The iudgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion VVritten to his priuate friend in England. Concerninge a late booke set forth, and entituled; Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, or, An apologie for the oath of allegiance. Against two breves of Pope Paulus V. to the Catholickes of England; & a letter of Cardinall Bellarmine to M. George Blackwell, Arch-priest. VVherein, the said oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke conscience; for so much, as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his religion.
Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610.
Page  25

CONCERNING THE POPES TVVO BREVES, AGAINST The receauing of the Oath.

Paragr. II.

THE summe of the Popes two Breues the first of the 21. of September, Anno 1606. the second of the 21. of August the next yeare following, is this: That wheras he had heard, that the Catholicks of England, were very sorely pressed with a new de∣uised Oath, against their Consciēces, concerning certayne poyntes, appertayning to the Au∣thority of the Sea Apostolicke,* in some cases; he wrote the first Breue, to admonish, comfort, and direct them; signifying his harty sorie for their long continued affli∣ctions, and exhorting them to patience, and constancy in defence of the integrity of Catholike faith, and the Page  26 purity of their owne consciences. And after this setting downe verbatim the whole Oath, as it lyeth in the Statute, he condemneth the taking therof, as vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke man, in regard of diuers clauses therin con∣teyned, contrary to the said integrity of Catholicke faith, and health of soules; though in particuler, he descendeth not to dispute, or discusse the reasons, or poynts, therof, as became not a Iudge: especially seeing (as he saith) the matters themselues be euident by the wordes of the Breue. And wheras this first Breue was soone after called into question by some, as not pro∣ceeding from the Popes owne motion, and intention: his second Breue was set forth to approue, ratify, and confirme the former; assuring all Catholicks, that both the one, and the other came from him directly, sincerely, & vpon due deliberation, and consequently▪ that they were to be acknowledged, and obeyed by all true Catholicke people. This is the summe of what the Pope wrote: now lett vs see, what aduantage is taken by the Apologer against the same.

II. First of all he felleth at the Popes sorrow for Catholicks afflictions, making them to be none at all: and wheras the late Q. Elizabeth is not so much as named in eyther of these Breues, this man will needes bring her in perforce, and iustifie her actions against Catholicke people, therby the more to animate his Ma.tie to follow her example, setting downe this notorious fase po∣sition concerning her, and her doings,*That according to his owne knowledge, her Ma. tie never punished any Papist for Religion. Which how he can iustify, or by what E∣quiuocation mantayne, I know not. But being not content with this, he passeth further, and rageth ex∣ceedingly against those innocent Priests, Students, and others, that only for the profession of their Religion, gaue vp their lyues vnder her, as by their inditements, and arraignements in publike record doth appeare, and Page  27 concludeth finally both of her, and them, thus: This Gracious Princesse was as free from persecution,*as these hellish In∣struments from the honour of Martyrdome. And yet further, very profanely: Hauing now sacrificed, as I may say (quoth he) to the Manes of my defunct Soueraigne, as well for the discharge of my particuler duty, as loue of verity; I must next performe my duty also to his Ma. tie present, &c.

III. Wherunto a man might answere, that if he performe it with no more verity to his present Soueraigne, then he hath done to his defunct Soueraigne past; he will gayne little grace (I suppose) with his Ma.tie whom I hold to be of that noble nature, and magnanimity, as that he taketh such grosse-lying-flattery, father for in∣iury, then obsequie. But as for his heathen, prophane sacrificing to the Manes or Hob-gob-lins of his late Lady;* I confesse, that it is an office fitter for a Prote∣stant-Minister, that thinketh it vnlawfull to pray for her soule, to deale with her Manes or Infernal spirits, then with Celestiall, by praying for her to Saints. But would God these Manes might now haue licence to ap∣peare, and talke with him, and relate what passeth with her after all this ioylity, and ruffe in this world; I doubt not but they would coole his excessiue veyne of flattering vanity. For if all the old platforme of Saints lyues, prescribed in Scriptures and practised by seruants of God, were not erroneous & vayne, as much fasting, continuall prayer, dayly mortification, frequent recollection, diligent chasticement of their bodyes, humble and feruent deuotion, labouring and working saluation in feare and trembling, aboundant almes-deedes, haire-cloth and ashes, contrition, sorrow and sobbing for synnes: If these things (I say) were the an∣cient wayes to lyfe, and to euerlasting saluation: then must the pathes of Q. Elizabeth, which are knowne by most men, to haue byn, eyther wholy different, or most opposite to these, lead to an other opposite end, Quia Page  28 vnusquisque recipiet, secundum opera sua.

IV. But not to enter into these melancholicke matters of her Manes, or of the other world, to make any certayne iudgement therof, before we arryue thither: I will only speake a word or two of the world present, and this with protestation, that it is wholy against my will, and against the generall inclination (as I take it) of all Catholicke people, who would in charity be content, that the memory of her actions, & iniuryes against them, being neuer so many, & iniu∣rious, were buried with her body; as may well appeare by their long silence therin since her death. But the continuall egging of the aduersary is such, as forceth vs to say somwhat, for our owne defence, and for cleering the cause, and men, by her so eagerly and iniuriously pursued.

V. This Minister then, as in part you haue heard, maketh her,*The most myld, dole, patient, and clement Prin∣cesse in the world, euen vnto Catholicks, whose bloud she shed so aboundantly, both at home, & abroad, during all the time of her raigne: nay, That her Ma. tie neuer punished any Papist for religion: And, That she was most free from all persecution: That she neuer medled with hard punish∣ment of any Catholicke, nor made any rigorous lawes against them before the excommunication of Pope Pius Quintus, that was in the eleuenth yeare of her raigne:* And yet is it knowne, and cannot be denyed, but that the most grieuous law, & Oath of Supremacie, & rigorous penall Statute against saying, or hearing Masse, were made long before that tyme: And that all the Bishops, Prelates, Religious, & chiefe Ecclesiasticall men were depryued, spoyled, im∣prisoned, or forced into banishment: and this before the Pope vsed any Censure against her at all: so exact, & punctuall is the truth of this Ministers narration. And not content with this, he doth prosecute odious comparisons, betweene the Pope, & her, laying all the Page  29 origen of hurts and wickednes to him, and merit of vertue, and innocency to her, which is the very same, that is mentioned by the Prophet,*to call euill good, & good euill.

VI. Nor is he alone in this deuise, but that all Mini∣sters commonly, and Ministers mates of later dayes haue taken vp this Common place, to celebrate her high prayses, for disgrace of Catholicks. And one among the rest, that for his place, should haue more equity and discretiō, hath declaymed vpon this matter in publicke Audience more then once, especially vpon the occasion of certayn words in Pope Clements Breue, where she is named Misera Foemina, a miserable woman (in respect no doubt of the myseries of her soule, little respected by her:) vpon which words the Orator triumpheth thus, VVhat miserable?*It is said, That, Miseria constat ex duobus contrariis, copia & inopia, copia tribulationis, & ino∣pla consolationis, Misery consisteth of two contraries, of aboundance, and penury, aboundance of tribulation, & penury of con∣solaion. And then he sheweth in what aboundance of consolations Q. Elizabeth lyued in all her life, & with∣out want of all tribulations: which if it were true; yet is it but the argument which the worldlings vsed in the Psalme, to proue their felicity, that their cellars are full, their sheepe fertile, theyr kyne fatt, they suffer no losse: and then,*Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt; Happy did they call the people that had these things. But the Holy Ghost scorneth them, and so may all men do our Orator, that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument, in so high a matter.

VII. And as for his definition of Miserie, by Copia and Inopia, store and want, it is a miserable one indeed, and neuer heard of before, I thinke, to come from any mans mouth, but his owne: it being ridiculous in Philosophy, and fitt to be applyed to any thing that hath either store or want: As a wise man in this sort Page  30 may be defined to be him, that hath store of witt, and want of folly; and a foole to be him, that hath store of follie, and want of witt; and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches and want of beggary, and a poore man is he, that hath store of beggary, and penury of riches. And are not these goodly definitions (thinke you) for so great and graue a man to produce?

