The iudgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion VVritten to his priuate friend in England. Concerninge a late booke set forth, and entituled; Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, or, An apologie for the oath of allegiance. Against two breves of Pope Paulus V. to the Catholickes of England; & a letter of Cardinall Bellarmine to M. George Blackwell, Arch-priest. VVherein, the said oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke conscience; for so much, as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his religion.
Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610.
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THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE ENGLISH-MAN, LIVING IN BANISHMENT FOR HIS RELIGION: VVritten to his priuate friend in England. Concerninge A late BOOKE set forth, and entituled; Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, Or, An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance. Against two BREVES of Pope PAVLVS V. to the Catho∣lickes of England; & a Letter of Cardinall BELLARMINE → to M. GEORGE BLACKWELL Arch-priest. VVherin, the said Oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke Conscience; for so much, as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his Religion.


S. Hieron. Comment. in Cap. 4. Hierem. Let an Oath haue these companions, Truth, Iudgment, and Iustice; for if these be wanting, it shall not be an Oath, but Periury.

¶Permissu Superiorum. ANNO 1608.

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THE GENERALL Contentes of this ensuing Letter, diuided into three Paragraphes.

  • 1. THE first paragraph handleth matters concerning the substance of the Oath, which in the Apologie are spoken by way, as it were, of Preface, before the setting downe of the Popes Breues.
  • 2. THE second, considereth the said two Bre∣ues, & impugnation therof by the Apo∣loger; and how sufficiently, or insuffi∣ciently, the same is performed by him.
  • 3. THE third, discusseth the Answere made to Cardinall Bellarmynes Letter; & diuers poyntes of moment therin con∣teyned, but weakly impugned by the Apologer, as the Authour of this Letter iudgeth.
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To the Reader.

THIS Letter comming to my hands (gentle Reader) some dayes past, from my learned friend beyond the seas, and hauing imparted the same priuately vnto sundry of myne acquaintance, who desyred to read some∣what, concerning the Argument in hād; they were very earnest with me to yield to the printing therof, for eschewing so great labour, tyme, and expences, as would be necessary for the copying it out, to so many, as desyred the view ther∣of: which I intreate thee to take in good part, and vse it to thy benefit. And so to CHRIST IESVS I committ thee, with wish of all felicitie, both in this lyfe, and the next.

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PARTICVLER chiefe poyntes handled in this Letter.

    In the first Paragraph.
  • 1.WHo is thought to be the true Authour of this Triplex cuneus, or Apology: and vpon what reasons, & arguments. Num. 2. 3. 4. &c.
  • 2.The contentes of the Oath; and how the lawfulnes of taking it, was consulted with learned men, both at home, and abroad. num. 14. 15. &c.
  • 3.VVhether this Oath do conteyne matters of only meere Ciuill, and Temporall Obedience, and not any of Religion, as is p•••••ded. num. 20. 21. &c.
  • 4.VVhat full and perfect Obedience, and dutifull Allegianc, Catho∣licke Subiects do acknowledge themselues to owe, and offer vnto his Ma.tie in all Temporall affayres, as much as euer any English Sub∣iects from the beginning, vntill K. Henry the eight his time; and as any forrayne Subiect doth to any Catholicke Emperour, King, or Prince at this day. num. 25. 26. &c.
  • 5.How contradictory it is in it self. That Catholicks must sweare to take the Oath, freely & without coaction, notwithstanding the penalty of Premunire, if they refuse it. num. 29. &c.
  • 6.Concerning a petition to his Ma.tie for exposition of the said Oath, for auoyding of needles vexations. num. 32. 33. &c.
  • 7.That nothing is gayned, but much lost to his Ma.tie, by ouer-much vrging the said Oath. num. 34. 35. &c.
    Page  [unnumbered]In the Second Paragraph.
  • THe summe of the two Breues of Paulus V. and whe∣ther1. he had reason to complayne of Catholicks sufferance, or no? num. 1. 2. 3. &c.
  • VVhether Q. Elizabeth did persecute Catholicks,2. and whether she were so happie in her life, and gouernment, as some do make her. num. 5. 6. 7. &c.
  • That it is not height of pryde in Catholicks, to desyre lyberty of3. Conscience, as the Apologer sayth. num. 25. 26. 27. &c.
  • That clemency is no cause of desperate attempts, as this Apologer4. insinuateth, but rather the contrary, to wit, cruelty. num. 32. 33. &c.
  • In what poyntes, and why this Oath is held to be vnlawfull for5. Catholicke men to take: with the examination of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels about the same. num. 41. 42. &c.
  • How the Apologer wittingly mistaking the State of the Question,6. goeth forward, impugning only his owne deuises. num. 61. 62.
    In the third Paragraph.
  • CArdinall Bellarmyne is wrongfully charged to mistake1. the State of the Controuersy, and to impugne the Oath of Supremacy, insteed of the Oath of Allegiance. num. 4. 5. &c.
  • VVhy the Apologer changeth the old Tytle of Supreme Head2. Page  [unnumbered] of the Church, established by Statute vnder K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. vnto Supreme Gouernour. num. 6. 7. &c.
  • 3.The ancient Councels of Toledo, how vntruly they are alledged, for prescribing this forme of Oath now exacted. num. 11. 12. 13. &c.
  • 4.Clauses of beliefe, or not beliefe proued to be in this Oath, con∣trary to the Apologers assertion. num. 26. 27. &c.
  • 5.An eleuen Contradictions obiected out of Cardinall Bellar∣mynes workes, but no one can be verified. num. 35. 36. 37. &c.
  • 6.The Authorityes of sundry Fathers examined, whether they make to the purpose, for which Bellarmyne doth alledge them in his Epistle. num. 58. 59.
  • 7.Great variety of calum••ious dealing against the Cardinall, for disgracing him. num. 74. 75. &c.
  • 8.How Kings and Princes are truly seruants of their Subiects; and how their Authority is mediatly, and not immediatly from God. num. 78. 79. 83. &c.
Page  1THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE MAN, TO HIS FRIEND in England, Concerning the Apology, for the new Oath of Allegiance.

Paragr. I.

I CANNOT but yeild yow harty thankes (my louing friend) for the new Booke yow sent me ouer by Gun∣ar, at his last passage: For albeit, I haue determyned with my selfe in this my banishment, to spend my tyme in other studyes, more pro∣fitable, then in contention about Controuersyes: yet must I needs accept kyndly of your good will, in making me partaker of your newes there. And more gladde should I haue beene, if yow had aduertised me, what your, and other mens opinion, was of the Booke in your parts, then Page  2 that yow request me to write our mens Iudgement from hence. And yet, for so much, as yow requ•••t so earnestly at my handes, and that the party is to returne presently, I shall say somewhat with the greatest breuity that I can: Albeit I do not doubt, but that the partyes, that are principally interessed therin, will answere the same much more largely.

II. First then for the Authour, for so much as he setteth not downe his Name,* it seemeth not so easy to ghsse; yet the more generall opinion in these partes is, that as, that odious Discouery of Roman Do∣ctryne, and practises, which of late yow haue seene answered, was cast forth against the Catholickes, vnder the cyrred name of T. M. with direction (as he said) from Superiours,* the Authour being in deed but an inferiour Minister; so dyuers thinke it to be probable, that this other Booke also, commeth from some other T. M. of like condition,* though in re∣spect of his office, somewhat neerer to his maiesty, to whome, perhaps, he might shew the same (s the other dedicated his) and therupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regiâ, as in the first front of the Booke is set downe, somwhat different from other bookes, and cause it to be printed by Barker his Ma.ties Printer, and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes, and other like deuises, wherin our English Ministers, do grow now, to be very bold, & do hope to haue, in tyme, the hand, which Scotish Ministers once had. But I most certaynly do per∣swade my selfe, that his Ma.tie neuer read aduisedly all, that in this Booke is conteyned: For that I take him to be of such iudgement and honour, as he would neuer haue let passe sundry things, that heere are published, contrary to them both.

III. As for example, his Highnes great iudge∣ment would presently haue discouered, that the State Page  3 of the Question,* is twice or thrice changed in this Apologie, and that thing proued by allegations of Scri∣ptures, Fathers and Councels, which the aduerse part denyeth not, as after in due place I shall shew. And againe he would neuer haue let passe, so manifest an ouersight, as is the charging of Card. all Bellarmine → with eleuen seuerall places of contradiction to himselfe in his workes, whereas, in the true nature of a contra∣diction or contrariety, no one of them can be pro∣ued, or mainteyned, as euery man that vnderstan∣deth the Latyn tongue, and will but looke vpon Bellarmine → himselfe will presently fynd.

IV. Nay some of them are so palpable, as euery man of common sense, euen without Latyn, or le∣arning, will espy the same: as namely, the very first, where it is said, That Card. all Bellarmine → writeth in his fifth Booke of Iustification:* That, for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnesse, and for auoyding of vayne glory, it is most sure and safe to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God. Which proposition (sayth the Apo∣logie) is directly contrary to the whole discourse and currant of all his fyue bookes De Iustificatione. But euery mn out of common reason, will 〈◊〉, that the oppo∣sition betweene one place, and fiue bookes, is very ge∣n•••▪ and vncertayne to the Reader. He should haue cted some one or two, or more places, out of those fyue bookes, which in true sense, and wordes had byn contrary to the former place, to the end that iudge∣ment might haue byn made therof: and this in credit he ought to haue done, to conuince so great a man of contradiction to himselfe.

V. Agayne, it is alleadged for a manifest contra∣diction in Bellarmine → , for that in one place he saith: That, the end of the world can not be knowne: and in an other, That within 25. dayes after Antichrists death, the world shall haue an end. But what man is so simple, or sily, Page  4 that will not presently demaund, how we shall know the certaynty, when Antichrist is to come? For ther∣upon dependeth the whole controuersy.

VI. In like manner wheras his Ma.tie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty, and vsage of others, especially men of honour and dignity, it is to be thought, that he would neuer haue con∣sented, if he had but seene the Booke, with any atten∣tion, that those phrases of contempt, not only a∣gainst the Pope (at least as a temporall Prince) but neyther against the Cardinall, calling him by the name of M. Bellarmine → ,* should haue passed; For so much, as both the Emperour, and greatest Kings of Christen∣dome, do name that dignity with honour. And it seemeth no lesse dissonant, to call a Cardinall, Maister, then if a man should call the chiefest dignityes of our Crowne by that name, as M. Chauncelour, M. Trea∣surer, M. Duke, M. Earle, M. Archbishop, M. Bancroft, which I assure my selfe, his Ma.tie would in law of honour condemne, if any externall Subiect or Prince, should vse to men of that State in our Countrey, though he were of different Religion. Wherfore I rest most as∣sured, that this proceeded, eyther out of the Ministers lacke of modestie, or charity: and that if his Ma.tie had had the perusall of the Booke, before it came forth, he would presently haue gyuen a dash of his pen ouer it, with effectuall order to remedy such ouersightes of inciuility.

VII. Furthermore that generall assertiue note gyuen against Card. all Bellarmine → , that, VVhensoeuer he is pressed with any difficult argument of his Aduersary, he careth not to contradict himselfe, so he may declyne therby the present storme, I can hardly belieue that his Ma.tie would haue passed ouer with approbation. For so much, as it is so generall, as I said, and would require an indu∣ction of many particuler examples, to inferre the Page  5 same; wherof no one is heere alledged, that can be stood vnto, and proued to be a true contradiction in deed. That other iniurious and stinging conclusion also, that, There is no greater difference betweene God and Belial, light and darknes, heauen and hell, then there is be∣tweene the doctrine of the Scriptures, and Card.all Bellarmines workes, concerrning the dignity of temporall Princes, I can not imagine that the equity, and grauity of his Ma.tie would euer allow of it, being apparantly a passionate exaggeration, and refuted euery where by Bellarmine → himselfe,* where he teacheth, that temporall Princes haue their Authority from God, are Gods substitutes and Vicars, in all temporall affayres of their States and Kingdomes, are for such to be obeyed, not only, out of feare to auoyd punishment, but of conscience vnder paynes of damnation: so as, wherin this great and absolute opposition of Scriptures to Bellarmins works, about the Authority and dignity of temporall Princes doth consist, I see not. And if his bookes had byn so derogatory to Princely Authority, as heere is said, it is very like, that so many other Monarches, Princes, and great States, would neuer haue permitted them to haue bene printed in their Dominions, as they haue done, and do dayly. Wherfore, neyther this also, do I suppose, that the great wisedome of his Ma.tie would haue allowed.

VIII. This then remayneth most firme in my persuasion, that his Ma.tie had nothing to do with the Booke, but only, perhaps, the allowance therof in generall termes, before it was published: and this yow will easely see by the substance therof, which consisteth (such as it is) of three principall poynts or partes.* The first, conteynng, as it were, a preamble to the Breues, concerning the nature of the Oath exacted, and circumstances therof. The second, touching the contents of the said Breues, & the Popes manner of pro∣ceeding Page  6 therin. The third, the examination of Card.all Bellarmines letter to M. Blackwell the Arch-priest: of all which, I do promise yow, but a small tast, as I said; for I haue very little tyme, and I should offer iniury to others, to whome it belongeth to make a more full answere, if I should deteyne my selfe long therin.

IX. The preamble beginneth with, The monstrous, rare, nay neuer-heard of treacherous, famous, and infamous at∣tempt, plotted within these few yeares heere in England (of the powder-treason) infinite in cruelty,*singular from all example, crying loudly for vengeance from heauen, &c. All which Epl∣thetes for due detestation of so rash and heynous an attempt, Catholicks, no lesse then Protestants, do wil∣lingly admit; though for singularity from all exam∣ples, if we respect Speciem, & non Indi••dum, that cannot be like to an other in all poynts, there be recounted in Historyes, many attempts of the same kynd, and some also by Protestants, in our dayes: as that of them, who in Antwerp placed a whole barke of powder in the vaulted great street of that Citty, where the Prince of Parma, with his nobility, was to passe: and that of him in Hge▪ that would haue blowne vp the whoe Counsell of Holland, vpon priuate reuenge: as also that of 〈◊〉 in Scotland, where the like 〈◊〉 of powder was layd for the cruell murther of his Ma.ties Father, which not succeeding, his death was achieued by an other, no lesse bloudy, and barbarous, vio∣lence.

X. But why (I pray yow) is this wofull attempt of those vnfortunate Gentlemen,* so often brought in agayne, and repeated almost in euery corner of this Booke? Are they not executed, that were culpable therof? And are not other Catholicks deliuered from the guylt therof, by the long, and diligent search of Iustice made thereabout? The Minister himselfe con∣fesseth in his very next lynes, Teh equity of his Ma. tie to Page  7 be such, as he professed in his Proclamation, & Parlament-speach, that be would not vse other Catholicks the worse for that, wherof it fol∣loweth that he held them for guytlesse; & that all those pressures both of cosciences & externall afflictiō which since that tyme they haue suffered, and do at this pre∣sent, were designed before that, and begunne also to be put in execution (as indeed they were) and that the powder-treason was not a cause of these affli∣ctions, but an effect rather:* that is to say, that those Gentlemen forseeing or knowing the course that was designed to be taken, and partly also put in pra∣ctice, resolued vpon that miserable Medium, to their owne destruction, and publike calamity.

XI. But alas, is there no end of exprobration a∣gainst the Innocent for the Nocent? No compassion? No commiseration? If the clemency of his Ma.tie in his gratious Proclamation (as heere is confessed) gaue security, that, notwithstanding that headlong action of those few Catholycke Gentlemen, None of the profession should be the worse vsed for that cause; how commeth it to passe, that so many aggrieuances haue byn heaped vpon them euer since, and are daylie, both by infamous libels published against them, as appeareth by the former T. M. his flaūderous Discouery,* and others mentioned in the Answere therunto; as also by the new Oath, deuised for the vtter ouerthrow, both in soule, if they take it against their conscience, and of body, goods, and estimation, if they refuse it? How come so many searches of their houses, spoyle of their goodes, apprehensions of their persons, affli∣ctions of their tennants, seruants & friends, so many citations, attachments, vexations, and molestations, that dayly do flow vpon them, as if they were the only malefactours of the Land?

XII. And now I pray yow let vs see, how this second T. M. (if he be Authour of the Booke, as he is Page  8 presumed) doth speake of this Oath, as of a thing of no pressure & preiudice at all. For hauing spoken of the former asseueration of his Ma.tie,*That none of that profession should be worse vsed for that cause, he adioyneth presently: Only (saith he) at the next sitting downe againe of Parliament a forme of Oath was framed to be taken by all his Ma. ties Subiects, wherby they should make cleere profession of their Resolution, faithfully to persist in his Ma. ties Obedience, according to their naturall allegiance:*To the end, that heerby his Ma. tie might make a separation of his Subiects &c. by which exception of (Only) a man may well perceaue, that this Minister maketh litle accompt of taking, or not taking this Oath,* for so much as he supposeth Catholike people to haue receaued no hard vsage therby, though they be brought into such extremityes, as either they must sweare against their owne iudgements, & conscience in diuers pointes, appertayning to their Religion, or indure his Ma.ties heauy displeasure, with losse of all, that in this lye is dearest vnto them: which no Catholicke man can auoyd now in England, but he that maketh no scruple to sweate or vnsweare whatsoeuer turneth him best to his commodity, or Superior Authority doth impose vpon him.

XIII. But against this, you will say, that two thinges heere are alledged, and auouched in his Maie∣sties behalfe, by the Authour of this Pamphlet: the one, that, He intendeth no persecuion against Catholickes for conscience cause,*but only desireth to be secured of them for Ciuill Obedience: Which if it be so, I see not, but that the mat∣ter may quickly be ended: for that I presume no Ca∣tholicke in England, will deny to sweare all cyuill obedi∣ence that he oweth to his Maiesty, or that any subiect hath euer in former Catholicke times sworne to their leige Lords or Princes, or do in other countryes at this day. The other is, That very many (sayth he) of his Ma∣iesties subiects that were Popishly affected, as well Priests as Laycks Page  9 haue freely taken the same Oath, wherby they both gaue his Maiestie occasion to thinke the better of their fidelity & likewise freed them selues of that heauy slaunder. So he. And then followeth im∣mediatly that his Maiesty punisheth none for Con∣science cause, so they exhibite Cyuill Obedience. And why then are men kept in prison, after they haue taken this Oath? Why are M. Blackwell, and M. Char∣nocke deteyned styll by the L. of Canterbury? Why are Recusants punished, & fyned for Recusancy, though they take the Oath of Allegiance? Is not Recu∣sancie a cause of Conscience? Do you see how these things do hold togeather.

XIIII. To returne then to this Booke, the writer saith, That the Dyuell could not haue deuised a more malitious tricke, for interrupting this so calme and clement a course, then by sending hither and publishing a Breue of the Pope, counter-maunding all them of his profession, to take this Oath, therby sowing new seedes of iealousy betweene his Maiesty and his Popish Subiects. &c. But what was the calme & cle∣ment course before, all men know. For first men were vexed, spoyled, & imprisoned for Recusancy; then was the Oath deuised to afflict their Consciences: and in these afflictions what should Catholicks do? They first consulted the case which Learned men at home; then also abroad: And albeit at home,* some were moued in respect of the compassion they had of the present perill, if it were refused, to thinke that in some sense the Oath might be taken: yet none abroad were of that mynd: For that they allowed not of any sort of Equiuocation in matters touching faith & religion. And in these, I heare say that the Iesuites were among the chiefe & most forward, as heere also is confessed: who notwithstanding before were most accused, bayted and exagitated, both in Bookes, Pulpitts, and Tribunalls, for allowing, in some points, the lawfull vse of Equiuocation.

Page  10 XV. About this doubt, Catholickes, according to their rule of Subordination, and spirituall Obedience in such affayres, referring the matter to the iudgment and consultation of their Supreme Pastour, whome by the principles of their Religion they belieue, that our Sauiour giueth assistance, for the direction of mens soules; they receyued from him, after due deliberati∣on, this answere,*That the whole Oath, as it lay, could not be admitted with the integritie of the Catholicke Faith. For that albeit diuers partes therof were lawfull, to wit, all such clauses, as appertained to the promise of Ciuill and Temporall Obedience: yet other thinges, being interlaced and mixt therwith, which do detract from the spirituall Authoritie of their said highest Pastour (at leastwise indirectly) the whole Oath, as it lieth, was made therby vnlawfull.

XVI. And this I vnderstand to be the substance of the Popes Resolution and answere, though all these par∣ticularityes be not set downe in his Breues, but onely the Oath declared to be vnlawfull in conscience to Catho∣licke men, as it lyeth, without distinction. And what malitious tricke of the Diuell them, this may be thought, where sheepe do make recourse to their spirituall Pastour, in so great and important occasions of their soules, as these are, I see not. Do English Catholickes any other thing in this, then that which all English Subiects, both great and small, learned and vnlearned haue done, and pra∣ctised from our first Christian Kinges, vntill the time of King Henry the eight, vpon the point of a thousand yeares?* Let the Answere to Sir Edward Cookes booke of Reportes lately set forth, be examined; whether it doth not shew, that in all those Ages, recourse was euer made to the Sea Apostolicke, in like occasions, without preiudice of Subiectes temporall dueties to their tem∣porall Princes.

XVII. No one English Christian King (though Page  11 they were many) did euer absolutly deny recourse to Rome in spirituall things (notwithstanding in some other Cyuill,* or mixt matters, vpon different occa∣sions, some restraintes were some tymes made) from our first king Ethelbert to king Henry the eyght, as by the said discourse & Answere is euidently proued: & much more throughout the noble rancke of the Christian kinges of Scotland, his Ma.ties Progenitours, vntill his most renowned Progenitrix (by whome, and from whom he hath his royall right of both Crownes) who is knowne & reputed throughout Christendome,* to haue died for defence of this Catholicke doctrine: For so much, as if she would haue abandoned that, there had byn little doubt of making her away. And the like may be said of all other great Christian and Catholicke Princes of our dayes, as the Emperour himselfe, the Potent Kings, and Monarches of Spayne, France, Polonia, and other States, Common-wealthes, and Potentates, do not thinke it any disgrace, dimi∣nution of honour, perill or iniury vnto them, that their Subiects, for matters of Conscience, do make recourse to the Sea Apostolicke, or that, which is conse∣quent therof, the said Sea, or generall Pastour do inter∣pose his iudgement, declaration, or decision in such affayres.

XVIII. This is the Catholicke doctrine and practise: this hath bene in vse throughout Christen∣dome from all antiquity, & no where more then in our Realmes of England and Scotland, as hath byn said. In this beliefe and practice,* liued and dyed all our for∣fathers, that were Subiects, all our noble Kings, that were our Soueraignes, all our Bishops and Prelats, that were our Pastours, all our great Counsellours and Lawyers, that by their wisdome and learning gouer∣ned the land, all our Nobility, Gentry, Priests and Laytie: So as if now this be holden for a malitious tricke Page  12 of the diuell, dishonorable and preiudiciall to his Ma. tie, his Soue∣raignty, Crowne, dignity and security, as heere is insinuated, it must needs be, for that the diuell indeed hath made some change in other men, and matters, by altering of opinions and apprehensions. For the Catholicks are the same that they were wont to be, and do thinke the same, belieue the same, teach the same, and practice the same, that all their predecessors haue done before them.

XIX. But to returne to the Apologie. Two mislikes are consequently set downe, after the former wordes: The first,*that the Pope did mittere falcem in alienam messem, by intermedling betweene his Ma. tie and his Subiects, especially in matters that meerely and only concerne cyuill Obedience. The other, that he refuted not particulerly, what speciall wordes he quarrelled in that Oath; which if he had done (saith the Apo∣logie) it might haue byn, that his Ma. tie for the Fatherly care he hath,*not to put any of his Subiects to a needles extremity, might haue byn contented, in some sort, to haue reformed, or interpreted those words with his owne Catholicks, and so had they byn therby fully eased in that busines; or at leastwise, some appearance or shaddow of excuse, might haue byn left vnto them for refusing the same, vpon scrupulous tendernesse of Conscience, &c. Thus wri∣teth he. Which if he do bona fide, and haue besydes any inckling or insight in his Ma.ties meaning indeed that way, for the ease or comfort of his afflicted Catholicke people; I doubt not, but that full satisfaction may be gyuen to his Royall Highnes, in these two poyntes that heere are set downe.

XX. For first, about putting the Popes hooke in another mans haruest, supposing, as we do, that wee treate of Ca∣tholicke people only,* and according to Catholicke do∣ctryne, and in matters belonging to Catholicke mens soules and consciences; it cannot be called Messis aliena, an other mans haruest, that the Pope dealeth in England, with such kynd of people, and in such causes, as well Page  13 as in Spayne, France, Flanders, Italie, Germanie, Polonia, and other States and Kingdomes; for that they are no lesse appertayning to his flocke, care, charge, and haruest, then the rest. Neyther doth the materiall separation of our Iland, separate vs from the vnion of one body, nor of one Obedience to one & the selfe same general Head and Pastour, no more, then it doth from the vnion of one beliefe, and of one number and forme of Sacra∣ments, of one manner of seruice, and other like poyntes, belonging to the internall and externall vnitie of Ca∣tholicke Religion.

XXI. But the Apologie saith,* that, His medling about this Oath, is in matters, that meerly and only concerne Cyuill Obe∣dience: and the same he repeateth in dyuers other partes and passages of this Booke; which if it be true, I will easely graunt that his Ma.tie hath cause of iust mislike. But if this proue not so, and that the matters refused in the Oath, are poyntes appertayning in deed to Religion, then I hope, that by answering fully this poynt, we shall satisfy also the second, why it was not needfull for the Pope to set downe any particuler confutation in his Breues, but only to say (as he doth) in generall, that, The integrity of Catholicke Religion permitteth them not to take such an Oath, in which, both Cyuill and Ecclesiasticall poynts are couched, and conioyned craftily togeather, with no small preiudice of the said Catholicke Religion.

XXII. And how thē shall we cleare this importāt matter, VVhether there be any pointes in this Oath belonging to religion, besydes Cyuill Obedience? Very easily: by foure se∣uerall, and distinct wayes. The first wherof shall be taken from the playne expresse wordes, sense, and drift of the Oath it selfe: That besydes the acknowledgment of our Soueraigne to be true King, and rightfull Lord ouer all his dominions, and that, I will be a true loyall Subiect vnto him, and other such like clauses, wherat no man sticketh or ma∣keth difficulty; the said Oath conteyneth further, that, Page  14I must sweare in like manner some poyntes concerning the limitation of the Popes authority,* to wit, what he cannot do towards his Ma. tie or his Successours in any case whatsoeuer. Which question being brought from the particuler Hypothesis, to the ge∣nerall Thesis, concerning all Kings (for the like reason is also in others) both in the one & the other; it toucheth a poynt of doctryne and Catholicke beliefe, concerning the sufficiency of Pastorall authority, left by our Saui∣our in his Church vnto S. Peter and his successours, for redressing of all inconueniēces that may fall out, which I (being a Catholicke) cannot in my Conscience forweare, without perill of euerlasting damnation. And this is one way of cleering the question.

