A discussion of the ansvvere of M. VVilliam Barlovv, D. of Diuinity, to the booke intituled: The iudgment of a Catholike Englishman liuing in banishment for his religion &c. Concerning the apology of the new Oath of allegiance. VVritten by the R. Father, F. Robert Persons of the Society of Iesus. VVhervnto since the said Fathers death, is annexed a generall preface, laying open the insufficiency, rayling, lying, and other misdemeanour of M. Barlow in his writing.

OF QVEENE ELIZABETH HER FELICITIES, and infelicities. CHAP. II.

AFTER this followeth another question betweene M. Barlow and me, about the felicities or infelicities of Queene E∣lizabeth, or rather betweene the Lord Iustice Cooke and me, who hauing vpon diuers occasions to the exprobration of Catholicke men and religion, whome she pursued in her life time, enlarged himselfe extraordi∣narily in her exaltation, calling her, The happie Queene, The blessed Queene, and the like: I was forced for defence of the truth, to examine somewhat the grounds of this felicitie. My words then were,

That the said Lord Cooke vpon the occasion of certaine words in Pope Clements Breue, where

Queene Elizabeth is named misera semina, a miserable wo∣man (in respect no doubt of the miseries of her soule, litle respected by her:) vpon which wordes the Oratour tri∣umpheth thus.* 1.1 What miserable! it is sayd, that, miseria cōst••s ex duobus contrarys, copia & inopia; copia tribulationis, & inopia consolationis,* 1.2 mi••erie consisteth of two contraries, of aboun∣dance, and penury, aboundance of tribulation, & penury of consolatiō. And then he sheweth in what aboūdance of cōsolations Q. Elizabeth liued in al her life, & without wāt of all tribulation: which if it were true; yet is it but the argument which the worldlinges vsed in the Psalme, to proue their felicitie, that their Cellars are full, their sheep fertile,* 1.3 their kine fat, they suffer no losse, and then, Beat•••• dixeri n•• populim cui••ac s••nt; happie did they call the people that had these things. But the holy Ghost scorneth them, and so may all men do our Oratour, that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument, in so high a matter.

And as for his definition of misery, by copia and inopia, store & want, it is a miserable one in deed, & neuer heard of before, I thinke, to come from any mans mouth, but his owne: it being ridiculous in Philosophy, and fit to be ap∣plyed to any thing that hath eyther store or want. As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him, that hath store of witt, and want of folly, and a foole to be him, that hath store of folly•• and want of wit: and so a rich man is he, that hath store of riches, & want of beggarie, & a poore man is he that hath store of beggarie, & penury of riches. And are not these goodly definitions (thinke you) for so great and graue a man to produce?

Thus passed the matter then. But now M. Barlow doth constitute himselfe Aduocate for the Iustice, and if he plead his cause well, he will deserue a good ••ee, for the cause it selfe is but weake, as presētly you will behould.

The Lord Cooke (sayth he) who at the Arraignement of Garnet in∣dignantly scorning that the high Priest of Rome should in a Breue of his call so great a Prince (as Quene Elizabeth was) Miseram F••minam,* 1.4 a miserable woman, by a description of miserie consisting of two contraries, want of com••ort, and

plenty of tribulation, shewes by many reasons, euident and demonstratiue, that she, hauing aboundance of ioy, and no touch of affliction, but blessed with all kind of felici∣ties, could not be called Miserable &c.

In which words,* 1.5 I would haue you note first, that wheras here he sayth, that the Iustice shewed this, by many reasons, euident and demon∣stratiue, within a dozen lines after, he saith of these reasons, But if they be not concluding demonstrations, yet as least let them be probable perswasions, which is quite contrary to that which he sayd before, that they were euident and demonstratiue, so soone the man forgetteth himselfe. But to the matter it selfe, that albeit all these temporall felicities ascribed to Queene Elizabeth had bene so many, and so great, as Syr Edward affirmeth them, yet had it beene but the argument of worldlings, who in the 143. Psalme, did measure their felicity by their full Cellars, & were checked for the same by the holy Ghost, by teaching them that not, Beatus popu∣lus cui haec sunt, but beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus eius: & con∣sequētly that Queene Elizabeth might haue these temporall felicities, and yet be truly miserable in that sense wherin Pope Clement so called her, to wit concerning the affaires of her soule, and euerlasting saluation: To this, I say, he answereth first by demanding, why temporall prosperitie may not be made an argument of Gods loue to Queene Elizabeth, and of her felicitie, for so much as it is scored vp for one of the Notes of the true Church by Cardinall Bellarmine, de Not•••• Ecclesiae, Nota 15:

Whereunto I answer, that this temporall felicitie is not to our purpose, for that Pope Clement spake of her spiri∣tuall infelicitie,* 1.6 as hath bene shewed: and that temporall felicitie doth not infer or argue spirituall felicitie, euery man will confesse, that hath spirit to discerne it, for that the whole Scripture is ful of testimonies, that wicked men (and consequently miserable in soule) haue bene tempo∣rally blessed by Almighty God, made rich, powerfull,* 1.7 & prosperous, euen to the very affliction & scandalizing as it were of the iust and vertuous, but yet were they not happy for this, but most miserable, euen as those Israelites were,

that hauing their fill of quailes in the desert sent thē from God, they had no sooner eaten them as the Scripture sayth,* 1.8 adhuc escae eorum erāt in ore ipsorum, & ira Dei ascendi•• super 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the meat was yet in their mouthes, and the wrath of God did fall vpon them. And he that shall read ouer the 72. Psalme, shall see, that it is altogeather of this matter, to wit of Dauids admiration of the wealth and prosperitie of the wicked, whose end notwithstanding he sayth to be most misera∣ble, aestimabam vt cognoscerem hoc, labor est ante me, donec intelligam in nouissimis eorum; deiecisti eos dum alleuarentur: I did thinke I could haue vnderstood this matter, but it is harder then I imagined, vntil I cōsidered their ends; thou hast depres∣sed them whiles they were exalted. So sayd our Sauiour to the rich man, recepisti bona in vita tua, thou hast receiued good in thy life, and note, sayth S. Bernard, that he sayeth recepisti, non rapuisti, thou receiuedst them, and diddest not get them by force, and yet notwithstanding did he infer, that therefore he was now tormented in hell, which he would not haue sayd, if temporall prosperitie had bene a good argument of spirituall happinesse and felicitie.

* 1.9And as for that he obiecteth out of Cardinall Bellar••ine his making temporall felicitie in those Princes that defend the same to be a Note of the true Church; first it is not to our purpose, as hath bene said, for that we affirme Pope Clement when he called Queene Elizabeth, Miserable, meant of spirituall miserie, which is not contrary to Bellarmines speach:* 1.10 for he doth not argue, that euery one of those tem∣porall Princes that had prosperous successe in the warres vndertakē for defēce of the Church were happie also spiri∣tually for those temporal felicities; but that Almighty God hauing an intention to preserue his true visible Catholike Church from age to age, to the worlds end, did prosper those Princes that fought for the same; by which proui∣dence and concourse of Almighty God, togeather with the cooperation of the said Catholike Princes, she hath bene conserued from the Apostles times to ours: and all o∣ther enemies, as well Heretiks as Infidells, haue bene di∣spersed, vanquished, and ouerthrowne: which is an ar∣gument

amongst others, that this only Church is the true Catholike Church, to endure vnto the worlds end, for so much as this only, by Gods particuler prouidence hath bene thus defended, which is the true meaning of Cardi∣nall Bellarmines drift, and whole discourse in that place. Now vnto the other about the speach of worldlings in the 143. Psalme.

M. Barlow wil needs haue the words of worldlings, applauding their own felicity in this Psalme, by the beau∣ty & prosperity of their Children, their full Cellars, fer∣till sheep, and fat kyne, to be true signes of felicity indeed, as sent from God to testifie his loue towards them, & that D••••id did writ all this in his own person, giuing thanks to God for those present temporall blessings: and that the check or reprehension giu••n by the holy-Ghost in the last words, happy is the people whose Lord is Almighty God, was not a reproofe of the sentence imediatly going before, happy they esteemed the peo••le that haue these prosperities, but rather a con∣firmation of the same. And for some points of this exposi∣tion he alleageth 2. or 3. expositours of our time, as Flami∣••i••••, Genebrard, and Arias M••ntanus in their Paraphrases vpon this Psalme, who albeit vpon some wordes of the H••brew text, somewhat different from the Greeke translation of the Septuagint, do make some exposition not altogeather agreeing with our common latin translation, which in this followeth the said Septuagint: yet are they far from a∣greeing also with M. Barlowes exposition. Whatsoeuer they say by occasion of this difference betweene the Hebrews, as now it is found, and the translation of the sayd Septua∣gi••ta made 400. yeares before the Natiuity of our Sauiour, and vsed commonly to be cited by the Apostles themselues in the allegation of the old Testament; most certayne it is that the anciēt Fathers vnderstood the sense of this Psalme as we do now: for proofe wherof I might alleadge many places out of their Commentaries and Expositions, but S. Augustine shall serue for all, who expounding this part of the sayd Psalme, Erue me de manufiliorum alienorum, deli∣uer me out of the hands of strange children, whole mouth

hath spoken vanity, he expoundeth what this vanity is to wit, that they measuring happines by worldly prosperi∣ties, faire Children, full butteries, & the like, did make this inference, Blessed are the people that haue these commodities, and were checked for the same by the Prophet, saying, Happy is the people whose God is their Lord. I shall se•• downe S. Augustines discourse some what at large, for the better satisfaction of the Reader in this point, for that M. Barlow is not ashamed to charge me with the peruerting of Scriptures, and laying a slanderous imputation vpon the holy-Ghost himselfe. Thus then he writeth.

Nunc ergo exponat quod dicit, Quorum os loquutum est vanitate•• &c. Now then let the Prophet explayne vnto vs, that which he saith, that their mouth spake vanity: what vani∣ty did their mouth speake? That their children were new plants, well established in their youth, he intendeth to reckon vp their felicities: but be you attent that be chil∣dren of light, the sonnes of peace: attend you children of the Church, members of Christ: stand you attent whome he calleth strangers, whome he calleth forraine Children; attend I beseech you, for that amongst these men you liue in perill &c.* 1.11 Be you attent that you may discerne them: be you attent, that you thinke not the felilicity that they desire, to be the true felicity. Behould what is the vanity which their mouth speaketh: take heed least you speake the like. And take he••d that you speaking the like, do not imitate them, whose mouth speaketh such vanity, and their right hand is the right hand of iniquity. What va∣nity hath their mouth spoken? And what right hand of theirs is the right hand of iniquity?

Harken: VVhose chil∣dren, say they, are new plants, established in their youth, their Daugh∣ters faire, and adorned to the simili••ude of a Church, their butteries full, their sheep ••ertill, their kine sat &c. And what shall we say?

Is not this felicity? I demaund you children of the king∣dome of heauen: I demaund you, that are borne to euer∣lasting resurrection: I demaund you, that are the body of Christ, the members of our Sauiour, the temple of God, is not this happines to haue these things? The holy Patri∣••••ches

had good part therof, and shall we not call it felicity? Sit licèt: sed sinistra: quid est sinistra? temporalis, mortalis, corporalis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illam ••am diffugi••s, sed neque dextram putes. Let it be counted felicity, but it is left-handed felicity: what is left-handed felicity? temporall, mortall, corporall, which I do not perswade you to fly, but that you do not esteeme it right-handed felicity, as strange children do, and therfore it is sayd of them, dextra corum, dextra iniquitatis, their right hand, is the right hand of iniquity: for that they placed on their right hand that, which they should haue put on the left &c.

And then finally comming to the conclusion of the Psalme, and to handle the check giuen by the holy Ghost for this mistaking, and misnaming this felicity, he saith•• I doe then reprehend these strang erring children, for that their daughters be faire, their butteries full, and the like, sed quare ••os arguo? quia, Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt. O l••q••entis hominis vanitatem! Wherfore then doe I reprehend them? For that they say, that the people are happy, that haue these things. O speakers of vanity! They said that the people were happy, that had these things, ô maligni, ô vani∣loqui, ô filij alieni! Beatum dixerunt, cui haec sunt. O malicious and vaine speaking men, o strange children! they named that people happy that had these things: that which was at the left hand, they placed at the right, they call the people happy that had these things. But what dost thou say King Dauid? What saist thou, o body of Christ? o members of our Sauiour, you that are Children of God, and not aliens, what say you? Beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus ipsius, happy is the people that haue God for their Lord.

