The workes of that famous chirurgion Ambrose Parey translated out of Latine and compared with the French. by Th: Johnson

THE APOLOGIE AND TREATISE, CONTAI∣NING THE VOYAGES MADE INTO DIVERS PLACES. BY AMBROSE PARE of Laval in Maine, Counsellor and cheefe Chirurgion to the King. THE TVVENTI NINTH BOOKE. (Book 29)

TRuely I had not put my hand to the penne, to write on * 1.1 such a thing, were it not that some have impudently in∣jured, taxed, and more through particular hatred, dis∣graced me, than for zeale or love they beare to the pub∣licke good; which was, concerning my manner of tying the Veines and Arteries, writing thus as followeth.

Malè igitur & nimiùm arrogdnter inconsultus & teme∣rarius * 1.2 quidam, vasorum ustionem post emortui membri re∣sectionem a veteribus omnibus plurimùm commendatam & semper probatam damnare ausus est, novum quendam deli∣gandi vasa modum, contra veteres omnes medicos sine ratione, experientia & judicio docere cupiens, nec animadvertit majora multo pericula ex ipsa vasorum deligatione quam acu partemsanam profunde transfigendo administrari vult, imminere quàm ex ipsa ustione. Nam si acu nervosam aliquam partem, vel nervum ipsum pupugerit, dum ita novo & inusitato modo venam absurde conatur constringere, nova inflammatio necessariò conseque∣tur, a qua Convulsio & a convulsione cita mors. Quorum symptomatum metu Galenus non ante transversa vulnera suere audebat (quod tamen minus erat periculosum) quàm mascu∣lorum apoucuroses denudasset. Adde quòd forcipes quibus post sectionem iterum carnem di∣lacerat, cum retracta versus originem vasa se posse extrahere somniat, non minorem adfe∣rant dolorem quàm ignita ferramenta admota. Quod si quis laniatum expertus incolumis evaserit, is Deo optimo maximo cuius Beneficentia crudelitate ista & carnificina liberatus est, maximas gratias habere & semper agere debet; which is thus: Ill then, and too arro∣gantly a certaine indiscreet and rash person would blame and condemne the caute∣rizing of vessells after the amputation of a rotten and corrupted member, much praised and commended and alwayes approved by the Ancients; desiring to shew and teach us without reason, judgement, and experience, a new way to tye the vessells, against the opinion of the Ancient Physitions, taking no heede, nor being well advi∣sed, that there happens farre greater perills, and accidents, through this new way of

tying the vessells (which he will have to be made with a needle, piercing deepely the sound part) than by the burning and ustion of the sayd vessells; for if the needle shall pricke any nervous part, yea the nerve it selfe, when he shall by this new and ac∣customed way absurdly constraine the veine by binding it, there must necessarily follow a new inflammation; from an inflammation•• convulsion, from a convulsion death: for feare of which accidents, Galen never durst stitch transversall veines, (which notwithstanding were lesse dangerous) before he had discovered the Apo∣neuroses of the muscles. Moreover the pincers with which after the section, 〈…〉〈…〉 is againe dilacerated, while he thinkes to draw the vessells out which are drwne in toward their originall, bring no lesse paine than the cautering irons doe. And if any one having experimented this new manner of cruelty have escaped danger, he ought to render thankes to almighty God forever, th••oug•• whose goodnesse he hath beene freed from such tyrannie, feeling rather his executioner than his methodicall-Chi∣rurgion.

O what sweete words are heere for one, who is sayd to be a wise and learned Do∣ctor? he remembers not that his white beard admonisheth him, not to speake any * 1.3 thing unworthy of his age, and that he ought to put off and drive out of him all en∣vie and ••ancor conceived against his neighbour. So now I will proove by authority, reason and experience, that the sayd Veines and Arteryes ought to be tyed.

Authorities.

AS for Authorities, I will come to that of that worthy man Hippocrates, who wils and commands the cure of Fistula's in the fundament by ligature, as well to * 1.4 consume the callosity, as to avoyd hemorragie.

Galen in his method, speaking of a fluxe of blood made by an outward cause, of whom see heere the words, It is (saith he) most sure to tye the foote of the vessell, which I understand to be that which is most neere to the Liver, or the heart.

Avicen commands to tye the veine and the Arterie, after it is discovered, towards his originall.

Guido of Cauliac, speaking of the wounds of the Veines and Arteries, injoyneth the Chirurgion to make the ligature in the vessell.

Master Hollier speaking of a fluxe of blood, commands expressely, to tye the vessells. * 1.5

Calmetheus in the chapter of the wounds in the Veines and Arteries, tells a most sure way to stay a fluxe of blood, by ligature of the vessell.

Celsus from whom the sayd Physition hath snatched the most part of his booke, chargeth expressely, to tye the vessells in a fluxe of blood happening to wounds; as a remedy most easie and most sure.

Vesalius in his Chirurgery, willeth that the vessells be tyed in a fluxe of blood.

Iohn de Vigo treating of a hemorragie in bleeding wounds, commands to tye the * 1.6 Veine, and the Artery.

Tagaultius treating of the meanes to stay a fluxe of blood, commands to pinch the Veine or Artery with a Crow or Parrots bill, then to tye it with a very strong * 1.7 thred.

Peter of Argillata of Bullongne, discoursing of a fluxe of blood, and the meanes to stoppe it, giveth a fourth way expressely, which is made by ligature of the ves∣sells. * 1.8

Iohn Andreas a Cruce, a Venetian, makes mention of a method, to stay a fluxe of * 1.9 blood by the ligature of the vessells.

D'Alechamp commands to tye the Veines, and Arteries.

See then (my little good man) the authorities which command you to tye the ves∣sells. As for the reasons, I will debate of them.

The hemorragie (say you) is not so much to be feared in the section of the Call, as that of the Varices, and the incision of the temporall Arteries, as after the ampu∣tation * 1.10 of a member. Now you your selfe command, that in cutting the Vari••es, the fluxe of blood be stopped by the ligature of the vessells. You command the same,

speaking of the stitch, with the amputation and section of the Call, changed by the outward ayre, see heere your owne words: After that must bee considered concer∣ning the Call: for if there be any part corrupted, putrified, withered, or blackish. First having tyed, for feare of a fluxe of blood, you doe not bid afterward to have it cauterized; but to say the truth, you have your eyes shut, and all your senses dul∣led, when you would speake against so sure a method, and that it is not but through anger, and an ill will. For there is nothing which hath more power to drive rea∣son from her seate, than choler and anger. Moreover when one comes to caute∣rize the dismembred parts, oftentimes when the escar comes to fall off, there hap∣pens a new flux of blood: As I have seene divers times, not having yet beene inspi∣red by God, with so sure a meanes then, when I used the heate of fire. Which if you have not found, or understood this method in the bookes of the Ancients, you ought not thus to tread it under your feete, and speake unluckely of one who all his life hath preferred the profit of the Common-wealth before his owne particular. Is it not more than reasonable to bee founded upon the saying of Hippocrates; upon whose authority you serve your selfe, which is thus? That what the medicament * 1.11 cureth not, the iron doth, and what the iron doth not amend, the fire exterminateth: It is a thing which savours not of a Christian, to fall to burning at the first dash with∣out staying for any more gentle remedies. As you your selfe write, speaking of the conditions required in a Chirurgion to cure well; which passage you borrow from some other place: for that which may bee done gently without fire, is much more * 1.12 commended than otherwise. Is it not a thing which all schooles hold as a Maxime, that we must alwaies begin with most easie remedies, which if they be not sufficient, we must then come to extreame, following the doctrine of Hippocrates? Galen com∣mands in the place before alledged, to treate or dresse the diseased quickly, safely, and with the least of paine that is possible.

Let us come now to Reason.

NOw so it is, that one cannot apply hot irons but with extreame and vehement paine in a sensible part, void of a Gangreene, which would be cause of a Con∣vulsion, Feaver, yea oft times of death. Moreover, it would bee a long while after∣wards before the poore patients were cured, because that by the action of the fire there is made an eschar, which proceeds from the subject flesh, which being fallen, * 1.13 nature must regenerate a new flesh in stead of that which hath beene burned, as also the bone remaines discovered and bare; and by this meanes, for the most part there remaines an Vlcer incurable. Moreover there is yet another accident. It happeneth that oftentimes the crust being fallen off, the flesh not being well re∣newed, the blood issueth out as much as it did before. But when they shall be ty∣ed, the ligature falls not off untill first the flesh have very well covered them againe: which is prooved by Galen, saying, that escharoticke medicines which cause a crust or eschar, whensoever they fall off, leave the part more bare than the naturall ha∣bit * 1.14 requires. For the generation of a crust proceeds from the parts subject, and which are scituate round about it, being also burned, as I may say: wherefore by how much the part is burnt, by so much it looseth the naturall heate. Then tell * 1.15 me when it is necessary to use escharoticke medicines, or cautering irons? Tis when the flux of blood is caused by erosion, or some Gangreene or putrifaction. Now is it thus? In fresh bleeding wounds there is neither Gangreene nor putrifaction. Therefore, the cauteries ought not to be there applyed. And when the Ancients commanded to apply hot irons to the mouthes of the vessells, it hath not beene onely to stay the flux of blood, but cheefely to correct the malignitie, or gangree∣nous putrifaction which might spoile the neighbouring parts. And it must be here noted, that if I had knowne such accidents to happen, which you have declared in your booke, in drawing and tying the vessells, I had never beene twice deceived; nor would I ever have left by my writings to posteritie, such a way of stopping a flux of blood: But I writ it after I had seene it done and did it very often, with happy successe. See then what may happen through your inconsiderate counsell, with∣out

examining, or standing upon the facility of tying the sayd vessells. For see, heere's * 1.16 your scope and proposition, to tye the vessells after amputation is a new remedy, say you; then it must not be used, it is an ill argument for a Doctor.

But as for that (say you) one must use fire after the amputation of members, to consume, and drie the putrifaction, which is a common thing in Gangreenes, and mortifications, that indeed hath no place here, because the practise is to ampu∣tate the part above that which is mortified, and corrupted; as Celsus writes and com∣mands, * 1.17 to make the amputation upon the sound part, rather than to leave any whit of the corrupted. I would willingly aske you, if when a veine is cut transverse, and that it is very much retracted towards the originall, whether you would make no conscience to burne till that you had found the orifice of the veine, or artery; and if it be not more easie onely with a Crow bill to pinch and draw the vessell, and so tie it? In which you may openly shew your ignorance, and that you have your minde * 1.18 seised with much rancor and choler. We daily see the ligature of the vessells practi∣sed with happy successe after the amputation of a part, which I will now verifie by experiences and histories, of those to whom the said ligature hath beene made, and persons yet living.

Experiences.

THe 16. day of Iune 1582. in the presence of Master Iohn Liebaud doctor in the faculty of Physicke at Paris, Claud Viard sworne Chirurgion, Master Mathurin * 1.19 Huron, Chirurgion of Monsieur de Souvray, and I, Iohn Charbonell master Barbes Chi∣rurgion of Paris, well understanding the Theoricke, and Practicke of Chirurgery, did with good dexterity amputate the left legge of a woman tormented the space of three yeares with extreame paine, by reason of a great Caries which was in the bone Astragal, Cyboides, great and little focile, and through all the nervous parts, through which she feit extreame and intollerable paines night and day: she is called Mary of Hostel, aged 28 yeares, or thereabouts, wife of Peter Herve, Esquire of the Kitchin to the Lady Duchesse of Vzez, dwelling in the streete of Verbois on the other side Saint Martin in the fields, dwelling at the signe of the Saint Iohns head; where the sayd Charbonell cut off the sayd legge, the breadth of foure large fingers below the Knee, and after that he had incised the flesh, and sawed the bone, hee griped the * 1.20 Veine with the Crow bill, then the Artery, then tyed them; from whence I protest to God (which the company that were there, can witnesse) that in all the operation which was sodainely done, there was not spilt one porrenger of blood; and I bid the sayd, Charbonell to let it bleed more, following the precept of Hippocrates, that * 1.21 it is good in all wounds and also in inveterate ulcers, so let the blood runne; by this meanes, the part is lesse subject to inflammation. The sayd Charbonell continued the dressing of her, who was cured in two moneths, without any fluxe of blood happe∣ning unto her, or other ill accident; and she went to see you at your lodging being perfectly cured.

Another history of late memory, of a singing man of our Ladyes Church named * 1.22 master Colt, who broke both the bones of his legge which were crusht in divers peeces, insomuch that there was no hope of cure: to withstand a gangreene and mortification, and by consequence death. Monsieur Helin Doctor, Regent in the fa∣culty of Physicke, a man of honour and of good knowledge, Claud Viard, and Simon Peter, sworne Chirurgions of Paris, men well exercised in Chirurgery; and Baltha∣zar of Lestre, and Leonard de Leschenal, Master Barber Chirurgions, well experi∣mented in the operations of Chirurgery, were all of opinion to withstand the ac∣cidents aforesayd, to make entire amputation of the whole legge, a little above the * 1.23 broken & shivered bones & the torne nerves, veines, arteries; the operation was nim∣bly done, by the sayd Viard, and the blood stancht by the ligature of the vessells in the presence of the sayd Helin, and master Tonsard great Vicar of our Ladyes Church, and was continually drest by the sayd Lesche••al, and I went to see him other whiles; he was happily cured without the application of hot irons, and walketh lustily on a woodden legge.

Another History.

IN the yeare 1583. the 10. day of December, Toussaint Posso•• borne at Ronieville, at this present dwelling at Beauvais neare Dourdan, having his Legge all ulcered, and all the bones cariez'd and rotten, prayed me for the honor of God to cut off his Legge by reason of the great paine which he could no longer endure. After his bo∣dy was prepared I caused his legge to be cut off, fowre fingers below the rotula of the knee, by Daniel Powlet one of my servants, to teach him and to imbolden him in such workes; and there he readily tyed the vessells to stay the bleeding, without application of hot irons, in the presence of Iames Guillemea•• ordinary Chirurgion to the King, and Iohn Charbonell master Barber Chirurgion of Paris: and during the cure was visited by Master Laffile and Master Courtin Doctors, Regents in the facul∣tie of Medicine at Paris. The said operation was made in the house of Iohn Gohell Inkeeper, dwelling at the signe of the white horse in the Greve. I will not here forget to say, that the Lady Princesse of Montpe••sier, knowing that he was poore, and in my hands, gave him money to pay for his chamber and diet. He was well cured, God be praysed, and is returned home to his house with a wooden Leg.

Another History.

A Gangreene happened to halfe of the Legge to one named Nicholas Mesnager * 1.24 aged threescore and sixteene yeares, dwelling in S. Honores street, at the signe of the Basket; which happened to him through an inward cause, so that wee were constrained to cut off his Legge to save his life: and it was taken; off by Anthony Re∣naud, master Barber Chirurgion of Paris the 16. day of December 1583. in the pre∣sence of Master Le Fort, and Master La Noüe sworne Chirurgions of Paris; and the blood was stanched by the Ligature of the vessells, and hee is at this present cured and in health, walking with a woodden Leg.

Another History.

A Waterman at the Port of Nesle, dwelling neare Monsieur de Mas, Postmaster, named Iohn Boussereau, in whose hands a Musket brake asunder▪ which broke the bones of his head, and rent and tore the other parts in such sort that it was need∣full and necessary to make amputation of the hand two fingers above the wrist: which was done by Iames Guillemeau then Chirurgion in ordinary to the king, who * 1.25 dwelt at that time with me. The operation likewise being redily done, and the blood stancht by the Ligature of the vessells without burning irons: hee is at this present living.

Another History.