XXIII. An other is, to looke vpon the Popes wordes in his Breues, wherby will appeare, what his meaning was of the contents of the Oath.* Wee haue heard (saith he) how yow are compelled by most grieuous punish∣ments set before yow, to go to the Churches of Here∣tickes, to frequent their Assemblyes, to be present at their Sermons, &c.

Wherby we are moued by the Zeale of our Pastorall Office, and by the Paternall sollicitude which we haue for the saluatiō of your soules, to warne, & pray yow, in no sorte, to go to the said Churches, nor to heare their Sermons, nor to cōmunicate with them in any externall rytes, least yow do incurre the wrath of God therby. For that, it is not lawfull for yow to do these things without detriment of Gods seruice, and of your owne saluation: as also yow may not, without most euident, and grie∣uous iniury of Gods honour, bynd your selfe with the Oath, which in like manner to our great griefe, we haue heard, to be administred vnto yow, of the tenour vnder written, &c.
And then after the whole forme of the Oath set downe, he writeth thus. VVhich things being so, it ought to be cleere, vnto yow, by the wordes themselues, that such an Oath can not be taken without domage to the Catholicke fayth, and health of your soules: for that Page  15 it conteeth many things against the said Catholike saith, and health of your soules.

XXIV. By these wordes of the Breue, we may see playnly, that as the matter of going Church, Assem∣blyes, and Sermons of those o a contrary Religion, are forbidden by him, as spirituall matters, and acts of a fa•• Religion: so is the taking of the Oath, not in regard of Temporall & Cyuil Obedience to his Ma.tie (which by a ormer Breue his predecessour had permitted, and recommended to an Catholicks soone after his Highnes entrance vnto the Crowne; but for the admixture of other causes, appertayning to some poyntes of Religion as before hath byn•••d.

XXV. The third proofe may be taken out of the ensuing etter of Card. all Bellarmine → , who hauing dili∣gently considered with other learned men, of the nature of this Oath, doth therfore hold it to be vnlawfull, for that it is so compounded by artificiall ioyning togeather of Temporall and Spirituall things, Cyuill Obedience, and forswearing the Popes authority,* as (to vse his wor∣des) No man can professe his Cyail Subiection, and detest treason and conspiracy (by this Oath:) but he must be forced also to re∣nounce the Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke. And therfore he compareth it to the crafty composition, and commix∣ture of Images of the Emperour Iulian, & of the Paynim Gods, so coupled and combined togeather in his Im∣periall banner, as dutifull Subiects that were Christiās, & desyred to performe their Temporall duety & Cyuill honour to their Soueraigne, could not bow downe to his Picture, as the fashion was, but must seeme also to do the same to the heathen Idols: which rather then they would do, they were content to suffer cruell death. So as in this case such as denyed to obey in that point, did it not for lacke of reuerence, and loyall affection to their Emperour, as odiously it was obiected and am∣plified against them: but by reason of the mixture of Page  16 things vnlawfull, with those that were lawfull: And the like plainly is heere in this case, where Catholicks are wrongfully accused to deny their acknowledgment of cyuill Obedience conteyned in this Oath, for that they refuse to take the same: wheras their refu∣sall is not for this, but for other clauses pertayning to their Religion.

XXVI. Fourthly then, for a more full, and fynall cleering of this matter, I can thinke of no better, nor more forcible meane, then to make this reall offer, on the behalfe of euery English Catholicke,* for better sa∣tisfaction of his Ma.tie in this poynt, so much vrged of their Cyuill & Temporall Obedience. First that he will sweare, and acknowledge most willingly, all those partes, and clauses of the Oath, that do any way appertaine to the Ciuill, and Temporall Obedience due to his Ma.tie, whome he acknowledgeth for his true and lawfull kyng and Soueraigne ouer all his Do∣minions, and that he will sweare vnto him, as much loyalty, as euer any Catholicke Subiect of England, did vnto their lawfull King in former tymes, and ages, before the change of king Henry the eyght: or that any forraine Subiect oweth, or ought to sweare to any Ca∣tholicke Prince whatsoeuer at this day.

XXVII. Secondly that for the Pope, who, by the force of Catholicke Religion, is the Supreme Pastour of his soule, he hopeth in Gods goodnes, that he will neuer attempt any thing in preiudice of his Ma.tie, nor will he euer procure, of his part, that he do: but rather will seeke to stay, or let the same, as much as shall lye in his power; praying hartily for them both. But for so much, as the Question of his Autho∣rity, what he might do, in certayne vrgent cases, for the preseruation of any Countrey, and for the vniuer∣sall good of Gods Church, is a matter belonging to do∣ctrine & Religion, he cannot with safety of his Con∣science Page  17 sweare vnto the Articles and branches of the Oath touching that poynt.

XXVIII. Heere then wee see that all Ciuill Obedience,* and humble acknowledgment of all Temporall Duety is offered to his Maiestie by his Catholicke Subiects, in most ample manner, that can be deuised, or that is offered to any Chri∣stian Catholicke Prince lyuing. And if this be not accepted, then is it euident, that more is re∣quired, then meere and only Ciuill Obedience, as heere is often auouched.

XXIX. And now, for so much as it is said heere in like manner, That very many of his Ma. ties Subiects, that were Popishly affected, as well Priests as Laycks, did freely take the same Oath (which he calleth A blessed successe frō God of this godly and wyse intent, in deuising and proposing the same:) I shall be forced also to say somwhat of this matter,* before I passe any further. And first of all, concerning the free∣dome, wherby it is heere said, That priests and Laycks did freely take the same; no man, I thinke, will deny, but that the taking of this Oath is proposed by the Statute it selfe vnder paine of the losse of all goods and lands, and per∣petuall imprisonment to him, that shall refuse it: [ 1] which is the very same freedome,* and no other that a merchant hath in a tēpest, eyther to cast out his goodes into the sea, for lightening his ship, or to be drowned himselfe.* And though Aristotle in his Ethicks do seeme to hold it to be Simpliciter inuoluntarium, simply against the will of the doer, and Catholicke Deuynes, That it is Inuoluntarium secundum quid,* in part inuoluntary and simply voluntary, for that, all circumstances considered, he resolueth fynally to be the best to cast out his goods and saue himselfe: yet all agree in this, that freedome is taken away by this constraint of the passion of feare: For that freedome requyreth full liberty to both ex∣treames or obiects, that are proposed; which is not Page  18 in our case. For that the displeasure of the Prince,* the losse of goods and liberty, the ruyne of his family, the terrour and perswasion of his friendes, are heauie poy∣ses, and do mightily preponderate on the one side: and consequently the mention of this freedome, might haue beene pretermitted, for so much, as no constraint of humane will can be greater, then this. And yet is it said in the Oath, that he must do it, both wil∣lingly and hartily, and as he belieueth in Conscience. Let the discreete Reader consider what coherence there is in their tale.

XXX. Secondly, as for that multitude of Priests, [ 2] & Laycks, which he sayeth, Haue freely taken this Oath; as their freedome was that, which now I haue men∣tioned, and a principall motiue (as may be presumed) the desyre they had, to giue his Ma.tie satisfaction, and deliuer themselues, and others so much as lay in them, from that inference of disloyall meaning, which vpon the denyall therof, some do vse to make: so I cannot, but in charity assure my self, that they being Catholicks tooke the said Oath (for so much as concerneth the Popes authority in dealing with temporall Princes) in some such lawfull sense,* and interpretation, as (being by them expressed, and accepted by the Magistrate) may stand with the integrity, and sincerity of true Catholicke doctrine, and faith: To witt, that the Pope hath not Authority without iust cause, to proceed against them: Quia illud possumus, quod iure possumus, saith the law: Our authority is limited by Iustice. Directly also the Pope may be denyed to haue such authority against Princes, but indirectly only, in ordine ad spiritualia, and when certayne great, importāt, & vrgent cases, concer∣ning Christian religion fall out, which we hope will neuer be, betweene our Soueraigne, and the Sea Apostolicke; for so much as they haue past already, many yeares (though in different Religions) in Page  19 peace, and quietnes euen since his Ma.tie began first to raigne.

XXXI. But concerning the generall Question, to deny simply and absolutely, That the Pope is supreme Pa∣stour of the Catholicke Church, hath any authoritie left him by Christ, eyther directly or indirectly, with cause, or without cause, in neuer so great a necessity, or for neuer so great and publicke an vti∣lity of the Christian Religion, to proceed against any Prince what∣soeuer temporally, for his restraint or amendment, or to permitt other Princes to doe the same: this, I suppose, was neuer their meaning that tooke the Oath; for that they should ther∣by contradict the generall consent of all Catholicke Deuines, and confesse, that Gods prouidence, for the conseruation, and preseruation of his Church, and Kingdome vpon earth, had bene defectu∣ous, for that he should haue left no lawful remedy, for so great and excessiue an euill, as that way might fail out.

XXXII. Wherefore, for so much as some such mo∣derate meaning, must nedes be presumed, to haue bene in those that tooke the Oath, for safeguard of their Con∣sciences; if it might please his Maiesty to like well, and allow of this moderation, and fauourable interpreta∣tion, as all orreyne Catholicke Kings and Monarchs doe,* without any prejudice at all of their safety, dignity, or Imperiall preheminence: I doubt not but he should fynd most ready conformity in all his said English Ca∣tholicke Subiects, to take the said Oath, who now haue great scruple & repugnance o Conscience therin: both for that the chiefest learned men of their Church, doe hold the same for vtterly vnlawfull, being mixed and compounded, as it is, and the voyce o their chiefe Pa∣stour, to whome by the rules of their Religion, they thinke themselues bound to harken in like cses, hath vtterly condemned the same: and the very tenour of the Oath it self, and last lines therof are, That euery one shall Page  20 sweare without any Equiuocation, or mentall reseruation at all, that is to say, hartily, willingly, & truely vpon the true faith of a Christian. Which being so, they see not how they may take the said Oath in truth of Cōsciēce: for so much, as they find no such willingnes in their harts, nor can they induce themselues in a matter so neerly concerning the Confession of their faith, to Equiuocate or sweare in any other sense, then from his Maiesty is proposed: and therefore doe thinke it lesse hurt to deny plainly, and sincerely to sweare, then by swearing, neither to giue satisfaction to God, nor to his Maiesty, nor to themselues, nor to their neighbours. And so much of this point.

[ 3] XXXIII. There followeth an other, which is the third, about this matter, where this Apology saieth, That God did blesse this godly deuise and intent (of making and vrging this Oath) by the admittance thereof by so many Priests & Lacks: &c. Which blessing (if it be a blessing) must con∣cerne eyther the takers, or the exhibitours, or both. But for the takers, what inward blessing of comfort in con∣science they may haue receaued thereby, I know not; But for outward blessing, I see small, for they remaine, either in prisons, or vnder pressures still, as hath bene said. But for others of the same Religion that cannot frame their Consciences to take the said Oath, and yet would gladly giue his Royall Maiesty contentment & satisfaction,* so farre as they might, without offending God; I can assure yow, that it is the greatest affliction of mynd, among other pressures, that euer fell vnto them. For that no violence, is like to that, which is laied vpon mens Consciences; for so much, as it lyeth in a mās owne will & resolutiō, to beare all other oppres∣sions whatsoeuer, whether it be losse of goods, honours, dignityes, yea of life it self: but the oppression of the Conscience, no man may beare patiently, though he would neuer so faine. For if he yield therein, he offen∣deth Page  21 God, and leeseth his soule: neyther doth Metus cadens in constantem virum, feare that may terrify euen a constant man, excuse in this behalfe, as appeareth by the example of the auncient Martyrs, who were forced, vnder paine of damnation, to stand out to death against all humaine power, vexations, torments, and highest violence, rather then to doe, say, or sweare any thing against their Conscience. To all these men then, which are thowsands in our Countrey, that neuer thought otherwise then to be good Subiects to his Maiesty, the deuising of this new Oath, was no bles∣sing, but an vnspeakeable affliction, and angariation of mynd.

XXXIV. To the exhibitours also, I see not what blessing it could be, or can be, so extremely to vex other men without any profit, or emolument to themselues, or to his Maiestyes seruice,* which herin they would pretend to aduaunce. For if there be any cause of doubt, of loyall good will in them, that are forced to sweare against their consciences: much more cause and reason may there be of like doubt, after they haue so sworne, then before. For that the griefe of their new wound of conscience remayning full within them, and stirring them to more auersion of hart, for the iniury receaued, must needes worke contrary effects to that which is pretended. And whosoeuer will not sticke to sweare against his conscience for feare, fauour, or some other like passion, may be presumed, that he will as easily breake his Oath, after he hath sworne, vpon like mo∣tiues, if occasions doe mooue him. And among all other passions, none is more strong, then that of re∣uenge for oppressions receaued: So as we read of the whole Monarchy of Spaine ouerthrowne, and giuen to the Mores,* for one passion of Count Iulian, wherby he desired to be reuenged of his King ode∣riquez. Nothing then is gotten in this behalfe of Page  22 loyall good will, by such extreame pressures, but much rather lost.

XXXV. But besides all this, is the grieuous sinne which they commit, who force, & presse other men to sweare against their consciences, then which, almost nothing can be imagined more heinous: for it is to thrust men headlong (especially such as are fearfull) into the very precipitation and downfall of hell it selfe. For it is the highest degree of scandall actiue, so much condemned and detested in Scriptures,* and so dredfully threatned by our Sauiour, to be seuerely punished in the life to come: for that scandalizing properly, is nothing else, but laying a stumbling-block for other men to fall, and breake their necks. And such a one is this formall Oath, which conteyneth diuers things lawfull for a Ca∣tholicke to sweare and other things vnlawfull: and he is forced by terrour to passe ouer, and swallow downe the one with the other, without distinction, with maniest repugnance of his Conscience; which repu∣gnance to him, is alwaies a synne, & damnable in such a publicke and weighty action, though the matter were lawfull in it self, and consequently also vnto them, that force him to the same, eyther knowing or suspe∣cting his said repugnance of Conscience.* For he that should force a Iew, or Turke to sweare, that there were a blessed Trinity, eyther knowing or suspecting that they would doe it against their Conscience, should synne grieuously, by forcing them to committ that synne. This is Catholicke doctrine, which I also thinke the learned Protestants themselues will not deny.

XXXVI. Here if any man obiect, that among vs also men are vrged to take Oathes, and to abiure their opinions in the tribunalls of Inquisitions, and the like; and consequently in this Oath they may be forced vnder punishment to abiure the Popes Temporall Authority Page  23 in dealing with Kings: I answere first, that if any Hereticke, or other should be forced to abiure his opi∣nions, with repugnance of conscience, it should be a synne to the inforcers, if they knew it, or suspected it. Neyther is it practised or permitted n any Catholicke Court, that euer I knew. But yow will reply, that if he doe it not, he shall be punished by death,* or otherwise, as the crime requireth, and Canons appoint, and consequently the like may be vsed towards Catholickes, that will not renounce their old opinions of the Popes Authoritye: but heere is a great difference; for that the Catholicke Church hath Ius acquisitum, auncient right ouer Hereticks, as her due Subiects, for that by their Baptisme, they were made her Subiects, and left her afterward, and went out of her; and she vseth but her auncient manner of proceeding against them, as against all other of their kynd and quality from the beginning. But the Protestant Church of England hath Nullum Ius acquisitum vpon Catholicks, that were in possession before them, for many hundred yeares, as is euident. Neyther was there euer any such Oath exacted at their hands, by any of their Kings, in former Catholicke tymes: Neyther is there, by any Ca∣tholicke forreyne Monarch, now liuing vpon earth, and consequently, by no reason or right at all, can English Catholicke men, be eyther forced or pressed to this Oath against their Conscience, or be punished, beaten, or destroyed, if for their Con∣science they refuse to take the same: humbly offering notwithstanding to their Soueraigne, to giue him all other dutifull satisfaction, for their Temporall Obe∣dience and Allegiance, which of loyall Catho∣licke Subiectes may be exacted. And this shall suffice for this first point, concerning the con∣tents Page  24 and nature of the Oath. Now shall We passe to say somewhat of the Breues, and answere made thereunto.

Page  25

CONCERNING THE POPES TVVO BREVES, AGAINST The receauing of the Oath.

Paragr. II.

THE summe of the Popes two Breues the first of the 21. of September, Anno 1606. the second of the 21. of August the next yeare following, is this: That wheras he had heard, that the Catholicks of England, were very sorely pressed with a new de∣uised Oath, against their Consciēces, concerning certayne poyntes, appertayning to the Au∣thority of the Sea Apostolicke,* in some cases; he wrote the first Breue, to admonish, comfort, and direct them; signifying his harty sorie for their long continued affli∣ctions, and exhorting them to patience, and constancy in defence of the integrity of Catholike faith, and the Page  26 purity of their owne consciences. And after this setting downe verbatim the whole Oath, as it lyeth in the Statute, he condemneth the taking therof, as vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke man, in regard of diuers clauses therin con∣teyned, contrary to the said integrity of Catholicke faith, and health of soules; though in particuler, he descendeth not to dispute, or discusse the reasons, or poynts, therof, as became not a Iudge: especially seeing (as he saith) the matters themselues be euident by the wordes of the Breue. And wheras this first Breue was soone after called into question by some, as not pro∣ceeding from the Popes owne motion, and intention: his second Breue was set forth to approue, ratify, and confirme the former; assuring all Catholicks, that both the one, and the other came from him directly, sincerely, & vpon due deliberation, and consequently▪ that they were to be acknowledged, and obeyed by all true Catholicke people. This is the summe of what the Pope wrote: now lett vs see, what aduantage is taken by the Apologer against the same.

II. First of all he felleth at the Popes sorrow for Catholicks afflictions, making them to be none at all: and wheras the late Q. Elizabeth is not so much as named in eyther of these Breues, this man will needes bring her in perforce, and iustifie her actions against Catholicke people, therby the more to animate his Ma.tie to follow her example, setting downe this notorious fase po∣sition concerning her, and her doings,*That according to his owne knowledge, her Ma. tie never punished any Papist for Religion. Which how he can iustify, or by what E∣quiuocation mantayne, I know not. But being not content with this, he passeth further, and rageth ex∣ceedingly against those innocent Priests, Students, and others, that only for the profession of their Religion, gaue vp their lyues vnder her, as by their inditements, and arraignements in publike record doth appeare, and Page  27 concludeth finally both of her, and them, thus: This Gracious Princesse was as free from persecution,*as these hellish In∣struments from the honour of Martyrdome. And yet further, very profanely: Hauing now sacrificed, as I may say (quoth he) to the Manes of my defunct Soueraigne, as well for the discharge of my particuler duty, as loue of verity; I must next performe my duty also to his Ma. tie present, &c.

III. Wherunto a man might answere, that if he performe it with no more verity to his present Soueraigne, then he hath done to his defunct Soueraigne past; he will gayne little grace (I suppose) with his Ma.tie whom I hold to be of that noble nature, and magnanimity, as that he taketh such grosse-lying-flattery, father for in∣iury, then obsequie. But as for his heathen, prophane sacrificing to the Manes or Hob-gob-lins of his late Lady;* I confesse, that it is an office fitter for a Prote∣stant-Minister, that thinketh it vnlawfull to pray for her soule, to deale with her Manes or Infernal spirits, then with Celestiall, by praying for her to Saints. But would God these Manes might now haue licence to ap∣peare, and talke with him, and relate what passeth with her after all this ioylity, and ruffe in this world; I doubt not but they would coole his excessiue veyne of flattering vanity. For if all the old platforme of Saints lyues, prescribed in Scriptures and practised by seruants of God, were not erroneous & vayne, as much fasting, continuall prayer, dayly mortification, frequent recollection, diligent chasticement of their bodyes, humble and feruent deuotion, labouring and working saluation in feare and trembling, aboundant almes-deedes, haire-cloth and ashes, contrition, sorrow and sobbing for synnes: If these things (I say) were the an∣cient wayes to lyfe, and to euerlasting saluation: then must the pathes of Q. Elizabeth, which are knowne by most men, to haue byn, eyther wholy different, or most opposite to these, lead to an other opposite end, Quia Page  28 vnusquisque recipiet, secundum opera sua.

IV. But not to enter into these melancholicke matters of her Manes, or of the other world, to make any certayne iudgement therof, before we arryue thither: I will only speake a word or two of the world present, and this with protestation, that it is wholy against my will, and against the generall inclination (as I take it) of all Catholicke people, who would in charity be content, that the memory of her actions, & iniuryes against them, being neuer so many, & iniu∣rious, were buried with her body; as may well appeare by their long silence therin since her death. But the continuall egging of the aduersary is such, as forceth vs to say somwhat, for our owne defence, and for cleering the cause, and men, by her so eagerly and iniuriously pursued.

V. This Minister then, as in part you haue heard, maketh her,*The most myld, dole, patient, and clement Prin∣cesse in the world, euen vnto Catholicks, whose bloud she shed so aboundantly, both at home, & abroad, during all the time of her raigne: nay, That her Ma. tie neuer punished any Papist for religion: And, That she was most free from all persecution: That she neuer medled with hard punish∣ment of any Catholicke, nor made any rigorous lawes against them before the excommunication of Pope Pius Quintus, that was in the eleuenth yeare of her raigne:* And yet is it knowne, and cannot be denyed, but that the most grieuous law, & Oath of Supremacie, & rigorous penall Statute against saying, or hearing Masse, were made long before that tyme: And that all the Bishops, Prelates, Religious, & chiefe Ecclesiasticall men were depryued, spoyled, im∣prisoned, or forced into banishment: and this before the Pope vsed any Censure against her at all: so exact, & punctuall is the truth of this Ministers narration. And not content with this, he doth prosecute odious comparisons, betweene the Pope, & her, laying all the Page  29 origen of hurts and wickednes to him, and merit of vertue, and innocency to her, which is the very same, that is mentioned by the Prophet,*to call euill good, & good euill.

VI. Nor is he alone in this deuise, but that all Mini∣sters commonly, and Ministers mates of later dayes haue taken vp this Common place, to celebrate her high prayses, for disgrace of Catholicks. And one among the rest, that for his place, should haue more equity and discretiō, hath declaymed vpon this matter in publicke Audience more then once, especially vpon the occasion of certayn words in Pope Clements Breue, where she is named Misera Foemina, a miserable woman (in respect no doubt of the myseries of her soule, little respected by her:) vpon which words the Orator triumpheth thus, VVhat miserable?*It is said, That, Miseria constat ex duobus contrariis, copia & inopia, copia tribulationis, & ino∣pla consolationis, Misery consisteth of two contraries, of aboundance, and penury, aboundance of tribulation, & penury of con∣solaion. And then he sheweth in what aboundance of consolations Q. Elizabeth lyued in all her life, & with∣out want of all tribulations: which if it were true; yet is it but the argument which the worldlings vsed in the Psalme, to proue their felicity, that their cellars are full, their sheepe fertile, theyr kyne fatt, they suffer no losse: and then,*Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt; Happy did they call the people that had these things. But the Holy Ghost scorneth them, and so may all men do our Orator, that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument, in so high a matter.

VII. And as for his definition of Miserie, by Copia and Inopia, store and want, it is a miserable one indeed, and neuer heard of before, I thinke, to come from any mans mouth, but his owne: it being ridiculous in Philosophy, and fitt to be applyed to any thing that hath either store or want: As a wise man in this sort Page  30 may be defined to be him, that hath store of witt, and want of folly; and a foole to be him, that hath store of follie, and want of witt; and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches and want of beggary, and a poore man is he, that hath store of beggary, and penury of riches. And are not these goodly definitions (thinke you) for so great and graue a man to produce?

VIII. But to returne to the matter it selfe of Q. Elizabeth her store of consolations,* and penury of deso∣lations in this life, VVho (saith this our Orator) was so myraculously protected by God, so strengthened and fortified, as she did beate her most potent enemy, did sett vp a King in his king∣dome, deended nations, harboured distressed people, and the like. Supposing all this were true, that she had such tempo∣rall felicity in this lyfe, and were so miraculously pro∣tected, strengthened, and fortifyed by God as heere is said: yea and that it were euident, that God had cho∣sen her for his elected seruant (which yet doth not appeare) and gyuen her that tytle and power, to afflict the Catholicks: yet had that byn no more, then we read in the Scriptures to haue byn gyuen to dyuers Pagan Princes, and namely to Nabuchodonosor, of whom Ieremy the prophet testifyeth in sundry places of his Prophesy, That God chose him, called him his seruant, and gaue him speciall power, fauour, & protection to afflict his people.*Ego dedi omnes terras istas in manu Nabuchodonosor Regis Babylonis serui mei, saith God:

I haue gyuen all these Countryes into the hands of Nabuchodonosor King of Babylon my seruant, and all nations shall serue him, & yield obedience to him, and to his Sonne, and Sonnes some: And what soeuer nation shall not serue him, & bow his necke vnder his yoke, I will visite that nation with the sword, with famyne, and with plague, till I haue consumed them by his hand.*And agayne in an other place: I will choose vnto me my seruāt Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, & will bring him vpon this Land, and vpon Page  31 all the inhabitants therof, and vpon all nations round about &c. And yet further God said vnto Ieremy: Thus saith the Lord of Hostes, I shall take vnto me my seruant Nabuchodonosor, and shall place his throne vpon these stones &c.

IX. By all which is euident that Syr Edward Cookes argument is worth nothing:* that for so much as God so miraculously protected Q. Elizabeth, (if it were myracu∣lous,) so strengthened, and fortifyed her, as she did beate her most potent enemy, & did set vp an other King in his Kingdome (〈◊〉 any such thing were:) yet this did not make her happie. As neyther it did Nabuchodonosor, of whome God said in the same place, that when he had serued his turne of him, and wrought his will by his hand, and people, for the purging or his owne elect; he would visit vpon him also, and his Countrey, and that in a arre more grieuous sort:*Ponam iam in solitu∣dines sempiternas, & reddam eis secundum opera eorum, & secun∣dum facta manuum suarum: I shall make that Countrey, all euer a••ng w••denes, and shall resore to them (that af∣flicted my peope) according to their workes, and to the deeds of their owne handes against my people. This then was his eicity to be a scourge to others, and fy∣nally also to himselfe most of all.