Thus farre S. Au∣gustine. Wherby may be seene his sense, & the sense of the whole Christian Church in his dayes about the meaning of this Psalme, which he sayth I corrupted by my exposi∣tion, although it were no other then this of S. Augustine, as you haue seene.

And if you would see other Fathers to the same sense, you may read S. Hierome in his Commentary vpon the first Chapter of the Prophet Habacuc,* 1.12 where he reciteth these

temporall prosperities, as vanities bestowed vpon the wic∣ked.

* 1.13Arnobius also in his Cōmentary vpon the Psalmes, af∣ter hauing mentioned the sayd temporall prosperities be∣stowed vpon the wicked, cōclude•••• thus: Dicant ••rgo incro∣duli &c. Let the faithlesse say then, Blessed is the people that hath aboundance of worldly prosperities, but let vs say with the Prophet, that people to be happy who haue God for their Lord. And these are Fathers of the Latyn Church.

* 1.14And if we looke into the Fathers of the Greeke Church, we shall find the same con••ent, for the meaning of this place. As for example, S. Basil hauing touched the vanity of this temporall felicity, he putteth downe the re∣iection therof made by the Prophet: Alij quidem, inquit, beat•••• talia habentes, ego verò beatum populum iudico, cuius Dominus De••••est. The Prophet sayth, that other men do call them bles∣sed that haue these temporall commodities, but I, sayth he, iudge those people to be happy that haue God for their Lord. With S. Basil agreeth S. Chrysostome in his Commentary vpon this place of the Psalme,* 1.15 where expresly he sayth, that the Prophet Dauid spake these words, quorum fil••j sicut nouella plantationes in inuentutē sua, and the rest, according to the o∣pinion of the vulgar sort, and that he himselfe was of a contrary opinion, not holding them for happy, who possessed those things, but that people only, cuius Dominus Deus ••ius: who haue God for their Lord.

* 1.16Theodoret also in his Commentary vpon the 72. Psalme expoundeth these words in the same sense.

They call the people happy that had these things, for that being deuoyd of truth, they were not able to discerne the nature of things, but did measure happynes by their delights, wealth, and power, and so did affirme them to be happy, that had these things: but those that are studious of truth, do say with the Prophet, Happy is the people whose Lord is Al∣mighty God.

* 1.17And according to this writeth Euthymius in his Com∣mentary.

Many men (sayth he) do esteeme that people happy which haue this visible aboundance of temporall

goods, which erroneous opinion of the vulgar sort King Da••id hauing mentioned, he reiecteth the same, and set∣teth downe a better, and more true sentence, saying, Bles∣sed is the people whose Lord is their God.

By all which places and many more that might be al∣leadged, M. Barlow in his interpretation of this place of Scripture is conuinced to be one of those fily alieni, alient children, wherof the Prophet speaketh: and I am freed from that fond calumniation of his, wherby he sayth that I haue slaundered the holy Ghost, by writing, that the holy Ghost did scorne this argument of worldlings, who say, That the people is happy, that haue these temporall prosperities. For you must note that M. Barlow comming to answere my former speach before set downe, he maketh a flourish, saying: That my answere consisteth of three poyntes, first a shifting euasion, secondly a false interpre∣tation of the Psalme, thirdly a slaunderous imputation of the holy Ghost. The euasion, he saith, consisteth in that I did hou••d, that outward prosperities are no necessary argu∣ments of Gods loue and fauour, and consequently neyther in Queene Elizabeth. The false interpretatiō of the Psalme you haue now heard, to be the interpretation of S. Augustine, S. Hierome, S. Basil, S. Chrysostome, and others now men∣tioned. The slaunderous imputatiō vpon the holy Ghost, that he scorneth at such inferences, is proued by the same, to be no slaunderous imputation, but a true assertion. And if the word, scorne, do seeme vnto him vnworthy of the holy Ghost, let him remember the words of the Psalmist tal∣king of such men:* 1.18 qui habitat in caelis irridebit eos, & Dominus subsannabit eos, he that sits in heauen shall deride them, and our Lord shall laugh them to scorne: where you see both the words, irridere & subsānare in one verse: & yet further in another place:* 1.19 Dominus autem irridebit eum•• quo••iā prospicit quòd ••eniet dies eius. And our Lord shall scorn him because he for∣seeth that this day of ruyne shall come. And in another place talking of Christ, as some interpret it, he sayth,* 1.20 they shall see him, and contemne him, and God shall scorne them. And yet further the same spirit saith to the like men, Ego in

interi••u vestro ridebo, & subsannabo,* 1.21 I will laugh and scorne at your destruction: & this in words, but in fact when God Almighty said of the wicked man, miseriamur impio, & n•••• discet iustitiam: let vs haue mercy vpon the wicked man, & he shall not learne iustice: was not this a scorne? For it followeth straight, he shall not see the glory of God. What mercie was this when Christ also recounteth in the Ghos∣pell, the speach of the rich man, that tould how his barnes were full, and much riches layd vp for many yeares, and therfore bid his soule be merry, and our Sauiour calling him foole,* 1.22 for his great prouidence, aduertised him, that, that night he would take his soule from him: was not this a scornefull speach against them, that so much esteeme the beatitude of temporall felicity? So as here also M. Barlow is found minus habens.

But now to come to the solemne definition of misery, by copia & inopia deuised by the Lord Cooke, and patronized by this his Champion and Chaplin, out of which he would proue, that Queene Elizabeth was not misera femina, as Pope Clement called her in his Breue, for that misery, as he saith,* 1.23 co••si••••eth o•• ••ro contraries, aboundance, and penury: aboun∣dance of t••ibulation, and penury of consolation, which, sayth he, was not in Queene Elizabeth, but rather the contrary, for that she had perpetuall store of consolations, and penury of tr••bulations &c. wherunto I then said, that this definition of misery was miserable indeed, nor euer as I suppose heard of before, as ridiculous in Philosophy, and fit to be applied to any thing that hath eyther store or want, as a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him that hath store of wit,* 1.24 and penury of folly; and a foole to be him that hath store of folly, & penury of wit, and so in all other things: wherunto I add now, that it wanteth the chiefe points of a good definition or description, to wit, genus, & differentia, or at leastwise genus & accidentia propria, that may distinguish the thing defined from all other things, neque co••uertitur cum definito, as Logicke prescribeth, ••or that a man may haue store of a••••lic••ions, and penury of consolations, as Iob had, and yet not be miserable, but happy: & contrariwise one

may haue store of temporall consolations, and penury of afflictions, as had the rich glutton, and yet not be happy. And againe wheras a definition should speake clearly, and simply without doubtfulnes or equiuocation; this doth not, but quite contrariwise speaketh equiuocately, being apt to be vnderstood eyther of temporall or spirituall mi∣sery, which is a great defect in the law of a definition, or good description; for that by this fault, here it commeth to passe, that wheras Pope Clement called Queene Elizabeth miseram Feminā, a miserable woman, in respect of the misery of her soule, as being cut of from the Catholike Church. Syr Edward Cooke argueth that she had no temporall misery, which supposing it were true, yet doth it prooue nothing against spirituall misery, wherof only Pope Clement spake, and consequently was nothing to the purpose.

Yea ••urther, if Syr Edward had distinguished as he should haue done betwee••e tempora••l and spirituall misery, and had defined the same distinctly and seuerally, yet had not this definition agreed punctually to eyther of them. For if you talke of spirituall consolations or desolations of the mind, then is it euident by all spi••ituall writers, that a∣boundāce of sensible consolations with want of desolatiō or affliction of mind (which oftentimes euill men haue or at least wise such as are lesse perfect in vertue) maketh not a man spiritually happy: nor on the contrary part a∣boundance of inward and spirituall tribulations, doth allwayes make the party miserable; for then King Dauid should haue beene also spiritually miserable, when so often he crieth out of the desolations o•• mind, & afflictiōs of spirit, which he suffered as layd vpon him for his great triall, merit, and glory: as when he sayd,* 1.25 aquae intra∣uerun•• vsque ad animam meam, floudes of wa••er haue entred euen into my very soule, meaning thereby the waues and wat••rs of spirituall tribulations. And the like doth S. Paul himself when he vttered those words of compassion con∣cerning his internall afflictions, saying:* 1.26 supra modum grauati sumus, supra virtutem, ita vt tederet nos etiam viuere, wee were pressed aboue measure, and aboue our power to beare it,

so as wee were weary of our life, and it loathed vs to liue. And all the Apostles generally:* 1.27 Et nos ipsi primiti•••• spiritus habentes, & ipsi intra nos geminus &c. wee that haue receiued the first fruites of God his spirit, we doe mourne & groane within our selues: so as here Syr Edward did misse in his spirituall Theologie.

Nay nor yet doth this definition by copia and i••opia hold in temporall consolations themselues, wherein he notwithstanding hath had more occasions of better skill by experience, for that neyther in them is it true that a man may measure temporall felicity by temporall aboū∣dance, nor misery by their want, for he that taketh no comfort by his aboūdance, or delighteth therein, cannot be sayd to be happy temporally by the sayd aboundance, and he that loueth mediocrity, or voluntary pouerty, and hath need of no more then he possesseth, is temporally also rich: by all which is s••ene, that the Lord Cookes definition of misery by copia & inopia, was very defectuous. Let vs see now, how his Champion defendeth him. First he entreth with a great flourish, that he will defend the definition by Poetry,* 1.28 Philosophy, Diuinity, & cases of Conscience. But as commonly it falleth out, when M. Barlow would make any great o••tentation of his learning, he then most betraveth his ignorance, and rusheth vpon matters that he vnderstandeth not whereof he speaketh: soe here both the poore man stumbleth at the very entrance, and mis∣seth as it were in the very termes themselues, especially about Philosophy, Diuinity, and Cases of Conscience, as presently shall appeare.

But fi••st wee must note what obligation he hath to proue, and how far forth he performeth that obligation. I sayd in my reprehension of the Lord Cookes definition,* 1.29 by copia & inopia, that it was defectuous in Philosophy, as fit to be applied to any thing that had store or want: what is the defendant bound to proue? no doubt but that it is a good definition, according to the lawes of Philosophy both in forme and matter: and if he proue this, by any one of his foure wayes, or by altogeather, I shall confesse, that he

hath performed the office of a good aduocate, but indeed he proueth it by neyther way, but only sheweth that copia and inopia may be found in one subiect, in respect of dif∣ferent things, which no man euer denied, for it were great folly to say that a man may not haue good apparell, and an empty stomacke, and another time to haue a full stomacke & want of apparell, and so in all other matters: whereof M. Barlow giueth examples first out of Poetry, as of Tantalus, Narcissus, & others that had copiam & inopiam, and were miserable thereby, which I deny not, or is it the point that he should proue, concerning a good defini∣tion, quae conuertitur cum re definita, and hath the other con∣ditions before mentioned.

From Poetry then he passeth to Philosophy, saying, that if I had read Epictetus in his Euchiridion, and those that doe comment vpon him, I should find it a Philosophicall conclu∣sion, that those two contraries, (copia and inopia) doe make the greatest misery, when a man possesseth much & yet desireth more.

Whereto I answere first, that although it be a Philo∣sophicall conclusion, as well with Epictetus, as other morall Philosophers, that this is a misery: yet doe not they make it the definition of misery, for that there be many other miseries besides this.* 1.30 And secondly though Epictetus doe call it a kind of misery to possesse much and desire more, yet not the greatest misery, as M. Barlow doth, for it is a greater misery, by his leaue, to haue nothing at all, & to desire very much, then to haue good store, and to desire more. As for example, if M. Barlow himselfe should haue had an ardēt desire from his youth to be Archbishop of Canterbury, euen while he was a scholler in Cambridge, and had no pre∣ferment, and should continue the same desire now, I doe not thinke that he will deny, but that it is lesse misery to desire and expect the same now, being already well furni∣shed with the wealth of a good Bishopricke, then to haue expected the same with like ardent desire in his pouerty, and consequently it is not the greatest misery, when a man possesseth much, and desireth more. And this for his

Philosophy: now let vs see his Diuinity.

