The period of the Persian monarchie VVherein sundry places of Ezra, Nehemiah and Daniel are cleered: extracted, contracted, and englished, much of it out of Doctor Raynolds, by the late learned and godly man William Pemble, of Magdalen Hall in Oxford. Published and enlarged since his death by his friend, Richard Capel.

A CHRONOLOGIE OF THE PERSIAN MONARCHIE.

CHAP. I.

CYRVS tooke Babylon about the 20th yeare of his reign,* 1.1 and was after Emperour of that Monarchy	Years. 9	Moneths.
2 Cambyses his sonne, called, Dan. 10.13. Prince of the King∣dome of Persia, because he did rule at home, as Prorex, during his fathers war∣like expeditions abroad. Whiles his fa∣ther liued, he hindred the worke of the Temple. But that he reigned with his father 2 yeares at least, and that those two yeares should bepart of those seuen

which Herodotus gives him, cannot be proued. They may rather be part of those nine yeares, that Sulpicius Severus, or of those more that Ctefias and Alexan∣drinus ascribe vnto him. Hee slew his Brother, and not long after dyed of a wound hee gave himselfe by chance, ha∣ving reigned after the death of his Fa∣ther	Yeares. 7	Moneths. 5
3 Darius Hystaspis (Cambyses dying without issue) was chosen Emperour by the 7 Princes of Persia. He reigned ouer the Monarchie	36
4 Xerxes the sonne of Darius by A∣tossa the daughter of Cyrus, succeeded his Father in the Empire. Hee had an elder Brother Artobarzanes, or Artemenes, who gave way to Xerxes his younger brother. This X••rxes was Assuerus the mighty Emperour, who married Ester the Iew. He reigned after the decease of his Fa∣ther, and two yeares together with his Father, after the maner of the Persians, as Viceroy	20	and aboue somewhat.
5 Artaxerxes Longimanus, Nehemiah his Lord and Master, the sonne of Xerxes by Queene Ester,being much what about 14 yeares of age,* 1.2 succeeded his Father (Artabazanus, who affected the Crowne, and held vp some 7 moneths being slaine) and reigned. They that giue him but 40, doe disjoine those odde moneths, that Xerxes and Zogdianus reigned. Ptolemy and Clemens Alexandrinus joyne them with Artaxerxes yeares, and so giue him [41.]	41

6 Darius Nothus, so called, because he was Artaxerxes his Bastard, succeeded his Father. Artaxerxes had a young sonne called Xerxes, who, some fortnight after his Fathers death was slaine, and depri∣ved of his life and right by Zogdianus, or Secundanus his bastard Brother, who tooke the Crowne, but held it not aboue 7 Moneths. For being slaine also, this Darius called before Ochus, a bastard also, tooke the Empire, and was called Da∣rius, and held it (some give Artaxerxes his Father 41 yeares, some 46 yeares: but the most and best agree vpon 40 yeares.) This Darius Nothus his bastard sonne had the honour to have the holy Citie builded and finished in his dayes. He reigned in all	Yeares. 19	Moneths. 6
7 Artaxerxes Mnemon. In his dayes flourished the Prophet Malachie. Cyrus his brother, called Cyrus the younger, tooke armes against him with the losse of his owne life. Whose expedition is de∣scribed by that famous Xenophon. This Artaxerxes reigned	43
8 Ochus, called Darius Artaxerxes O∣chus. He reigned	23
9 Arses the sonne of Ochus was slaine by Bagoas an Eunuch,* 1.3 who killed first O∣chus his Father. Arses reigned	3
Broughton leaues out the 20 yeares of Ochus, and makes Ochus and Arses to be but one man: and thrusting out Arses, gives vnto Ochus his three yeares and no more. He was deceived by the Florentine Printer of Clemens Alexandrinus, prin∣ting

for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 20,* 1.4 put by the Librarie) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	Yeares.	Moneths.
10 Darius Codomannes his sonne suc∣ceeded him: and in the 6 yeare of his reigne he was beaten by Alexander Mag∣nus, and slaine by Bessus Gouernour of Bactrya, one of Alexanders Princes and Captaines, and so an end of the Persian Monarchie. He reigned	6
The whole time of the Persian Monar∣chy was a matter of 228 yeares. Cyrus began to reigne in Persia the 55 Olympiad. Darius the last was subdued by Alexan∣der the 112 Olympiad. So betwixt Cyrus and Darius there fell in 57 Olympiads, & each Olympiad had the terme of 4 yeares: so we finde 228 compleat yeares, onely adding the imperfect yeares of the 112 Olympiad: in which Olympiad Darius was slaine. Some petty differences there are about small matters in judicious 2 1.5 Chrono∣logers, (chiefely about Cyrus his time, af∣ter he was Emperour: for some giue him but 3 or 4 yeares at the most.) But in the summe of the matter, the chiefest agree vpon this reckoning, and giue to the Per∣sian Monarchie about 228 yeares.

CHAP. II. An Explanation of the former Kings of the Persian Monarchie out of Daniel.

Dan. 11.2.

There shall stand vp yet 3. Kings in P••r∣sia: and the 4. shall be far••e richer than they all. And by ••is strength through ••is rubes, he shall stirre vp all against the Realme of G••aecia.

SIth the former voyce shewes this was in the f••rst yeare of Darius the Mede: and therefore, whereas it is said, There shall stand vp [yet] three Kings: the sense is, That from, or after Darius the Mede there shall be three Kings in Per••ia. viz. Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius Hystaspis; and then the fourth is plainly Xerxes, as ap∣peares by that of his gr••at riches, and his huge and mighty preparations made to invade Greece. Now sith 'tis as cleere as day, that the fourth was Xerxes, the other 3 can be no other than Cyrus, Cam∣byses and Darius Hystaspis.

The only Objection that can be made, is of a Magus, named Smerdis, who tooke vpon him to be the sonne of Cyrus, and vsurped the Throne after Cambyses,* 1.6 against whom he conspired. But the an∣swere is, that the Holy Ghost doth not hold him worth the naming, and hee beares no place in the holy writ amongst the Kings of Persia: whether it be for that his time was short; for e••e he saw 7 moneth••, the Nobles conspired against him, and suppressed him: or whether he being a conspirator is rather to be called a Tyrant than a King. 'tis out of question the Holy Ghost doth passe the Magus or Sm••rdis over. Some doe take the odde

moneths, that this Smerdis vsurped, and adde them to the time of Cambyses; and so giue him somewhat a longer time of reigne than I haue done: but so small a difference is not worth the speaking of.

2. Chron. 36. ^a 20

And they were servants to him and to his ^b sons.

(^a Nebuchadnezzar.

^b His son Euilmerodach: 2. Reg. 25.27.

His nephew Belshazzar. Dan. 5.1.) And all nations shall feare him, and his sonne, and his sonnes son, vntill the time of his Lord come, when many nations and great Kings shall serue themselues of him.

2. Chron. 36.21.

To fulfill the Word of the Lord spoken by ^c Ieremiah, un∣till the land had her fill of Sab∣baths: for all the dayes that she lay desolate she kept Sabbath ^d 70 yeares.

^c Ier. 25.11. And this whole land shall be desolate, and an astonishment, and these Nations shall serue the King of Babell. 70. yeares. and Ier. 19.10. ^d beginning when Iehoiaki•• or Ieconiah was carried away captiue, ending at the first yeare of Cyrus and Darius the Mede Kings of Persia. That they began at Ieconiahs captivity, is proved by Ezek. 40.1. In the fiue and twentieth yeare of our being in captivity, in the beginning of the yeare, in the 10^th day of the moneth, in the 14^th yeare after the Citie was smitten. &c. Now Ezekiel, for the most part, reckons the yeare from the first of Ieconiahs captivity. As Ezech. 1.2. And more plainely out of Ieremiah, cap. 29.2.10. where writing to those that were carried away with Ieconiah, he tels them, that they shall be 70 yeares in ca∣ptivity from the time of their carrying away; as may appeare, if the Chapter be rightly considered of.

2. Chron. 36.22.23.

But in the first yeare of ^c Cyrus King of Persia, &c. Thus saith Cyrus King of Persia.

^c Together with Darius the Mede, whom Cyrus had of his owne accord ad∣mitted

into the governement of the Em∣pire with himselfe, as Dan. 5.31. Darius of the Medes tooke the Kingdome being 62. yeares old. and, Daniel 9.1. In the first yeare of Darius the sonne of Ahash••erosh of the seed of the Medes, which was made King of the realm of the Chaldeans▪ For Cyrus, led with ambition, went about warres in o∣ther Countries: and therfore Darius had the title of the King▪ though Cyrus were King in ••ffect.

Ezra. 1.1.

Now in the first ^f yeare of ^f Cyrus King of Persia, that the Word of the Lord by the mouth of Iere∣miah might be accomplished, the Lord stirred vp the spirit of Cyrus K. of Per∣sia, and he made a proclamation throughout all his Kingdome, &c.

^f When he first reigned ouer Babylon: for otherwise hee reigned 30. yeares in Persia, and in the 28^th. of his reigne of Persia was this captivity of the Iewes en∣ded.

Ezra. 2.2.

Which came with ^g Zerub∣babel, to wit, Ieshua, Nehe∣miah, &c.

^g Zerubbabel was chiefe Captaine. Ie∣shua or Iehoshua son of Iehozadak high Priest, Hag. 1.1. But Nehemiah a man of great authority went not now, but came 64. or 54. yeares after.

Ezra. 3.1.

And when the 7. moneth was come, and the children of Israel were in their Cities, the people assembled themselues as one man vnto Ierusalem. From the first day of the 7. moneth they offered burnt offerings.

^h And Cambyses his sonne. synecdochicè.

Ezra. 3.8.

In the second yeare of their comming vnto the house of God in Ierusa∣lem, &c. they began to set forward the worke of the house of God: and v. 9. they laid the foundation.

Ezra. 4.5.

And they hired counsellers against them to hinder their device all the dayes of ^l Cyrus K. of Persia, even a 1.7 vntill the reigne of Darius K. of Persia.

^l The son of Hystaspes, the third King from Cyrus, who either for to curry fa∣vour with the people, or for the loue of Atossa, Cyrus his daughter (whom after he had gotten the Kingdome he married) did carefully ratifie euery thing that Cy∣rus had done, that hereby he might esta∣blish himselfe; and therefore in his time also those crafty vnderminers of the Iewes prosperity did preuaile.

6 And in the dayes o•• ^k Aha∣sh••erosh (in the beginning of his reigne) wrote they an accusa∣tion against the Inhabitants of Iudah and Ie∣rusalem.

^k That is of Xerxes called Ahashuerosh or Assuerus, (q. d.) an hereditary Prince, both because he was borne after that Da∣rius was King, as also because he first was borne of A••ossa Cyrus his daughter, and so seemed by subrogation and represen∣tation to succeed his b 1.8 grandfather Cy∣rus.

7 And in the dayes of ^l A••∣tash ashte (Mi∣thridate Tabeël, and the rest of the companions, &c.) wrote vn∣to the King, for the staying of the building of the Temple.

^l Or Artaxerxes, he namely that was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Longimanus, the sonne of Xerxes by Amestris the daughter of O∣tan, (as Herod. Polym••.) whom Ctesias cal∣leth Amistris, or Amystres, the daughter of Onopha; That is to say, by Ester the daughter of Abi••hail, Ester 2.15.

Ezra. 5.24.

Then ^m ceased the worke of the house of God, which was at Ierusalem, and did stay vnto the second yeare of ⁿ Darius King of Persia.

^m About 41. yeares, for Artaxerxes Longimanus reigned 40. whereunto must be added the first yeare of Darius.

ⁿ Namely, Darius Nothus (for a bastard was hee) who before hee was King was called Ochus.

Ezra. 5.1.

Then Haggai, a Prophet, and Zechariah the sonne of Iddo prophecied vnto the Iewes, that were in Iudah and Ierusalem. Haggai. 1.1. ••n the 2. yeare of King Darius, in the 6. moneth, in the 1. day of the moneth, came the Word of the Lord by the ministry of Haggai the Prophet, vnto Zerub∣babel the sonne of Shealtiel, a Prince of Iudah, and to Iehoshua, the sonne of Iehozadach, the high Priest. chap. 2. In the 7. moneth, and 21. day of the moneth, came the Word. v. 4. Who is left a••ong you, that saw this house in her first glory? how doe you see it now? Is it not in your eyes in comparison of that,* 1.9 as nothing? The hands of Zerubbabel haue laid the foundation of this house,* 1.10 and his hands shall also fi••ish it, &c. In the 8. moneth of the second yeare of Darius, came the Word of the Lord vnto Ze∣chariah, the sonne of Berechiah, the ••onne of Iddo, the Prophet. And v. 7. In the eleventh moneth, &c. Zechar. 7.1. And in the 4. yeare of King Darius, the Word of the Lord came vnto Zechariah.

^o This and the verses following are spoken by way of preuention, to comfort the Iewes, dismayed at the consideration

of the meannesse & simplenes of this house, in comparison of that which Solomon built; purposedly done by the Prophet, because about 106. yeares before this time, the ve∣ry like griefe possessed the hearts of good men. Ezr. 3.12. Not that any of them that saw the first Temple were now alive, but by an usuall Hebrew manner of speaking; Quasi dicas, Say that any of them were now alive, how would they weepe? Yet for all that, saith the Lord, Goe ye on: For the glory of the second house shall exceed that of the first. For those in Ezr. 3.12. were then sayd to be old.

Ezra. 6.10.

That they may offer sweet o∣do••••s unto the God of heaven, & pray for ^q the Kings life, and for his ^r sonnes.

^p (viz.) Darius Nothus which made this decree.

^r Namely Arsaca, afterwards called Ar∣taxerxes, Cyrus Artossa and Oxendrae per∣haps, if he were borne at that time. Now this the King did more earnestly require, because some other of his children had soone dyed. Ctesias.

Ezra. 6.14.

So the Elders of the Iewes builded, & they prospered by the prophecying of Naggai the Pro∣phet, and Zecha∣riah the sonne of Iddo, and they builded and fi∣nished it by the appointment of the God of hea∣ven, and by the commandement of ^s Cyrus, and ^t Darius, and ^u Artashashte Kings of Persia. v. 15. And this house was fini∣shed in the 3. day of the moneth Adar, which was the 6. year of the reigne of K. Darius, and the 42. after their returne.

^s (viz.) Cyrus the great, who first gave commandment for the returne.

^t (viz.) Darius Nothus,

^v Or Artaxerxes, namely Artaxerxes Mnemon, who reigned together with his father Darius Nothus. And therefore it is, that Plutarch gives him 62. yeares reigne. because from the beginning he was made Co-Emperour with his father, by reason of the warres against Secundianus and other chiefe men of the Kingdome.

Ezra. 6.23.

And they kept the feast of un∣leavened bread 7. dayes with joy for the Lord had made them glad, and turned the heart of the K. of ^x Ashur unto them, to encourage them in the worke of the house of God, even the God of Israël.

^x Darius Nothus, who dividing his King∣dome

with his sonne Arsaca or Artaxer∣xes, committed to his sons charge the more Southerne parts of the Kingdome, and re∣served to himselfe such Countries as lay more Northerly, as more befitting his age & experience in those quarters. For whilst his father Artaxerxes Longimanus lived, he was made Governour of Hyrcania, where also he married Parysatis. Now the Coun∣tries subject unto the Persian King, are bounded within the two Seas Hyrcanum & Persicum.a 1.11 All that tract bounding North∣ward on the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea is called Assyria. The other lying Southward toward Mare Rubrum and Sinus Persicus is called b 1.12 Persia. But speciall mention is made here of the King of Ashur, because that these Iewes, which went with Ezra in the second returne from captivity, did come out of those high & Northerne Countries; the former that returned under Zerubba∣bel, out of the Southerne Countries. That this is so, appeares in the 8. Chapt.

Ezra. 7.1.

Now after these things, in the ^y reigne of Arthashash•••• K. of Persia, was Ezra, the sonne of Seraj••h, &c. And ••e came to Ierusalem (with o••her of the Iewes) in the 5. moneth: which was the 7 ^z year of the K. ver. 9. For upon the first day of the first moneth, he began to goe up from Babel: and on the first day of the fifth moneth, came ••e to Ierusalem, ac∣cording to the good hand of his God, that was upon him. Nehemiah. 1.1. The words of Nehemiah, the sonne of Hacha••iah, in the moneth ^b Chisten, &c. in the 20. yeare, &c. v. 2. came Hanani, one of my Brethren, &c. v. 3. And they said to me, The residue, &c.

^y (i. e.) Of Artaxerxes Muemon, when after his fathers decease, he alone ruled the Empire.

^z After he began to reigne alone.

^a Artaxerxes Muemon, Darius, saith the Geneva.

^b The third moneth of the yeare, accor∣ding

to the Chaldean calculation, which Nehemiah followes.

Nehem. 2.1.

Now in the moneth ^c Nisa••, in the 20. yeare of K. ^d Arta∣shashte, the wine ••tood before him, and I took up the cup, and gave it to the King.

^c The 7. moneth by the Chaldean ac∣compt.

^d Artaxerxes Muemon. Darius Hystaspis, saith the Geneva.

Nehem 5.14.

And from the time, that the K. gave mee charge to be Go∣vernour in the land of Iudah: from the 20. yeare, even to the 32. yeare, that is, 12 years, I and my Bre∣thren have not eaten the bread of the Governour. Notwithstan∣ding the Wall was finished on the 25. day of Elul, in ^e 52. dayes.

When the Wall was builded,* 1.13 &c.

^e That is, the Lockes, Gates and Barres were set up fifty two dayes, after the stone wall was built. vers. 1.

Now the Citie was large and great:* 1.14 but the people were few therein: and the houses were not builded. And ^f Ieshua begate Ioiakim, Ioiakim also begate Eliashib,* 1.15 and Eliashib begate Ioiada, and Io••ada begate Ionathan, and Ionathan begate Iaddua. In the dayes of Eliashib, Ioiada, and Iohanan, and Iaddua,* 1.16 were the chiefe Fathers of the Levites, written in the reigne of Dar••us the Persian.