A Merchant Grocer dwelling in S^t, Denis street at the signe of the great Tournois * 1.26 named the Iudge, who fell upon his head, where was made a wound neare the temporall muscle, where he had an artery opened, from whence issued forth blood with great impet••osity, in so much that common remedies would not serve the turne; I was called thither, where I found Master Rasse, Master Cointeret, Master Viard, sworne Chirurgions of Paris, to stay the blood; where presently I tooke a needle and thread, and tyed the arterie, and it bled no more after that, and was quickly cured. Master Rousselet can witnesse it, not long since Deacon of your Facul∣tie, who was in the cure with us.

Another History.

A Sergeant of the Chastler dwelling neare S. Andrew des Arts, who had a stroake * 1.27 of a sword upon the throate in the Clackes medow, which cut asunder the ju∣gular

veine externe, as soone as he was hurt he put his handkercher upon the wound, and came to looke mee at my house, and when hee tooke away his handkercher the blood leaped out with great impetuosity: I suddainly tyed the veine toward the roote; he by this meanes was stanched and cured thankes be to God. And if one had followed your manner of stanching blood by cauteries, I leave it to be supposed whether he had beene cured; I thinke hee had beene dead in the hands of the ope∣rator. If I would recite all those whose vessells were tyed to stay the blood which have beene cured, I should not have ended this long time; so that me thinkes there are Histories enough recited to make you beleeve the blood of veines and arteries is surely stanched without applying any actuall cauteries.

DV BARTVS.

He that doth strive against experience, Daignes not to talke of any learned science.

NOw my little Master, seeing that you reproach me, that I have not written all the operations of Chirurgery in my workes which the Ancients writ of, I should be very sorry for it: for then indeede might you justly call me Carnifex. I * 1.28 have left them because they are too cruell, and am willing to follow the modernes, who have moderated such cruelty: which notwithstanding you have followed step by step, as appeareth by the operations here written, extracted from your booke, which you have drawne here and there from certaine ancient Authors, such as fol∣low: and such as you have never practised nor seene.

The first operation.

TO inveterate fluxions of the eyes, & Migrimes, Paulus Aegineta as also Albucasis command to make Arteriotomie, see here the words of the same Aeginete. You * 1.29 marke the Arteries which are behind the eares, then divide them in cutting to the very bone, and make a great incision the breadth of two fingers; which is the will al∣so of Aetius that the incision be made tranverse, cutting or incising the length of two fingers, even till that the Artery be found, as you command to bee done in your booke; but I holding the opinion of Galen, who commands to dresse the di∣seased quickly, safely and with the least paine that is possible, I teach the young Chirurgion the meanes to remedy such evills in opening the Arteries behind the eares, and those of the Temples, with one onely incision, as a letting blood, and not to make a great incision and cut out worke for a long time.

The second operation.

TO fluxions which are made a long time upon the eyes, Paul Aeginete and Albuca∣sis command to make incision which they call Periscythismos or Augiologie of the Greekes; and see heere the words of Paul, In this operation first the head is shaved, * 1.30 then taking heede of touching the temporall muscles, a transverse incision must bee made, beginning at the left Temple and finishing at the right, which you have put in your booke word for word, without changing any thing: which sheweth open∣ly you are a right wound-maker; as may be s••ene in the Chapter which you call the Crowne cut, which is made halfe round under the Coronall suture from one tem∣ple to the another even to the bone. Now I doe not teach such a cruell kind of reme∣dy, * 1.31 but instruct the operator by reason, authority and notable proofe of a sure and certaine way to remedy such affections without butchering men in this kind.

The third.

IN the cure of the Empyema, Paul Aeginete, Albucasis and Celsus commanded to apply some 13. others 15. Cauterles to give issue to the matter contained in the * 1.32 breast, as the said Celsus in the aforesaid place appointeth for Asthmatick people,

which is a thing out of all reason (with respect to their honour be it spoken) that since the Chirurgions scope is to give issue to the matter therein contained, there is no other question than to make apertion, to evacuate the matter in the most in∣ferior part, I have shewed the young Chirurgion the meanes to doe it safely, with∣out tormenting the patients for nothing.

The fourth.

IN Paps that are too great, Paul Aeginet and Albucrasis commands to make a crosse * 1.33 incision, to take out all the fat, and then joyne together the wound by stitch: In briefe, it is to flea a man alive, which I have never practised, nor counsell it to bee done by the young Chirurgion.

The fifth.

ALbucrasis and Paul Aeginet will cauterize the Liver and the Spleene with hot * 1.34 irons, which the modernes have never practised; for indeede reason is manifest∣ly repugnant thereunto.

The Sixth.

IN the Paracentesis which is made in the third kind of Dropsie called Ascites, Celi∣us Aurelianus commandeth divers apertions to be made in the belly. Albucrasis applies nine actuall cauteries, that is to say, foure about the Navell, one upon the Stomacke, one upon the Spleene, one upon the Liver, two behind the backe upon the spondills, one of them neare the breast, the last neare the Stomacke. Aetius is likewise of the same opinion, to open the belly with divers cauteries. Paul Aeginet commands to apply five actual cauteries to make the said Paracentesis. But abhorring such a kind of burning of which you speake much in your third booke, I shew ano∣ther kind of practise, the which is done in making a simple incision in the sayd belly, as may be seene in my workes, with happy successe. I doe not teach yong men in my workes the manner of burning, which the Ancients have called infibulare, that is not in practise though Celsus writeth of it.

The Seaventh.

IN the Sciaticke proceeding from an internall cause, and because the viscous hu∣mors * 1.35 displace the bones, Paul commands to burne or cauterize the said joy 〈…〉〈…〉 the bone: Di••scorides commands the same, Which I doe not finde expedient, •…•…∣king indication from the subjacent parts: for there where one would burne, tis in the place of the foure twin muscles, under which passeth the great. Nerve descunding from the holy bone; which being burnt, I leave it to your censure what might happen, as Galen remarketh speaking of the Vstion which must be made in the shoul∣der called humerus.

The Eighth.

IN the outward Laxation of the Spondills, Hippocrates commands to bind the man * 1.36 right upon a Ladder, the Armes and Legges tyed and bound: then afterwards ha∣ving raised the Ladder to the top of a tower, or the ridge of an house, with a great rope in a pully, then to let the patient fall plumbe downe upon the hard pavement; which Hippocrates sayes was done in his time. But I doe not shew any such way of giving the strapado to men, but I shew the Chirurgion in my workes, the way to reduce them surely, and without great paine. Moreover I should be sorry to fol∣low the saying of the sayd Hippocrates, in the third booke De morbis, who commands in the disease called Volvu••us to cause the belly to bee blowne with a paire of Bel∣lowes, putting the nosell of them into the intestinum rectum, and then blow there

till the belly be much stretcht, afterwards to give an emollient glister, and to stop the fundament with a sponge. Such practise as this is not made now a dayes, there∣fore wonder not if I have not spoken of it. And you not being contented to patch together the operations of the above said Authors, you have also taken divers in my workes, as every man may know: which sheweth manifestly that there is nothing of your owne in your Chirurgions Guide. I leave out divers other unprofitable opera∣tions which you quote in your booke, without knowing what beasts they are, in ne∣ver having seene them practised; but because you have found them written in the bookes of the Ancients, you have put them into your booke.

Moreover you say that you will teach me my lesson in the operations of Chirur∣gery, which I thinke you cannot doe: because I have not onely learned them in my Study, and by the hearing for many yeares the lessons of Doctors of Physicke: but as I have sayd before in my Epistle to the Reader, I was resident the space of three yeares in the Hospitall of Paris, where I had the meanes to see and learne divers workes of Chirurgery, upon divers diseases, together with the Anatomy, upon a great number of dead bodies, as oftentimes I have sufficiently made triall publickly in the Physitions schoole at Paris, and my good lucke hath made mee seene much more. For being called to the service of the Kings of France (foure of which I have served) I have beene in company at Battells, Skirmishes, assaults, and beseig∣ing of Citties and Fortresses; as also I have beene shut up in Citties with those that have beene beseiged, having charge to dresse those that were hurt. Also I have dwelt many yeares in this great and famous Citty of Paris, where, thankes bee to God, I have lived in very good reputation amongst all men, and have not beene esteemed the least in rancke of men of my profession, seeing there was not any cure, were it never so difficult and great, where my hand and my counsell have not beene required, as I make it appeare in this my worke. Now dare you (these things being understood) say you will teach mee to performe the workes of Chirurgery, since you never went further than your study? The operations of the same are foure in generall (as we have declared heretofore) where you make but three, that is to say, joyne that which is separated, separate that which was conjoyned, and to take away that which is superfluous, and the fourth which I make, is as much necessary as in∣dustrious invention, to adde to Nature that which is wanting, as I have shewed heere above. Also it is your will that the Chirurgion make but the three operati∣ons above sayd without medling to ordaine a simple Cataplasme, saying it is that which comes to your part belonging to the Physition: And that the Ancients (in the discourse which you have made to the Reader) have divided the practise of Physick into three kinds, that is to say, Diet, Medicine, and Chirurgery. But I would wil∣lingly demand of you, who hath made the partition, and where any thing should be done, who are those which are content with their part, without any enterprize upon the other? For Hippocrates, Galen, Aetius, Avicen, in briefe, all the Phisiti∣ons, as well Greekes and Latins as Arabians, have never so treated of the one, that they have not treated of the other, for the great affinitie and tye that there is be∣tweene them two, and it should bee very difficult to doe otherwise. Now when you will vilifie Chirurgery so much, you speake against your selfe; for in your Epistle which you have dedicated to Monsieur of Martignes, you say, that Chirur∣gery is the most noble part of Physicke, as well by reason of the originall, antiquity, necessity, as certainty in her actions; for shee workes Luce aperta, as learnedly wri∣teth Celsu•• in the beginning of his seaventh booke; therefore it is to be beleeved you never went out of your study, but to teach the Theorick•• (if you have beene able to doe it.)

The operations of Chirurgery are learn't by the eye, & by the touch. I will say that you much resemble a yong Lad of Low Britany, of plump buttocks, where was stuffe * 1.37 sufficient; who demanded leave of his father to come to Paris, to take France; being ar∣rived the Organist of our Ladys Church, met with him as the Pallace gate, who took him to blow the Organs, where hee was remaining three yeeres: hee saw hee could somewhat speake French, he returnes to his father, and told him that he spake good French, and moreover he knew well, to play on the Organs: his father received him

very joyfully, for that hee was so wise and learned in so short a time. Hee went to the Organist of their great Church, and prayed him to permit his sonne to play on the Organs, to the end he might know whether his sonne was become so skilfull a master, as he sayd he was; which the Organist agreed to very willingly. Being entred to the Organs, he cast himselfe with a full leape to the bellowes, the master Organist bid him play, and that he would blow; then this good master an∣sweares, Let him play himselfe on the Organs if he would for him, hee could doe nothing but play on the bellowes. I thinke also my little master, that you know no∣thing else, but to prattle in a chaire; but I will play upon the keyes, and make the Or∣gans sound (that is to say) I will doe the operations of Chirurgery, that which you cannot in any wise doe, because you have not gone from your study or the schooles, as I have sayd before. But also, as I have sayd already in the Epistle to the Reader, that the labourer doth little profit by talking of the seasons, discourse of the man∣ner of tilling the earth, to shew what seedes are proper to each soyle; all which is no∣thing if he put not his hand to the Plough, and couple the Oxen together. So like-wise is it no great matter if you doe not know the Practicke, for a man may execute Chirurgery well, although he have no tongue at all. As Cornelius Celsus hath very well remarked in his first booke when he saith, Morbos non eloquentia, sed remedijs cu∣rari: quae si quis elinguis, usu discretus bene norit, hunc aliquantia majorem medicum fu∣turum, quàm si sine usu linguam suam excoluerit; that is to say; Diseases are not to bee cured by eloquence, but by remedies well and duely applyed, which if any wise and discreete man though he have no tongue know well the use thereof, this man in time shall become the greater Physition, than if without practise his tongue were dipt with oratory; the which you your selfe confesse in your sayd booke by a Tetrasticke which is thus:

To talke's not all in Chirurgions Art, But working with the hands. Aptly to dresse each greeved part, And guide, fire, knife, and bands.

Aristotle in the first booke of his Metaphysicks the first chapter saith, Experience is almost like unto science, and by the same, Art and science have beene invented. And indeed we see these which are experimented, attaine sooner to that which they intend, than those which have reason and not experience, because that the sayd experience is a knowledge of singular and particular things, and science on the con∣trary is a knowledge of things universall. Now that which is particular is more healeable than that which is universall, therefore those which have experience are more wise and more esteemed, than those which want it, by reason they know what they doe. Moreover I say, that science without experience, bringeth no great assu∣rance.

Alciat a Doctor of Milan, boasted one day of himselfe, that his glory was greater and more famous than that of Counsellors, Presidents, masters of Request: because that it was by his science, and his instructions that they became such: but he was answea∣red by a Counsellor, that he was like unto a whetstone, which made the knife sharpe and ready to cut, not being able so to doe it selfe, and alledged the verses of Horace that:

Fungebatur vice cotis, acutum Reddere quae ferrum valet, exors ipsa secandi.

See you now (my little master) my answers to your calumniations, and pray you, if you beare a good minde (to the publicke good) to review and correct your booke, as soone as you can, and not to hold young Chirurgion in this errour by the rea∣ding of the same, where you teach them to use hot irons after the amputation of members, to stay a fluxe of blood, seeing there is another meanes, and not so cruell and more sure and easie. Moreover if to day after an assault of a Citty, where di∣verse

Souldiers have had armes and legges broken, and shot off by Cannon Bullets, Cutlas or other instruments of warre; to stay the fluxe of blood, if you should use hot irons, it would be needfull to have a forge, and much coales to heate them: and also the souldiers would hold you in such horror for this cruelty, that they would kill you like a Calfe, even as in times past they did to one of the chiefest Chirurgi∣ons of Rome, which may be found written before in the third chapter of the Intro∣duction of Chirurgery, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 booke. Now least the Sectators of your writings should fall into such inconveniencie, I pray them to follow the methode aforesayd, the which I have shewed to be true and certaine, and approved by authority, reason and experience.

The Voyage of Thurin, 1536.

MOreover, I will heere shew to the readers the places where I have had meanes to learne the Art of Chirurgery, for the better instructing of the young Chi∣rurgion: and first in the yeere 1536, the great King Francis sent a great Army to Thurin, to recover the Cittyes and Castles, which the Marquesse of Guas••, Lievte∣nant generall of the Emperor had taken: where the high Constable of France the great master, was Lievtenant generall of the Army, and Monsieur de Montian Colo∣nel generall of the foote, of which I was then Chirurgion. A great part of the Ar∣my * 1.38 arrived in the Country of Suze; we found the enemy which stopt the passage, and had made certaine Forts, and trenches, insomuch that to hunt them out and make them leave the place, we were forced to fight, where there were divers hurt and slaine, as well of the one side as of the other: but the enemies were coustray∣ned to retire, and get into the Castle, which was caused partly by one Captaine Ratt, who climed with divers of the souldiers of his company upon a little Moun∣taine; there where he shot directly upon the enemies, hee received a shot upon the anckle of his right foote, wherewith presently he fell to the ground; and sayd then, Now is the Rat taken. I dressed him, and God healed him. We entred the throng in the Citty, and passed over the dead bodyes, and some which were not yet dead, we heard them cry under our horses feete, which made my heart relent to heare them. And truely I repented to have forsaken Paris to see so pittifull a spectacle. Be∣ing in the Citty, I entred into a stable thinking to lodge my owne, and my mans horse, where I found foure dead souldiers, and three which were leaning against the wall, their faces wholly disfigured, and neither saw nor heard, nor spoake; and their cloathes did yet flame with the gunpowder which had burnt them. Beholding * 1.39 them with pitty, there happened to come an old souldier, who asked me if there were any possible meanes to cure them, I told him no: he presently approached to them, and gently cut their throates without choler. Seeing this great cruelty, I told him he was a wicked man, he answered me that he prayed to God, that whenso∣ever he should be in such a case, that he might finde some one that would doe as much to him, to the end he might not miserably languish. And to returne to our for∣mer discourse, the enemie was sōmoned to render, which they soon did, & went out, their lives onely saved, with a white staffe in their hands; the greatest part whereof went and got to the Castle of Villane, where there was about 200. Spaniards; Mon∣sieur the Constable would not leave them behind, to the end that the way might be made free. This Castle is seated upon a little mountaine, which gave great as∣surance to them within, that one could not plant the Ordinance to beate upon it, and were sommoned to render, or that they should be cut in peeces; which they flatly re∣fused, making answere that they were as good and faithfull servants to the Empe∣ror, as Monsieur the Constable could bee to the King his master. Their answere * 1.40 heard, they made by force of arme, two great Cannons to be mounted in the night with cords and ropes, by the Swissers and Lansquenets; when as the ill lucke would have it, the two Cannons being seated, a Gunner by great negligence set on fire a great bagge of Gunpowder; wherewith he was burned together with to•• or twelve souldiers; and moreover the flame of the powder was a cause of discovering the Artillery, which made them that all night, they of the Castle did nothing but

shoote at that place where they discovered the two peeces of Ordinance, wherewith they kild and hurt a great number of our people.