* 1.31And then (quoth he) in Diuinity King Salomō no meane Philosopher, found that to bee afflictionem pessimam, a most vexing misery, as any vnder the sunne, when with satiety of ric••es, which implieth plenty, there is ioyned an insatiable eye, which argues want. Here now M. Barlow beginneth to shew confusion, and not to vnderstand well the true distinction of these sciences. In Diuinity, sayth he, King Salomon no meane Philosopher found. How did he find it? by Diuinity or Philosophy? ••or here he nameth both: and if Salomon found it by Diuinity, what needed M. Barlow to add that he was no meane Philosopher? & if it be true which he writeth in the very precedent lines, that it is a Philosophicall conclusion, that the greatest misery is when a man posses∣seth much and desireth more;* 1.32 then is this second conclu∣sion, that it is a vexing misery, with satiety of riches, to haue an in••atiate eye or desire, a Philosophicall conclusion also (which is the very self same that was set downe before:) and consequently if that was a Philosophicall cōclusion, then can it not be properly Theologicall, for that one and the selfe same proposition cannot belonge to two different sci∣ences sub eadem ratione formali, to wit Philosophy and Diuini∣ty. For that Philosophy considereth her obiect according to light, & direction of naturall reason, Diuinity as it is re∣ueyled from God and referred to God, as vnto the su∣pernaturall & last end of all creatures, wherof M. Barlow making no mention, nor vnderstanding the difference as it seemeth, maketh the self same proposition to be both Philosophical & Theologicall, and that vnder the selfe same con∣siderations, which is most absurd.

And if he say that wee doe grant it to be a conclusion Philosophicall, & that he proueth it to be Theologicall, or apper∣tayning to Diuinity, for that it is in the Scriptures vttered by Salomon, I answere, that euery proposition found in the Scripture is not of his owne nature Theologicall, or apper∣tayning to Diuinity, for that it is neyther of truth reueyled not deduced from reueyled principles, nor hath reference to God, as he is the formall obiect of Diuinity, but may be

in it selfe Philosophicall, and knowne by light of reason, as wee haue sayd of this proposition,* 1.33 that it is a kinde of misery to possesse much and desire more, which not only the Heathen Philosophers, but euery man commonly by natu∣rall light of reason will discerne, and consequently M. Bar∣low though he straine the Scripture, therby to draw some semblance of proofe from the same, as you haue seene, yet doth he not proue it at all: and this third way of Diuinity is lesse then nothing.

But of all other his fourth & last way by Cases of Con∣science is notable. Let vs heare his words:* 1.34 And euen in cases of conscience, saith he, were they not those two contraries, plenty of good desires in S. Paul to do well, but want of ability to perform those desires, that made him to cry out, miser ego homo, miserable man that I am? To which question I answere, that true it is, that S. Paul complaineth in that place that he found a great fight and repugnance as other men do, betwene the law of his flesh (or stirring of concupi••••ence) and the law of his mind. Which if M. Barlow will call copia & inopia, he may draw any thing to the Lord Cookes definition: euen when as a man and his wife do fall out, there is copia commonly and inopia also, for he shalbe sure to haue copia of ill words, and inopia of peace and quietnes, and therby also some misery. But I would very gladly know why M. Barlow calleth this the doctrine of Cases of conscience, as if it were a distinct thing from Diuinity (for otherwise it would not be his fourth way of proofe?) where as we hould the said doctrine of Cases of Consciēce to be an essentiall part of Diuinity it selfe, to wit the morall part, that resolueth doubts of Conscience in practice: as for example when there ariseth some doubt a∣bout Vsury, Restitution, Matrimony, or the like, what in Conscience may be done, and what not, in this or that case, the matter is resolued by this part of Diuinity. But what is this to the example of S. Pauls conflict betweene sense and reason, flesh and spirit, alleaged by M. Barlow? had the Apostle any doubt or scruple of Conscience therin what he had to thinke or do, about these rebellions of the fl••sh •• I thinke not; he said it was a misery to suffer them against

his will, but doubted nothing whether they were to be resisted or no, by the help of Gods grace which assisted him in that combate, and gaue him the victory according to the promise of his Maister made vnto him, Sufficit ti••i gr••tia mea, my grace is sufficient for thee to get the con∣quest in this case. Wherfore M. Barlow to frame an argu∣ment vpon this place of S. Paul for his copia and inopia, hath as much ground, as if he had founded the same vpon Syr Thomas Mores Vtopia.

OTHER POINTS concerning Queene Elizabeths Felicities, or Infelicities. §. II.

VVE haue seene by that which hath hitherto bene sayd how vayne and feeble the argument hath bene to proue that Queene Elizabeth was happy in this life in regard of her temporall felicities, which the Lord Cooke reciteth in these words among many other as before we haue noted.

She was so miraculously prot••cted by God (saith he) so strengthned, and ••ortifyed, as she did beat her most potent enemy, did set vp a King in his Kingdome, defended nations, harboured distr••ssed people, and the like.

Vnto which argument besides the other reasons and proofes which I before opposed, I did sh••w out of Ieremy the Prophet the vanitie of this argument, by a notable ex∣ample of King Nabuchodonosor, much more power••ull then Queene Elizabeth was, which Nabuchodonosor receiued euen from God himselfe, greater worldly prosperity and conso∣lations then these, and was called by God, Seruus meu•• Na∣buchodonosor, my seruant Nabuchodonosor, & greatly aduanced, protected, and made powerful ouer his enemies for a time, and to punish, afflict and chas••i••e the people of God him∣selfe, and yet was he not happy but miserable therby: and so might be Queene Elizabeth, though she preuailed against

Catholicke Princes, and people abroad, and was permit∣ted to afflict her Catholicke people at home, wherby was cōuinced that this argumet of worldly prosperity •• though it were manifest that it came directly from God himselfe, yet doth it not infer any true happines at all. And hath the Chāpion M. Barlow any thing to reply for his Lord in this? no truly but granting my proofe to be substantiall, as ta∣ken from the Scripture it selfe, he runneth to othe•• imper∣tinent matter of dissimilitude, betweene Q. Elizabeth, & Nabuchodonosor,* 1.35 as that he had no successour, but the Queene hath &c. which is not the question in hand, nor was the comparison made in this, and moreouer in it selfe is false. For that Nabuchodonoso••s sonne called Euilmero••••th succeeded him, and after him againe Baltazar, which seemeth to haue bene fortold by the Prophet Ieremy c. 27. saying: Seruient ci o∣nes gentes•• & filio eius, & filio f••l•• eius. All nations shall serue Na∣buchodonosor, and his sonne, and his sonnes sonne. In which respect Nabuchodonosor was much more happy thē Q. Elizabeth who left no such issue to succeed her, and therefore the place alleadged by M. Barlow o••t of Isay, Ex quo dormisti &c. since thou wert dead none came in thy place to cut vs vp, by graue Authors is vnderstood of Baltazar the last King of that race, for to the former it cannot wel be applyed, whose sonne and nephew after his death kept them wellnigh for∣ty yeares in captiuity, and they were not deliuered till af∣ter the death of Baltazar, by Cyrus, who with Darius ouer∣threw him and succeded him: by which you may see how well M. Barlow pleadeth for Queene Elizabeths•• happines••

And all this was spoken against the infe••ence of true felicity, supposing that Queene Elizabeths dayes had beene so aboundant and affluent in all kinde of temporall pros∣perities, as the flattery of these Orators would haue it seme, & that her selfe had such copia of consolations, and inopia of tribulations, as the Lord Cooke describeth. But for proofe that this was not so, the••e were many par••iculer poynts touched, which did shew that her temporall consolations were mingled also with desolations, her prosperity with aduersities, her ioyes many tymes with griefe, as for ex∣ample

the circum••tances of her natiuity, the declaration made against her by her owne Father, as well in the put∣ting to death her Mother with note of incontinency, to∣geather with so many adulterers punished with her, as also a••terward the same declaratiō made more authentically in publike Parlament,* 1.36 her disgraces passed a••terward againe in the time of King Edward, & her contemptible reiection by the setters vp of Queene Iane, her pe••ills in Queene Ma∣ries time by the cutting off of her best friendes, whereby she was forced to a deepe dissimulation in religion, that could not be but afflictiue vnto her, her feares and doub••s in the beginning of her owne raigne, what would follow by change of religion, the pretence of the King of Fr•••••••• known to be in hand, for his wiues succession immediatly after Queene Mary, her frights by the Duke of Norfolke, & Earles rising i•• the North, & a great Counsell of the chi••∣fest Nobility held at London against her, and in fauour of the Queene of Scotland, which then ••he was not able to re∣sist, if it had gone forward: her publike excommunication, and depriuation by two or three Popes, which could no•• but bring sollicitude with it, her doubtfu••nes about ma••i∣ing, being pre••sed on the one side by the sollicitatiō of her Kingdome for hope of succession, and held backe on the o∣ther side by certayne desirs of designements of her owne & her fauorites, her intricate reckonings with her sayd fa∣uorits from time to time, as Pickering, Dudley, Hatton, Packi••g∣ton, Rawley, and Essex, among whome the two Earles be∣came in the end to be dredfull vnto her, her ielousy and feares conce••ned not only of forraine Princes, whome she had deepely offended with raising their subiects and maintayning them against them, but of domesticall inha∣bitants likewise, especially of Priestes, Iesuits and Se••in••∣ry••men, who were painted out to her to be such dangerous people, togeather with the Catholickes, that vsed their helpes in matters for their soules, as she neuer ceased to add lawes vnto lawes against them all, and against all vse of Catholicke religion, wherunto her selfe had sworne, and voluntarily protested in Queene Maries dayes.

And not only this, but breaking also into bloud, for these imagined terrors, shee put to death publickly aboue an hundred and thirty anointed Priests, only for hatred of their order and profession, togeather with many other afflicted in pri••ons, others sent into banishment, by for∣ty, fifty, yea seauenty, at a time. She put to death al∣so both the nearest in kinred, and dearest in affection, that she had on earth, as was her Maiestie of Scotlnd, and the Earle of Essex, the guilt of which proceeding lying v∣pon her conscience, did so trouble her for diuets yeares be∣fore her death, as was pittifull, but her death it selfe more pittifull, in dying without sense, feeling, or mention of God, as diuers do report, that do pretend to know the same most certainly. I should be glad with like or grea∣ter certainty to know th•• contrary, for I take compassion of her state with all my hart.

And this is in effect the summe and substance of that which was spoken before, concerning the interruptions and interpellations of Queene Elizabeths temporall ioyes and comfort, which Syr Edward Cooke, & M. Barlow do make to be so singular, and absolute. And what reply is now made (thinke you) to all this? Truly nothing at all to the purpose in hand: for that one of these two poynts should be shewed, eyther that these things are not so, or that they do nothing at all impeach Queene Elizabeth•• tē∣porall felicity, and store of con••olations; but neither of these is proued, what then? You shall heare: first he run∣neth againe into an extreme rage of rayling and reuiling, and scolding as it were a tip-toe, inforcing his whole an∣swere with the most contumelio••s speach that he can de∣uise: but to this is extant his own answere in print,* 1.37 out of Seneca, which he alleageth in the Preface of his Sermon at Paul•• Crosse, against his Maister the Earle of Essex, Vt quisque est ••••ntemptissimus, ita soluti••••ima lingua ••••t. As each man is more contemptible then others, so is he more lewd & loose in his tongue. Then he chafeth intemperatly, that any thing should be sayd or writtē against Queene Elizabeth after her death, and her•• he dilateth himselfe very largely for lacke

of better matter vpon that common place, that the rulers of the people are not to be spoken euill of, specially after their death: for which he citeth both Scriptures, and pro∣phane authors (I follow not his order in this, but the con∣••exion rather of the matter) and will proue them to be both hoggs aud doggs out of Aristophanes, Pliny, Sophocles and other Authors, that do reuile the dead. But to this obiecti∣on also I will put his owne answere, in his foresaid Sermō against the E••rle of Essex, where hauing made the same ob∣iectiō again••t himselfe, for speaking euill of the said Earle after his death, as he doth now against me for calling to memory some of Queene Eli••abeths affaires,* 1.38 his answere in his owne words is this.

But dearely beloued, there is a dif∣ference in faults of men as in diseases, some onely are hurt∣full to the parties themselues, some loathsome and infecti∣ous to others; the first are to be buried with their bodies, & forgotten, but the other will annoy, and therfore must be remembred after death. In Scripture some Kinges that were vicious, had their faultes touched euer after their buriall, but no more, yet some are neuer named in Scrip∣ture, but their sinne is branded vpon their name, as often you may see of ••eroboam neuer mentioned, but presently ad∣deth the sonne of Nebat, which made Israell to sinne.