X. And the like. I doubt not, may be said of Q. Eliza∣bethslicity agains Catholicks, it we knew all, that in the last day or iudgment will appeare, and wherof her lamētable end may gyue great presage to them that are wise. For that for a woman of so long and large a lyfe, as hors was, to passe hence to eternity with so small sense or 〈◊〉 of God, as neuer so much, as to name him, nor to suffer* others to bring in any speach therof, as they attempted to do, is so pittiull an end, as can lightly said to a Christian soule: The story or which vpshot ohers, I haue read written by a person of much credit that was present at all her last sicknes, combats, Page  32 and death, and relateth all that passed as an eye wit∣nesse, which I passe ouer for breuity and modestyes sake; but it will remayne to posterity, as a dreadfull patterne of a miserable end, after a lyfe of so much ioylitie.

XI. And thus much for spirituall infelicityes, rea∣ching to the next world, and lyfe or death to come. But if we would rest our selues only vpon vayne & brickle felicityes of this world, they were not (alas) so great in Queene Elizabeth,* but that they were mingled and in∣terlaced with many, and great infelicityes in like man∣ner, and these such, as did euen in the eyes of worldly men, ouerpoise the other, especially with them that re∣pute honour and dishonour among humane felicityes, & infelicityes. For what more dishonorable infelicity can there be, then that which standeth in Capito Libri of Q. Elizabeths lyfe? To witt, the publike solemne Sta∣tute, and Act of Parliament, made within few dayes after she was borne, vpon the 28. yeare of King Henryes raigne, and yet extant in Print, wherin it is declared, not only by the iudgment of the King, and of al that Parliament, but by the iudiciall sentence also of Arch∣bishop Cranmer,* she was pronounced, to be vnlawfully borne, and that her mother was neuer King Henryes lawfull wyfe: wher∣upō the said statute vseth these wordes: That it was against all honour, equity, and good conscience, that the said Elizabeth should succeed in the Imperiall Crowne of England. And could there be any greater worldly infelicity thēthis.

XII. I let passe many other infelicities, which hap∣pened by her occasion to sundry, as well vnder the raigne of King Edward, as the ruyne of the Seymers vpon the Admiralls falling in loue with her, and making a∣way his former wife Queene Catherine Parre to enioy her; as also vnder Queene Marie, when so many rebellions of VViat, Courtney, Carewes, Stafford, & others, were made for her. But her owne raigne had most infelicities for her, if Page  33 they were well considered: and I could touch many, but modestie forbiddeth. And least I should seeme to speak out of reuenge, let this one consideration serue for all; That after all her afflicting Catholicks, and by that exercise, vpon the egging of others, more then of her owne propension, she was drawne into continuall su∣spitions, eares, and frights of her mynd and spirit, euen in the midst or all these sensuall delights, & con∣tentments (admired so much by her Attorney) which draue her to a point, wherunto by nature she was not thought much inclyned, and by profession and pro∣testations, she most condemned in others, to wit, Cruelty, which in effect was such, out of the fore said feares,* towards Catholicke Religion, as neuer perhaps (yea without perhaps) were so many seuerall lawes, & punishments deuised by any one persecutour, nor many putt togeather, as are extant of hers in Print, against the proessours of that Religion, wherof herselfe had byn one, and in secret or priuate speaches also would not deny, to be in sundry poyntes, euen to her dying day. And was not this a great in felicity? When strāgers do read & behold her Edicts & Statutes, wherin not only the whole vse of Catholicke Religion is condemned, and vnder greiuous punishment prohi∣bited: but men are forced also, by rigorous penall lawes to go to the Churches of a contrary Religion, to com∣municate with them, to do acts, and sweare against their owne Religion, faith and Consciences: that there are seuere punishments, of losse of goods and lands, for receyuing an Agnus Dei,* or a Medall, or Crucifix: greiuous punishments, for keeping of a Catholicke seruant, or Schoolemaister to teach and bring vp their children, or to send them ouer seas to Catholicke Schooles: yea, that it is the payne of death it selfe to be reconciled, by confessing his synnes to the Roman Church, or to the vnion of aith, with the Head therof, or to perswade Page  34 another to be a Catholicke, or do the same: When they read these things (I say) and many others, which for breuity I pretermitt, and that all this notwithstan∣ding, she would not haue it said, That she persecuted any for Religion (which in manner this Apologer sticketh not to auouch) nor put any Priest to death for that cause in deed, wheras notwithstāding she shed the bloud of aboue one hūdred and thirty, that might haue had their lyues euen at the last cast, if in this one point of Religion they would haue yielded neuer so little. All this (I say) being read and considered, seemeth vnto forreiners a strange infeli∣city both of body and soule.

XIII Especially when it is considered to what perpetuall iealosy at length she was brought vnto, of all sorts of people, Puritans, Papists, yea of her owne dearest, as the death of the Earle of Essex, and his followers, doth easily declare. Neyther was there any weeke lightly, but that she had some new feares, of some Priest or Iesuite, or Catholicke soldiours sent from Flanders, France, or Italy to kill her by violence, others from Spayne, and other Countryes to poyson her, or at at least, her* Chaire. And vponsuch fancyes, men must be made away for greater terrour; yea Iewes must be brought in also in this kynd of pretended poysoning, as the case of Doctor Lopez well declareth.* Nay further this gryping passion of feare and iealosy did so vexe & consume her inwardly, as she was neuer well, vntill she had made away, against all law of Nature and Nations, the nearest vnto her in Royall bloud, that lyued vpon earth, and coequall with her in dignity, if in sundry respects not Superiour, I meane his Ma.ties noble renowned Mother, Queene of France & Scotland, that by force of the former Statute, which declared this other for illegitimate and incapable of the Crowne (as now yow haue heard) should haue enioyed the Crowne of England presently after the death of Q. Marie, & conse∣quently Page  35 his Ma.tie had enioyed the same 38. yeares at least, before he came vnto it after her death, who of all other lyuing Creatures, is knowne most hartily to haue hated that yssue & succession. And as she went about to disinable the same in the very roote & foūtayne it selfe, by seeking the disgrace of the ofspring, by dishonour of the origen: so neuer ceased she afterward to continue practises against them both, vntill she had wracked the one, and brought the other also to great probability therof, if she might haue lyued to her will, or haue dyed with such vse of senses and iudgment, as might haue made way to her bad affections in that behalfe.

XIV. Well then, all this I haue beene inforced to speake vpon this occasion: first to represse somwhat therby the insultation of our foresaid Orator, in calling her,*The happy Queene, the blessed Queene, whose vnmatched wisedome, and vnconquered prowesse (to vse his words) crowned her the peerlesse wonder of her sexe. All which tendeth to the exprobration of Catholicks, for hauing had so happy & peerles a persecutour; and to the insul∣tation also ouer the Pope, for calling her in his Breue, as he saith, Miseram Foeminam, a miserable woman: which how true or false it is, I leaue to the prudent Reader out of the former discourse, about her byrth, youth, age and end, to censure.

XV. Secondly I do heerin but imitate the first an∣cient Fathers, that wrote for defence of those holy Martyrs, that dyed for Christian Religion in the Pri∣mitiue Church,* as namely, Iustinus Martyr, Irenaeus, Ter∣tullian, and others, who to comfort the afflicted, and to honour more their cause, did put them in mynd what manner of people their first persecutours were; as na∣mely Nero and Domitian, what lyfe they led, what end they made, and the like; And that indeed they were fit instruments, to be the first, in such a worke. And the like we may say to Catholicks of Q. Elizabeth, that she Page  36 being the strangest woman that euer was borne for di∣uers circumstances, now partly touched, and the first absolutly of that sexe, eyther Christian or created, that tooke vpon her Supreme power in Spirituall and Ec∣clesiasticall matters; it must needes be some comfort to Catholicke people, that God chose such an instrument to be their first scourge, out of all woman kynd.

XVI. And lastly, for that this Apologer will needs take vpon him, to sacrifice to her Manes: I thought my selfe obliged to offer some incense in like māner to the same, for mitigating the euill sent, which that notorious vn∣true assertion must needs import, to the senses of all vn∣derstanding Readers: That, Queene Elizabeth neuer punished any Papist for Religion, Nor made any rigorous law against them, before Pius Quintus his Excommunication, nor since that tyme, but vpon priuate plots, machinations, &c. For cleare confuta∣tion wherof, I remit those of the elder sort that lyue in England, to their owne eyes, eares, and other externall senses, and those of yonger age, to the books of Statutes, of Q. Elizabeths tyme, Iohn Stowes Chronicle, and other such publicke Records. And so much of this poynt.

XVII. Next after these exaggerations of the cle∣mency and indulgence of Q. Elizabeth towards Catholicks, this Apologer passeth on to bestow some of his adulation, and oleum peccatoris, vpon his Ma.tie in like manner that now raigneth, telling vs, That his kyndnes and benefits be∣stowed vpon that sort of people, haue bene farre greater then those of Q. Elizabeth; which may easily be, as, by that, which hath bene touched, may appeare. Yet do we verily perswade our selues, that if his Highnes had byn left to himselfe, and to his owne Royall nature, and noble dis∣position in this poynt (as*Q. Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion) we had tasted, indeed, much of this his great humanity, and so we began, for some tyme: but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile workings of this, and other such Ministers, as de∣syred Page  37 to draw bloud, and to incite his Maiestie against vs,* we hauing no place to speake for our selues, no ad∣mittance to be heard, no effectuall intercessour to inter∣pose his mediation for vs; no maruaile though wee were cast of, and do indure the smart.

XVIII. And I do name this Minister (T. M. the yonger) in the first place among the rest, for that it is commonly said, that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession,* be they strangers, or domesticall: and that among other deuises, he hath this; That euery tyme his Ma.tie is to take his repast, he is ready, eyther with some tale, iest, scoffe, or other bitter lance to wound vs absent, and that he hath euer lightly, some booke and page therof, ready to read to his Highnes, somewhat framed by his art to incense or auert his Ma.tie more, eyther in iudgement, or affection, or both; and therby to draw from him some hard speaches, which being published afterward by himselfe, and others, do serue to no other end, but to gal and alienate myndes, and to afflict them, that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues. And that is the seruice he doth his Ma.tie in this exercise.

XIX. And as for the places themselues, which he vseth to bring forth with his wet finger, as is said, we are to imagine, that they are no better, nor more fitly applyed, then such as he hath sett forth against vs in this booke, & perhaps somewhat worse, for that he might probably thinke, that this booke would be examined, comming forth with so great pretence of authority, as it doth: And therfore if heere yow fynd him to vse ca∣lumniation, & most impertinent citation of Authours, and Authorityes, eyther wholy making against him∣selfe, or nothing for his purpose, or against vs: then may yow thinke what liberty he will take to himselfe there in speach, where no man is like to contradict him, but all applause is expected from the standers by.

Page  38 XX. Let vs heare, if yow please, one exaggeration of his, concerning his Ma.ties myldnes vnto vs, and our ingratitude in abusing the same to pryde.*

His Ma. ties gouernment (saith he) ouer them hath so far exceeded that of Q. Elizabeth, in mercy and clemency, as the Papists themselues grew to that height of pryde, in confidence to his myldnes, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to them∣selues liberty of Conscience, and equality with vs in all things, that are his best, and faithfull Subiects &c.
Do you see what a height of pride this was? And what an abuse of his Ma∣iesties mercie and clemencie, to expect libertie of Con∣science? Why had he not obiected in like manner,* that they expected the libertie of breathing, and vsing the common ayre, as well as Protestants? For that neither breathing, nor the vse of cōmon ayre, is more due vnto them, or common to all, then ought to be libertie of Conscience to Christian men, wherby ech one liueth to God, and to himselfe, and without which he strug∣leth with the torment of a continuall lingring death.

XXI. And surely, I cannot but wonder, that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride, which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble: yea the more humble, and vnderlings they are, the more earnest are they both in bookes, speaches, and preachings, to proue that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law, and that wresting, or for∣cing of Consciences, is the highest Tyranny, that can be exercised vpon man. And this we may see first, in all M. Fox his History, especially during the time of the three King Henries, 4. 5. and 6. and afterward, when those that were called Lollards, and VVickcliffians, who as M. Fox saith, were indeed good Protestants, being pressed somewhat about their Religion, did continu∣ally beate vpon this argumēt of libertie of Conscience, and when they obteyned it not, they set vp publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London, and made Page  39 those famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5. and all his family,* which are recounted by VValsingham, Stow, Fox, and other English Historiographers.

XXII. In this our age also, the first oppositiō of Pro∣testant Princes in Germanie, against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald, Austburgh, and other mee∣tings; as afterwards also the fierce and perillous warrs by the Duke of Saxony, Marques of Brandeburge, and other Protestant Princes, and their people, against the same Emperour, begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed.* Were they not all for lyberty of Conscience? so pretended, so printed, so published, so diuulged to the world? The first Supplications, Memorialls, and de∣clarations in like manner, which the Protestants of France set forth in print:* as also they of Holland, & Zeland in tyme of the gouernments, as well of the Duchesse of Parma, Duke of Alua, Commendador Mayor, and other Go∣uernours: did they not all expresly professe, that their principall griefes were, about liberty of Conscience restrayned. And did not they cyte many places of Scriptu∣res, to proue the equity & necessity therof? And do not all Protestants the like at this day, in all places, where they are, both in Polonia, Austria, Hungaria, Bohemia, Styria, and els where? And how thē is Iordanis conuersus retrorsum, with this Minister? How is his voyce contrary to the voyce & sense of all the rest? How, & with what reason, may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks, to haue but hope therof, which is so ordinary a doctrine & practice of all his brethren in forraine nations, to witt, for vs to expect liberty of Conscience, at the first en∣trance of our new King, of so noble, and royall a mynd before that tyme, as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty, or persecutiō in his former raigne? The Sonne of such a Mother, as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks? And himselfe in his litle Golden*Booke to his Sonne the Prince, had confessed that he Page  40 had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him, and therupon had done sundry fauours to diuers of them, and gyuen no small hope of greater vnto others?

XXIII. From this King (I say) whom they so much loued, and honoured, receyued so gladly, and with vniuersall ioy, meant to serue faithfully; & trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obe∣dience by his Succession:* so would he by his liberality, vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects, in bea∣ring a sweete and equall hand towards them all: From such a King (I sa) or vs to expect liberty of Consciēce, and equality with other Subiects (in this poynt at least of freedome of soule) what height of pryde may it be called? May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister, & his ellowes, that hauing byn od enemyes, and alwayes borne a hard, & hate u••hand, and tongue against his Ma.tie both in their Sermons, Bookes, Speaches, all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne; now vpon the sud∣dayne sine vllis meri is praecede••ious, will needs be so priui∣ledged, & assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Ma.ties speciall fauour, as to suffer no man to stand by them, but to hold it for height of pryde in vs, to hope or any freedome and liberty o our Conscience at al? What is height of pryde and sol, i this be not?

XXIV. But his Ma.tie is wise, & will, as we hope, according to his prudence, in tyme, looke into this sort omen, and manner of proceeding. And to returne to the Apologer, he reckoneth vp (therby to exaggerate the more our ingratitude) the particuler fauours his Ma.tie did vnto vs, at his first entrance, as, That he did honour diuers Catholicks with Knighthood,*being open Recusants: That, he gaue audiece indifferently to both sydes: bestowed equally fauours and honours vpon both professions: gaue free coninuall accesse to all rankes, and degrees of Papists in his Court and company: freeing Page  41 Recusantes from their ordinarie payments: gaue order to his Iudges with his owne mouth,*to spare execution of all Priests, though they were conuicted: gaue libertie by his gracious Proclamation to all Priests not taken, to go out of the Countrey by such a day, and all Priestes that were taken, were sent ouer, and sett at liberty: and many other gracious fauours & benefittes: VVhich (saith he) tyme and paper would fayle me if I would make enumeration of them all: in recounting wherof euery scrape of my pen (so vse his words) would serue but for a blott of the Popes ingratitude, and iniustice in meating his Ma.tie with so hard a measure for the same. So as I thinke (quoth he) I haue sufficiently wiped of the teares from the Popes eyes, for complayning vpon such persecution &c.

XXV. Thus writeth this man, who, in naming the Popes ingratitude, must much more include ours, that are Catholicks; for that these benefitts, such as they were, appertayned nothing to the Pope, but only in Christian charity, as a common spirituall Father and Pastour, he being otherwise a stranger vnto vs in bloud, and for other worldly respects. And as for Catholicks, they accept gratefully,* whatsoeuer least fauour hath byn, or is done vnto them: and do not doubt, but that if his Ma.tie had not bene preuented by sinister information, & persuasion of others, they had tasted of much greater, as due vnto them, in that they are naturall borne Sub∣iects of the Realme, most loyall in hart & affection, & neuer meaning otherwise, but to liue in most orderly and dutifull Subiection and Obedience to his Highnes, as to their liege Lord and Soueraigne.

XXVI. And wheras this man, for proofe of the con∣trary, nameth the powder-treason of a few, therby to discredite the whole, though this calumniation haue beene answered before: yet now I ad further, as one said, Distingue tempora, & scripturam concordabis, If there had bene no persecution before that treason, this might haue beene assigned for some probable cause of Page  42 the subsequent tribulations: but all England knoweth, that this is not so, but that his Ma.ties sweete & myld aspect towards Catholicks at his first entrance, was soone, by art of their enemyes, auerted long before the conspiracy fell out. For that, not only all the most cruell Statutes and penall Lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this,* with addition of others, tending to no lesse rigour & acerbitie: but also the exaction of the same was put in practice with great seueritie; & namely the paymēt of the twenty poundes a moneth, or two partes of their goods and landes for Recusants (once remitted by his Ma.tie as heere is con∣fessed) were not only recalled againe: but the arrearages therof in like manner exacted; and for leuying wherof, throughout sundry shyres of the Realme (especially in the North) there was such ransacking of mens houses, such dryuing away of their Cattell frō their groundes, such strayning of their Rents, such vexing of their tennants (not knowne perhaps to his Ma.tie) as if the whole Countrey had byn gyuen ouer to spoyle & desolation.

XXVII. Nor were mens goods and persons only afflicted, but the lyues also of sundry taken away for cause of their Religion before this powder-treason fell out: which desperate treason, to ascribe as an effect and fruite of too much clemency in his Ma.tie (as this Mi∣nister doth) is a strange assertion,* no doubt: for so much, as such effects do not proceed, but of exasperated myndes; which clemency worketh not, eyther in men or beasts. Neyther did euer any learned Philosopher,* that wrote of the good institution of any Common wealth, or of the security of any Prince in his Gouern∣ment, put such effects for fruits of clemency, but rather of the contrary manner of proceeding. And if all the disasterous ends of the most vnfortunate Princes, that euer haue byn destroyed, should be layd togeather, and Page  43 the causes therof exactly inquired, it would be found so: and consequently that this Minister is no good Coun∣sellour to his Ma.tie in this so great & weighty affayre. And we hope that Almighty God, by the mercy of his dearest Sonne our Sauiour, and through the prayers of his Ma.ties good Mother, and other holy Princes of his Royall bloud now in heauen, will neuer suffer him, at the egging of such exasperating people, to follow so violent, troublesome, and dangerous a course, and so contrary to theirs, whiles they lyued vpon earth, and so alienate from his owne sweete nature and Princely disposition.

XXVIII. But to proceed a litle further in the nar∣ration of some poyntes of heauy persecutiō, that insued soone after his Ma.ties being in England, much before the powder-treason was attempted: Who doth not know what afflictions were layd vpon Catholicks, euen in the very first yeare of his Ma.ties raigne, espe∣cially towards the end therof, & much more through∣out all the second yeare, before the said powder-treason fell out. For then not only in the Shires and Prouinces abroad: but euen in London it sele, and in the eyes of the Court, the violence, and insolency of continuall sear∣ches grew to be such, as was intollerable; no night passing commonly,* but that Souldiours, & Catch-poles brake into quiet mens houses, when they were asleepe, and not only carryed away their persons vnto prisons at their pleasure, except they would brybe them exces∣siuely, but whatsoeuer liked them best besydes in the house, eyther of Bookes, Cuppes, Chalices, or other fur∣niture, that might any wayes seeme, or be pretended to belong to Religion, was taken for a prey, and seazed on. And among others, I remember, that one frend of myne, had a drinking Cuppe of syluer taken from him, for that it had the name of IESVS engrauen vpon it, though otherwise the forme therof did well shew, that Page  44 it was but a Cuppe, & no Chalice. And these searches were made with such violence, and insolency, as diuers gētlewomē were drawne or forced out of their beds, to see whether they had any sacred thing, or matter belon∣ging to the vse of Catholick Religion, either about them, or vnder their bedds.

XXIX. What shall I speake of the casting into prisons, & condemnation to death of many Catholicks for the same cause, in euery corner lightly of the Coun∣trey, as namely in London of M. Hill the Priest, and this only for his function, and for comming into England against the Statutes of Queene Elizabeth to the contrary? Of M. Sugar also an other Priest in VVarwicke, that was not only condemned, but* executed withall rigour in that Cittie for the same cause, and a lay man with him named Robert Grysold, for receyuing him into his house? At Oxford also foure Priests being taken at that tyme whose names were M. Greene, Tichborne, Smith, and Brisco, all had sentence of death passed vpon them; though after many afflictions suffered in the pryson there, which made them desyre much the speedy execution of the sentence gyuen against them, they had insteed of this one death, many deathes layd vpon them, by sending them prisoners to the Castle of VVisbich, where they receyued such cruell vsage both in their diet, lodging & other treatie, as made euen dyuers Protestants to take compassion of them. And why was all this, but for their Religion?

XXX. I let passe the condemnation to death of a poore man in Oxford named Shitell, for that the Priest M. Greene had fledde into his house, when he was pur∣sued by the searchers, through which condemnation, & perpetuall imprisonment therupon ensuing, were brought to extreme misery & calamity, his poore wyfe and children, most lamentable to behold, or heare re∣counted. And vpon like occasion was apprehended, Page  45 imprisoned, condemned, & executed in Yorke, about the same tyme, an other Lay-man named Thomas VVylborne, only for that he had vsed some words of perswasion to a certayne woman to be a Catholicke, notwithstanding the prohibition of her husband, who followed so hoatly the matter against him, as he caused him to be put to death.* I pretermit M.ris Shelley a Gentlewoman of good Worshipp, cast into the common Iayle at VVor∣cester for that the Priest M. Hassells, was found in her house. The apprehension in like manner, & condem∣ning to death of M. Edward Tempest Priest and Gentlemā in London at the same tyme. I passe ouer the cruell sentence of cutting of the ears, of so ancient & venerable a Gentlemam, as is M. Tho. Pound, that had lyued aboue thirty yeares in sundry prisons only for being a Catho∣licke, and now last in his old age, had that honour from God, as to be sentenced to leese his eares and stand on the Pillorie in dyuers markets, for complayning of hard measure, & iniust execution, vsed against Catholicks, contrary (as he presumed) to his Ma.ties intention.

XXXI. And fynally I passe ouer what was practised in Herefordshire, Lancashire, & other places in this kynd of persecution, and particulerly concerning the new an∣gariation and pressure, then first brought vp, that men should be boūd to pay for their wyues, that were Recu∣sāts, a thing neuer before exacted in the former Queenes tyme. I pretermit also to mētion, how his M.tie before this, had reiected the cōmon, & humble supplication of Catholicks, exhibited in writing for some toleratiō, & mitigation of the calamityes: the which supplication was answered with contēpt & insultatiō by a Minister, and put in print. His Ma.tie in like manner had gyuen publike audience both to Protestants & Puritanes for three dayes togeather, concerning the differences of their Religion: but to Catholicks he neuer yealded to gyue any at all. And how then can this Apologer talke so Page  46 much of equality vsed in all fauours? How can he say, that there was no persecution before the powder-treason?

XXXII. But let vs go forward yet somewhat fur∣ther: his Maiestie had before this tyme vpon other mens importunity, confirmed, and ratified by his Letters Patents, all that heape of Constitutions, and Canons, (being in number aboue an hundred & fourty) which the BB. of London & Canterbury, had deuised, & set forth against Catholicks, for their greater vexation, & affliction. Out of which hath flowed since a huge sea of molestations and exagitations, by searchings, spoyles citations, apprehensions, excommunications, and other violences, vpon innocent and quiet people, by the ra∣uenous hungry Purseuants of those Prelats, and other their Catch-poles, without respect, either of Iustice, or hope of remedy, for iniuryes by them offered. There had passed also before this, the speach of the L. Chancelour in the Star-Chamber,* and the Sermon of the B. of London at Paules-Crosse, both of them tending to take all hope from Catholicks of any least fauour, that might be expected, and the former expresly charging the Iudges in his Ma.ties name, to vse all seuerity in seeking out and pu∣nishing them. Which things being seene, and arre worse feared, yea designed also and threatned, as those Gentlemen apprehended it, (especially at the next Par∣lament) cast them into that wofull impatience, and pre∣cipitation, which the euent declared.

XXXIII. All this then which the Apologer heere telleth vs, of Catholicks ingratitude for so many be∣nefits receyued,* during his Ma.ties raigne, and, That it is a mayne vntruth (to vse his words) and can neuer be proued, that any persecution hath beene in his said Ma.ties gouernment, or that any were, or are put to death or punished for cause of Conscience, is such a kynd of speach, as if it were told in the Indies, many thousand myles of, where nothing is knowne of Page  47 our Countryes affayres, might perhaps fynd some hear∣ers that would belieue it:* but in England to auouch such a thing in Print, where all mens outward senses, eyes & eares are witnesses of the cōtrary, is a strange boldnes. For as for persecution in goods and lands, as also of mens bodyes by imprisonment, and other vexations, who can deny the same, that will not shut his said eyes, or eares,* from seing and hearing that which daylie pas∣seth within the Realme. And when nothing els were: Yet those two seuerall and most memorable Statutes, to witt, the 4. and 5. made in the third yeare of this Kings raigne, conteyning more seuerall heads of affliction, and angariation against Catholicke-Recusants for their meere Conscience, then euer, perhaps, in the world were seene extant, against any one sorte of wicked men, or malefactors before; do easely conuince the vntruth of this asseueration about freedome from persecution. And as for death,* which is lesse greiuous to many then those other persecutions, the late example of M. Robert Drury, and now againe these last monethes past, of M. Matthew Flathers, & M. Geruis Priestes (to omit others) that dyed ex∣presly for refusing this late deuised Oath, since the pow∣der-treason, cannot, I thinke, be answered, except he will say, that this Oath hath no matter of Conscience in it for a Catholicke man to receaue: the contrary wher∣of we haue euidently shewed before, by many demon∣strations.