The next day early in the morning a Battery was made, which in a few houres made a breach, which being made they demanded to parly with us; but twas too late for them; For in the meane time our French foote, seeing them amazed, mounted to the breach, and cut them all in peeces, except a faire young lusty mayd of Pied∣mount, * 1.41 which a great Lord would have kept and preserved for him to keepe him company in the night, for feare of the greedy wolfe. The Captaine and Ensigne were taken alive, but soone after were hanged upon the gate of the Citty, to the end they might give example and feare to the Imperiall souldiers not to bee so rash and foolish, to be willing to hold such places against so great a Army. Now all the sayd souldiers of the Castle, seeing our people comming with a most violent fu∣ry, did all their endeavour to defend themselves, they kild and hurt a great company of our souldiers, with Pikes, Muskets, and stones, where the Chirurgions had good store of worke cut out. Now at that time I was a fresh water Souldier, I had not yet seene wouuds made by gun-shot at the first dressing. It is true, I had read in Iohn de Vigo, in the first booke of wounds in generall, the eighth chapter, that wounds made * 1.42 by weapons of fire did participate of Venenosity, by reason of the pouder, and for their cure commands to cauterize them with oyle of Elders scalding hot, in which should be mingled a little Treackle; and not to faile, before I would apply of the sayd oyle, knowing that such a thing might bring to the Patient great paine, I was willing to know first, before I applyed it, how the other Chirurgions did for the first dressing, which was to apply the sayd oyle the hottest that was possible into the wounds, with tents and setons; insomuch that I tooke courage to doe as they did. At last I wanted oyle, and was constrained in steed thereof, to apply a disgestive of yolkes of egges, oyle of Roses, and Turpentine. In the night I could not sleepe in quiet, fearing some default in not cauterizing, that I should finde those to whom I had not used the burning oyle dead impoysoned; which made me rise very early to vi∣sit * 1.43 them, where beyond my expectation I found those to whom I had applyed my digestive medicine, to feele little paine, and their wounds without inflammation or tumor, having rested reasonable well in the night: the other to whom was used the sayd burning oyle, I found them feverish, with great paine and tumour about the edges of their wounds. And then I resolved with my selfe never so cruelly, to burne poore men wounded with gunshot. Being at Thurin I found a Chirurgion, who had the ••ame above all others, for the curing of wounds of Gunshot, into whose favour I found meanes to insinuate my selfe, to have the receipt of his balme, as he called it wherewith he dressed wounds of that kind, and hee held me off the space of two yeeres, before I could possible draw the receipt from him. In the end by gifts and presents he gave it me, which was this, to boyle young whelpes new pupped, in * 1.44 oyle of Lillies, prepared earth wormes, with Turpentine of Venice. Then was I joyfull and my heart made glad, that I had understood his remedy, which was like to that which I had obtained by great chance. See then how I have learned to dresse wounds made with gunshot, not by bookes. My Lord Marshall of Montian remai∣ned Lievtenant generall for the King in Piedmont, having ten or twelve thousand men in garrison through the Cittyes and Castles, who often combated with swords and other weapons, as also with muskets; and if there were foure hurt, I had alwayes three of them, and if there were question of cutting off an arme or a legge, or to ••repan, or to reduce a fracture or dislocation, I brought it well to passe. The sayd Lord Marshall sent me one while this way, another while that way, for to dresse the appointed Souldiers which were beaten aswell in other Citties as that of Thurin, insomuch that I was alwayes in the Countrey one way or other Monsieur the Mar∣shall sent for a Physition to Milan, who had no lesse reputation in the medicinall Art (than the deceased Monsieur le Grand) to take him in hand for an hepaticall flux, whereof at last he dyed. This Physitian was a certaine while at Thurin to deale with him, and was often called to visite the hurt people, where he alwayes found me, and I consulted with him, and some other Chirurgions, and when wee had resolved to doe any serious worke of Chirurgery, twas Ambrose Pare that put his hand thereto,

where I did it promptly and with dexterity, and with a great assurance, in so much that the sayd Physition admired me, to see me so ready in the operation of Chi∣rurgery, seeing the small age which I had, One day discoursing with the sayd Lord Marshall, he sayd to him, Signor, tu hai un Chirurgico giovane de anni, ma egli 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vecckio di sapere e di esperientia. Guarda l•• bene, perche egli ti fara servicio & honore. That is to * 1.45 say, Thou hast a young Chirurgion of age, but he is old in knowledg and experience, preserve him well; for he will doe thee service, and honour. But the old man knew not that I had dwelt three yeares in the Hospitall of Paris, there to dresse the disea∣sed. In the end Monsieur Marshall dyed with his hepaticall fluxe. Being dead, the King sent Monsieur the Marshall of Annebae••t to be in this place, who did me this ho∣nour * 1.46 to pray me to dwell with him, and that he would use me as well or better, than Monsieur the Marshall Mountain; which I would not doe for the greefe I had for the losse of my master who loved me intimately, and I him in the like manner; and so I came backe to Paris.

The Voyage of Marolle and of low Brritany, 1543.

I Went to the Camp of Marolle, with the deceased Monsieur de Rohan, where King Francis was in person, and I was Chirurgion of the company of the sayd Monsieur de Rohan. Now the King was advertized by Monsieur de Estampes, governour of Brittany, that the English had hoyste Sayle to land in Low Brittany, and prayed him that he would send Monsieur de Rohan, and Monsieur de Laval for succour, be∣cause they were the Lords of that Countrey, and for their sakes those of that Coun∣try would beate backe the enemy and keepe them from landing. Having received this advertisement, his Majesty dispatched to send the sayd Lords for the releefe of their Countrey, and to each was given as much power as to the Governour; in so much that they were all three the Kings Lievetenants. They tooke willingly this charge upon them, and speedily went away in Poste, and lead me with them to Lan∣dreneau, there where we found every one in armes, the Alarum bells sounding on every side, yea five or sixe leagues about the Harbors, that is to say, Brest, Conquet, Crozon, Le Fou Doulac, Laudanec, each of them well furnisht with Artillery, as Cannons, Demy-cannons, Culverins, Sakers, Serpentines, Falcons, Harque buzes, in breefe there was nothing wanting in Artillery, or souldiers aswell Brittanes as French, to hinder that the English made no landing, as they had resolved at their parting from England. The enemies Army came unto the very mouth of the Cannon, and when we perceived them that they would land, they were saluted with Cannon shot, and we discovered our men of warre, together with our Artillery: they fled to Sea againe, where I was glad to see their vessells hoise saile againe, which was in a great number * 1.47 and in good order, and seemed like a Forest which marched upon the Sea. I saw a thing also whereat I marveiled much, which was that the bullets of great peeces made great rebounds, and grazed upon the water as upon the ground. Now to make the matter short, the English did us no harme, and returned whole and sound into England, and left us in peace. We stayd in that Countrey in garrison, till we were as∣sured that their army was dispersed. In the meane time our horsement exercised their feates of activity, as to run at the ring, fight in duell, and others, so that there was still something to imploy me withall. Monsieur de Estampes, to make sport and pleasure to the sayd Monsieur de Rohan, and Laval, and other gentlemen, caused di∣verse Countrey wenches, to come to the feasts, to sing songs in the Low Brittan tongue, where their harmony was like the croaking of Frogges, while they are in love. Moreover made them dance the Brittany Triory, without mooving feete or * 1.48 buttockes, hee made them heare and see much good. Otherwhiles they caused the Wrastlers of the Cittyes, and Townes, to come where there was a Prize for the best, and the sport was seldome ended, but that one or other had a legge or an * 1.49 arme broken, or the shoulder or hippe displaced: there was a little man of Low Bri∣tany of a square body and well set, who held a long time the credit of the field, and by his skill, and strength, threw five or sixe to the ground; there came to him a

great schoole master, who was sayd to be one of the best wrastlers of all Brittany: he entred into the lists, having taken off his long jacket, in hose and doublet, and being neere the little man, he seemed as if he had beene tyed to his girdle. Notwithstan∣ding when each of them tooke hold of the collar, they were a long time without do∣ing any thing, and they thought they would remaine equall in force and skill▪ but the little man cast himselfe with an ambling leape under this great Pedant, and tooke him on his shoulder, and cast him on his Kidneyes spread abroad like a frogge, and then all the company laught at the skill and strength of this little fellow. This great Dativo had a great spight, for being cast by so little a man: he rose againe in choler, and would have his revenge. They tooke hold againe of each others collar, and were againe a good while at their hold without falling to ground: in the end this great man let himselfe fall upon the little, and in falling put his elbow upon the * 1.50 pitch of his stomacke, and burst his heart, and kild him starke dead. And knowing he had given him his deathes blow, tooke againe his long cassocke, and went away with his tayle betweene his legges and hid himselfe, seeing that the little man came not againe to himselfe, either for Wine, Vinegar or any other thing that was presen∣ted unto him; I drew neere to him, and felt his pulse which did not beate at all, then I sayd he was dead; then the Brittanes who assisted the wrastling sayd aloud in their jabbering, that is not in the sport. And some sayd that the sayd Pedagoge was ac∣customed to doe so, and that but a yeere passed he had done the like in a wrastling. I would needes open the body to know the cause of this sodaine death, where I * 1.51 found much blood in the Thorax and in the inferiour belly, and I strived to finde out any ape••tion in the place, from whence might issue so great a quantity of blood, which I could not doe for all the dilligence I could make. Now I beleeve it was per Diapedesin or Anastomosin, that is to say by, the apertion of the mouthes of the ves∣sells, or by their porosities; the poore little wrastler was buryed. I tooke leave of Messieurs de Rohan, de Laval, and Estamps. Monsieur de Rohan, gave mee a present of fifty double duckets, and an ambling horse, and Monsieur de Laval another for my man, and Monsieur de Estamps, a Diamond of thirty Crownes, and so I returned to my house at Paris.

The Voyage of Parpignan, 1543.

A Little while after Monsieur de Rohan tooke me with him poste, to the campe of Parpignan; being there, the enemy made a Sally forth, and came and inclosed three peeces of our Artillery, where they were beaten back, to the gates of the Citty: which was not done without hurting and killing many, and amongst the rest de Bris∣s••c, (who was then chiefe master of the Artillery) received a musket shot upon the shoulder: returning to his Tent, all the others that were hurt followed him, hoping to be drest by the Chirurgions, that ought to dresse them. Being come to his Tent and layd on his bed, the bullet was searched for by three or foure the most expert Chirurgions of the Army, who could not finde it, but sayd it was entred into his body.

In the end hee called for me, to see if I were more skilfull than them, because * 1.52 he had knowne me before in Piedmount: by and by I made him rise from his bed, and prayed him to put his body into that posture as it was then when hee received his hurt; which he did taking a javelin betweene his hands as he held the Pike in the skirmish. I put my hand about the wound, and found the bullet in the flesh, making a little tumor under the Omoplate: having found it I shewed them the place where it was, and it was taken out by Master Nicholas Lavernaut Chirurgion to Monsieur the Dolphin, who was the Kings Lievtenant in that army, yet notwithstanding the ho∣nour remained to me for finding of it.

I saw one thing of great remark, which is this: that a souldier in my presence gave to * 1.53 one of his fellowes a stroake with an Halbard upon the head, penetrating even to the left ventricle of the braine, without falling to the ground. Hee that

strooke him said, he had heard that he had cheated at Dice, and that he had drawne a great summe of money, and that it was his custome to cheate; I was called to dresse him, which I did as it were for the last, knowing well that he would quickly die: having drest him he returned all alone to his lodging, which was at least two hun∣dred paces distant: I bid one of his companions send for a Priest to dispose of the affaires of his soule; he helpt him to one who stayd with him to the last gaspe. The next day the patient sent for mee by his / shee friend in a boyes apparell to come to dresse him, which I would not doe, fearing hee should die under my hands; and to put it off, I sayd I must not take off the dressing till the third day, by reason hee would die though hee were never touched. The third day hee came staggering, and found me in my Tent accompanied with his wench, and prayed mee most affectio∣nately to dresse him: And shewed me a purse wherein he had an hundred or sixscore peeces of Gold, and that he would content me to my desire; for all that, yet not∣withstanding I left not off to deferre the taking off his dressing, fearing least hee should die at the same instant. Certaine Gentlemen desired me to goe dresse him, which I did at their request, but in dressing him he died under my hands in a Con∣vulsion. Now this Priest accompanied him untill death, who seazed upon the purse for feare least another should take it, saying, hee would say Masses for his soule. Moreover hee furnisht himselfe with his cloathes, and with all the rest of his things. I have recited this History as a monstrous thing, that the Souldier fell not to ground when he had received this great stroake, and was in good senses even till death. Soone after, the Campe was broken for divers causes; the one because we were advertized that foure companies of Spaniards were entred into Parpignam; the other, that the Plague begun much in our Campe, and it was told us by the peo∣ple of the countrey that shortly there would bee a great overflowing of the Sea, which might drowne us all; and the presage which they had, was a very great winde from Sea, which arose in such manner that there remained not one Tent which was not broken and overthrowne, for all the strength and diligence that could be given; and the Kitchins being all uncovered, the winde raised so the dust and sand which salted and poudred our meate, in such sort that wee could not eate it, so that wee were constrained to boile it in pots and other vessells well co∣vered.

Now we did not uncampe our selves in so good time, but that there were many Carts and Carters Mules, and Mule drivers drowned in the Sea, with great losse of baggage. The Campe broken, I returned to Paris.

The voyage to Landresy. 1544.

KIng Francis raised a great Army to victuall Landresy: on the other side the Em∣perour had no lesse people, yea much more; that is to say, eighteene thousand Germans, tenne thousand Spaniards, sixe thousand Wallons, tenne thousand English, and a matter of thirteene or foureteene thousand Horse. I saw the two Armies neare one another, within Canon shot, and it was thought they would never part without giving battaile. There were some certaine foolish Gentlemen who would approach the enemies Campe; certaine shot was made at them, and some dy∣ed at the place, others had their Legges or Armes carried away. The King having done what hee desired, which was to revictuall Landresy, retired himselfe with his Army to Guise, which was the day after All Saints, one thousand five hundred forty foure, and from thence I returned to Paris.

The Voyage of Boulogne. 1545.

A Little while after we went to Boulogne, where the English seeing our Army, left the Forts which they had, that is to say, Moulambers; the little Paradise, Monplaisir, the fort of Shatillon, the Portet, the Fort Dardelot. One day going through the Campe to dresse my hurt people, the enemies who were in the Tower of Or∣der, shot off a peece of Ordinance, thinking to kill two horsemen which stayd to

talke one with another. It happened that the Bullet passed very neare one of them, which threw him to the ground, and t'was thought the said Bullet had toucht him, which it did not at all, but onely the winde of the said Bullet in the midst of his coate, which went with such a force that all the outward part of the Thigh became blacke and blew, and had muchadoe to stand. I drest him, and made him divers Scarifications to evacuate the contused blood, which the winde of the said Bullet had made; and the rebounds that it made on the ground, kild foure souldiers which remained dead in the place. I was not farre from this stroake, so that I felt some-what the mooved aire, without doing mee any harme, than a little feare which made mee stoope my head very low, but the Bullet was already passed farre beyond mee.