VIII. But to returne to the matter it selfe of Q. Elizabeth her store of consolations,* and penury of deso∣lations in this life, VVho (saith this our Orator) was so myraculously protected by God, so strengthened and fortified, as she did beate her most potent enemy, did sett vp a King in his king∣dome, deended nations, harboured distressed people, and the like. Supposing all this were true, that she had such tempo∣rall felicity in this lyfe, and were so miraculously pro∣tected, strengthened, and fortifyed by God as heere is said: yea and that it were euident, that God had cho∣sen her for his elected seruant (which yet doth not appeare) and gyuen her that tytle and power, to afflict the Catholicks: yet had that byn no more, then we read in the Scriptures to haue byn gyuen to dyuers Pagan Princes, and namely to Nabuchodonosor, of whom Ieremy the prophet testifyeth in sundry places of his Prophesy, That God chose him, called him his seruant, and gaue him speciall power, fauour, & protection to afflict his people.*Ego dedi omnes terras istas in manu Nabuchodonosor Regis Babylonis serui mei, saith God:

I haue gyuen all these Countryes into the hands of Nabuchodonosor King of Babylon my seruant, and all nations shall serue him, & yield obedience to him, and to his Sonne, and Sonnes some: And what soeuer nation shall not serue him, & bow his necke vnder his yoke, I will visite that nation with the sword, with famyne, and with plague, till I haue consumed them by his hand.*And agayne in an other place: I will choose vnto me my seruāt Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, & will bring him vpon this Land, and vpon Page  31 all the inhabitants therof, and vpon all nations round about &c. And yet further God said vnto Ieremy: Thus saith the Lord of Hostes, I shall take vnto me my seruant Nabuchodonosor, and shall place his throne vpon these stones &c.

IX. By all which is euident that Syr Edward Cookes argument is worth nothing:* that for so much as God so miraculously protected Q. Elizabeth, (if it were myracu∣lous,) so strengthened, and fortifyed her, as she did beate her most potent enemy, & did set vp an other King in his Kingdome (〈◊〉 any such thing were:) yet this did not make her happie. As neyther it did Nabuchodonosor, of whome God said in the same place, that when he had serued his turne of him, and wrought his will by his hand, and people, for the purging or his owne elect; he would visit vpon him also, and his Countrey, and that in a arre more grieuous sort:*Ponam iam in solitu∣dines sempiternas, & reddam eis secundum opera eorum, & secun∣dum facta manuum suarum: I shall make that Countrey, all euer a••ng w••denes, and shall resore to them (that af∣flicted my peope) according to their workes, and to the deeds of their owne handes against my people. This then was his eicity to be a scourge to others, and fy∣nally also to himselfe most of all.

X. And the like. I doubt not, may be said of Q. Eliza∣bethslicity agains Catholicks, it we knew all, that in the last day or iudgment will appeare, and wherof her lamētable end may gyue great presage to them that are wise. For that for a woman of so long and large a lyfe, as hors was, to passe hence to eternity with so small sense or 〈◊〉 of God, as neuer so much, as to name him, nor to suffer* others to bring in any speach therof, as they attempted to do, is so pittiull an end, as can lightly said to a Christian soule: The story or which vpshot ohers, I haue read written by a person of much credit that was present at all her last sicknes, combats, Page  32 and death, and relateth all that passed as an eye wit∣nesse, which I passe ouer for breuity and modestyes sake; but it will remayne to posterity, as a dreadfull patterne of a miserable end, after a lyfe of so much ioylitie.

XI. And thus much for spirituall infelicityes, rea∣ching to the next world, and lyfe or death to come. But if we would rest our selues only vpon vayne & brickle felicityes of this world, they were not (alas) so great in Queene Elizabeth,* but that they were mingled and in∣terlaced with many, and great infelicityes in like man∣ner, and these such, as did euen in the eyes of worldly men, ouerpoise the other, especially with them that re∣pute honour and dishonour among humane felicityes, & infelicityes. For what more dishonorable infelicity can there be, then that which standeth in Capito Libri of Q. Elizabeths lyfe? To witt, the publike solemne Sta∣tute, and Act of Parliament, made within few dayes after she was borne, vpon the 28. yeare of King Henryes raigne, and yet extant in Print, wherin it is declared, not only by the iudgment of the King, and of al that Parliament, but by the iudiciall sentence also of Arch∣bishop Cranmer,* she was pronounced, to be vnlawfully borne, and that her mother was neuer King Henryes lawfull wyfe: wher∣upō the said statute vseth these wordes: That it was against all honour, equity, and good conscience, that the said Elizabeth should succeed in the Imperiall Crowne of England. And could there be any greater worldly infelicity thēthis.

XII. I let passe many other infelicities, which hap∣pened by her occasion to sundry, as well vnder the raigne of King Edward, as the ruyne of the Seymers vpon the Admiralls falling in loue with her, and making a∣way his former wife Queene Catherine Parre to enioy her; as also vnder Queene Marie, when so many rebellions of VViat, Courtney, Carewes, Stafford, & others, were made for her. But her owne raigne had most infelicities for her, if Page  33 they were well considered: and I could touch many, but modestie forbiddeth. And least I should seeme to speak out of reuenge, let this one consideration serue for all; That after all her afflicting Catholicks, and by that exercise, vpon the egging of others, more then of her owne propension, she was drawne into continuall su∣spitions, eares, and frights of her mynd and spirit, euen in the midst or all these sensuall delights, & con∣tentments (admired so much by her Attorney) which draue her to a point, wherunto by nature she was not thought much inclyned, and by profession and pro∣testations, she most condemned in others, to wit, Cruelty, which in effect was such, out of the fore said feares,* towards Catholicke Religion, as neuer perhaps (yea without perhaps) were so many seuerall lawes, & punishments deuised by any one persecutour, nor many putt togeather, as are extant of hers in Print, against the proessours of that Religion, wherof herselfe had byn one, and in secret or priuate speaches also would not deny, to be in sundry poyntes, euen to her dying day. And was not this a great in felicity? When strāgers do read & behold her Edicts & Statutes, wherin not only the whole vse of Catholicke Religion is condemned, and vnder greiuous punishment prohi∣bited: but men are forced also, by rigorous penall lawes to go to the Churches of a contrary Religion, to com∣municate with them, to do acts, and sweare against their owne Religion, faith and Consciences: that there are seuere punishments, of losse of goods and lands, for receyuing an Agnus Dei,* or a Medall, or Crucifix: greiuous punishments, for keeping of a Catholicke seruant, or Schoolemaister to teach and bring vp their children, or to send them ouer seas to Catholicke Schooles: yea, that it is the payne of death it selfe to be reconciled, by confessing his synnes to the Roman Church, or to the vnion of aith, with the Head therof, or to perswade Page  34 another to be a Catholicke, or do the same: When they read these things (I say) and many others, which for breuity I pretermitt, and that all this notwithstan∣ding, she would not haue it said, That she persecuted any for Religion (which in manner this Apologer sticketh not to auouch) nor put any Priest to death for that cause in deed, wheras notwithstāding she shed the bloud of aboue one hūdred and thirty, that might haue had their lyues euen at the last cast, if in this one point of Religion they would haue yielded neuer so little. All this (I say) being read and considered, seemeth vnto forreiners a strange infeli∣city both of body and soule.

XIII Especially when it is considered to what perpetuall iealosy at length she was brought vnto, of all sorts of people, Puritans, Papists, yea of her owne dearest, as the death of the Earle of Essex, and his followers, doth easily declare. Neyther was there any weeke lightly, but that she had some new feares, of some Priest or Iesuite, or Catholicke soldiours sent from Flanders, France, or Italy to kill her by violence, others from Spayne, and other Countryes to poyson her, or at at least, her* Chaire. And vponsuch fancyes, men must be made away for greater terrour; yea Iewes must be brought in also in this kynd of pretended poysoning, as the case of Doctor Lopez well declareth.* Nay further this gryping passion of feare and iealosy did so vexe & consume her inwardly, as she was neuer well, vntill she had made away, against all law of Nature and Nations, the nearest vnto her in Royall bloud, that lyued vpon earth, and coequall with her in dignity, if in sundry respects not Superiour, I meane his Ma.ties noble renowned Mother, Queene of France & Scotland, that by force of the former Statute, which declared this other for illegitimate and incapable of the Crowne (as now yow haue heard) should haue enioyed the Crowne of England presently after the death of Q. Marie, & conse∣quently Page  35 his Ma.tie had enioyed the same 38. yeares at least, before he came vnto it after her death, who of all other lyuing Creatures, is knowne most hartily to haue hated that yssue & succession. And as she went about to disinable the same in the very roote & foūtayne it selfe, by seeking the disgrace of the ofspring, by dishonour of the origen: so neuer ceased she afterward to continue practises against them both, vntill she had wracked the one, and brought the other also to great probability therof, if she might haue lyued to her will, or haue dyed with such vse of senses and iudgment, as might haue made way to her bad affections in that behalfe.

XIV. Well then, all this I haue beene inforced to speake vpon this occasion: first to represse somwhat therby the insultation of our foresaid Orator, in calling her,*The happy Queene, the blessed Queene, whose vnmatched wisedome, and vnconquered prowesse (to vse his words) crowned her the peerlesse wonder of her sexe. All which tendeth to the exprobration of Catholicks, for hauing had so happy & peerles a persecutour; and to the insul∣tation also ouer the Pope, for calling her in his Breue, as he saith, Miseram Foeminam, a miserable woman: which how true or false it is, I leaue to the prudent Reader out of the former discourse, about her byrth, youth, age and end, to censure.