XXXIV. Wherfore, that which he addeth imme∣diatly, insinuating, and expresly threatning, that as there hath beene no persecution, or putting to death before (which is not true as I haue shewed:) so now for∣somuch as the Pope hath interposed his Authority,* and forbidden the Oath as vnlawfull,

there may chance be greater persecution, and more aboundant shedding of bloud, which (as he saith) must light vpon the Popes head, for this his prohibition:
All this (I say) is so spoken Page  48 as ech man may see, whither it tendeth: to witt, to in∣cyte his Ma.tie by such deuises, to ingulfe himselfe into the effusion of Catholickes bloud, casting on the pre∣tence, and veile of the Popes intermedling, as cause ther∣of: which is an ancient Art of deceipt, to giue Non causam, pro causa: for that no iniury is euer offered vnder the name of iniury, but of iustice or merit. And our Saui∣our was crucified as a deceyuer of the people,* & disloyall to Caesar: and S. Paul pursued as a disturber of the Weal∣publicke and peace. And no suffering is so honourable, as that which commeth with a dishonourable title: so as English Catholickes must not be dismaied when they suffer for the false imputation of Ciuill Disloyal∣tie to their Temporall Prince, being witting to them∣selues, that it is indeed for their Religion, and loyalty to God, their eternall Prince, and supreme King. And this only shall suffice for this matter. For if Catho∣lickes further affliction be determined by their Aduer∣saries, and permitted by God, pretences will not want how to do it. The prouerbe is already knowne, Fa∣cile inuenies baculum, vt canem caedas, as also the fable of Aesope, that the lambe must be slayne, for that drinking farre beneath the well, he was pretended not withstan∣ding, to haue troubled the fountaine. Catholicks must be beaten, for that the Pope hath resolued a case of Conscience, that men may not sweare against their owne Religion. All be to the glory of God, and then fynally will they leese nothing therby, which is the only comfort in such manner of sufferings.

Page  49

The second Part of this Paragraph.

ONE other poynt only is handled by the Apologer in this Paragraph, which is a large insultation against the Pope, for that he sayth in his Breue,* as heere is alledged, That the Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Ca∣tholicke faith, and of their soules health; since it conteyneth many things, that are playnly, & directly contrary to their faith and saluation. And albeit the word (directly) be conueyed in heere, which is not in the Popes Breue, & is of no small momēt, as all Deuines know in this matter, and therfore ought not to haue byn thrust in, as the Popes word, in a different distinct letter: yet not to stand vpon that, but vpon more grosser poyntes, and more iniurious, he presently vseth the speach, which is reported to haue byn of Auerroes the Mahometan Philosopher against Moyses Law-giuer of the Iewes,*Multa dicit, sed pauca probat, he saith much but proueth little, and presently passeth to this insul∣tation,*How the naturall allegiance of Subiects to their Prince, can be directly opposite (marke how he serueth himselfe of his owne word shifted into the text) to the faith and saluation of soules, is farre beyond my simple reading in Deuinity, as I must Page  50 it a strange and new assertion to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended generall Pastour of Christian soules.

XXXVI. Heere now what abuse is offered to the words and meaning of the Breue, euery simple Reader will see, without any explication from me: for that the Pope doth not prohibite naturall Obedience in things lawfull; nor doth say, that such naturall, or cyuill Obedience is opposite to faith or saluation of soules; nor that the Oath is vnlawfull,* for exhibiting such naturall, or cyuill Obedience: but for that, besydes this exaction of naturall Obedience, which is lawfull, it conteyneth diuers other poyntes also, concerning matters of Ca∣tholicke Religion: which poyntes being so conioyned, and couched with the other, as the one cānot be sworne without those other, do make the whole Oath vnlaw∣full, as it lyeth, without distinction, as before hath byn declared. So as this charge is now proued, to be but a meere cauill, and calumniation, & voluntary mistaking of the question and controuersy in hand.

XXXVII. And yet doth he so insist in it, and so dila∣teth himselfe vpon this false surmised principle (that Cyuill Obedience is denyed) as though all his Discourse and Treatise depended only of this (as indeed it doth,) and therfore he entreth into the confutation therof with a great florish of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councells (wherin he and his do abound, when they say the same that we do, but otherwise are altogether barren) as though in earnest we did deny it: which thing neuer so much as passed through our cogitations, but do hold and teach that Subiects are bound to obey their Tem∣porall Princes in all things lawfull, and those not only good Princes, but bad also: and not only out of feare or flattery, but out of Conscience, as the Apostle teacheth propter Conscientiam,* for Conscience sake, but not contra Conscientiam, against Conscience. Which being so; all is meerly impertinent, that is alledged heere by the Apo∣loger, Page  51 out of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels, to proue, that which we grant without proofe, & neuer denyed: which is, that temporal Princes are duely to be obeyed for Conscience sake, so long as they command nothing against Conscience. But let them shew but one only Authority, sentence, example or testimony out of any of these three kind of witnesses, Scriptures, Fathers, or Councells, that we must obey Princes against our Con∣science, or Religion, and I will grant he sayth some∣what to the purpose, otherwise he doth but leese tyme, and abuse his Reader in making him belieue, that he saith somwhat when he saith nothing. Let vs examyne therfore some of his examples if yow please.

XXXVIII. He alledgeth for examples out of the Scriptures,* That the children of Israel obeyed the King of Babylon,* as also they exhibited temporall Obedience vnto King Pharao of Egypt;* as in like manner to Cyrus King of Persia:* All which examples we grant to be true, and could ad many more, both of the Iewes, and Christians that lyued peaceably vnder Infidell Princes in those dayes. But lett one example (as I said) be brought forth, wherin they obeyed them in poynts contrarie to their Conscience or Religion, and it shall be sufficient.* We read in the Prophesie of Daniel, that those three famous Iewes, Sidrach, Misach, and Abdenago, were most trustie vnto King Nabuchodonosor in temporall affayres, and so much esteemed by him, as he made them his vniuersall Gouernors ouer all the workes of the Re∣gion of Babylon, saith the Scripture: and yet when it came to the poynt,* that he would haue them for his honour and pleasure, and vpon his commandement, adore the golden Statua, which he had set vp; they forsooke him flatly, and said to him in the presence o all his Nobi∣lity assembled togeather, that they were not so much as to answere him in that Commandement, nor would they do, as he had appoynted them.

Page  52 XXXIX. The like in effect did the ancienter Iewes do with King Pharao of Egypt; for that albeit in temporall affayres they obeyed him, euen in that tyme when he oppressed, and persecuted them most: yet in that he would haue had them stay and sacrifice in Egypt, and not follow Moyses their Spirituall Superiour into the desert (notwithstanding that the King had some cause perhaps to suspect their temporall Allegiance, also by that departure, they being a potent multitude of people:) yet would they not obey him, nor do as he would haue them, when they persuaded themselues that God would haue the contrary.

XL. I lett passe how Daniel and his fellowes would not eate the meates of the King of Babylon,* nor Tobie those of the Asyrians,* & much lesse would he leaue of to bury the dead, though it were forbidden by Proclamation vnder payne of death, The Machabees in like manner obeyed King Antiochus so long,* as he commanded no∣thing against their Law and Conscience: but when he went about to force them to sacrifice, and to eate swynes-flesh, and other things against their Law and Conscience, they refused openly to performe that Obe∣dience. So as these places of Scriptures alledged by the Apologer, do proue nothing for him at all, but are rather flatt against him, and for vs, as yow haue seene.

XLI. And much more do make against him,* his Au∣thorityes alledged out of the ancient Fathers, for that they go about to proue the very same poynt that we heere hold, that in temporall & cyuill affayres we must obey dutifully our temporall Princes, though In∣fidels or Pagans: but not in matters concerning God, our Religion, or Conscience. And his very first example out of S. Augustine is such, as I maruaile much, that he would cyte the same, but that somwhat for shew must be alleadged: For it maketh so clearly & directly against Page  53 him, as if it had beene written purposely to confute him in this our case. But let vs heare what it is. Agreable to the Scriptures (saith he) did the Fathers teach.*Augustine speaking of Iulian,* saith thus: Iulian was an vnbelieuing Emperour, was he not an Apostata? an oppressor, and an Idolatour?

Christiā souldiours serued that vnbelie∣uing Emperour: when they came to the cause of Christ, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in heauen: when he would haue them worship Idolls & sacrifice, they preferred God before him: but when he said, go forth to fight, inuade such a nation, they pre∣sently obeyed: they distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall, and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall Lord, for his sake, that was their eternall Lord and Maister.
Thus he.

XLII. And can any thing be spoken more cleerly for vs,* and for our cause, then this? For euen thus do we offer to our King & Soueraigne: we will serue him: we will obey him: we will go to warre with him: we will fight for him: and we will do all other offices be∣longing to temporall duty: but when the cause of Christ commeth in hand, who is Lord of our Con∣sciences, or any matter concerning the same, or our Re∣ligion; there we do, as S. Augustine heere appoynteth vs, preferre our eternall King, before our Temporall.

XLIII. And like to these are all the other places of Fathers cyted by him, who distinguish expresly be∣tweene the Temporall honour and Allegiance due to the Emperour, and the other of our Religion, & Con∣science, belonging only to God.* And to that playne sense are Tertullians words cyted by the Apologer:*VVe honour the Emperour in such sorte as is lawfull for vs, and expedient for him▪ as a man second after God, and as hauing receyued from God, whatsoeuer he is, and only lesse then God. And will not the Catholicks of England vse this speach also vnto their King? Or will the Apologer himselfe deny that TertullianPage  54 heere meant nothing els, but in temporall affayres, for much as the Emperour at that tyme were Heathen & Gentils, and consequently were not to be obeyed in any poynt against Christian faith or Religion?

XLIV. The like playne doctrine haue the words of Iustinus Martyr to the Emperour himselfe, cyted heere in the third place,* to witt: VVe only adore God, and in all other things wee cheerfully performe seruice to yow, professing yow to be Emperours, and Princes of men. And do not all English Ca∣tholiks say the same at this day, that in all other things, that concerne not God & his Obedience, by rule of Catholicke Religion, they offer cheerfully to serue his Ma.tie, acknowledging him to be their liege Lord and King, & inferiour only to god in his Temporall Go∣uernment? And how then are these, and such other places brought in for witnesse, as though they had somwhat to say against vs?

XLV. The other two sentēces, in like manner cyted out of Optatus,* and S. Ambrose, the first saying: That ouer the Emperour there is none, but only God, that made the Emperour. And the other, That teares were his wea∣pons against the armes, & souldiours of the Emperours: That he neyther ought, or could resist: Neyther of them do make any thing against vs, or for the Apologer, euen as they are heere nakedly cyted, without declaration of the circumstances: for that in temporall affayres the King or Emperour is Supreme, next vnder God. And when the Emperour will vse secular orces against the Priests of his dominion, they, being no souldiours, must fall to prayers, and teares, which are Priestly weapons. But what? Did S. Ambrose by this acknowledge that the Emperour had higher Authority, then he, in Church∣matters? Or that if he had offered him an Oath, repu∣gnant to his Religion, or Conscience, in those matters he would haue obeyed, or acknowledged his Superio∣rity? No truly. For in three seuerall occasions that fell Page  55 out, he flatly denyed the same, which this Apologer [ 1] craftily dissembleth,* and saith not a word therof.

XLVI. The first was, when he was cited by Dalma∣tius the Iribune, bringing with him a publicke Notarie to testifie the same, in the name of the Emperour Valenti∣nian the yonger, to come and conferre, or dispute with the hereticall Bishop Auxentius, in the presence of his Ma.tie and other of his Nobility and Counsell, which poynt S. Ambrose refused vtterly to do, tellyng the Em∣perour playnly by a letter, written vnto him; That in matters of faith and Religion Bishops must iudge of Emperours,*and not Emperours of Bishops. And dyuers other doctrines, by this occasion, he taught him to that effect, as is to be seene in the same Epistle.

XLVII. The second occasion fell out the very next [ 2] yeare after in Milane,* when the said Emperour, by suite of the Arrians, and fauour of Iustina the Empresse on their behalfe, made a Decree that a certayne Church of that Citty should be deliuered to the said Arrians: which Decree S. Ambrose the Bishop refused to obey. And when the Emperours Officers comming with armes, vrged greatly to giue possession of the Church, he fled to his former weapons of weeping and praying: Ego Missam fa∣cere caepi &c. I began to say Masse, and when the tēporall Magistrate vrged still, that the Emperour vsed but his owne right, in appoynting that Church to be deliuered, S. Ambrose answered, Quae diuina sunt, Imperatoriae Potestati non esse subiecta: That such things as belonge to God, are not subiect to the Imperiall power. And thus answered S. Ambrose about the gyuing vp of a materiall Church. What would he haue said in greater matters.

XLVIII. The third occasion was, when the [ 3] Emperour sent his Tribunes, and other Officers to require certayne Vessells belonging to the Church to be deli∣uered, which S. Ambrose constantly denyed to do, saying: That in this, he could not obey: And further adding, Page  56That if the Emperour did loue him selfe,*he should abstayne from offering such iniury vnto Christ. And in another place, hand∣ling the same more at large,* he saith: That he gaue to Cesar that which was Cesars, and to God that which belonged to God: but that the Temple of God could not be the right of Cesar, which we speake (saith he) to the Emperours honour.

For what is more honou∣rable vnto him, then that he being an Emperour, be called a Child of the Church, for that a good Emperour is within the Church, but not aboue the Church. So S. Ambrose. What would he haue done, or said, if he had bene pressed with an Oath against his Conscience, or any least poynt of his Religion?

IL. Neyther doth the last place cyted out of S. Gregorie the Great to the Emperour Mauritius make any thing more for our Apologers purpose of taking Oathes against Conscience. For albeit the same Father do greatly complayne in dyuers places of the oppression of the Church by the Kingly power of Mauritius,* whome (though otherwise a Catholicke Emperour) he com∣pareth in that poynt to Nero and Dioclesian, saying: Quid Nero?*quid Dioclesianus? quid denique iste, quihoc tēpore Ecclesiam persequitur? Nunquid non omnes portae Inferi? What was Nero? what was Dioclesian? what is he who at this tyme, doth persecute the Church? Are they not all gates of Hell? Yet in this place alledged by the Apologer, he yealded to publish & send abroad into diuers Countryes and Prouinces, a certayne vniust law of the said Empe∣rours, that prohibited Souldiours, and such as had byn imployed in matters of publike accōpts of the Commō Wealth, to make themselues Monkes: which law, though S. Gregorie did greatly mislike,* and wrote sharp∣ly against it, to the Emperour himselfe: yet to shew his due respect in temporall things vnto him, and for that indeed the law was not absolutly so euill, but that in some good sense, it might be tolerated, to witt, Page  57 that Soldiours sworne to the Emperors warres, might not (during the said Oath & obligatiō) be receaued into Monasteryes, but with the Princes licence: yet for that it tended to the abridgment of Ecclesiasticall freedome, in taking that course or state of lyfe, which ech man chooset for the good of his soule; S. Gregorie misliked the same, and dealt earnestly with the Emperour to relinquish it, or to suffer it to be so moderated, as it might stand without preiudice of Christian liberty: wherunto the Emperour at length yealded, and so S. Gregorie sent the same abroad vnto diuers Pri∣mates and Archbishoppes of sundry Kingdomes mencioned by him, but corrected first and reduced by himself, as supreme Pastour, to a reasonable lawfulnes, and temperate moderation: to witt, That those who had borne offices of charge in the Common wealth, and after desyred to be admitted to Religious life in Mona∣steryes, should not be receyued, vntill they had gyuen vp their full accompts, & had obteyned publicke dis∣charge for the same. And that soldiours which deman∣ded the like admittance, should be exactly tryed, and not admitted vnto Monassicall habite, but after they had lyued three yeares in their lay apparell, vnder probation.

L. This determineth S. Gregorie in his Epistle,* begin∣ning, Gregris 〈◊〉 Thessaloconsi, Vrbicio Dirachitano, &c. adding further in the same Epistle, as hath byn said, De qua re, Sereninus & Christanissimus Imperator omnimdo plca••r: About which matter our most Clement and Christian Emperour is wholy pleased and content. So as in this S. Gregorie shewed his pastorall care and pow∣er, in limiting and moderating the Emperours law, according to the law of God, though in temporall re∣spectes he shewed him the Obedience, that was due vnto him. But what is this vnto our Oath? May we thinke that S. Gregory, that would not passe a temporall Page  58 law of the Emperour, without reprehension of the vn∣lawfulnes therof to the Emperour himselfe, and cor∣rection thero in the publication, for that indirectly it did intringe the liberty of Religious life, when men were called therunto, that he would not haue much more resisted the admission of an Oath, about such affayres, if it had beene proposed? No man, I thinke, in reason can imagine the contrary.

LI. The last thing thē that is cited without purpose by this Apologer, are certayne Councels, which are said to haue submitted themslues to Emperours, as that of Arles in France vnto Charles the Great their King for that in the last wordes of the said Councell, the Bishopps there gathered togeather presenting the same to the same Charles write thus: Hae sub breuitate, quae emendatione digna perspeximus,*&c. These things briefly which we haue seene worthy of reformation, wee haue noted & deemed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour,

be∣seeching his Clemency if any thing be wanting to sup∣ply it by his wysedome; and if any thing be otherwise done then reason requireth, it be amended by his iud∣gement; and if any thing be reasonably censured, it may be perfected by his helpe, and by the Clemency of Al∣mighty God.
So the Councell. And heerof would the Apo∣loger inferre that this Councell of Bishops submitted it selfe to the Emperour.

LII. But I would aske him wherin? To take any Oath that the Emperour Charles should propose vnto them? Wee see no Oath offered, nor mentioned, and so nothing heere to our purpose. Wherin then, or why are they said to haue submitted themselues? For that, per∣haps, it is said in the Preface of the Councell, that they were gathered togeather by order, and commandement of the said Emperour. Surely it was hard, that so many Bishops, & Archbishops should be assembled togeather without his liking, and Order. But that the consent, Page  59 direction, and chiefe Commission for the same, came from the Bishop of Rome, may easily be gathered: for that in the first Councell that he caused to be celebrated in his Dominions,* which was that of VVormes in the yeare of Christ 770. it was left registred in these wordes: Auctoritas Ecclesiastica, atque Canonica docet, non debere, absque sententia Romani Pontificis, Concilia celebrari. Ecclesiasticall and Canonicall Authority teacheth, that Councels may not be held, without the allowance of the Bishop of Rome.

LIII. And wherin thē? Or why is this submission made? For approbation of matters cōcerning faith? No, for that yow haue heard before out of S. Ambrose, that therin Emperours are not iudges of Bishops, but Bishops of Emperours. Wherin then, or why is this submission, or rather remission to the Emperour, and his iudgmēt? It was, for that this Councell was made onely for refor∣mation of manners and matters, at the religious instāce of the good Emperour,* the effectuating wherof did de∣pend principally of his good will and assistance, and so after the first Canon, where briefly is set downe the Confession of the Christian faith, all the other 25. Ca∣nons (for there are only 26. in all) are about reforma∣tion of matters amisse: as for more diligence in daylie prayer for the Emperours person, and his children, to wit, thataMasses and Litanies be said daylie for them, by all Bis∣hops, Abbots, Monks, and Priests.b That Bishops and Priests study more diligently, and teach the people, both by lessons and preachings:c That lay men may not put out Priests of their benefices, without the sentence of the Bishop, nor that they take money of them for collation of the said benefices:d That none be admitted to enter into the Monasteryes of Virgins, eyther to say Mass, or otherwise, but such as be o approued vertue:e How peace is to be held betweene Bishops, Earles, and other Great men, especially in execution of Iustice:f That Page  60 weightes and measures be iust and equall, and that none worke vpon holy dayes:g That all Tythes be payd, all ancient possessions mantayned to the Churches: That no secular courtes be held in Churches, or Church por∣ches: That no Earles, or other Great men do raudu∣lently buy poore mens goodes, &c.

LIV. These then were the pointes of Reformati∣on, decreed in that Councell of Arles,* at the instance of Charles the Great, who was so zealous a Prince in this behalfe, as he caused fiue seuerall Councells to be cele∣brated in diuers Partes of his Dominions, within one yeare, to wit, this of Arles, an other at Towers, a third at Chalons, a fourth at Mentz, the fifth at Rhemes, and another the yeare before (which was the fixt) Ad Theo∣donis Villam, which is a towne in Luxemburge. All which Prouinciall Synodes are extant in the third Tome of Coū∣cells, togeather, with the Canons and Decrees, which are such as could not be put in execution, but by the temporall fauour, authoritie, and approbation of the Emperour in such matters, as concerned his tempo∣rall Kingdome and iurisdiction. Wherfore if for these respects, the Councell did present vnto the Emperour these Canons to be cōsidered of by his wisedome, whe∣ther any thing were to be added, altered, or taken away, for the publicke good of the Common Wealth (no Con∣trouersy of faith being treated therin) what is this to proue, eyther, that the Emperour in spirituall matters was superiour to the said Bishops, or that if he had pro∣posed vnto them any such Oath, as this is, wherin by professing their temporall Allegiance, they must also haue impugned some poynt of their faith, that they would haue obeyed him? And so much of this Coun∣cell.

LV. And for that, all the other Authorityes of other Councels heere cyted, do tend only to this end of pro∣uing Temporall Obedience, which we deny not, but Page  61 do offer the same most willingly: we shall not stand to answere or examine any more of them, but shall nd this Paragraph, with laying downe the insul∣tation of this Apologer against the Pope, vpō his owne voluntary mistaking the Question. I read (sayth he) in the Scriptures,* that Christ said, His Kingdome was not of this world, bidding vs to giue to Cesar that which was Cesars, and to God that which was Gods: and I euer held it for an infallible Maxime in Deuinity,

That temporall Obedience to a temporall Magistrate, did no∣thing repugne to matters o faith o saluation of soules. But that euer Temporall Obedience was against faith and saluation of soues, as in this Breue is alledged, was neuer before heard or read of in the Christian Church; and therfore, I would haue wished the Pope, beore he had set downe this Commandement to all Papists heere, That since in him is the Power, by the in∣fallibility of his spirit, to make new Articles of faith, when euer it shall please him; That he had first set it downe for an Article of faith, before he had commanded all Catholicks to belieue, and obey it.
So he.

LVI. And I maruaile, that a man professing learning, would euer so tryfle, or rather wrangle, and wrongfully charge his Aduersary: for that I fynde no such thing in the Breue at all, as that Temporall Obe∣dience is against faith and saluation of soules: nor doth the Breue forbid it:* nor doth any learned Catho∣licke affirme, that the Pope hath power to make new Ar∣ticles of Faith: nay rather it is the full consent of all Ca∣tholicke Deuines, that the Pope, and all the Church to∣geather, cannot make any one new Article of beliefe, that was not truth before, though they may explane what points are to be held for matters of faith, & what not, vpon any new heresies or doubts arising: Which articles so declared, though they be more particulerly, Page  62 and perspicuously knowne now for points of faith, and so to be belieued, after the declaration of the Church then before: yet had they before the self same truth in themselues, that now they haue. Nor hath the said Church added any thing to them, but this declaration only.* As for example, when Salomon declared the true Mother of the child that was in doubt, he made her not the true mother thereby, nor added any thing to the truth of her being the mother: but only the declaration. Wherefore this also of ascribing power to the Pope of making new Articles of faith, is a meere calumniation amongst the rest.

LVII. There followeth his conclusion:

I will then conclude (saith he) my answere to this point in a Di∣lemma: Eyther it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things or not. If it be lawfull, as I neuer heard or read it doubted of: then why is the Pope so vn∣iust and cruell towards his owne Catholicks, as to com∣maund them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull com∣mandement? If it be vnlawfull, why hath he not ex∣pressed any one cause or reason therof?
But this Dilemma is easily dissolued, or rather falleth of it self, both his pillers being but broken reeds, framed out of false sup∣positions: For that the Pope neyther denyeth it,* to be lawfull, to obey the Soueraigne in Cyuill and Tem∣porall things nor doth he command Catholicks to dis∣obey their Prince his lawfull commādements: but only where they be vnlawful to be performed, as he suppo∣seth them to be in the taking of this Oath. Wherof he ex∣presseth sundry causes, and reasons, I meane, so many as the Oath it self cōteyneth points cōcerning Religion: to which end, he setteth downe the whole Oath, as it lyeth, with intimation, that those points cannot be sworne with integrity of Catholicke Religion, & good conscience: which is sufficient for a Iudge, who dis∣puteth not, but determineth. So as, hereupon to make Page  63 illation of the Popes vniust, and cruell dealing towards Catholicks, by this his decision, as though he sorbad Ciuill Obedience; is to buyld vpon a voluntary false ground, supposing, or rather imposing the Pope to say, that which he doth not, and then to refute him, as though he had said it indeed. And is this good dealing?

LVIII.

But yet he goeth forward vpon the same false ground to buyld more accusations against the Pope, saying: That if the foundation of his exhorting Catholicks to beare patiently their tribulations, be false (as this Apologer auoucheth it to be) then it can worke no other effect, then to make him guylty of the bloud of so many of his sheep, whome he doth thus willfully cast away, not only to the needles losse of their liues, and ruyne of their famylies: but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists. As it no zealous Papist could be a true Subiect to his Prince: and that Religion, and the Temporall Obedience to the Cyuill Magistrate, were two things incompatible and repu∣gnant in themselues.
Thus he.

LIX. But who doth not see that these be all iniu∣rious inferences, inforced vpon the former false suppo∣sitions, to witt,

That Catholicks suffer nothing for their Conscience, That there is no persecution at all in England, That there is nothing exacted by this last oath, but only and meerly Cyuill Obedience, and that in this, the Pope exhorteth them to disobey the Temporall Prince in Temporall dutyes, and thereby giueth iust occasion to the Prince to vse his sword against them, and consequently that he is cause of the effusion of their bloud, and of the infamy of Catholicke Religion: as though no Catholicke by his Religion could be a true Subiect to his Temporall Prince.
All which supposi∣tions being vtterly mistaken, and not true, the more often they are repeated, the more exorbitant seemeth Page  64 the ouersight of the wryter. And in my opinion, the very same might haue bene obiected vnto S. Cyprian and other Fathers of the Primitiue Church,* that they were guylty of so many Martyrs bloud, willfully cast away, and of the ruyne of their familyes, and other inconue∣niences, by exhorting them not to doe against their Consciences, nor to yield to their Temporall Princes Commandements against God and their Religion: no not for any torments that might be layd vpon them, nor for any losses that might fall vnto them, of goods, life, honour, same, friendes, wife, children, or the like, which were ordinary exhortations in those daies of persecution, as by their Bookes yet extant doth appeare.