^f The succession of the hie Priests from the captivity to the translation of the Persian Monarchy to Alexander the Great, whom as Ioseph. Antiq. Iud. lib. 11. cap. 7. & 8. re∣ports Iaddua did meet as he came towards Ierusalem. Now none ought to wonder, that Nehemiah should record this; for from the beginning of Artaxerxes Muemon, whom Nehemiah attended, untill Alexander Mag∣nus, are not threescore yeares.

^g The last King of Persia, called also Codo∣mannus, Him Alexander overthrew. Nehe∣miah lived till the time of Darius the Persi∣an. Nehem. 12.22.* 1.17 Therefore the Altar ere∣cted by the Israelites, Ezr. 33. not long after their returne, even while Cyrus yet reigned, could not be built by Nehemiah, unlesse we say that Nehemiah lived above 200. yeares; which is not credible: For so many yeares at least were betweene Cyrus and Dari∣us the last, whom Alexander overcame.

CHAP. III. Doubts removed, which seemed to prove the Persian Monarchy much shorter than the former accompt.

Answer 1.

* 1.18THat Mordecay was not carried captive from Ierusalē with Ieconiah: That place, Ester 2.5. [Who was carried away] is necessa∣rily to be referred to Kish, Mordecay's great grandfather.

1 The accent Tipcha proves nothing.

2 Nor the Conjunction Copulative [&] And bee nourished Hadassa.

3 No more doth the history or narrati∣on of Kish, put betweene, in vers. 6.

4 If Mordecay, named, Ester 2.2 were the same that is mentioned in Ester; yet it followes not, that he was carried captive with I••coniah from Ierusalem: For Zerubba∣bel himselfe, with whom he is mentioned, was not carried captive with I••coniah, but was begotten in the captivity by Pedajah, the sonne of Salathiel;* 1.19 ••onne by law though not by nature of Iaconiah. Againe Morde∣cay mentioned in Ezra 2. returned into Iu∣daea, as is manifested by Nehem. 7.7. but Mordecay in Ester went not into Iudaea at all.

Arguments to prove it, are,

1 The Pronoune relative must be refer∣red to the next going before it, and not to that which is further off, as 1. Chron. 2.7.

2 To what other end should mention be made of Kish, unlesse to shew by his carry∣ing away captive, how Mordecay a Iew, borne of him, became citizen of Susa? Cer∣tainly he is not named to distinguish him from the other Mordecay, which is one rule why mens fathers and grandfathers are na∣med in Scripture.

3 This confirms the truth of Gods pro∣mise, which he made to those that were carryed away captive with Ieconiah, Ier. 24.6. That they should returne, be built up, plan∣ted, and not rooted out, &c. And therefore were commanded to marry and beget chil∣dren. Ier. 29.6. Whereby it appeares that the promise was made unto their posterity also. The performance whereof by this story of Ester is excellently declared.

4. From the time. For if Mordecay were carried away captive with Ieconiah, then was he above a hundred yeares old in the 12^th. of Assuer••s, according to Broughton. For by 2 Kings, 24.16. wee may iudge him to bee at the least 20· yeares old, when hee was carried Captiue. From the 8^th. of Ne∣buchadnezzar, in which Ieconiah was capti∣ved, to the first of Cyrus are 63. yeares. From the first of Cyrus, to the 12. of Assue∣rus, are 20. yeares. All make 103. at least 100. At which age Mordecay was altoge∣ther unfit to performe offices and services in Court, As Barzillay at a lesse age.* 1.20 But reckon we the times of Cyrus and Cambyses aright; and make (as the truth is,) Assue∣rus to bee Xerxes: and there are betwixt Cyrus the first, and Xerxes the twelfth 60.

yeares. So Mordecay shall have lived about 140. yeares in the twelfth of Xerxes, being then too, of strong and able body, and likely to live longer. As may appeare, Ester 10.2, 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Answer 2.

* 1.21There be two Nehemiahs. One mentio∣ned, Ezra 2.

Another who returned in the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Mnemon: and lived till the reigne of Darius the Persian.

Answer 3.

* 1.22There is Ambiguity in the word Son, which M. Broughton takes properly; as if Ezra had beene immediately the sonne of Serajah: whereas indeed he was so Serajahs sonne, as the Iewes used to call their poste∣ritie, even to the fifth descent, Sonnes. And Zerubbabel is usually called the son of Sheal∣ti••l, whereas he was but his nephew.

Answer. 4.

* 1.23When Daniels 70. weekes begin, is un∣certaine. Some will have them begin in the first yeare of Cyrus: some in the second of Darius▪ Nothus: others in the twentieth of Artaxerxes Mnemon. A man may fol∣low his judgement: for neyther the one nor the other is defined in the Text, Dan. 9.25. but is absolutely put [from the outgoing of the Word] which we know went forth in three Kings reignes.

But for the end and period of them, it must necessarily be at the death of Christ: and not as some will have it, at the destru∣ction

of Ierusalem by the Romanes. Its plain, Dan. 9.24. But to graunt this Proposition true, though uncertaine, that Daniels seven∣tie Weekes begin at the first yeare of Cyrus, yet doth not this follow thereupon, That from the first yeare of Cyrus are precisely 490. years: for Numbers are eyther taken,

Properly, when they note that which na∣turally they signifie:

Improperly or figuratively, when they signifie eyther more or lesse, in regard of the circumstance of the matter, and the speakers intention. So is Two and Three ta∣ken properly, Matth. 16.21. & 27.23. & 20.19. Improperly, Hos. 6.2. Seven properly, 1. King. 18. Figuratively, Luc. 17.4. Matth. 18.22. Ten properly, Exod. 34.28. figura∣tively, Numb. 14.22. Twelve properly, Mat. 10.2. figuratively, Apoc. 7. Thousands, figu∣ratively, Dan. 7.10. So that often in Scrip∣tures Numbers finite are put for infinite, certaine for uncertaine, perfect for imper∣fect, round and grosse for corrupt.

* 1.24 These 70. yeares begin at the time of the first Captivitie, in the reigne of Ioakim. Now from this time till the eleventh yeare of Zedekiah, when hee was captived & the Temple and Citie burnt, the Land cannot be said to keepe Sabbaths, because the In∣habitants were not yet carried away: and therefore it was but a part of these 70. years that she rested.

Not precisely.* 1.25 For reckon from their first inhabiting of those Cities, and we find it but 260. yeares, or thereabouts: unlesse we adde the 40 yeares from comming up

out of Egypt. But it ought to be understood synecdochicè and figuratè.* 1.26

Often mention is made of three years and a halfe, of 42 moneths, (which make so many yeares) of 1260. dayes, which also make so many years: In all which we must needs understand a certaine number to be put for an uncertaine, that is, for the whole time that runnes on from the passion of Christ till the end of the World.

Let us consider the drift and scope of the Angels speech. Daniel he understands by bookes, that the 70. yeares of Captivitie were now even at an end: Hereupon hee prayeth that God would bee mercifull to the people and holy Citie. An Angel is sent to him, and talkes unto him, not of the 70. yeares of Captivitie to be ended under Cy∣rus, but of seventy times seven yeares, of most glorious deliverance from the slavery of Hell and the Divell, to be purchased by Christ. As if the Angel had thus said:

Thou Daniel thinkest of 70. yeares, at the end whereof thy people is to have a delive∣rance from carnall servitude under Ba∣bylon, and a restauration of an earthly Ie∣rusalem: but I give thee to understand of a farre more glorious liberty and freedom from Sathans slaverie, to be purchased by Christ for thy people after 70. times 7. yeares. Doe not thou thinke of 70. years, which are now even gone and past, but of 70 times 7 yeares, which when they are come to end, thy people and city for whom thou prayest, shal obtain this great blessing.

Wherefore this is spoken in allusion to the 70 yeares of Captivitie, to shew that Gods mercy should exceed his judgements seventie times, which from that should en∣dure seventy times seven yeare, till the comming of Christ, and afterwards for e∣ver. It is therfore a propheticall prediction, and not an hystoricall relation: and the circum∣scription of time is used only for memory sake; that after these many yeares, they should be sure to obtain such a deliverance, as, than which, they could desire nothing more.

Not precisely.* 1.27 For from the time that God spake unto Abraham (whence the yeares must necessarily beginne) unto the comming of the children of Israel out of E∣gypt, are 430. yeares, as Moses witnesses, Exo. 12. If we say that they begin at the fift yeare of Isaac; yet from the time that God spake, unto that, are about twenty yeares. From that to the departure of the Israelites,* 1.28 whole 400. Wherefore, from the time that God spake this, till the departure from E∣gypt, are foure hundred synecdochicè; above foure hundred precisely.

What! precisely fourteene in all? No. From David to the Captivity of Babylon, were twenty seven, as M^r Broughton confes∣seth. In the other two were indeed four∣teene.

Full and whole? By no means.* 1.29 For Christ was buried on the Evening of the sixt day, the same day he dyed. The seventh day he rested in the grave, upon the eight day ear∣ly he rose againe. So that he was but two

whole dayes in the grave, and scarce that neither. Now the Day and the Night make one Day, Gen. 1. And therfore because Christ rested in the Sepulchre part of three dayes, he is sayd by a synecdoche to bee three dayes and three nights in the heart of the Earth.

If the Angel had sayd, The seventy yeares of your Captivity in Babylon: But af∣ter 80. times seventy yeares, Christ shalbe slaine, and so you shall obtaine a more glo∣rious freedome; Then had the Angel spo∣ken precisely: for, from that time to the death of Christ, was precisely five hundred sixty yeares. But so the force & efficacy of the Type had bin obscured. To which the Angel would allude by the name of seven∣ty times seven yeares.

Antiochus his persecution continued three yeares and a halfe precisely, Dan. 7. Now Antiochus was a Type of Satan. And therefore the Time, times, and halfe a Time, forty two moneths, 1260. dayes, all making up the same number of yeares, are uttered by S. Iohn, Apoc. 11.12, 13. in allusion to Antio∣chus persecution. For by this he comfor∣teth the Woman, that is, the Church, perse∣cuted by the Dragon Satan; That this perse∣cution should last but a little while, even as that of Antiochus; not properly, but figu∣ratively: for Satan persecuteth the Church unto the end of the world.

That the seventy weekes are not to bee understood precisely, but by a synecdoche, is thus proved. Seventy weekes are determined upon thy People, saith Gabriel, Dan. 9. ver. 24.

That these are whole and full so many, is proved by their partition. For there are seven weekes from the going forth of the Commandement, ver. 25. and sixty three weekes when the street and wall shall be builded; and againe, after threescore and two weekes, Christ shall be slaine. But not presently after those sixty nine weekes; but in the middle of the last weeke. ver. 27. Where it is sayd, And he shall confirme the Covenant with money for one weeke: and in the Middle of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease. Then thus the Reason stands:

If Christ dyed in the middest of the last weeke; then from the first yeare of Cyrus to the death of Christ, are not precisely 490. yeare••, but 486. and a halfe. The reason of the consequence is plaine: For if Christ dy∣ed in the middest of the last weeke, i.e. the seventieth week, then to the death of Christ from Cyrus the first, are but sixty nine weeks and a halfe. Now sixty nine weekes cum di∣midio, make but foure hundred eighty six yeares cum dimidio; whereas seventy whole weekes make foure hundred ninety yeares.

But Christ dyed in the middest of the last weeke. This is manifest: For Christ then dyed, when sacrifice and oblation ceased. This is proved by the ninth and tenth to the Hebrewes. But sacrifice and oblation ceased in the middest of the last weeke. This Daniel expressely saith, Cap. 9. ver. 27.

Therefore from the first yeare of Cyrus to the death of Christ, are not foure hun∣dred ninety yeares precisely: And by con∣sequent,

the seventy weekes are to be un∣derstood figuratè and synecdochicè: not prae∣cisè and tropriè.

Christ was baptized about three yeares and a halfe before he dyed, and then (saith Funccius) was sacrifice & oblation abolished out of the place. Mat. 3. ult. This is my belo∣ved son in whom I am well pleased. And there∣fore God was pleased afterward with no other sacrifice, but the immaculate Lambe Christ. But for answere: So God was onely pleased with the sacrifice of Christ before his Baptisme. For he was a perpetuall sacri∣fice from the beginning: and the other sa∣crifices pleased him onely as Types and sha∣dowes of Christs sacrifice of himselfe. Se∣condly, Moses sacrifices and such Types of Christ were acceptable unto God after his Baptisme: which is plaine, Matth. 8.3. where Christ after his Baptisme bids the Leper offer the gift, that Moses commanded. Which was, Levit. 14.10. two Lambes and an Ewe Lambe, for a trespasse offering and a burnt offering.

Answere

* 1.30Though the word signifie both wayes, a 1.31 yet here it must be translated middle, not halfe:

1. By the consent of the Learned:

2. By this reason out of the Text. Christ is here said, to Cause to cease, or to abolish sacrifice and oblations in the middest of the 70^th. weeke. Now this Action is not actio maneus, and continuata, but citò transiens. For it is meant of the death of Christ. Vn∣lesse therefore wee will make Christs death

to be a continued action, and say, that Christ dyed in the halfe of the Seventy Seven; i.e. his crucifying and death continued for the space of 3. yeares and a halfe (than which, what more absurd?) we must needs grant, that hee dyed in the middle. Had it beene said, that Christ should preach the Gospell in halfe the last 7. it had beene truly; be∣cause it was a continued action.

Not only in this last weeke, but in some of the former is this Synecdoch•• to be un∣derstood. For the 70. weekes are divided into 3. parts: ver. 25. Kno•• therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the commandement to bring againe the people, and to build Ierusalē shall be seven Weeks (there is the first part) and threescore and two Weekes, (there is the second) and the Wall, and the Street shall be built againe, in a troublous time. After threescore and two weekes Christ shall be slaine. v. 27. And he shall confirme the Cov••nant for many one Weeke (there is the third part:) and in the middest of the Weeke, he shall abolish sacrifice and oblation.

The Reason is this then:

Seaven Weekes are said to passe before the building of the street and wall; above 49. were past. And therefore by these 7. Weekes more yeares are meant▪ than are precisely set downe.

The Minor is proved by the storie of Scripture. For (Ezr. 4) the building both of the Temple and Citie, as appeares by the Letter of S••imshag, was hindered all the dayes of Cyrus, till the second yeare of Da∣rius. And from the 2. yeare of Darius, along

unto the 20. of Artaxerxes, who succeeded him, was it still hindred, as appeares, Ne∣hem. 1.1. The Wall was built afterward, Cap. 4.6. The Street, Cap. 7. Whereby it is manifest, if wee reckon the yeares from Cyrus the first, to Artaxerxes the 20. that the Wall and Street could not be builded in the first 7. Weekes. Therefore those words [In the other] are falsely shuffled in∣to the Text.

Eusebius, Iunius, and Tremellius say, That the Temple was built in the first 7. Weeks.

CHAP. IV. Observations and explanations on some places of Ezra, and Nehemiah.

THe resolution is; That we must reade on:* 1.32 for that nothing b 1.33 is to be contem∣ned in these holy writings; no nor to be skipped over. Say it be but the repeating, and cataloguing onely of names. There is no Booke, no Chapter, no line in the Word of God, but is profitable, given by inspiration of God, and written for our learning. And if wee understand it not in some places; yet those places have in them an immanent power to edifie: though as yet it be not transient, conveighing the profit of it to us, till in some measure we doe understand it.

2. The way to come to the understan∣ding of them, is, not to passe those places over; but to reade them. And when we are busie in reading places which we conceive

not,c 1.34 God opens the heart, and sends us in, the interpretation, as he did Philip to the Eunuch, Act. 8.

3. There is much to be had out of the Genealogies, to a wise, and diligent Reader. Wee learne the increase, or decrease of the Church, the strange holding out of some Families, as the Servants of Solomon, and the Gibeonites, called in these Bookes, the Nethinims: They were made drawers of water to the Temple, as a kind of punish∣ment. God made this crosse, a mercie. Their employment so neere the house of God, gave them fit occasion to be parta∣kers of the things of God. And the Lord, wee see, did wonderfully honour them. The neerer they were to the Church, the neerer to God. In a word, hee sees little, that sees not many things of excellent use, to be gathered out of Chapters full of names.

4. Say, that as yet we can pick nothing out of some such Chapters; yet must we not step over them in our course of reading them: but we are in any hand to take them along in our reading, if it be but to shew our obedience to God in reading over all his sacred word.

* 1.35Resp. He doth. But he meanes Genealo∣gies that were fabulous, not such as doe e∣difie: Now all the Scripture tends to edifying. Cajetan notes, that hee meanes by endlesse Genealogies, such as are not in the word, which gender questions, that the Scripture doth not end and determine.d 1.36 No question, the Apostle finds fault with such fabulous

genealogies, as in those dayes were too cō∣mon among the Iewes, & after were writ∣ten in the Books of Talmud. S. Paul e 1.37 1. Tim. 4.7. cals them old wives tales. And when men begin to be giddy, and to be sicke of foolish pride, they study much in doting pedegrees. Paul to Timothy and Titus both, means such genealogies as do move & not end questi∣ons. Which minister questions (saith Paul to Timothy) not which end questions. What questions?* 1.38 foolish questions. And for those genealogies which had any pith in them, they became also uncertaine and endlesse, when Herod had burnt up the Records, as Iosephus notes. Now f 1.39 of such questions there is no end: And we may all observe, that to bee full of impertinent questions, comes from a weak understanding: as we see in children, who will even tire one with babbling questions. So the Apostles in their ruder time, before the passion of Christ, and after too, before the comming downe of the holy Ghost, were asking questions sometime not so profitable, as, When the day of Iudgement should be? But when they were filled with the gifts of the holy Ghost, Acts 2. we heare no more of such questions. No, no: They then found fault with such curiosity. The same holy Father doth ob∣serve, that Thomas, Iudas, and Peter were full of questions. But Iohn, whom Christ loved, and who might have beene most bold with him, was very sparing that way. In a word, the Genealogies of the word are of great use, and do satisfie the doubts of men, and not move questions that can have no end.

