left to wreake his teene upon, and to discharge his ma∣licious and spightfull stomacke, but onely the Lacedaemonians, and that excellent piece of ser∣vice which they performed against the Barbarians before the city of Plateae, he writeth, That the Lacedaemonians, who aforetime feared greatly, that the Athenians being sollicited and perswa∣ded [ 10] by Mardonius, would forsake all other Greeks: now that the Streights of Isthmus were mu∣red up & their country safe enough, they tooke no further care of others, but left them at six and seven, feasting & making holiday at home, deluding the embassadors of the Athenians, and hol∣ding them off with delaies, and not giving them their dispatch. And how is it then, that there went to Plateae a thousand and five Spartans, having every one of them seven Ilotes about him, for the guard of his person? How is it (I say) that they taking upon them the adventure of so great a perill, vanquished and discomfited so many thousands of Barbarians? But hearken what a probable cause hee alledgeth: There was (quoth he) by chance, a man at Sparta, named Chileus, who came from Tegaea thither, and sojourned there, for that among the Ephori he had some friends, as betweene whom and him there was mutuall hospitalitie: He it was who [ 20] perswaded them to bring their forces into the field, shewing unto them that the bulwarke and wall for the defence of Peloponnesus would serve in small stead or none, if the Athenians joined once with Mardonius; and this was it that drew Pausantas forth with his power to Plateae: so that if some particular businesse haply had kept Chileus at home still in Tegea, Greece had never got∣ten the victorie. Againe, not knowing another time what to doe with the Athenians: one while he extolleth their city on high, and another while he debaseth it as low, tossing it to and fro, say∣ing, that being in question about the second place of honor with the Tegeats, they made men∣tion of the Heraclidae, alledging their valiant acts, which before time they had atchieve a∣ganinst the Amazones: the sepultures also of the Peloponnesians, who died under the very wals of the castle Cadmea; and finally that they went downe to Marathon vaunting gloriously in words, and taking great joy that they had the conduct of the left wing or point of the battell. [ 30] Also a little after, he putteth downe, that Pausanias & the Spartans willingly yeelded the superi∣oritie of command to them, and desired them to take the charge of the right wing themselves, to the end they might confront the Persians, and give them the left; as if they had excused themselves by their disuse, in that they were woont to encounter with the Barbarians. And veri∣ly, albeit this is a meere mockerie, to say, that they were unwilling to deale with those enemies, who were not accustomed to fight with them: yet he saith moreover, that all the other Greeks, when their captaines ledde them into another place for to encampe in, so soone as ever their standerds marched & advanced forward: The horsemen (quoth he) in generall fled, and would willingly have put themselves within the city Plateae, but they fledde indeed as farre as to the temple of Juno. Wherein he accuseth all the Greeks together of disobedience, cowardise, and treason. [ 40] Finally, he writeth that there were none but the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeates who charged the Barbarians; nor any besides the Athenians, who fought with the Thebans; depriving all other cities equally of their part in the glory of that so noble an exploit: for that there was not one of them who laid hand to worke, but sitting all still, or leaning upon their weapons hard by, abandoning and betraying in the meane time, without doing ought, those who fought for their safetie, untill that the Phliasians, and the Megarians, though long it were first, hearing that Pausanias had the upper hand, ranne in with more haste than good speed, and falling upon the cavallerie of the Thebanes, where they were presently defaited and slaine, without any great adoe: But the Corinthians (quoth he) were not at this fray, but after the vic∣torie, [ 50] keeping above on the high ground among the mountaines, by that meanes met not with the Thebanes horsemen. For the cavallery of the Thebanes, seeing the Barbarians to fly all in a rout, put themselves foorth before them, to make them way, and by this meanes very af∣fectionately assisted them in their flight, and all in recompence and by way of thankesgiving, forsooth, (for so you must take it) for those marks which were given them in their faces, with∣in the streight of Thermopilae. But in what ranke and place of this battell the Corinthians were raunged, and how they did their devoir, and quit themselves against the Barbarians before Pla∣teae,

you may know by that which Simonides writeth of them in these verses:

Amid the host arraunged stood, and in the battell maine, Those who inhabit Ephyra, waterd with many a vaine Of lively springs: Men who in feats, of martiall armes excell: And joinct with them, they that inold sir Glaucus citie dwell, Faire Corinth hight: and these their deeds [ 10] of prowesse to expresse, A stately gift of precious gold, did afterwards addresse, And consecrate to gods above in heav'ns: and by the same Much amplified their owne renowme, and their forcfathers fame.