XV. Secondly I do heerin but imitate the first an∣cient Fathers, that wrote for defence of those holy Martyrs, that dyed for Christian Religion in the Pri∣mitiue Church,* as namely, Iustinus Martyr, Irenaeus, Ter∣tullian, and others, who to comfort the afflicted, and to honour more their cause, did put them in mynd what manner of people their first persecutours were; as na∣mely Nero and Domitian, what lyfe they led, what end they made, and the like; And that indeed they were fit instruments, to be the first, in such a worke. And the like we may say to Catholicks of Q. Elizabeth, that she Page  36 being the strangest woman that euer was borne for di∣uers circumstances, now partly touched, and the first absolutly of that sexe, eyther Christian or created, that tooke vpon her Supreme power in Spirituall and Ec∣clesiasticall matters; it must needes be some comfort to Catholicke people, that God chose such an instrument to be their first scourge, out of all woman kynd.

XVI. And lastly, for that this Apologer will needs take vpon him, to sacrifice to her Manes: I thought my selfe obliged to offer some incense in like māner to the same, for mitigating the euill sent, which that notorious vn∣true assertion must needs import, to the senses of all vn∣derstanding Readers: That, Queene Elizabeth neuer punished any Papist for Religion, Nor made any rigorous law against them, before Pius Quintus his Excommunication, nor since that tyme, but vpon priuate plots, machinations, &c. For cleare confuta∣tion wherof, I remit those of the elder sort that lyue in England, to their owne eyes, eares, and other externall senses, and those of yonger age, to the books of Statutes, of Q. Elizabeths tyme, Iohn Stowes Chronicle, and other such publicke Records. And so much of this poynt.

XVII. Next after these exaggerations of the cle∣mency and indulgence of Q. Elizabeth towards Catholicks, this Apologer passeth on to bestow some of his adulation, and oleum peccatoris, vpon his Ma.tie in like manner that now raigneth, telling vs, That his kyndnes and benefits be∣stowed vpon that sort of people, haue bene farre greater then those of Q. Elizabeth; which may easily be, as, by that, which hath bene touched, may appeare. Yet do we verily perswade our selues, that if his Highnes had byn left to himselfe, and to his owne Royall nature, and noble dis∣position in this poynt (as*Q. Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion) we had tasted, indeed, much of this his great humanity, and so we began, for some tyme: but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile workings of this, and other such Ministers, as de∣syred Page  37 to draw bloud, and to incite his Maiestie against vs,* we hauing no place to speake for our selues, no ad∣mittance to be heard, no effectuall intercessour to inter∣pose his mediation for vs; no maruaile though wee were cast of, and do indure the smart.

XVIII. And I do name this Minister (T. M. the yonger) in the first place among the rest, for that it is commonly said, that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession,* be they strangers, or domesticall: and that among other deuises, he hath this; That euery tyme his Ma.tie is to take his repast, he is ready, eyther with some tale, iest, scoffe, or other bitter lance to wound vs absent, and that he hath euer lightly, some booke and page therof, ready to read to his Highnes, somewhat framed by his art to incense or auert his Ma.tie more, eyther in iudgement, or affection, or both; and therby to draw from him some hard speaches, which being published afterward by himselfe, and others, do serue to no other end, but to gal and alienate myndes, and to afflict them, that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues. And that is the seruice he doth his Ma.tie in this exercise.

XIX. And as for the places themselues, which he vseth to bring forth with his wet finger, as is said, we are to imagine, that they are no better, nor more fitly applyed, then such as he hath sett forth against vs in this booke, & perhaps somewhat worse, for that he might probably thinke, that this booke would be examined, comming forth with so great pretence of authority, as it doth: And therfore if heere yow fynd him to vse ca∣lumniation, & most impertinent citation of Authours, and Authorityes, eyther wholy making against him∣selfe, or nothing for his purpose, or against vs: then may yow thinke what liberty he will take to himselfe there in speach, where no man is like to contradict him, but all applause is expected from the standers by.

Page  38 XX. Let vs heare, if yow please, one exaggeration of his, concerning his Ma.ties myldnes vnto vs, and our ingratitude in abusing the same to pryde.*

His Ma. ties gouernment (saith he) ouer them hath so far exceeded that of Q. Elizabeth, in mercy and clemency, as the Papists themselues grew to that height of pryde, in confidence to his myldnes, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to them∣selues liberty of Conscience, and equality with vs in all things, that are his best, and faithfull Subiects &c.
Do you see what a height of pride this was? And what an abuse of his Ma∣iesties mercie and clemencie, to expect libertie of Con∣science? Why had he not obiected in like manner,* that they expected the libertie of breathing, and vsing the common ayre, as well as Protestants? For that neither breathing, nor the vse of cōmon ayre, is more due vnto them, or common to all, then ought to be libertie of Conscience to Christian men, wherby ech one liueth to God, and to himselfe, and without which he strug∣leth with the torment of a continuall lingring death.

XXI. And surely, I cannot but wonder, that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride, which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble: yea the more humble, and vnderlings they are, the more earnest are they both in bookes, speaches, and preachings, to proue that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law, and that wresting, or for∣cing of Consciences, is the highest Tyranny, that can be exercised vpon man. And this we may see first, in all M. Fox his History, especially during the time of the three King Henries, 4. 5. and 6. and afterward, when those that were called Lollards, and VVickcliffians, who as M. Fox saith, were indeed good Protestants, being pressed somewhat about their Religion, did continu∣ally beate vpon this argumēt of libertie of Conscience, and when they obteyned it not, they set vp publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London, and made Page  39 those famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5. and all his family,* which are recounted by VValsingham, Stow, Fox, and other English Historiographers.

XXII. In this our age also, the first oppositiō of Pro∣testant Princes in Germanie, against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald, Austburgh, and other mee∣tings; as afterwards also the fierce and perillous warrs by the Duke of Saxony, Marques of Brandeburge, and other Protestant Princes, and their people, against the same Emperour, begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed.* Were they not all for lyberty of Conscience? so pretended, so printed, so published, so diuulged to the world? The first Supplications, Memorialls, and de∣clarations in like manner, which the Protestants of France set forth in print:* as also they of Holland, & Zeland in tyme of the gouernments, as well of the Duchesse of Parma, Duke of Alua, Commendador Mayor, and other Go∣uernours: did they not all expresly professe, that their principall griefes were, about liberty of Conscience restrayned. And did not they cyte many places of Scriptu∣res, to proue the equity & necessity therof? And do not all Protestants the like at this day, in all places, where they are, both in Polonia, Austria, Hungaria, Bohemia, Styria, and els where? And how thē is Iordanis conuersus retrorsum, with this Minister? How is his voyce contrary to the voyce & sense of all the rest? How, & with what reason, may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks, to haue but hope therof, which is so ordinary a doctrine & practice of all his brethren in forraine nations, to witt, for vs to expect liberty of Conscience, at the first en∣trance of our new King, of so noble, and royall a mynd before that tyme, as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty, or persecutiō in his former raigne? The Sonne of such a Mother, as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks? And himselfe in his litle Golden*Booke to his Sonne the Prince, had confessed that he Page  40 had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him, and therupon had done sundry fauours to diuers of them, and gyuen no small hope of greater vnto others?

XXIII. From this King (I say) whom they so much loued, and honoured, receyued so gladly, and with vniuersall ioy, meant to serue faithfully; & trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obe∣dience by his Succession:* so would he by his liberality, vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects, in bea∣ring a sweete and equall hand towards them all: From such a King (I sa) or vs to expect liberty of Consciēce, and equality with other Subiects (in this poynt at least of freedome of soule) what height of pryde may it be called? May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister, & his ellowes, that hauing byn od enemyes, and alwayes borne a hard, & hate u••hand, and tongue against his Ma.tie both in their Sermons, Bookes, Speaches, all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne; now vpon the sud∣dayne sine vllis meri is praecede••ious, will needs be so priui∣ledged, & assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Ma.ties speciall fauour, as to suffer no man to stand by them, but to hold it for height of pryde in vs, to hope or any freedome and liberty o our Conscience at al? What is height of pryde and sol, i this be not?

XXIV. But his Ma.tie is wise, & will, as we hope, according to his prudence, in tyme, looke into this sort omen, and manner of proceeding. And to returne to the Apologer, he reckoneth vp (therby to exaggerate the more our ingratitude) the particuler fauours his Ma.tie did vnto vs, at his first entrance, as, That he did honour diuers Catholicks with Knighthood,*being open Recusants: That, he gaue audiece indifferently to both sydes: bestowed equally fauours and honours vpon both professions: gaue free coninuall accesse to all rankes, and degrees of Papists in his Court and company: freeing Page  41 Recusantes from their ordinarie payments: gaue order to his Iudges with his owne mouth,*to spare execution of all Priests, though they were conuicted: gaue libertie by his gracious Proclamation to all Priests not taken, to go out of the Countrey by such a day, and all Priestes that were taken, were sent ouer, and sett at liberty: and many other gracious fauours & benefittes: VVhich (saith he) tyme and paper would fayle me if I would make enumeration of them all: in recounting wherof euery scrape of my pen (so vse his words) would serue but for a blott of the Popes ingratitude, and iniustice in meating his Ma.tie with so hard a measure for the same. So as I thinke (quoth he) I haue sufficiently wiped of the teares from the Popes eyes, for complayning vpon such persecution &c.