This was the mans answer at that time, for that it ser∣ued for his purpose, & the same may serue me now against him: for if the case of Ieroboam that made Israell to sinne, might be applied to the Earle of ••ssex, that was of their owne religion, and changed nothing therein so far as is knowne, and was but a priuate person: how much more may the same be applyed to Queene Elizabeth, that in∣deed brought in that fatall diuision and new worship of Ieroboam into her Kingdome, which she found quiet & vnited with the rest of Christendome in the knowne Ca∣tholicke fayth of Christs Church?

But saith M. Barlow, reproaches are vttered eyther for repr••ose to amend,* 1.39 or for vexation to grieue the parties calumniated, both which endes doe cease in death. Whereunto I answere, that if they be reproches, and contumelyes indeed without truth (wher∣of

M. Barlowes tongue and pen are ful••) they serue to ney∣ther of these ends, but principally to shew the wiked mind of the vtterer: but if they be true,* 1.40 as those things are which I haue touched concerning Q. Elizabeth her infelicities, ••hē albeit they be vttered to none of these two foolish ends mentioned by M. Barlow, eyther to amend, or vex the dead, yet are they recorded to warne & instruct them that are a∣liue, by shewing Gods iustice vpon sinne, his prouidence, his power, and his care to feare men by terror of euerla∣sting in••amy from the like offences, & many other such holy ends: for the which in Scripture it is a most common & ordinary thing to heare the sinnes of wicked Princes re∣peated and reiterated after death, M. Barlow himselfe cannot deny it.

I did further add also in my former Letter the example of diuers ancient Fathers,* 1.41 as Iustinus Martyr•• Irenaeus, Tertul∣lian, and others, who to comfort the afflicted Christians in theyr dayes, and to honour more the cause for which they suffered, did put them in mind what manner of p••ople and Princes their first persecutors were, as namely Nero and Domitian, what life they led, what end they made, and that indeed they were ••it instruments to be the first actors in such a worke, which I applying to Queene Eliza∣beth, sayd that the like obseruation and comparison might be made, she being the strangest woman that euer perhaps liued, for diuers admirable circumstances before tou∣ched, and the very first absolutely of that sex eyther Chri∣stened, or created, that tooke vpon her Supreme Power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters &c. Wherunto M. Barlow comming to answere, and hauing nothing at all to say to the purpose, doth so childishly trifle, as is most ridiculous, telling vs first, that if the Papists may comfort themselues, for that they haue bene beaten by a woman, then may the diuell comfort himselfe also that a woman is prophesied in Genesis, according to our interpretation to breake his head: Sysera also the Captaine may glory that he was ouerthrowne by a woman. But this is trifling•• for I doe not say simply by a woman, but by such a woman as neuer

was the like, in diuers points of enormity against C••th••lic•••• religion, and therin was the Fathers obseruations of enor∣mous manners of Nero and Domitian, and not in the sex, as they were men.

Secondly he sayth, that diuers Popes were more like to Nero and Domitian, then Queene Elizabeth:* 1.42 but this is also trifling. For neyther is the matter proued, & if it could be, yet doth it not improue my comparison, as it was some comfort to the ancient afflicted Catholickes to consider what manner of Princes they were that first began most sharpe persecution against them: so might English Catho∣lickes doe by consideration of the person of Queene Elizabeth that first of all women persecuted them in England, and with inspeakable monstrosity made her selfe Head of the Church.

Thirdly he sayth about this matter, that heauen and hell ar•• not more different, then those Christian martyrs of the Primitiue Church,* 1.43 from these later of English Papists: for they, sayth he, acknowledged the Emperors supremacy inde∣pendant vpon any but God, prayed for them seriously both lyuing and dying &c. But this now is more then trifling, for it seemeth to me meere madnes to say, that ancient Christian martyrs vnder Nero and Domi••ian did acknowledge those Emperours Supremacy independant vpon any but God,* 1.44 which inferreth to my vnderstan∣ding, that they acknowledged them for Supreme Heade•• of the Catholicke Church in those dayes, for so signifieth the worde Supremacy in the controuersy betweene vs: and the wordes immediatly following, independant vpon any b•••• God, doe seeme playnely to confirme the same, as doth also the comparison and contrariety it selfe, which hee putteth betweene those old Martyrs, and ours. For if he had meant of temporall Supremacy there had not bene any difference, or contrariety betweene them. For ••hat our Martyrs also doe acknowledge temporall Supremacy to Kings and Princes though not spirituall, which infer∣reth that M. Barlow ascribing more to the ancient Martyrs vnder Nero and Domitian, must needes meane, that they

held them ••or Heades of their Church, euen in spirituall & Ecclesia••ticall a••fayres, although they were Pagans: and ••oe consequently might, and ought to repayre to them in matters of controuersy about Christian Religion, and were ••ound to follow their direction therein. And if this be not more then trifling, especially for a Prelate to vtter•• I leaue to the discreet Reader to consider.

But now let vs see briesely some of his answers to the points before rehearsed of Queene Elizabeths life and death. First he sayth to the note about her birth and disgrace by her Father and Parlament, that the Scriptures are not soe Censorious, for God himselfe mislikes the Prouerb that it should be sayd, the fathers did eat sower grapes, and the childrens ••eeth were sett on edge; but this is folly: for I alleadged it not as a sinne of hers, for the sinne was her fathers and mothers, but as some disgrace in temporall felicity.* 1.45 Then he tel∣leth vs, that in some places the ciuill Lawes doe permit some bastards to succeed. Item that she shewed well by her courage, and other Princely qualities, that she was King Henries daughter. Item that her selfe did so far cōtemne those slaunders published in print, as shee would neuer consent to haue them cleared, but rather scorned them. Item that Queene Mary also was disinabled by Par∣lament in her fathers dayes &c. And are not these strong argumentes to proue his purpose, to wit, that this pro∣ceeding of the Parlament and declaration made against her, was no temporall disgrace? Albeit for so much as belongeth to Queene Mary, all men doe know that her case was far different, for that Queene Mar••es mother was neuer noted for incontinency, and much lesse so ma∣ny adulterers put to death with her, as might be doubted whose daughter she was.

To the difficulties she had in King Edwards daies both in respect of the Admirall Seymer put to death for loue-matters towards her,* 1.46 and the like, he sayth in effect no∣thing, but breaketh forth into a fi••t of rage about the whore of Babylon her Philira, and loue-drugs, whereof this fellow can frame a common place to intertayn•• him selfe

for lacke of other matter. Of the time also of Queene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he speaketh nothing.

About her lawes, and cruell proceedings towardes Catholickes, he intertayneth himselfe some what longer, but no more to the purpose, then in the rest. For first he sayth that the sorest punishment for the first twelue yeares w••s commitment to Bishops and Deanes houses, and some of them to prisons,* 1.47 where they lay as warme and waxed as fatt as in theyr owne houses. And this now hath no need of answer, but that if M. Barlow be not yet fa••, this were a good way to feed him, by lying in prison as they did, for some yeares, which is thought will neuer be for Reli∣gion, come what Religion there will.

Secondly he sayth, that ••or the subsequent yeares, he yeeldeth, that there was more rigour vsed, death being deser∣uedly drawne on (to vse his words) by the merit of treason, wher∣vnto Religion was made but a stawking-horse, and then citeth S. Augustine in defence of the Christian Emperours lawes a∣gainst heretickes. But first he doth not proue, or euer shall be able, any such demerit of treason to haue drawne on this rigour, but only by calumniation, which indeed is and hath beene the persecutors stawking-horse, to deceiue the simple, pretending one thing for another, thereby to oppresse the innocent: and secondly S. Augustine alloweth indeed and commendeth the Lawes of Catholike Empe∣rours made for the temporall punishment of Heretickes, a••ter they were condemned by the Church. But what Church was that? And what Catholicke Religion, for defence wherof those Catholicke Princes in S. Augustines dayes did make those lawes so commended by him? Was it the Protestant Church? And was the Religion thereof the Protestant religion, or ours? Will M. Barlow ioyne with me in this, which of our two Churches and Religions haue descended visibly from S. Augustins Church and religiō vnto our dayes? Can he deny that S. Augustins Church taught Purgatory,* 1.48 Prayer to Sayntes, Prayer for the dead, Mas••e and Sacrifice for the li••ing & dead, and many other articles now in controuersy betweene vs? Dare he stand to

this triall out of S. Augustines workes themselues? And if he dare not (as I know he dareth not, nor will euer accept thereof) why doth he here prattle out of S. Augustine, as though if he were now aliue agayne, he would allow the lawes of Protestant Princes made against that religion and Church which himselfe defended while he was lyuing? This then is another absurd shift of M. Barlow to delude his Reader. But there followeth another if not more ab∣surd, yet at least lesse shamefast, for that the malice is more apparent.

Father Persons, sayth he, who in the Preface of one of his Legends, commendeth Queene Elizabeth for her mode∣rate gouerment, & that was in the last yeare of herraigne: and yet by the way, for the mans singular honesty, it is worth the nothing, that in one and the same leafe, hauing so commended her in one page (marry then she was aliue) in the very next page (for then he heard she was dead) in a Preface to his Maiesty he compares her to no other, but Di∣••clesian for cruelty.

Thus he, and for that he citeth a booke that is in euery mans hand, to wit the first part of the Three Conuersions of England, and thereby his allegation is easy to be exami∣ned, I did magine that I should finde him very exact and punctuall in his assertion. Wherefore I went to looke vpon the two pages of the selfe same leafe, the one writ∣ten before the Queenes death, the other after: but I could see no such matter so neere togeather, then comming back some foure or fiue pages, I found that which I suppose to haue giuen him the occasion of this fond cauill, for that the Author hauing dedicated that booke to the Catholiks of England, & in the Epistle Dedicatory layd forth at large the great af••lictions and tribulations which they had long suffered for that Religion, he commendeth them for their patience, and loyall behauiour towardes theyr Prince in all worldly affayres: VVhich course, sayth he, though it hath not escaped the calumnious tongues and pens of some carping aduersaries (making all treason) yet is it iustifiable and glorious both before God and man, where reason ruleth, and not passion. And I doubt not, but

that t••e wis••dom•• and moderation both of her Maiestie and ••er S•••• Counsell i•• ••ll rather in this point p••nder y••ur owne facts, then your a••∣uersaries wordes. So there.

Where by is euident that the Authour doth not com∣mend Queene Elizabeth for her moderate gouerment to∣wards Catholickes, as this man sayth (for that within fiue lines after he sayth, they haue passed so many yeares vnder the rod of sharpe afflictions:) but only persuadeth himselfe that the wisedome and moderation both of her Maiestie, and the Counsell will stay them from condem∣ning Catholickes for treason vpon other mens words,* 1.49 rather then vpon theyr owne facts: which being but a particuler case, inferreth not, that Father Persons com∣mendeth her for her moderate gouerment. Nor is the other point true, that in a Preface to his Maiestie, he compareth her to no other, thē to Dioclesian for cruelty. For that my wordes were these: Here generally the applause is no o∣therwise, then it was in old time among the Christians vpon the entrāce o•• Constantine into the Empyre after Dioclesian, and of Ioui∣nian a••ter Iulian. Nor is there any mention, or compari∣son of cruelty in that place: so as here neyther the leafe or page do•• agree to his citation, nor the commendation of her moderate gouerment is found; neyther the compari∣son of cruelty with Dioclesian is extant; nor is he only mentioned, but Iulian also. Doe you note how many defects of truth are discouered in so smal an allegation?

But after this again he commeth in with a great scorn against me, for saying, that our Catholicke Priests put to death by Q. Elizabeth dyed for religion, and were true Mar∣tyrs: for that hauing life offered thē if they would renoūce the Pope, and con••orme themselues to the present state of of England, they resused the same. And with this he maketh himselfe merry with diuers ies••es about the consequēce of this argument. Wherunto I answere, that I alleadged di∣uers reasons, why our Catholick Priests dyed for religion, & not for treason. First for that no such treason could be proued against them, in the sense and iudgement of any indifferent man that was present at their arraignments,

to wit of the one hundred and thirty that before I mentio∣ned. Secondly for that the publike Registers themselues and Histories, as Iohn St••w, and others in their Chronicles do•• obiect no other treason to the most of them, but only being Priests, & their taking of holy Orders beyond the seas, which in no sense can be treason, no more then the confessing of the blessed Trinitie can be made treason by the Trinitarians in Transiluania.