LX. Neyther is it sufficient to say, that those tymes and ours are different, for that the things then demaunded were apparantly vnlawfull, but these not: for that, to vs that are Catholicks, these things are as vnlawfull now, as those other were then to them, for that they are no lesse against our Consciences in matters of Religion. For why should it be more damnable then, and indispensable to deli∣uer vp a Byble, or new Testament, for examples sake, when the Emperour commaunded it, then now to sweare an Oath against our Conscience and Religion, when our Temporall Prince exacteth it? For that this, perhaps, is called the Oath of Allegiance? Who knoweth not, that the fayrest tytle is put vpon the fowlest matter, when it is to be persuaded or exacted? And he that shall read the Historyes of that tyme, and of those auncient afflictions, shall see that Act also to haue beene re∣quired,* as of Obedience and Allegiance, and not of Religion, being only the deliuery vp of mate∣riall bookes: and yet did the whole Church of God condemne them for it, that deliuered the same, and Page  65 held for true Martyrs, all those that dyed for denying thereof, for that they would not doe an Act against their Consciences.

LXI. Well then, to draw to an end of this se∣cond paragraph about the two Breues of Paulus Quintus, two things more writeth this Apologer, whereunto I must in like manner say somewhat.

The first is, That Pope Clemens Octauus sent into England, two Breues immediatly before the late Queenes death, for debarring of his Maiestie, our now Soueraigne, of the Crowne, or any other, that eyther would professe, or any way tolerate the pro∣fessours of our Religion, contrary (saieth he) to his manifold vowes, and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and, as it were, deliuered, vno & eodem Spi∣ritu, to diuers of his Maiestyes Ministers abroade, professing all kyndenes, and shewing all forwardnes to aduance him to this Crowne, &c.
Wherein still I fynde the same veyne of exaggeration, and calum∣niation continued by the Apologer. For hauing procured some knowledge of those two Breues,* I fynde them not sent into England togeather, nor immediatly before the late Queenes death, but the one di∣uers yeares before shee dyed, and the other after her death, and this to different effects. For in the first, the Pope being consulted, what Catholicks were bound to doe in conscience, for admitting a new Prince after the Queene should be dead, for so much as some of different Religions, were, or might be, pretenders; he determined that a Catholicke was to be preferred, not thinking (as may be presu∣med) to preiudice therein his Maiesty that now is, of whome, vpon the relations, and earnest asse∣uerations of those his Maiestyes Ministers abroad, who heere are mentioned, he had conceaued firme hope, that his Highnes was not farre from being a Page  66 Catholicke, or at least wise not altogeather so alie∣nate from that Religion, or professours therof, as reasonable hope might not be conceaued of his conuersion: though in regard of not preiudicing his Tytle in England, the said Ministers auouched, that it was not thought expedient at that tyme to make declaration therof.

LXII. This was auerred then, how truly or falsly I know not. But many letters and testi∣fications are extant hereof, which were the cause of those demonstrations of Clemens Octauus, to fauour his M.ties Tytle, which he did so hartily and effectually, as when he, after the Queenes death, vnderstood that he was called for into England, he wrote presently the second Breue, exhorting all Catholicks to receaue and obey him willingly, ho∣ping that at leastwise they should be permitted to liue peaceably vnder him. And this is the very truth of those two Breues: nor was there in the former any one word against his Maiesty then of Scotland; and much lesse that he was therin called the Scottish Hereticke,* as Syr Edward Cooke hath deuised since, and falsely vttered in print without shame or conscience. Nor was there any such wordes, as heere are alleadged, against any that would but tolerate the Professours of Protestants Religion: nor was there any such double dealing or dissimulation in Pope Clement his speaches, or doings, concerning his Ma.ty as heere are set downe. But the truth is, that he loued his person most hartily, and alwaies spake honourably of him, treated kindely all those of his nation, that said they came from him, or any wayes belonged vnto him: and often tymes vsed more liberality that way, vpon diuers occasions, then is conuenient, perhaps, for me to vtter heere: caused speciall prayer to be made for his Page  67 Maiesty, wherof, I suppose, his Highnes cannot altogeather be ignorant, and much lesse can so noble a nature be ingrate for the same, which assu∣reth me, that those things vtterd by this Apologer, so farre from the truth, could not be conferred with his Maiesty, but vttered by the Authour ther∣of, vpon his owne splene, against the Pope, and such as are of his Religion.

LXIII. The second and last point affirmed by the Apologer in this Paragraph,* is, that the first of these two Breues of Paulus Quintus was iudged to be farre against Deuinity, Policy, and naturall sense, by sundry Catholicks, not of the simpler sort, but of the best account both for learning and experience among them, wherof the Arch∣priest was one, and consequently, that it was held but for a counterfaite libell, deuised in hatred of the Pope. &c. All this (I say) hath much calumniation in it, and litle truth. For albeit some might doubt, perhaps, whether it came immediatly from the Pope, Ex motu proprio, or only from the Congregation of the Inquisi∣tion, vpon defectuous information of the State of the question in England (of which doubt, notwith∣standing, if any were, there could be little ground:) yet no Catholicke of iudgement or piety, would euer passe so farre, as to iudge it contrary to Deuinity, Policy, or naturall sense, and much lesse, to be a libell deuised in hatred of the Pope. These are but deuises of the Minister-Apologer: and he offereth much iniury to so Reuerend a man as the Archpriest is, to name him in so odious a matter, but that his end therin is well knowne. And if there were any such doubt, or might be before, of the lawfulnes of the first Breue, now is the matter cleered by the second; and so all men see thereby, what is the sentence of the Sea Apostolicke therein, which is sufficient for Catholicke men, that haue learned Page  68 to obey, and to submitt their iudgements to those, whome God hath appointed for the declara∣tion, and decision of such doubts. And thus much about those two Breues. Now let vs see what is said to Cardinall Bellarmyne, for writing to M. Blackwell in this affaire.

Page  69

ABOVT CARDINALL BELLARMINES LETTER TO M.r BLACKVVELL: And answere giuen thereunto, by the Apologer.

Paragr. III.

THE last Part of this Apology con∣cerneth a letter written by Cardinall Bellarmine → in Rome, vnto George Black∣well Arch-priest in England:* which letter, as appeareth by the argument therof, was written out of this oc∣casion: That wheras vpon the com∣ming forth of the forenamed new Oath, intituled, Of Allegiance, there were found diuers poynts combined togeather, some appertayning mani∣festly to Ciuill Allegiance, wherat no man made scru∣ple, some other seeming to include other matters, con∣trary to some part of the Catholicke faith, at least in the common sense as they ly; there arose a doubt whether the said Oath might be taken simply and wholy, by a Catholicke man, as it is there proposed Page  70 without any further distinction, or explication there∣of. Wherupon some learned men at home being diffe∣rent in opinions,* the case was consulted abroad, where all agreed (as before hath byn shewed) that it could not be taken wholy with safety of conscience, and so also the Pope declared the case by two seuerall Breues.

II. In the meane space it happened, that M. Black∣well being taken, was committed to prison, and soone after, as he had byn of opinion before, that the said Oath might be taken as it lay in a certayne sense; so it being offred vnto him, he tooke it himselfe. Which thing being noysed abroad, and the fact generally misliked by all sortes of Catholicke people in other Realmes, as offensiue, and scandalous in regard of his place, and per∣son, so much respected by them: Cardinall Bellarmine → , as hauing had some old acquaintance with him in for∣mer yeares, as it may seeme, resolued out of his par∣ticuler loue, & zeale to the Common cause of Religion, and speciall affection to his person, to write a letter vnto him, therby to let him know what reportes, and iudgment there was made of his fact, throughout those partes of Christendome where he remayned,* togeather with his owne opinion also, which consisted in two poynts, the one that the Oath, as it stood, compounded of different clauses, some lawfull, & some vnlawfull, could not be taken with safety of Conscience: the other, that he being in the dignity he was of Prelacy, and Pa∣storall Charge, ought to stand firme and constant for example of others, & rather to suffer any kynd of danger or domage, then to yield to any vnlawfull thing, such as the Cardinall held this Oath to be.

III. This Letter was written vpon the 28. day of September 1607. and it was subscribed thus in Latyn; Admodum R. dae Dom. is V ae. Frater & seruus in Christo. Robertus Card. Bellarminus.Page  71 Which our Apologer translateth, Your very Reuerēd Brother: wheras the word very Reuerend in the letter,* is gyuen to the Arch-priest,* and not to Card. Bellarmine → , which the interpreter knew well inough, but that wanting other matter, would take occasion of cauilling by a wilfull mistaking of his owne, as often he doth throughout this Answere to Bellarmine → , as in part will appeare by the few notes which heere I am to set downe, leauing the morefull Answere to the Cardinall himselfe, or some other by his appoyntment, which I doubt not, but will yield very ample satisfaction in that behalfe. For that, in truth, I fynd, that great aduantage is gyuen vnto him, for the defence of his said Epistle, and that the ex∣ceptions taken there against it, be very weake and light, and as easy to be dissolued by him, and his penne, as a thin mist by the beames of the sunne.

IIII. As for example, the first exception is (which no doubt were great,* if it were true in such a man as Cardinall Bellarmine → is) that he hath mistaken the whole State of the Questiō, in his writing to M. Blackwell, going about to impugne only the old Oath of Supremacy,* in steed of this new Oath, entituled, Of Allegiance: but this is most cleerly refuted by the very first lynes almost of the letter it self. For that telling M. Blackwell, how sory he was vpon the report, that he had taken illicitum Iuramen∣tum, an vnlafull Oath, he expoundeth presently, what Oath he meaneth, saying: Not therfore (deare Brother) is that Oath lawfull, for that it is offered somwhat tempered & modi∣fyed, &c. Which is euidently meant of the new Oath of Allegiance, not only tempered with diuers lawfull clauses of Ciuill Obedience, as hath byn shewed, but interlaced also with other members, that reach to Religion: wheras the old Oath of Supremacie, hath no such mixture, but is playnly, and simply set downe, for absolute excluding the Popes Supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall, and for ma∣king the King supreme Head of the Church in the same Page  72 causes: all which is most euident by the Statutes made about the same, from the 25 yeare of King Henry the 8. vnto the end of the raigne of King Edward the sixt.

V. Only I do heere note by the way,* that the Apolo∣ger in setting downe the forme of the Oath of Supremacie saith: I A. B. do vtterly testifie, and declare in my Conscience, that the Kings Highnes is the only Supreme Gouernour, as well in all causes spirituall as temporall, wheras in the Statute of 26. of K. Henry the 8.* where the tytle of Supremacy is enacted, the wordes are these:*Be it enacted by this present Parlament, that the King our Soueraigne, his heirs and successors, shalbe taken, accepted, and reputed the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church of England, called Ecclesia Anglicana, and shall haue, & inioy, annexed, and vnited to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, as well the tytle and style therof, as all honours, digniyes, authorityes, an∣nuityes, profitis, and commodityes to the said Dignity of Supreme Head of the said Church, belonging &c.

VI. And further, wheras two yeares after, an Oath was deuised for confirmation heerof in Parlament, the wordes of the Oath are sett downe:*That he shall sweare to renounce vtterly, and relinquish the Bishop of Rome, and his Au∣thority, power, and iurisdiction &c. And that from hence forth, he shall accept, repute, and take the Kings M. tie to be the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church of England &c. And that the refusers of this Oath, shall be reputed traytors and suffer the paynes of death &c. And in other Statutes it is decreed, that it shall be treason to deny this title of headship to the King. And by like Decree of Parlament, it is declared vnder King Edward,* what this Authority of headshipp is, when they say: For so much as all Authority of Iurisdiction spirituall, and temporall is deryued, & deduced from the Kings M. tie as Su∣preme Head of these Churches, & Realmes of England and Ireland &c.

VII. This was wont to be the doctryne of Supremacy in the tymes of King Henry, and King Edward, and it was death to deny this tytle, or not to sweare the same: now Page  73 our Apologer thinketh it not good to giue it any longer to his Ma.tie that now is, but calleth him only Supreme Gouernour, which is a new deuise taken from Iohn Rey∣nolds, & other his fellowes, who aboue twenty yeares gone, being pressed by his Aduersary M. Hart, about cal∣ling Q. Elizabeth,*Head of the Church, he denyeth flatly, that they called her so, but only Supreme Gouernesse, which I had thought they had done in regard of her sex, that is not permitted to speake in the Church. But now I perceaue they haue passed the same also ouer to his M.tie not permitting him to inherite the tytles, eyther of King Edward, or King Henry; which misliketh not vs at all, for that so farre they may passe heerin, as we may come to agree. For if they will vnderstand by supreme Gouernour, the temporall Princes Supreme Authority ouer all persons of his dominions, both Ecclesiasticall, and Temporall, in temporall matters, excepting only Spirituall (wherin as yow haue heard a litle before S. Ambrose told the Christian Emperours of his tyme, that being Lay-men, they could not rightly meddle:) I see no great difficulty, which in this affayre would re∣mayne betweene vs.

VIII. To returne then to the Charge of ouersight, and grosse mistaking (to vse the Apologers words) layd by him to Cardinal Bellarmine → , for impugning the ancienter Oath of Supremacy, insteed of this later called, Of Allegiance, & Of giuing the child a wrong name (as he saith,) I see not by what least colour, or shew of reason, it may stād against him. For besydes that which we haue said before, of the tēperament, & modification mentioned by him to be craftily couched in this later Oath, which by his letter he refu∣teth (I meane of lawfull,*and vnlawfull clauses) which must needes be vnderstood of the second Oath; he adioyneth presently the cōfutation of those modifications, saying: For yow know that those kind of modifications, are nothing els, but sleightes & subtilityes of Sathā, that the Catholicke faith, touching the Page  74 Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke, might eyther secretly, or openly be shott at. Lo heere he mentioneth both the Oathes, the one which shooteth secretly at the Primacy of the Sea Apo∣stolicke (which is the later Of Allegiance) & the other that impugneth it openly, which is the first of the Supremacy. And as he nameth the secōd in the first place, so doth he principally prosecute the same, & proueth the vnlaw∣fulnes therof, mentioning the other but only as by the way, for that it is as Totū ad Partē to the former, as a man can hardly speake of particuler mēbers of a body, with∣out naming also the said body (as whē S. Iames inuegheth against the tōgue,* he saith, That it inflameth the whole body:) so Card. all Bellarmine → could hardly reproue the particuler branches of the Oath of Allegiance, tending against sundry parts of the Popes Primacie, without mentioning the ge∣nerall Oath of Supremacy, though it were not his purpose chiefly to impugne that, but the other. Which later Oath, albeit the Apologer sticketh not to say, that it toucheth not any part of the Popes Spirituall Supremacy: yet in the very next period, he contradicteth & ouerthroweth himselfe therin. For so much, as deuiding the said Oath of Allegiance into 14.* seuerall partes or parcels, twelue of them, at least, do touch the said Supremacy one way or other, as by examination yow will fynd, and we shall haue occasion after to declare more at large.

IX. As for example,* he writeth thus:

And that the Iniustice (saith he) as well as the error of Bellarmine → his grosse mistaking in this poynt, may yet be more cleerly discouered; I haue thought good to insert heere imme∣diatly the contrary conclusions to all the poynts and Articles, wherof this other late Oath doth consist, wher∣by it may appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious poynts he would dryue his Ma.ties Subiects vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceaued.
For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessity hold these propositions following: First that our Soue∣raignPage  75 Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome, and of all other his Ma.ties Dominions. Secondly that the Pope by his owne authority may depose, &c. But who doth not see what a simple fallacy this is, which the Logicians do call A composito ad diuisa, from denying of a compound, to in∣ferre the denyall of all the parcels therin conteyned. As if some would say, that Plato was a man borne in Greece, of an excellent wit, skilfull in the Greeke language, most excellent of all other Philosophers, and would require this to be confirmed by an Oath, some Platonist, perhaps, would be cōtēt to sweare it: but if some Stoicke, or Peripa∣teticke, or Professour of some other Sect in Philosophy, should refuse the said Oath, in respect of the last clause, might a man inferre against him in all the other clauses also, Ergò he denyeth Plato to be a Man? He denyeth him to be borne in Greece, he denyeth him to be of an excellēt wit, he denyeth him to be skilfull in the Greeke tongue, &c. Were not this a bad kynd of arguing?

X. So in like manner, if an Arrian, or Pelagian Prince, should exact an Oath at his Subiects hands,* concerning diuers articles of Religion, that were belieued by them both, and in the end, or middle therof, should insert some clauses, sounding to the fauour of their owne sect, for which the Subiect should refuse the whole body of that Oath, as it was conceyued; could the other in iu∣stice accuse him, for denying all the seuerall articles of his owne Religion also, which therin are mencyoned? Who seeth not the iniustice of this manner of dealing? And yet this is that which our Apologer vseth heere with Catholicks, affirming in good earnest, that he which refuseth the whole body of this Oath, as it is con∣ceyued (in respect of some clauses therof that stand against his Conscience, about matters of Religion) re∣fuseth consequently euery poynt and parcell therof, and must of necessity hold (in the first place) that our Soue∣raigne Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Page  76 Kingdome, and of all other his Ma.ties Dominions. The contrary wherof all Catholicks do both confesse, and professe: & consequently it is a meere calumniation that they deny this. But let vs see, how he goeth, for∣ward in prouing this whole Oath to be lawfull to a Ca∣tholicke mans Conscience.

XI. And that the world (saith he) may yet further see,* his Ma.ties and whole States setting downe of this Oath, did not proceed from any new inuention of theirs, but as it is warranted by the word of God:* So doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance, decreed a thousand yeares agone, which a famons Councell then, togeather with diuers other Councels, were so farre from condemning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes heere in that purpose;

wherby it may appeare, that his Ma.tie craueth nothing now of his Subiects in this Oath, which was not expresly, and carefully com∣manded them by the Councels to be obeyed, without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particuler poynt of Equiuocation, which his Ma.tie in this Oath is so carefull to haue eschewed: but yow shall heere see the said Councels in their Decrees,
as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same;* so as, almost euery poynt of that Action, and this if ours, shall be found to haue relation, and agreeance one with the other, saue only in this; that those old Councels were carefull, and straite in commanding the taking of the same; wheras by the contrary, he, that now vaunteth himselfe to be Head of all Councells, is as carefull and strait in the pro∣hibition of all men, from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance. So he.

XII. And I haue alledged his discourse at large, to the end yow may better see his fraudulent manner of proceeding. He saith, That the example of this Oath is taken from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand Page  77 yeares agone in the Councels of Toledo, but especially the fourth,* which prouided also for the particuler poynt of Equiuocation: But let any man read those Councels, which are 13. in number, and if he fynd eyther any forme of an Oath prescribed, or any mention of Equiuo∣cation, but only of flat lying and perfidious dealing; let him discredit all the rest that I do write. And if he fynd none at all, as most certainly he shall not; then let him consider of the bad cause of this Apologer, that dryueth him to such manner of dealing, as to auouch, Euery point of that Action to haue agreeance with the offering of this Oath.

XIII. True it is that those Councels of Toledo, vpon certayne occasions, which presently we shall de∣clare, do recommend much to the subiects of Spayne, both Gothes and Spaniards; that they do obserue their Oath of fidelity made vnto their Kings,* especially vnto Sisenandus, for whose cause principally this matter was first treated in the fourth Councel of Toledo, but no speciall forme is prescribed by the said Councell: nor is Equiuocation so much as named therin, but only (as hath bene said) Iurare mendaciter▪ to sweare falsely, as the wordes of the Councel are. Which how far it is from the true nature of Equiuocation hath bene lately and largly demon∣strated as yow know.

XIV. The cause of the treatie of this matter in the 4. Councell of Toledo, was, for that one Sisenandus a Noble man of the bloud of the Gothes, and a great Cap∣taine, taking opportunitie of the euill life of his King Sintila, whome he had serued, did by some vio∣lence (as most of the* Spanish Historiographers write, though confirmed afterward by the Common-wealth, and proued a very good King) and, as Paulus Aemilius in his French Historie recordeth, by helpe of Dagobert King of France, put out the said Suintila: and fearing lest the same people that had made defection to him, might Page  78 by the same meanes fall from him againe, he procured in the third yeare of his raigne, this fourth Councell of Toledo, to be celebrated of 70. Prelates, as some say, and as others, of 68. hoping by their meanes, that his safe∣ty in the Crowne should be confirmed. Wherupon it is set downe, in the Preface of the said Councell, that comming into the same, accompanyed with many noble and honorable persons of his trayne;*Coram sacerdo∣tivus Dei humi prostratus, cum lachrymis, & gemitibus pro se inter∣ueniedum postulauit: He prostrate on the ground before the Priests of God, with teares and sobbes, besought them to make intercession vnto God for him. And after that, religiously exhorted the Synod to be myndfull of the Fathers De∣crees, for confirmation of Ecclesiasticall rytes &c. Wherupon after seauenty and three Decrees made, about Ecclesia∣sticall matters, which whosoeuer will read, shall fynd them wholy against the Protestants,* as setting downe, & describing the whole vse of the Catholicke Church then in Spayne (which concurred with our first Pri∣mitiue Church of England conforme to that which now also is seene there) they in the last Canon, which was the 74. turned themselues to treat in like manner of matters of the Common wealth, appoynting the order how their Kings for the tyme to come, should be esta∣blished: Defuncto in pace Principe, Primates Gen. is cum Sacerdoti∣bus, successorem Regni, consilio communi, constituant. The Prince being dead in peace, let the Nobility of the Nation, to∣geather with the Priests, by common counsell, appoynt a successour in the kingdome &c.

XV. And then next to this,* they do excommuni∣cate all those, that shall attempt the destruction of the present King, or shall breake their Oath of Fidelity made vnto him: Aut si quis praesumptione Tyrannica Regni asi ium vsurpauerit: or if any shall, by Tyrann. cal presumption, vsurpe the dignity of the Crowne, aut Sacramentum fidei suae, quod pro Patriae, Gentisque Gothorum stau, vel conseruatione Page  79 Regiae salutis pollicitus est,* violauerit, aut Regem neci attrectauerit: If any man shall violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath promised for the state, or conseruation of his Countrey, and Gothish Nation, and of the Kings safety, or shall attempt the Kings death &c. Lett him be accursed (say they) in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels, and cast out from the Catholicke Church, which by his periury he hath profaned; and let him be separated from all Society of Christians, togeather with all his associates in such attēptes. And this curse they do renew and repeat diuers tymes in that Canon; Vt haec tremenda, & toties iterata sententia, nullum ex nobis prae∣senti atque aeterno condemnet iudicio; that this dreadfull and often iterated sentence of excommunication, do not condemne any of vs with iudgement present, and euerlasting also, if we incurre the same.

XVI. This then was the great care which those ancient Fathers (wherof the holy and learned man S. Isidorus,* Archbishop of Siuill was the first that subscribed) had of the dutifull obedience, & fidelity of subiects to∣wards their Princes, vnto whome they had once sworne the same. But as for any particuler forme of Oath there prescribed, wherby this new Oath now required of Alle∣giāce may be framed, that hath so many clauses therin of scruple of cōscience to the receauer, I fynd none at all. And no doubt, but if this King Sisenandus should haue exacted of any of these Bishops, or other his subiects, such an Oath of Allegiance, as should haue beene mixed with any clauses preiudiciall to any of those points of Ecclesiasticall affaires, which are handled and decreed by them, in the said 73. precedent Canons of this Coū∣cell, or others contrary to their Conscience or iudg∣ment in Religion: they would haue beene so farre of from yielding therunto, as they would rather haue gi∣uen their liues, then their consents to such an Oath.

XVII. But to go forward, and speake a word or two more of this Councell of Toledo. After those 70. Page  80 Fathers had taken this order for the temporall safetie of their Prince, and Gothish Nation (for that was a principall point that none should be admitted to the Crowne, but of that race) they turne their speach to the present King Sisenandus,* and to his successours, ma∣king this exhortation vnto him. Te quoquè praesentem Re∣gem, ac uturos aetatum sequentium Principes, humilitate, qua debemus, deposcimus, vt moderati & mites erga subiecos existentes &c.

We with due humility, do require at your hāds also that are our present King, and at the hands of those that shall ensue in future tymes, that yow be moderate and myld towards your subiects, and do rule your people committed vnto yow by God, in iustice and piety; and do yield to Christ, the giuer of all your power, good correspondence by raigning ouer them, in humility of harte, and indeauour of good workes &c. And we do promulgate here against all Kings to come this sentence; Vt si quis ex eis, contra reuerentiam legum, superba dominatione, & fastu Regio in flagitiis crudelissimam potestatem in populis exer∣cuerit, Anathematis sententia à Christo Domino condemnetur. &c. That if any of them shall against the reuerence of the lawes, by proud domination, and Kingly haughtines, exercise wickednes, and cruell power vpon the people committed to their charge, let him be condemned of Christ, by the sentence of curse; and let him haue his separation, and iudgment from God himselfe.

XVIII. After this, for better establishment of the said present King Sisenandus,* they do confirme the depo∣sition and expulsion, from the Crowne, of the foresaid King Suintila, (which by error of the print, is called in the Booke of Councells, Semithilana) pronouncing both him his wife, and their brother, to be iustly expul∣sed for their wickednes: though the foresaid S. Isidorus, then liuing, and writing the History of Spayne, dedica∣ted to this King Sisenandus, doth speake much good of the* former parte of the other King his life and raigne. Page  81 And fynally some fyue yeares after this agayne in the sixt Councell of Toledo, being gathered togeather in the same Church of S. Leocadia, the said Bishops, togea∣ther with the Nobility, did make this law, and pre∣scribed this forme of Oath to all Kings of that nation, Vt quisquis succedentium,*temporum Regni sortitus suerit apicem, non anteà conscendat Regiam Sedem, quàm inter reliquas conditiones, Sacramento pollicitus fuerit, hanc se Ca∣tholicam non permissurum eos violare fidem. That whatsoeuer future King,* shall obtayne the height of this King∣dome, he shall not be permitted to ascend to the Royall seate therof, vntill he haue sworne, among other conditions, that, he will neuer suffer his subiects to violate this Catholicke faith, Marke that he saith (this) which was the Catholicke faith then held in Spayne, and explicated in those Councels of Toledo; the particulers wherof do easely shew, that they were as opposite to the Protestant faith, as we are now.

XIX. So as, all this is against the Apologer: for that in these Councells no particuler forme of any Oath was set downe, or exhibited at all to Subiects, that we can read of, but only in generall, it is commanded, That all do keepe their Oath of Allegiance sworne to their Princes, at their first entrance, or afterward. Which thing, no Pope did euer forbid, and all English Catho∣licks at this day do offer willingly to performe the same to this Ma.tie; and consequently, all that ostentation made by the Minister before, That this Oath is no new in∣uention: That it doth take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares gone, by a famous Councell: That the Councel prouided in particuler for the poynts of Equiuocation: That almost euery poynt of that action hath agreeance with this of ours, sauing only in this, that the Councell was carefull, & straite in commanding the taking of the same, and Pope Paulus carefull and strayt in the prohibition &c.