XXV. Thus writeth this man, who, in naming the Popes ingratitude, must much more include ours, that are Catholicks; for that these benefitts, such as they were, appertayned nothing to the Pope, but only in Christian charity, as a common spirituall Father and Pastour, he being otherwise a stranger vnto vs in bloud, and for other worldly respects. And as for Catholicks, they accept gratefully,* whatsoeuer least fauour hath byn, or is done vnto them: and do not doubt, but that if his Ma.tie had not bene preuented by sinister information, & persuasion of others, they had tasted of much greater, as due vnto them, in that they are naturall borne Sub∣iects of the Realme, most loyall in hart & affection, & neuer meaning otherwise, but to liue in most orderly and dutifull Subiection and Obedience to his Highnes, as to their liege Lord and Soueraigne.

XXVI. And wheras this man, for proofe of the con∣trary, nameth the powder-treason of a few, therby to discredite the whole, though this calumniation haue beene answered before: yet now I ad further, as one said, Distingue tempora, & scripturam concordabis, If there had bene no persecution before that treason, this might haue beene assigned for some probable cause of Page  42 the subsequent tribulations: but all England knoweth, that this is not so, but that his Ma.ties sweete & myld aspect towards Catholicks at his first entrance, was soone, by art of their enemyes, auerted long before the conspiracy fell out. For that, not only all the most cruell Statutes and penall Lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this,* with addition of others, tending to no lesse rigour & acerbitie: but also the exaction of the same was put in practice with great seueritie; & namely the paymēt of the twenty poundes a moneth, or two partes of their goods and landes for Recusants (once remitted by his Ma.tie as heere is con∣fessed) were not only recalled againe: but the arrearages therof in like manner exacted; and for leuying wherof, throughout sundry shyres of the Realme (especially in the North) there was such ransacking of mens houses, such dryuing away of their Cattell frō their groundes, such strayning of their Rents, such vexing of their tennants (not knowne perhaps to his Ma.tie) as if the whole Countrey had byn gyuen ouer to spoyle & desolation.

XXVII. Nor were mens goods and persons only afflicted, but the lyues also of sundry taken away for cause of their Religion before this powder-treason fell out: which desperate treason, to ascribe as an effect and fruite of too much clemency in his Ma.tie (as this Mi∣nister doth) is a strange assertion,* no doubt: for so much, as such effects do not proceed, but of exasperated myndes; which clemency worketh not, eyther in men or beasts. Neyther did euer any learned Philosopher,* that wrote of the good institution of any Common wealth, or of the security of any Prince in his Gouern∣ment, put such effects for fruits of clemency, but rather of the contrary manner of proceeding. And if all the disasterous ends of the most vnfortunate Princes, that euer haue byn destroyed, should be layd togeather, and Page  43 the causes therof exactly inquired, it would be found so: and consequently that this Minister is no good Coun∣sellour to his Ma.tie in this so great & weighty affayre. And we hope that Almighty God, by the mercy of his dearest Sonne our Sauiour, and through the prayers of his Ma.ties good Mother, and other holy Princes of his Royall bloud now in heauen, will neuer suffer him, at the egging of such exasperating people, to follow so violent, troublesome, and dangerous a course, and so contrary to theirs, whiles they lyued vpon earth, and so alienate from his owne sweete nature and Princely disposition.

XXVIII. But to proceed a litle further in the nar∣ration of some poyntes of heauy persecutiō, that insued soone after his Ma.ties being in England, much before the powder-treason was attempted: Who doth not know what afflictions were layd vpon Catholicks, euen in the very first yeare of his Ma.ties raigne, espe∣cially towards the end therof, & much more through∣out all the second yeare, before the said powder-treason fell out. For then not only in the Shires and Prouinces abroad: but euen in London it sele, and in the eyes of the Court, the violence, and insolency of continuall sear∣ches grew to be such, as was intollerable; no night passing commonly,* but that Souldiours, & Catch-poles brake into quiet mens houses, when they were asleepe, and not only carryed away their persons vnto prisons at their pleasure, except they would brybe them exces∣siuely, but whatsoeuer liked them best besydes in the house, eyther of Bookes, Cuppes, Chalices, or other fur∣niture, that might any wayes seeme, or be pretended to belong to Religion, was taken for a prey, and seazed on. And among others, I remember, that one frend of myne, had a drinking Cuppe of syluer taken from him, for that it had the name of IESVS engrauen vpon it, though otherwise the forme therof did well shew, that Page  44 it was but a Cuppe, & no Chalice. And these searches were made with such violence, and insolency, as diuers gētlewomē were drawne or forced out of their beds, to see whether they had any sacred thing, or matter belon∣ging to the vse of Catholick Religion, either about them, or vnder their bedds.

XXIX. What shall I speake of the casting into prisons, & condemnation to death of many Catholicks for the same cause, in euery corner lightly of the Coun∣trey, as namely in London of M. Hill the Priest, and this only for his function, and for comming into England against the Statutes of Queene Elizabeth to the contrary? Of M. Sugar also an other Priest in VVarwicke, that was not only condemned, but* executed withall rigour in that Cittie for the same cause, and a lay man with him named Robert Grysold, for receyuing him into his house? At Oxford also foure Priests being taken at that tyme whose names were M. Greene, Tichborne, Smith, and Brisco, all had sentence of death passed vpon them; though after many afflictions suffered in the pryson there, which made them desyre much the speedy execution of the sentence gyuen against them, they had insteed of this one death, many deathes layd vpon them, by sending them prisoners to the Castle of VVisbich, where they receyued such cruell vsage both in their diet, lodging & other treatie, as made euen dyuers Protestants to take compassion of them. And why was all this, but for their Religion?

XXX. I let passe the condemnation to death of a poore man in Oxford named Shitell, for that the Priest M. Greene had fledde into his house, when he was pur∣sued by the searchers, through which condemnation, & perpetuall imprisonment therupon ensuing, were brought to extreme misery & calamity, his poore wyfe and children, most lamentable to behold, or heare re∣counted. And vpon like occasion was apprehended, Page  45 imprisoned, condemned, & executed in Yorke, about the same tyme, an other Lay-man named Thomas VVylborne, only for that he had vsed some words of perswasion to a certayne woman to be a Catholicke, notwithstanding the prohibition of her husband, who followed so hoatly the matter against him, as he caused him to be put to death.* I pretermit M.ris Shelley a Gentlewoman of good Worshipp, cast into the common Iayle at VVor∣cester for that the Priest M. Hassells, was found in her house. The apprehension in like manner, & condem∣ning to death of M. Edward Tempest Priest and Gentlemā in London at the same tyme. I passe ouer the cruell sentence of cutting of the ears, of so ancient & venerable a Gentlemam, as is M. Tho. Pound, that had lyued aboue thirty yeares in sundry prisons only for being a Catho∣licke, and now last in his old age, had that honour from God, as to be sentenced to leese his eares and stand on the Pillorie in dyuers markets, for complayning of hard measure, & iniust execution, vsed against Catholicks, contrary (as he presumed) to his Ma.ties intention.

XXXI. And fynally I passe ouer what was practised in Herefordshire, Lancashire, & other places in this kynd of persecution, and particulerly concerning the new an∣gariation and pressure, then first brought vp, that men should be boūd to pay for their wyues, that were Recu∣sāts, a thing neuer before exacted in the former Queenes tyme. I pretermit also to mētion, how his M.tie before this, had reiected the cōmon, & humble supplication of Catholicks, exhibited in writing for some toleratiō, & mitigation of the calamityes: the which supplication was answered with contēpt & insultatiō by a Minister, and put in print. His Ma.tie in like manner had gyuen publike audience both to Protestants & Puritanes for three dayes togeather, concerning the differences of their Religion: but to Catholicks he neuer yealded to gyue any at all. And how then can this Apologer talke so Page  46 much of equality vsed in all fauours? How can he say, that there was no persecution before the powder-treason?

