An ansvvere to the fifth part of Reportes lately set forth by Syr Edvvard Cooke Knight, the Kinges Attorney generall Concerning the ancient & moderne municipall lawes of England, vvhich do apperteyne to spirituall power & iurisdiction. By occasion vvherof, & of the principall question set dovvne in the sequent page, there is laid forth an euident, plaine, & perspicuous demonstration of the continuance of Catholicke religion in England, from our first Kings christened, vnto these dayes. By a Catholicke deuyne.

OF KING HENRY THE SECOND, The fifth King after the Conquest. §. I.

2. This King then was a French-man borne, * 1.1 as well as K. Ste∣phen, & of the English-bloud only, by Maude the Empresse daugh∣ter to K. Henry the first, & neece to the Conquerour. He was sonne and heire to Geffrey Duke of Anioy and Poytoù, and a little before his inheritance of England, he had the rare fortune (as then it was thought) to marry with the young Queene Eleanor lately di∣uorced from K. Lewes the seauenth of France, vpon their falling out after their returne from Ierusalem, which Queene was daugh∣ter and heire to the Duke of Aquitaine; so as all those States of Gascoyne, Gwyan, Poytoù, Anioy and Normandy, were vnited togeather in this K. Henry, and by him conioyned to England. The Duke∣dome of Brittany also falling in his tyme to the inheritance of an only daughter of Duke Canon, * 1.2 King Henry procured to marry the same to his third sonne Geffrey, for he had foure by his said Queen that liued togeather, besides a fifth that died young. It was his chaunce also to haue an English Pope, named Adryan in his daies, by whose fauour and concession he got interest to Ireland, so as if we respect the greatnes and multitude of his dominions; he was the most puissant King of all, that euer had dominion ouer our nation vntill that day.

3. But if we respect his manners, * 1.3 you may (besides others wri∣ters) read a whole Chapter in Nubergensis, of the conflict & com∣bat betweene vices and vertues in him, though he conclude that his vertues were the more, and his vices were sore punished in him by almighty God in this life, to the end that his soule might be saued in the next, as the same Author writeth. And to this ef∣fect was he punished and afflicted most in those things, wherin he had taken most delight, and for which he had most perhaps offended God; as first in the alluring of the said Q. Eleanor to make the foresaid diuorce from the King of France to marry him,

who afterward was a great affliction vnto him: for that ha•••••••• borne him many faire children, she set the same against him, •••• thervpon the former ardent loue waxing cold between them, he was the more induced to liue lasciuiously with others, and •••• the end committed her to prison, and held her so, for neere a do∣zen years togeather before his death.

4. His children also he couered exceedingly to aduaūce, crow∣ning the elder of them King in his owne daies, by the name of K. Henry the third, and giuing him in possession the States of Gascoyne and Gwyan; the second being Richard, he made Earle of Poitoù; the third which was Geffrey, he inuested (as hath byn said) in the Dukedome of Brittany; and the fourth named Iohn, for that he had no seuerall State as yet to giue him, * 1.4 he called in iest s•••••• terre, or lack-land, signifying therby the great desire he had to pro∣uide some State for him. And for effectuating this (saith Nuber∣gensi•• which liued in that age) that is to say, for aduauncing his children, he offered iniuries to many: wherby it came to passe by Gods iust iudgement, that they all at different times conspi∣red against him. For first about the middest of his raigne, both the mother and the children banded themselues against him, with Lewes the K. of France, that had byn her former husband, wherof Petrus Blesensis, that was his latin Secretary, maketh men∣tion in diuers epistles that are extant, as namely, in one written by two Archbishops that had byn his Embassadours to the said K. Lewes, to make peace, but could not; who discouered that both his Queene and children had all conspired against him. * 1.5 Quid ama∣bilius ••ilijs (say they) quid vxore familiarius, recessit tamon vxor à latere vestro, & filij insurgunt in patrem. What is more delectable them chil∣dren, what is more neere or familiar then the wife. And yet is your wife departed from your side, and your children are risen against their father, &c. And in the same epistle, they counsaile him to looke well to his person, for that they sought his destru∣ction.