Page  82 XX. All this, I say, falleth by it selfe to the ground: for so much, as neyther that Councell commanded the taking of any Oath, nor prescribed any forme to Sub∣iects, nor Pope Paulus prohibiteth this, so farre as it con∣cerneth Temporall, and Ciuill Obedience, as hath byn declared. And whatsoeuer the Apologer cyteth more out of these Councels, the meanest Reader, by looking vpon it, will easely espy, that it maketh nothing at all for him, or against vs, and consequently the entring into the narration of this mater, with so great osten∣tation, as, That the world may see, that it proceeded not of any new inuention, but is warranted by the word of God, authorized by so auncient a Councell, and the like: All this (I say) was needles; for so much, as nothing is found in this Coun∣cell that agreeth with our case, but only the naming and recommending of an Oath of fidelity, wherin we also fully agree and consent with our Aduersary.

The second Part of this Paragraph.

NOw then to come to the particuler Answere of our Apologer to the Card.lls Letter,* he doth for diuers leaues togeather, as it were, dally with him, picking quarrells here and there, vntill he come to the mayne charge of contradiction of himself, to himself, not only in this Letter, but throughout all his workes. And albeit I doubt not, but that the Card.ll or some other by his appointment, will discusse all these matters largly and Page  83 sufficiently: yet for so much, as I haue promised to giue you my iudgment of all, I shall briefly in like māner lay forth what I haue obserued about these pointe.

XXII. Page 57. of his Apology he writeth thus: That some of such Priests, and Iesuits, as were the greatest traytors, and fomentors of the greatest conspiracyes, against her late Maiesty, gaue vp F. Robert Bellarmyne, for one of their greatest authorities, and Oracles. And for proofe he citeth in the margent Campian and Hart:*See the Conference in the Tower. By which I discouer a greater abuse then I could haue imagined, would euer haue come from a man carefull of his credit: for I haue seene and perused the Conference of M.r D. Iohn Reynolds with M. Iohn Hart in the Tower, vpon the yeare 1583. two yeares after the death of F. Campian, and there it appeareth in∣deed that the said M. Hart alleadgeth diuers tymes the opinions and proofes of F. Robert Bellarmyne, then pu∣blick Reader of Controuersies in Rome, but alwayes about matters of Deuinity and Controuersies, and neuer about Treasons or Conspiracyes. And as for F. Campian, he is neuer read to mention him, eyther in the one or the other. Consider then the deceitfull equiuocation here vsed, that for so much, as M. Hart alleadged F. Robert Bellarmine → sometymes in matters of Controuersie in that conference, therefore both he & F. Campian allead∣ged him for an Author and Oracle of Conspiracy against the Queene. And how can these things be defended with any shew or probability of truth?

XXIII. Page 60. he frameth a great reprehension against the Card.ll for that in his letter he saith, that this Oath is not therfore lawfull, for that it is offered as tem∣pered and modified. Whereupon the Apologer plyeth, and insulteth, as though the Card.ll had reprehended the tē∣perate speech therin vsed, adding, That in Luther and others of the Protestant writers, we mislike their bold & free speaking, as comming from the diuells instinct. Page  84

And now if we speake (saith he) moderately, and tem∣perately, it must be tearmed the diuells craft, and ther∣fore we may iustly complaine with Christ, That when we mourne, they will not lament, and when we pype they will not dance. And neyther Iohn Baptist his seuerity, nor Christ his meeknes can please them, who buyld but to their owne Monarchy, vpon the ground of their owne Traditions, and not to Christ, &c.
Thus he, and much more exprobration to this effect, that we mislike the temperate style and speach vsed in this Oath of Allegiance. But all is quite mistaken, and the Apologer hath iust cause to blush at this error, if it were error and not wilfull mistaking. For that Bellarmyne doth not say, that this Oath is temperate in wordes, but tem∣pered in matter, aliquo modo temperatum & modificatum: in a certayne sort tempered and modified by the offerers, in setting downe some clauses lawfull, touching Cyuill Obedience, and adioyning others vnlawfull, that con∣cerne Conscience, and Religion. Which meaning of Bellarmyne is euident by the example, which he allead∣geth, of the Ensignes of the Emperour Iulian, out of S. Gregory Nazianzen, to wit; That the images of Pagan Gods were mingled, and combined togeather with the Emperours picture, & therby so tempered, and modified, as a man could not adore the one,* without the other. Which being so, let the indifferent Reader consider what abuse is offered to Card.all Bellarmyne, in char∣ging him to mislike temperate speach in the forme of this Oath, which of likely hood he neuer thought on, and yet theron to found so great an inference, as to accuse him to buyld therby to a Monarchy, and not to Christ. Is this a token of want of better matter, or no?

XXIV. Page 62. the Apologer hauing said with great vehemency of asseueration,

That heauen and earth are no further asunder, then the profession of a Temporall Obedience, to a Temporall King, is diffe∣rent Page  85 from any thing belonging to the Catholicke faith, or Supremacy of S. Peter (which we graunt also, if it be meere Temporall Obedience without mixture of other clauses:)
* he proposeth presently two questions for application of this to his purpose. First this: As for the Catholicke Religion (saith he) can there be one word found in all this Oath, tending to matter of Religion? The second thus: Doth he that taketh it, promise to belieue, or not to belieue any article of Religion? Wherunto I answere first to the first, and then to the second. To the first, that if it be graunted, that [ 1] power, and authority of the Pope, and Sea Apostolicke left by Christ, for gouerning his Church in all occa∣sions & necessityes, be any point belonging to Religion among Catholicks, thē is there not only some one word, but many sentences, yea ten or twelue articles, or branches therin, tending and sounding that way as before hath bene shewed.

XXV. To the second question may make answere [ 2] euery clause in effect of the Oath it self. As for example the very first:*I A. B. doe truly, and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testify, & declare in my Conscience, that the Pope neither of him∣self, nor by any authority of the Sea or Church of Rome, hath any po∣wer & authority to &c. doth not this include eyther beliefe, or vnbeliefe? Againe: I doe further su eare, that I doe frō my hart abhorre, detest, & abiure, as impous, & here icall, that damnable do∣ctrine, & position, That Princes which be excommunicated, and de∣priued by the Pope, may be deposed &c. Doth not heere the swearer promise, not to belieue that doctrine which he so much detesteth? How thē doth the Apologer so grosly forget, and contradict himself, euen then, when he goeth about to proue contradictions in his Aduersary?

XXVI. It followeth consequently in the Oath: And I doe belieue,*and in Conscience am resolued, That neyther the Pope, nor any person whatsoeuer, hath power to absolue me from this Oath, or any part therof. These wordes are plaine as yow see. And what will the Apologer say heere? Is nothing Page  86 promised in those wordes to be belieued, or not to be belieued?

XXVII. But now we come to the contradictions of Cardinall Bellarmyne, wherof the Apologer taketh occasion to treate, for that the Cardinall affirmeth in one part of his letter, That neyther his Maiesty of England, nor any Prince else, hath cause to feare violence from the Pope; for that it was neuer heard of, from the Churches infancy, vntill this day, that any Pope did commaund,* That any Prince, though an Hereticke, though an Ethnicke, though a Persecutour, should be murthered, or did allow the murther, when it was done by an other.* Which assertion, the Apologer to improue, bringeth in examples first of doctrine, that Bellarmyne himself doth hold,

That Princes vpon iust causes may be deposed by Popes: and then of facts, That diuers Emperours haue bene deposed, and great warres raised against them, by Popes, as Bellarmyne in his workes doth confesse, and cannot deny, and consequently doth contradict himself.
But surely this seemeth to me a very simple opposition or contradiction. For who doth not see, that these things may well stand togeather, are not opposite, and may be both true; That Popes vpon iust causes, haue waged warres against diuers Princes, and Potentates; and yet neuer caused any to be vnlaw∣fully made away, murthered, or allowed of their murthers committed by others. For, may not we say iustly, that warlike Princes are no murtherers, though in the Acts of warres thēselues, many haue bene slaine, by their authority and commandement? Or may not we deliuer our Iudges of England, from the cryme of murther, though many mens deathes haue proceeded from them, by way of Iustice? No man (I thinke) will deny it.

XXVIII. And so if some Popes haue had iust warres with some Princes, Kinges or Emperours, or haue per∣suaded Page  87 themselues, that they were iust, in respect of some supposed disorders of the said Princes (as here is mentioned the warre, and other hostile proceedings of Pope Gregory the seauenth against the Emperour Henry the fourth) this is not contrary to the saying of Cardinall Bellarmyne,*That no Pope euer commaunded any Prince to be murthered, or allowed therof, after it was done by an other. For as for that which heere is affirmed by the Apo∣loger, That the Pope was inraged at the Emperour Henry the 5.*for giuing buriall to his Fathers dead corps, after the Pope had stirred him vp against his Father, and procured his ruyne, neyther proueth the matter, nor is altogeather true, as heere it is alleadged. Not the first: for this pro∣ueth not, that the Pope eyther commaunded or procured this death, which Bellarmyne denyed. Not the second: for that the two Authours by him cyted in his margent, to wit, Platina and Cuspinian, doe not auerre the same. For in Platina I finde no such thing at all; and Cuspinian his wordes are plaine to the contrary:* That when Henry the Father was dead, and buried in a Mo∣nastery at Liege, his Sonne would not make peace with the Bishop of that place, called*Otbert, except the dead body were pulled out of the graue againe, as it was, and so remayned for fiue yeares.

XXIX. And againe Cuspinian writeth, That the report was, that Gregory the 7. did before his death ab∣solue the Emperour; but that his Sonne Henry the 5. and his followers neuer left to sollicite the succeeding Popes vntill he was excōmunicated againe,* & thereupon had afterward this Christian buriall denyed him. And how then, is all this ascribed to the Pope, which pro∣ceeded from the Some against his Father? Our Apo∣loger saith, That he was sett on by the Pope to rebell against him, but this his witnesses affirme not. For Cuspinian saith that it was, Suasu Marchionis Theobaldi, Be∣rengarij Comitis Noricorum, & Ottonis sibi ex materna sirpe Page  88 cognati. And in this commonly agree all other Authors, asaVrspergensis, who then liued,bCrantzius,cSigonius,dNauclerus, and others. And why then is this so vniustly layed vpon the Pope? What Author can he bring for it, that auoucheth the same? Why is it couertly cast in, as though this matter apperteyned to Gregory the seauenth, who in his life had warres with Henry the fourth, but yet dyed before him? Heere then nothing is so apparent, as the desire to say much against Popes, with neuer so litle occasion, and lesse proofe. But let vs go forward.

XXX. In the second place he produceth the appro∣bation of the slaughter of the late King of France by Pope Sixtus in his speech in the Consistory: But no record of credit, eyther in Rome or elswhere, can be found to testify, that any such speech euer was had by Pope Sixtus.* And I vnderstand that diuers Cardinalls are yet liuing, who were then present in the first Consi∣story, after that newes arriued, who deny that Sixtus euer vttered any such words, as of the allowance of that horrible fact, though he might, and did highly admire the strange prouidence of God, in chastising by so vnexpected a way, so foule and impious a murther, as that King had committed vpon a Prince, Bishop, and Cardinall (and those neerest of bloud vnto his Maiesty of England) without any forme of iudgment at all. And that a spectacle heerby of Gods Iustice was proposed vnto Princes,* to be moderate in their power, and passions: for that in the midst of his great and Royall army, and corporall guardes, he was strangely slaine by a simple vnarmed man, when nothing was lesse expe∣cted, or feared. Nor can any thing be more improbable or ridiculous to be imagined, then that which is heere affirmed by our Apologer (and yet, he saith, he is sure therof) That this friar, which killed the King, should haue bene canonized for the fact, if some Cardinalls, out of their wisedome, Page  89 had not resisted the same. No such thing being euer so much as imagined, or consulted of, as many doe testify who were then in Rome. So as nothing is more common here, then bold assertions without wittnesses.

XXXI. And the like may be said to his third exam∣ple of the late Queene of England, against whose life (he saith) that so many practises, and attempts were made, and directly iioyned to those traytors, by their Confessours, and playnly authorized by the Popes allowance.* So he saith. But if a man would aske him, how he can proue, that those things were so directly inioyned, and plainly authorized, what answere will he make? Yow shall heare it in his owne wordes, for he hath but one: For verification (saith he) there needeth no more proofe, then that neuer Pope, eyther then or since, called any Church-man in question, formedling in those treasonable conspiracyes. And needeth no more (Syr) but this,* to condemne both Confessours and Popes of conspiring the last Queenes death, That no Pope hath called in question, or punished any Cleargy-man for such like at∣tempts? What i he neuer knew of any such attempt? What if he neuer heard of any Clergy-man to be accused therof, except such as were put to death by the Queene her self, either culpable or not culpable? What if he saw some such ridiculous false deuises, made against some Priests to make their whole company and cause odi∣ous, as iustly discredited with him all their other cla∣mours and calumnious accusations in that behalfe? As that of Squier, induced (as was sayed) by Fa. VValpole in Spaine to poyson the Queenes chayre,* or the Earle of Essex his sadde, which was so monstrous a fiction, and so plainly proued for such in forrayne Countryes (and so confessed by the miserable fellow at his death) as tooke all credit from like deuises in these attemptes, of hol∣ding the Queene in perpetuall frightes, to the end, she should neuer attend to the true way of remedy.

XXXII. And with what little care of sincerity. Page  90 or of punctuall truth, all these things are here, and elswhere, cast out at randome, to make a sound and noise in the Readers eares,* appeareth sufficiently in the very next sequent wordes, wherein speaking of Do∣ctor Sanders he saieth: That whosoeuer will looke vpon his Bookes, will fynde them filled with no other Doctrine then this. And will any man thinke it probable or possible that so many bookes as Doctor Sanders hath written, both in Latyn and English, and of so different arguments con∣cerning Religion, haue no other Doctrine in them, but this of killing, and murthering of Princes? And that other assertion also, that ensueth within very few lines after, against Cardinall Bellarmynes whole Workes, That all his large and great Volumes are filled with contradi∣ctions, wherof we are to treat more presently. Now only I doe note the facility, and custome of ouerlashing in this Apologer.

XXXIII. To conclude then about Queene Eli∣zabeth. Albeit Pius Quintus, and some other Popes did excommunicate her, and cut her of from the body of the Catholicke Church by Ecclesiasticall Censures, in regard of her persecuting Catholicke Religion: yet did I neuer know it hitherto proued, that any Pope pro∣cured or consented to any priuate violence against her person: albeit, if the forealledged Statute of the 28. yeare of King Henry the 8. be true, wherin it is de∣termined both by the King himself, his Counsell, and whole Parlament, as by the Archbishop Cranmer, with his Doctors, in his Iudiciall Seat of the Arches, that Lady Elizabeth was not legitimate, nor that her mother was euer King Henryes true wife (which once being true, could neuer afterward by any humane power be made vntrue, or amended to the preiudice of a third, rightly by due succession interessed therin:) & if,* as the whole Parlament testifyed, it should be Against all honour, equity, reason, and good conscience, that the Page  91 said La. Elizabeth, should at any tyme possesse the said Crowne, then the said Popes,* respecting in their said sentence (as it is certayne they did) the actuall right of the Queene of France and Scotland, and of her noble issue his Ma.tie that now is, they might proceed, as they did, against the other, for her remouall (whome they held for an vsurper) in fauour of the true inheritours op∣pressed by her, not only by spirituall, but temporall armes also, as against a publicke Malefactor and intruder contrary to right and conscience. And I cannot see, how this fawning Apologer, can eyther without open vntruth, or manifest iniury to his Maiesty, auerre the contrary. Which being true, doth greatly iustify the endeauours and desires of all good Catholicke people, both at home and abroad against her, their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue bene the deliue∣rance, & preferment of the true Heire, most wrongfully kept out, & iniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake.

XXXIIII. This then being so, and nothing pro∣ued at all against Popes for their murthering attempts against Princes, which Cardinall Bellarmyne denyed: yet this Apologer, as if he had proued much against him, in this point of contradicting himself, he writeth thus: But who can wonder at this contradiction of himself in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with contradictions, which when either he, or any other shall euer be able to reconcile, I will then belieue that he may easily reconcile this impudent strong denyall of his, in his letter, of any Popes medling against Kings. Wherin is to be noted first, that wheras Card.llBellarmine → doth deny any Popes murthering of Princes,* this man cal∣leth it, An impudent strong deniall of any Popes medling against Kings, as though medling, and murthering were all one. Is not this good dealing? Truely if the Card.ll had denyed, that euer any Pope had dealt, or medled against any King, or Prince, vpon any occasion whatsoeuer, it had beene a strong denyall indeed: but for so much, as Page  92 he saith no such thing, I maruaile of the Apologers proceeding in this behalfe, for with the word impu∣dent I will not meddle. But let vs heare him yet further.*

XXXV. And that I may not seeme (saith he) to imitate him, in affirming boldly that, which I no waies can proue, I will therefore send the Reader, to looke for wittnesses of his contradictions in such places here mentioned in his owne booke. Thus he, very confidently, as you see, And verily I cannot but mar∣uaile, that he knowing how many men of learning would looke vpon the places themselues, (for I vnder∣stand now also that the book is out in latyn) would not be ashamed in him self, to suffer their iudgement of him and his doings in this behalfe: albeit he had not respe∣cted the Cardinals answere, which must nedes be with exceeding aduantage against him, such as, in truth, I am ashamed for Countrey sake, that strangers should laugh vs to scorne for such manner of writing. For if I doe vnderstand any thing, and that myne owne eyes, and iudgement doe not deceaue me, this Apologer will remayne vnder, in all & euery one of these oppositions, no one of them being defensible in the nature of a true contradiction,* and consequently Cardinall Bellarmynes great volumes of Controuersies, will not only, not be proued full of Contradictions by this tast here giuen, as is pretended: but will rather be infinitly iustifyed; that in so many great Volumes, this Author hath not bene able to picke out any better contradictions then these. Wherof againe, I must say and auouch, that no one seemeth to me any contradiction at all, if they be well examined.

XXXVI. And though I meane not to discusse them all in this place, nor the greater part of them, they being eleuen in number, as hath bene said, both for breuityes sake, and not to peruent the Cardinalls owne Answere, and satisfaction therin (which I doubt not Page  93 but will be very sufficient, and learned:) yet three or foure I shall touch only, for examples sake, thereby to giue the Reader matter to make coniecture of the rest. This then he beginneth his list of eleuen contradictions against the said Cardinall.

XXXVII. First in his bookes of Iustification (saith he) Bellarmyne affirmeth,* that for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnes, and for auoyding of vayne glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole con∣fidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God:* which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, & current of all his fiue bookes De Iustificatione, wherin the same is conteyned &c. Of this 〈◊〉 contradiction we haue said somewhat before, to wit, That it is strange, that fiue whole bookes should be brought in, as contradictory to one proposition. For how shall the Reader try the truth of this obiection? Shall he be bound to read all Bellarmynes fiue bookes, to see whether it be true or no? Had it not bene more plaine dealing to haue alleadged some one sentence, or conclusion contradictory to the other? But now shall we shew, that there can be no such contradiction betwixt the sentence of one part of his said Booke of Iustification, & the whole discourse or current of the rest: for that Bellarmyne doth make all the matter cleere, by soyling three seuerall Questions in one Chapter, which is the seauenth of the fifth Booke here cyted.

XXXVIII. The three Questions are these,* about Fiducia, quae in meritis collocari possit, what hope and con∣fidence, may be placed, by a Christian man, in his good workes, and merites. The first Question is, whether good workes, in a Christian man, doe in∣crease hope and confidence by their own nature, and the promise of reward made vnto them? And Bellar∣myne answereth that they doe: and proueth it by many [ 1] places of Scriptures, as that of Toby the 4. where it Page  94 is saied: That almes-deeds shall giue great confidence, and hope to the doers therof in the sight of God.* And Iob sayeth: That he which liueth iustly,*shall haue great confidence, and hope, and shall sleep securely. And S. Paul to Timothy saith: That who∣soeuer shall minister well,*shall haue great confidence, &c. And I omit diuers other plaine places of Scriptures, and Fa∣thers there alleadged by him, which the Reader may there peruse to his comfort, shewing euidently, that the conscience of a vertuous life, and good workes, doth giue great confidence to a Christian man, both while he liueth, and especially when he commeth to dye.

[ 2]

XXXIX. The second Question is, whether this being so, a man may place any confidence wittingly in his owne merits, or vertuous life. And it is answered, That he may; so it be with due circumstances of hu∣mility, for auoyding pride, and presumption. For that a man feeling the effect of Gods grace in himself, wher∣by he hath bene directed to liue well, may also hope, that God will crowne his gifts in him, as S. Augu∣stines wordes are. And many examples of Scriptures are alleadged there by Card.ll Bellarmyne of sundry holy Saints, Prophets and Apostles, that vpon iust oc∣casion mentioned their owne merits, as g••ts from God that gaue them hope and confidence of his mercifull re∣ward: and namely that saying of S. Paul: I haue fought a good fight, I haue consummated my course, I haue kept my faith, &c. and then addeth,* that in regard hereof, Reposita est mihi Corona Iustitiae, A crowne of Iustice is laid vp for me, which God the iust Iudge shall restore vnto me.

[ 3] XL. The third Question is (supposing the sore said determinations) what counsaile were to be giuen: Whe∣ther it be good to put confidence in a mans owne me∣rits or no? whereunto Card.ll Bellarmyne answereth, in the words set downe by the Apologer, That for the vncer∣tainty of our owne proper Iustice, and for auoyding the perill of Page  95 vaine glory, the surest way is to repose all our confidence in the only mercy and benignity of God;* from whome and from whose grace our merits proceed. So as albeit Card.ll Bellarmyne doth confesse, that good life, and vertuous acts doe giue hope, and confidence of themselues, and that it is law∣full also by the example of auncient Saints, for good men to comfort themselues with that hope and confidence: yet the surest way is to repose all in the benignity and mercy of almighty God, who giueth all, and is the Au∣thour, as well of the grace, as of the merits, and fruites of good workes that eusue therof. And thus hath Car∣dinall Bellarmyne fully explicated his mynd in this one Chapter, about Confidence in good workes, by soluing the foresaid three different Questions, wherof the one is not contrary to the other, but may all three stand togea∣ther. And how then is it likely, that the foresaid propo∣sition, of reposing our Confidence in the mercy of God, should be contradictory, as this man saith, to the whole discourse and current of all his fiue Bookes of Iustification? Let one only sen∣tence be brought forth, out of all these fiue Bookes that is truly contradictory, and I shall say he hath reason in all the rest of his ouerlashing.

XLI. His second obiected contradiction is as good as this,* which he setteth downe in these wordes.aGod (saieth Bellarmine → ) doth not incline a man to euill, eyther na∣turally or morally: and presently after he affirmeth the contrary, saying:bThat God doth not incline to euill naturally but morally. But this is a plaine fallacy of the Apologer, for that the word morally is taken heere in two different senses, which himself could not but see. For first Card.ll Bellarmyne hauing set downe the former proposition, That God doth not incline a man to euill, eyther Physicè vel Moraliter, naturally or morally, he expoundeth what is vnderstood by ech of these termes, to witt, That Naturall or Phisicall concurrence is, when God con∣curreth to the substance of the action, as mouing or Page  96 impelling a mans will: but Morall concurrence is, when he doth commaund or ordayne any synne to be done. As for example, If a great man should concurre to the murther of another, he may doe it in two manners, eyther Naturally or Phisically, concurring to the action it self of poysoning, strangling, or the like: or Morally, by counselling or commaunding the same to be done, which is properly called Morall concurrence. And by none of these two wayes, God doth concurre to the committing of a synne.

XLII. But there is a third way of concurring,* tear∣med Occasionalicer, occasionally, or by giuing occasion, which improperly also may be called Morall: and this is, When God seeing an euill man euill-disposed, to doe this or that synne, though he doe not concurre therunto by any of the foresaid two wayes, of assisting or com∣maunding the action to be done: yet doth he, by his diuine prouidence, and goodnes, make occasions so to fall our, as this synne, and not that, is committed; and consequently it may be said, That almighty God, without any fault of his, or concurrence in any o the forsaid two wayes, hath bene the Occasionall cause of this synne.* As for example, we read in Genesis, That when the brethren of Ioseph were obstinately bent to kill him, God, by the pulling by of certayne I smaelites, Merchants of Galaad, gaue occasion of his selling into Egypt; so as he was herby some Occasionall, or Morall cause of this lesser synne, for eschewing the greater, but not in the former sense of Morall concurrence, which includeth also commandement.

XLIII. This Occasionall concurrence then, though in some large sense, it may be called also Morall: yet is it much different from the former, and conse∣quently, the one may be affirmed, and the other denyed, without any contradiction at all. And so this second obseruation against Cardinall Bellarmyne, is wholy im∣pertinent: Page  97 for that Contradictio must be in eodem, respectu eiusdem, which heere is not verifyed. For that when the Cardinall saith in the first place, That God doth not cōcurre Morally to synne, he meaneth by cōmaūding or counselling the same: & whē in the later place, he graū∣teth, That God doth cōcurre somtymes Morally, he mea∣neth by giuing occasiō only for this synne to be cōmit∣ted, rather then that, which is a plaine different thing.

XLIIII. And of the same quality is the third Contradiction,* set downe by the Apologer in these wordes: All the Fathers teach constantly (saith Bellarmyne) that Bishops doe succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seauenty dis∣ciples. And then in another part of his workes, he affir∣meth the contrary: That Bishops doe not properly succeed the Apostles. But whosoeuer shall looke vpon the places here quoted,* shall fynde this to be spoken in diuers senses, to witt, that they succeed them in power of Episcopall Order, and not in power of Iurisdiction, and other extraordinary priuiledges:* so as both those doe well stand togeather. And the like I say of the 4. contradi∣ction obiected, which is, That Iudas did not belieue: & yet in an other place,*That Iudas was iust, and certaynly good: which is no contradiction at all, if we respect the two seuerall tymes, wherof Cardinall Bellarmyne doth speake,* prouing first, out of S. Iohns Ghospell, by the in∣terpretation of S. Hierome, that Iudas at the beginning was good, and did belieue; and then by other words of Christ in the same Euangelist, vttered a good while after the Apostles vocation, That he was a dyuell. and belieued not. And who but our Apologer, would found a cōtradictiō against so learned a man as Bellarmyne is, vpon a ma∣nifest Equiuocation of tymes, wherby he may no lesse argue with Bellarmyne for calling S. Paul an Apostle and persecutour, and Nicolaus an elect of the holy Ghost, and yet an Heretick, for that the one was a Persecutour first, and then an Apostle, and the other first a chosen Page  98 Deacon by the holy Ghost, and afterward an Here∣ticke, possessed by the diuell, as most do hould.