XXXII. But let vs go forward yet somewhat fur∣ther: his Maiestie had before this tyme vpon other mens importunity, confirmed, and ratified by his Letters Patents, all that heape of Constitutions, and Canons, (being in number aboue an hundred & fourty) which the BB. of London & Canterbury, had deuised, & set forth against Catholicks, for their greater vexation, & affliction. Out of which hath flowed since a huge sea of molestations and exagitations, by searchings, spoyles citations, apprehensions, excommunications, and other violences, vpon innocent and quiet people, by the ra∣uenous hungry Purseuants of those Prelats, and other their Catch-poles, without respect, either of Iustice, or hope of remedy, for iniuryes by them offered. There had passed also before this, the speach of the L. Chancelour in the Star-Chamber,* and the Sermon of the B. of London at Paules-Crosse, both of them tending to take all hope from Catholicks of any least fauour, that might be expected, and the former expresly charging the Iudges in his Ma.ties name, to vse all seuerity in seeking out and pu∣nishing them. Which things being seene, and arre worse feared, yea designed also and threatned, as those Gentlemen apprehended it, (especially at the next Par∣lament) cast them into that wofull impatience, and pre∣cipitation, which the euent declared.

XXXIII. All this then which the Apologer heere telleth vs, of Catholicks ingratitude for so many be∣nefits receyued,* during his Ma.ties raigne, and, That it is a mayne vntruth (to vse his words) and can neuer be proued, that any persecution hath beene in his said Ma.ties gouernment, or that any were, or are put to death or punished for cause of Conscience, is such a kynd of speach, as if it were told in the Indies, many thousand myles of, where nothing is knowne of Page  47 our Countryes affayres, might perhaps fynd some hear∣ers that would belieue it:* but in England to auouch such a thing in Print, where all mens outward senses, eyes & eares are witnesses of the cōtrary, is a strange boldnes. For as for persecution in goods and lands, as also of mens bodyes by imprisonment, and other vexations, who can deny the same, that will not shut his said eyes, or eares,* from seing and hearing that which daylie pas∣seth within the Realme. And when nothing els were: Yet those two seuerall and most memorable Statutes, to witt, the 4. and 5. made in the third yeare of this Kings raigne, conteyning more seuerall heads of affliction, and angariation against Catholicke-Recusants for their meere Conscience, then euer, perhaps, in the world were seene extant, against any one sorte of wicked men, or malefactors before; do easely conuince the vntruth of this asseueration about freedome from persecution. And as for death,* which is lesse greiuous to many then those other persecutions, the late example of M. Robert Drury, and now againe these last monethes past, of M. Matthew Flathers, & M. Geruis Priestes (to omit others) that dyed ex∣presly for refusing this late deuised Oath, since the pow∣der-treason, cannot, I thinke, be answered, except he will say, that this Oath hath no matter of Conscience in it for a Catholicke man to receaue: the contrary wher∣of we haue euidently shewed before, by many demon∣strations.

XXXIV. Wherfore, that which he addeth imme∣diatly, insinuating, and expresly threatning, that as there hath beene no persecution, or putting to death before (which is not true as I haue shewed:) so now for∣somuch as the Pope hath interposed his Authority,* and forbidden the Oath as vnlawfull,

there may chance be greater persecution, and more aboundant shedding of bloud, which (as he saith) must light vpon the Popes head, for this his prohibition:
All this (I say) is so spoken Page  48 as ech man may see, whither it tendeth: to witt, to in∣cyte his Ma.tie by such deuises, to ingulfe himselfe into the effusion of Catholickes bloud, casting on the pre∣tence, and veile of the Popes intermedling, as cause ther∣of: which is an ancient Art of deceipt, to giue Non causam, pro causa: for that no iniury is euer offered vnder the name of iniury, but of iustice or merit. And our Saui∣our was crucified as a deceyuer of the people,* & disloyall to Caesar: and S. Paul pursued as a disturber of the Weal∣publicke and peace. And no suffering is so honourable, as that which commeth with a dishonourable title: so as English Catholickes must not be dismaied when they suffer for the false imputation of Ciuill Disloyal∣tie to their Temporall Prince, being witting to them∣selues, that it is indeed for their Religion, and loyalty to God, their eternall Prince, and supreme King. And this only shall suffice for this matter. For if Catho∣lickes further affliction be determined by their Aduer∣saries, and permitted by God, pretences will not want how to do it. The prouerbe is already knowne, Fa∣cile inuenies baculum, vt canem caedas, as also the fable of Aesope, that the lambe must be slayne, for that drinking farre beneath the well, he was pretended not withstan∣ding, to haue troubled the fountaine. Catholicks must be beaten, for that the Pope hath resolued a case of Conscience, that men may not sweare against their owne Religion. All be to the glory of God, and then fynally will they leese nothing therby, which is the only comfort in such manner of sufferings.

Page  49

The second Part of this Paragraph.

ONE other poynt only is handled by the Apologer in this Paragraph, which is a large insultation against the Pope, for that he sayth in his Breue,* as heere is alledged, That the Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Ca∣tholicke faith, and of their soules health; since it conteyneth many things, that are playnly, & directly contrary to their faith and saluation. And albeit the word (directly) be conueyed in heere, which is not in the Popes Breue, & is of no small momēt, as all Deuines know in this matter, and therfore ought not to haue byn thrust in, as the Popes word, in a different distinct letter: yet not to stand vpon that, but vpon more grosser poyntes, and more iniurious, he presently vseth the speach, which is reported to haue byn of Auerroes the Mahometan Philosopher against Moyses Law-giuer of the Iewes,*Multa dicit, sed pauca probat, he saith much but proueth little, and presently passeth to this insul∣tation,*How the naturall allegiance of Subiects to their Prince, can be directly opposite (marke how he serueth himselfe of his owne word shifted into the text) to the faith and saluation of soules, is farre beyond my simple reading in Deuinity, as I must Page  50 it a strange and new assertion to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended generall Pastour of Christian soules.

XXXVI. Heere now what abuse is offered to the words and meaning of the Breue, euery simple Reader will see, without any explication from me: for that the Pope doth not prohibite naturall Obedience in things lawfull; nor doth say, that such naturall, or cyuill Obedience is opposite to faith or saluation of soules; nor that the Oath is vnlawfull,* for exhibiting such naturall, or cyuill Obedience: but for that, besydes this exaction of naturall Obedience, which is lawfull, it conteyneth diuers other poyntes also, concerning matters of Ca∣tholicke Religion: which poyntes being so conioyned, and couched with the other, as the one cānot be sworne without those other, do make the whole Oath vnlaw∣full, as it lyeth, without distinction, as before hath byn declared. So as this charge is now proued, to be but a meere cauill, and calumniation, & voluntary mistaking of the question and controuersy in hand.

XXXVII. And yet doth he so insist in it, and so dila∣teth himselfe vpon this false surmised principle (that Cyuill Obedience is denyed) as though all his Discourse and Treatise depended only of this (as indeed it doth,) and therfore he entreth into the confutation therof with a great florish of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councells (wherin he and his do abound, when they say the same that we do, but otherwise are altogether barren) as though in earnest we did deny it: which thing neuer so much as passed through our cogitations, but do hold and teach that Subiects are bound to obey their Tem∣porall Princes in all things lawfull, and those not only good Princes, but bad also: and not only out of feare or flattery, but out of Conscience, as the Apostle teacheth propter Conscientiam,* for Conscience sake, but not contra Conscientiam, against Conscience. Which being so; all is meerly impertinent, that is alledged heere by the Apo∣loger, Page  51 out of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels, to proue, that which we grant without proofe, & neuer denyed: which is, that temporal Princes are duely to be obeyed for Conscience sake, so long as they command nothing against Conscience. But let them shew but one only Authority, sentence, example or testimony out of any of these three kind of witnesses, Scriptures, Fathers, or Councells, that we must obey Princes against our Con∣science, or Religion, and I will grant he sayth some∣what to the purpose, otherwise he doth but leese tyme, and abuse his Reader in making him belieue, that he saith somwhat when he saith nothing. Let vs examyne therfore some of his examples if yow please.

XXXVIII. He alledgeth for examples out of the Scriptures,* That the children of Israel obeyed the King of Babylon,* as also they exhibited temporall Obedience vnto King Pharao of Egypt;* as in like manner to Cyrus King of Persia:* All which examples we grant to be true, and could ad many more, both of the Iewes, and Christians that lyued peaceably vnder Infidell Princes in those dayes. But lett one example (as I said) be brought forth, wherin they obeyed them in poynts contrarie to their Conscience or Religion, and it shall be sufficient.* We read in the Prophesie of Daniel, that those three famous Iewes, Sidrach, Misach, and Abdenago, were most trustie vnto King Nabuchodonosor in temporall affayres, and so much esteemed by him, as he made them his vniuersall Gouernors ouer all the workes of the Re∣gion of Babylon, saith the Scripture: and yet when it came to the poynt,* that he would haue them for his honour and pleasure, and vpon his commandement, adore the golden Statua, which he had set vp; they forsooke him flatly, and said to him in the presence o all his Nobi∣lity assembled togeather, that they were not so much as to answere him in that Commandement, nor would they do, as he had appoynted them.