5. And the same is testified in another epistle written by the Archbishop of Roane in Normandy vnto Q. Eleanor her self, wher∣in he persuadeth her vehemently by manie reasons, to returne to the obedience and freindship of her King and husband; and in the end threatneth to vse the Censures of the Church against her, * 1.6 if she obaied not. Parochiana eniu•• nostra es (saith he) sicut & •••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, non p••ssumus deesse iustitia, &c. For you are our Parishioner, a••

also your husband; I cannot but doe iustice, either you must re∣turne, to your husband againe, * 1.7 or by the Canon-law I shall be forced to constraine you by Ecclesiasticall censures. I write this vnwillingly, and if you repent not, I must doe it, though with sorrow and teares.

6. The like letter at the same time, wrote Richard Archbishop of Canterbury to K. Henry the sonne, persuading him by diuers ear∣nest arguments, to returne into grace with his Father, and in the end threatned him, that if within fifteen dayes he perfourmed it not, he had expresse commaundement from the Pope to excom∣municate him. But how this matter was afterward ended, or compounded rather for that present, you shall heare a little be∣neath, though againe vpon other occasions, matters brake forth & brought the afflicted King at last to the most miserable state of desolation in minde, that euer perhaps was read of in histo∣ryes. For that, * 1.8 as Stow out of auncient writers reporteth, he died cursing the day that euer he was borne, and giuing Gods curse and his to his sonnes, (which were only two liuing at that time) and that he would neuer release or goe backe in this, albeit he was intreated by diuers, both Bishops and other religious per∣sons, euen vntill the very houre of his death. Wher vnto Nuber∣gensis addeth this saying for some reason therof. Nondum (vti credo) satu defleuerat, &c.

He had not (as I beleeue) mourned or bewai∣led sufficiently the rigour of that most vnfortunate obstination of mind, * 1.9 which he had vsed against the venerable Archbishop Thomas (in giuing the occasion of his murder) and therefore doe I thinke this great Prince to haue had so miserable an end in this world, that our Lord not sparing him heere, * 1.10 might by his temporall pu¦nishment prepare him euerlasting mercy in the life to come. So Nubergensis.

And this for his manners and conuersation, wherin otherwise the said Author doth much commend him for a good Iusticer and leuing Father to his people; a great Almes-man and founder of pious works; and for a principall defender and preseruer of Ecclesiasticall liber∣tyes, &c. * 1.11

7. But now if we consider the point of our controuersie about his religion, and particular iudgement in the matter of Ecclesia∣sticall iurisdiction; no King euer of our nation did make the matter more cleere for his obedience to the Sea of Rome in all oc∣casions, wherof he had many in his dayes, & some of them neer∣ly concerning himselfe, as that of Thomas Becket Archbishop of

Canterbury, who for opposing himself against certaine new Sta∣tutes and Ordinances of the said King, which in the heat of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greatnes and temporall fortune, he would haue made against the liberty of the Church, pretending them to haue byn of his Grand-father K. Henry the first (and if they had byn, * 1.12 the antiqui∣ty was not great as you see) the said Archbishop incurred highly his heauy indignation, which cost him afterward his life, as is notorious. And these lawes were six in number, as the histories of that time doe sett them downe. [ 1] The first, that no appellation might be made to Rome without he Kings consent. [ 2] The second, that no Bishop might goe out of the Realme without the Kings lic••nce, though he were called by the Pope himself. [ 3] The third, that no Bishop may excommunicate any man that held of the King in capite, but by the Kings approbation. [ 4] The fourth, that it shall not appertaine to the Bishop to punish men for periury, •••• violating their faith; but that it shall belonge to the Kings Courts. [ 5] The fifth, that Clarks may be drawne to secular tribunals in certaine causes. [ 6] The sixt, that the King and his lay-Iudges may determine controuersies about titbes or Churches.

8. These were the lawes, for which K. Henry the second made so much adoe to haue them passe, as he enpawned his whole power therin, & moued, for so much as in him lay, both heauen and earth to effectuate them, euen by the Pope himself, but could not. And yet you see, that heere is not pretended any abso∣lute spirituall iurisdiction, but only delegatory in certaine little peeces and parcels therof, or rather some little restraint of that supreme authority, which he acknowledged to be in the Sea of Rome. * 1.13 But yet for the good and peace of his land he pretended to haue them graunted, confirmed, & allowed vnto him, as he said they had byn to his Grand-father, but could not shew it. For as you haue heard in the life of K. Henry the first, the holy and lear∣ned prelate S. Anselme stood against him in such sorte, so as he pre∣uailed not.