XLV. But I should doe iniury (as before I said) both vnto Cardinall Bellarmyne and my self, if I should goe about to answere these supposed contradictions at length. To the Cardinall, in preuenting him, that will doe it much better. Vnto my self, in spending tyme in a needles labour, for so much as euery one of meane iudgemēt, that will but looke vpon the bookes, and places themselues heere cyted, will discouer the weaknes of these obiections, and that they haue more will, then ability to disgrace Cardinall Bellarmyne.

XLVI. After the obiecting then of these deuised contradictions, our Apologer returneth againe to exagitate yet further the foresaid saying of Bellarmyne,* That neither his Maiesty, nor other King hath need to feare any daunger to his Royall Person, by acknowled∣ging the Popes spirituall authority in his Kingdome, more then other Christians, and Monarches haue done heretofore,

or doe now in other Kingdomes round about him, who admitt the same Authority and haue done euen from the beginning of their Christianity, without any such dangers of murther incurred therby.
Wherupon this Apologer maketh a large new excur∣sion, numbering vp a great Catalogue of contentions, that haue fallen out, betweene some Popes and Empe∣rours, & the said Emperours receaued hurtes, domages, and dangers therby, and consequently had cause to feare, contrary to that which Bellarmyne writeth.

XLVII. And in this enumeration the Apologer bringeth in the example of the Emperour Henry the 4. brought to doe pennance at the Castle of Canusium,* by Pope Gregory the seauenth; as also of the Emperour Fredericke the first, forced by Pope Alexander the third to lie agroofe (as his word is) on his belly, and suffer the other to tread on his necke: Of the Emperour Philip, that is said Page  99 to haue bene slaine by Otho at the Popes motion; and that in respect therof,* the said Otho going to Rome, was made Emperour, though afterward the Pope deposed him also:

Of the Emperour Fredericke the second, ex∣communicated, and depriued by Pope Innocentius the fourth, who in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poy∣son, and this not taking effect, hyred one Manfredus to poyson him, wherof he dyed: That Pope Alexander the third wrote to the Soldane to murther the Emperour, & sent him his picture to that effect: That Pope Alexander the sixth, caused the brother of Baiazetes the Turkish Emperour, named Gemen, to be poysoned at his brothers request, and had two hundred thowsand crownes for the same: That our King Henry the second, besides his going barefooted in pilgrimage, was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-howse, like a schoole-boy, and glad to escape so too: That the Father of the moderne King of France, was depriued by the Pope of the Kingdome of Nauarre, and himself (I meane this King of France) forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his excommunication, as he was content to suffer his Em∣bassadour to be whipped at Rome for pennance.

XLVIII. All these examples are heaped togeather to make a muster of witnesses, for proofe of the dan∣gers wherin Princes persons are, or may be, by acknowledging the Popes Supreme Authority. But first in perusing of these, I fynde such a heape indeed of exaggerations, additions, wrestings, and other vnsyncere dealings, as would require a particuler Booke to refute them at large. And the very last here mētioned of the present King of France, may shew what credit is to be giuen to all the rest, to witt, That he suffered his Embas∣sadour to be whipped at Rome, & the latin Interpreter turneth it, Vt Legatum suum Romae virgis caesum passus sit: as though he had bene scourged with rodds vpon the bare flesh, or whipped vp and downe Rome; wheras so many hun∣dreds Page  100 being yet aliue that saw that Ceremony (which was no more, but the laying on, or touching of the said Embassadours shoulder with a long white wand vpon his apparell, in token of submitting himself to Ecclesiasticall discipline) it maketh them both to won∣der, and laugh at such monstrous assertions, comming out in print: and with the same estimation of punctuall fidelity doe they measure other things here auouched.

IXL. As for exāple,* that our King Henry the second was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house, & glad that he could escape so too, for which he cyteth Houeden, and this he in∣sinuateth to be,* by order of the Pope: in respect wher∣of (he saith) the King had iust cause to be afraid. But the Author doth plainly shew the contrary, first setting downe the Charter of the Kings absolution,* where no such pennāce is appointed: & secondly after that againe in relating the voluntary pennances which the King did at the Sepulcher of S. Thomas,* for being some occasiō of his death, doth refute therby this narration, as frau∣dulent, and vnsyncere, that the King was whipped like a school-boy by order of the Pope, as though it had not come frō his owne free choice, and deuotion.

L. That other instance of the Emperour, that lay a∣groofe on his belly (which I suppose he meaneth of Fredericke the first) and suffered Pope Alexander the third to tread on his necke, is a great exaggeratiō, and refuted, as fabu∣lous, by many reasons, and authorityes of Baronius, to whome I remit me. The other in like māner of Celestinus the Pope, that should with his foote beate of the Crown from the head of Henry the sixt Emperour, being only mentioned first of all others by Houeden an English Au∣thour, and from him taken by Ranulph of Chester, no other writer of other nations, eyther present at his Coronation as Godesridus Viterbiensis his Secretary, or others afterward asaPlatina,bNauclerus,cSabellicus,dBlondus,eSigonius,fCrantzius, so much as mentioning the same, though yet Page  101 they write of his Coronation,* maketh it improbable, and no lesse incredible then the former.

LI. That also of the Emperour Philip, affirmed to be slaine by Otho his opposite Emperour, at the incitation of Pope Innocentius the third, is a meere slaūder. For that, according to all histories, not Otho the Emperour, but an other Otho named of VVitilispack▪ a priuate man & one of his owne Court, vpon a priuate grudge, did slay him. And albeit Vrspergensis, that followed the faction of the Emperours against the Popes, doe write, that he had heard related by some the speech here sett downe, that Innocentius should lay, That he would take the Crowne from Philip, or Philip should take the Myter from him: yet he saith expresly, Quod non erat credendum, that it was not to be belieued. And yet is it cyted here, by our Apologer, as an vndoubted truth, vpon the onely authority of Vrspergensis in the margent.

LII. The like may be said of the tale of Frederick the second, attempted to haue bene poysoned, first in Apulia by Pope Innocentius the 4. and afterward effe∣ctuated by one Mansredus, as hyred by the Pope: which is a very tale in deede, and a malicious tale. For that he which shall read all the Authors that write of his life, or death, as1Platina (whome the Protestants hold for free in speaking euill of diuers Popes)2Blondus,3Sabellicus,4Nauclerus,5Crantzius,6Sigonius, & others, shall fynd, that as they write very wicked thinges committed by him in his life: so talking of his first danger in Apulia by gre∣uous sicknes, they make for the most part no mention of poyson at all, and much lesse as procured by the Pope Innocentius, praysed* for a very holy man, and to haue proceded iustly against Fredericke. And secondly for his death, they agree all, that it was not by poyson, but by stopping his breath and stifelyng him in his bed with a pillow, by Mansredus his owne bastard Sonne, to whome he had giuen the Princedome of Tarentum, for feare least Page  102 he should take it from him againe, and bestow it vpon Conradus his other soone. But that the Pope was priuy to this, or hyred him to doe the fact, as our Apologer affirmeth; there is no one word or sillable in these Au∣thors therof.

LIII. But you will say, that he cyteth one Petrus de Vineis in his margent,* and Cuspinian in the life of Fre∣dericke, both which are but one Authour; for that Cuspi∣nian professeth to take what he saith, out of Petrus de Vi∣neis, which Petrus was a seruant to Fredericke, and a pro∣fessed enemy to the Pope, and wrote so partially of this contention, as Pope Innocentius himself wrote Libros Apo∣logeticos (as Blondus recordeth) Apologeticall Bookes to coniute the lyes of this Petrus de Vineis in his life tyme:* And yet yow must note, that he auoucheth not all that our Apologer doth, nor with so much stomacke, or affirmatiue assertion. For thus relateth Cuspinian the matter, out of Petrus de Vineis: Non potuit cauere, &c.

The Emperour could not auoyd, but when he returned into Apulia he perished with poyson, the 37. yeare of his raigne, and 57. of his age, on the very same day that he was made Emperour. For wheras at the towne of Florenzola in Apulia, hauing receaued poyson he was dan∣gerously sicke, and at length, by diligence of Phisitions, had ouercome the same, he was stifeled by Mansredus his bastard sonne, begotten of a noble woman his Concubine, with a pillow thrust into his mouth, whe∣ther it were, that Mansredus did it, as corrupted by his enemyes, or by the Pope, or for that he did aspire to the Kingdome of Sicilia.
So he.

LIV. And albeit, as yow see, he saith more herin against the Pope, then any of the other Authours be∣fore mentioned,* for that he desired to cast some suspi∣tions vpon him: yet doth he it not with that bold as∣seueration, that our Apologer doth, saying: That both his first sicknes was by poyson, of the Popes procurement, and his mur∣thering Page  103 afterward by hyring of Manfredus to poyson him againe: whereas the other ascribeth not the first poysoning to the Pope (if he were poysoned) neyther doth so much as mention the second poyson, but onely the stifeling, and finally leaueth it doubtfull, whether the same pro∣ceeded from the Emperours enemyes, or from the Pope, or from his Sonnes owne ambition, and emulation against his brother.

LV. To the other obiection, or rather calumniation out of Paulus Iouius,* that Alexander the third did write to the Soldane, That if he would liue quietly, he should pro∣cure the murther of the Emperour, sending him his pi∣cture to that end: It is answered, that no such thing is found in that second booke of Iouius, by him here cyted, nor elswhere in that History, so far as by some dili∣gence vsed I can fynde: and it is not likely, it should be found in him, for so much as he beginneth his Hi∣story with matters only of our tyme, some hundreds of yeares after Alexander the third his death.

LVI. So as the only chiefe accusation,* that may seeme to haue some ground against any Pope, in this catalogue, for procuring the death of any Prince, is that which he alleadgeth out of Cuspinian, that Alexander the sixth tooke two hundred thowsand Crownes of Baia∣zetes Emperour of the Turkes, to cause his brother Gemen to be put to death, whome he held captiue at Rome, which he performed (saith our Apologer) by poyson, and had his pay; this I say, hath most apparence: for that some other Authors also besides doe relate the same, affirming, That albeit Prince Gemen the Turke, when he dyed, eyther at Caieta, or Naples, or Capua, (for in this they differ) was not the Popes prisoner, but in the hands of Charles the 8. King of France, who tooke him from Rome with him, when he passed that way with his army: yet that the common fame or rumour was, that Pope Alexander the sixth, had part therin, or, as CuspiniasPage  104 words are, Pontifice non ignorante, the Pope not vnwitting therof.* The reason of which report Guicciardine allead∣geth to be this, to wit, That the euill nature and condi∣tion of Pope Alexander, which was hatefull to all men, made any iniquity to be belieued of him.aOnuphrius Pan∣uinus writeth that he dyed in Capua of a bloudy flux without any mention of poyson. AndbSabellicus before him againe, relateth the matter doubtfully saying; Fue∣runt qui crederent, eum veneno sublatum, &c. There were some that belieued, that he was made away by poyson, and that Alexander the Pope was not ignorant therof; for that he was so alienate in mynde from the French-men, that he was loath they should take any good by him: Thus we see, that the matter is but doubtfully and suspi∣ciously related only, and the French-men being angry for his death, by whome they hoped great matters, might easily brute abroad a false rumour, for their owne defence in that behalfe.

LVII. But as for the two hundred thowsand crownes, though Iouius doe say, that they were offered by Baiazet, as also Vestis inconsutilis Christi, The garment of our Sauiour without seame: yet doth he not say, that they were receaued, eyther the one, or the other. So as whatsoeuer euill is mentioned of any Pope, our Apo∣loger maketh it certayne: and when it is but little, he will inlarge it to make it more: and when it is spoken doubtfully, he will affirme it for a certaynty: wherin he discouereth his owne humour against Popes, and therby limiteth the Readers faith in belieuing him; though we do not take vpon vs to defend the liues and facts of all particuler Popes, but their faith and authority; being forewarned by our Sauiour, that vpon the Chayre of Moyses shall fit Scribes and Pharisyes, whome we must obey, in that they teach, and not follow or imitate, in that they doe. And this shall serue for this point: Card.ll Bellarmyne, I doubt not, will be more large. If a man Page  105 would go about to discredit Kingly authority, by all the misdeeds of particuler Kings that haue byn registred by Historiographers, since the tyme that Popes began, he should fynde, no doubt, aboundant matter, and such, as could not be defended by any probability. And yet doth this preiudicate nothing to Princely power or dig∣nity, and much lesse in our case, where the facts them∣selues obiected, are eyther exaggerated, increased, wre∣sted, or altogeather falsifyed.

The third Part of this Paragraph.

THERE remayneth the last part of [ 1] this impugnation of the Cardinalls letter,* which consisteth in the exa∣mining all the Authorityes and Sen∣tences of ancient Fathers, alledged by him in the same. As first of all, the comparison of the art, and deceipt vsed by Iulian the Emperour,* surnamed Apostata, and recounted by S. Gregory Nazianzen, in placing, and in∣serting the images of his false Gods, into the pictures of the Emperour, in his Imperiall banner: so, as no man could bow downe,* or reuerence the Emperours picture, (as then was the custome) but that he must adore also the images of the false Gods. Which art of temperament, the Cardinall doth compare vnto this mixture & com∣bination of clauses lawfull, and vnlawfull, Cyuill, and Ecclesiasticall in the Oath proposed; so as a man can not sweare the one, but he must sweare also the other. Page  106 Which similitude, although it do expresse most fitly the matter in hand; yet the Apologer being sorely pressed therwith seeketh many euasions to euacuate the same, by searching out dissimilitudes, and saying; That albeit a similitude may be admitted claudicare vno pede, to limp, or halt on one foote: yet this (saith he) is lame, both of feete & hands, and euery member of the body: And then he taketh vpon him to set downe at length the diuersityes that may be picked out. As first,

that Iulian was an Apostata, but our Soueraigne is a Christian: he changed the Reli∣gion which he once professed, but our King not: he became an Ethnicke, or an Atheist, our King is not ashamed of his profession: Iulian dealt against Chri∣stians, but his Ma.tie dealeth only to make a distin∣ction betweene true subiects, and false-harted tray∣tours.
And so he goeth forward to weary his Reader with many more like diuersityes, which must needs be loathsome to euery man of meane iudgment, who know that a similitude requireth not parity in all poynts (for then it should be idem, and not simile) but only in the poynt wherin the comparison is made, as heere in the compounding and couching togeather of lawfull and vnlawfull things in the Oath, as the other did in his banner.

LIX. For if a man would tryfle, as our Apo∣loger doth, and seeke out differences betweene things, that are compared togeather, as like in some certayne poynts,* but vnlike in other; we should ouerthrow all similitudes whatsoeuer, and consequently we should eneruate many most heauenly speaches of our Saui∣our in the Ghospell, that stand vpon similitudes. As for example: Be yow wise as Serpents, and simple as Doues. What enemy of Christian Religion might not cauill,* and calumniate this? seeking out diuersityes betwixt a serpent and a man, and betweene the malicious craft of that malignant creature, and the wisedome that Page  107 ought to be in a prudent man. But it is sufficient that the similitude do hold in that particuler poynt, wherin Christ made the comparison. And so agayne, When our Sauiour maketh the comparison betweene the King∣dome of heauen, and the litle grayne of mustard-seed; who cannot fynd out infinite differences betweene the one and the other,* making the similitude to halt and limp in many more parts,* then it can go vpright. But it is sufficient,* that it stand, and halt not in that one poynt, wherin the comparison is made.

LX. I passe ouer many other like similitudes,* as that the Kingdome of heauen, is like to a man that sow∣eth good seed in his field: As also it is like to leauen, which a woman tooke and hid in three measures of meale, vntil the whole was leauened: It is like also to a treasure hid in the ground; and to a Marchant man, that seeketh good margarites, and precious stones: And vnto a net cast into the sea, and gathering togeather of all kynd of fishes. Who cannot (I say) fynd out diffe∣rences and diuersityes, if he would study for them in all these similitudes vsed by our Sauiour. For as for the last of the net, that gathereth togeather perforce, good and bad fish in the sea, seemeth hard to be applyed to the Kingdome of heauen, whether we vnderstand it, eyther of Gods Kingdome in the next world, or of the Church in this; for that in the next world good & bad are not admitted; and in this world, the Church of Christ gathereth none perforce, as the net doth. But yet in the poynt it selfe, wherin Christ our Sauiour made the comparison, the similitude doth hold; and that is sufficient to shew the impertinent indeauour of this A∣pologer heere, to seeke out diuersityes, that appertayne not to the poynt wherin the comparison is made.

LXI. The next example which our Apologer see∣keth [ 2] to auoyd or euacuate in the Cardinalls letter, is that of old Eleazar in the booke of Machabees, who rather Page  108 then he would do a thing vnlawfull, and against his owne conscience,* or that might be scandalous to others, he refused not to suffer all kynd of torments; which the Cardinall applyeth to the taking of this vnlawfull Oath,* by such as are Catholicks, but especially by the Arch-priest, head of the Clergie in England, whose case he presumeth to be more like to that of Eleazar, for his age, estimation, and authority aboue the rest. To which example the Apologer answereth thus:* That if the Arch-priests ground of refusing this Oath were as good as Eleazars was, for refusing to eate of the swynes-flesh that was proposed, and vrged vnto him, it might not vnfitly be applyed to his purpose:

But the ground fayling, (saith he) the building cannot stand.
But this is an escape much like the former, that runneth quite from the matter: for that the Cardinall supposeth a Catholicke conscience in him to whome he writeth, to which con∣science it is as repugnant to sweare any thing, sounding against any poynt of Catholicke Religion or Doctrine, as it was to Eleazar to eate swynes-flesh, against the law of Moyses. Which supposition being made, and that in the Cardinalls iudgment, this Oath conteyneth diuers clauses preiudiciall to some poynts of the said Catho∣lice beliefe and doctrine concerning the authority of the Sea Apostolicke, and that the taking therof would not only be hurtfull to the taker, but offensiue also, and scandalous to many other of that Religion, both at home and abroad; the application of this example of Eleazar was most fit and effectuall. Let vs see what ensu∣eth of the rest of the Authorityes.

LXII. The third example is of S. Basill surnamed [ 3] for his rare learning and holinesse, The great, who being most earnestly exhorted (as Theodoret recounteth the story) by Modestus the deputy of Valens the Arrian Empe∣rour,* sent of purpose to that effect, that he should ac∣cōmodate himself to the said Emperours will,* & pre∣sent Page  109 tyme, and not suffer so many great Churches to be abandoned (for that all such bishops,* as would not accommodate themselues were sent into banishment) for a little needles subtility of doctrines, not so much to be esteemed: offering him also, the friendship of the Emperour, and many other great benefits to ensue, both to him and others, if he would in this poynt shew himselfe conformable. But this holy and prudent man (saith the Cardinall) answered, That it was not to be indured, that any one syllable of* dyuine doctrynes, should be corrupted, or neglected; but rather, that for the defence therof, all kynd of torment was to be im∣braced. Out of which example the Cardinall doth gather, how strict and wary a good man must be, in yealding to any thing neuer so litle, that is preiudicall to the integrity of Catholicke doctryne: and it seemeth very fit to the purpose, and the cases somwhat like.

LXIII. Yet doth our Apologer by all meanes pos∣sible seeke to wype of, or weaken all that can be infer∣red out of this example.* And first of all, he beginneth with a meere calumniation thus:

First I must obserue (saith he) that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinary tricke of his,* in all citations, which is, to take what makes for him, and leaue out what makes against him, & would cyte the Authors sense, as well as the sentence; we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he alledgeth. And to instance it in this very place, if he had conti∣nued his allegation but one lyne further; he should haue found this place of Theodoret, of more force, to haue moued Blackwell to take the Oath, then to haue dissuaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth (in S. Basils speach:) I do esteeme greatly the Emperours friendship, if it be ioyned with piety, but without it, I hold it for pernicious.
So he.

LXIV. And do these words last adioyned make Page  110 any thing at all for our Apologer? Or rather agree they not fitly to the purpose of the Cardinals exhortation, though for breuityes sake he left them out? How then is their omission brought in for a profe of A common & ordinarie tricke of the Cardinals, in all his citations, to take only that which is for him, & leaue out what makes against him? How is this against him? Or how doth this shew any such ordinary tricke of falshood in the Cardinal, not in one or two, but in all his citations? Doth this man care what he saith? This then is one shift, to answere this Ancient, or rather Anticke, as heere he is made. Let vs see an other.

LXV. His second is by taking aduantage of tran∣slation out of the Greeke,* in which Theodoret wrote his story, or rather by peruerting the same in some pointes to his purpose. For which cause he repeateth againe the substance of the history in these wordes: But that it may appeare (saith he) whether of vs hath greater right to this place (of Theodoret about S. Basil) I will in few wordes shew the Authous drift.* The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, whē he had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Caesarea, where S.* Basil was then Bishop; who, as the story reporteth, was the light of the world. Be∣fore he came, he sent his Deputy to worke it, that S. Basil should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which Eudoxius was Bishop of Constantinople and the principall of the Arrian faction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the Emperours Deputy came to Caesarea,* he sent for Basil, intreated him hono∣rably, spake pleasingly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the tyme, neyther that he would hazard the good of so many Churches

tenui exquisitione dogmatis,
pro∣mised him the Emperours fauour, and himselfe to be Mediatour for his good. But S. Basil answered,
These intising speaches were fit to be vsed to children, that vse to gape after Page  111 such things. But for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syllable therof to be corrupted. Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance therof, refuse no kind of death. In deed the loue of the Emperour ought to be greatly esteemed with Piety; but Piety taken away, it was perni∣cious.

LXVI. This is the truth of the storie (saith he:) & I haue layd downe at length his declaration, to the end that his sleightes may the better appeare in eluding the force of this Answere of S. Basil, as though he had said only, that no syllable of Gods word was to be suffered to be corrupted, wheras his meaning was, not only of Gods word, or of Scriptures alone, but, Ne vnam quidem syllabam diuinorum dogmatum,* not any one syllable of dyuine doctrine, taught by the Catholicke Church, and so much import his wordes in greeke, which are guylfully heere translated: for that insteed of the forealleadged sentence, wherein consisteth the substance of the said answere, to witt: That for them that are throughly instructed in Gods word, they can neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted, he should haue said:*That they that haue beene brought vp & nourished in sacred learning, cannot suffer any one syllable of dyuine doctrynes (of the Church) to be violated, which is cōforme also to S. Ba∣sils purpose in hand. For that the controuersy, which he and other Catholicke Bishops had with the Arrian Doctors in those dayes, was not only, nor immediatly about the Scriptures out of which the Arrians alleadged more aboundantly then their aduersaries, but about cer∣tayne doctrynes determined by the Church, especially by the Councell of Nice, as namely about the vse of the wordes and doctrines of homsion, or consubstantiality, hypostasis, substance, person, trinitie, and other the like; and whether they should say Gloria Patriet Filio, or Gloria Patri cum Filio; or in Filio, & such other differences, which vnto the Deputy Modestus, seemed but small matters and subtilityes of doctrine, but to S. Basil matters of great Page  112 moment: for so much as they were now determined by the Church, and thereby made Diuina dogmata, Diuyne doctrines, though they were not all expresly found in Scriptures. So as this sleight in trāslating S. Basils answer, That such as were throughly instructed in Gods worde could neuer suf∣fer any syllable therof to be corrupted (as though he had meant only of Scripturs) is not sincere, neyther agreable eyther vnto the letter of the Greeke text, or meaning of S. Basill.

LXVII. Let vs see then his third shift,* to put of this matter, which is the same that before we haue mentioned in the first example of Iulian, to witt, by seeking out differences, & disparityes, betweene the clauses or members that are compared togeather, saying: That albeit Basil and the Arch-priest may haue some compa∣rison; yet not our Orthodoxe King with an Arrian Emperour. Basil was sollicited to become an Arrian: but the Arch-priest, not once touched for any article of faith. And so he goeth forward with many contrapositions. But I haue spoken suffi∣ciently before of the weaknes of this manner of argu∣ment. And if we remoue the mentions of some persons, that may be offensiue, the matters themselues will easily discouer their conformity. For if yow had de∣maunded Modestus the Deputy then, in fauour of what religion would he haue S. Basil to conforme himselfe & subscribe; he would haue said the Orthodoxe, no lesse then the Iudges of England do now, that require this Oath: And yet did not S. Basil thinke so.* And if any man should haue called that Emperour an Arrian, it would haue bene no lesse offensiue, then to call a Protestant-Prince at his day, a Caluinist or Lutheran; notwithstanding that the reason of difference betweene the Catholicks and Arrians at that day, be the same, that is betweene Catholicks and Protestants at this day: to witt, the following, or impugning of the vniuersall knowne Church, descending from Christes tyme, vnto Page  113Saint Basils, and from Saint Basils to ours.

LXVIII. There remayne yet 3. or 4. other exāples mentioned by the Cardinall in his Epistle to the Arch∣priest, wherof the first two are of S. Peter, and Marcellinus the Pope, whose fortitude and diligence in rysing agayne, he desyreth him to imitate, if perhaps he follo∣wed their infirmity in falling. The other two, are of S. Gregorie,* and S. Leo, two holy and learned Popes, and for that cause both of them surnamed the Great, who do set downe in dyuers places, the obligation that all Ca∣tholicke Christian men haue, to hold vnion and subor∣dination with the Sea Apostolicke. Vnto the first two examples, as there is litle said, but disparityes only sought out, betweene Peter and Marcellinus, and the story also of Marcellinus called in question; so I leaue the same to the Cardinall himselfe to treate more at large: for so much, as in his former books, & workes, he hath hand∣led the same sufficiently; as also the third obiection, made against S. Gregorie, about refusing the name of Vni∣uersall Bishop. And the same I must say of the 4. also, S. Leo, whome the Apologer confesseth to be truly alledged against him,* for exalting the Authority of S. Peter, and firmitie of his faith, which he putteth of with this scoffe borrowed from D. Iohn Reynolds his booke of Conference in the Tower,* That as Tully said to Hortensius the Orator, when he praised immoderatly eloquence, That he would lift her vp to heauē, that himselfe might go vp with her: so would S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with prayses to the sky, that he being his heire, might go vp also, and be exalted with him.