Page  52 XXXIX. The like in effect did the ancienter Iewes do with King Pharao of Egypt; for that albeit in temporall affayres they obeyed him, euen in that tyme when he oppressed, and persecuted them most: yet in that he would haue had them stay and sacrifice in Egypt, and not follow Moyses their Spirituall Superiour into the desert (notwithstanding that the King had some cause perhaps to suspect their temporall Allegiance, also by that departure, they being a potent multitude of people:) yet would they not obey him, nor do as he would haue them, when they persuaded themselues that God would haue the contrary.

XL. I lett passe how Daniel and his fellowes would not eate the meates of the King of Babylon,* nor Tobie those of the Asyrians,* & much lesse would he leaue of to bury the dead, though it were forbidden by Proclamation vnder payne of death, The Machabees in like manner obeyed King Antiochus so long,* as he commanded no∣thing against their Law and Conscience: but when he went about to force them to sacrifice, and to eate swynes-flesh, and other things against their Law and Conscience, they refused openly to performe that Obe∣dience. So as these places of Scriptures alledged by the Apologer, do proue nothing for him at all, but are rather flatt against him, and for vs, as yow haue seene.

XLI. And much more do make against him,* his Au∣thorityes alledged out of the ancient Fathers, for that they go about to proue the very same poynt that we heere hold, that in temporall & cyuill affayres we must obey dutifully our temporall Princes, though In∣fidels or Pagans: but not in matters concerning God, our Religion, or Conscience. And his very first example out of S. Augustine is such, as I maruaile much, that he would cyte the same, but that somwhat for shew must be alleadged: For it maketh so clearly & directly against Page  53 him, as if it had beene written purposely to confute him in this our case. But let vs heare what it is. Agreable to the Scriptures (saith he) did the Fathers teach.*Augustine speaking of Iulian,* saith thus: Iulian was an vnbelieuing Emperour, was he not an Apostata? an oppressor, and an Idolatour?

Christiā souldiours serued that vnbelie∣uing Emperour: when they came to the cause of Christ, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in heauen: when he would haue them worship Idolls & sacrifice, they preferred God before him: but when he said, go forth to fight, inuade such a nation, they pre∣sently obeyed: they distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall, and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall Lord, for his sake, that was their eternall Lord and Maister.
Thus he.

XLII. And can any thing be spoken more cleerly for vs,* and for our cause, then this? For euen thus do we offer to our King & Soueraigne: we will serue him: we will obey him: we will go to warre with him: we will fight for him: and we will do all other offices be∣longing to temporall duty: but when the cause of Christ commeth in hand, who is Lord of our Con∣sciences, or any matter concerning the same, or our Re∣ligion; there we do, as S. Augustine heere appoynteth vs, preferre our eternall King, before our Temporall.

XLIII. And like to these are all the other places of Fathers cyted by him, who distinguish expresly be∣tweene the Temporall honour and Allegiance due to the Emperour, and the other of our Religion, & Con∣science, belonging only to God.* And to that playne sense are Tertullians words cyted by the Apologer:*VVe honour the Emperour in such sorte as is lawfull for vs, and expedient for him▪ as a man second after God, and as hauing receyued from God, whatsoeuer he is, and only lesse then God. And will not the Catholicks of England vse this speach also vnto their King? Or will the Apologer himselfe deny that TertullianPage  54 heere meant nothing els, but in temporall affayres, for much as the Emperour at that tyme were Heathen & Gentils, and consequently were not to be obeyed in any poynt against Christian faith or Religion?

XLIV. The like playne doctrine haue the words of Iustinus Martyr to the Emperour himselfe, cyted heere in the third place,* to witt: VVe only adore God, and in all other things wee cheerfully performe seruice to yow, professing yow to be Emperours, and Princes of men. And do not all English Ca∣tholiks say the same at this day, that in all other things, that concerne not God & his Obedience, by rule of Catholicke Religion, they offer cheerfully to serue his Ma.tie, acknowledging him to be their liege Lord and King, & inferiour only to god in his Temporall Go∣uernment? And how then are these, and such other places brought in for witnesse, as though they had somwhat to say against vs?

XLV. The other two sentēces, in like manner cyted out of Optatus,* and S. Ambrose, the first saying: That ouer the Emperour there is none, but only God, that made the Emperour. And the other, That teares were his wea∣pons against the armes, & souldiours of the Emperours: That he neyther ought, or could resist: Neyther of them do make any thing against vs, or for the Apologer, euen as they are heere nakedly cyted, without declaration of the circumstances: for that in temporall affayres the King or Emperour is Supreme, next vnder God. And when the Emperour will vse secular orces against the Priests of his dominion, they, being no souldiours, must fall to prayers, and teares, which are Priestly weapons. But what? Did S. Ambrose by this acknowledge that the Emperour had higher Authority, then he, in Church∣matters? Or that if he had offered him an Oath, repu∣gnant to his Religion, or Conscience, in those matters he would haue obeyed, or acknowledged his Superio∣rity? No truly. For in three seuerall occasions that fell Page  55 out, he flatly denyed the same, which this Apologer [ 1] craftily dissembleth,* and saith not a word therof.

XLVI. The first was, when he was cited by Dalma∣tius the Iribune, bringing with him a publicke Notarie to testifie the same, in the name of the Emperour Valenti∣nian the yonger, to come and conferre, or dispute with the hereticall Bishop Auxentius, in the presence of his Ma.tie and other of his Nobility and Counsell, which poynt S. Ambrose refused vtterly to do, tellyng the Em∣perour playnly by a letter, written vnto him; That in matters of faith and Religion Bishops must iudge of Emperours,*and not Emperours of Bishops. And dyuers other doctrines, by this occasion, he taught him to that effect, as is to be seene in the same Epistle.

XLVII. The second occasion fell out the very next [ 2] yeare after in Milane,* when the said Emperour, by suite of the Arrians, and fauour of Iustina the Empresse on their behalfe, made a Decree that a certayne Church of that Citty should be deliuered to the said Arrians: which Decree S. Ambrose the Bishop refused to obey. And when the Emperours Officers comming with armes, vrged greatly to giue possession of the Church, he fled to his former weapons of weeping and praying: Ego Missam fa∣cere caepi &c. I began to say Masse, and when the tēporall Magistrate vrged still, that the Emperour vsed but his owne right, in appoynting that Church to be deliuered, S. Ambrose answered, Quae diuina sunt, Imperatoriae Potestati non esse subiecta: That such things as belonge to God, are not subiect to the Imperiall power. And thus answered S. Ambrose about the gyuing vp of a materiall Church. What would he haue said in greater matters.

XLVIII. The third occasion was, when the [ 3] Emperour sent his Tribunes, and other Officers to require certayne Vessells belonging to the Church to be deli∣uered, which S. Ambrose constantly denyed to do, saying: That in this, he could not obey: And further adding, Page  56That if the Emperour did loue him selfe,*he should abstayne from offering such iniury vnto Christ. And in another place, hand∣ling the same more at large,* he saith: That he gaue to Cesar that which was Cesars, and to God that which belonged to God: but that the Temple of God could not be the right of Cesar, which we speake (saith he) to the Emperours honour.

For what is more honou∣rable vnto him, then that he being an Emperour, be called a Child of the Church, for that a good Emperour is within the Church, but not aboue the Church. So S. Ambrose. What would he haue done, or said, if he had bene pressed with an Oath against his Conscience, or any least poynt of his Religion?

IL. Neyther doth the last place cyted out of S. Gregorie the Great to the Emperour Mauritius make any thing more for our Apologers purpose of taking Oathes against Conscience. For albeit the same Father do greatly complayne in dyuers places of the oppression of the Church by the Kingly power of Mauritius,* whome (though otherwise a Catholicke Emperour) he com∣pareth in that poynt to Nero and Dioclesian, saying: Quid Nero?*quid Dioclesianus? quid denique iste, quihoc tēpore Ecclesiam persequitur? Nunquid non omnes portae Inferi? What was Nero? what was Dioclesian? what is he who at this tyme, doth persecute the Church? Are they not all gates of Hell? Yet in this place alledged by the Apologer, he yealded to publish & send abroad into diuers Countryes and Prouinces, a certayne vniust law of the said Empe∣rours, that prohibited Souldiours, and such as had byn imployed in matters of publike accōpts of the Commō Wealth, to make themselues Monkes: which law, though S. Gregorie did greatly mislike,* and wrote sharp∣ly against it, to the Emperour himselfe: yet to shew his due respect in temporall things vnto him, and for that indeed the law was not absolutly so euill, but that in some good sense, it might be tolerated, to witt, Page  57 that Soldiours sworne to the Emperors warres, might not (during the said Oath & obligatiō) be receaued into Monasteryes, but with the Princes licence: yet for that it tended to the abridgment of Ecclesiasticall freedome, in taking that course or state of lyfe, which ech man chooset for the good of his soule; S. Gregorie misliked the same, and dealt earnestly with the Emperour to relinquish it, or to suffer it to be so moderated, as it might stand without preiudice of Christian liberty: wherunto the Emperour at length yealded, and so S. Gregorie sent the same abroad vnto diuers Pri∣mates and Archbishoppes of sundry Kingdomes mencioned by him, but corrected first and reduced by himself, as supreme Pastour, to a reasonable lawfulnes, and temperate moderation: to witt, That those who had borne offices of charge in the Common wealth, and after desyred to be admitted to Religious life in Mona∣steryes, should not be receyued, vntill they had gyuen vp their full accompts, & had obteyned publicke dis∣charge for the same. And that soldiours which deman∣ded the like admittance, should be exactly tryed, and not admitted vnto Monassicall habite, but after they had lyued three yeares in their lay apparell, vnder probation.