9. It is heer also specially to be noted against M. Attorney, that this King pretended not (as hath byn said) to haue this iurisdi∣ction against Clergie men by right of his Crowne, but by con∣cession rather of his Bishops, and confirmation of the Pope him∣self. For so expresly affirmeth Houeden that liued at that tyme, that he required the seales of the said Bishops, * 1.14 and confirmation of Pope Alexander the third; whervnto when Thomas Becket Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, that was Legatus-natus would not yeeld: the

King sent messengers to Rome presently saith Houeden, to wit, Iohn ••••••••ford & Geffrey Ridell, to desire of Pope Alexander, that he would make his extraordinary Legat in England, Roger Archbishop of Yorke, an old emulator and enemy of S. Thomas. But the Pope per∣ceiuing his drifte, which was to oppresse the said Archbishop of Canterbury, denyed the Kings petition in this behalfe, though at the request of the Kings said messengers, * 1.15 Consessit Dominus Papa, vt Rexipse Legatus esset totius Angliae, it a tamen, quod ipse nullum grauamen fa∣cere posset Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo. The Pope graunted that K. Henry himself should be his Legat ouer all England; but yet so, as he should not be able, to lay any aggreiuaunce vpon the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury: that is to say, should not preiudicate his ordi∣nary iurisdiction, or haue any authority ouer him. Which point the King perceiuing, and that his whole intent of oppressing the said Archbishop was heerby preuented, he would not, through indignation (saith our Author) accept of the said legation, but sent back the Popes letters of that commission to him againe. Wherby you see, that he refused the said office, for that he thought the iurisdiction giuen him, was lesse then he would haue had, and not for that he did not acknowledge the whole to be in the Pope, and nothing in himself, as from the right of his Crowne.

10. But to abbridge this matter, concerning his contention with S. Thomas, wherof afterward he sore repented himself, as you will heare; though he entred into the same with great heat and resolution, to goe through therin by his power and autho∣rity with the Pope: yet when he saw the said Pope to mislike his proceedings, and to stand constant against him, he amayned and and humbled himself presently, and this in respect of his con∣science and feare of God, as himself caused to be written by his Bishops to the said Pope Alexander. For there is extant in Houeden a large epistle of all the Bishops Suffragans of Canterbury, that were subiects to Thomas the Archbishop, written vnto Pope Alexander in the Kings name, of his prompt obedience towards him, and the Sea of Rome in all things, saying: * 1.16 Ad vestra quidem mandata non itatus intumuit, non elatus obedire contempsit, verum gratias agens paterna correctioni, Ecclesia se statim submisit examini. when the King recei∣ued your commaundements, he did not swell with anger, nor proudly contemned to obey, but giuing thankes for your Fa∣therly correction, did presently submit himself to the examina∣tion

of the Church. And againe. Ipse diuini reuerentia timoris, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maiestatempreferens, sed vt filius obediens, se iudicio sistere, legitimae{que} pa∣rere sententiae, se{que} legibus alligatum Prinscipem, praesto est in omnibus exhibe∣re. He for reuerence and respect of the fear of God, did not pre∣fer the maiesty of his Kingly State, but as an obedient sonne, is ready in all things, to stand to iudgement, and to obey lawfull sentence, acknowledging himself, though he be a Prince, to be bound to the lawes of the Church.

11. This then, was his disposition of mind in this behalfe, which he presently shewed in fact, by sending a most honorable Em∣bassage to the Pope, to wit, the Archbishop of Yorke, & Bishops of VVinchester, London, Chichester and Excester, with the Earles, Arundell, the Gundauell de Sancto Valerico, and many others both gentlemen and Clarks. And as Houeden affirmeth; Appellauit pro se & regno suo, ad Praesentiam Summi Pontificis; * 1.17 He appealed for himself and for his kingdome to the Pre••ence of the Pope; desiring that two Legats might be sent into England to iudge of the cause, between him & the Archbishop. And soone after when the Archbishop, vpon pacification made was returned, and within a few moneths after wikedly slaine in his owne Church of Canterbury; the same Pope Alexander taking vpon him, as lawfull Iudge, to examine & pu∣nish the fact vpon the person of K. Henry himself, sent two Car∣dinall-Legats for that purpose into Normandy, * 1.18 named Graetianus & Viuianus, as Houeden at large setteth downe the history. Wherof K. Henry being aduertised, that was present then in those partes be∣yond the Seas, and fearing the euent, Ad Praesentiam Summi Pontifi•••• appellauit, * 1.19 appealed againe (as once he had done before) to the presence of the Pope himself from his said Legats. Wherby we see that he graunted & acknowledged the Popes authority ouer him in that matter. And the same writer addeth in the same place, that the said King fearing also (notwithstanding his ap∣peale) the seuerity of the Sea Apostolicke in this case, passed ouer presently into England, giuing straite order and commaundment, that no man should be permitted to enter with any Bull or Bre•••• of the Pope of what sorte soeuer, except first he gaue caution & security, that he would thereby bring no hurte or greiuaunce to the King or Kingdome.