The Souldiers mock't me to be affraid of a Bullet already gone. (My little Ma∣ster) I thinke if you had beene there, that I had not beene affraid alone, and that you would have had your share of it. What shall I say more? Monsieur the Duke of Guise, Francis of Lorraine, was hurt before Bullogne with a stroake of a Lance, which * 1.54 above the right eye, declining towards the nose, entred and pass'd quite through on the other side betweene the nucha and the eare, with so great a violence, that the head of the Lance with a great part of the wood was broken and remained within, in such sort that it could not bee drawne out but with great force, yea with Smithes pincers. Notwithstanding all this violence which was not done without breaking of bones, nerves, and arteries, and other parts; my said Lord, by the helpe of God was cured: the said Lord went alwayes with open face, which was the cause that the Lance went through on the other side.

The voyage of Germany. 1552.

I Went the voyage to Germany in the yeare 1552. with Monsieur De Rohan Cap∣taine of 50. horse, where I was Chirurgion of his company, which I have said al∣ready. In this voyage Monsieur the high Constable of France was Generall of the Army: Monsieur de Chastillon, since Admirall, was chiefe Colonell of the foote, having foure Regiments of Lansquenets, under the conduct of these Captaines, Recrod and Ri••grave, having each of them two Regiments, each Regiment was of tenne Ensignes, and each Ensigne of five hundred men. And besides these, was Cap∣taine Chartel, who conducted the troopes that the Protestant Princes had sent to the King. This was a very faire company on foote, accompanied with fifteene hun∣dred Horse, with the following of each one two Archers, which might make foure thousand five hundred Horse, besides two thousand Light horse, and as many Mus∣kettieres on horsebacke, of whom Monsieur de Aumalle was Generall, besides the great number of Nobility who came for their pleasure. Moreover, the King was ac∣companied with two hundred Gentlemen of his house, & likewise with divers Prin∣ces; there was also for his troope that served him, the French, Scottish, and Swissers Guards, amounting to sixe hundred men on foote, and the companies of Monsieur the Dolphin, Messieres de Guise, de Aumalle, and of the Marshall S. Andrew, which amounted to foure hundred Lances, which was a mervelous thing to see such a faire Company; and in this equipage the King entred into Thou and Mets. I will not omit to tell that it was ordained, that the Companions of Messieres de Rohan, of the Count of Sancerr, of Iarnac, which was each of them of fifty horse, went by the Wings of the Campe; and God knowes we had scarcitie of victualls, and I pro∣test to God that at three divers times I had thought I should have beene famisht, and it was not for want of money for I had enough, and we could not have victualls but by force, by reason that the Pesants withdrew it all into the Citties and Castles.

One of the servants of a Captaine of the company of Monsieur de Rohan, went * 1.55 with others thinking to enter into a Church where the Pesants were retired, thinking to finde victualls by force or love: but amongst the rest this man was well beaten, and returned with seaven wounds, with a sword in the head; the least of which pene∣trated the second table of the scull, and he had foure other upon the armes, and upon the right shoulder, which cut more than one halfe of the blade-bone, or Omoplate.

He was brought backe to his masters lodging, who seeing of him so wounded, and that they were to depart thence the morrow after at the breake of day, and not thinking ever he could be cured, made him a grave, and would have cast him there∣in, saying that, or else the Pesants would massacre and kill him; I mov'd with pit∣ty * 1.56 told him that he might yet be cured if he were well drest: divers Gentlemen of the company prayd him that he would cause him to bee brought along with the Baggage, seeing I had the willingnesse to dresse him; to which he agreed, and after that I had cloth'd him, he was but put into a Cart upon a bed well covered and well accommodated, which one horse did draw. I did the office of a Physition, Apo∣thecary, Chirurgion, and Cooke; I drest him even to the end of his cure, and God cured him, in so much that all these three Companies admired at this cure. The horsemen of the company of Monsieur de Rohan, the first muster that was made, gave me each one, one Crowne, and the Archers halfe a Crowne.

The voyage of Danvilliers. 1552.

AT the returne from the German Campe, King Henry beseiged Danvilliers, those within would not render. They were well beaten and our pouder failed us, in the meane time they shot much at our people. There was a Culverin shot pass'd a traverse the Tent of Monsieur de Rohan, which hit a Gentlemans Leg, which was of his traine; which I was faine to finish the cutting off, the which was done with∣out applying hot irons.

The King sent for pouder to Sedan, which being come they began a greater bat∣tery than before, in such sort that they made a breach. Messiers de Guise, and the * 1.57 high Constable being in the Kings Chamber, told him they concluded the next day to make assault, & that they were assured they should enter into it, & that they should keep it secret lest the enemy were advertized. And all of them promised not to speake of it to any one. Now there was a Groome of the Kings chamber who lay under the Kings bed in the Camp to sleep, understood that they resolved the next day to give an assault, he presently revealed it to a certaine. Captaine and told him that for certaine the day following assault should be given, & that he had heard it of the King, & praid the said Captaine that he would not speake a word of it to any body, which he pro∣mised, but his promise was not kept, for at the same instant, he went and declared it to a Captaine, & this Captaine to another Captaine, and from the Captaines to some of the Souldiers, saying alwayes, say nothing. It was so well hid that the next day early in the morning there was seene the greatest part of the Souldiers with their round hose and their breeches cut at knee for the better mounting at the breach. The King was advertiz'd of the rumor which runne through the Campe, that the as∣sault must be given, whereof hee much mervailed, seeing there was but three of that advise, which had promised one to another, not to tell it to any one. The King sent for Monsieur de Guise, to know if hee had not talked of this assault; hee swore and affirmed to him he had not told it to any body; and Monsieur the Con∣stable said as much; who said to the King he must expressely know who had decla∣red this secret counsell; seeing they were but three. Inquisition was made from Captaine to Captaine, in the end the truth was found; for one sayd twas such a one told me, another sayd as much, till at length they came to the first, who declared he had learnd it of a Groome of the Kings chamber, named Guyard, borne at Blois, the sonne of the deceased King Francis his Barber. The King sent for him into his Tent, in the presence of Monsieur de Guise, and of Monsieur the Constable, to under∣stand from him whence he had it, and who told him that this assault was to bee gi∣ven. The King told him that if he did not tell the truth, that he would cause him to be hanged; then he declared, he lay downe under his bed thinking to sleepe, and so having heard it, he declared it to a Captaine who was a friend of his, to the end hee might prepare himselfe with his Souldiers the first for the assault. After the King knew the truth; he told him, he should never serve him againe, and that he deserved to be hanged, and forbid him ever to come againe to the Court. My Groome * 1.58 of the Chamber went away with this sad newes, and lay with one of the Kings

Chirurgions in ordinary, named Master Lewis, and in the night gave himselfe six wounds with a knife, and cut his throate; yet the said Chirurgion perceived nothing till morning, till hee saw the bed bloody, and the dead body by him: hee much mervailed at this spectacle upon his waking, and was afraid least they should say he was the cause of this murther; but was soone freed, knowing the cause to bee from desperation, having lost the good amitie which the King bore to him. The said Guyard was buried. And those of Danvilliers when they saw the breach large e∣nough for them to enter in, and the Souldies prepared for the assault, yeelded them∣selves to the mercy of the King. The chiefe of them were prisoners, and the Soul∣diers sent away without armes. The Campe being broken up I returned to Paris with my Gentleman whose Leg I had cut off, I drest him and God cured him; I sent him to his house merry with a woodden Leg, and was content, saying that he scaped good cheape, not to have beene miserably burnt, as you write in your booke, my little Master.

The Voyage of Castle the Compt. 1552.

A Little while after King Henry levied an Army of thirty thousand men, to goe * 1.59 make spoile about Hedin. The King of Navarre who was then called Monsieur de Vendosme, was chiefe of the Army, and the Kings Lievtenant. Being at S. Denis in France, staying while the companies pass'd by, he sent for me to Paris to come speak with him; being there, he prayed me, and his request was a command, that I would follow him this voyage; and I about to make my excuse told him him my wife was sicke in her bed, he made me answer, that there were Phisitions at Paris for to cure her; and that he as well left his owne, who was as well descended as mine; promising me that hee would use me well, and forthwith gave command that I should be lodged as one of his Traine. Seeing this great affection, which he had to leade me with him, I durst not to refuse him. I went and met with him at the Castale of Compt, within 3. or 4. leagues of Hedin, there where there was the Emperors Souldiers in garrison with a number of Pessants round about: hee caused them to be summond to render themselves; and they made answer they should never have them but by peeces, and let them doe their worst, and they would doe their best to defend themselves. They put confidence in their ditches full of water, and in two houres with a great number of Bavins, and certaine empty Caskes, way was made to passe over the foote: when they must goe to the assault and were beaten with five peeces of Cannon, till a breach was made large enough to enter in, where they within received the assault very vali∣antly, and not without killing and hurting a great number of our people with mus∣ket shot, pikes and stones. In the end when they saw themselves constrained, they put fire to their pouder and munition, which was the cause of burning many of * 1.60 our people, and of theirs likewise, and they were all almost put to the edge of the sword. Notwithstanding some of our Souldiers had taken twentie or thirtie, hoping to have ransome for them. That was knowne, and ordered by the Counsell that it should be proclaimed by the Trumpet through the Campe, that all Souldiers who had any Spaniards prisoners were to kill them, upon paine to be han∣ged and strangled, which was done upon cold blood. From thence we went and burnt diver Villages, whose barnes were full of all kind of graine, to my great greefe. Wee went along even to Tournaban, where there was a very great Tower where the Enemies retired, but there was no man found in it, all was pillaged, and * 1.61 the Tower was made to leape by a Mine, and then with Gunpouder turned topsy turvy. After that, the Campe was broken up, and I returned to Paris. I will not yet forget to write that the day after the Castle of Compt was taken, Monsieur de Vendosme sent a Gentleman to the King to make report to him of all which had pass'd, and amongst other things, told the King that I had greatly done my duty in dressing those that were wounded, and that I had shewed him eighteene Bullets which I had taken or drawne out of the hurt bodies, and that there were di∣vers more which I could neither finde, nor draw out, and told more good of mee than there was by halfe. Then the King said hee would have mee into his service,

and commanded Monsieur de Goguier his chiefe Physition to write me downe as en∣tertained one of his Chirurgions in ordinary, and that I should goe meete with him at Rheimes within ten or twelve dayes; which I did, where he did me the honour to command me that I would dwell neare him, and that he would doe me good. Then I thankt him most humbly for the honour it pleased him to doe me, in calling me to his service.

The Voyage of Mets. 1552.

THe Emperour having beseiged Mets, and in the hardest time of winter, as each one knowes of fresh memory: and that there was in the Citty five or sixe thou∣sand men, and amongst the rest seaven Princes; that is to say, Monsieur the Duke of Guise the Kings Lievtenant, Messieurs d'Anguien, de Conde, de Montpensier, de La * 1.62 Roch upon Yon, Monsieur de Nemours, and divers other Gentlemen, with a number of old Captaines of warre, who often made sallies forth upon the enemies, (as wee shall speake of hereafter) which was not done without slaying many, as well on the one side as the other. For the most part all our wounded people dyed, and it was thought the medicaments wherewith they were dressed were poysoned; which cau∣sed Monsieur de Guise and other Princes to send to the King for mee, and that hee would send me with Drogues to them, for they beleeved theirs were poysoned, seeing that of their hurt people few escaped. I doe not beleeve there was any poy∣son, but the great stroakes of the Cutlasses, Musket shot, and the extremity of cold were the cause. The King caused one to write to Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew which was his Lievtenant at Verdun, that hee found some meanes to make me enter into Mets. The said Lord Marshall of S. Andrew and Monsieur the Mar∣shall of old Ville, got an Italian Captaine, who promised them to make me enter in, * 1.63 which he did, and for which hee had fifteene hundred Crownes: the King having heard of the promise which the Italian Captaine had made, sent for mee and com∣manded me to take of his Apothecary named Daigue such, and as many Drogues as I should thinke fit for the hurt who were beseiged, which I did, as much as a post∣horse could carry. The King gave me charge to speake to Monsieur de Guise and to the Princes, and Captaines who were at Mets. Being arrived at Verdun, a few dayes after Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew, caused horses to be given to mee, * 1.64 and my man and for the Italian, who spake very good high Dutch, Spanish and Walon with his owne naturall tongu••. When we were within eight or tenne Leagues of Mets, wee went not but in the night, and being neare the Campe, I saw a league and a halfe off bright fires round about the Citty, which seemed as if all the earth were on fire, and I thought wee could never passe through those fires without being discovered, and by consequent be hanged and strangled, or cut in peeces, or pay a great ransome. To speake truth, I wished my selfe at Paris, for the eminent danger which I foresaw. God guided so well our affaires that wee entred into the Citty at midnight with a certaine Token, which the Captaine had with another Captaine of the company of Monsieur de Guise: which Lord I went to, and found him in bed, who received me with great thankes, being joyfull of my comming. I did my message to him of all that the King had commanded me to say to him; I told him I had a little letter to give him, and that the next day I would not faile to deliver it him. That done he commanded mee a good lodging, and that I should be well used, and bid mee I should not faile to be the next day up∣on the Breach, where I should meete with all the Princes, and divers Captaines, which I did; who receaved me with great joy, who did mee the honour to imbrace me, and tell me I was very welcome, adding withall they did not feare to dye if they should chance to be hurt. Monsieur de La Roch upon Yon was the first that fea∣sted me, and inquired of me what they sayd at the Court concerning the Citty of Mets; I told him what I thought good. Then presently he desired mee to goe see one of his Gentlemen, named Monsieur de Magnane at this present Knight of the Kings order, and Lievtenant of his Majesties Guard; who had his Leg broken by a Cannon shot. I found him in his bed, his Leg bended and crooked, without any

dressing upon it; because a Gentleman promised him cure, having his name, and his * 1.65 girdle, with certaine words. The poore Gentleman wept, and cryed with paine which he felt, not sleeping either night or day, in foure dayes: then I mock't at this im∣posture and false promise. Presently I did so nimbly restore and dresse his Legge, that he was without paine and slept all night, and since (thanks be to God) was cured, and is yet at this present living, doing service to the King. The said Lord of the Roch upon Yon sent me a Tunne of wine to my lodging, and bid tell me, when it was dron∣ken hee would send mee another. That done, Monsieur de Guise gave me a list of certaine Captaines and Lords, and commanded me to tell them what the King had given me in charge; which I did, which was to doe his commendations and a thanks∣givng for the duty they had done, and did in the keeping of the Citty of Mets, and that he would acknowledge it. I was more than eight daies in acquitting my charge, because they were many; first to the Princes and others, as the Duke of Horace, the Count of Martigues, and his brother, Monsieur de Bauge, the Lords Montmorancy, and d'Anville, then Marshall of France, Monsieur de La Chapel, Bonni∣vet Caroug now Governour of Rohan, the Vidasme of Chartres, the Count of Lude, Monsieur de Biron now Marshall of France, Monsieur de Randan the Roch∣foucaut, Boxdaille d'Etrez, the yonger, Monsieur de S. Iohn in Dolphiny, & many others which it would bee too long to recite; and chiefely to divers Captaines who had very well done their duty in defence of their lives, and Citty. I demanded after∣wards of Monsieur de Guise, what it pleased I should doe with the Drogues which I had brought, he bid me impart them to the Chirurgions and Apothecaries, and chiefely to the poore hurt Souldiers in the Hospitall which were in great number; which I did, and can assure you, I could not doe so much as goe see them, but they sent for mee to visit and dresse them. All the beseiged Lords prayed mee carefully * 1.66 to sollicite above all others Monsieur de Pienne who was hurt at the breach by a stone raised by a Cannon shot in the Temple with a fracture, and depression of the bone. They told mee that presently when hee received the stroake, hee fell to the earth as dead, and cast blood out of his mouth, nose, and eares with great vomitings, and was foureteene dayes without speaking one word, or having any reason; there happened to him also startings somewhat like Convulsions, and had all his face swell'd and livid. Hee was trepan'd on the side of the temporll muscle upon the Os Coronale. I drest him with other Chirurgions, and God cured him, and is at this day living, God be thanked. The Emperour caused battery to be made with for∣ty double Cannons, where they spared no pouder night nor day. Presently when Monsieur de Guise saw the Artillery seated to make a breach, hee made the nearest houses to be pulled downe to make Ramparts, and the posts and beames were ran∣ged, end to end, and betweene two clods of earth, beds and packs of wooll, and then other posts and beames were put againe upon them as before. Now much wood of the houses of the suburbs which had beene put to the ground (for feare least the enemie should be lodged, close covered, and that they should not helpe themselves with any wood) served well to repaire the breach. Every one was busied to carry * 1.67 earth to make the Ramparts night and day. Messieres the Princes, Lords and Cap∣taines, Lievtenants, Ensignes, did all carry the basket, to give example to the Soul∣diers, and Cittizens to doe the like, which they did; yea both Ladies and Gentlewo∣men, and those which had not baskets, helpt themselves with kettles, panniers, sackes, sheets, and with what else they could to carry earth; in so much that the enemy had no sooner beaten downe the wall, but hee found behind a Rampart more strong. The wall being fallen our Souldiers cryed to those without, the Fox, the Fox, the Fox, and spake a thousand injuries one to another. Monsieur de Guise commanded upon paine of death that no man should speake to them without, for feare least there should be some Traitor who would give them intelligence what was done in the Citty; the command made, they tyed living Cats at the end of their Pikes, and put them upon the Wall and cryed with the Cats miau, miau.