L. This determineth S. Gregorie in his Epistle,* begin∣ning, Gregris 〈◊〉 Thessaloconsi, Vrbicio Dirachitano, &c. adding further in the same Epistle, as hath byn said, De qua re, Sereninus & Christanissimus Imperator omnimdo plca••r: About which matter our most Clement and Christian Emperour is wholy pleased and content. So as in this S. Gregorie shewed his pastorall care and pow∣er, in limiting and moderating the Emperours law, according to the law of God, though in temporall re∣spectes he shewed him the Obedience, that was due vnto him. But what is this vnto our Oath? May we thinke that S. Gregory, that would not passe a temporall Page  58 law of the Emperour, without reprehension of the vn∣lawfulnes therof to the Emperour himselfe, and cor∣rection thero in the publication, for that indirectly it did intringe the liberty of Religious life, when men were called therunto, that he would not haue much more resisted the admission of an Oath, about such affayres, if it had beene proposed? No man, I thinke, in reason can imagine the contrary.

LI. The last thing thē that is cited without purpose by this Apologer, are certayne Councels, which are said to haue submitted themslues to Emperours, as that of Arles in France vnto Charles the Great their King for that in the last wordes of the said Councell, the Bishopps there gathered togeather presenting the same to the same Charles write thus: Hae sub breuitate, quae emendatione digna perspeximus,*&c. These things briefly which we haue seene worthy of reformation, wee haue noted & deemed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour,

be∣seeching his Clemency if any thing be wanting to sup∣ply it by his wysedome; and if any thing be otherwise done then reason requireth, it be amended by his iud∣gement; and if any thing be reasonably censured, it may be perfected by his helpe, and by the Clemency of Al∣mighty God.
So the Councell. And heerof would the Apo∣loger inferre that this Councell of Bishops submitted it selfe to the Emperour.

LII. But I would aske him wherin? To take any Oath that the Emperour Charles should propose vnto them? Wee see no Oath offered, nor mentioned, and so nothing heere to our purpose. Wherin then, or why are they said to haue submitted themselues? For that, per∣haps, it is said in the Preface of the Councell, that they were gathered togeather by order, and commandement of the said Emperour. Surely it was hard, that so many Bishops, & Archbishops should be assembled togeather without his liking, and Order. But that the consent, Page  59 direction, and chiefe Commission for the same, came from the Bishop of Rome, may easily be gathered: for that in the first Councell that he caused to be celebrated in his Dominions,* which was that of VVormes in the yeare of Christ 770. it was left registred in these wordes: Auctoritas Ecclesiastica, atque Canonica docet, non debere, absque sententia Romani Pontificis, Concilia celebrari. Ecclesiasticall and Canonicall Authority teacheth, that Councels may not be held, without the allowance of the Bishop of Rome.

LIII. And wherin thē? Or why is this submission made? For approbation of matters cōcerning faith? No, for that yow haue heard before out of S. Ambrose, that therin Emperours are not iudges of Bishops, but Bishops of Emperours. Wherin then, or why is this submission, or rather remission to the Emperour, and his iudgmēt? It was, for that this Councell was made onely for refor∣mation of manners and matters, at the religious instāce of the good Emperour,* the effectuating wherof did de∣pend principally of his good will and assistance, and so after the first Canon, where briefly is set downe the Confession of the Christian faith, all the other 25. Ca∣nons (for there are only 26. in all) are about reforma∣tion of matters amisse: as for more diligence in daylie prayer for the Emperours person, and his children, to wit, thataMasses and Litanies be said daylie for them, by all Bis∣hops, Abbots, Monks, and Priests.b That Bishops and Priests study more diligently, and teach the people, both by lessons and preachings:c That lay men may not put out Priests of their benefices, without the sentence of the Bishop, nor that they take money of them for collation of the said benefices:d That none be admitted to enter into the Monasteryes of Virgins, eyther to say Mass, or otherwise, but such as be o approued vertue:e How peace is to be held betweene Bishops, Earles, and other Great men, especially in execution of Iustice:f That Page  60 weightes and measures be iust and equall, and that none worke vpon holy dayes:g That all Tythes be payd, all ancient possessions mantayned to the Churches: That no secular courtes be held in Churches, or Church por∣ches: That no Earles, or other Great men do raudu∣lently buy poore mens goodes, &c.

LIV. These then were the pointes of Reformati∣on, decreed in that Councell of Arles,* at the instance of Charles the Great, who was so zealous a Prince in this behalfe, as he caused fiue seuerall Councells to be cele∣brated in diuers Partes of his Dominions, within one yeare, to wit, this of Arles, an other at Towers, a third at Chalons, a fourth at Mentz, the fifth at Rhemes, and another the yeare before (which was the fixt) Ad Theo∣donis Villam, which is a towne in Luxemburge. All which Prouinciall Synodes are extant in the third Tome of Coū∣cells, togeather, with the Canons and Decrees, which are such as could not be put in execution, but by the temporall fauour, authoritie, and approbation of the Emperour in such matters, as concerned his tempo∣rall Kingdome and iurisdiction. Wherfore if for these respects, the Councell did present vnto the Emperour these Canons to be cōsidered of by his wisedome, whe∣ther any thing were to be added, altered, or taken away, for the publicke good of the Common Wealth (no Con∣trouersy of faith being treated therin) what is this to proue, eyther, that the Emperour in spirituall matters was superiour to the said Bishops, or that if he had pro∣posed vnto them any such Oath, as this is, wherin by professing their temporall Allegiance, they must also haue impugned some poynt of their faith, that they would haue obeyed him? And so much of this Coun∣cell.

LV. And for that, all the other Authorityes of other Councels heere cyted, do tend only to this end of pro∣uing Temporall Obedience, which we deny not, but Page  61 do offer the same most willingly: we shall not stand to answere or examine any more of them, but shall nd this Paragraph, with laying downe the insul∣tation of this Apologer against the Pope, vpō his owne voluntary mistaking the Question. I read (sayth he) in the Scriptures,* that Christ said, His Kingdome was not of this world, bidding vs to giue to Cesar that which was Cesars, and to God that which was Gods: and I euer held it for an infallible Maxime in Deuinity,

That temporall Obedience to a temporall Magistrate, did no∣thing repugne to matters o faith o saluation of soules. But that euer Temporall Obedience was against faith and saluation of soues, as in this Breue is alledged, was neuer before heard or read of in the Christian Church; and therfore, I would haue wished the Pope, beore he had set downe this Commandement to all Papists heere, That since in him is the Power, by the in∣fallibility of his spirit, to make new Articles of faith, when euer it shall please him; That he had first set it downe for an Article of faith, before he had commanded all Catholicks to belieue, and obey it.
So he.

LVI. And I maruaile, that a man professing learning, would euer so tryfle, or rather wrangle, and wrongfully charge his Aduersary: for that I fynde no such thing in the Breue at all, as that Temporall Obe∣dience is against faith and saluation of soules: nor doth the Breue forbid it:* nor doth any learned Catho∣licke affirme, that the Pope hath power to make new Ar∣ticles of Faith: nay rather it is the full consent of all Ca∣tholicke Deuines, that the Pope, and all the Church to∣geather, cannot make any one new Article of beliefe, that was not truth before, though they may explane what points are to be held for matters of faith, & what not, vpon any new heresies or doubts arising: Which articles so declared, though they be more particulerly, Page  62 and perspicuously knowne now for points of faith, and so to be belieued, after the declaration of the Church then before: yet had they before the self same truth in themselues, that now they haue. Nor hath the said Church added any thing to them, but this declaration only.* As for example, when Salomon declared the true Mother of the child that was in doubt, he made her not the true mother thereby, nor added any thing to the truth of her being the mother: but only the declaration. Wherefore this also of ascribing power to the Pope of making new Articles of faith, is a meere calumniation amongst the rest.