LXIX. And after this scorne, he picketh out diuers sentences of S. Leo his works,* which seeme somewhat o∣dious, & to contayne ouermuch praise, & exaltation of S. Peter, & his Authority; all takē out of the said Reynolds Booke, as Reynoldes himselfe had takē the greatest part of thē out of M. Iewell, to whome the same was very suffi∣ciently Page  114 answered before by D. Harding, and the most of them shewed to be meere calumniations. The first and chiefe wherof is this,*That our Lord did take S. Peter into the fellowship of indiuisible vnity; which S. Leo his aduersaries going about to wrest to an absurd sense, to wit, that this indiuisible vnity must eyther be in person, or nature with Christ, D. Harding sheweth playnly by S. Leo his owne words, sense, and drift, that he meant it only of the indiuisible vnity or fellowship of the high name of Rocke of the Church, which Christ our Sauiour the chiefe and fundamentall Rocke imparted to none, but to S. Peter, and consequently that vnity of name of Rocke was indiuisible betwene them: which if eyther M. Iewell, or M. Reynolds, or our Apologer would haue equally considered, they needed not to go about to disgrace so ancient a Father with so meere a cauill: or at leastwise it being once ans∣wered, they ought not to haue so oftē repeated it againe, without some new matter, or reason for the same, or impugnation of the former answere.

LXX. But I will not trouble yow with any more at this tyme, albeit there ensue in the Apology diuers other poynts that might be stood vpon, not for that they conteyne any great substance of matter, but for that they seeme to proceed out of no small auersion of mynd, acerbity, and gall in the writer, against all sortes of Catholicke people: which CHRIST IESVS amend and mollify, and giue him light from heauen to see the truth, that he so bitterly impugneth.

LXXI. And as he dealeth with S. Leo, so doth he much more in the same kynd with D.or Sanders, and Cardinall Bellarmine → ,* cyting out of their workes, dyuers sentences culled and layd togeather, that seeme lesse respectiue to the Authority of temporall Kings and Princes, and all this to incite more his Ma.tie against them, and those of their Religion: and fynally, against the Cardinall, he concludeth in these wordes: That God is no more contrary to Page  115 Belial, light to darknes, and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estima∣tion of Kings is to Gods.* Which is a very passionate Conclu∣sion, if yow consider it well, for that setting asyde the preheminēce for iudging in matters of Religion, which in his Controuersyes he proueth both by Scripture, and testimony of all antiquity, to appertayne to Bishops and not to Princes (& so was practised for 300. yeares after Christ, when few, or no Kings, or Emperours were yet Christians;) in all other poyntes he speaketh so reue∣rently of them, and defendeth their Supreme Authority with as great respect as any Authour (perhaps) hath euer done before him. And to pretermit other places, let the Reader but looke ouer the first 16. Chapters of his Booke de Laicis, and he shall fynd not only the Au∣thority of Princes proued to be from God, by many Scriptures, Fathers, Councels, Reasons, and other Au∣thorityes of Saints, against Anabaptists, Atheists, and other miscreants of our tyme; but the quality also, and ex∣cellent power of the said Princely Authority so exalted both for making of lawes, iudging, condemning, wa∣ging warre, and like actions of supreme power; as will easily refute this cauillation.

LXXII. And among other propositions tending to that effect, he hath this in the beginning of his eleuenth Chapter, which he proueth largely, and of purpose throughout the same; not only, That Temporall Princes are to be obeyed out of Conscience, or for Conscience sake; but also, Quod lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in Conscientia, quàm lex Diuina:* That the Cyuil law of the Temporall Prince doth no lesse bynd the Subiect in Conscience, thē the law that commeth immediatly from God him∣self. And how then is Cardinall Bellarmyne said heere to be no lesse contrary to God,* concerning Kings Autho∣rity, then light to darknes, and heauen to hell? But especially if yow consider further, that when Cardinall Bellarmyne in that booke, commeth to treat of the Authority of Tem∣porall Page  116 Princes in matter of Religion, though he set downe this Conclusion, That, Non pertinet ad eos Iudicium de Religione, The authority of iudging of Religion (which is true or false) belongeth not vnto them, but vnto Bi∣shops: yet, Pertinet ad eos defensio Religionis, the defence and protection of Religion appertayneth vnto them: as also the cyuill gouernmēt in cyuill matters ouer all persons, as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall, which is so much as a Catholicke man can giue to Caesar, reseruing to God that which is Gods.

LXXIII. And albeit this might be sufficiēt to shew the tooth that is held against Cardinall Bellarmine → , and the ardent appetite these Ministers haue to disgrace him in somewhat: yet am I inforced to lay forth some few examples more, wherby, as in a cleere glasse, the indiffe∣rent Reader will see, behold, and wonder also, at the manner of dealing vsed against him to that end.

LXXIV. And now we haue already seene, what general Conclusions haue bene gathered against him: That he vseth to contradict himselfe wittingly, so often as euer he is pressed with any hard argument by his Aduersary: That his common tricke is to tell the sentence of his Authour without his sense: That he seeketh euery-where to debase Kingly authority,*and the like. Which generalityes, as, in truth and reason, they may not be inferred, but vpon proofe, and induction of many particularyties: so when it commeth to tryall, yow haue seene not so much, as any one particuler sufficiently proued. Now shall yow heare some more examples of calumnious dealing with him.

LXXV. Pag. 92. the Apologer speaking of S. Gregorie the Great, and going about to interpret those wordes of his, alleadged by the Cardinall, where he calleth▪* the Sea Apostolicke Caput fidei, the Head of faith, in regard of the direction in matters of Faith, that is to be taken from thence, as from the Head; the Apologer would haue it vnderstood, that for so much as in that Page  117 place he speaketh to the Bishop of Palermo about the vse of the Pall, accustomed to be gyuen by the sea Apostolicke to Archbishops, S. Gregories meaning is, that the Sea Apostolicke of Rome is head only in matters of Cerimo∣nyes,* and then he inferreth thus: VVhich sense (saith he) if yow will not admit, giue me leaue to say that once of one (Gre∣gorie) which Bellarmyne himselfe saith often of many of the Fa∣thers, Minùs cautè locutus est: Gregorie spake not so aduisedly: And the latin translation hath, Quod ille de multis, & saepe dicit, ex omni numero Patrū, That Bellarmyne saith it often, & of many, and of all sortes of Fathers; to wit, that they spake inconsideratly: and yet when I went to examyne the two places of Bellarmynes workes, cyted by our Apo∣loger in the margent, I found a strange abuse, to wit, no such thing at all spoken of the Fathers, but only of one Nicolaus de Lyra, made a Christian of a Iew, not much aboue two hundred yeares past, who seeming by some words of his, to hold a certayne extrauagāt opiniō, that S. Peter, & S. Paul were not put to death at Rome, but at Hierusalem,* against the generall consent of all antiquity, Cardinal Bellarmyne expoundeth first, what his true meaning was, to witt, nothing in deed differing from the Fathers expositions, and namely of S. Hierome, and then addeth, Quanquam minùs cautè locutus est &c: Albeit Lyranus in his manner of speach, was not so wary, as he might haue byn, in giuing suspicion of so absurd an opinion, and so contrary to all the ancient Fathers. Heere then yow see, how matters are strayned. That which Cardinall Bellarmyne speaketh only of Nicolaus Lyranus vpon so iust occasion, as this was, is extended by our Apologer, to often, many, and all sortes of Fathers. Is this good dealing? How can the Apologer defend himself in this place, from willfull exaggeration, and voluntary mi∣staking? In the other place cyted by him lib. 2. de Christo cap. 2. there is no such matter at all. But let vs see some other like examples.

Page  118 LXXVI. Pag▪ 108. he setteth downe this generall odious proposition-out of Bellarmyne: That Kings are rather slaues, then Lordes. And may a man thinke this to be true or likely, that so rude a proposition should come from Bel∣larmine? Looke vpon the place by him cyted lib. 3. de Laicis cap. 7. & yow will maruaile extremly at this manner of proceeding. For that in this very place, yow shall fynd that the Cardinall doth most exalt, and confirme by Scriptures, Fathers, and other arguments, the dignity and authority of the cyuill Magistrate among Chri∣stians. And in the next precedent Chapter before this cyted, he hath this begining.

The fourth reason, saith he (to proue the lawfulnes and dignity of the Cyuill Magistrate against the Anabaptists) is from the efficiēt cause, to witt, God the Authour therof, from whom it is certayne, that Cyuill power proceedeth, as S. Augu∣stine proueth throughout his whole fourth, and fifth bookes De Ciuitate Dei,* and it is euident by the Scriptures, for that God saith: By me Kings do raigne &c.

LXXVII. So Bellarmine → : and then passing to the next Chapter heere cyted, which is the seuenth, he proueth the same by another argument, which is. That in the state of Innocency, if Adam had not synned, wee should haue had Cyuil subiection and gouernment; and consequently it cānot be thought to be euill, or brought in by sinne, or for the punnishment of synne, as the Ana∣baptistes affirmed, but must needs be of God, & from God. True it is (saith he) that seruile, or slauish subiection, was brought in after the fall of Adam, and should not haue byn in the state of In∣nocency, but cyuill subiection should. And then he sheweth the differences betweene these two sortes of gouernment, and subiections, to witt, that the one, which is the ser∣uile, tendeth wholy to the vtility and emolument of him that gouerneth, and nothing to them that are go∣uerned. But the other which is cyuill and politick, ten∣deth principally to the profit of them that are gouer∣ned Page  119 therby. So as if there be any seruitude, saith Bellarmine → (but he meaneth not slauish) in this Ciuill principality, it falleth rather vpon him, that gouerneth the people to their owne vti∣lity, then vpon the subiectes that receaue the said vtility therby. And so are Bishops called the seruantes of their flockes, and the Pope himselfe, The Seruant of seruants: and S. Augustine vpon those wordes of our Sauiour in S. Matthews Ghos∣pell (He that will be made first (or chiefe) among you,*must be the seruant of all the rest) doth proue at large, that, In Ciuili Principatu, magis sruus est, qui praeest, quàm qui subest: In a Ciuill Principality, he is more a seruant that gouerneth to other mens profit, then he that obeyeth, to his owne.

LXXVIII. This is all that Cardinall Bellarmyne hath about this matter: wherin he doth scarce name a King,* as yow see, but Bishops, and Popes to be ser∣uants in the gouermēts of those, whome they gouerne; though he include good Kings in like manner, putting this difference betwene a good King, & a Tyrant, out of Aristotle; That a good king gouerneth to the profit of his Subiects,* wherin he is their seruant in effect (though not their slaue, as this man odiously vrgeth) and a Ty∣rant, that turneth all to his owne vtility without respect of those, whome he gouerneth. And is this so absurd doctrine? Or doth this iustify the Apologers outra∣gious proposition, That Bellarmyne affirmeth Kings to be rather slaues then Lordes? Who would not be ashamed of this intemperate accusation?

LXXIX. And now there remayne eleuen places more of like quality, alleadged by the Apologer out of Cardinall Bellarmynes workes,* which being examined by the Authors wordes, meaning, and sense, haue the same want of sincerity which the precedent had.* The second is, That Kings are not only Subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Deacons. This is a playne cauill: for the fault, if any be, falleth vpon S. Chrysostome, and not vpon the Cardinall, whose wordes are these: S. Chrysostome in Page  120 his eyghtie and three Homilie vpon S. Matthewes. ghospell, doth subiect Kings and Princes (in Eccle∣siasticall matters) not only to Bishops, but also to Dea∣cons. For thus he speaketh to his Deacon: Si Dux quis∣piam, si Consul, si is qui Diademate ornatur &c. If a Duke, if a Consul, if one that weareth a Crowne, commeth to the Sacramēt vn∣worthily, restrayne him, and forbid him, for that thou hast greater power then he. What fault hath Cardinall Bellarmine → heere in alledging the words, and iudgement of S. Chryso∣stome?

LXXX. The third place is,*That an Emperour must content himself to drinke, not only after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplin. But these wordes are not found in Bel∣larmine, but are odiously framed by the Apologer out of a fact of S. Martyn Bishop of Tewers in France, related by auncient Sulpitius in his life,* that he sitting one day at dynner with the Emperour Maximus, and the Empe∣rours officer bringing a cup of wine to his Lord, he would not drinke therof first, but gaue it to the Bishop to beginne, who accepting therof, and drinking, deliue∣red the said cup to his Priest to drinke next after him, thinking no lay-man to be preferred before a Priest, saith Sulpitius. But what doth this touch Bellarmine → , that doth but relate the Story. May he, in truth, be said to rouch, that an Emperor must be cōtēt to drinke after a Bishops Chaplin? Who seeth not this violēt inforcemēt?

LXXXI. His fourth place is this,*That Kinges haue not their Authority, nor office from God, nor his law; but from the law of Nations. Good God! what desyre is here descried of calumniation? Let any man read the two places here quoted, and he will blesse himselfe, I thinke, to see such dealing. For in the first place his wordes are these: Prin∣cipatus saecularis. &c. Secular Princedome is instituted by mā, & is of the law of Nations; but Ecclesiasticall Princedome is only from God, and by dyuine law, which he meaneth expresly of the first institution of those Principalyties, or Gouernmentes: Page  121 for that at the beginning God did not immediatly ap∣poynt these particuler and different formes of Tempo∣rall gouernment, which now the world hath, some of Kinges, some of Dukes, some of Common-wealthes, but appoynted only, that there should be Gouernment, lea∣uing to ech nation to take or choose what they would. But the Ecclesiasticall Gouernment by Bishops was or∣dayned immediatly by Christ himselfe, for which cause Bellarmine → saith in the second place heere alledged: That Kingdomes are not immediatly instituted from God, but mediatly only by meanes of the people; which people therfore may change their formes of gouernment, as in many Countryes we see that they haue: but yet when any forme of Gouernment is established, and Gouernours placed therin, their authority and power is from God, and to be obeyed out of Conscience, vnder payne of damnation,* as before I haue shewed out of Bellarmyne. And he that will read but from his third Chapter de Laicis vnto the 13. shall fynd store of assertions & proofes to that effect, to omitt many other places throughout his workes. So as the former proposition, That Kings haue not their Authority nor office from God nor his law, is very frau∣dulently sett downe. For if he vnderstand, that their forme of Principality and Office therin, is not imme∣diatly from Gods institution, but by meanes of humane lawes, of succession, election, or the like; it is true. But if he meane, that their Authority is not from God, eyther mediate, or immediate, or induceth not obliga∣tion of Conscience in obeying them, as it seemeth he would haue his Reader to thinke; it is most false. And the Apologer ought not to haue walked in these obscu∣rityes, if he had meant vprightly.

LXXXII. I am weary to wade any further in these obiections, and yet will I not let passe to note three more, though most briefly, and almost in three words, leauing the rest to be examined by the Reader himselfe. The first is, That Church-men are as farre aboue Page  122 Kings, as the soule is aboue the body. The other: That Obedience due to the Pope, is for Conscience sake. The third: That Obedience due to Kings, is only for certayne respects of order and policy; The first and last being meere calumniations and the other not denyed by vs. For as for the first, though the words heere mentioned be not in Bellarmyne: yet the compari∣son it self of Ecclesiasticall and Temporall powers in the Church, vnto the soule, and body, is the comparison of S. Gregorie Nazianzen related only by Bellarmyne,* and con∣sequently it must needs follow, as the same Father also inferreth, that so much more eminent, as the soule is aboue the body, so much more excellent is the power Ecclesiasticall aboue Temporall, which S. Chrisostome in like manner proueth at large in his books de Sacerdotio: So as this is not Bellarmynes comparison, but of the said two auncient Fathers, and consequently Bellarmyne is not here reprehended, but they.

LXXXIII. The other two places, if they be two, and not one, but made two for multiplying of odious matter against vs, haue byn so fully answered by vs before, as we shall need to say no more heere therof. For as Obediēce is due out of Conscience vnto the Pope, & other Bishops, & Spirituall Gouernours, in spirituall Gouernments,* by the Apostles precept, Obedie Praepositis vestris, &c. Obey your Prelates, & be subiect vnto them; for they watch, as being to render accompt for your soules: So the same Apostle hath commanded also, due Obedience to Temporall Magistrates, in temporall affayres, by the same obligation of Conscience, as Car∣dinall Bellarmyne doth shew at large, in the places by me alledged. And I maruaile with what Conscience the Apologer heere can deny it, cyting a place for the same in his margent, which hath no such matter, as he would inferre,*That not for Conscience, but only for certayne respects &c. For that treating of the obligation of Obedience to temporall lawes, in temporall affayres, his second pro∣position is; Non sunt exempti Clerici ab obedientia legum Ciui∣lium:Page  123 Clergie-men are not exempted from the obedience of temporall lawes. And in another place before cyted;*Lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in conscientia quàm lex diuina: The Temporall law byndeth no lesse in conscience, then the Diuine. So as all those odious matters are but frandu∣lently layd togeather to make Catholicks, & their cause hatefull, especially vnto him, whom vnto they desyre most of all men vnder God, to yield most satisfaction for their temporall dutyes, and would hope also to effe∣ctuate it, if these make-bate Ministers did not by their continuall incitations, clamours, and false suggestions disturbe the same, and renew daylie iealosyes and distrustes in his Ma.ties mynd against vs.

The Conclusion.

WHERFORE to draw to an end of this dis∣tastfull argument, it cannot but grieue, & afflict much the hartes of all that loue ey∣ther Prince or Countrey, & looke into the naturall sequels of like proceedings, to see matters runne dayly vnto such extremityes as they do, & that by such instigators, as are both both lesse carefull to foresee the hurts both priuate & publick that may ensue, & lesse able to remedy thē when they fall out. The prin∣cipall of whom (being the first & chiefe motors) besydes the generall hatred wherin they are with both extremes of opposite in Religion, are so interessed in like māner by the spoyles, & rapines which their rauenous Purseuants daylie bring home, out of their continuall searches, and ransacks of innocent mens houses, goodes and persons, as litle moderation may be expected from them.

LXXXV. Would God it might please his dyuine Ma.tie so to inlighten and illustrate that excellent vn∣derstanding of our Prince and Soueraigne, as he may see the many & great inconueniēces, that do & must follow vpon so violēt courses as these men for their owne vti∣litie Page  124 do suggest, & prosecute. Nothing can be more pit∣tifull, then to see a Noble House diuided in itselfe, & the one to beate, hunt, & pursue the other, & this to be their continuall exercise, especially of Children, vnder the sight of their owne Father, louing them all, and desy∣ring to be beloued. Ah! what sollicitude must there needs be in that Fathers hart! And were it not a great synne to increase the same, by casting in oyle to augmēt the flame?

LXXXVI. Would God his Ma.ties eares, and those of his wise Counsell could reach into these partes be∣yond the seas, and to all forrayne nations of Christen∣dome besydes, to heare what is said, what is writtē, what is discoursed by men of best iudgment in this behalfe, not only in regard of iustice and piety, but in reason also of State and Policie; no man being of so simple vn∣derstanding, but that he must see, that so notorious dif∣ferēces, of Subiects for Religiō, pursued with such hosti∣lity among thēselues, must weaken greatly their forces, and make them lesse esteemed both of friends and ad∣uersaryes. So as, besydes internall dangers, which are euer consequent vpon such inward diuisions, if forrayne occasions should be offred vs agayne (as in former tymes they haue beene) by forrayne warres; we should not know how to trust the one the other.

LXXXVII. The cryes & cōplayntes of these affli∣ctions running throughout Christendome, do giue strange admiration vnto men, and do worke strong ef∣fectes both in iudgments and affections: Admiration, for that no such thing was euer expected vnder his Ma∣iesties gouernment, for many causes: strong effectes, for that they worke great alterations both in the one, and the other: In iudgment, for that wise men fynd not any reason, eyther of Religion or State, why such extre∣mityes should be pursued, with such rigour at the insti∣gation of partyes interessed, to the euident danger of so great and honorable Kingdomes, who if in wills they were vinted, as they are in one Prince and Gouernour; Page  125 their forces were both admirable and dreadfull: In affe∣ctions, for that the compassion which naturally doth ac∣company our brethrens afflictions, especially for a cause that we most esteeme and loue, to wit, our Religion; must needes worke the contrary effect of inward auer∣sion, both in Princes & people abroad, notwithstāding they hold externall amity, and friendship for the tyme.

LXXXVIII. I let passe the generall obloquies, and murmurations that are to be heard euery where, almost in Christendome, vpon this manner of proceeding, and much more the publicke and priuate complaints, out∣cryes, and praiers that are made and offered daylie to heauen, throughout all Catholicke Kingdomes lightly, in all particuler Congregations, Oratoryes, Chappels, & meetings of zealous men, that pray instantly to Al∣mighty God for some remedy of these oppressions, and persecutions of English Catholicks, sufficiently (as they thinke) declared vnto thē & to the whole world by the very printed Catalogues of English Statutes extant in Print against them, for profession of their Religion: for that by the view of those Statutes, they do easily con∣ceaue, what enormous effectes, do, and must follow in the execution therof; albeit they did not both heare & see daily so many lamētable presidēts & spectacles therin.

LXXXIX. As for example, there haue not passed many moneths, since there were seene some threescore Priests more or lesse (to omit others) cast into banishmēt about one tyme, & wandring vp and downe, through∣out Christēdome, according as euery man had occasion, or necessity for their mayntenance, gaue a lamentable spectacle to all nations, to see mē of so good partes, amia∣ble aspects, sweet behauiour, naturall borne subiects of the Lād, the most of them of very worshipfull parētage, all of learned education, cleere and deuoyd of any suspi∣tion of crymes that could be obiected vnto them (for otherwise they should not haue bene dismissed) in the flower of their age, to be cast out of their natiue soyle, for Page  126 professing that Religion only, wherby their said Coun∣trey was first made Christian, & so continued vnder all their noble Princes, Kings, Queenes, and Soueraignes, Nobility, and Communatly, from the beginning of their Conuersion, vnto this our age.

XC. This spectacle (I say) presented to the eyes of most Nations of Europe, moued men not a litle, especially hearing them protest their duetifull affections to his Ma.tie and Realme in all Cyuill & Temporall respects, without seeking of any preferments, dignityes, riches, or other emoluments by staying at home; but only the rest & vse of their owne Consciences in matters of Religion, which Protestāts in many other Catholicke Countryes are suffered to inioy, though with farre lesser reason, in regard of the ancient right & possession, which ech part pretendeth for the vse of their said Religion.

XCI. And since this tyme agayne there hath beene seene very lately another spectacle, not much vnlike to the former (though much more markable) to wit, a like number of Noble and Gentlemen, with their followers and trayne, passing in very good sort through sundry Countryes, being lately retyred out of his Ma.ties King∣dome of Irelād, for the selfe same cause of their Consciēce, and Religion; which when men do behold, and heare them otherwise to speake honourably of his Ma.tie & the State, ascribing rather their afflictiōs to some vnder Magistrates in Ireland, and Ministers that set them on; it moueth more compassion, and maketh men thinke and muse, what may be the end of all this, and whereunto fynally it may grow? Whether the like may not be ex∣pected in tyme or doubted, out of other partes also of his Ma.ties dominions, vpon like angariatiō of Consciēces: which points seeme to be of no small consideration, and consequence to wise men; though those that be the im∣mediate causes therof, will and must make light of all: but the naturall yssue of such euentes, are not vnknowne. And if the occasioners therof were guylty of no greater Page  127 fault, but only to cast his Ma.tie & the State into perpe∣tuall cares about the same (his Royall nature being in∣clined otherwise to sweetnes, peace, and tranquillity) it were a great synne in them, and scarce sufferable.

XCII. Nor is the remedy heere attēpted by our Mi∣nister-Apologer (of denying all, and saying that there is no persecution, nor hard dealing with any, for mat∣ters of Religion, no not in the late Queenes dayes, when so many were so rackt and rented for the same) any re∣medy at all; but rather a doubling of the iniury to the afflicted, with encrease of exasperation & auersion of myndes; as also a leesing of all credit with others that heare it, eyther at home or abroad: for that facts con∣trary to wordes, do preponderate with all sober men, and preuaile against the same.

XCIII. And truely, I cannot but wonder, why this late Apology hath beene so greedily published by the Apologer, both in English and Latyn to the world, for that the Popes Breues, being but written priuatly to the Catholicks of England, for informing their Consciences in a matter of necessary doctrine about the lawfulnes, or vnlawfulnes of taking the Oath, and the Letter of Cardinall Bellarmyne being directed only to a priuate friend; both of them might haue remayned also pri∣uate, if this attempt had not byn made of publishing the same. But now being drawne by the Apologer into the Vniuersall Theatre of the world, besydes, that di∣uers will hold themselues obliged, or at leastwyse prouoked to answere the same; it will follow also, that the vnlawfulnes of the said Oath to Catholicke Con∣sciences will more be seene, disputed, & condemned by all Vniuersityes, Schooles, Bookes & Treatises of par∣ticuler learned men, throughout all Countryes of Christendome that professe Catholicke Religiō. Wher∣vpon also the vniust violence, inforcing men to sweare the same Oath, vnder so rigorous paynes, as are the losse both of goods & libertie, and therwithall to sweare in Page  128 like manner, that they do it willingly, freely, and without coaction: will be censured (no doubt) for one of the greatest contradictions in it selfe, and the most iniurious manner of proceeding with Christian men, that euer, perhaps was heard of in the Christian world.

XCIII. And this now occurred to me (deare Syr) to write to you cōcerning my iudgmēt vpō this matter. What more may be said to this Apologie, when it shall come into the handes of learned men; you will easily ghesse by these few notes, that I haue heere laid togea∣ther, which conteyne but little in respect of that which may be written of the matters heere handled. God of his endles mercy inclyne the hart of his Maiesty, to take the best way in this his course of Royall Gouernment: & for so much, as he hath byn pleased to ioyne so many Great Kingdomes vnder his only Scepter, and permit∣ted them to haue so great differences of iudgements in matters of Religion, that their vnion of wills, at least, in dutifull affections, may be so combined and conserued by sweet and temperate proceeding towards all, as despayre, the mother of headlong precipitation, enter not. The Prouerbe is knowne, Qui nimium emungit, elicit sanguinē: & patientia laesa vertitur in furorem. I neuer heard or read, that too much violēce towards free Subiects euer ended well, especially for supposed faultes that are not acknowledged for such, by the punished: & cōsequently no hope of amendment by way of compulsion. Some may dissemble for feare, but they are more lost in their affections then the other. Some reasonable toleration, and friendly treatie would bynd vp woundes from bleeding on all sydes: Exulceration maketh them fester more greiuously, and dangerously. To Gods holy Pro∣uidence the whole is to be committed, who will dispose of all to his greater glorie, siuè in vitam, siuè in mortem. And to him also I committ yow, with my hartiest Com∣mendations, &c. This 10. of Iune. 1608.

FINIS.
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