Truely the Emperialists were very much vexed to have beene so long making a * 1.68 breach, and at so great expence, which was the breach of fourescore steps, to enter fifty men in front, where they found a Rampart more strong than the wall; they

fell upon the poore Catts, and shot at them with their muskets as they use to doe at birds. Our people did oftentimes make sallies by the command of Monsieur de Guise. The day before there was a great presse, to make themselves enrowled, who must make the sally chiefely of the young Nobility, led by well experimented Cap∣taines. Insomuch that it was a great favour, to permit them to sally forth, and runne upon the enemy: and they sallied forth alwayes the number of one hundred, or sixe∣score armed men with Cutlasses, Muskets, Pistolls, Pikes, Partisans and Halberds, which went even to their trenches to awaken them. Where they presently made an alarum throughout all their Campe, and their Drummes sounded, plan, plan, ta, ti, ta, ta, ta, ti, ta, tou, touf, touf: likewise their Trumpets and Cornets, sounded, to the saddle, to the saddle, to the saddle, to horse, to horse, to horse, to the saddle, to horse. And all their souldiers cry'd Arme, arme, arme, to armes, to armes, to armes, arme, to armes, arme, to armes, like the cry after Wolves, and all divers tongues, according to their nations: and they were seene to goe out from their tents, and little lodgings, as thicke as little Bees, when their Hive is discovered; to succour their fellowes, who had their throates cut like sheepe. The horsemen like-wise came from all parts, a great gallop, patati, patata, patati, patapa, ta, ta, patata, patata, and ••arried well that they might not bee in the throng, where stroakes were imparted to give and receive. And when our men saw they were forced, they returned into the Citty, still fighting, and those who runne after were beaten backe with the Artillery which they had charged with flint stones, and foure-square peeces of iron; and our souldiers who were upon the sayd wall made a volley of shot, and showred downe their bullets upon them like haile, to send them backe to their lodging, where divers remained in the place of the combate, and also our men did not all come with whole skinnes, and there still remained some for the Tythe, who were joyfull to dye in the bed of honour. And where there was a horse hurt he was flayed, and eaten by the Souldiers in steed of beefe and bacon, and it was fit I must runne, to dresse our hurt men. A few dayes after, other sallyes were made, which did much anger the enemies, because they did not let them sleepe but little in safety. Monsieur de Guise, made a warlike stratagem which was, he sent a Pesant who was none of the wisest with two paire of Letters toward the King, to whom he gave ten Crownes, and promised the King should give him an hundred, provided he gave him the letters. In the one he sent word that the enemy made no signe of re∣tiring himselfe, and by all force made a great breach which he hop't to defend, yea to the losing of his life, and of all those that were within, and that the enemy had so well placed his Artillery in a certaine place which he named, that with great dif∣ficulty was it kept that they had not entred into it, seeing it was a place the most weake of all the Citty: but he hoped quickely to fill it up againe in such sort, that they cannot be able to enter. One of these letters was sowed in the lining of his doublet, and he was bid to take heede that he told it not to any man. And there was also another given to him; wherein the sayd Monsieur de Guise sent word to the King, that he & all the beseiged did hope well to keepe the Citty, and other matters, which I cease to speake of. They made the Pesant goe forth in the night, and present∣ly after, he was taken by one that stood Sentinell, and carryed to the Duke of Albe, to understand what was done in the Citty, and they asked him if he had any letters, he sayd yes, and gave them one; and having seene it he was put to his oath, whether he had any other, and he swore, not; then they felt and search't him, and found that which was sowed to his doublet, and the poore messenger was hanged.

The sayd letters were communicated to the Emperor, who caused his counsell to be called there, where it was resolved since they could doe nothing at the first breach, that presently the Artillery should be drawne to the place which they thought the most weake, where they made great attempts to make another breach, and dig'd and undermined the wall, and endeavoured to take the Tower of Hell, yet they durst not come to the assault. The Duke of Albe declared to the Emperor that the souldi∣ers dyed dayly, yet, more than the number of two hundred, and that there was but little hope to enter into the Citty, seeing the season, and the great quantity of soul∣diers that there were. The Emperor demanded what people they were that dyed,

and if that they were gentlemen of remarke or quality: answeare was made, that they were all poore souldiers; then sayd he, it makes no matter if they dye, comparing them to caterpillers and grashoppers, which eate the buddes of the earth: And if they were of any fashion, they would not bee in the campe for twelve shillings the month, and therefore no great harme if they dyed. Moreover he sayd he would ne∣ner part from before that Citty, till he had taken it by force, or famine, although he should loose all his army: by reason of the great number of Princes which were therein, with the most part of the Nobility of France. From whom hee hoped to draw double his expence, and that he would goe once againe to Paris, to visite the Parisiens, and make himselfe King of all the kingdome of France. Monsieur de Guise with the Princes, Captaines, and Souldiers, and generally all the Cittizens of the Citty, having understood the intention of the Emperor, which was to extirpate us all, they advised of all they had to doe: And since it was not permitted to the soul∣diers, nor Cittizens, no nor to the Princes, nor Lords themselves to eate either fresh fish, or Venison, as likewise some Partridges, Woodcockes, Larkes, Plovers, for feare least they had gathered some pestilentiall ayre which might give us any conta∣gion; but that they should content themselves with the ammunition fare, that is to say, with Bisquite, Beefe, poudered Cowes, Lard, and gammons of Bacon: Likewise fish, as Greenefish, Salmon, Sturgeon, Anchovies, Pilchers and Herrings, also Pease, Beanes, Rise, Garlike, Onions, Prunes, Cheese, Butter, Oyle, Salt, Pepper, Ginger, Nutmegges, and other Spiceries to put into pyes, cheefely to horseflesh, which with∣out that would have had a very ill taste; divers Citizens having gardens in the Citty sowed therein great Raddishes, Turnippes, Carrots, and Leekes, which they kept well and full deare, against the extremity of hunger. Now all these ammunition vi∣ctualls were distributed by weight, measure, and justice, according to the quality of the person, because we knew not how long the seige would last. For having un∣derstood from the mouth of the Emperor, that he would never part from before Mets, till he had taken it by force, or famine; the victualls were lessened, for that which was wont to be distributed to three, was now shared amongst foure, and de∣fence made they should not sell what remained after their dinner, but twas permit∣ted to give it to the wenches that followed the Campe. And rose alwayes from ta∣ble with an appetite, for feare they should be subject to take Physicke. And before we would yeeld our selves to the mercy of our enemies; had resolved to eate our Asses, Mules, Horses, Dogges, Cats, and Ratts, vea our bootes and other skinnes which we could soften and frie. All the beseiged did generally resolve to defend themselves with all sorts of instruments of warre, that is to say, to ranke, and charge the Artillery, at the entry of the breach with bullets, stones, Cart nayles, barres, and chaines of iron. Also all kinds and differences of artificiall fire; as Boeites, Bariquadoes, Granadoes, Potts, Lances, torches, squibbes, burning faggots. Moreover scalding water, melted lead, powder of unquenched lime to blind their eyes. Also they were resolved to have made holes through, and through their houses, there to lodge musketiers, there to batter in the flanke and hasten them to goe, or else make them lye for altogether. Also there was or∣der given to the women to unpave the streetes, and to cast them out at their win∣dowes, billets, tables, tressles, formes, and stooles, which would have troubled their braines: moreover there was a little further, a strong Court of Guard, fild with carts and pallisadoes, pipes and hogs heads, fild with earth, for barriquadoes to serve to interlay with faulcons, faulconets, field peeces, harquibuzes, muskets, and pistolls and wilde fire, which would have broken legges and thighes, insomuch that they had beene beaten in head, in flancke, and in tayle; and where they had forced this Court of Guard, there was others at the crossing of the streets, each distant an hundred pa∣ces, who have beene as bad companions as the first, and would not have beene with∣out making a great many Widdowes, and Orphans. And if fortune would have beene so much against us, as to have broken our Courts of gard, there was yet seaven great Bastallions ordered in square, and triangle, to combate altogether, each one ac∣companied with a Prince to give them boldnesse, and encourage them to fight, even till the last gaspe, and to dye altogether. Moreover it was resolved, that each one should carry his treasure, rings, and jewells, and their household stuffe of the best,

to burne them in the great place, and to put them into ashes rather than the enemy should prevaile and make tropheyes of their spoyles; likewise there was people ap∣pointed to put fire to the munition, and to beate out the heads of the Wine caskes, others to put the fire in each house, to burne our enemies and us together: the Citi∣zens had accorded it thus, rather than to see the bloody knife upon their throate, and their Wives and Daughters violated, and to be taken by force, by the cruell and in∣humane Spaniards. Now we had certaine prisoners which Monsieur de Guise sent a∣way upon their faith, to whom was secretly imparted our last resolution, wil and des∣perate mindes; who being arrived in their Campe, doe not deferre the publishing; which bridled the great impetuosity, and will of the souldiers to enter any more into the Citty to cut our throates, and to enrich themselves of our pillage. The Empe∣ror having understood this deliberation of the great warriour, the Duke of Guise, put water in his wine, and restrained his great choller and furie, saying, He could not enter into the Citty without making a great slaughter, and butchery, and spill much blood, aswell of the defendants, as of the assaillants, and that they should be dead to∣gether, and in the end could have nothing else but a few ashes, and that afterward it might be spoken of that, as of the destruction of Ierusalem already made by Titus and Vespasian. The Emperor then having understood our last resolution, and seeing their little prevailing by their battery, and underming, and the great plague which was in his whole army, and the indisposition of the time; and the want of victualls and money, and that his souldiers forsooke him, and went away in great companies; concluded in the end to retire themselves accompanied with the Cavallery of his Vantgard, with the greatest part of his Artillery, and the Battalia; The Marquesse of Brandeborg was the last which uncampt, maintained by certaine bands of Spaniards, Bohemians, and his Germane companies, and there remained one day and a halfe after, to the great greefe of Monsieur de Guise, who caused foure peeces of Artillery to be brought out of the Citty, which he caused to be discharged at him on one side; and the other to hasten them to be gone, which he did full quickely, with all his Troopes. He being a quarter of a league from Mets was taken with a feare least our Cavallery should fall upon him in the Rere, which caused him to put fire to his munition powder, and leave certaine peeces of Artillery and much baggage which hee could not carry because the Vantgard, and the Battalia, and great Cannons had too much broken the way. Our horsemen would by all meanes have gone out of the Citty to have fallen upon their breech. But Monsieur de Guise would never permit them, but on the contrary we should rather make plaine their way, and make them bridges of gold and silver, and let them goe, being like to a good shepheard, who will not loose one of his sheepe. See now how our wellbeloved Imperialists went away from be∣fore the Citty of Mets, which was the day after Christmas day, to the great content∣ment of the beseiged, and honour of Princes, Captaines and Souldiers who had en∣dured the travells of this seige the space of two monthes. Notwithstanding they did not all goe, there wanted twenty thousand who were dead aswell by Artillery, by the sword, as also by the plague, cold, and hunger, and for spight they could not enter into the Citty to cut our throates, and have the pillage: and also a great num∣ber of their horses dyed, of which they had eaten a great part in steed of Beefe and Bacon. They went where they had beene encamped, where they found divers dead bodyes not yet buried, and the earth all dihged like Saint Innocents Churchyard, in the time of the plague. They did likewise leave in their lodgings, pavillions and tents, divers sick people: also bullets, armes, Carts, Waggons, & other baggage with a great many of Munition loaves spoyled and rotten by the raine and snow, yet the souldiers had it not but by weight and measure; & likewise they left great provision of wood, of the remainders of the houses of the Villages which they had pluckt downe 2 or 3 miles compasse, likewise divers other houses of pleasure belonging to the Cittizens accompanied with faire gardens, grasse plotts fild with fruite trees, for without that they had beene sterv'd with cold, and had beene constrained to have rais'd the seige sooner. The sayd Monsieur de Guise caused the dead to be buried, and dresse their sicke people: likewise the enemies left in the Abby of S. Arnoul divers of their hurt souldiers which they could not leade with them: the sayd Monsieur de Guise sent them all Victualls enough, and commanded me and other Chirurgions to goe dresse them

and give them medicines; which we willingly did, and thinke they would not have done the like toward others (because the Spaniard is most cruell, per••idious and inhu∣mane, & therefore enimy to all nations) which is proved by Lopez a Spaniard & Benzo of Milan & others who have written the history of America, & the West Indies, who have beene constrayned to confesse, that the cruelty, avarice, blasphemy, and wicked∣nesse of the Spaniards, have altogether alienated the poore Indians, from the religi∣on which the sayd Spaniards are sayd to hold. And all write they are lesse worth than the Idolatrous Indians, by the cruell usage done to the sayd Indians.

And a few dayes after we sent a Trompet to Thionville toward the enemy, that they should send backe for their wounded men in safety, which they did with Carts and Waggons, but not enough. Monsieur de Guise, caused them to have Carts and Carters, to helpe to carry them to the sayd Thionville. Our sayd Carters being re∣turned backe, brought us word that the way was paved with dead bodyes, and that they never lead backe the halfe, for they dyed in their Carts, and the Spaniards seeing them at the point of death, before they had cast out their last gaspe, cast them out of their Carts, and buryed them in the mudde, and mire, saying they had no order to bring backe the dead. Moreover our sayd Carters sayd, they met by the way di∣vers Carts loaden with baggage sticking in the mire, which they durst not send for backe, for feare least those of Mets should fall upon them. I will againe returne to the cause of their mortality, which was principally through honger, plague, and cold; for the snow was two foote thicke upon the earth, and they were lodged in the caves of the earth, onely covered with a little straw. Notwithstanding each souldier had his field bed, and a covering strewed with glittering starres, more bright than fine gold, and every day had white sheetes, and lodg'd at the signe of the Moone, and made good cheere when they had it, and payd their hoste so well over night, that in the morning they went away quitte, shaking their eares, and they needed no combe, to take away the doune out of their haires, either of head or beard, and found alwayes a white table cloath, losing good meales for want of Victualls. Al∣so the greatest part of them had neither bootes, nor buskinnes, slippers, hose, or shooes, and divers had rather have none than have them, because they were alwayes in mudde, halfe way of the legge; and because they went bare leg'd, we called them the Emperors Apostles. After the Campe was wholly broaken, I distributed my patients into the hands of the Chirurgions of the Citty, to finish their cure: then I tooke leave of Monsieur de Guise, and came backe toward the King, who received me with a loving countenance, and demanded of me how I did enter into the Citty of Mets. I recounted to him, all that I had done, he caused two hundred crownes to be given me, and one hundred I had at my going out, and told me he would not leave me poore; then I thanked him most humbly of the good and the honour which he pleased to doe me.