LVII. There followeth his conclusion:

I will then conclude (saith he) my answere to this point in a Di∣lemma: Eyther it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things or not. If it be lawfull, as I neuer heard or read it doubted of: then why is the Pope so vn∣iust and cruell towards his owne Catholicks, as to com∣maund them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull com∣mandement? If it be vnlawfull, why hath he not ex∣pressed any one cause or reason therof?
But this Dilemma is easily dissolued, or rather falleth of it self, both his pillers being but broken reeds, framed out of false sup∣positions: For that the Pope neyther denyeth it,* to be lawfull, to obey the Soueraigne in Cyuill and Tem∣porall things nor doth he command Catholicks to dis∣obey their Prince his lawfull commādements: but only where they be vnlawful to be performed, as he suppo∣seth them to be in the taking of this Oath. Wherof he ex∣presseth sundry causes, and reasons, I meane, so many as the Oath it self cōteyneth points cōcerning Religion: to which end, he setteth downe the whole Oath, as it lyeth, with intimation, that those points cannot be sworne with integrity of Catholicke Religion, & good conscience: which is sufficient for a Iudge, who dis∣puteth not, but determineth. So as, hereupon to make Page  63 illation of the Popes vniust, and cruell dealing towards Catholicks, by this his decision, as though he sorbad Ciuill Obedience; is to buyld vpon a voluntary false ground, supposing, or rather imposing the Pope to say, that which he doth not, and then to refute him, as though he had said it indeed. And is this good dealing?

LVIII.

But yet he goeth forward vpon the same false ground to buyld more accusations against the Pope, saying: That if the foundation of his exhorting Catholicks to beare patiently their tribulations, be false (as this Apologer auoucheth it to be) then it can worke no other effect, then to make him guylty of the bloud of so many of his sheep, whome he doth thus willfully cast away, not only to the needles losse of their liues, and ruyne of their famylies: but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists. As it no zealous Papist could be a true Subiect to his Prince: and that Religion, and the Temporall Obedience to the Cyuill Magistrate, were two things incompatible and repu∣gnant in themselues.
Thus he.

LIX. But who doth not see that these be all iniu∣rious inferences, inforced vpon the former false suppo∣sitions, to witt,

That Catholicks suffer nothing for their Conscience, That there is no persecution at all in England, That there is nothing exacted by this last oath, but only and meerly Cyuill Obedience, and that in this, the Pope exhorteth them to disobey the Temporall Prince in Temporall dutyes, and thereby giueth iust occasion to the Prince to vse his sword against them, and consequently that he is cause of the effusion of their bloud, and of the infamy of Catholicke Religion: as though no Catholicke by his Religion could be a true Subiect to his Temporall Prince.
All which supposi∣tions being vtterly mistaken, and not true, the more often they are repeated, the more exorbitant seemeth Page  64 the ouersight of the wryter. And in my opinion, the very same might haue bene obiected vnto S. Cyprian and other Fathers of the Primitiue Church,* that they were guylty of so many Martyrs bloud, willfully cast away, and of the ruyne of their familyes, and other inconue∣niences, by exhorting them not to doe against their Consciences, nor to yield to their Temporall Princes Commandements against God and their Religion: no not for any torments that might be layd vpon them, nor for any losses that might fall vnto them, of goods, life, honour, same, friendes, wife, children, or the like, which were ordinary exhortations in those daies of persecution, as by their Bookes yet extant doth appeare.

LX. Neyther is it sufficient to say, that those tymes and ours are different, for that the things then demaunded were apparantly vnlawfull, but these not: for that, to vs that are Catholicks, these things are as vnlawfull now, as those other were then to them, for that they are no lesse against our Consciences in matters of Religion. For why should it be more damnable then, and indispensable to deli∣uer vp a Byble, or new Testament, for examples sake, when the Emperour commaunded it, then now to sweare an Oath against our Conscience and Religion, when our Temporall Prince exacteth it? For that this, perhaps, is called the Oath of Allegiance? Who knoweth not, that the fayrest tytle is put vpon the fowlest matter, when it is to be persuaded or exacted? And he that shall read the Historyes of that tyme, and of those auncient afflictions, shall see that Act also to haue beene re∣quired,* as of Obedience and Allegiance, and not of Religion, being only the deliuery vp of mate∣riall bookes: and yet did the whole Church of God condemne them for it, that deliuered the same, and Page  65 held for true Martyrs, all those that dyed for denying thereof, for that they would not doe an Act against their Consciences.

LXI. Well then, to draw to an end of this se∣cond paragraph about the two Breues of Paulus Quintus, two things more writeth this Apologer, whereunto I must in like manner say somewhat.

The first is, That Pope Clemens Octauus sent into England, two Breues immediatly before the late Queenes death, for debarring of his Maiestie, our now Soueraigne, of the Crowne, or any other, that eyther would professe, or any way tolerate the pro∣fessours of our Religion, contrary (saieth he) to his manifold vowes, and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and, as it were, deliuered, vno & eodem Spi∣ritu, to diuers of his Maiestyes Ministers abroade, professing all kyndenes, and shewing all forwardnes to aduance him to this Crowne, &c.
Wherein still I fynde the same veyne of exaggeration, and calum∣niation continued by the Apologer. For hauing procured some knowledge of those two Breues,* I fynde them not sent into England togeather, nor immediatly before the late Queenes death, but the one di∣uers yeares before shee dyed, and the other after her death, and this to different effects. For in the first, the Pope being consulted, what Catholicks were bound to doe in conscience, for admitting a new Prince after the Queene should be dead, for so much as some of different Religions, were, or might be, pretenders; he determined that a Catholicke was to be preferred, not thinking (as may be presu∣med) to preiudice therein his Maiesty that now is, of whome, vpon the relations, and earnest asse∣uerations of those his Maiestyes Ministers abroad, who heere are mentioned, he had conceaued firme hope, that his Highnes was not farre from being a Page  66 Catholicke, or at least wise not altogeather so alie∣nate from that Religion, or professours therof, as reasonable hope might not be conceaued of his conuersion: though in regard of not preiudicing his Tytle in England, the said Ministers auouched, that it was not thought expedient at that tyme to make declaration therof.

LXII. This was auerred then, how truly or falsly I know not. But many letters and testi∣fications are extant hereof, which were the cause of those demonstrations of Clemens Octauus, to fauour his M.ties Tytle, which he did so hartily and effectually, as when he, after the Queenes death, vnderstood that he was called for into England, he wrote presently the second Breue, exhorting all Catholicks to receaue and obey him willingly, ho∣ping that at leastwise they should be permitted to liue peaceably vnder him. And this is the very truth of those two Breues: nor was there in the former any one word against his Maiesty then of Scotland; and much lesse that he was therin called the Scottish Hereticke,* as Syr Edward Cooke hath deuised since, and falsely vttered in print without shame or conscience. Nor was there any such wordes, as heere are alleadged, against any that would but tolerate the Professours of Protestants Religion: nor was there any such double dealing or dissimulation in Pope Clement his speaches, or doings, concerning his Ma.ty as heere are set downe. But the truth is, that he loued his person most hartily, and alwaies spake honourably of him, treated kindely all those of his nation, that said they came from him, or any wayes belonged vnto him: and often tymes vsed more liberality that way, vpon diuers occasions, then is conuenient, perhaps, for me to vtter heere: caused speciall prayer to be made for his Page  67 Maiesty, wherof, I suppose, his Highnes cannot altogeather be ignorant, and much lesse can so noble a nature be ingrate for the same, which assu∣reth me, that those things vtterd by this Apologer, so farre from the truth, could not be conferred with his Maiesty, but vttered by the Authour ther∣of, vpon his owne splene, against the Pope, and such as are of his Religion.

LXIII. The second and last point affirmed by the Apologer in this Paragraph,* is, that the first of these two Breues of Paulus Quintus was iudged to be farre against Deuinity, Policy, and naturall sense, by sundry Catholicks, not of the simpler sort, but of the best account both for learning and experience among them, wherof the Arch∣priest was one, and consequently, that it was held but for a counterfaite libell, deuised in hatred of the Pope. &c. All this (I say) hath much calumniation in it, and litle truth. For albeit some might doubt, perhaps, whether it came immediatly from the Pope, Ex motu proprio, or only from the Congregation of the Inquisi∣tion, vpon defectuous information of the State of the question in England (of which doubt, notwith∣standing, if any were, there could be little ground:) yet no Catholicke of iudgement or piety, would euer passe so farre, as to iudge it contrary to Deuinity, Policy, or naturall sense, and much lesse, to be a libell deuised in hatred of the Pope. These are but deuises of the Minister-Apologer: and he offereth much iniury to so Reuerend a man as the Archpriest is, to name him in so odious a matter, but that his end therin is well knowne. And if there were any such doubt, or might be before, of the lawfulnes of the first Breue, now is the matter cleered by the second; and so all men see thereby, what is the sentence of the Sea Apostolicke therein, which is sufficient for Catholicke men, that haue learned Page  68 to obey, and to submitt their iudgements to those, whome God hath appointed for the declara∣tion, and decision of such doubts. And thus much about those two Breues. Now let vs see what is said to Cardinall Bellarmyne, for writing to M. Blackwell in this affaire.