For this wrote he of them, not by way of a scholasticall exercise, as if he taught a schoole in Corinth: nor as one who of purpose made a song or balad in praise of the city, but as a chroni∣cler penning the historie of these affaires in elegiack verses to that effect. But this writer heere of ours, preventeth the conviction of a loud lie, lest he might be taken therewith, by those that [ 20] should demaund of him in this maner: How commeth it then to passe that there be so many sepulchres, tombes, graves, and monuments of the dead, upon which the Plateans even to this day doe solemnly celebrate the anniversarie effusions, to the ghosts and soules of those that are departed, in the presence of other Greeks assistant with them? And verily in mine opinion he seemeth yet more shamefully to charge theseinations with the crime of treason, in these words following: And these sepultures or places of burial which are seene about Plateae, those I meane which their posteritie and successors, being ashamed of this foule fault, that their progenitours were not at this battell, or came too late, cast up, and raised on high, every man for his part in generall, for the posteritie sake. As for Herodotus he is the onely man of all others who hath heard of this absence from the battell, which is reputed treason: But Pausanias, Aristides, the [ 30] Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, never knew of those Greeks who made default, and would not be at this dangerous conflict: And yet the Athenians neither impeached the Aeginetes though they were their adversaries, that they were not comprised within the inscription, nor yet charged and convinced the Corinthians for flying from the battell at Salamis, considering that Greece beareth witnesse against them. And verily as Herodotus himselfe doth testifie, ten yeeres after this warr of the Medes, Cleadas a citizen of Plateae, to gratifie and pleasure the Ae∣ginetes as a friend, raised a great mount bearing their name, as if they had bene interred there∣in. What ailed then the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, or what moved them, being so jea∣lous one of another about this glory as they were, that they had like to have gone together by the eares presently upon the exploit performed, for erecting of a Tropaee or monument of [ 40] victory, not to deprive them of the price of honor, who upon cowardly feare were either away or else fled from the service, but to suffer their names to be written upon the Tropaees, Colo∣pes and giantlike statues erected in memoriall of them, allowing them their part in the spoiles and pillage, yea and in the end causing this Epigram or superscription to be engraven upon a publicke alter?

The Greeks in signe of noble victory, Which they sometimes wan of the Persians host, And to retaine the thankefull memory That they them drave away from Gretian coast, [ 50] (So resolute they were or else all had bene lost) This common alter built to Jupiter Surnamed hereupon Deliverer.

How now Herodotus, was it Cleades, or some other I pray you, who in flatterie of the Greeks, made this Epigram or Inscription? What need had they then to take such paines & trouble thē∣selves in digging the ground in vain, & by casting up of earth raise such mounts & monuments

for the age to come, when as they might see their glory consecrated and immortalized in these most conspicuous and famous memorials, dedicated to the honor of the gods? And verily Pau∣sanias, when as he intended, as men say to usurpe tyrannicall government, in a certaine oblation which he offred in the temple of Apollo at Delphos, set this inscription;

Pausanias the captaine generall Of all the Greeks: when he had conquered The Medes in fight, for a memoriall This monument to Phoebus offered.