This was not in his first year of his King∣dome of Persia,* 1.40 but of his Monarchy, when he had conquered Babylon. Now how long he reigned after his Conquest, precisely we cannot say. Dan. 10.1. we read of The third year of Cyrus, and some Chronologers think he lived not much above five or sixe yeares longer.

Tis sayd, The Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus. There be that say, that, Cyrus was converted, because he is called The Lords annoynted, and his Servant.

But Saul was the annoynted of the Lord: yet none of the best men, or of the best Kings: Hee that doth looke over the stories of Cyrus; shall find that hee lived and dyed a meere Heathen. And the Prophet Isay, cap. 45.4. saith in the name of God, That Cyrus had not knowne him. And therefore, it was in respect of his of∣fice, and the worke the Lord did designe him to; though he never were really anoyn∣ted with oyle, as Saul and David were. I say, in regard of his place, and this great worke of the Lord in his hand, he was cal∣led, The annoynted of the Lord. Out of which we may see, that the Lord doth many times doe great and famous matters for his Church, by the hands of wicked men. And their divinity is not sound, who hold the contrary Tenet. It was the mighty worke of God to bring this wise and great Prince in the very first entrance into his Monar∣chy, before things were fully setled, to dis∣misse so great & so g 1.41 united a people, as the Iewes were, into their owne Country with

such a faire and ample patent as hee did; they being held among the Barbarians, a People given much to insurrection: But God must and will have his wayes take place. There is no resisting of his will by a∣ny: The will of men must goe after his de∣cree. Which decrees of God, manifested no lesse than 170. yeares before, did not leave this fact of Cyrus contingent, but made it necessary.

They write, that he was made to see the Prophecy of Isaiah, where he finding his ve∣ry name, so long before he was borne, was thereby moved to this great worke. That might bee a perswasion: but the cause, we see, was; because the Lord by a potent worke of his spirit stirred up the heart of Cyrus to send forth so gracious an Edict. And yet we must not thinke, that this his being made acquainted with the will of Gods decrees, gave to this his Act the Na∣ture of Obedience; Obedience being proper∣ly an act of ours, when wee doe obey the will of Gods command; he by it imposing on us and requiring of us, the worke as a duty. In the first of Kings 11. Ieroboam had it cleered to him, that Gods will was, hee should be King over the tenne Tribes: yet because it was a will of Gods decree, not of his cōmand, as of a duty to be done by him, he goes among Divines for an intruder, and an usurper, in and for that fact of his. h 1.42 'Tis Obedience, when wee obey a divine precept: but not ever when wee follow a divine in∣stinct. i 1.43 'Tis a worke belonging immediate∣ly and onely to God to worke effectually on

the Will, and thus to stirre up the heart of a man. Kings hearts are in Gods hands.

This shewes us,* 1.44 that nothing that is once appointed by God in his worship, say it be after used in Idolatrous worship, as these vessels were, can be defiled. but it may & must returne to 'ts ancient use: and bee had in the worship of God againe. Whereas wee reade, 2. Kings, 24.13. that Nebuchadnezzar did cut in pieces all the Ves∣sels of gold, which Solomon K. of Israel had made, in the Temple of the Lord: The meaning is, That hee did k 1.45 curtaile, as it were, the Temple.* 1.46 For 'tis plaine, hee did reserve those Vessels whole. For Belshazzar did after drinke in them, Dan. 5.2. And here wee finde, that they were restored, and brought backe to the house of God againe. This Shazbazzar, the Prince of Iudah was Zerubbabel, called so in Chaldaea▪ Iunius de∣nies it: but our English Annotations, and that of Deodat's, in the Italian, doe with more likelihood affirme it. He was by the King ordained head & Conductor of those of his Nation, who would be willing to re∣turne. Thus God kept the seignorie, and the chiefe staffe of Authority in the line of Iudah. No length nor change of time can eate out, and breake off the decrees of God.

CHAP. V. This Chapter containes a list of such as returned to Ierusalem,* 1.47 at the first go∣ing up; and chiefly, of those, who offered presents for the reedifying of the Temple of the Lord.

IN the numbers you may finde some dif∣ferences from that Catalogue wee have, Neh. 7. As for example: Here, v. 5. the Sons of Arah are said to be 775. There, v. 10.652. Reconcile the places thus: 775. gave their names in Babylon, that they would re∣turne: only 652. mentioned in Nehemiah, came up into Iuda••a; the rest changing their mindes, or dying by the way. And where Nehemiah hath more, it might be by joy∣ning with them in the way.

* 1.48The a 1.49 Answere that is made, I thinke, is sound: That sith in Ezr. 2. the summe of the Principals of the whole Bodie, that re∣turned, besides their followers, were 42360. But now reckon we the numbers of Iudah and Benjamin by the pole, which are punctually set downe, Ezr. 2. and they come short of the totall summe, a matter of 12000. Now these 12000. are those of other 10. Tribes, besides Iudah, and Benja∣min. Wee reade, that so many went over of other Tribes to Rehoboam, that, (as 'tis said) His Crowne was strengthened by them. and many of Israel came over to Asa: and in Hezekiah's dayes, sundry of Ashur,

Zabulon, and Manasse joyned themselves with Iudah. And who can doubt, but that in Captivity, being Countrey-men in for∣reigne parts, much of the 10. Tribes incor∣porated themselves into the two Tribes? And no other but this is the meaning of that fift ver. of the first chap. of Ez. Then rose up the chiefe of the Fathers of Iudah and Ben∣jamin, with all them whose spirit God had raised to goe up: That is (saith Deodate) all those of other Tribes; according as wee reade, 1. Chron. 9.3. In Ierusalem dwelt of the chil∣dren of Iudah, and of the children of Benjamin, and of the children of Ephraim, and Manasse, who, no question, in the Captivity for very conscience and Religion, joyned them∣selves to Iudah.

By Province,* 1.50 our English Annotations meanes Iudaea: but Iunius, and Deodate doe seeme to mee with more reason, to under∣stand by Province, Babylonia, that is, saith Iunius, those who inrolled their names in Babylonia; called here a Province, saith the Italian, because the other Israëlites were dispersed in sundry other provinces.

Zerubbabel was son of * 1.51 Salathiel,* 1.52 borne in Babylon, and accordingly he had a Baby∣lonian m 1.53 name. He was a Chiefe in the first yeare of Cyrus: and we find in sacred Story, that hee lived to see the building of the Temple, about the 6. yeare of n 1.54 Darius No∣thus. Now say he was but 14. o 1.55 yeares of age, the first of Cyrus, yet to Darius Nothus is a matter of 100. years, as appeares by the Chronologie. Hence wee see, that the Lord gave him a life much longer than ordi∣nary.

Wee reade nothing when hee dyed after the edifying of the Temple. This cleares that in Zacharie 4.9. The hands of Zerubbabel have laid the foundation of this house; his hands also shall finish it. The very phrase doth tell us, that the Lord did draw out his life of purpose, that he might live to make up that goodly worke. Like as Moses, Deut. ult. had a longer life than usuall given him, that he might bring the People of God out of Egypt. In that place of Zechary the Lord doth promise Zerub∣babel some singular matter, in that the Pro∣phet affirmeth, that the hands of Zerubbabel that laid the foundation, the same hand shall fi∣nish it; meaning, an exceeding long life. Thus we see how God doth cause some to live to be wondrous old, above others, be∣cause hee hath something to bee done by them. Then age is a crowne indeed, when it is thus found in the wayes of Righteous∣nesse. Neither hath it a good savour, for men to say of an old Zerubbabel when he is going hence, What matter is it to heare of such an aged man dying, or dead? What? doth not the Lord threaten it as a curse, that he will take away? whom? the youth? No, the prudent and the ancient, Isa. 3.2.

This Nehemiah was not Nehemiah the fa∣mous,* 1.56 but another of the same name; as there were sundry of the same name: One, Ezr. 3. Another, Ezr. 8.10. For this Ne∣hemiah came up with Zerubbabel in the first of Cyrus: and Nehemiah the great lived till the time of Darius the last, beaten by Alex∣ander; which is two hundred yeares and

upwards. Now that in those dayes Nehe∣miah should live above 200. yeares, sounds not likely. Nehemiah was the penner of the booke called Nehemiah, & in the book men∣tion is made of Iaddua the Priest; of whom we reade in Iosephus, that he did meet Alex∣ander the great in his Formalities, and stayd him from doing hurt to the Citie, and the Temple. Againe we reade, that Nehemiah was cup-bearer to p 1.57 Artaxerxes, and the Persians used to have young men for their Gentlemen about them. But this Nehemiah, comming up the first yeare of King Cyrus, must needs be stricken in yeares, in Ar∣taxerxes time.

Hee was not Mordecay,* 1.58 Esters Vncle: but another of the same name. For this Morde∣cay came up with Zerubbabel. Now if Esters Mordecay had returned with Zerubbabel, he would not have dwelt at Susis, and trayned up Ester among the Heathen, but rather in the holy Land, among the people of God. And 'tis plaine, that this Mordecay did re∣turne into Iudaea, Neh. 7.7. But that ever Esters Vncle came into Iudaea, is unlikely. Wee must know, that it was a common thing among the Iewes, to have more names than one, or two. Which we must consi∣der, lest it breed mistakes in reading the Scriptures.

* 1.59 In the Captivity, the Priests being in a strange Land, were not to offer any other sacrifices, except it were spirituall sacrifi∣ces of praise: Whereupon there being not that commodity made of it, as was used to arise out of their slaine sacrifices; some

Priests, who had married themselves into the Noble Family of Barzillai,* 1.60 * 1.61 tooke scorne to be in the Register of the Priests in the time of the Captivity of Babylon, and tooke the name of Barzillai after the Family of their wives. Now after the returne from the Captivity, the Priesthood growing in∣to fame, gaine, and request againe, and there being holy things to eate of, these degene∣rate Priests would faine have taken place among the Priests of the Lord; but the Ma∣gistrate would not suffer them: because, when time was, they did scorne the Priest∣hood, the Priesthood should now scorne them. A iust reward of God and man for such proud and insolent kind of people. 'Tis common when men by their wit goe about to get a Name, that they lose their Name. After the flood they would needs build a tower to get a Name to themselves, and not to God: and it is their reproach to this day. And this was all the use that those Creatures made of the late deluge, the greatest judgement of God that ever was.

* 1.64[The Tirshatha] It is a name of office, viz. The Governour or Deputy of the King: We see he was a man of power that could keep those great men from the Priesthood, and forbid them to eat of the most holy things. By Tirshatha I conceive the same; who, cap. 1.8. was called Shazbazzar: as Daniel was called Balshazzar: An use among the Chal∣dees to change the name of the Iewes. Now Shazbazzar was Z••robbabel, as we have shewed before.

[Till there arose up a Priest with Vrim and

Thummim] viz. to aske the Lords advice and counsell. By Priest, is meant the high Priest, for he had the Vrim and Thummim, and none but he. So when Saul murthered the Priests of the Lord, Abtathar fled to t 1.66 David with the Ephod (saith the text) that is, with the Ephod of the high Priest; and presently David began to enquire by the Ephod of the Lord. A great providence of God for the comfort of his poore servant David! And hence it is that we reade, that the Lord answered not Saul by v 1.67 Vrim and Thummim: for it was now with David; not with Saul.

This Vrim & Thummim was either lost or burned together with many other things, when that the Chaldees tooke the City of Ierusalem, & was never found againe. How then doth he here say, Vntill there stand up a Priest with Vrim and Thummim?

1 It may be that Zerubbabel did not know but that Vrim and Thummim might by the providence of God be had againe.

2 Vntill. that is, Never. An usuall Phrase in Scripture, (q. d.) You shall never come to the Priesthood againe, except God shall reveale his mind to be otherwise by Vrim and Thummim which will never be. [Vntill] is thus taken in the word in many places.

1 No.* 1.68 For the word of God was ever the lively Oracle, the Rule of Rules, that was the sacred Canon, now the Scripture. For the old Testament was compleat, and when there was so much of the word writ∣ten, there was the lesse use of Vrim & Thum∣mim. And therefore after the losse of Vrim

and Thummim, the Church was to keepe the closer to the Law of Moses: as Malachy, who lived after the losse of Vrim, and wrote last of all the Prophets,* 1.69 did command. Mal. 4.4. Remember the Law of Moses my servant, which I commanded unto him in H••reb, for all Israel, with the statutes and judgements.

2 For ought I see, the Vrim and Thum∣mim was not to decide matters of doctrine, but events and facts and successes in warre and peace, as we see in David often. vid. Numb. 27.18.* 1.70 And this was in x 1.71 extraordi∣nary cases: In things ordinary, the Prince was to have the Law before hisface, Deut. 17. Ios. 1. but in extraordinary Accidents, he was to seeke answer from God by the Vrim and the Thu••mim of the Priest.

3 The Church was in as good case for certainty in things of salvation, under the second Temple, when the Vrim and Thum∣mim was not, as under the first Temple when it was. That of Rabbi Talmud in Ion. cap. 1. fol. 21. that not only Vrim and Thum∣mim,* 1.72 but the holy Ghost was wanting in the second Temple, is blasphemous. For had not Christ and his Apostles the holy Ghost? and did not they live under the second Temple? Nay: Is not more, and more full revelation promised in the second Temple, than in the first? Hag. 1.8. & Cap. 2.4.10.

4 Besides, after Vrim and Thummim was gone they had some Prophets; as Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachy. I confesse that Pro∣phets by office and commission ended in Malachy, Yet y 1.73 there be that hold, that after him there were now & then some Prophets

only by the Spirit. I know there was a great silēce of Prophets after Malachy, to prepare the people for to expect the coming of that great Prophet. For though it were vox popu∣li, and a tradition among the Priests z 1.74 and Levites, that the great Prophet was one di∣stinct from the Christ the Messias: yet I doubt not, but the Church did understand Moses the great Prophet prophecyed of, to be no other than the expected Messias: And therefore the dampe that was of Prophets after Malachy, turned to the good of the godly. It taught them, that Christ Iesus was now at hand. And upon his comming, we finde that the Lord stirred up two Pro∣phets in a line, a 1.75 Zacharie the father, and Iohn the Baptist his sonne, to point out him; Prophets by grace, rather than by office. And so I may say, that the want of Vrim and Thummim did teach the Church, that they were shortly now to expect the true Vrim and Thummim, Christ Iesus, the high Priest of their profession. And besides, it should have taught them to cleave the more to the written Oracles of God.

This, Ieremy seemes to mee to shew in the losse of the Arke: viz. That that losse should be no losse. The people of God should not care to looke after the Arke any more: but set their hearts on the true Arke Christ Iesus, the Arke of Arkes. This then the Church got by it: That by the want of Vrim they learned, that the Ceremonies were in going, and the Messias in comming; that salvation was not to be placed in the ordinances of Moses, since Vrim and Thum∣mim

it selfe was utterly gone.

Lastly, wee see that the Church did stand and was the pillar of truth without Vrim and Thummim. The b 1.76 Argument is loose, that is made to prove the infallibility of the great Bishop of Rome from the Vrim and Thummim of the high Priest: For beside that the Ar∣gument may follow from the c 1.77 Leviticall high Priest to Christ our high Priest, of whom that high Priest was a Type, and not of the Pope; yet we see that the Church stood to the word, when there was no Vrim & Thum∣mim, from the taking of Ierusalem to the comming of Christ Iesus; for in that inte∣rim the high Priest had no Vrim and Thum∣mim. And for that slender voyce called Bath-col, mentioned by Tremelius in Act. 12.22. which Henry d 1.78 Ainsworth would have to make some supply for the defect of Vrim; it hath no ground: and is to be tur∣ned backe to the foolish Rabbins from whom it came. And therefore the Law and the Prophets was the standard, and not the Vrim and Thummim. I doubt not but the people had by some meanes perfect notice of the Revelation made to the Priest, and they were absolutely to stand to the Oracles given by Vrim and Thummim from the mouth of God: Yet me thinkes, 'tis hard to prove that the Priest did use it for matters of Religion and doctrine, and not onely for matters of fact and event: Next, that the Priest had answere when he would, though he himselfe were never so wicked: or last∣ly, That the sinnes of the people did not hinder the giving of the Oracle sometime.

'Tis enough that for some 550. yeares the high Priest was destitute of Vrim and Thum∣mim; and yet I hope the Lord did not leave his people without a sure and certaine rule of faith and direction of life, which is the holy Word of God. And Malachy doth tell us, that though the Priests lips by that place and office should haue preserved knowledge; yet often they did not: And though, while Vrim lasted, it never gave any false or fal∣lacious answers; yet many times, what for the sinnes of the Priest, and what for the sinnes of the people, the Lord refused to give any answer at all; and the answers that were given, were rather in matters of e 1.79 fact than of doctrine and of faith.

The argument is too weake, that the Cardinall doth draw from the Iewish Church, to prove that the Pope hath the deciding Spirit and Voyce in matters of Faith; sith from the destruction of Ierusa∣lem to Messiah the Prince (a space of some 550. yeares) there was no Oracle by Vrim and Thummim, no f 1.80 succession of Pro∣phets, nor but a few Prophets at all from Malachy till Zachary the father and Iohn Baptist the sonne: No miracles, except the Poole of Bethesda, graunted to the Iewes to strengthen them in the true worship of God under the persecution of Antiochus, till the dayes of Zachary and Iohn Baptist and the Lord Iesus. And yet the providence of God did not leave the Church for all that time without sufficient and ample meanes of their salvation. In a word, the losse of Vrim and Thummim, the Arke, and

other Ceremonials, taught them to looke off from the shadowes, and to looke for the Truth, the Lord Iesus.