The Voyage of Hedin, 1553.

CHarles the Emperor caused the Citty of Theroünne to be beseiged, where Mon∣sieut the Duke of Savoy, was Generall of the whole army: it was taken by assault where there was a great number of our men slaine and prisoners. The King willing to prevent that the enemy should not also come to beseige the Citty & Castle of Hedin, sent Messiers the Duke Boüillion, the Duke Horace, the Marquesse of Villars, a number of Captaines, and about eight hundred souldiers, & during the seige of Theroüenne, the sayd Lords fortified the sayd Castle of Hedin, in such sort that it seemed impregna∣ble. The King sent me to the sayd Lords to helpe them with my Art, if there were any neede. Now soone after the taking of Theroüenne, we were beseiged with the army: there was a quicke cleare fountaine or Spring, within Cannon shot, where there was about fourescore whores, and wenches of the enemies, who were round about it to draw water. I was upon a Rampart beholding the Campe, and seeing so many idlers about the sayd fountaine, I prayed Monsieur de Pont Commissary of the Artillery, to make one Cannon shot, at that roguish company, he made me much de∣niall, answering me that such kind of people were not worth the powder they should

waste. Againe I prayed him to levell the Cannon, telling of him, the more dead the fewer enemies; which he did through my request, and at that shot fifteene or sixteene were kild and many hurt. Our souldiers sallied forth upon the enemies, where there was many kild, and flaine with musket shot and swords, as well on the one side, as of the other, and our souldiers did often make sallyes forth upon the enemies be∣fore their trenches were made; where I had much worke cut out, so that I had no rest night nor day for dressing the wounded. And I will tell this by the way, that we had put many of them in a great Tower, layd upon a little straw, and their pil∣lowes were stones, their coverlets were their cloakes, of those that had any. Whilst the battery was making, as many shot as the Cannons made, the patients sayd they felt paine in their woundes, as if one had given them blowes with a staffe, the one cry'd his head, the other his arme, and so of other parts; divers of their wounds bled afresh yea in greater quantity than first when they were wounded, and then it was I must runne to stay their bleeding. My little master, if you had beene there, you had beene much troubled with your hot irons, you had neede to have had much charcoale to make them red hot, and belee ve they would have slaine you like a Calfe for this cruelty. Now through this diabolicall tempest of the Eccho from these thundring Instruments, and by the great and vehement agitation of the collision of the ayre re∣sounding and reverberating in the wounds of the hurt people, divers dyed, and o∣thers because they could not rest by reason of the groanes and cryes that they made, night and day; and also for want of good nourishment and other good usage neces∣sary to wounded people. Now my little master, if you had beene there, you would hardly have given them gelly, restauratives, cullises, pressures, panado, cleansed barly, white meate, almond milke, Prunes, Raisons, and other proper meates for sicke people: your ordinance would onely have beene accomplisht in paper, but in effect they could have had nothing but old Cow beefe, which was taken about He∣din for our munition, salted and halfe boyled, insomuch that who would have eate it he must pull it with the force of his teeth, as birds of Prey doe carrion. I will not forget their linnen wherewith they were drest, which was onely rewashed every day, and dryed at the fire, and therefore dry & stubborne like Parchment, I leave you to thinke how their wounds could heale well. There was ••oure lusty whores to whom charg was given to wash their linnen, who discharged their duty under penalty of the batoone, and also they wanted both soape and water. See then how the sicke people dyed for want of nourishments, and other necessary things. One day our enemies fained to give us a generall assault, to draw our Souldiers upon the breach, to the end to know our countenance and behaviour: every one ranne thither, we had made great provision of artificiall fire, to defend the breach; a Priest belonging to Monsi∣eur du Boüillon tooke a granado, thinking to throw it on the enemies, and set it on fire sooner then he ought to have done: it brake asunder, and the fire fell amongst our fire workes, which were put into a house neere the breach; which was to us a merve∣lous disastre, because it burned diverse poore souldiers: it also tooke hold on the house it selfe, and we had beene all burned had not great helpe beene used for to quench it; there was but one Well there wherein was water in our Castle, which was almost quite dryed up, and in steede of water, we tooke beere and quenched it: then afterwards we had great scarcity of water; and to drinke the rest that remained which we must straine through napkins.

Now the enemy seeing this smoake and tempest of the fire workes which cast a very great flame and clashing noyse, beleeved wee had put the fire on purpose for the defence of our breach, to burne them, and that wee had great store of others. That made them to be of another opinion, than to taken us by assault; they did under∣mine, and digge into the greatest part of our walls, so that it was the way to over∣throw wholly the Castle topsie turvie, and when the mines were finisht, and that their Artillery shot, the whole Castle did shake under us, like an earthquake, which did much astonish us. Moreover he had levelled five peeces of Artillery which they had seated upon a little hill, to play upon our backes when wee should goe to defend the breach.

The Duke Horace had a Cannon shot upon one shoulder, which caried away his

arme on one side, and the body on the other, without being able to speake one one∣ly word. His death was to us a great disasture for the ranke which hee held in this place.

Likewise Monsieur de Martigues had a stroake with a Bullet which peire't through his Lungs; I drest him, as I will declare hereafter. Then we demanded Parle, and a Trumpet was sent toward the Prince of Piedmont, to know what composition it pleased him to make us: His answer was, that all the chiefe, as Gentlemen, Cap∣taines, Lievtenants, and Ensignes, should be taken for ransome, and the Souldiers should goe out without Armes; and if they refused this faire and honest proffer, the next day we ought to be assured they would have us by assault or otherwise. Coun∣sell was held, where I was called to know if I would signe as divers Captaines, Gen∣tlemen and others, that the place should bee rendred up. I made answer it was not possible to be held, and that I would signe it with my proper blood, for the little hope that I had, that wee could resist the enemies force, and also for the great de∣sire which I had to be out of this torment, and hell; for I slept not eyther night or day, by reason of the great number of hurt people, which were about two hundred. The dead bodies yeelded a great putrifaction, being heaped one upon the other like Fagots, and not being covered with earth because we had it not; and when I entred into one lodging, Souldiers attended me at the dore to goe dresse others at another; when I went forth, there was striving who should have me, and they carri∣ed me like a holy body not touching the ground with my foote in spight one of ano∣ther, nor could I satisfie so great a number of hurt people. Moreover I had not what was necessary to dresse them withall; for it is not sufficient that the Chirurgi∣on doe his duty towards the patients, but the patient must also doe his, and the assi∣stance, and all exterior things; witnesse Hippocrates in his first Aphorisme. Now having understood the resolution of the yeelding up of our place, I knew our affaires went not well; and for feare of being knowne I gave a veluet Coate, a Satin doublet, a very fine cloth cloak lin'd with velvet, to a Souldier, who gave me a scurvy old torne doub∣let cut and flasht with using, and a leather jerkin well examined, and an ill favoured hat, and a little cloake; I smutcht the collar of my shirt with water in which I had mingled a little soote; likewise I wore out my stockings with a stone at the knees and the heeles as if they had beene worne a long time, and I did as much to my shooes, in so much that they would rather take me for a Chimney sweeper, than a Kings Chirurgion. I went in this equipage towards Monsieur de Martigues, where I prayd him that he would take order that I might remaine neare him to dresse him, which he agreed to most willingly, and had as much desire I should remaine with him as I my selfe. Soone after, the Commissioners who had charge to elect the pri∣soners, entred into the Castle, the seaventeenth day of Iuly one thousand five hun∣dred fifty three, where they made Messieurs the Duke of Boüillon, the Marquesse of Villars, the Baron of Culan, Monsieur du Pont commissary of the Artillery, and Monsieur de Martigues and I to be taken through the request that he made to them; and all other Gentlemen which they could perceive were able to pay any ransome, and the most part of the Souldiers and the cheefe of the Companies, having such, and so many prisoners as they would.

Afterward the Spanish Souldiers entred by the Breach without any resistance, for ours esteemed they would hold their faith and composition that they should have their lives saved. They entred in with a great fury to kill, pillage, and rifle all they retained: some hoping to have ransome, they tyed their stones with Arquebuse cords, which was cast over a Pike which two held upon their shoulders, then pulled the said cord with a great violence and derision, as if they would ring a Bell, telling them that they must put themselves to the ransome, and tell of what houses they were; and if they saw they could have no profit, made them cruelly dye betweene their hands, or presently after their genitall parts would have ••alne into a Gangreene, and totall mortification; but they kild them all with their Daggers, and cut their throats. See now their great cruelty and persidiousnesse, let him trust to it that will. Now to returne to my purpose being lead from the Castle to the Citty with Mon∣sieur de Martigues, there was a Gentleman of the Duke of Savoyes, who asked mee

if Monsieur de Martigues wound was curable, I answered, not; who presently went and told the Duke of Savoy; now I thought he would send Physitions and Chirur∣gions to visit and dresse my said Monsieur de Martigues: in the meane time I thought with my selfe whether I ought to make it nice and not to acknowledge my selfe a Chirurgion for feare least they should retaine mee to dresse their wounded, and in the end they would know I was the Kings Chirurgion, and that they would make me pay a great ransome. On the other side I feared, if I should not make my selfe knowne to bee a Chirurgion, and to have carefully dressed Monsieur de Martigues, they would cut my throate, so that I tooke a resolution to make it appeare to them he would not dye for want of good dressing and looking to. Soone after, see, their arrives divers gentlemen accompanied with the Physition and Chirurgion to the Emperour, and those of the said Duke of Savoy, with sixe other Chirurgions fol∣lowing the Army, to see the hurt of the said Lord of Martigues, and to know of mee how I had dressed him, and with what medicines. The Emperours Physition bid me declare the essence of the wound, and how I had drest it. Now all the assistance had a very attentive eare to know if the wound were mortall or not: I began to make a discourse that Monsieur de Martigues looking over the wall to perceive them that did undermine it, received a shot from an Arquebuse quite through the body; pre∣sently I was called to dresse him, I saw hee cast blood out of his mouth, and his wounds. Moreover he had a great difficultie of breathing, and cast out winde by the said wounds with a whistling, in so much that it would blow out a Candle, and he said he had a most sharpe pricking paine at the entrance of the Bullet. I doe be∣leeve and thinke it might bee some little peeces of bones which prickt the Lungs. When they made their Systole and Diastole, I put my finger into him; where I found the entrance of the Bullet to have broken the fourth Rib in the middle and scales of bones which the said Bullet had thrust in, and the outgoing of it had likewise bro∣ken the fift Rib with peeces of bones which had beene driven from within outward; I drew out some but not all, because they were very deepe and adherent. I put in each wound a Tent, having the head very large, tyed with a thread, least by the in∣spiration it might bee drawne into the capacity of the Thorax, which hath beene knowne by experience to the detriment of the poore wounded; for being fallen in, it cannot be taken out, which is the cause that engenders putrifaction, a thing con∣trary to nature. The said Tents were annointed with a medicine compos'd of yolks of Egges, Venice Turpentine, with a little oyle of Roses: My intention for putting the Tents was to stay the flux of blood, and to hinder that the outward ayre did not en∣ter into the breast, which might have cooled the Lungs and by consequent the heart. The said Tents were also put, to the end that issue might bee given for the blood that was spilt within the Thorax. I put upon the wound great Emplasters of Diacalcitheos in which I had relented oyle of Roses and Vinigar to the avoyding of inflammati∣on, then I put great stupes of Oxycrate, and bound him up, but not hard, to the end he might have easie respiration; that done I drew from him five porrengers of blood from the Basilicke veine of the right arme, to the end to make revulsion of the blood which runs from the wounds into the Thorax, having first taken indication from the wounded part, and cheefely his forces, considering his youth and his san∣guine temper; Hee presently after went to stoole, and by his urine and seege cast great quantity of blood. And as for the paine which he said he felt at the entrance of the Bullet which was as if he had beene pricked with a bodkin, that was because the Lungs by their motion beate against the splinters of the broken Rib. Now the Lungs are covered with a coate comming from the membrane called Pleura, inter∣weaved with nerves of the sixt conjugation from the braine, which was cause of the extreame paine he felt; likewise he he had a great difficultie of breathing, which proceeded from the blood which was spilt in the capacitie of the Thorax, and upon the Diaphragme, the principall instrument of respiration, and from the dilacerati∣on of the muscles which are betweene each Rib, which helpe also to make the expi∣ration and the inspiration; and likewise because the Lungs were torne and wounded by the Bullet, which hath caused him ever since to spit blacke and putrid blood in coughing. The Feaver seazed him soone after he was hurt, with faintings and swoo∣nings.

It seemed to mee that the said feaver proceeded from the putredinous va∣pours arising from the blood which is out of his proper vessells, which hath fallen downe, and will yet flow downe. The wound of the Lungs is growne great and will grow more great, because it is in perpetuall motion, both fleeping and waking, and is dilated and comprest to let in the aire to the heart, and cast fuliginous vapours out: by the unnaturall heate is made inflammation, then the expulsive ver∣tue is constrained to cast out by cough whatsoever is obnoxious unto it: for the Lungs cannot be purged but by coughing, & by coughing the wound is dilated, and growes greater, from whence the blood issues out in great aboundance, which blood is drawne from the heart by the veine arteriall to give them nourishment, and to the heart by the vena cava; his meate was barly broth, stewed prunes, sometimes pana∣do; his drinke was Ptisan: He could not lye but upon his backe which shewed he had a great quantity of blood spilt within the capacity of the Thorax, and being spread or spilled along the spondills, doth not so much presse the Lungs as it doth being laid on the sides or sitting.

What shall I say more, but that the said Lord Martigues since the time hee was hurt hath not reposed one houre onely, and hath alwayes cast out bloody urines and stooles. These things then Messieres considered, one can make no other prognosticke but that he will dye in a few dayes, which is to my great greefe. Having ended my discourse I drest him as I was wont; having discovered his wounds, the Physitions and other assistants presently knew the truth of what I had said.

The said Physitions having felt his pulse and knowne his forces to be almost spent, and abolished, concluded with mee that in a few dayes he would dye; and at the same instant went all toward the Lord of Savoy, where they all said, that the said Lord Martigues would dye in a short time; he answered, it were possible if hee were well drest he might escape: Then they all with one voyce said, hee had beene very well drest, and sollicited with all things necessary for the curing of his wounds, and could not be better, and that it was impossible to cure him, and that his wound was mortall of necessity. The Monsieur de Savoy shewed himselfe to bee very much discontented and wept, and asked them againe if for certaine they all held him de∣plored and remedilesse, they all answered, yes. Then a certaine Spanish impostor offered himselfe, who promised on his life that he would cure him, and if he failed to cure him, they should cut him in an hundred peeces; but he would not have any Physitions, Chirurgions or Apothecaries with him. And at the same instant the sayd Lord of Savoy told the Physitions and Chirurgions they should not in any wise goe any more to see the sayd Lord of Martigues Also he sent a Gentleman to me to forbid me upon paine of life not to touch any more the said Lord of Marti∣gues, which I promised not to doe; wherefore I was very glad, seeing he should not dye in my hands, and commanded the said impostor to dresse the said Lord of Mar∣tigues. And that he should have no other Physitions nor Chirurgions but him; he came presently to the said Lord of Martigues, who told him,

Senor Cavallero el senor Dugue me ha mandado que viniesse a curar vostra herida, yo os juro á Dios que antes de acho dias yo os haga subir a Cavallo con la lansa en puno contalque no ago que yo qúos togue, Comereis y bibereis todas comidas que fueren de vostro gusto y yo hare la dieta pro V. m. y desto os de veu aseguirar sobre de mi, yo he sanado mun hos que tenian magores heridas que la Vostra. That is to say, Lord Cavalleere, Monsieur the Duke of Savoy hath commanded me to come dresse thy wound; I sweare to thee by God, that before eight dayes I will make thee mount on horsebacke with thy Lance in thy hand, provided, that no man may touch thee but my selfe; thou shalt eate and drinke any thing thou hast a minde to, I will performe thy diet for thee, and of this thou maist be assured upon my promise, I have cured divers who have had grea∣ter wounds than thine: and the Lord replyed, God give you the grace to doe it.