12. But after this againe (to omit many other things and iu••d••∣dicall Acts, which passed in this affaire, set downe by the said Houeden, and other authors of that time) two other Cardinall-••••∣gats,

Theodinus and Albertus were finally directed from the said Pope Alexander into Normandy, * 1.20 to giue the last sentence vpon the matter. Vnto whome K. Henry being then in Ireland, and cited to appeere came purposely to present himself in person, which no∣tably signifieth his obedience. And there by his oath he purged himself, swearing first, that his intention was neuer to procure the said Archbishops death, and secondly promising diuers things by the same oath, to be performed in satisfaction of his fault, in hauing giuen some occasion therof by angry words against the same Archbishop Thomas. All which is set downe in the said Au∣thor vnder this title, * 1.21 recorded likewise by Peter Blesensis. Purga∣tio Henrici Regis pro morte Beati Thomae. * 1.22 The purgation or satisfa∣ction of K. Henry for the death of S. Thomas; & therevpon ensueth. Charta absolutionis Domini Regis. The charter of absolution of our Lord the King by the said Legats in the Popes name.

13. And amongst other six or seauen points, whervnto the King sware at this time, one is set downe in these words.

He sware also, that he would neither let, nor permit to be letted, any Appellations to be made in his Kingdome, to the Bishop of Rome in Ecclesiasticall causes, with this condition, that if any that doe appeale be suspected to the King, they should giue security, that they would not seeke, or procure any hurte to him or his King∣dome.

And so was that controuersie ended, and the lawes abo∣lished, which the King would haue established against the liber∣ty of the Church. Wherby we se cleerly what persuasion K. Henry had of the Popes supreame authority in Ecclesiasticall affaires, and his loyall obedience thervnto; which is so much the more to be esteemed, if we consider the circumstances of the tyme wherin he exhibited the same, which was such, as he might ea∣sily haue declined himself (if he would) from the force of Pope Alexander his authority, that pressed him so much, by adhering to some one of his enemyes the Antipopes, that by faction of a few were chosen & set vp against him, three or foure one after ano∣ther, naming themselues, Victor the 4. Calixtus the 3. * 1.23 and Pascalis the 3. and held out against him, for more then 17. years togea∣ther, by the power and peruersity of Fredericus Barba-rossa the first Emperour of that name, who often also allured K. Henry to be partaker of his Schisme, but he refused, followinge heerin his Catholicke auncestors VVilliam the Conquerour, that stood con∣stantly with the true Popes of his tyme, Alexander the 2. and Gre∣gory

the 7. against those that by sedition of Henry the 4. Empe∣rour, were set vp against them, to wit Cadolus, calling himself Ho∣norius the 2. and Gilbertus, that was named Clement the 2. K. Henry also the first obaied the true Popes of his tyme, Paschalis the 2. G••∣lasius the 2. Calixtus the 2. Honorius the 2. & Innocentius the 2. against six schismaticall intruders, calling themselues, Clement the 3. Syl∣uester the 3. Gregory the 8. Celestinus the 2. Anacletus the 2. Victor the 4. all set vp & maintained by the German Emperours Henry the 4. and fifth, and by Lotharius the 2. after them. But our Kings of En∣gland obayed allwayes their true and lawfull Pastors of Gods Church, and were highly commended for it. And now K. Henry the 2. followed their vertues, wisedome, religion, and magna∣nimity in that behalfe; and found (no doubt) his reward in the life to come for it. And so much of this.