Thirdly for that they themselues dying did protest v∣pon their consciences, as they should be saued, they neuer meant treason in thought, word, or deed against Queene Elizabeth.

And then ••ourthly for confirmation of this, I alleaged this other reason, so much scorned by M. Barlow, they ha∣uing life offered them if they would renounce the Pope, & conforme themselues to the State, they refused the same: which he saith is a false and faulty inference, and I say it is very good and true, and that if M. Barlow had any mo∣derate skill of the case according to the rules ••yther of Phi∣losophy or Diuinity he would be ashamed to say as he doth in Philosophy, it being a common axiome, that omnis actus specificatur ab obiecto & fi••e, euery action is specified, that is to say, taketh his nature and essence from his obiect and end. As if a man should kill one to gayne his goods, this act hath both the nature of man-slaughter & theft, the first from the obiect, the second from the end or intention of the doer: which Philosophicall principle being applyed to our case doth euidently proue that the choice of death in him that hath life offered, vpon conditiō he will doe some act against his faith, as going to the Protestants Church is e∣steemed by Catholickes, though otherwise he were n••uer so great a delinquent before, is an act of Martyrdome; for that it hath both the obiect and the end therof: the obiect to wit death; the end which is the profession of his faith.

And so if we passe to consider the same by Theology•• which more properly treateth of this vertue of Martyr∣dome, the controuersy will be made much more cleare,

for that the word Martyrdome being a Greeke word•• and signifying a Testimony or bearing of witnesse (as the word Martyr signifyeth him that yealdeth testimony or be••∣reth witnesse) euery testmony or bearing of witnesse is not meant by the word Martyrdome, but only such a testimo∣ny as is giuen by dying for God in the defēce of some truth belonging to our faith,* 1.50 either expressely impugned or im∣plyed in the impugnation of some other vertue, that con∣taineth the sayd truth of our faith therin; which last clause is added, for that a man may be a true Martyr, though he dye not for any expresse article of faith or part therof, but it is sufficient that he dy for the defence of any one vertue, as Chastity, Obedience, Iustice and the like, according to the saying of our Sauiour:* 1.51 Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur pro∣pter iustitiam: Blessed are they that suffer persecutiō for righ∣teousnes. And S. Iohn Baptist is acknowledged by all De∣uines for a true Martyr, although he died for no article of faith, but for reprehending the incestuous marriage of King Herod, with more libertie of speach and spirit, then any such Prince-flatterer & base mind as M. Barlow would euer haue done in the like case, if we may ghesse at his vertue by his writing.

But to apply the former ground and vncontrollable principle to our present purpose in hand, whether these Priests died for refu••ing the Oath of the Feminine Supre∣macy, or for that they were made Priests beyōd the seas, or ••or that they refused to come to your heretical seruice••; cer∣taine it is,* 1.52 according to the rules of Catholicke Diuinity, that they died for de••ence of their faith, or maintenance of vertue which is sufficiēt to iustify their Martyrdomes, ha∣uing so great warrant, and store of all manner of witnesses ••or the truth, and doctrine they suffered for, as might well in conscience assure them of the righteousnesse of their cause, and that they died for that Religion in which all the Princes and people of Christendome for so many yeares & ages both liued and died. And wheras M. Barlow impug∣neth this by two cases or examples, they are but so many arguments of his owne ignorance. Let vs speake a word or

two of them both.

The first is of Absolom, putting the case that he was an Idolator, as well as a traitor, and that King Dauid after sen∣tence passed against him ••or his treasons would acquite him frō death conditionally,* 1.53 that he should renounce his Idolatry, and that vpon re••usall he should be executed, Shall we say (sayth M. Barlow) that he died ••or Religion, or for treason? We will say, good M. Barlow, that he died rather for false reli∣gion, that is to say Idolatry, then for treason, and was the Diuels Martyr: and none I thinke can deny the same, vnles he be as ignorant as your selfe, as shall further appeare by the answere to the next example, which in effect is all one with this, to wit, that a yonger sonne should aspire his fa∣thers death with hope to haue his riches, and that being condemned, his father should offer to saue him, if he would go to Church and leaue his euil life of following queane•• &c. Shall ••e say (quoth M. Barlow) that he is executed for his whore-domes, or for this par••icide against his father?

But here I would aske M. Barlow, why he leaueth out going to Church, which was the first part of the condi∣tion, and nameth only whore-domes? no doubt but the honest man, would haue the staying from the Church in Catholicks, and whore-domes seeme to be companions. But now I answere to his question, that if he meane by refusing to go to Church, such as is practised by Catho∣likes, for Conscience sake, and not to deny thereby the truth of the Catholicke faith, which forbiddeth to go to hereticall Churches, then dyeth he for the truth of his faith, and consequently he is a Martyr. But if he choose to dye for loue of wicked life, and whoredome, it is no cause of Martyrdome, and consequently he is the Diuells Martyr, as we said before of the Idolator. But as for Par∣••icide, cleere it is, that he cannot be sayd to haue died for it properly, as the immediate cause of his death, for that it was remitted vn••o him; and their passed another electi∣on on his mind, to wit, that he would leaue his old life: so as ••or this he died propriè & proximè, properly, and im∣mediately: and for the parricide only remotè & occasi••nali∣ter,

a far of, and as from that which gaue the first occasi∣on of his death. What sayth M. Barlo•• to this? Doth not common sense teach it to be so?

And thus much for the death of those our Catholike and innocent Priests, whose death was pretiosa in con••••ecta Domini, pretious in our Lords sight, that died only for te∣stimony of his truth; which if M. Barlow did as well see and feele, as Queene Elizabeth doth at this day, he would not so prattle as he doth. Let vs see a little further.

He bringeth in for proofe of the Queenes mildnes an Historiographer of Genua called Bizarrus, or Bizarro, which in English signifieth a Mad-cap, and he is brought in to tell vs certaine points of a Mad-cap indeed, to wit, the great moderation of her mind,* 1.54 her in-bred clemencie, though himselfe be an out-bred: that she gouerned her subiects with exceeding great mildnes, abhorring from bloud, or putting any to death &c. which belike he writing in Genua, knew better then English men liuing in England, who felt the smart in themselues, and others, whiles this man was out of the Gunshot, and, as it is like∣ly, well paid for his paynes: for Syr Horatio Parauicino was able both for his credit, and wealth, to vndertake a grea∣ter matter then this. And for that you M. Barlow, with M. Sutcliffe and others do so often alleadge this Bizarro, as an Author against vs, it shall auaile much, both for your credits, and his, to tell vs where, when, and by what authority he was printed, for here in Italy we can heare of no such worke, although some search hath bene made for him, which doubtles we should do, had he bene set forth in these parts, and therefore we thinke him to be no Catholike writer, but of a bastard brood, and a Mad-cap indeed of your owne making. Besides that, how truly he writeth, not only all England, but all the whole world can testify: and to omit all other most cruell massacring and bloud-shed, the memory of the vnnaturall, and But∣cherly Tyranny, executed vpon his Maiesties Mother, will remaine for a most rufull example to all posterity.

But M. Barlow not content with externe witnesses al∣leadgeth

also domesticall, saying: Your owne Priests shal speake for Queene Elizabeths lawes: and then cyteth out of the book of Quodlibets a certaine pathetical exaggeration in praysing Queene Elizabeth,* 1.55 and her lawes also against Ca∣tholickes, which we esteeming to come from that good suggester Ri. Can. who suggested so notorious a lie vnto M. Mort••n, as himselfe complaineth, & hath byn shewed in the late Reckoning with him, we esteeme it accordingly, & do giue it the credit, that it deserueth; which is nothing at all. And M. Barlow is driuen to a hard exigent, whē he stoopeth so low, as to take vp these base raggs to blazon Q. Elizabeths prayses withall, which a wiser man would haue byn asha∣med to alleage: especially knowing with what sorrow of hart the poore man that fathered that filthy worke, repē∣ted him at his death therof, & asked of God & the Iesuites pardon for the same, as before hath bene signified.

OF QVEENE Elizabeths Sicknes and Death, and other things belonging thereunto. §. III.

AFTER the former points of Queene Elizabeths lawes and executions therof made against Catholikes, and Catholike Religion, whereby she made her selfe most odious both at home, and abroad to forrayne Princes, yea to many Protestant Potentates themselues, that misliked such cruelty: I shewed, that as the naturall effect, and consequence in such causes is feare, diffidence, suspition, and vexation of mind: so grew the same vpon her very much in the course of her life, especially towards her latter dayes, when she was impressioned that not only Priestes, and Iesuites, who indeed did pray to God for her conuer∣sion, but souldiars also, and Captaynes, and Phisitians did seeke her death,* 1.56 eyther by poysoning her body, saddle, chayre, seate, or somewhat else belonging vnto her, as the

deathes of Lopez, Squier, & others doe testify, to all which M. Barlow doth answere now, by running to certayne common places, and sentences, that proue nothing, but only that he hath bene more diligent then iudicious in gathering them out of Authours, and applying them without pu••pose: for he telleth vs first out of Salust, that Ingenia Regum sunt prona ad form••dinem, the inclination of Kings are prone to feare. And then out of Seneca, D••bia p•••• certis solent timere Reges: Kinges are wont to feare th••ngs that be doubt••full for certayne, which in my iudgement maketh more for my purpose, then his. Then he sayth, that it was not soe with Queene Elizabeth, for that carefull she was, fearefull she was not: wary she was, but not iealous: prouident, but not suspicious: wherin I referre me to them that knew her better then M. Barlow, and to the effects themselues, which are the best witn••sses. And for that I sayd in my Letter, that this griping passion of feare, and iealousy did force her to lay hands vpon the bloud of the most dearest in affection and nearest of kinted that she had in this life, as the Earle of Essex, and his Maiesties Mother: M. ••arlow comming to answer this poynt, sayth neuer a word, but passeth it ouer with mumme-s••lence: and no marueile, for he had sayd so much before, both for the Earle, and against the Earle, while the Queene was a liue (for him,* 1.57 in setting ••orth his excessiue prayses, and tryumph after Cal••s voyage, when he hoped to haue preferment by him; and against him, a••ter his d••ath, when the path of promotion opened it selfe another way, to wit by disgracing & infaming him) as I thinke the miserable man knew not what to say, per∣swading himsel••e (wherin I thinke he erred not) that whatsoeuer he should say, no man would belieue or greatly care of it, and therefore sylence was the best.

But for the thing it selfe, I meane the manner of his d••ath, I will not meddle: nothing doubting, but that so loose and exorbitant a life as he led, being alwayes accō∣panied with crewes of goodfellow-Ministers, that by life, and doctrine taught him that way of perfection in their

trade, he deserued no better an end, then he receiued. And moreouer it may be also, that the State, and Queene had further reasons to moue them to seuerity against ••im, then euery man knoweth: although with the Queenes owne person he was thought to be further engaged for speciall ••auours receyued,* 1.58 then that vpon the suddayne he could fall to hate her, and seeke her destruction, and so he pro∣tested at his death: though this bloudy Sycophant in strayning his actions, thoughts and intentions after his death at Paules Crosse (wher in a mā may discouer supere∣minent malice issuing out of the roote of ambition) leuel∣led all his speach to that end, to styr vp and confirme iea∣lousy in the Queenes mynd, that they two could not liue togeather, and therefore in the end of his Sermon extant now in print, he left thirteene most spightfull recordes to be borne in memory, whereof the sixt is in these wordes: Hi•• li••e a danger to the Queene, marke that. Which wordes of, marke that, are not adioyned to any of the other recordes: whereby it is euident, that, that was the butt wherat he shot, and may probably bee ghessed, that as, Ladron de casa, one wholy depending of him, and knowing his secret intentions, was vsed before to beate this poynt secretly into the Queenes head, while the other was aliue, which after his death he pre••ched so publikly.