CHAP. VI.

* 1.81CYrus after the Edict made in behalfe of the Iewes, was called abroad to the warres. He left his sonne Cambyses the po∣wer of a King at home; and Cambyses hin∣dred the execution of his fathers Procla∣mation.

1 Not Darius Medus, as Ben-Gorion saith; for he was predecessor to Cyrus. Now it is plaine by this Text, that our Darius succee∣ded Cyrus; And by the tenor of this fourth Chapter we find that the building was let∣ted the daies of Cyrus, Assuerus, Artaxerxes, even untill the second yeare of this Darius: therefore our Darius was not onely after Cyrus, but after Assuerus and Artaxerxes also.

2 Not Darius Hystaspis, as a 1.82 Iosephus thought: For, Ezr. 4.6, 7. there is mention of Assuerus and Artaxerxes, who went be∣twixt Cyrus and our Darius. But Darius Hy∣staspis was the immediate successor of Cam∣byses, and Cambyses succeeded Cyrus his fa∣ther: therefore our Darius cannot be Da∣rius Hystaspis. For betwixt Cyrus and our Darius, Ezra mentions two: but betwixt Cyrus and Darius Hystaspis there was but only Cambyses. As for the Magus, he is not in accompt among the Kings of Persia; ey∣ther

for that hee was a tyrant, or else for that he stood but seven moneths.

3 Therefore this our Darius was Dari∣us Notbus, the sonne of Axtaxerxes Longi∣manus, named Ezra 4.7. the father of Arta∣xerxes Mnemon.

CHAP. VII.

HEre are sixe generations left out be∣twixt Merajoth and that Azariah,* 1.83 who was the Priest, as it is 1. Chron. 6. viz. Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok, Ahimaaz, Azariah, Iothanan. These were omitted here for brevitie sake, because hast is made, to shew onely, that Ezra came from Aaron, to ho∣nour Ezra, and to give him the more au∣thority. And likely it is, that those are passed over who were borne in the time of the Babylonian Captivitie: and those set upon record here, as though they had been the verie next, whose memorie was fresh and most famous, as being Priests about the time the Temple was ruinated. Wee may say, That he doth set downe by name the Catalogue of those his Ancestors only, who flourished during the standing of the Tem∣ple. And 'tis a truth, that Ezra was not the immediate, but the mediate sonne of Sera∣jah: and so Ezra useth the word Son in a many of places.

CHAP. VIII.

* 1.84THe question is, Whether in case a man marry an Amorite, now an infidell; he be to put her away by vertue of this Law?

No, by no meanes: He must keepe her, if shee will stay with him: as Paul shewes, 1. Cor. 7.12. And Peter inferres 1. Pet. 3.1. Where hee shewes, that Christian wives must by their conuersation labour to winne their husbands, that obey not the Word, (that is) that are Heathens. Therefore they are not bound to part a beleeving man from an unbeleeving wife,* 1.85 a beleeving wife from an unbeleeving and infidell husband. Wee must say then, that this Law in h 1.86 Ezra was a part of Moses policy, which did bind them then, but not us now.

Next I say, It did not bind them simply neither: but in case such wives were not Proselytes; but did remaine in their super∣stition. For Salmon did marry Rahab a con∣vert Canaanite, and did well in it: But these in Ezra did persist in their infidelity and superstition. And if Pharaohs daughter were a Proselyte, Solomon did not sin against i 1.87 that

Law of Moses then: much lesse was hee bound to put her away. He is deceived,* 1.88 who writes that Solomon did not ill in it, not on this ground, because she was a Proselyte; but because shee was none of those seven cur∣sed Nations, named, Deut. 4.7. This eva∣sion is not currant: For though those se∣ven be only named, yet other the like are meant; And Ezra 9.1. the Egyptians are set downe by name and the Moabite: Yet Bo∣az did his duty in marrying of Ruth the Moabitesse, shee being now in faith and re∣ligion united to the people of God. The summe is: that it was a Law of Moses binding during the time of his policy; That if an Israelite should marry an Infidell, re∣maining an Infidell, shee was to be put a∣way, and it seemes her children too: which Law is not in force now: Christians are not bound to it; but doe sinne if they di∣vorce such wives (very Infidels) that are willing to live with their Christian hus∣bands.

CHAP. IX.

THis shewes that Nehemiah was the penner of this Booke.* 1.89 And therefore it is a mistake in k 1.90 those, who make Ezra to be the writer of this Booke of Nehemiah. And this appeares further, in that he spea∣keth often of himselfe in the first person (I Nehemiah) and not in the third person. For though some, that are makers of a Booke doe sometimes speake of themselves in the

third person (as Matthew and Iohn doe in their Gospels, and Moses in his history) [Matthew said, Iohn said, Moses spake] yet he that is not the author of a Booke never speaks of himselfe in that Booke, in the first person; as in this Booke often Nehemiah doth. Neither is it any argument that Ezra wrote it, because in the Hebrew editions, it is called Ezra; sith the Ebrewes did this to tell up the iust number of twenty foure Bookes of the old Testament. Both the Bookes of Samuell stand under his name; yet Samuell was not the writer of all, but part was written by l 1.91 Samuell, some by Na∣than, and some by Gad.

* 1.92The conclusion is cleare, That we ought to confesse the sins of our fathers: but first,m 1.93 not to have a pardon for them, when they are dead and gone.

2 Nor that God pardons us their sins, The n 1.94 soule onely that sinneth, that shall dye. No guilt necessarily passeth from the fa∣ther to the sonne; but that of Adam, toge∣ther with the sinne. There is but one only Originall sinne.

The sonne is not guilty of the fathers sinne, any further than he doth make it his owne sinne also, by some consent; either affirmative, by doing or liking what his father hath done in point of sinne; being glad of the broth wherein the abominable thing was sodden, & so subscribes to it, by a tacite and interpretative consent: Or

2 Negative, when we doe not dissent. A childe is bound to humble himselfe for his fathers sins upward, as farre as ordina∣rily

hee may come to the certaine know∣ledge of them; which sometimes is, to the third and fourth generation. Now if he bee not humble and take them to heart, there is a secret consent; because he doth not by this act of humbling shew his dissent: And had such a childe the occasions and tenta∣tions his forefathers had; he would doe as they did. And thus he sets his fathers sins on his score; and makes them his owne. According to that of Daniel to Belshazzar, cap. 5. ver. 22. And thou his son, O Belshazzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though thou knew∣est all this. viz. Nebuchadnezzars sinne and punishment. In the Legall Covenant of workes, the guilt, together with the fault and corruption, did convey it selfe to the Posterity. Originall sinne descends by force of that Covenant: And that Commination to visit the sins of the Fathers, hath an eye to the Covenant of the Law. But now in the Evangelicall Covenant of grace, the sinne, and the wrath of God, goes no further than the very persons offending: Only God doth sometimes make the fathers sinnes an oc∣casion, never a cause of punishing the child with some greater measure of punishment▪ should personall sins in the guilt, descend from fathers to the children: wee should have more Originall sinnes than one.

When then in the Word they o 1.95 were commanded to confesse, together with their owne sinnes, the sinnes of their forefathers: it was not that their forefathers sins, that went no further any way than their forefa∣thers persons, should be remitted to their

forefathers being dead, or to them being aliue, but that such sinnes, which they themselues had also in their owne proper persons by occasion of the example of their forefathers committed by act or some con∣sent, might be forgiven unto them. So Psal. 79.8. [Remember not,] against whom? Our forefathers? No: But, Remember not [a∣gaist us former p 1.96 iniquities; that is, such sinnes as wee haue committed through the example of our forefathers, at least haue one way or another made our owne. The Translation reades it [former Iniquities.] Word for word it is in the originall, [The Iniquities of those that were before us:] i. e. of our Ancestors.

CHAP. X.

* 1.97THat is; * 1.99 For the house that he him∣selfe was to have, being made gover∣nour by the King.

It appeares by Ezr. 6.15. and Nohem. 2.1. that the Temple was built before the walls of the Citie. The wals of the Citie were first broken downe, and last built up; and that 14. yeares after the Temple. And one reason hereof is given: for that before in all the former edicts made in behalfe of the Iewes by Cyrus or any other, there was no word as touching the reedifying of the City, but onely to build againe the Temple. Paraeus rather is in the truth, who holds, that Cyrus did by edict give leave to build the Citie: Orat. de 70. hebdom. Dan. but

by reason of so great resistance, they could doe little or nothing to the Citie. And therefore Nehemiah gets Letters Patents to build the Citie, and the wals of the Citie. And the truth is; That the Iewes after their returne, grew secure and carelesse, fell to r 1.100 marrying strange wives, and other disor∣ders, till the Lord stirred up the spirit and zeale of our Nehemiah, and he never gave over till hee had finished the worke. So much good may one man of place, power, and zeale, and courage doe for the Church. Neither was the Lord wanting to him in his blessed enterprize; But hee sent in Haggai and Zachariah, a paire of noble Pro∣phets to encourage the people in the worke of the Lord: Neither will the Lord be wanting to any of us in things that are good, if we be not wanting to him and our selves.

As if hee should say;* 1.101 It is not for mee that haue a calling from God to doe what I doe, which calling is a sufficient testimo∣nie of his assistance and protection, for feare to leave the worke begun, and so to discover disobedience and diffidence to∣ward God. Iunius is of opinion, that hee being a stranger, (i. e.) not a Priest, was not by law to goe into the Temple: As 'tis Numb. 3.38. But I rather follow Deodate, who seemes to like better to say, That hee would not flee to the Temple, because it was for malefactors, who used to take san∣ctuarie there to shift for their lives. Exod. 21.14. 1. King. 1.51. & 2.28. S••majah, who perswaded him to run to the Temple,

was a Priest, and he did put a colour of re∣tyred Religion on it too. So that even Priests were found ready to hinder the building of the Wals. But Nehemiah did looke to God and not to Man, and there∣fore in the next verse he saith: He percei∣ved that God had not sent him, for that he went about to draw him from his voca∣tion, which had a sure foundation. Wee must not suffer, no not Divines themselves, to turne us out of our callings, places, and duties.

CHAP. XI.

* 1.102HEre we see how forward the people were: they called upon Ezra; and Ezra thought it not much to be stirred up by the people to doe his duty. The winde of Gods spirit bloweth where it lifteth, and sometimes beginneth with the common people. The duty that they pressed Ezra unto, was a plaine Text, Deut. 33.10, 11. where God commanded in the feast of Ta∣bernacles, that the Law should be read unto the people. Where the people have Scrip∣ture for it, they must say to Archippus, Doe thy dutie.

* 1.103The people were too many to be taught by one: and therefore they made sundry companies and congregations, and had many Doctors of the Law to teach them. Therefore it is said: [They read] in the Book. And having read, they gave the sense, and made the people to understand thereading.

The meaning is, That by s 1.104 comparing places of the word of God, they did clearly expound to them the meaning.* 1.105 Reading & expounding, or preaching, have used of old to goe together. So in the case of Philip and the Eunuch. And Act. 13.15. After the lecture of the Law & Prophets, the Rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them, saying: Men & bre∣thren, if yee have any word of exhortation for the people, say on. We see more Scriptures were read than were presently expounded: yet when reading of the word was, there used to be expounding of some portion. Tis a poore conceit to say, That before the Cap∣tivity there was nothing but bare reading; but after, when the people had lost much of their Language and did hardly understand the Tongue, that then literall expounding came in by learned men that had the skill of the Tongue:* 1.106 As though [giving of the sense] had bin nothing but a grammaticall in∣terpretation of the word. Preaching is an∣cienter than so. Noah was a Preacher of righteousnesse: And Acts 15.21. Moses of old time hath in every City them that preach him; seing he is read in the Synagogue every Sabbath day. Moses of old, (i. e.) from the first time,* 1.107 from the very beginning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ab aetatibus antiquis. A phrase never used of the Ages, onely since the Captivity. And that it is sayd, Moses, and not Moses and the Prophets, as Acts 13.15. it seemes to me to note the times of Moses Law be∣fore the Prophets were.

The word translated Reading, is u 1.108 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which doth properly signifie an Assembly,

or Convocation: and here the Scripture is named by that name, to shew us, That the holy Scripture ought to be read in the Con∣gregation and Assembly.* 1.109 Take it then for a truth, That before and after the Captivity, the Church of the Iewes had their Tea∣chers who did expound and preach unto them the meaning of the Scriptures: And Ezra with the rest here are sayd to inter∣pret, not the words, but the meaning. They gave the sense, that is, not the literall sense of the Hebrew words, which the Iewes un∣derstood full well, but the spirituall sense. I cannot beleeve that the Iewes in Capti∣vity lost the use of their native Tongue; and I thinke it not credible, that the Iewes in the space of seventy years should so forget their native Tongue, they being a people so scrupulous as they were, to haue no more commerce with strangers than needs must. And lastly Haggai, Zachary and Malachy, who lived and wrote after the Captivity, did speake and write to the peo∣ple in the pure Hebrew Language: Which they would not have done, but that the people understood the Language. The He∣brewes were in Egypt 220. in Chaldea but 70. In Egypt they were held to greater bon∣dage l 1.110 than in Babylon; yet they brought with them the purity of the Language out of Egypt. What? kept it 220. yeares in Egypt and not 70. yeares in Babel?* 1.111

CHAP. XII.

That is,* 1.112 hee gave him a faithfull heart first, and then finds his heart faithfull, not by nature, but by grace; and makes a Covenant with him: So * 1.113 Augustine▪ Prave∣nit hominis voluntatem, nec eam cujusquam in∣venit in corde, sed facit. God doth at first, not find, but make our wills and hearts good. So Aquinas, y 1.114 God is sayd to give grace to the worthy: not that they are worthy before hee gives them grace; but because he by grace maketh them worthy: who onely can cleanse that which is un∣cleane.

Hee then doth abuse plaine places of Scripture,* 1.115 who doth hold, that the spirit teacheth not, but stirs up motions to learne. It doth both. It followes not to inferre: that if wee say, the Spirit teacheth, we must grant Anabaptisticall Revelations. Did wee say, that the Spirit did teach by rote, with∣out the booke, that were to joyne with the Anabaptists: but to hold that the Spirit tea∣cheth by the word, is to speake with the Scripture, Ephes. 1.17. The Spirit is called the Spirit of Revelation in the knowledge of him. 1. Cor. 2.13. Which things also wee speake, not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth; but which the holy Ghost teacheth. That men pretend the Spirit, is no Argument against the teaching of the Spirit: for men doe as much pretend the Church, and doe father their fancies on the Church. As for inward teaching without the word wee leave that

to the Anabaptists, and to the Papist, who doth affixe and appropriate an infallible teaching to the private spirit of the Pope▪ Which spirit, the Papist in the Pope, and the Anabaptist in his Enthusiast, make the Stan∣dard of all truth, and superior to the word. But to say that the Spirit teacheth in and by the word, by z 1.116 enlightening us, and casting a cleering light on the word also, is that which here we reade in Nehemiah, and hath gone for good and sound doctrine, till of late it hath beene otherwise taught without ground.

CHAP. XIII.

* 1.117TIrshasha is a Persian word, and signifi∣eth a man in high Office about the Prince; and such an one was Nehemiah. Other there were that did beare the like office: as Nehem. 7.70. 'tis said; The Tir∣shasha gave to the Treasure a thousand drams of gold. But this Tirshasha is some other officer, and not our Nehemiah. Wee see the great goodnesse of God, who did preferre to great place and favour some of his servants, about Heathen Princes: And it is a comfort, that if God send us or ours into the Countries or Courts of Pagans, yet hee can preferre us then, and preserve us there. Nehemiah is very great, and holds his goodnesse. And Daniel with the rest were in as high place of dignity and com∣mand as ever they could have beene, had the Court and Common-wealth of Israel

stood. Doubt nothing: as long as wee fol∣low God: God can keepe us to our consci∣ences, and our consciences to him in Baby∣lon it selfe. Let us teach our posterity to pray and beleeve: and though they have not one penny in their purses, yet faith and prayer will carrie them all the world over. And if God in his providence make them great in a land of Persians, in the houses or Courts of Pagans; faith will keepe them good.

This Feast of Boothes,* 1.118 was a Feast of 7. dayes: and it had these uses.

• 1 That all Generations might by it un∣derstand, that when Israël came out of Egypt, the Lord made them to dwell in Booths.
• 2 To remember their misery past.
• 3 To look for redemption by the death of Christ. And therefore Zacharie makes the signification of this holy feast to be to shew us, That the memorie of Christ redee∣ming us by his death,* 1.119 is to be kept with all manner of spirituall joy.
• 4 Of thankfulnesse for their fruits; it being kept at this time.* 1.120

But was this Feast disused since Iosua's time? What? for a matter of 1000. yeares; such a Feast as this, so expressely comman∣ded by God, so utterly omitted in the times of so many godly Princes and Priests? I thinke not; rather that it had not beene kept with such devotion and celebration from Iosuah till now: (which I thinke is the reason why mention is here made of the Feast of Booths.) For here we finde, v. 18.

That all the 7. dayes, day after day, the Booke of the Law of God was read, and they had Congregations to that purpose each day, and then they had a solemne As∣sembly on the 8. day according to the man∣ner. By which word we see, that the man∣ner had beene to have a solemne assembly on the 8. day. But it seemes, the manner had not beene to have Assemblies and rea∣ding from the first day to the last day; no not from Iosua's time, as it was now: So that in Iosuah's time, they did use to reade the Law in such order and manner, as they did now. In Levit. 23.35.36. there is re∣quired a holy Convocation, onely the first day and the last 8. day. Did they more now in this Feast, than the very Law it selfe re∣quired? If they did, they must have war∣rant from the Spirit of God by some reve∣lation made to Nehemiah, Ezra, or some other for it; which appeares not: or else, who required this at their hands, to doe more than God commanded? And there∣fore I leave I••nius and Deodate in this, and doe rather thinke, that in the Feast of Booths, by the very Law, reading of the Word was a 1.121 required all the dayes, though that the first & last were dayes of restraint, more solemne Convocations and great holy-dayes, in which they might doe no worke, as they might in the interim dayes. And so Iohn 3.7. the last is called the great day of the Feast.