And albeit in some sort he communicated the glory of this execution with the Greeks, whose sovereigne captaine he termed himselfe, yet the Greeks being not able to endure it, but utterly [ 10] misliking him therefore, the Lacedaemonians above the rest sent their embassadors unto Del∣phos, and caused the said Epigram to be cut out with a chizzell, and in lieu thereof, the names of the cities, as good reason was, to be engraven: And yet what likelihood is there, that either the Greeks should take offence and discontentment for being left out in this inscription, in case they were culpable, and privy to themselves, that they were not with others at the battell? or the Lacedaemonians when they raced out and defaced the name of their generall and chiefe com∣mander, cause to be written and engraved their names, who had forsaken and left them in the middest of danger? For this were a manifest indignity, and most absurd, if when Socharus Dip∣nistus, and all those that performed the best service in that journey, never grieved nor complai∣ned that the Cythnians and Melians had their names recorded in those Tropaees, Herodotus in [ 20] attributing the honor of this battell unto three cities onely, should dash all others out, and not suffer their names to stand upon any Tropaees or consecrated places: For whereas there were foure battels given then unto the Barbarians, he saith, that the Greeks fled from the cape Arte∣misium: And at the passe or streights of Thermopylae, whiles their king and soveraigne captaine exposed himselfe to the hazzard of his life, they kept themselves close at home and sat still, ta∣king no thought for the matter, but solemnized their Olympicke games and Carnian feats.

Moreover when he commeth to discribe the battell at Salamis, he speaketh so much of Arte∣misia, that he spendeth not so many words againe, in all the narraton of that navall battell, and the issue thereof. Finally as touching the journey of Plateae, he saith that all other Greeks, sit∣ting idly at their ease, knew nothing of the field fought, before all was done, according as Pigres Artimisias [ 30] being pleasantly disposed to jest, writeth merily in verse, that there was a battell be∣tweene frogs and mice, wherein they were agreed to keepe silence, & make no noise al the whiles they fought; to the end that no others might take any knowledge thereof: also that the Lace∣daemonians were no better warriors nor more valiant than the Barbarians: but their hap was to defait and vanquish them, because they were naked men and disarmed: For Xerxes himselfe being present in person, if they had not beene followed with whips & scourged forward, had ne∣ver bene able to have made them fight with the Greeks; mary in this journey of Plateae, having changed their hearts and courages (for needs it must be so) they were nothing inferior in bold∣nesse of heart, strength of body, and resolution to the Greeks; but it was the apparell, which wanting armes upon it, hurt them so much & marred al, for being themselves lightly appointed [ 40] and in maner naked, thay had to deale with the Lacedaemonians that were heavily armed at all pieces. What honor then or great matter of glory could redound unto the Greeks out of these foure battels, in case it be so that the Lacedaemonians encountred naked and unarmed men? And for the other Greeks although they were in those parts present, yet if they knew not of the combat, untill the service was done to their hands: and if the tombs honored yeerely by the se∣verall cities belonging to them, be emptie, and mockeries onely of monuments and sepulchres; and if the trevets and altars erected before the gods, be full of false titles and inscriptions; and Herodotus onely knew the trueth; and all men in the world besides, who have heard of the Greeks, and were quite deceived by the honorable name and opinion that went of them for their singular prowesse and admirable vertue; what is their then to be thought or said of Herodo∣tus? [ 50] Surely that he is an excellent writer, and depainteth things to the life: he is a fine man; he hath an eloquent tongue: his discourses are full of grace, they are pleasant, beautifull, and ar∣tificiall: and as it was said of a Poet or Musician in telling his tale; how ever he hath pronoun∣ced his narration and history not with knowledge and learning, yet surely he hath done it ele∣gantly, smoothly, and with an audible and cleare voice. And these I wis be the things that move delight and doe affect all that reade him. But like as among roses we must beware of the veni∣mous

flies Cantharides: even so we ought to take heed of detractions and backebiting of his base penning likewise of things deserving great praise, which insinuate themselves and creepe under his smooth stile, polished phrase and figurative speeches: to the end, that ere we be a∣ware we intertaine not, nor foster in our heads, false conceits and absurd opinions of the bravest men and noblest cities of Greece. [ 10]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Graecē melius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.2

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