And no man doubteth, but that if his Maiestie, that now is, whome he so highly flattereth had then come in his way, and that it had as well layen in the Queenes power as it did in her desire to equall his fortune with his Mothers, for her owne greater safety: this fellow would as eagerly haue runne vpon the same Theme, as he did then against the Earle, to wit, that the King of Scotlandes life had bene a danger to the Queenes life of England, and would haue sayd also, marke that. Nay he would confirme it with the saying of Tacitus, which here he doth alledge, for iusti∣fying his Mothers death, suspectus semp••r in••isusque dominan∣tibus quis••••e proximu•• aestimatur.* 1.59 He that is next in succession to a principality is alwayes suspected, and hated by him that is in possession. Vpon which ground M. Barlowes

eloquence would quickly haue drawne forth some proba∣ble argument of likely danger to the Queenes life, if the other were permitted to liue, and consequently consulen•••••• securitati, it is good to make sure. I will not stand to dis∣course what he would haue done in such a case, if it had fallen out for his purpose, for that may be presumed by that which he did, which was to scan the sayd Earles actions, wordes, driftes, and intentions, with as much malignity, as euer lightly I haue noted in any, to make him odious to the Prince, State, and especially to the Cittie of London, which ••e knew to be well affected vnto him, & therfore his thirteenth and last record was to the sayd Cittizens there present, deliuered in these words: Hi•• hard opinion and censure of your basenes, and vnfayth••ullnes to th•• Que••ne: which manner of Sycophancy himselfe con••esseth in a Preface afterward to the Reader,* 1.60 did so much displease the Mayne•• (to vse his word) as if he had with Ananias lyed to the holy Ghost, or preached his owne damnation: Others gaue out that he was strooke suddaynly with a dredfull sicknes:

others (sayth he) with more virulence, though with lesse violence, for penal charge, frame matter of hard iudgement out of the discourse it selfe: first in ge∣nerall, that I haue broken the Canon both of religion and law, in reuealing a Penitents confession, which was with remorse, and priuate &c. Secondly in particuler, because in one part of my Preface I sayd, that I was not a penny the richer, nor a step the higher for the Earle, albeyt I celebrated his glory at the Crosse for Cales victory, and therefore hence they cōclude, that I now speake of splene, and preach for rewardes.

Thus farre M Barlow testyfieth of the peoples iudgmēt cōcerning him, & his iudgemēt of the Earle of Essex: wher∣in he being so much interessed, as now you see, no mer∣uaile though he passed this point with silence. Let vs see what he sayth to the other cōcerning his Maiesties Mother,* 1.61 and her making away. First he beginneth with a common place as before I mentioned, saying: If iealous suspition and feare extend it selfe to any; it commonly alights vpon the heyre apparent

or the successour expected. And for proofe of this he citeth the wordes of Tacitus before by me alleadged. And how litle this maketh to his purpose for excuse of the matter euery meane-witted-reader will cōsider. He goeth further therefore, saying:* 1.62 That as be••ore this censurer brought in the Mother of his Maiesties Father for a parallell to the Powder-treason: so he reckoneth now for one of Queene Elizabeths miseries, the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother.

Wherto I answere first, that the parallel was iust, as to me it seemed: for that as this treasō was designed by pow∣der, so that of his Maiesties Father was both designed and executed. And as this was done by Catholickes, so that by Protestants: only this happy difference there was, that wheras the other had effect, this had not. And secondly I say, I did not reckon the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother for a misery of Queene Elizabeth, if w••e respect the effect it selfe, for that I doubt not, but that the sayd Queene Elizabeth did hould it for a felicity to be able to achieue it: but I hould it for an infelicity, in respect of the cause that forced her vnto it, which was miserable feare, iealousy, and suspition. But what inference doth he make of this thinke you? Let vs heare him vtter it in his owne words: VVherby (sayth he) the Reader may iudge, how he would vse hi•• Maiesties owne fame, if he were gathered to his Fathers, when he is glad to alleadge soe vnsauoury examples of both his parents. What sequele or consequence is this? For that I doe with com∣passion and detestation of the facts make mention of both theyr murthers procured, and executed by people of M. Barlows Religion, therefore I would vse euill his Maiesties ••ame, if he were gathered to his Fathers. What coherence is there in this? or whereof doth this consequence sauour but of folly only and malice?

But yet he passeth on to a further poynt of defence, for this hath none at al, as you see. That renowned Queens death (sayth he) was a misery indeed to this whole Land, and the most in∣••••leble blot that can be recorded of this Countrey. Doe you see that now he calleth her renowned, against whom in their ordi∣narie books and Sermons they did vse in those dayes, the

most vilest and basest speaches that could ••e applyed to a woman?* 1.63 doe you heare him say now, that in deed her dea••h was a misery to the whol•• land? doe you heare him tell vs, that the blot thereo•• is indele••le? VVould he haue spoken so in his Saint Queenes life time? This fellow is no time-seruer you may be sure. VVell this is hi•• confession. Let vs heare his excu∣sation, ad excusandas excusationes in peccato. But, sayth he, that our late Soueraygne was abused therein, and that wicked act committed before her knowledge therof,* 1.64 besides her notable expressing of her owne grie••es when she heard o•• it, other sufficient proofes haue fully resolued all hon••st men hereof. So he. And I trow hee meaneth honest men of his owne honesty, that will admit for sufficient, any proo••es for the making away of any, without scruple, that stand in theyr light.

But was Queene Elizabeth abused therein? VVas the act of cutting o•• the head of Queene Mary of Scotland a wic∣ked act? VVould M. Barlow haue called it so in Queene Elizabeths dayes? That it was commited before her know∣ledge? Durst any man in her dayes ••ut to death a kitchin boy of her house, much lesse of her bloud, without her knowledge, approbation, and consent? Did she make so notable a demonstration of her owne griefes which she had therof? What demonstration was this? Wherin did it consist? Did she shed teares? Did she vest her selfe with s••ckloth for the same? Did she put any man to death, any of the doers or counsellours therof? And if not, what suf∣ficient proofes, & notable expressing of her griefes doth this Minister meane? What mourning garmentes were there seene throughout the whole Court, for this fact? What signe of sorrow, and publick affl••ction? Of her Mother, it is written, that when she heard o•• Queen Dowagers death, she mourned in yellow sattin with gould l••ce: what apparell Queene Elizabeth did mourne in for Queene Maryes death by her selfe commanded, I read not: but that then as the cause wa•• somewhat like of both theyr ioyes, both of Queene Anne and Queene Elizabeth, mother and daughter by the fa••l of their aduersaries, it is probable also that their mourning habits were not vnlike.

But in truth when I doe consider the circumstances of that lamentable and vnheard of bloudy action, that a Queene of that Nobility, so honourably borne & brought vp, a Queene of two so great Kingdomes, and Heyre appa∣rent to the third, comming into the Realme vpon assurāce giuen, hauing no obligation of subiection, nor being lyable to any corporall punishment by the lawes, eyther of nature or nations, beeing equall and no wayes subiect, and if she were guilty in any thing, yet can it not be pre••u∣med to haue bene more then the seeking of her owne li∣berty, being vniustly deteyned, which is permitted both by Diuine and humane lawes: yet notwithstanding, after soe many yeares of afflictions in restraint and pr••son, to be brought to a blocke, and to be forced to lay d••wne her necke at her commandement, whome shee allwa••••s estee∣med vnequall to her selfe, and to haue her he••d cut of as the poorest woman that liued, by the common hangman, seemeth to mee to be one of the most pittifull spectacles that hath happened in Chri••••endome, since that Christia∣nity beganne: especially she hauing so potent and able a Prince regnant at that time in so warlike a Nation, and so neere as his Maiestie was.

But let vs see what M. Barlow sayth to this, for it fo∣loweth immediatly vpon his former words: And since that ••ime, sayth hee, our now Soueraigne that had the nerest interest in that errand, was long agoe satisfied by her Maiesties owne purgation. But I would demand of M. Ba••low, what ingredients there were in that purgation, he talketh of Colloquintida a little before, but I will not stand with him about Apothecary-druggs, but this I say, that exept the purgation of Queene Elizabeth concerning his Maiesties Mothers death,* 1.65 had for ingredients these three things, first Confession of her iniu∣stice in that act: then sorrow and contrition for the same: and thirdly offer of satisfaction, I must needes say as God by the Pro••het ••eremy sayd to Ierusalem:* 1.66 Silaueris te ni••ro, & mul••iplicaue••is ti••i her••am Borith, macu••ata es, & in iniquitate tua coram me, dicit Domi••us. If thou sh••lt w••sh thy selfe with ••alt-peeter, and multiply neuer soe much the herbe Borith,

thou art defiled with thine iniquity before me, sayth the Lord God. But his Maiestie, sayth M. Barlow, was long agoe sa∣tisfied with that purgation. That may bee out of prudence, ••o•• the causes that euery wise man will gh••sse, the times stan∣ding as they did. Yt may be also that his Maiestie mea∣neth to follow the wisedome of King Dauid, who left somthing in this kind to be done by his sonne, which sure I am, that if his Maiestie were but three moneths abroad in the world to heare what is talked in other Princes Courtes and Countreys, he would exact perhaps a larger satisfactiō about this matter.

Now thē to speake briefly of Queene Elizabeths death, which of purpose for some pages I haue ouerslipt, to treat of these premises now handled that went before it:* 1.67 I sayd in my letter,

that after so long a life in such worldly pros∣perity••s, pleasures and iollityes, as hers had bene, it was a pittifull death to depart from this world to eternity with so little preparation or mention of God, as she is reported to haue vsed, wherof I sayd that I had seene a relation of a person of worth, that was present at all her sicknes and death, and had written the same not long after her buriall, which I sayd then I would passe ouer for breuities sake.

But now, for that I am so much vrged thereunto by M. Barlow, I meane to impart with the Reader the greatest part of the sayd narration, though not all, for sundry re∣spects, but without any addition of matter from my selfe, as most sincerely I doe protest. But first let vs heare what M. Barlow sayth to that which already I haue written before.

First he sayth, That if Queene Elizabeth at the first assault of her sicknes were silent, and solitary, phisicke will ascribe it vnto the nature of melancholy diseases &c. Then, •• hat reason would interprete, that as ••he in refu∣sing peremptorily her bed, did shew her Princely resolu∣tion,* 1.68 stantem mori, to dye standing; so Christian charity would inferre her retired silence to be a with-drawing of her mynd from her senses, for a more serious meditation or her by-past lyfe, and future state.

Behould heere M. Barlowes spirituall Rhetoricke or Rhetoricall spirituality, that can make madnes medita∣tion, and silence or rather dumbnes vpon melancholy to be a voluntary withdrawing of the mind from her senses. Indeed her by-past life, and future state were matters that required deep meditation, yea contrition also and teares, if wee will belieue Saint Augustine, who both wept hartily, and repeated often ouer the penitentiall psalmes when he lay on his death-bed: and further said, as Possidius relateth in his life, that no man ought to goe out of this life without pennance, if he hath time to pro∣cure it: but alas it seemeth that Queene Elizabeth was not in that state of mynd or sense to procure it, or to accept of it, if any man had offered the same vnto her.

As for the other particulers, what she answered to her Doctor of Phisicke, that she did meditate; that she did lay her hands vpon the head of Doctor VVhitguist Archbi∣shop of Canterburie kneeling by her, and saying Amen to his prayers, and sayd vnto one of her Ladyes wayting vpon her, that her mind was little of from God, and so gaue vp the Ghost &c. all this I say, for that it is much different from the faithfull relation of the aforesayd worthy person which was present and wrote the Story, as an eye-witnes, which M. Barlow doth not, I shall remit my selfe and the Reader to the sayd relation, which is this that ensueth.

Her Maiestie being in good health, one day a priuy Counsellour presented her with a peece of gould of the bignes of an Angell,* 1.69 dimly marked with some small characters, which he sayd an old woman in VVales bequea∣thed her on her death-bed, and therupon he discoursed, how the sayd old woman by vertue of the same, liued to the age of an hundred and od yeares, and in that age ha∣uing all her body withered, and consumed, and wanting nature to nourish, she died, commaunding the sayd peece of go••ld to be carefully sent her Maiesty: all••aging fur∣ther, that as long as the sayd old woman wore it vpon her body, she could not dye.