14. But now to passe to another consideration about the same King, it seemeth to me, that nothing sheweth more this King•• true affection, deuotion, and confidence towards the Pope and Sea of Rome, then his owne recourse thervnto in his greatest affli∣ction before mentioned, of the conspiracy of his wife and chil∣dren against him. For then he wrote a very lamentable letter vn∣to Pope Alexander, * 1.24 beginning thus. Sanctissimo Domino suo Alexandre, Dei gratia Catholicae Ecclesia Summo Pontifici, Henricus Rex Angliae, &c. Salutem & deuotae subiectionis obsequium. In which letter, among other things, he saith thus: Vbipleniorem voluptatem contulerat mihi Domm••••, ibi grauius me flagellat, & quod sine lachrymis non dico, contra sanguine•••• ••eum & viscera mea, cogor odium mortale concipere, &c.

Where God hath giuen me greatest pleasure and contentment, there doth he most whip me now, and that which without teares I doe not speake vnto you, I am constrained to conceiue mortall hatred against my owne bloud, and my owne bowels.

My freinds haue left me, * 1.25 and those of myne owne house doe seeke my life, & this secret coniuration (of my wife and children) hath so intoxicated the minds of all my most familiar freinds, as they prefer their traite∣rous obedience to my sonne, and would rather beg with him, then raigne with me, and enjoy most ample dignities, &c. Abse•••• corpore, presens tamen animo, me vestris aduolno genibus: I being absent in body, but present in mynd with you, doe cast my self at your knees: Vestrae iurisdictionis est Regnum Angliae, &c. Experiatur Anglia, quid possit Romanus Pontifex. The Kingdome of England is vnder your iu∣risdiction. Let England learne by experience, what the Bishop of

Rome can doe. Promitto me dispositioni vestra in omnibus pariturum. I doe promise to obay your disposition in all hings.

15. Thus he wrote at that tyme with teares, as you haue heard, wherewith Pope Alexander being greatly moued, sent commaun∣dement to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, to write earnestly vnto K. Henry the sonne, to recall him from his rebellion vnder paine of excommunication, as before we haue shewed. And this confident recourse of K. Henry to the Pope in so great an affaire, declareth well the opinion he had of his authority. And con∣forme vnto this, were all the rest of his actions and doings, con∣cerning Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, when he was out of passion and perturbation, acknowledging none at all in himself, but on∣ly from the Sea Apostolike. And heervpon he fouuded the secu∣rity of all his hopes, by his first marriage with the Queen Eleanor, as hath byn said, whose diuorce from King Lewes was vpon the Popes sentence, declaringe the same to be inualide and no mar∣riage at all, by reason that they were married within degrees of consanguinity prohibited by the Church.

16. And soone after this againe, about the 6. yeare of his raigne the same King (as Stow relateth) procured dispensation of the said Pope by his Legat-Cardinalls, * 1.26 Henricus Pisanus, and Gulielmus Papionensis, to make a marriage between Henry his eldest sonne of seauen years old, and Margaret the French Kings daughter, * 1.27 that was yet but of three years old, which he would not haue done by all likelihood, with so manifest perill of his whole succession therby, if he had either doubted of the Popes authority therin, or presumed of his owne.

17. And not many years after this againe, the said King being very desirous to remoue from the Church of VValtam in Essex cer∣taine secular Chanons, that liued not with edification, and to place in their roome regular Chanons, presumed not to doe it of himself, or his owne authority (which yet might seeme a small matter) but by the authority of the Pope. * 1.28 Rex (saith Houeden) ex authoritate Domini Papae instituit in Ecclesia de VValtham Canonicos regu∣lares. The King did appoint regular Chanons in the Church of VValtham, by the authority of the Pope. And the same doth testi∣fie VValsingham vpon the yeare 1177. * 1.29 that it was done in the vigil of Penticost: Authoritate Summi Pontificis sub praesentia Regis. By the au∣thority of the Bishop of Rome, the King being present at the doing.

18. And the same VValsingham two years after that againe, doth record another iudiciall Act of the said Pope Alexander in England, which is, that he exempted from the obedience of the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, Roger, that was Prior of the monastery of S. Au∣gustine in the same Citty, * 1.30 which had byn subiect to him (saith he) for fiue hundred years before. And it is probable, that neither the King, nor Archbishop did like thereof, but could not let the same.