I thinke there had beene an omission of (such) reading of the Law, viz. day after day, which was required by the institution

in the Law, & had beene in use till Iosuah's time, but was discontinued from his time till now; and now was brought into use a∣gaine. The manner had beene continued to reade on the 8. day, the solemne day: but now it was done every day of the Feast of Tabernacles. And therefore mention is made of the solemnizing of this Feast of Boothes in this place; to shew that there was a great reformation of a disuse, which crept in anon upon Iosuah's dayes, and had continued in the Church in very godly times now 1000. yeares. Wee see that a neglect in Divine worship may continue long in the Church, in the times of the best men.

2 Though it have lasted ever so long, yet it is our dutie to doe what we can to set it right againe at the last.

This Feast was celebrated in Boothes made of the boughes of greene trees, in re∣membrance of Gods favours to them in the wildernesse; at which time they had their dwelling in Boothes. The chiefe sort of Trees are named: and for Palmes, 'tis observed that they carried them in their hands; It being an old wont, that branches of Palmes were carried as signes of b 1.122 victo∣ry and great joy. Hereby, saith Henry A••s∣worth on Levit. 23.40. wee may see the reason, why at Christs comming to Ierusa∣l••m (though at another time of the yeare) the people and children strawed the way with branches of trees, and tooke branches of Palme-trees, and went forth to meet him, and cryed Hosanna: Mat. 21.8.9. Io••.

12.13. For all the Legall Feasts (saith he) had their accomplishment in him, and to him the honour and solemnity of every Feast did by right appertaine. So he. But what if these did it onely to testifie their joy and exultation? it being a custome in all nations to shew their joy with boughes: And they being to entertaine Christ, a King, did it with garments and boughes; such things as came next to hand. Besides, the boughes in the Feast of the Iewes, were more for their remembrance of dwelling in Boothes in the wildernesse, than for joy. Againe, this was not at the Feast of Taber∣nacles and Boothes, that Christ came to Ierusalem; and were it not better to say, That these Iewes old and young did what they did by some instinct from heaven, than onely to imitate a custome of a Feast performed at another time of the yeare, that all might understand that which Da∣vid had prophecyed of the Messias to come, was now fulfilled in Christ? For cer∣taine, neither humane counsaile, nor imita∣tion of a custome, but onely a divine inspire∣ment could make infants to doe as here in Matthew we read that they did.* 1.123

CHAP. XIIII.

* 1.124COmpare the eleventh Chapter with 1. Chron. 9.2. and you shall find that the number is greater in the Chronicles, than here. The answer is; that here onely those are reckoned who inhabited Ierusalem by

lot: But in the Chronicles wee have those also recorded, who went willingly and of their owne accord, & therefore the summe is greater.

CHAP. XV.

BY sonne is here meant the Nephew of Iojada,* 1.125 the brother of Iaddua the high Priest: his name was Manasses an Apostata: he did marry the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, i. e. a Moabite * 1.126 of Horonajim: And because he could not continue in the Priest∣hood by reason he had a strange wife; hee was minded to turne away his wife, that he might not be turned out of his Office. Now to keepe him to his wife, Sanballat un∣dertooke to build a Temple, every way as stately and as goodly as that at Ierusalem: and, that it might have the more honour, on Mount c 1.127 Gerazim, hard by the City Si∣chem, and that Manasses should be chiefe Priest of the Temple. Which Sanballat, ha∣ving first got leave of Alexander, did per∣forme; and from this beginning came that famous schisme as touching the place where sacrifices were to be offered, betwixt the Samaritanes and the Iewes.* 1.128 Before God had pointed out a place, they did worship on high places where they pleased: but, when once the Lord had chosen Mount Moriah, and set his Name there, it was unlawfull to sacrifice any where but there. And though before, Abraham and Iacob and others did please God with the high places; yet after∣wards,

the Kings of Israel are shent for that they did not demolish the high places. Yet stil for other kinds of Worship which were not tyed to one place, as sacrifices were, the Iewes and d 1.129 Christ himselfe (the policy of the Iewes being not buried) did use ma∣ny times to goe up to a mountaine, an high place to pray. But sacrifices, they were only at Ierusalem; and whereas the Samaritanes did pretend the Fathers, meaning by [Fa∣thers] Iacob, and perhaps Abraham too; yet it was but a pretence; For they came not of Iacob but of the e 1.130 race of the Assyrians: neither was the Temple on Mount Gera∣zim ancienterthan the time of this Manas∣ses. And this Manasses marrying the daugh∣ter of Sanballat the Moabite, a great man in place and power, bred this schisme. Iacob did set up an Altar neere Sichem;* 1.131 but it was before God had confined his worship and sacrifices to one place. As for a Temple, there was none besides that at Ierusalem, till Sanballat on this occasion did build one: which Temple remaines in the East unto this day. e 1.132 They use to brag most of antiqui∣ty that have least cause, and have no better arguments for themselves than to follow their false and foolish Ancestors. The last cleeres all the rest: * 1.133 He produceth his good deeds as testimonies of his sincerity, and of that willing mind that was in him to doe God service: which will of his notwith∣standing came from God, not from him∣selfe. He prayes the Lord not to charge his sinne upon him committed in other mat∣ters: and in the good hee did, hee begs of

God that he would regard onely his since∣rity, and thinke upon him in mercy. Hee brags not, but prayes;* 1.134 produceth the good which through the grace of God hee had done, yet claimes nothing as due in justice, but sues to God to remember him in mercy & goodnesse. No thought of merit, where the suite is, to be spared according to the greatnesse of Gods mercy.

CHAP. XVI. An Appendix.

SAint f 1.135 Augustine by the later house un∣derstands the Church of the Christians,* 1.136 whereof the later house was a Type: but this needs not; sith it holds true in the hi∣story and the letter. For the later Temple built by Zerubbabel did come to greater glory, than ever that had which was built by Solomon. As for the opinion of g 1.137 Iosephus, that Herod did demolish Zerubbabels, and build another in the place of it; it is explo∣ded: And the truth is; That h 1.138 Herod did not build a new, but beautifie the old.

In outward glory the former Temple did excell the last beyond comparison. Be∣sides the excessive deale of gold that was in the former,* 1.139 there were five things in the Temple of Solomon, which were not in that of Zerubbabel.

1 The Cloud, an Embleme of Gods pre∣sence.

2 Fire, which consumed the sacrifice.

3 Vrim & Thummim. Though i 1.140 Iosephus say it lasted till 200. yeares before his time: but he is out in this.

4 The Arke.

5 The succession of Prophets, which went on under the former house without any great interruption. Some little pause there was sometimes: but God used to stir up Prophet upon Prophet. In the Captivity, Ezekiel prophecyed till about the 14. yeare of that Captivity when the Citie was smit∣ten:* 1.141 After wee reade not of any till to∣wards the returne. Then stood forth k 1.142 Da∣niel, Haggai, Zacharie, who were whiles the Temple was in building; Malachie, when it was new built: As we see by his reproving of that sinne in corrupting the holy seed, by marrying stranger••. (* 1.143 Sixt••s Senē••is cannot prove his opinion, who placeth him as low as about 500. yeares afore Christ,) & there∣fore Malachy doth close up all▪ by referring the Church to the written Law. Signes and miracles did weare out, and prophecies were no more. Now this great eclypse was to tell the Church, that the great Prophet was to be expected,* 1.144 in whom all prophe∣cies, signes, miracles were to meet.

Besides those that were burnt, many of the things of the Temple were carried a∣way in the first deportation under Io••akim; many in the second under Ieconiah, and the cleane riddance was made in the third un∣der Zedekiah.* 1.145 The Scripture nameth those of Brasse and the lesser, much more than those of Gold and the greater. For it ap∣peares by Ezekiel 9.3. That the Arke was

not carried away with Ieconiah, but under Zedekiah. For in that place wee finde, that the Prophet had revealed unto him, that the time was now at hand, when the Arke and the Cherubius should be destroyed, and the whole Citie made a prey. Now Eze∣kiel wrote in the 5. yeare of Iehoiakim, and lived untill the twenty fift. And wee finde, that shortly after in the dayes of Zedekiah all was lost and gone.* 1.146 The Tabernacle and Altar of incense were carried away before. For among the Treasures of the Lord•• house there spoken of, were the Taberna∣cle and the golden Altar. Now in that there were so many ornaments of note and use in the former Temple, that were not in the later; wee conclude, That Solomons Temple did farre surpasse Zerubbabels in outward glory. And therefore, whereas the Prophet doth preach here; That the second house shall put downe the first house in glory, and they by experience should finde no such matter in regard of outward pompe: (whe∣ther they respected frame and building, or furniture) they were then to looke to the person of the Messiah, who should and did honour the second house with his bodily presence: which made it glorious spiri∣tually; and shed his blood to reconcile all to himselfe, during the state of the later Temple. And therefore it is in our Text; And I will give peace, meaning inward spi∣rituall peace; Peace in heaven,* 1.147 peace on earth: Christ Iesus being our peace. Though this second Temple was built by Zerubba∣bel; yet it was called commonly Solomons

Temple. I am sure that a Porch was usually called Solomons Porch:* 1.148 whether because Solomon built this Porch long after the fi∣nishing of the Temple; and others doing the like, this was for distinction called So∣lomons Porch: or rather (sith question may be made of the truth of that storie in Iosephus) because it was by Zerubbabel built in the very same place,* 1.149 and right after the same forme that Solomons was;* 1.150 that there∣fore it kept the old name. The gate of this Porch was called Beautifull: and the Prince did onely enter in thereat, and not the people;* 1.151 for the people entred in at the North gate,* 1.152 and at the South.

CHAP. XVII.

* 1.153WHy defile himselfe?

* 1.154Because,* 1.155 1. It was often such as was against the Law of God.

* 1.1562 Vsed so, as would defile them, being against the word of God.

* 1.1573. Daniel saw, that the Kings love and provisions were not single and ••incere; but that he meant his owne profit: which his fellowes also Ananias, Mishael and Azari••s saw.

* 1.158The Kings drift in training them up, that they might stand before him, was, that they should attend him as Courtiers in his Pa∣lace: And (they being of the bloud royall, and seed of the Nobility) that hee might thereby better assure the Land of Iudah.* 1.159

But did not Daniel afterwards eate?

He did, when he was in his greatnes, and could command what sort of dyet he him∣selfe pleased; such as neither in nature nor use was against the Leviticall Law of God. The Iewes were not bound to the Iudiciall Law indeed; but onely within the King∣domes of Israel: For Daniel and Mordecay were great Officers and Magistrates in for∣raine parts; and no question, they did mi∣nister justice according to the nationall lawes and customes of those Countries, and not according to the Leviticall and Iu∣diciall Lawes of Moses: But yet the Iewes were most strictly tyed all the world over to an exact observation of the Ceremoniall and Leviticall Lawes of God: and there∣fore Daniel, though out of his Countrey, durst not eate, lest he should defile himselfe by transgressing the Ceremoniall Law.

* 1.160Nebuchadnezzar being amazed with the worke of Daniel, went about, in his person and by his command to make a god of him. Had he onely bowed to him in reverence, in that affection which may well bee to∣wards a Prophet of the Lord, (as Alexan∣der did to the high k 1.161 Priest, and is indeed lawfull to be done,) Daniel might have ac∣cepted it: But the King went too too far; and that act of his to command meat offe∣rings & sweet odours to be offered to him, was flagrant Idolatry: and therefore it could not stand with the piety of Daniel, who would not so much as eat of the Kings meat, to give the least entertainment to a∣ny such Idolatry. And though it be not ex∣pressed in so many words, yet it is plaine e∣nough;

that Daniel did reprove this fact of the King, and thereupon was nothing done. And the words themselves in Nebu∣chadnezzars reply give us this meaning. The King answered unto Daniel (saith the text): therefore Daniel had spoken his l 1.162 mind to the King, though the words bee left out (Of a truth it is, that your God is a God of Gods) This shewes, that Daniel had enformed, that there was but One only God, and that Divine worship was due to that One God onely. Wee may receive Prophets and Preachers as Angels: but we must not receive them as Gods.

* 1.163Some have sayd that Nebuchadnezzar was metamorphosed into a very beast: but it is the truer opinion to say, that his mala∣dy was in mind not in body. God stroke him with a kind of melancholy madnesse: Insomuch that he lost all judgement, sense, and use of reason; living and doing like a beast of the field. His life was a wild kind of life, out of the communion of men. And they may as well say, he was turned into an Eagle, because it is sayd, that his haires were growne like Eagles, as to affirme that he was changed into an Oxe, because he is sayd to eate grasse like Oxen. The conclusi∣on would as well be, that he was converted into Oxen; because as our Translation reads it according to the originall, it is not sayd [as an oxe] but [as the oxen] in the plurall number. Pride hath beene punished with the heaviest hand of God: The Angels through Pride lost their habitation, and are now in Hell. It was Pride that made of an

Angell a Devill, turned them out of Hea∣ven into Hell. Adam through Pride lost himselfe, and all his posterity, as farre as lay in him, was cast out and kept out of Para∣dise; and was the cause of all the sinnes and sorrowes, that have beene, are, or shall be in the world. Nebuchadnezzar a mighty Mo∣narch, for his Pride made for seven yeares a wilde man, lost the use of reason and lived like a beast: and 'tis worse to be like a beast than to be a beast (saith the Philosopher.) And Herod another King, as proud as he, for his very pride in admitting only of the Ac∣clamation (It is the voyce of God, and not of man) he did not procure it: behold he is, for suffering divine honour to be given to him, & affecting to be a lowzie God, eaten up of wormes. The God of glory hath ever resisted the proud afarre off: whatever hee gives to any, hee will not give his glory to another. When Satan came once to looke after divine honour,* 1.164 Christ puts him off with a short answer; Avoide Satan.

CHAP. XVIII.

A chiefe sinne,* 1.165 for which the children of Iudah were carried into Captivity, was, as ye see, because their fathers had prophaned the Sabbath; Gods judgements ever following this sinne, as the shadow doth the body. And see! the hand of God was scarce off them; but this people are madde after their profits, and doe abuse the Sabbath as bad, if not worse than ever. So, almost impossible it is for a man to cast out

of his heart and life, sins that bring in pro∣fit▪ which,* 1.166 Nehemiah comming with au∣thority from the great King, as a Lord De∣puty, makes use of his Commission to re∣dresse. This was so grand an affront to the Ordinances of God; suffer this, and suffer all: and therefore we find him here round with them. And he workes upon them first with words, and if that would not doe, then he threatens blowes; and found suc∣cesse.

Here we see, that as Nehemiah a Civill Magistrate;* 1.167 so Civill Magistrates now may and must take strict courses for the setling and keeping in order of the Service of God. They doe them the greatest wrong, who would turne them over to the second Ta∣ble. The Kings of Israel were most curious of all in matters of Gods worship: and can we find, that ever they went or sent to Ie∣rusalem to know the pleasure of the high Priest? And in their steps did the Kings of Christendome tread for many Ages: Be∣gin with Constantine and downe to Charles the Great, and some yeares after. The Em∣perours have ever tooke it, and used it, as the chiefest flower in their Crowne, and the principall Verbe in the Office; to carry the sway in disposing of the things belonging to the managing of the worship of God;* 1.168 And that without once looking after any power in or from the Bishop of Rome.

The matter wee looke after is, That by this of Nehe∣miah wee see, that it was not held by him a lawfull thing for them then to worke; or for him to suffer them to worke on the Sabbath in times of harvest. Their treading of wine-presses doth evince, that the time was harvest time; in that the worke was an har∣vest worke. A custome they had got to keepe a sham∣bles, a faire on that day, and to labour at their harvest. Nehemiah saw that Religion would soone die, if thus they might goe on. And therefore he gave not over, till hee had made them give over. Authority in the hands of a resolute man is of great force and use.

As touching harvest-worke, in my minde, the que∣stion were at an end, if we did but distinguish betwixt ordinary and usuall Cases; (and then, as wee have most reason to serve God in harvest, and most need of rest, wee and our people, when we use to labour most; com∣mon understanding will grant, that then there lies a probition against labour.)

And extraordinary and unusuall occasions. And so who doubts, but it is lawfull then to labour? Indeed when the case stands in aequilibrio; and one is as like as the other; and no man can say, but the pretious fruits of the earth are as like to be saved as spoyled: here my opinion is, That wee are to put the matter into the hands of God. But when the case stands so, that either wee must worke, or there is a morall certainty, that the fruits of the harvest will receive a sensible hurt, to the prejudice of our life or livelihood; here I conceive it to be a dutie to worke: Here, I say, wee breake the Sabbath, except wee breake it. Christ saith, That the Priests labouring in the Temple,* 1.169 did profane the Sabbath: m 1.170 and yet were guiltlesse. How so? pro∣fane and yet guiltlesse? Because those their Temple-workes (had it not beene on such occasions) would have beene a profanation of the Sabbath. The sense

of a Law, is the Law: and in the sense of the Law, the labour of the Priests was an hallowing of the Sabbath: But in the meere Letter; (which the Pharisees, with whom Christ did dispute, did follow) it was, to see to, a profanation of the Sabbath: but in the true mea∣ning they did sanctifie, and not profane it. Right so: In case of necessity, wee profane the Sabbath, except wee profane it: wee perish, except wee perish. For necessity herein hath no law: and it doth adde a new relation to the worke wee doe; no new Ens, but a Modus Entis. And there is not the greatest toyle in the world; but in this sense, it is a keeping of the n 1.171 Sab∣bath holy. For the Sabbath was made for man (i. e.) not onely for the very being of Man; but for his wel-being. And therefore whatsoever by necessity, with∣out fraud or covin, is to be done on that day for the comfort of man, that now is turned into a very Sab∣bath-worke. I binde not man in a Mathematicall man∣ner to poynts of Physicall necessity. And therefore, if it stand for the conveniencie of Man, and there were nothing to the o 1.172 contrary (à parte ante, nor à parte post,) I meane, that it might not have beene done as well before, or deferred till after the Sabbath: so I call it a necessary Worke. Christ cured some upon the p 1.173 Sab∣bath day, whose life lay not upon it, but that they might have stayed till the morrow: And the Disci∣ples in that of plucking the Eares of Corne (where∣in they are justified by Christ) were not in that ex∣tremity, but they might have put it off, till they came to Towne: and therefore they were to doe many cor∣porall workes on the Sabbath, and were yet guiltlesse; nay guilty even of breaking the Sabbath, except they did doe them.