The Queene vpon the confidence she had thereof,

tooke the sayd gould•• and wore it vpon her ru••fe. Now though she fell not suddainly sicke, yet daily decreased her rest, and feeding, and within few dayes fell sick indeed, and the cause being wondred at by a Lady with whom she was very priuate and confident, her Maiesty tould her (commaunding her to conceale the same) that she saw one night in her bed, her body exceeding leane, and fear∣full in a light of fire. This sight was at VVhite-hall a little before she departed from thence to Richmond, and may be testifyed by another Lady who was one of the neerest a∣bout her Person, of whom the Queene demaunded whe∣ther she was not wont to see sightes in the night, telling her of the bright flame she had seene. Afterward in the melancholy of her sicknes she desired to see a true looking glasse, which in twenty yeares before she had not seene, but only such a one as was made of purpose to deceaue her sight, which glasse being brought her, she fell presently into exclayming agains•• them whic•• had so much com∣mended her, and tooke it so offensiuely, that some which before had flattered her, du••st not come into her sight. Now falling into extremity, she ••ate two dayes and three nightes vpon her stoole ready dresl••d, and could neuer be brought by any of her Counsell to go to bed, or to eat or drinke: only my Lord Admirall one time perswaded her to drinke some broath, ••or that any of the rest she would not answere them to any question, but sayd softly to my Lord Admiralls earnest perswasions, that if he knew what she had seene in her bed, he would not perswade her as hee did. And comaunding the rest of the Lords to depart her chamber, willed my Lord Admirall to stay, to whome she shoo•••• her head, and with a pittifull voice said vnto him. My Lord, I am tied with a chaine of iron about my n••eke:* 1.70 he alleadging her wonted courage, she replied: I am tied, and the case is altered with mee.

About the same time two Ladies waiting on her in her C••āber discouered in the bottom of her Chaire the Queen•• o•• hartes, with a nayle of iron knockt through the forehead of it, the which the Ladies durst not then pull out, remem∣bring

that the like thing was reported to be vsed to other, for witch-craft. Another Lady waiting in these times on the Queene, & leauing her asleep in her priuy chamber at Richmond at the very first distemper of her sicknes, met her at she t••ought, three or foure chambers of, & fearing that she would haue byn displeased that she le••t her alone, came towards her to excuse her selfe, but shee vanished away: and when the Lady retourned into the same chamber where she left the Queene, she found her asleepe as before. So in time growing past recouery, hauing kept her bed some daies, the Counsell sent vnto her the Bishop of Canter∣burie & other of the Prelates, vpon sight of whom, she was much offended, cholerikly rating them, bidding them be packing: & afterwardes exclaymed to my L. Admirall that ••he had the greatest indignity offered her by the Archbi∣••hop that a Prince could haue, to pronoūce sentēce of death against her, as if she had liued an Atheist. And some Lords mentioning to haue other Prelates to come vnto her, she answered that she would haue none of those hedge-priests & so none of them came to her, till after she was past sense & at the last gasp, at which tyme some praiers were said not farre from her.

The Queene being departed this life, the Lords of the Counsell went to London to proclaime his Maiesty, leauing her body with charge not to be opened, such being her de∣sire: but some for some reasons hauing giuen a secret war∣rant to the Surgeons, they opened her, which the rest of the Counsell did not contradict. Now her body being sea∣red vp, was brought to VVhite-hall, where it was watched euery night by six seuerall Ladies: who being all about the same, which was fast nayled vp within a board-coffin with leaues of lead, couered with veluet, it happened that her body brake the coffin with such a cracke, that it splea∣ted the wood, lead, and cerecloth, to the terror and asto∣nishmēt of all that were present: wherupon the next day she was fayne to be new trimmed vp, in so much as all were of opiniō, that if she had not byn opened, the breach of her body would haue byn much worse. Diuers other

particularities, ••or that they cōcerne speciall Pe••••onage••, I haue thought good for some causes to conceale.

And this narration I haue byn forced to set forth, to a∣uoid the calumniation of M. Barlow, who saith vpon my first words, in the Letter to my friend: This is another Ies••••••i∣call tricke, as well in matters histo••icall, as o•• doctrine, to ••ra••e it out with an impud••nt tale: but aske thē for their Author who saith it, then ansu••••er is like the C••clops c••y in Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nobody, nobody. But we say cōtrary to the Cyclops, somebody, somebody, or rather many Lodies togeather: for that in this point I haue the original by me, & haue shewed it to many men of gra∣uity & iudgmēt, though it be not cōuenient to declare the name of the Relator for this present to M. Barlow,* 1.71 for more causes then one. And as for his general slaūder & con••ume∣lies which he though good he•••• to cast in, that it is a Iesui∣tical trick, as well in matters Historicall as of doctrine, to braue it out with an impudēt tale, the assertiō therof must needs ••hew his impudency, if he doth not proue it with some examples, as he neyther doth, nor can: but how often I haue don it against him in this book, the Reader hath partly seene, and will more before wee end. And the two late bookes published, to omit all other, the one, The sober Reckoning with M. Morton, the other, The Search of M. Francis VValsingham, one of their owne Religion, do so put them to the wall in this matter of lying and falsifying, as if M. Barlow be able well to answer those two bookes, and satisfy substantially for the mayne and huge number of falsities therin obiected, and demonstrated, it shall not be needfull for him to trouble himselfe any more to an∣swer this my booke, for I will take my selfe satisfied by the satisfaction giuen to them.

And thus now hauing buried Q. Elizabeth & brought her body to rest for a time; would to God we might hope the like, both for body and soule eternally, & Christ Iesus our Sauiour knoweth how hartily & sincerely I do desire it, without any worse affectiō towards her then harty cō∣passion, notwithstanding all the outcryes & raging excla∣mations made by this intemperate Minister against me for

the contrary, to wit, ••or malice, and hat••ed against her and for iudging her before the tyme, against the prescrip∣tion of the Apostle S. Paul, which I haue not done. For Gods iudgements are secret, & cannot absolutly be known in particuler before the last day, when according to the Scripture all shalbe made mani••est, so far as it shalbe con∣uenient for men to know. But yet in this lyfe men also may giue a ghesse, and take notice according to our present state of many things, how they are to fal out afterwards, as S. Paul doth often repeate, and affirme most resolutly, that such as shall commit such and such delicts, as he there re∣counteth, shall neuer attayne to the Kingdome of heauen, but be damned eternally, according to their workes,* 1.72 as loose life, murthers, fornications, adulteryes, sectes, schismes, heresies, and the like. And if one should see, or know some persons to commit all these sinnes togeather, or the most of them, & so dye without contrition, or pē∣nance for the same to his knowledg, might not he by good warrant of S. Paul affirme, that in his opinion they are dā∣ned? Nay doth not S. Paul giue this expresse liberty of iudg∣ing to his Scholler Timothy, & by him to vs, when he saith as before also hath bene noted, Quorumdam hominum peccata mani••••sta sunt, praecedentia ad iudicium: quosdam autem subsequentur.* 1.73 The sinns of some men are manifest going before them vn∣to iudgmēt, and others haue their sinnes following them. So as i•• eyther before their death or after their death, whē the particuler iudgment of euery soule is to be made, any mans gri••uous sinnes be made manifest, there is no doubt but that men may iudge also in a certaine sort, or at least make to thēselues a very probable and likely coniecture of the miserable state of that party: yea more thē a cōiecture, if the Church should censure him for any great sin cōmit∣ted•• & d••ing a••terwards in the same without due repētāce, which is wont to be declared by denying vnto him Chri∣stian burial, as when they murther themselues, & the like.

But aboue all, when the said Church doth cut of any body by Excōmunication from being any more a member thereof, for schisme, heresy, or other offence of this qua∣lity,

a man may make iudgement of his dānation, yea must also: for then is he in the case whome S. Paul affirmeth to be s••buersum,* 1.74 subuerted by heresy, that is as much, to say, turned vpside downe, or pluckt vp by the rootes, & pro∣prio iudicio condemnatum, condemned not only by the iudg∣ment of the Church, but also by his owne iudgmēt in like manner, when he cōmeth to answere the matter: for that being bound to follow the direction of the Church, he be∣came Haereti••us homo, as the Apostles words are, that is to say, an Heretica••l man, one that out of choice or election would ne••des follow his owne iudgment.

This point then that a man or woman dying in the excōmunication of the known Catholicke Church, may be pronounced to be damned, and cannot possibly be saued (albeit their liues were otherwise neuer so good and apparent holy) is a thing so generally, earnestly, and resolutely affirmed, and incultated by the ancient Fathers of the primitiue Church, that no man can doubt of it, without pertinacity or impiety. For S. Cyprian that holy Bishop and Martyr doth treat the same largely in diuers places, saying first, that an hereticke or schismatike that is out of the Church cannot be saued,* 1.75 though he should shed his bloud for Christ, inexpiabilis culpa, quae nec passione pur∣gatur: it is an inexpiable synne (to be an Hereticke or Schismaticke) that is to say, not euer to be forgiuen, nor can it be purged by su••fering for Christ himselfe. And a∣gaine he sayth,* 1.76 that such a man can neuer be a martyr though he should dye for Christ; nor yet receiue any Crowne for confession of Christian fayth, euen vnto death: which death, saith he, non erit ••id••i corona, sed poena 〈◊〉〈◊〉: it shall not be a Crowne of fayth, but a punish∣ment o•• per••idiousnes. And many other like places and s••yings he hath, which for breuity I omit: wherin also do coacurre with him, the other ancient Fathers that ensued after, and namely S. Augustine in many parts of his worke••:* 1.77 in particuler, where he saith against the Donatists, That neither baptisme, nor Martyrdome profiteth an heretike any thing at all, which he repeateth o••ten times: and in another place

he saith: If thou be out o•• the Church, thou shalt be punished ••ith eternall paines, although thou shouldest be burned quicke for the name of Ch••ist.* 1.78 And yet againe the same Father: Here••ikes d•• some∣times brag, that they do giue much almes to the poore, and do su••••er much for truth, but this is not for Ch••ist, bu•• ••or their Sect. •• ••oke for whom thou sufferest, quia for as mi••••us es, ideo miser es, ••or that thou art cast sorth of the communion of the Church, therfore art thou miserable, whatsoeuer thou doest or sufferest otherwise. For harken to the Apostle, saying to himselfe: I•• I should giue all that I haue to the poore, and deliuer my body to the ••ire, without ••harity I am nothing: he that is out of the Church, liueth out of chari••y. And let the Reader see more of this in S. A••gus••ine, Serm. Domini in mome cap. 9. & lib. 2. contra Petilianum Donatist. cap. 98. lib. 1. contra Gaud••ntium cap. 33. & in Conc. de g••stis cum Eme∣••••••o, where he hath these words:* 1.79 I•• vnto an heretike that is out o•• t•••• Church, it should be said by an enemie of Christ: Off••r vp sa∣crifice to my idols, and adore my Gods, and he in refusing to adore, should be put to death by the sayd enemy of Christ for this fact: yet shall ••••le damn••d and not crowned.

I pretermit in this matter S. Chrysostome hom. 11. in ••••ist. ad E••••es. S. Pacianus Bishop of Barcelona, that liued s••m••what be••ore him Epist. 2. ad S••mpronium, S. Fulg••ntius t••at liued the next age after lib. de fide ad P••trum cap. 29. whose wordes are these, spoken with a vehement spirit, and some men ascribe them to S. Augustine: Firnassime tene & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dubi••••s &c.* 1.80 Do thou hould ••or most firme and cer∣tayne, and no wayes doubt, but that whosoeuer is an he∣reticke, or ••chismaticke, and therby out of the Church, t••ough he be baptized in the name of the Father, the S••nne, and the holy Ghost, do neuer so good workes, giue•• n••u••r so ••••ch almes, no though he should shed his bloud for th••n•• m•• o•• Christ, yet can he not be saued.

Well then this is the Maior proposition, no Christian man or woman, though of neuer so good life can be saued ••ut of the vnitie of the knowne common Catholicke Church, nor in that vnitie without good life; especially if he should die in any of these sinns mentioned before by S. Paul, that goe b••fore or follow him to Iudgement.

The minor proposition is, that Q. Elizabeth is noted most grieuously in both these kinds: Ergo, there may be a iust feare of her euerlasting damnation. Neyther doth this preiudice Almightie God his extraordinarie mercies to whome he listeth; we speake here of the ordinarie way of saluation reuealed vnto the Church, and in that sense onely shalbe sayd somewhat to the Minor proposition, wherin standeth the cheife moment of this our question.

That Queene Elizabeth was excommunicated by name by two or three Bishops of Rome, whome we hould for su∣preme heades on earth of the knowne Catholike Church, no man can deny: that she was likewise excommunicated by con••equence, though not by name, by the General Councel of Trent,* 1.81 in all t••ose Canons & anathematizations which were made against Protestants for their doctrine, which she also held, no mā can doubt of: as neither but that she was cōprehended in all the cases that touched her faith or actions in Bulla Coenae, euery yeare repeated and pronoū∣ced against Heretikes, Schismatikes, & Vsurpers of Eccle∣siasticall power, and authority, whereof she auouched herselfe to be Head in her owne kingdomes. And now that this externall visible Church called Catholike, and knowne by that name throughout the world, aswell by friends as enemies, which S. Augustine sayth is an argument that it is the true Church indeed, is the selfe same visible Church, that was in the foresaid Fathers times, and visibly deduced by succ••ssion from their dayes to ours, is so manifestly to be proued,* 1.82 as no man can with reason deny the same: and consequently if it were so certaine a damnation to be ex∣communicated, or put out of that Church, as now you haue heard the said Fathers to affirme, then is it soe now a••••o, and then go••th hard the case of Queene Elizabeth, as you see, for that it is not knowne that she was euer recon∣ciled, or taken into the sayd Church againe.