19. And finally to goe no further in this matter, of this Kings obedience and deuotion towards the Church, when he was out of choller and passion, and free from such other perturbations, as did draw him strōgly oftentimes to the doing of certaine things, which after he repented; I shall end with one shorte narration only of the foresaid VValsingham, or a strange extremity and ad∣uersity of fortune, from which God deliuered him at one tyme, by means of his deuout mynd towards the blessed Martyr S. Tho∣mas of Canterbury, vpon the year 1174. which was three yeares af∣ter his said martyrdome, at what time the Kings state was this, as partly before you haue heard. Lewys King of France cōioyning himself with Henry the third King of England, * 1.31 and the rest of his brethren against their Father, pressed him sore with great armies in Normandy, and other partes of his Dominions in France. And at the very same time, his wife Queen Eleanor in England conspiring with her said sonnes, incited by her example many other Princes and noblemen to doe the like, who raised diuers rebellions. And besides all the rest, VVilliam King of Scotland came in with a great Army on the North-side, and Philip Earle of Flaunders was ente∣red with another on the South-side. At which time K. Henry see∣ing himself in these straites, and not well knowing what to doe, yet resolued at the length to passe from Normandy into England, and first to succour the principall parte. * 1.32

But being on the Sea, there arose such a tempest, as seing himself in great daunger, Ere∣ctis in caelum luminibus (saith VValsingham) lifting vp his eyes to hea∣uen he desired God, * 1.33 that saw his intention, to be mercifull vnto him, as his meaning and purpose was to seeke the peace both of the Clergy & people of England, &c. And God (saith our Author) admitted presently the prayer of this our humbled King, and brought him safe to Hampton-port with all his people; who from that day forward, giuing himself to pennaunce, vsed (saith he) a very thinne diet, to wit, bread and water only, and casting of

all temporall cares, nor entring into any one Citty, as he went by the way, neuer ceased vntill he came to Canterbury;

where the glorious body of Thomas the martyr lay, * 1.34 where with abundance of teares and sighes, going bare-foote, and casting himself pro∣strate on the ground, he did demaund pardon and mercie;

hum∣bly beseeching first, that the Bishops there present would ab∣solue him, and then that euery religious man would giue him three, or fiue strokes of a discipline (or whip) on his bare flesh; & then putting one his apparell againe, which in all their presence he had put of, he rose from the ground, and then gaue precious gifts to the said Martyr and his sepulcher; and among other for∣ty pounds by the yeare of perpetuall rent for maintenance of lights at the said Sepulcher, and so giuing himself to waching, fasting, & prayer for three dayes togeather, it is not to be doub∣ted (saith he) but that the said martyr being pleased with his re∣pentaunce and deuotion, God also (by his intercession) tooke away the Kings sinne.

So VValsingham.

20. And presently in token heerof he saith, that the verie same day, wherin the King was most deuout in humbling ••im∣self and kissing the said martyrs Tombe in Canterbury, God deli∣uered into his hands VVilliam King of Scotland, who was taken prisoner by his Captaines: and that vpon the same day also, his rebellious sonne K. Henry the 3. hauing taken shipping to come with a great Nauye into England against him, was driuen back by tempest; the King himself going to London was receiued with extraordinary ioy of al his people, * 1.35 by whose help he soone paci∣fied and conquered all his rebells, and thence going presently ouer into Normandy with a great armie, and leading prisoner with him, the foresaid K. of Scotland, with diuers other enemies fallen into his hands, hee so terrified the King of France, and o∣ther his confederates that beseiged the Cittie of Roane, as they re∣tired presentlie; and his sonnes Henry, Richard, & Geffrey so hum∣bled themselues vnto him, as they were reconciled, and recei∣ued to grace againe; all comming home togeather in one shipp (saith VValsingham) whom a little before it seemed, that the wide world could not containe.

21. And this was the effect of K. Henries deuotion at that time, which Petrus Blesen••is also that was most inward with him, doth ••estifie & recoūt at large in an epistle to his freind the Archbish. of Palermo in Sicilie, wherin hee affirmeth not onlie that K. Henry

assured himself, that hee had all these good successes by inter∣cession of the said holy martyr S. Thomas, but moreouer, that hee tooke him for his speciall Patron in all his aduersities.