And as the Sabbath was made for man; so for the creature too, for the Oxe, the Asse, &c. And therefore when the creature, that is, a necessary creature, is in danger of receiving any notorious dammage, that may make it unserviceable for man, did they break the Sab∣bath if they did worke to save it? No, The Sabbath was broken, except they did worke: Neither is it any thing to say, we must rather let our hay and corne fall into, and lye in the suddes, and accept therein the chastisement of our sinnes. What? and perhaps fa∣mish? And must wee suffer our Oxe to sticke in the mire, as a rod from God? What? not lift the poore Oxe out? And yet a man that is rich feeles no losse in an Asse or a sheepe:* 1.174 In mercy then to the poore creature wee must let all lye and see it done. It is a con∣clusion held on all hands, That an house on fire is warrant enough for a whole Parish to lay about them on the Sabbath day, to quench it. And is not water as unmercifull an element as fire? Yea to preserve life, man did q 1.175 fight and r 1.176 flee on the Sabbath day; and did well. Then wee conclude, That in mercy to the creature, (to preserve it) in mercy to our selves, (to preserve that which doth preserve us in good liking) and in both (to shew our obedience to God) worke at any bodily worke wee must on the Sabbath; and are free. Nehemiahs case lay not in such exigents: and there∣fore Nehemiah did like himselfe, in reproving and re∣forming. Nothing is to be concluded against what I have said, out of that in Exodus, That in harvest, they were to cease on the seventh day. I have read an an∣swer, That this was a priviledge of that Nation, that they had a Wri•• of protection against all Inundations: As God undertooke for them during their Iourney up to the anniversary Feasts, to keepe all well and safe at home the while; So the promise of the former and latter raine in season, was a peculiar to the Israelites. But

what needes this, sith a reconciliation is at hand; that this prohibition is to be construed with the excepti∣on still of necessity? s 1.177 Tremellius, a Iew by nature, is of the mind, that by very Talmud, dangers of life, though not evident, were cause enough for a Iew to worke vpon the Sabbath day. And t 1.178 Lyra another Christian of the same Nation, writing on the very words of the Law, is plaine, that for all the words of the Law, it was law∣full to doe those workes which could not well be defer∣red to the next day, nor done the day before. He saith not, which could not simply bee deferred; but, which could not well be deferred: His meaning is in v 1.179 casual∣ties, as he himselfe cals them.

A maine observation out of the words of Nehemiah is, touching the persons with whom Nehemiah is sayd here to contest. Our last and best Translation reads it, Nobles: I have read, that it were fitter to translate it, Freemen. And this is, to beare out an Opinion, that even among the Iewes a servant did not sinne in wor∣king on the Sabbath day, in case his Master command him: As though Nehemiah had contested with all and with onely Freemen: and that therefore the servants were in no blame. x 1.180 Navarrus to helpe this his Opini∣on, puts in two Clauses of exception: One is, That the servant is to heare one Masse: the other; that the Ma∣ster doe not enjoyne him worke on the holy day in contempt: If hee doe, then the servant is rather to dye the death, than to worke at his Masters command.

CHAP. XIX.

A word of the Argument, and then more at large of the proofe of the Argument. Say, the word did signifie Masters (which it doth not;) yet I deny the Argument: He contested with the Masters; therefore

the Masters onely were in fault. And the reason why I deny it; because I find it granted, that the servants would have rested with thankes, if they had not beene constrained to worke. What needs then to urge the servants to doe that, which of themselves they would faine doe? The Masters were chiefe in fault: there∣fore hee contests with them. The Masters had in their power to reforme all: therefore Nehemiah, like a wise and just Prince deales with them. Hee was a Magistrate, and his businesse being not for correction of what was done, but for reformation, that they might doe so no more; whom in reason should hee speake unto, but the Superiours? mend them, mend all. The servants would come in of themselves: if they would not, the Masters had power to force them to it whether they would or not. Mee thinkes then, it is an argument to be pitied, to fall from the penne of any learned man, and from this to conclude, That the Servants did not sinne, because in that sabbati∣call reformation Nehemiah did contest with the Ma∣sters, and not with them by name. But what if wee prove out of this very Chapter, That Nehemiah did contest with all, Servants and all? Looke but into the 15. verse, and there wee reade, that Nehemiah saw some treading wine-presses on the Sabbath day (and these are confessed to be Servants) and bringing in sheaves, and lading Asses, as also wine, grapes, and figges, and all manner of burdens which they brought into Ierusalem on the Sabbath day. All these, or the most of these, I am sure, were Servants: For who used to beare burdens, but the Servants? And were not these in fault? Else, why did Nehemiah contest with them? Hee was to deale wisely and justly. The Text saith, That hee testified against them: and there∣fore not onely the worke was done by them; but a y 1.181 sinne was committed by them. As good an Argu∣ment

as the former might have arose to inferre, That onely Servants were in the sinne, because he testified againsts the Servants, and not the Masters by name. But the thing wee looke is not to be denied: and that is, Because here, ver. 15. Nehemiah testified against the Servants that did beare burdens, that therefore They did sinne. For wee have it confessed, that they would not have troden the wine-presses, nor carried the burdens, except their Masters had commanded them. And therefore, albeit their Masters did charge them to doe it: just and wise Nehemiah did testifie against those Servants, for those workes on the Sab∣bath day; which workes they did in obedience to their Masters. And out of this, hee that hath halfe an eye may see, that the Servants did sinne. Hee did look besides the Booke then, who did and durst write, That Nehemiah did not reprove the Servants, by whose employment and labour these things were done: For, the Text is expresse, That Nehemiah did testifie first against them; The Servants that did tread the Presses, and beare the Burdens, ver. 15. and then the Nobles, ver. 17.

Once more from the very Text in hand, I prove That Servants, as servants, were in the same sinne with their Masters; though not in the same point and degree of sinning. I say in the sinne as sinne, to shut out all cavill. For 'tis a very riddle to mee in a matter so expresse and evident, a servant should con∣curre to the fact, and not to the fault. I meane so farre as to make them guilty as well as the master, though not so much as the Master. Thus I argue.

Those, whom Nehemiah did contest against, ver. 21. were in a sinne (else hee dealt, nor justly, nor wisely to contend with them.)

But besides the Merchants, those were sellers of all kinds of ware: I thinke, the most of them, I am

sure many, were servants. For who be they that in all trades, places, markets, faires, sell? What? Not the servants as well as the Master? Therefore they did sinne.

Againe, Those whom Nehemiah threatned to lay hands on, were in a sinne in Nehemiah's opinion; else neither his wisedome, nor justice would, that hee should lay them up. But hee sayd, hee would lay hands on the sellers of all kinds of ware, who lod∣ged about the Walls of Ierusalem. And amongst these sellers, there must needs be many servants. Neither doth Nehemiah threaten some, but all (in∣definitely) the Sellers: for sellers of all kindes of ware, is all one with all sellers of wares. The termes are aequipollent: And therefore servants were in fault.

Now how poore and weake this kinde of disputing is, wee will shew out of Nehemiah 5. v. 7. There Ne∣hemiah is said to rebuke the z 1.182 Nobles and a 1.183 Rulers, for that they did exact vsury of their Brethren. The word englished Nobles is by the Septuagint (who being Iewes, are sayd to know best the sense of their owne Lan∣guage) I say, the word is by them translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [men of renowne] and it must meane such, because in order they are before Magistrates. Well then; Can any man once imagine, that men of fame and re∣nowne onely did put their money to hire? And yet we see Nehemiah then and there is sayd to contest with the Nobles and Rulers onely by name. Is it not now a simple piece of Logicke, thus to argue? Nehemiah contested with the Nobles and Rulers onely for Vsury: therefore Vsury was a finne onely in Nobles and Ru∣lers; or that none were Vsurers then but the Nobles and Rulers.

Doe but read Nehemiah 13.10. and there we find the portions of the Levites had not beene given them.

By whom? By the b 1.184 Israelites: They, to save their pur∣ses brought in nothing. Whom doth Nehemiah re∣prove? The words bee vers. 11. that hee contended with the c 1.185 Rulers. Did none refuse to pay their portions but the Rulers? Yes, the whole body of the people: The corruption was generall. The Levites and the Sin∣gers were made to fight so low, that they were fled: the exigent was such, that they must flye or famish. Which could not have beene, if none had beene de∣linquents but the Rulers. Hee that runnes may read this to be so, vers. 12. Then brought all Iudah (viz. after Nehemiah had made the reformation) marke, [All Iu∣dah] then brought the tith of the corne: And therefore all Iudah sinned in not bringing the Portions of the Le∣vites and Singers. [All Iudah.] Out of the text it selfe I prove, that such a conclusion as this holds not. Nehemiah reproved the Rulers onely; therefore the Rulers onely were in transgression: For the words, as they lye, shew us that all Iudah offended: And yet Nehemiah cals onely the Magistrates to coram: And why? they had power in their hands to reforme this in all. So here he contended with the Nobles. I say then, as the truth is, that Nehemiah dealt onely with the great Ones, because they were chiefe in the sinne to suffer it; and it was in their power and place to re∣forme it: That so he and they joyning together to bring about the full reformation, the Lord might have his Sabbaths againe. Having cleered, as I take it, the weak∣nesse of the Argument, wee are now to shew, that the proofe is of no force.

CHAP. XX.

IT is laid in the sense of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which our Translation Englisheth Nobles, and that rightly. The Word naturally doth signifie a Grandeè, a Chiefe as head over the rest in Power, or Authority, or both. One that with his Countenance is able to doe much upon the rest, whether they be servants or not. No man hath reason to say the contrary, sith it doth radically signifie some great Men, whether Magi∣strate or Magistrates fellowe. The Hebrew word which indeed doth signifie, and is commonly used to signifie a Freeman, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which is up and downe translated a Freeman, in all versions that I know. But our word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 comes from a roote, which signifies d 1.186 White. Because States used to be clad in White in those times and places. But the Sep∣tuagint, who were naturall Iewes render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is properly Freemen. The thing I am to prove then, is. That the S••ptuagint understood by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Men of Quaelity, Neh. 4. v. 14, 19. The words be [I sayd to the Nobles and Rulers and to the rest of the People.] The word translated Nobles is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and so rendred it must be.

For reade it Freemen, and what a poore sense doe we put upon the holy Text. I said to the Freemen, and Rulers, and to the rest of the People. What, Free∣men put before Rulers. Againe, Freemen opposed to the rest of the People. Were not the Commons many of them Freemen now? Nay. The word People is so farre from being restrained to Meane, onely Ser∣vants; that Servants are rather excluded than otherwise: not meant at all, rather than onely meant. Nehemiah had neither need, nor cause to speake to the Servants, whose Masters had power

over them, to bring them in to his Will. How then doth the Text oppose them to Freemen, and make them as two severall distinct Branches? But what say the 70 here? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Honourable Men. And therefore the 70 themselves tooke Nobles, Honoura∣ble, to be the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The like wee have, Neh. 5.7. Where Nehemiah dealt in the mat∣ter of e 1.187 Vsury. What be the words. I rebuked, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Nobles and Rulers, saith our Eng∣glish. Me thinkes it makes the holy Ghost to speake backeward to English it thus. I rebuked the Free∣men and Rulers. And here we have the 70 for us. Againe, they translate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, honourable. A third place we finde, Neh. 6.17. The Nobles of Iudah sent many letters to Tobija. It makes a kinde of Non-sense of it to reade it. The Freemen of Iudah sent many let∣ters. The word is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And must we make them a Popular State, and turne their Common-wealth in∣to a Democracy, that Letters must be written in the name of every Freeman. And here, as before the Septuagint have it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. No no, They were the Nobles that wrote, whose Letters were like to car∣ry some stroke with Tobijah. And can it sinke into any Mans head, that all or most of the Freemen must meet many times, to write many letters to Tobijah. Thus we see, how often in this very booke of Nehe∣miah, which best of all opens it selfe, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used, where it can possibly (both by the Scripture and by the Translation of the 70.) signifie nothing but Nobles. And were not the Septuagint Iewes? Did not they best know how to give the right meaning of their owne Language? Now, what say we to other places of Scripture! We reade Esay. 34.12. They shall call the Nobles to the Kingdome. The word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Reade the word Freemen: it is ridiculous. They shall call the Freemen to the King∣dome.

And here, once more, the Septuagint are for us. The Greeke is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. Princes, great officers, men of place, power: and the like we finde, Ier. 27.20. The words be. Nebuchadnezzar carryed away with King Ieconiah all the Nobles. The originall is, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] What? did he carry away all the Freemen? No such matter. He left all the Freemen, or all al∣most behind him. They were not carried away in the deportation of Ieconiah. But the Nobles hee did all, or as good as all. But wee must consult with the Septuagint. There it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Potentates. And one place more, if you will in Ier. 39.6. Where we reade, That after Nebuchadnezzar, had slaine the sons of King Zedekiah: the Text saith, That the King of Babel slew all the Nobles of Iudah. The Originall hath [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. Translate it Freemen, and there is as little truth, as good sense in it. For he did not then kill all the Freemen of Iudah. So to English it, is to father untruth's upon the booke of God. We must not leave out the Septuagint. They must be heard by all meanes. And how doe they Greeke it here? Why [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Princes againe. By all these places we see how little truth there is in such bold asserti∣ons as these, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth properly signifie Free∣men. That the Septuagint, who were Iewes by Na∣ture, and could best say what is the signification of the words in their owne Language, doe so under∣stand it. Which we see, is neither so, nor so. But if a 1000 Septuagints had said that Freemen is the pro∣per and naturall signification of the word (sith wee see the contrary in almost all the places of the Bible where the Word is used:) we must crave pardon, if we be hard of beliefe in the point. But doe not the 70 here, in the very place, Nehemiah 13.17. translate the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? They doe. Doth not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, naturally and Grammatically signifie Free∣men?

It doth. And did not the 70 know what 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 meant? They did. What will you doe now? No hurt done. I meane not: nor need to disable the Version of the 70 (as a great f 1.188 Hebrician and Divine both doth. Nor am I about to say, That the Edition that we now have, is so vitiate, that one would thinke it were not the same, but some impostor ra∣ther.) Yet g 1.189 Bellarmine is so bold with the 70. Tis enough to carry it on our side, that in so many places (as above) the 70 themselves construe the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by such Greeke words as never can signifie a Freeman, as such: but ever A man of Eminency & Port. And now, whereas in our place, the Septuagint doe translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The meaning is, not to note out free Men simply: but such Freemen as were al∣so Men of Note and Quality above the rest. And let the reason of this Metaphoricall use of the word be. Because such Men should be of a free and generous spirit. Or else. Because Rulers were taken and cho∣sen (when chosen) never out of Servants: but of such, whose houses were free in Israel. We will not looke after other Authors: but (to leave this place till anon) prove out of some other places of Scrip∣ture, That the 70 cannot still meane Freemen, when they doe translate [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which they doe, but rare and seldome. To begin with 1 Kings 21.8. Where we find, That Iezabel wrote Letters in Ahabs name to the Elders, and to the No∣bles that were in his City, The Hebrew word trans∣lated by our English Nobles, is our word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where it is by the 70 done into Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Now by the very Text it appeares, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cannot be translated a Freeman. For it is not to be imagi∣ned that Iezabell did write and direct her Letters to the Elders and Freemen of that City. What had the Freemen to doe with her practise? She had a bloudy

secret in hand, which she neyther would, nor need to impart to every Freeman. But the Rulers and Nobles, they were the men, that were onely fit to be entrusted with her feat, and able to satisfie her wicked turne. Her drift was to put off the matter with a faire colour, and to cover it from the eyes of the Commons. Which she could not doe nor meant to doe, if so bee shee had writen to the Freemen in the Kings Name. Except such and such Freemen that were fit for her designe, were not to be made acquainted with that horrid plot? What? writeth that to the Freemen, which by all meanes her desire was to secret from the Freemen. And she might well thinke, That all the Freemen would not have come in to her mind to massacre a man and his family, for nothing but his conscience. And therefore I take it a clere case. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here are meant Nobles and not Freemen. And yet the 70. have it in the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Therefore in this place they doe not thinke that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sig∣nifies Freemen. Nor doe they by their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in∣tend to expresse Freemen (quà tales) but great men.