And as for the other point, concerning other sinnes, meant or mentioned by the Apostle, as on the one side I will not take vpon me to determine what, or how many or how great she committed: so on the other, considering

the frailty of mankind, the temptations of the triple ene∣mie, the world, the flesh, and the diuell, the many occa∣sions she had in her free state of life to fall into sinne; and that in the space of foure and fourty yeares at least, after the entrance to her Crowne, she neuer vsed the ordinary help of ancient Christiās for purging her soule, which the fore∣said Fathers doe teach vs to be not onely contrition, but also Sacramental Confession, & absolution of the Church: her state, I say, being this, it must needs follow, that so many as belieue and acknowledg this Sacrament of the Church to be necessary to saluation, when it may be had yea is c••mmaunded by the sayd Church vnder paine of Censures to be reiterated euery yeare once at least, if not oftener, that this woman neuer making the same, and dy∣ing in that state, cannot be saued according to the iudg∣ment of all those that belieue & follow that Church that condemneth her: which Church being spread throughout the whole world, as it was in S. Augustines time, and ha∣uing obtayned the same priuiledge which he tooke to be sufficient to demonstrate the true Church, to wit, that she is knowne by the name of Catholicke, both to friends & enemies, true Christians and Heretickes, according to the common sense of men (for he proueth that neuer heretical Congregation could obtayne to be so much as called Ca∣tholike, throughout Christendome, or to be knowne by that name) this thing, I say, being soe, we see what a dreadful preiudice this may appeare to be against the euer∣lasting saluation of Queene Elizabeth. For if there were so great & mayne a difference betwene bodily Phisitian•••• both for number, skil, experience, antiquity, and autho∣rity about the temporall death of any Prince, as there is here in all these qualities betweene the spirituall Phisitians of Christendome Catholike,* 1.83 and English Protestants, con∣cerning the eternall death of Queene Elizabeths soule, to wit that so many more temporall Phisitians in number with∣out comparison, so much more learned, so much more ex∣perienced in corporall Phisicke, as the other exceed them in spirituall: yea further, and that they had so many deadly

Symtomes, Chry••es, and Prognosticons con••••med out of the authority of Hipocrates, Gal••••, and other ancien•• Phisi∣tians, all tending to mortality, as the other haue out of the doctrine, iudgment, and perpetuall practice both of the said Church, and holy Ghostly Fathers of the same, fo•• Queene Elizabeths euerlasting death: I doubt nothing but that the sayd Princes temporall life, would be held for ve∣ry dangerous, or rather his death were very probable. Nei∣ther did I say any more of the spirituall death of Queene Elizabeth most likely to accompany her corporall. I beseech the mercie of Almighty God that it be not soe.

And here I might adde also another plaine & famili∣ar proofe, out of the said ancient Fathers, and namely out of S. Augustine, to the end we may see how his Church did agree with ours, or rather the vniuersall known: Catholicke Church in his dayes, with that Church that hath the same name & notes in ours. For besides that number of authorities which I cited out of him before, as agreeing with other Fathers, that it is impossible for an Heretick, Schismatick, or an Excōmunicated person, dying in that state to be saued, he goeth further in an other place into more particulers; for being required by his freind Quod-Vult-Deus to set downe vnto him a briefe Catalogue, or enumeration of all the particuler heresies, that the Catholicke Church had condemned, from the beginning of Christianitie vnto their time, or did hould for heresies in those dayes; he set downe aboue fourescore, and added in the end, that if any man should professe, or belieue any of those heresies, or any other that had, or s••ould spring vp, he could not be a Christian Catholicke; and consequently neyther be saued, but euerlastingly dam∣ned. Now in this Catalogue or booke of heresies (which was also gathered vnto their dayes by Philastrius, and S. Epiphanius before him) S. Augustine setteth downe for damned heresies some that Queene Elizabeth did manifestly ••ould,* 1.84 and so was thought to hould, and for any thing that we know, died in the same, as namely those heresies of the Hereticke Aërius, that solemne fasts appoynted by

the Church were not to be obserued, but euery man or woman to fast when they would,* 1.85 least they should seeme to be vnder the law. So sayth that hereticke. And then (which maketh most to our present purpose) that prayer and sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead, nor did profi•• them any thing at all, vpon which later poynt I am induced to make this ensuing consideration.

S. Augustine in his nynth booke of Conseffions recoun∣ting the story of his iourney from Millan to Rome,* 1.86 and from thence to Africa his Countrey, in the compaine of his Mother, a holy widdow named Moni••a, sheweth how they comming to the Port of Ostia, where they were to imbarke, his sayd Mother fell grieuously sicke, and after some dayes of sicknes departed this present li••e: and for testification of her great sanctitie, the sayd Doctor recoū∣counteth many of her godly speaches vttered before her death,* 1.87 and amongst other sh•• earnestly recommended vn∣to him and other there present, that shee might be prayed for at the altar in time of Sacrifice, which S. Augustine not only performed himselfe, but in the same place most hūbly desireth all those that shall read his wordes, to pray both for the soule of his sayd Mother, and likwise for the soule of his Father dead long before, named Patricius.

Now then haue we the testimony of S. Augustine, & by him also of all the Catholike Church in his time (for that he was neuer noted of errour eyther for thus writing, or thus doing:) first that Aërius was an Heretick, and conse∣quently damned for holding that Prayers & Sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead. Secōdly we see by the fact of the holy widdow, that, that was the cōmon sense of the vniuersall Church in her dayes, for that she hauing liued first in the Catholick Church in Afria, & then vnder S. Am∣brose in Millan, and sometime also in Rome, she would neuer haue demaunded this office to haue byn done for her soule after her death, if it had not byn the common known pra∣ctice of the vniuersall Church in her daies: neither would her learned godly Sonne h••ue permitted it, & much lesse performed the same himself, and intreated others to do the

like, wherof it seemeth I may well inferre, that if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were damned for teaching the contrary doctrine, then is M. Barlow in great danger of damnation (if he repent not) for defending the same doctrine. And if S. Monica & S. Augustine her Sonne may be thought to be saued, that both belieued & practised prayers, and sacrifices for the dead, then hardly can be saued Queene Elizabeth with her Cha∣plin M. Barlow (except he change his opinion) that neither practice or belieue that doctrine. I remit me to the carefull Reader, what force there is in this Argument.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Let. p. 29.
• * 1.2

  L. Cooke in the book of the late arraignmēt f••l. 53.
• * 1.3

  Psal. 143.
• * 1.4

  Barl. p. 78.
• * 1.5

  M. Barlow very for∣getfull.
• * 1.6

  Tempo∣rall felici∣ty no ar∣gument of spirituall happines
• * 1.7

  Psal. 72. Hier. 12. Abacu•• 10.
• * 1.8

  Psalm. 77.
• * 1.9

  B••llarm. de notis Eccl. cap. 15.
• * 1.10

  A place of B••llarm•• answered concer∣ning tem∣porall fe∣licity.
• * 1.11

  S. August. discourse.
• * 1.12

  S. Hie∣rome.
• * 1.13

  Arnobi∣us.
• * 1.14

  S. Basil.
• * 1.15

  S. Chry∣sostome.
• * 1.16

  Theodo∣ret.
• * 1.17

  Euthymi∣us.
• * 1.18

  Psal. 2. 4.
• * 1.19

  Psa.•• 36.23.
• * 1.20

  Sapien. 4.
• * 1.21

  Prouerb. 1. 26.
• * 1.22

  M. Barl•• moues ha∣bens.
• * 1.23

  L. C•••••••• in t••e last bo••ke ••f Arr••ign∣mēts pag. 64.
• * 1.24

  A bad de∣finition of Misery by co••••a & in∣o••ia.
• * 1.25

  Psal. 68.
• * 1.26

  2. Cor. 1.
• * 1.27

  Syr Edw. Cooke a poore De∣uine.
• * 1.28

  None soe bold as blind bay∣ard.
• * 1.29

  Lett. pag. 29.
• * 1.30

  M. Bar∣lowes weake Philoso∣phy.
• * 1.31

  Barlow p. 82.

  1. ••eg. 31. Eccles. 4. & 5.
• * 1.32

  M. Bar∣low hard∣ly vrged.
• * 1.33

  M. Bar∣lowes wāt of Diuini∣ty.
• * 1.34

  Strange cases of conscien∣ce propo∣sed by M. Barlow.
• * 1.35

  Nabucho∣donosor more happy then Q. Elizabet••
• * 1.36

  Q. Eliza∣beth her infelici∣ties.
• * 1.37

  M. Bar∣low eue•• by his owne cen∣sure and sentence contemp∣tible.
• * 1.38

  M. Bar∣low fol∣loweth not his owne ru∣les
• * 1.39

  ••arlow pag. 96.
• * 1.40

  The vices of wicked Kings recounted after their death in Scripture.
• * 1.41

  Letter pag. 35.
• * 1.42

  A mon∣strous head of the En∣glish Pro∣testant Church.
• * 1.43

  Barlow pag. 99.
• * 1.44

  Nero and Domitian heads of the Church in M. Bar∣lowes opinion.
• * 1.45

  Touching the birth of Queene Elizabeth.
• * 1.46

  M. Barl. Babylon, Phil••ra, & loue-druggs.
• * 1.47

  M. Barl. neuer like to be priso¦ner for re∣ligion.
• * 1.48

  S. Augu∣s•••••••• ••o Prot••stāt.
• * 1.49

  Calumni∣ous citati∣ons.
• * 1.50

  For what cause a mā may be a Martyr.
• * 1.51

  Matth. 5.
• * 1.52

  The Pri∣e••••s that d••e ••••n Q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time true Mar¦ty••s.
• * 1.53

  M. Bar∣lows two foolish cases.
• * 1.54

  ••arl. p. 92.
• * 1.55

  Quodlib. pag. 269. 277.
• * 1.56

  M. Bar∣lows tri∣fling.
• * 1.57

  M. Barl si∣lence and the cause therof.
• * 1.58

  A charita∣ble Bi∣shop.
• * 1.59

  Barl. p. 94.
• * 1.60

  Barl. Pre∣face to his s••••mon the fi••st sonday in Lent, 16••0.
• * 1.61

  About the making a way his Maiesties Mother.
• * 1.62

  Tacitus l•• 1. Histor.
• * 1.63

  M. Bar∣low turns his sailes with the wind & serues the tyme.
• * 1.64

  Barl. p. 59.
• * 1.65

  Q. Eliza∣beths pur∣gation a∣bout the Q of Scot¦lands death.
• * 1.66

  Hier. 2. 22.
• * 1.67

  About the disastrous death of Q. Eliza∣beth.
• * 1.68

  Barl. •• ••5.
• * 1.69

  The nar∣ration of the man∣ner of Q. Eliza∣beths death.
• * 1.70

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.72

  In what case we may iudg of other mēs soules after their death.
• * 1.73

  1. Tim. 5.
• * 1.74

  No sin to iudge of men de∣ceased in her••sie.
• * 1.75

  Cyprian l. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.76

  S. C••priā•• iudgment of su••h as dye out o•• the Church.
• * 1.77

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 l 4 〈…〉〈…〉 17.
• * 1.78

  Au••ust. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 2•• 4. ad Donat••
• * 1.79

  A notable sentence of S. Au∣gustine.
• * 1.80

  A ••ard c••∣sure a∣gainst all the ••abble of I••••n Fox his Martyrs.
• * 1.81

  A co••uin∣cing argu∣ment vpō th•• Pre∣mi••••s.
• * 1.82

  The hard ••ase of Q. ••lizabeth
• * 1.83

  A remar∣kable cō∣parison.
• * 1.84

  Q. Eliza∣beth held condem∣ned here∣sies.
• * 1.85

  Haeresi 53.
• * 1.86

  Aug. l. 9. cōf••••••. c. 13.
• * 1.87

  S. Monica desired to be prayed for at the altar after her death which Q. Elizabeth did not.