Illud quoq•••• noueritis (saith he) Dominum Regem gloriosum martyrem in omnibus angu∣stijs suis Patronum habere praecipuum.

This also you must know, that my Lord the King doth hold the glorious martyr S. Thomas for his cheife Patrone in all his straites and necessities: and the same you may read in Nubergensis, * 1.36 that liued at the same time, though not so intrinsecall with the King as the other. And this passed at that tyme, though afterward he committing his said Q Eleanor to prison, for diuers years before his death, and continuing his loose life with other women (as hath byn said) God for punish∣ment, permitted, that albeit two of his sonnes Henry and Geffrey died before him; yet the other two remaining, Richard and Iohn, and falling from him againe, did so afflict and presse him, as they brought him to that desolate end, which before hath byn mentioned. Though some other doe ascribe the cause heerof, not so much to his loose life, as to his irreuerent dealing some∣tymes in Church-matters. For so two Bishops, that were his Embassadours wrote vnto him in confidence, * 1.37 as Petrus Blesensis doth testify, saying:

Non est quod magis hostes vestros incitat ad conflictum, quam quod arbitrantur Vos Ecclesia Dei minus extitisse deuotum.

There is nothing, that doth more stir vp, or animate your enemyes to fight against you, then for that they persuade themselues, that you haue sometymes shewed your self lesse deuout towards the Church of God. And thus much of K. Henry.

Notes

• * 1.1

  This King raigned from the yeare 1154. vnto 1189. vvhich vvas 35. years.
• * 1.2

  K. Henry his tem∣porall greatnes.
• * 1.3

  Nubergens. l. 3. c. 25. The same handleth much more lar∣gely Petrus Bles••••sis, Archdea∣cō of Bath, that vvas his latin Secretary many years. epist. 47.
• * 1.4

  K Henry punished in that vvherin he tooke most de∣light.
• * 1.5

  Rhetemag & Lexomen epist and Henr. 2 e∣p••••t 253. apud Ble∣••••••s.
• * 1.6

  ••ct. Ble∣se•• epis••••la 164.
• * 1.7

  Excōmu∣nication threatned to the Queene.
• * 1.8

  Stovv in v••••. Henr. 2.
• * 1.9

  Nuberg. l. 3. 6. 25.
• * 1.10

  K. Henry his lamē∣table end.
• * 1.11

  His ver∣tues.
• * 1.12

  Lavves at∣tempted by King Henry a∣gainst the Church.
• * 1.13

  K. Henry vehement contentiō to haue these lavves take place.
• * 1.14

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. port. 2. A••nal. in ••••. 1164.
• * 1.15

  K. Henry the secōd made Le∣gate of the Pope.
• * 1.16

  K. Henry his humi∣lity to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Apo∣stolick.
• * 1.17

  K. Henry himselfe appealeth to the Pope.
• * 1.18

  Houed. part 2. annal. in v••••. H. 2.
• * 1.19

  K. Henry appealeth the secōd time.
• * 1.20

  K Henry commeth from Ire∣land to appeare before the Popes Le∣gates.
• * 1.21

  Pet. Blo∣son. Epist. 136.
• * 1.22

  The pur∣gation & absolutiō of King Henry.
• * 1.23

  A circum∣stance no∣tably cō∣mending the true obedience of K. Hen∣ry to the Church of Rome.
• * 1.24

  Pet. ••••esen. ••pistola 136.
• * 1.25

  A letter of K Henry the secōd to the Pope vvritten in great affliction.
• * 1.26

  Stovv a••. 1160.
• * 1.27

  K. Henry founded al his state vpon the Popes au∣thority.
• * 1.28

  Houed. in vi••. Hon. 2.
• * 1.29

  VValsing. in Ypod••g••••. noustr. an. 1177.
• * 1.30

  Di••erse things done by authoritye of the Pope in England.
• * 1.31

  The strai∣tes vvher∣vnto King Henry vvas dri∣uen.
• * 1.32

  VVasing in Ypodig. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an. 11••4.
• * 1.33

  K. Henry strangely deliuered.
• * 1.34

  The ear∣nest and •• syncere penaunce•• of King Henry.
• * 1.35

  The vvon∣derfull successes of K. Hen. vpon his penance.
• * 1.36

  See Nuberg. l. 2. hist. ••. 25. & 33. & ••
• * 1.37

  Blesensi•• epist. 153.