He demanded of the sayd Lord a shirt and tore it in little ragges, which hee put a crosse, muttering, and murmuring certaine words over the wound; and having drest him, permitted him to eate and drinke what he would, telling him hee would observe a dyet for him, which he did, eating but six prunes and sixe bits of bread at a

meale, and drinking but beere. Notwithstanding, two dayes after, the sayd Lord of Martigues dyed; and my Spaniard, seeing of him in the agony, eclipst himselfe and got away without bidding, farewell to any body; and I beleeve if he had beene taken he had bin hang'd for his false promises, which he had made to Monsieur the Duke of Savoy, and to divers other gentlemen.

He dyed about tenne of the clocke in the morning, and after dinner, the sayd Lord of Savoy, sent Physitions and Chirurgions and his Apothecary, with a great quantity of Drogues, to embalme him; they came accompanied with divers gentle∣men and Captaines of the Army.

The Emperors Chirurgion came neere to me, and prayed me kindly to open the body; which I refused, telling him I was not worthy to carry his plaster boxe after him: he prayed me againe, which then I did for his sake, if it so liked him. I would yet againe have excused my selfe, that seeing he was not willing to embalme him, that he would give this charge to another Chirurgion of the company; he made me yet answere, that he would it should be I, and if I would not doe it, I might hereaf∣ter repent it: knowing this his affection, for feare he should not doe me any displea∣sure, I tooke the rasor and presented it to all in particular, telling them I was not well practised to doe such operations which they all refused.

The body being placed upon a table, truely I purposed to shew them that I was an Anatomist, declaring to them diverse things, which should be heere too long to recite. I began to tell all the company that I was sure the bullet had broken two ribs, and that it had past through the Lungs, and that they should finde the wound much enlarged, because they are in perpetuall motion, sleeping or waking, and by this mo∣tion the wound was the more dilacerated. Also that there was great quantity of blood spilt in the capacity of the brest, and upon the midriffe, and splinters of the broken ribbes which were beaten in at the entrance of the bullet, and the issuing forth of it, had carried out. Indeed all which I had told them was found true in the dead body.

One of the Physitions asked me, which way the blood might passe to be cast out by Vrine, being contained in the Thorax. I answeared him that there was a mani∣fest conduit, which is the Vena A••ygos, who having nourisht the ribbes, the rest of the blood descends under the Diaphragme, and on the left side is conjoyned to the emul∣gent veine, which is the way by which the matter in pleuresies and in Empiema, doe manifestly empty themselves by urine and stoole. As it is likewise seene, the pure milke of the brests of women newly brought to bed, to descend by the Mammillary Veines, and to be evacuated downewards by the necke of the wombe without being mixt with the blood. And such a thing is done (as it were by a miracle of nature) by her expulsive and sequesting vertue, which is seene by experience of two glasse ves∣sells called Mount-wine; let the one be filled with water, and the other with Claret wine, and let them be put the one upon the other, that is to say, that which shall bee filled with water, upon that which shall be filled with wine; and you shall apparent∣ly see the wine mount up to the top of the vessell quite through the water, and the water descend atraverse the wine, and goe to the bottome of the vessell without mixture of both; and if such a thing be done so exteriorly and openly to the sense of our eye, by things without life: you must beleeve the same in our understanding. That nature can make matter and blood to passe, having beene out of their vessells yea through the bones without being mingled with the good blood.

Our discourse ended, I embalmed the body, and put it into a Coffinne; after that the Emperors Chirurgion tooke me apart, and told me if I would remaine with him that he would use me very well, and that he would cloath me anew, also that I should ride on horsebacke. I thanked him very kindly for the honour he did me, and told him that I had no desire to doe service to strangers, and enemies to my Countrey; then he told mee I was a foole, and if he were prisoner as I, hee would serve the divell to get his liberty. In the end I told him flat that I would not dwell at all with him.

The Emperors Physition returned toward the sayd Lord of Savoy, where he de∣clared the cause of the death of the sayd Lord of Martigues, and told him that it was

impossible for all the men in the would to have cured him; and confirmed againe, that I had done what was necessary to be done, and prayed him to winne mee to his service, and spoke better of me than I deserved.

Having beene perswaded to take me to his service, he gave charge to one of his stewards named Monfieur du Bouchet, to tell me, if I would dwell in his service that he would use me kindly: I answered him, that I thank't him most humbly, and that I had resolved not to dwell with any stranger. This my answer being heard by the Duke of Savoy, he was somewhat in choller, and sayd, hee would send mee to the Gallies.

Monsieur de Vandeville, Governour of Gravelin, and Colonell of seaventeene En∣signes of foote, prayed him, to give me to him, to dresse him of an Vlcer which he had in his Leg this six or seaven yeares; Monsieur de Savoy told him because I was of worth, that he was content, and if I ranckled his Leg it would be ••ell done; Hee answered that if hee perceaved any thing, that hee would cause my throate to be cut.

Soone after, the said Lord of Vaudeville sent for me by fowre Germane Halber∣diers, which affrighted me much, not knowing whither they led mee, they spake no more French than I high Dutch; being arrived at his lodging, he told mee I was welcome, and that I was his; and as soone as I should have cured him of that Vl∣cer in his Leg, that he would give me leave to be gone without taking any ransome of me. I told him I was not able to pay any ransome.

Then he made his Physition and Chirurgions in ordinary to shew mee his ulce∣rated Leg; having seene and considered it, we went apart into a Chamber where I began to tell them, that the said Vlcer was annuall, not being simple but compli∣cated: that is to say, of a round figure, and scaly, having the lips hard and callous, hollow and sordid, accompanied with a great varicous veine which did perpetually feede it; besides a great tumor, and a phlegmonous distemper very painefull through the whole Leg, in a body of cholericke complexion; as the haire of his face and beard demonstrated. The method to cure it (if cured it could be) was to begin with universall things, that is, with purgation and bleeding, and with this order of dyet, that hee should not use any wine at all, nor any salt meates, or of great nourishment, chiefely these which did heat the blood: afterward the cure must begun with making divers scarifications about the Vlcer, and totally cutting away the callous edges or lips, and giving a long or a triangular figure, for the round will very hardly cure, as the Ancients have left it in writing, which is seene by ex∣perience. That done, the filth must be mundified, as also the corrupted flesh, which should be done with Vnguentum Aegyptiacum, and upon it a bolster dipt in juice of Plantaine and Nightshade and Oxycrate, and roule the Leg beginning at the foote, and finishing at the knee, not forgetting a little bolster upon the Varicous veine, to the end no superfluities should flow to the Vlcer. Moreover that he should take rest in his bed, which is commanded by Hippocrates, who saith, that those who have soare Legs should not use much standing or sitting, but lying along. And after these things done and the Vlcer well mundified, a plate of Lead rubbed with quickesilver should be applyed. See then the meanes, by which the said Lord Vaudeville might be cured of the said Vlcer; all which they found good. Then the Physition left mee with the Chirurgion, and went to the Lord Vaudeville; to tell him that he did assure him I would cure him, and told him all that I had resolved to doe, for the cure of his Vlcer: whereof hee was very joyfull. He made mee to bee called to him, and asked me if I was of the opinion that his Vlcer could be cured, and I told him, yes, provided he would be obedient to doe what he ought. He made me a promise hee would performe all things which I would appoint; and as soone as his Vlcer should be cured, he would give me liberty to returne without paying any ransome. Then I beseech't him to come to a better composition with me, telling him that the time would be too long to bee in liberty, if I stayd till hee was perfectly well, and that I hoped within fifteene dayes the Vlcer should bee diminished more than one halfe, and it should bee without paine, and that his Physitions and Chirurgions would fi∣nish the rest of the cure very easily. To which hee agreed, and then I tooke a peece

of paper, and cut it the largenesse of the Vlcer, which I gave him, and kept as much my selfe. I prayd him to keepe promise, when he should finde his businesse done: He swore by the faith of a Gentleman he would doe it; then I resolved to dresse him well, according to the method of Galen, which was, that after all strange things were taken out of the Vlcer, and that there wanted nothing but filling up with flesh, I drest him but once a day, and he found that very strange. And likewise his physition which was but a fresh man in those affaires, who would perswade mee with the Patient, to dresse him two or three times a day, I prayd him to let me doe what I thought good; and that it was not to prolong the cure, but on the contrary to hasten it, for the great desire I had to be in liberty. And that he would looke in Galen in the fourth book of the composition of medicaments secundum genera, who saith, that if a medicine doe not remaine long upon the part it profits not so much, as when it doth continue long, a thing which many Physitions have beene ignorant of, and have thought it hath beene better to change the Plaster often. And this ill custome is so inveterate and rooted, that the Patients themselves accuse oftentimes the Chirurgions of negligence, because they doe not oftner remove their empla∣sters; but they are deceived. For as you have understood and read in my workes in divers places: The qualities of all bodies which mutually touch, operate one against another, and both of them suffer something, where one of them is much stronger than the other, by meanes whereof the said qualities are united, they familiarise with the time, although they are very much differing from the manner, that the quality of the medicament doth unite, and sometimes becomes like to that of the body, which is a very profitable thing. Therefore they say, he is to be praised much who first invented not to change the Plasters so often, because it is knowne by experi∣ence, this is a good invention.

Moreover it is said, great fault is committed to dresse Vlcers often in wiping of them hard, for one takes not away onely the unprofitable excrement, which is the pu•• or Sanies of the Vlcer, but the matter whereof the flesh is engendred; wherefore for the reasons aforesaid it is not needefull to dresse Vlcers so often.

The said Lord Vaudeville, would see whether that which I alledged out of Galen were true, and commanded the said Physition to looke there, for that hee would know it; he caused the booke to be brought upon the table, where my saying was found true, and then the Physition was ashamed, and I very joyfull. So that the said Lord of Vaudeville desired not to bee dressed but once a day, in so much that within fifteene dayes the Vlcer was almost cicatrized; the composition being made betweene us, I began to be merry. He made me eate and drinke at his Table, when there was not men of more great ranke with him.

He gave me a great red sear••e, which hee commanded me to weare. I may say I was as glad of it as a dog that hath a clog, for feare he should goe into the vineyard and eate the grapes. The Physition and Chirurgion led mee through the Campe to visit their hurt people, where I tooke notice what our enemies did; I perceived they had no more peeces of Cannon, but onely twenty five or thirty peeces for the field.

Monsieur de Vaudeville held Monsieur de Bauge prisoner, the brother of Monsieur de Martigues who dyed at Hedin. The said Lord of Bauge was prisoner in the Castle of the heape of wood belonging to the Emperour, who had beene taken at Ther••∣üenne by two Spanish Souldiers. Now the said Lord of Vaudeville having looked well upon him, conceived he must be a Gentleman of some good house, and to be the better assured, he caused him to have his stockings pulled off, & seeing his stockings and his feete cleare and neate, together with his white fine socke, it confirmed him the better in his opinion, that it was a man was able to pay some good ransome. He demands of the Souldiers if they would take thirty Crownes for their prisoner, and that he would give it to them presently, to which they agreed willingly, because they had neither meanes to keepe him, nor feede him; besides they knew not his worth, therefore they delivered their prisoner into the hands of the said Lord of Vaudeville, who presently sent him to the Castle of the heape of wood with a guard of foure Souldiers with other Gentlemen prisoners of ours. The said Lord Bauge

would not discover himselfe, who hee was, and endured very much, being kept but with bread and water, and lay upon a little straw. The said Lord of Vaudeville after the taking of Hedin, sent word to the said Lord Bauge and other prisoners, that the place of Hedin was taken, and the list of those that had beene slaine, and amongst the rest, Monsieur de Martigues: and when the said Lord of Bauge heard the sound of the death of his brother the Lord Martigues, he began much to weepe and lament; his keeper demanded of him, why he made so many & sogreat lamentations? He de∣clared unto them that it was for Monsieur de Martigues his brothers sake. Having un∣derstood that, the Captaine of the Castle dispatcht a man away quickly, to tell it to Monsieur de Vaudeville that he had a good prisoner; who having received this good newes rejoyced greatly, and the next day sent me with his physition and foure Souldiers to the wood Castle to know if his prisoner would give him fifteene thou∣sand Crownes for a ransome; he would send him free to his owne house, and for the present he desired but the security of two Merchants of Antwerp, that hee would name. The said Lord Vaudeville pers vaded me that I would make his agreement with his prisoner. See then why he sent me to the woodden Castle, and comman∣ded the Captaine of the Castle to use him well, and to put him into a Chamber hung with Tap••strie, and that they should make his guard more strong, and from that time they made him good cheare at his expence.

The answer of the said Lord of Bauge was, that to put himselfe to ransome hee was not able; and that, that depended upon Monsieur d'Estamps his Vnckle, and of Mi∣strisse de Bressure his Aunt, and that he had not any meanes to pay such a ransome. I returned with my keepers to the said Lord Vaudeville, and told him the answer of his said prisoner, who told me, Perhaps he should not out at so good a rate, which was true, for he was discovered. And forthwith the Queene of Hungary, and the Duke of Savoy sent word to the Lord Vaudeville, that this morsell was too great for him, and that he must send him to them, (which he did) and that he had enough prisoners besides him: he was put to forty thousand Crownes ransome besides other expenses.

Returning toward the said Lord Vaudeville I passed by S. Omer, where I saw their great peeces of battery, whereof the greatest part was flawed and broken. I came backe also by Theroüenne, where I did not see so much as stone upon stone, un∣lesse the marke of a great Church. For the Emperour gave commandement to the country people within five or six leagues about, that they should empty and carry away the stones; in so much, that now one may drive a Cart over the Citty, as is likewise done at Hedin, without any appearance of Castle or Fortresse. See then the mischeefe which comes by the warres.

And to returne to my purpose, presently after my said Lord Vaudeville was very well of his Vlcer and little wanted of the entire cure, which was the cause hee gave me my leave, and made me be conducted with a Passeport by a Trumpet to Abbe∣ville, where I tooke post, and went and found the King Henry my Master at Au••imon, who received me with joy, and a good countenance.

He sent for the Duke of Guise the high Constable of France, and Monsieur d'Estrez, to understand by me what had past at the taking of Hedin; and I made them a faith∣full report, and assured them I had seene the great peeces of Battery, which they had carried to S. Omer. Whereof the King was very joyfull, because hee feared least the enemy should come further into France. He gave me two hundred Crownes to retire my selfe to my owne house, and I was very glad to bee in liberty and out of this great torment and noise of Thunder from the Diabolicke artillery, and farre from the Souldiers, blasphemers and deniers of God. I will not omit to tell here that after the taking of Hedin, the king was advertised that I was not slaine, but that I was a prisoner, which his Majestie caused to be written to my wife by Monsieur du Goguier his cheefe Physition, and that shee should not be in any trouble of mind for me, for that I was safe and well, and that he would pay my ransome.