And the same is also proved by Eccles. h 1.190 10.17. Blessed (saith the holy Ghost there) art thou Land, when thy King is the sonne of Nobles.] The Hebrew is our word in question 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Septuagint it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. What English is this? Blessed is the Land when the King is the sonne of Freemen. A wise blessed∣nesse. And translations agree in the best Linguists, to give the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, such words in Latine, as can beare no good English except by such a word as Nobles, Illustrious, Renowned. And in these places, 'tis not to be denyed, That when the 70. translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doe in the Grammaticall signification of it properly

signifie any Freemen as Freemen: yet) the 70. doe by it understand a Potent, a Man of place, and ac∣compt. As it is plaine and proved to be plaine by the places before cited, which are all the places I know, (except this in Nehemiah now in question) where in the 70. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is done into the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And the reason was,* 1.191 as I said, because such should bee of a free and noble mind. And doth not this make it plaine. That whenever the 70. are to tran∣slate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is radically and properly a Free∣man as a Freeman simply, as opposite to a Bondman, there they ever use to translate it by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: but when they are to translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 usually they doe give it a word in Greeke which signifies a Gentleman, or rather one a size above a Gentleman. And in these few places where they put it into the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as in those places I have set downe & in this of Nehemiah) the scope of the places do shew, that they meane to note there∣by nothing lesse than nakedly a Freeman. And if challenging were so fit among Scholars, me thinks I might put any man to prove, That in any place where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used in the Originall, or where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is made by the 70. the translation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that then and there in any one place it must yea, or may be rendred a Freeman, Quatenùs a Free∣man contradistinct to a servant. The briefe of all is in two words. In other places where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is made by the 70. the translation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it can∣not signifie Freemen: and therefore it doth not fol∣low that it must here, in our place of Nehemiah.

And now at last to come to the very place, I say that here it doth not signifie a Freeman, and therefore the 70. who being Iewes borne knew best to tran∣slate their owne Language, do not here (translating 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) meane thereby a Freeman: but a man

of Note and Name. Tis a poore piece of Learning then to say, that it doth properly signifie, a Free∣man, when there is no one place in all the Bible, where it must, say I? nay) where it may hand∣somely be translated Freeman. And for this place I dare appeale to all Interpreters, where ever any did translate it by a word that is ever used in any Tongue to signifie a Freeman. Onely excepted this questioned translation of the 70. now in hand. When I say all: I meane all i 1.192 I have seene, and by them I judge the same of all the rest, I have not seene. Divers words they have: but all the wit in the world cannot expresse what they all meane in a more full formall, and significant terme than Noble, which is our last English. To say all in a word, the 70. translate commonly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which of force signify Nobles: and in two or three places (where they render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they must and did meane Nobles. And so doe the circumstances of this very place (Nehe. 13.17.) evince it to be understood here. Consider but that the same forme and manner of chiding and re∣proving which he followes here, he used before, Verse. 11. Where he saith, he contended with the Rulers about the abuse of the Levits portion. But there the men reproved were great men. For the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is there in the 70. k 1.193 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and that is nor can be nothing but Rule••s. In re∣gard of their place of office, he cals them there Ru∣lers. In regard of their Birth or others Titles and dignities he calls them here (Vers. 17.) Nobles: in both, the same ranke of men. But because the Sep∣tuagints translation of the word in this place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by some made such a matter: We will therefore shew, it is not for nothing, that we af••fir∣med the 70. to meane by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A man of a free

and noble spirit. Consider we then that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] properly & originally doth signifie Ingenuous men. Now an ingenuous man is defined in l 1.194 Law to bee borne not made a Freeman. Yet a common use of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Scriptures is to signifie Princes, Po∣tentates, Rulers, Nobles. The 70. who being ••ewes best knew the use of their owne mother Tongue, do m 1.195 often translate it by words, which doe and in very grammaticall etymology must signifie Rulers. And the n 1.196 learned are in the right, when they teach us, That Luke (22.25) by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Benefactours bountifull doth expresse the Hebrew [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] and that S. Luke doth import men of authority and place. Two of the Ptolomej Kings of Egypt, tooke to them this Title to be called Ptolomeus Eu∣ergetes. And why? But because Princes and Gran∣dies should be men of a bountifull mind, and of a free and most ingenuous spirit. And o 1.197 Aristotle saith, That Kings were created from their Benefi∣cence. And gives this reason. For that good men are highly esteemed for their vertue. As then the Hebrew and Greeke words, which signifie proper∣ly ingenuous, free, munificent, are used for Princes as common as may bee, because such men should have such conditions; and hee wrongs the Text, that shall translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ingenuous: may I not in like manner say. That the 70. in our place useth the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which thematically & pro∣perly signifies Freeman for a Nobleman, because mē, of quality such, should be endued with such quali∣ties. The very same we see in the word p 1.198 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whose immediate and literall signification is an elderly man, a Senior. Yet how often in the old Te∣stament is it used to signifie a Ruler in the State?

And all over the new Testament for a Ruler and Rector in the Church. And why? Because men are not usually so fit to be put in place in either, till they come to some yeares. The reason we have in the q 1.199 Philosopher. Because a man is not fit for a Councellour in the state, till he be of some good experience, which a Iunior cannot have: Nor in the Church, till he be of composed manners, which is not found every day among the younger sort. Old in time and old in manners usually goe together. To come to the point then. Sith most an end the 70. doe translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by words expressing Nobles; And sith in those few places, where the 70. doe make use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Cir∣cumstances of the place doe carry it, That simply Freemen as Freemen cannot be meant; but Noblemen, because they should be men of free mindes (as the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ are translated in like sort from the literall sense to signifie men of place and quality;) And sith all translations I thinke, I am sure all that I have seene, doe in the Nationall and learned versions and translations turne it by words expressing Nobles, Lords, Worthies, Heroi∣call persons, Potentates, Illustrious and the like; Sith I say all these proofes meet, as most pregnant to evince the true and full signification of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be Nobles; the conclusion is ours: That Nehemiah did contest not with all the Freemen; but with the Nobles, as men that were in place and power to redresse the Prophanation of the Sabbath day.

CHAP. XXI.

THe Argument to prove the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signify Freemen, from the use of the Chaldee word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was not worth the printing. What?

doth not that Chaldee come by etymology frō the Hebrew word, and doth the Chaldee usually signi∣fie Freemen? and yet doe you say, the Argument thence is of no force? No. Of none at all. For to passe it over, that the Chaldee edition is but a Para∣phrase, no punctuall Translation; neither is it, as it is, so exact; (so saith r 1.200 Bellarmine) neither is it s 1.201 s 1.202 aun∣cient enough to cary a conclusion for the use of a word (for in so many hundred of yeares as the Chaldee is later then Nehemiah, tis usuall for signi∣fications of words to change; Tis Vse rather then Grammar that brings in significations of words. (t 1.203 Vse is Norma Loquendi.) To passe over all this, what if the Chaldee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be used to signifie No∣bles, as well as the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? Where is all this boasting then? Looke but in Dan••el 7.9. (and Daniel lived about the dayes of Nehemiah) and there only, that I know, we have the Chaldee wo••d. It is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it signifies and is translated White, just as the Hebrew word. And Nobles using to appa∣rell themselves in white, thence they were both in the Chaldee and Hebrw words called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Neither doe we speake at randome. For u 1.204 Schindler, (as great a Linguist as Christendome hath knowne, dispraise to none) doth assure us, That the Chaldee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signifie men of place; & he doth expresse the meaning of the Chaldee by three Latine words, Principes, Magnates, Primates, all which signifie great men. And if the Chaldee Paraphrase may be heard for good; then looke Ier. 27.20. wherfore our Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which we translate Nobles of Iudah,) The Chaldee hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, The Princes. Both come to one.

Therefore the Chaldee himselfe being Iudge, the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not Freemen; but Princes. But doth not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Chaldee properly signifie a Freeman?

It doth. Is it not derived by Etymology from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? I thinke so; I grant it: and yet all this comes not home to the point. For words have the signification from the common use, and the Chaldee comming in long after, had some a••teration from the grammaticall signification. And that I doe not onely say, but prove. For because the Chaldee doth not use to expresse the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Chaldee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,) but to shew a difference, the Chaldee para∣phrase is constant in using to render the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is indeed precisely a Freeman, by the Chaldee word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was in the Language when the paraphrase wrote Freemen. As Ez. 21.2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hebrew; in the Chaldee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the sonne of the Freeman. Sith then the Chaldee doth not expresse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ••ut by some other word s••gnifying Nobles x 1.205, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he doth ever use to translate by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; therefore I conclude, that in the Iudgement of the Chaldee paraphrast him∣selfe, our word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signifie Nobles, and not Freemen.

To argue from the signification, of a word, that it now hath to prove the signification it had 400, or 500 yeares agoe, is of no force; sith the use of words doe come and goe, almost as fast as the fashion of Clothes. As it follows not that because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signifie a Tyrant now, that therefore it doth never signifie a King. Times doe change, and words doe alter with Time, both in pronunciation and signifi∣cation. And so I thinke that the Chaldee, which in the Paraphrast his dayes did signif••e Freemen long before, when it came first out of the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, did signifie Nobles. Howsoever men please to thinke of that Conjecture, I have my desire in that the Chaldee himselfe doth not translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying Freemen; though radically 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth derive it selfe from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they doe construe by words signifying Nobles.

Say then that Nehemiah had not testified against the Servants, which the Text flatly sayth hee did, and say that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 did signifie Masters, which we have proved to be very false: yet thus to dispute; He contested with the Masters, Ergo, the Masters were onely in the sinne: And, The Servants did not sinne, be∣cause not contested with: This I say is such an Enthy∣meme, that a Freshman newly come from turning o∣ver Brierwoods Notes, can tell how at the first sight with reason to deny the Consequence. For Nehemiah did reprove the Nobles, because they were in greatest fault to suffer it. And in their hands it lay much to reforme it. And Nehemiah would not be sayed in it, but threatens them all, rich and poore, mighty and meane, bond and free, Master and Man, one with ano∣ther. And he had his Will. God gave him good successe. For the Text saith, That they went away, and from that time forth, they came no more on the Sabbath day. And what a mercy were it, if the Lord would be pleased so to order the hearts, pennes, and tongues of the Learned, that from henceforth, they would give over and speake, and write no more against the Sabbath Day.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  ••un••cius in Chronol. comm. lib. 2.
• * 1.2

  Ezra. 6.11.14. Nehem. 2.4.
• * 1.3

  Diodor. Sicu••. lib. 17.
• * 1.4

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 2 1.5

  chiefely about some pieces of yeares.
• * 1.6

  Herod••t. in Thaliâ.
• a 1.7

  inclusivè accipiendum more Heb.
• b 1.8

  vid. Herod. principium polym••iae.
• * 1.9

  Zech. 4.9.
• * 1.10

  Zech. 1.1.
• a 1.11

  Plin. lib 6. cap 13.
• b 1.12

  Herodot. in Melpo••ene.
• * 1.13

  7.1.
• * 1.14

  4.
• * 1.15

  Nehem. 12.10.
• * 1.16

  22.
• * 1.17

  Nehem. 6.15.
• * 1.18

  ARGVMENT. I. From the storie of Mordecay, who, they say, was carried captive with Ieconiah from Ierusalem.
• * 1.19

  Mat. 1.12.
• * 1.20

  2. Sam. 19.36.
• * 1.21

  ARGUM. 2. Nehemiah is na∣med among those that retur∣ned in the first yeare of Cyrus from Babylon. Ezra. 2.••.

  And this Ne∣hemiah lived till the end of the Persian Monar∣chie. Nehem. 12. therefore (saith M^r Broughton) the Persian Mo∣narchie cannot be held to stand 200 yeares.
• * 1.22

  ARGUM. 3. Ezra is called son of Serajah. Ezra. 7.1. Now Serajah was slaine before the destruction of Ierusalem, 2. King. 25.21. Therefore Ezra must needs be borne at that time: who also lived untill the later times of the Persian Mo∣narchy: therefore either the Per∣sian Monarchie must endure but 130 years: or else Ezra must live above 200, w ^ch is not likely.
• * 1.23

  ARGUM. 4. Is from the 70 weekes of Da∣niel, which they say doe begin at the 1. yeare of Cyrus, and end with Christ, and are precisely 490 yeares: and therefore the Persian Monar∣chie, cannot be, no not 200 years. For then from the first of King Cyrus will arise more then 490. yeares to the death of Christ.
• * 1.24

  2. Chr. 26.21. For the land rested (or kept Sabbath) all the dayes of her de∣solation, to ful∣fill 70 yeares.
• * 1.25

  Iudg. 11.26. Israel dwelt in Heshbon, Aroër, and Arnon, 300. yeares.
• * 1.26

  Apoc. 11.12.13. Three yeares and a halfe, &c.
• * 1.27

  Gen. 15.13.

  Know for a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs 400. yeres, and they shall serve them.
• * 1.28

  Matth. 1.17. From Abraham to David, are 14. Generati∣ons: from David to the captivity of Babylon, 14. Generations: from the Capt. of Babylon unto Christ, 14. Ge∣nerations.
• * 1.29

  Mat. 12.14.

  So shall the Son of Man be three dayes, and 3. nights in the heart of the earth.
• * 1.30

  Object.

  The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be transla∣ted Dimidio, not Medio. So that Christ shall be said to abo∣lish sacrifice and offering, not in the middle of the Weeke, but in halfe of the Weeke: and this halfe must be the last halfe, and not the first.
• a 1.31

  Exod 12. Medio no∣ctis Exod 24.16. dimidium sangui••is.
• * 1.32

  Some doe que∣stion, whether it be their part to reade on in the Booke of Ezra, in their private going over the Scripture: sith many places are nothing but names, and as they conceive, of no great use to us.
• b 1.33

  In sacris Li∣bris nihil contemnatur, aut obiter praetereatur: etiamsi no∣mina recen∣seantur. Chrysost. hom. 21. & 24. super Gen. Et in Rom. 16. Ser. 31.
• c 1.34

  Chrysost. Serm. 3. de Lazaro.
• * 1.35

  Object. But doth not Paul, Tim. 1.4. warne Timo∣thy, that hee should not give heed to fables, and endlesse ge∣nealogies, which minister questi∣ons, rather then ediying?
• d 1.36

  August. contra Ad∣versarios Le••gis & Pro∣phet. lib. 2. cap. 1. tom. 6.
• e 1.37

  Aquinas in 1. Tim. 1.4.
• * 1.38

  Tit. 3.9.
• f 1.39

  Chrysost. Hom. 23. in Act. Questionum nullus finis.
• * 1.40

  Cap. 1. v. 1. Now in the first yeare of Cyrus King of Persia, that the Word of the Lord by the mouth of Iere∣miah might be fulfilled: the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of Persia, that he made proclama∣tion throughout all his king∣dome.
• g 1.41

  In respect of their custome & Religion.
• h 1.42

  Vid. 23.9.5. cap. 45. in annot.
• i 1.43

  Davenant. in Col. 1. v. 2. p. 15.16.
• * 1.44

  Ver. 7. Also Cyrus the King brought forth the Vessels of the house of the Lord: which Nebuchadnez∣zar had brought forth out of Ie∣rusalem, and had put them in the house of his God.
• k 1.45

  Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 truncavit.
• * 1.46

  Ver. 8. Even those did Cyrus King of Persia bring forth by the hand of Mithri∣dath the Trea∣surer: and num∣bred them unto Shazbazzar the Prince of Iudah.
• * 1.47

  Ezra 2.
• * 1.48

  Question is made, whether onely they of Iudah and Ben∣jamin returned?
• a 1.49

  Sanctius in Zachar. 8. & 13. §. 32.
• * 1.50

  Ver. 1. Now these are the children of the Province, that went up out of the Capti∣vity.
• * 1.51

  Mat. 1.12.
• * 1.52

  Ver. 2. Which came up with Zerubbabel, Iesuah, and Ne∣hemiah, Servi∣ah, Reelajob, Mordecay, Bil∣sha••. &c. Of Zerubbbael.
• m 1.53

  Chrysost. Hom. 7. in Mat. 2.
• n 1.54

  Scaliger de emendat. temporum, lib. 6.
• o 1.55

  Great men under some tutors are put in pla∣ces of im∣ployment young. Asclepiades held, men began a∣bout that age to be wise, And the Ci∣vil law saith, that men at 14. are fit for action, Vid. Tertul. de animâ, cap. 38. Zach. 4.9.
• * 1.56

  Vers. 2. Of Nehemiah.
• p 1.57

  Scal. de e∣mend. lib. 6. Wolph. in ••it. lib. Ne∣hem. c. 12. Dion. Car∣thus. in Ezr. 2.
• * 1.58

  Vers. 2. Of Mordecay.
• * 1.59

  Vers. 61. And the chil∣dren of the Priests, the chil∣dren of Haba∣ja••, the children of Roz, the chil∣dren of Barzillai, which tooke a wife of the daughters of Barzillai, the Gileadite, and was called after their name.
• * 1.60

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.61

  Vers. 62.

  These sought their Register a∣mongst those that were rec∣koned by Genea∣logie: but they were not found, therefore they were, as pollu∣ted, put from the Priesthood.
• q 1.62

  i. e. genea∣logizato∣rum.
• r 1.63

  i.e. kept from the Priesthood. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & elongati sunt: so Steph. Polluti à sa∣cerdotio. i.e. ut polluti abstrusi sunt à Sa∣cerdotio. Iunius. Apportati del Sacer∣dotio co••••e persone non conse∣crate, Deo∣dat. Gen. 11.4.
• * 1.64

  Vers. 63.

  And the Tir∣shatha said un∣to them, that they should not eate of the most holy things, till there stood up a Priest with V∣rim & Thum∣mim.
• s 1.65

  What V∣rim and Thummim was, Vid. Phag. in Exod. 18. & Delr. dis∣quisit. Ma∣gicas. l. 4. q. 2. §. 4.
• t 1.66

  1. Sam. 23 6.
• v 1.67

  1. Sam. 28.6.
• * 1.68

  Was it not a great decay to Religion, that Vrim and Thummim were lost? Did not the Church now want a rule of certainty?
• * 1.69

  Mal. 4.4.
• * 1.70

  1. Sam. 23.5.9. & 30.7.8.
• x 1.71

  Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 9.
• * 1.72

  Henry Ainsworth in Exod. 28.30. seemes to like too well this Rabbinicall Blasphemy, as hee doth in his an∣not, dote on the Rab∣bins too often.
• y 1.73

  Drus. 2. Pet. 1.21.
• z 1.74

  Iohn. 1.20.21. & 7.40.41.
• a 1.75

  Maldo∣nat. in Ioh. 1.21.
• b 1.76

  Bellarm. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 4 §. quartà probatur.
• c 1.77

  Heb. 4.14. & 8.1.
• d 1.78

  on Exod. 28.30.
• e 1.79

  Numb. 17.21. 1. Sam. 23.11, 12. & 30.7, 8.
• f 1.80

  Psal. 74.9. Wee see not our signes: there is no more any Prophet.
• * 1.81

  Chap. 4. v. 5.

  They hired counsellers a∣gainst them, to frustrate their purpose all the dayes of Cyrus K. of Persia, even untill the reigne of Da∣rius K. of Persia. Question is made who this Darius King of Persia was, which of the Darij.
• a 1.82

  Ioseph. antiq. lib. 11. cap. 3.
• * 1.83

  Chap. 7. v. 3.

  The sonne of Amaziah, the sonne of Aza∣riah, the sonne of Merajoth.
• * 1.84

  Cap. 10.11.

  Now there∣fore make con∣fession unto the Lord God of your Fathers, & doe his pleasure, and separate your selues from the people of the land, and from the strange wiues.
• * 1.85

  Cap. 9.1.

  Now when these things were done, the Princes came unto me, saying; The people of Israel, and the Priests, and the Levites have not separated themselves from the people of the land, doing according to the abominations even of the Ca∣naanites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Iebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the E∣gyptians, and the Amorites, ver. 2. For they have taken of their daugh∣ters for themselues, and for their sonnes so that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the people of those lands; yea the hand of the Princes and Rulers hath beene chiefe in this trespasse. Cap. 10.44. All these had taken strange wives, and some of them had wives, by whom they had children.
• h 1.86

  Chytraeus in Levit. 18.28. qu. ••. c. etiam citantur.
• i 1.87

  Piscator 1. King. 3.1. Solomons first wife was an E∣gyptian; but a prose∣lyte. 1. King. 3.1, 2, 3. è verisimile che prima la faccile an marsirat ne••la vera rel••gione è ren unciare alle sue I∣dololatrie: i. e. 'Tis like hee caused her to be instructed in the true religion, and to renounce her Idolatry. Deodat. Italian. Altra mente haualbe peccato contra alla Legge. Deut. 7.3.4. i. e. Else hee had sinned against the Law. Ibid. La quale benchi reguardi principal∣mente à popoli Cananei male detti, ha puri una ragione generale del periculo de esser indotro ad Idololatria. i. e. Though the place in Deut. 7.6. be chiefely meant of the Canaanites; yet it hath a generall reason from the danger of being drawne to Idolatry: Deodat. ibid.
• * 1.88

  The Question is, whether in case a man marry an Amo∣rite, now an In∣fidell, he be to put her away by vertue of this Law?
• * 1.89

  Nehem. 1. v. 1. The words of Nehemiah, the sonne of Hache∣liah, &c.
• k 1.90

  Gene∣brard. lib. 2. The Engl. Argument on the Book of Nehe∣miah.
• l 1.91

  Sixtus Se∣nensis Bibl. lib. 1.
• * 1.92

  Vers. 6.

  Both I and my Fathers have sinned.
• m 1.93

  Vid. Fe∣werbornij disputat. An Deus poste∣ros puniat ob Majo∣rum suorum flagiti••?
• n 1.94

  Ezek. 18.
• o 1.95

  Levit. 26.40.
• p 1.96

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

  Iniquitates praeceden∣tium. Rai∣nold. (which we and our Fathers have committed) genev. ••ote. [Le. iniqui∣ta depassati Ital.] i. e. de nostri mag∣giori, è pre∣decessoni, le quali no•• halliamo, seguitate. Deodat.
• * 1.97

  Cap. 2. v. 8.

  And a letter unto Asaph the keeper of the Kings ••orest, that he may give me timber to make beames for the gates of the Palace, which apper∣taines to the House, and for the Wall of the Citie, and for the house that
• q 1.98

  1. King. 5.6.
• * 1.99

  I shall ••••ter into.
• r 1.100

  Vid. Cal∣vin. in Zach. cap. 1. v. 3.
• * 1.101

  Vers. 11.

  Should such a man as I flie? and who is there that being as I am, would goe into the Temple to save his life? I will not go•• in.
• * 1.102

  Chap. 8.1.

  And all the people gathered themselves toge∣ther as one man into the street that was before the water-gate: and they spake unto Ezra the Scribe, to bring the Booke of the Law of Moses, which the Lord had commanded to Israel.
• * 1.103

  Ver. 8.

  So they read in the Booke in the Law of God distinctly, and gat•• t••e sense, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 caused them to understand the reading.
• s 1.104

  Nehem. 8.8.
• * 1.105

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. ••a••ant intelligen∣ciam per ipsam Scrip∣turam, They g••ve, the sense by the Scripture it selfe.

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 te∣stimoniis, by co••fe••ring of places. Aug. lib. q. 83. quaest. 69. tom. 4. Bretewood in his Enqui∣ries, Chap. 9.
• * 1.106

  As Schoolema∣sters doe, when they construe lessons to their boyes in Gram∣mar Schooles.
• * 1.107

  Vid. Syrum Paraphra∣stem.
• u 1.108

  Vid. Pag∣nin. Ion. 3.4.
• * 1.109

  2. Chron. 17.9.

  Iehosaphat sent Levites and Priests, who taught in Iudah, and had the Booke of the Law of the Lord with them, and went about throughout all the Ci∣ties of Iu∣dah, and taught the people. This teach∣ing was our preach∣ing, not only construing the words to the peo∣ple; for in those dayes the cōmo•• people had not lost any of the lan∣guag••, but vnderstood the Hebrew perfectly.
• l 1.110

  Daniel stiles the Chaldaean Monarchie Gol∣den, by reason of the kinde and free usage the people of God found in their captivity there.
• * 1.111

  Daniel in∣deed hath a tincture of Chaldee writing in the Captivity, and hee being in Chaldaea.
• * 1.112

  Cap. 9.8.

  And foundest his heart, (i. e. Abrahams) faithfull before thee, and madest a Covenant with him.
• * 1.113

  Epist. 107.
• y 1.114

  Aquin. 1.2. q. 114. art. 5. ad. 2. Non ••••men ita quòd priùs dig••i fuerint, sed quia ipse per grat iam eos facit dignos: qui stolus pote facere mundum de immundo conceptum semine.
• * 1.115

  Vers. 20.

  Thou gavest also thy good spirit to instruct them.
• z 1.116

  vid. Doughty, of Divine my∣steries: p. 24. Inspirations (saith hee) examined by the touch of sacred writ, may be a rule: but I meane not new revela∣tions, respe∣ctu doctrinae revelatae, but new, en∣lightning both the Organ, and Object.
• * 1.117

  Cap. 8 v. 9.

  Then Nehe∣miah, which is Tirshasha, and Ezra the Priest and Scribe.
• * 1.118

  Vers. 17.

  And all the Congregation of them that were come againe out of the Captivity made Boothes, and sate under the Boothes. For since the time of Ioshuah the sonne of Nun unto this day, had not the children of Isra••el done so: and there was very great joy.
• * 1.119

  Zach. 14.16, 17, 28, 19.
• * 1.120

  Vers. 18.

  And he read in the Booke of the Law of God e∣very day, from the first day un∣to the last: and they kept the feast 7. dayes: and on the 8. day a solemne As∣sembly according to the manner.
• a 1.121

  Deut. 31.11.
• b 1.122

  Pausanias in Areadi∣cis.

  Plutarch. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. l. 4. c. 5.
• * 1.123

  Matth. 21.15, 16.
• * 1.124

  Cap. 11.
• * 1.125

  Cap. 13.28.

  And one of the sons of Iehoja∣da, the sonne of Eliash••b the high Priest, was the sonne in law of Sanballat the Horonite: but I chased him from mee.
• * 1.126

  Esai. 15.5. Ier. 48.3.
• c 1.127

  Iudg. 9.7. Ioseph. lib. 11. cap. ult. Antiq.
• * 1.128

  Ioh. 4.20.
• d 1.129

  Luc. 6.12. Rainold. praelect. 186.
• e 1.130

  2. King. 17.
• * 1.131

  Gen. 33.18.20.
• e 1.132

  A me & à vobis rece∣dant, qui di∣cunt, Nolu∣mus esse meliores quàm Pa∣ties nostri. Bern. ep. 93. Chrysost. 1. Cor. 2. Hom. 8. in Morali.
• * 1.133

  Remember me, O my God, for good.

  Cap. 5.19. Think upon me, my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.

  Cap. 13.15. Remember me O my God con∣cerning this, & wipe not out my good deeds that I haue done for the house of my God, and for the officers there∣of.
• * 1.134

  Vers. 22.

  Remember me, O my God, con∣cerning this al∣so; and spare mee according to the greatnesse of thy mercy.
• f 1.135

  De Civit. Dei: lib. 18. cap. 48. Cyril. lib. 5. in Genesin. Ambros. l. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.136

  Haggai. 2.9. The glory of the later house shall be greater than the former, saith the Lord of Hosts: and in this place I will give peace, saith the Lord of Hosts.
• g 1.137

  Lib. 15. cap. 14.
• h 1.138

  Sanct. in Hag. c. 2.10.
• * 1.139

  1. King. 6.
• i 1.140

  Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 9.
• * 1.141

  Ezek. 40.1.
• k 1.142

  These were but few: and they were rather wri∣ting than preaching Prophets.
• * 1.143

  Bibl. sanct. 1.1.
• * 1.144

  Iohn 3.
• * 1.145

  2. Chron. 3.18. 2. King. 24.13. Ier. 25.19. & 27.19, 21.
• * 1.146

  2. King. 24.15.
• * 1.147

  Luc. 19.38. Luc. 2.14. Eph. 2.14.
• * 1.148

  Ioh. 10.23. Acts. 3.11. & 5.12.
• * 1.149

  De bell. Iu∣daic. c. 6. l. 6.
• * 1.150

  Deodat. an∣not. on Ital. Transl.
• * 1.151

  Ezek. 44.3.
• * 1.152

  Ezek. 46.9.
• * 1.153

  Dan. c. 1.8.
• * 1.154

  Dan. cap. 1. v. 8. But Daniel had determined in his heart, that he would not de∣file himselfe with the Kings meat: nor with the wine which he dranke.
• * 1.155

  Deut. 14.3. Dan. 5.4.
• * 1.156

  Rom. 14.21.
• * 1.157

  1. Cor. 10.20. Dan. 1.7, 8.
• * 1.158

  Dan. 1.12.
• * 1.159

  Vers. 4.19. Vers. 3.
• * 1.160

  Cap. 2.46, 47. Then the King Nebuchadnez∣zar fell upon his face, and bowed hims••lfe unto Daniel, and commanded that they should offer meat offe∣rings and sweet ••dours unto him. Also the King answered Da∣niel, and said; Of a truth it is, that your God is a God of Gods and a Lord of Kings, and a revealer of se∣crets, seeing thou couldest reveal•• this secret.
• k 1.161

  Ioseph. antiq. l. 11. cap. 8. Gen. 13.29.41. 2. Sam. 10.
• l 1.162

  Lyran. Peter. San∣ctius ad lo∣cum Tre∣mel. Deo∣dat. è ••o∣stris. Gal. 4.14. Acts. 10.25. & 14.13. & 28.6.
• * 1.163

  Dan. 4.53.

  The same houre was the thing fulfilled upon Nebuchad••ez∣zar: and he was driven from men, and did eat grasse as Oxen: and his body was wet with the dew of heaven, till his haires were growne like fea∣thers, and his ••ailes like birds clawes.
• * 1.164

  Mat. 4.
• * 1.165

  Nehem. 13.17. Then I conten∣ded with the Nobles of Iu∣dah, and said unto them. What evill thing is this that yee doe, and prophane the Sabbath?
• * 1.166

  Vers. 18.

  Did not your Fathers th••e? and did not our God bring all this evill upon us and upon this Citie? yet yee bring more wrath upon Is∣rael, by propha∣ning the Sab∣bath.
• * 1.167

  Vers. 19.

  And it came to passe, that when the gates of Ie∣rusalem began to be darke be∣fore the Sabba••h, I commanded, that the gates should be shut, and charged, that they should not be opened till after the Sab∣bath. And some of my servants set I at the gates, that there should no burden be brought in on the Sabbath day.
• * 1.168

  Vers. 20.

  So the Mer∣chants and sel∣lers of all kind of ware lodged without Ierusalem once or twice. Vers. 21. Then I testi∣fied against them, and said unto them: Why lodge yee about the Wall? If yee doe so againe, I will lay hands on you. From that time forth came they no more on the Sabbath.
• * 1.169

  Matth. 12.5.
• m 1.170

  Marc. 2.27 Vid. Maldonat.
• n 1.171

  Vid. Bound. lib. 1. pag. 217. Walae. de 4. praecept. p. 129.
• o 1.172

  When thou canst not doe it before, nor well deferre it after the Sabbath. So Zauch. in 4. praec.
• p 1.173

  Matth. 12.1. It appeares by Luc. 6.1. that it was the 7. day of unlea∣vened bread: which was a Ceremoniall Sab∣bath: But yet by Christs justi∣fying of them from the Priests profaning the weekely Sabbath guiltlessely, it is plaine, that the reason of both sorts of Sabbaths in this was alike. Luk. 13.15.
• * 1.174

  Luk. 14.5. Matth. 12.11.
• q 1.175

  Iosh. 6.4. 1. King. 20.29. Zanch. in 4. praec.

  Danae. eth. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 10.

  Walae. in 4. praecept. p. 115.
• r 1.176

  2. King 19.1. Thom. ••••. 2 ae. q. 122. art. 4.
• s 1.177

  Tremel. in Mark. 2.1.
• t 1.178

  Lyra in Exod. 20.
• v 1.179

  In Casuali∣bus.
• x 1.180

  Manual. cap. 13. n. 7.
• y 1.181

  There was not only Volun∣tas facti, sed peccati.
• z 1.182

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• a 1.183

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.184

  Vatablus in locum.
• c 1.185

  i. e 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rulers. The pro∣per sense of the word, is a Ruler in Heb. & in the Chaldee also. as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dan. 2.48. & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dan. 3.2. A Gover∣nour, and no∣thing but a Go∣vernour 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Princep•• Mag∣nus: A Great Prince. Pag••ine.
• d 1.186

  Schindl. Penteglot. c▪ ad 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quòd aulici Proceres olim candidis ve∣stirentur: quod de Iosepho le∣gimus. Gen. 41.42. & de Mordochaeo. Est. 8.15.
• e 1.187

  Not that Nobles were all Vsurers: but because it was their sinne to see it and suf∣fer, and in their power to re∣dresse it. Nei∣ther can it be thought that all the Free∣men were Vsu∣rers: and therefore to render it Free∣men cannot hold▪
• f 1.188

  Hie••onym. in Isay. 10. & passim.▪
• g 1.189

  De Verbo De•• lib. 2. c. 6.
• h 1.190

  Eccl. 10.17. Vulgar, Nobi∣les. Vat ab. Fi∣lius Nobilium. So Paguine, Tremel. Cla∣rissimi. Pisca∣tor. Cuius Rex natus est viris illustri∣bus His Scho∣lion. Heb. Cuius Rex fi∣lius Candido∣rum est. Hebraei 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 candi∣dos seu albos intelligunt viros princi∣pes, claros, & illusties: vel quòd gererent candidas ve∣st••s, vel quòd nomine ••api∣entiae, & vir∣tutis illustres & clari essent.
• * 1.191

  The very word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in divers an∣cient Writers is taken meta∣phorically, ap∣plied to the mind, and not onely for civill freedome in the compound, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: in the abstract 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, meane, base basenesse. See plenty of in∣stances, out of Greeke Au∣thors, in Sca∣pula, and Ste∣phanus.
• i 1.192

  Hieron. Op∣timates.

  Vulg. Opti∣mates.

  Beda. Opti∣mates.

  Pagn. Opti∣mates.

  Pagn. in The∣sauro, Magna∣te••.

  S. hindl. Pri∣mates.

  Buxd. Claris∣simi.

  Tremel. Cla∣rissimi.

  Interlin He∣roes. French. les gouver∣neurs.

  Spanish, a los sennores English trans∣lat. Geneva. Rulers. last, Noble••. Ital gli huo∣mini, Notabili▪
• k 1.193

  Vid Arist. polit. l. ••. cap. ult. who ha∣ving occasion to treate of some Magi∣states saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• l 1.194

  Institut. Iu∣ris. lib. 1. tit▪ 4.
• m 1.195

  Pro. 19.6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. King. Psal. 118.9. & 47.10.83.12.113.7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Prin∣ces. 1. Sam. 2.8 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Powers. Prov. 8.16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tyrants or Kings. The word tyrant was anciently of a good mea∣ning. Scapula.
• n 1.196

  Beza in Luc. 22.25. Iansen. concordant. cap. 133.
• o 1.197

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Arist. pol. l. 3. cap. 11.

  Qui magistra∣tum ambieb••̄t Boni diceban∣tur, quia mu∣nus non ni••i a Bonis admini∣strari vel am∣biri fas erat Seneca. lib. 1. ep. 3. Sic. qui publica cura∣bant Optima∣tes, quia non nisi Optimis committi de∣bebant publica negotia.
• p 1.198

  1 King. 21.8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. To the El∣ders, meaning the chiefe Magistrates and Masters of the City, & passim.
• q 1.199

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eth. lib. 1. c. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Polit. lib. 7. cap. 9▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ibid.
• r 1.200

  De Verb. Dei li. 2. cap. 3.
• s 1.201

  Aquila is thought to fl••rish unde•• Adrian the Emperour after Christ.
• s 1.202

  Onkelos, but forty yeares before the birth of Christ.
• t 1.203

  Horat in arte poëticâ.
• u 1.204

  in radice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• x 1.205

  Chaldaeus passim pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 habet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ••ilius libero∣rum. So Pagni••. in Thes. in ra∣dice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