The Battell of S. Quintin. 1557.

AFter the battell of S. Quintin, the King sent me to the Fere in Tartemis toward Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon, to have a Passeport by the Duke of Savoy to goe to dresse Monsieur the Constable, who was grievously hurt with a Pistollshot in the backe, whereof hee was like to dye, and remained a prisoner in his enemies hands. But the Duke of Savoy would never give consent that I should goe to the said Lord Constable, saying hee should not remaine without a Chirurgion, and that he doubted I was not sent onely to dresse him, but to give him some advertisement, and that he knew I understood something else besides Chirurgery, and that he knew me to have beene his prisoner at Hedin. Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon adver∣tized the King of the Dukes deniall, by which meanes the King writ to the said Lord of Bourdillon, that if my Lady, the Lord high Constables wife, did send any body of her house; which was an able man, that I should give him a letter, and that I should also have told him by word of mouth, what the King and Monsieur the Cardinall of Lorraine had given me in charge. Two dayes after there arrives a servant of the Lord Constables Chamber, who brought him shirts, and other linnen, for which the sayd Lord Marshall gave Passe-port, to goe to the sayd Lord Constable; I was very glad thereof, and gave him my letter, and gave him his lesson, of that which his Master should doe, being prisoner. I had thought being discharged of my embassage to returne toward the King. But the sayd Lord of Bourdillon pray'd me to stay with him at the Fere to dresse a great number of people who were hurt, and were thither retired after the battell; and that he would send word to the King, the cause of my stay; which I did. The wounds of the hurt people were greatly stin••∣king, and full of wormes with Gangreene and putrifaction; so that I was constray∣ned to come to my knife to amputate that which was spoyld, which was not without cutting off armes and legges, as also to Trepan diverse. Now there were not any medicines to be had at the F••re, because the Chirurgions of our Campe had carried all with them; I found out that the Chariot of the Artillery tarried behind at the Fere, nor had it yet beene touched. I prayd the sayd Lord Marshall that he would cause some of the drogues to be delivered unto me which were in it; which he did, and there was given to me, one halfe onely at a time▪ and five or sixe dayes after I way constrayned to take therest, neither was there halfe enough to dresse so great a number of the people, and to correct and stay the putrifaction, and to kill the wormes which were entred into their wounds; I washed them with Aeyptiacum dissolved in wine and Aqua vitae, and did for them, all which I could possible, yet not∣withstanding all my diligence, very many of them dyed.

There were Gentlemen at the Fere who had charge to finde out the dead body of Monsieur de Bois-Dolphin the elder, who had beene slaine in the battell; they prayed me to accompany them to the Campe to finde him out amongst the dead, if it were possible, which indeed was impossible; seeing that the bodyes were all disfavoured and overwhelmed with putrefaction. We saw more than halfe a league about us the earth covered with dead bodyes; neither could we abide long there, for the cadave∣rous sents, which did arise from the dead bodyes, aswell of men, as of horses. And I thinke we were the cause, that so great a number of flyes, rose from the dead bo∣dees, which were procreated by their humidity and the heate of the Sunne, having their tayles greene and blew; that being up in the ayre made a shaddow in the Sunne We heard them buzze, or humme, which was much mervaile to us. And I thinke it was enough to cause the Plague, where they alighted. (My little master) I would you had beene there as I was, to distinguish the ordures and also to make report to them which were never there. Now being cloyed and annoyed in that Countrey, I prayd Monsieur the Lord Marshall, to give me my leave to be gone, and that I was affrayd I should be sicke, by reason of my too great paines, and the stinckes which did arise from the wounded bodyes, which did almost all dye, for what diligence soever was used unto them. He made other Chirurgions, to come

finish the dressing of the sayd hurt people, and I went away with his good grace and favour. He wrote a letter to the King, of the paines I had taken with the poore wounded. Then I returned to Paris, where I found yet many Gentlemen who had beene hurt, and were there retired after the battell.

The Voyage of the Campe of Amiens, 1558.

THe King sent me to Dourlan, and made me to be conducted by Captaine Govas•• with fifty men in armes, for feare I should be taken by the enemies. And seeing that in the way we were alwayes in alarums, I caused my man to alight, making him to be my master for that time, and I got upon his horse, which carryed my male, and tooke his cloake and hat, and gave him my ambling Mare. My man being upon her backe, one would have taken him for the master, and I for the servant. Those of Dourlan seeing us farre off, thought we were enemies, and let flye their Cannon shot at us. Captaine Govas•• my conductor, made signe with his hat, that we were not e∣nemies, so that they left shooting, and we entred into Dourlan with great joy. Those of Dourlan made a sally forth, upon the enemies five or sixe dayes before, who kild and hurt diverse of our Captaines, and good souldiers; and amongst the rest Captaine S^t. Aubin valiant at the sword, whom Monsieur de Guise loved very well, and for whom chiefely the King sent me thither, who being in the fit of a quar∣taine feaver, would needes goe out to command the greatest part of his company: a Spaniard seeing him that he commanded, perceived hee was a Captaine, and shot a musket bullet quite through his necke; my Captaine Saint Aubin thought with this stroake he was dead, and with the feare (I protest to God) he lost his quartane ague, and was altogether freed from it. I dressed him with Anthony Portall Chirurgion in ordinary to the King, and divers other Souldiers: some dyed, others escaped quit with the losse of a legge, or an arme, or the losse of an eye, and they sayd they es∣caped good cheape, escape that can. When the enemie had broke their Campe, I returned to Paris. Heere I hold my peace of my little master, who was more at ease in his house than I at the Warres.

The voyage of Harbor of Grace, 1563.

YEt I will not omit to speake of the voyage of the Harbor of Grace; then when they made the approaches to plant the Artillery, the English who were within it kild some of our Souldiers, & divers Pioners, who undermined, who when they were seene to be so hurt that there was no hope of curing, their fellowes stript them & put them yet alive, in the mines, which served them for so much filling earth. The English seeing they could not withstand an assault, because they were very much attainted with diseases, and chiefely with the Plague, they yeelded, their lives and jewells saved. The King caused them to have shippes to returne to England, being glad to be out of this place infected with the Plague: the greatest part dyed, and carryed the Plague into England, and since have not yet beene exempted. Captaine Sarlabous master of the Campe, was left there in garrison, with sixe Ensignes on foote, who had no feare of the Plague, and were very joyfull to enter therein, hoping there to make good cheere. My little master had you beene there you had done as they.

The Voyage to Roüen, 1562.

NOw for the taking of Roüen they kild divers of ours before the assault, and at the assault: the day after they entred into the Citty, I Trepaned eight or nine, who were hurt at the breach with the stroakes of stones. There was so malignant an ayre, that divers dyed, yea of very small hurts, insomuch that some thought they had poysoned their bullets: those within sayd the like by us, for although they were well treated in their necessities within the Citty, yet they dyed also aswell as those without. The King of Navar was hurt in the shoulder with a bullet some sew dayes before the assault; I visited and help•• to dresse him, with his owne Chirurgion, na∣med

Master Gilbert one of the chiefe of Montpelier, and others. They could not finde the bullet, I searcht for it very exactly, I perceived by conjecture, that it was entred by the head of the Adiutorium, and that it had runne into the cavity of the sayd bone, which was the cause we could not finde it. The most part of them sayd it was entred and loft within the cavity of the body. Monsieur the Prince of the Rocke upon You, who intimately loved the King of Navarre, drew me to one side, and askt me if the wound was mortall. I told him yea, because all wounds made in great joynts, and principally contused wounds, were mortall according to all Authors who have written of them. He enquired of the others what they thought, and cheefely of the sayd Gilbert, who told him that hee had great hope that the King his master, would be cured, and the sayd Prince was very joyfull. Foure dayes after the King and the Queene mother, Monsieur the Cardinall of Bourbon his brother, Monsieur the Prince of Rocke upon Yon, Monsieur de Guise, and other great personages, after we had dressed the King of Navarre, caused a consultation to be made in their presences, where there was diverse Physitions and Chirurgions: each man sayd what seemed good unto him, and there was not one of them, who had not good hope of him; saying that the King would be cured, and I persisted alwayes on the contrary.

Monsieur the Prince of the Rocke upon Yon who loved me, withdrew me aside, and sayd I was onely against the opinion of all the rest, and prayd me not to be obstinate against so many worthy men. I answered him, that when I saw any good signes of cure, I would change my advise. Divers consultations were made, where I never changed my word, and prognosticke, such as I had made at the first dressing, and al∣wayes sayd that the arme would fall into a Gangreene, which it did, what diligence soever could be had to the contrary; and gave up his soule to God the eighteenth day of his hurt. Monsieur the Prince Vpon Yon, having heard of the death of the sayd King, sent his Physition and Chirurgion toward me, named Feure now in ordinary to the King, and to the Queene Mother, to tell me, that he would have the bullet ta∣ken out, and that it should be lookt for in what place so ever it could be found: then I was very joyfull, and told them that I was well assured to finde it quickely, which I did in their presences, and divers gentlemen. It was lodged in the very midst of the cavity of the Adiutory bone. My sayd Prince having it, shewed it to the King and the Queene, who all sayd, my prognosticke was found true. The body was layd to rest in the Castle Galliard, and I returned to Paris, where I found divers hurt men who were hurt at the breach at Roüen, and cheefely Italians, who desired me very much to dresse them, which I did willingly; there were divers that recovered; and o∣thers dyed. I beleeve (my little master) you were called to dresse some of them, for the great number there was of them.

The Voyage of the battell of Dreux 1562.

THe day after the battell given at Dreun, the King commanded me, to goe dresse Monsieur the Count of Eu, who had beene hurt with a Pistoll shot in the right thigh, neere the joynt of the hippe; which fractured and broke the Os femoris in di∣vers places, from whence divers accidents did arise, and then death, which was to my great greefe. The day after my arrivall I would goe to the field, where the bat∣tell was given, to see the dead bodyes; I saw a league about, all the earth covered, where there was by estimation five and twenty thousand men, or more. All which were dispatcht in the space of two houres. I would (my little master) for the love I beare you, that you had beene there to recount it to your schollers and to your chil∣dren. Now in the meane time while I was at Dreux I visited and drest a great num∣ber of gentlemen and poore Souldiers, & amongst the rest many Swisser Captaines, I dressed 14 in one chamber, onely all hurt with Pistoll shot, and other instruments of Diabolicall fire, and not one of the foureteene dyed. Monsieur the Count of E•• being dead, I made no long tarrying at Dreux: there came Chirurgions from Paris who performed well their duty toward the hurt people, as Pigray, Cointeret, Hubert, and others; and I returned to Paris, where I found diverse gentlemen wounded, who had retired themselves thither after the battell to be drest of their hurts.

The Voyage of the battell of Moncontor. 1569.

DVring the battell of Moncontour King Charles was at Plessei the Towers, where he neard they had wonne it; a great number of hurt gentlemen and Souldiers with drew themselves into the Citty and suburbes of Towers, to be drest and help••, where the King and Queene Mother commanded me to shew my duty with the o∣ther Chirurgions, who were then in quarter, as Pigray, du Bois, Portail, and one na∣med Siret, a Chirurgion of Towers, a man very skilfull in Chirurgery, and at that time Chirurgion to the Kings brother; and for the multitude of the wounded wee were but little in repose, nor the Physitions likewise. Count Mansfield Governer of the Duchy of Luxembourge, Knight of the King of Spaines order, was greatly hurt in the battell, in the left arme, with a Pistoll shot, which broke a great part of the joynt of the elbow, and had retired himselfe to Bourgueil neere Towers; be∣ing there he sent a gentlemen to the King, affectionately to beseech him to send one of his Chirurgions to helpe him in his hurt. Counsell was held what Chirurgion should be sent. Monsieur the Marshall of Montmorency told the King and the Queene, that it were best to send him his cheefe Chirurgion, and declared to them that the sayd Lord Mansfield was one part of the cause of winning the battell. The King sayd flat he would not that I should goe, but would have me remaine close to him. Then the Queene Mother sayd, I should but goe and come, and that he must consider it was a strange Lord, who was come from the King of Spaines side, to help and succour him. And upon this he permitted me to goe, provided that I should returne quick∣ly. After this resolution he sent for me, and likewise the Queene Mother, and commanded me to goe finde the sayd Lord Mansfield in the place, where I was to serve him in all I could, for the cure of his hurt; I went and found him, having with me a letter from their Majesties: having seene it, he received me with a good will, and from thenceforth discharged three other Chirurgions that drest him; which was to my great greefe, because his hurt seemed to me uncureable. Now at Bourgueil there were retired divers gentlmen, who had beene hurt at the sayd battell, knowing that Mounsieur de Guise was there, who had beene also very much hurt with a Pistoll shot through one legge, well assured that he would have good Chirurgions to dresse him, and also that hee being kind and liberall, would assist them with a great part of their necessities. And for my part, I did helpe and ayd them in my Art as much as it was possible; some dyed, some recovered, according to their hurts. The Count Rin∣grave died, who had such a shot in the shoulder, as the King of Navarro before Roüen, Monsieure de Bassompiere Colonell of twelve hundred horse, was hurt also in such a like place as Count Mansfield, whom I drest and God cured. God so well blessed my worke that within three weekes I led him back to Paris, where I must yet make some incisions in the arme of the sayd Lord Mansfield, to draw out the bones which were greatly broken and caries'd, he was cured by the grace of God, and gave me an ho∣nest reward, so that I was well contented with him and he with me, as he hath since made it appeare: he writ a letter to the Duke of Ascot how that he was cured of his hurt, and also Monsieur de Bassompiere of his, and divers others, which I had dress'•• after the battell of Montcontour, and counselled him to beseech the King of France my good master, to give me leave to goe see Monsieur the Marquesse of Auret his brother.

Voyage of Flanders.

MOnsieur the Duke of Ascot did not faile to send a Gentleman to the King with a letter, humbly to beseech him to doe him so much good and honour, as to permit and command his cheefe Chirurgion to come see the Marquesse of Auret his brother; who had received a Musket shot neare the knee, with fracture of the bone, about seaven monthes since, with the Physitions and Chirurgions in those parts were much troubled to cure. The King sent for me, and commanded me to goe see the said Lord Auret, and to helpe him in all that I could for the cure of his hurt; I told him I would imploy all that little knowledge which it had pleased God to give me. I went then conducted by two Gentlemen to the Castle of Auret, which is a league and a halfe from Mounts in Hainaut, where the said Marquesse was: as soone as I arrived I visited him, and told him the King had commanded me to come see him, and to dresse him of his hurt; he told me he was glad of my comming, and was much bound to the King to have done him the honour, to have sent me to him. I found him in a great Feaver, his eyes very much sunke, with a countenance gastly and yellow, his tongue drie and rough, and all the body emaciated and leane, his speech low like that of a dying man: then I found his thigh much swelled, apo∣stemated, ulcerated, and casting out a greene stinking matter; I searcht it with a silver probe, and by the same I found a cavity neare the groyne, ending in the mid∣dle of the thigh, and others about the knee, sauious and cuniculous; also certaine scales of bones some separated, others not. The Legge was much tumified, and soaked with a pituitous humor, cold, moist, and flatulent; in so much that the natu∣rall heate was in the way to be suffocated, and extinguished, and the said Legge croo∣ked and retracted toward the buttockes, his rumpe ulcerated the breadth of the palme of an hand, and he said he felt there a great paine and smarting, and likewise in his reines, inso much that hee could not take any rest night or day; neither had hee any appetite to eate, but to drinke enough; it was told mee hee fell often into faintings and swoonings, and sometimes as it were into an Epilepsie, and had often-times desire to vomit, with such a trembling that hee could not carry his hands to his mouth. Seeing and considering all these great accidents, and the forces much abated; truly I was much grieved to have gone to him, because me thought there was little appearance that he could escape. Notwithstanding to give him courage and good hope, I told him, that I would quickly set him on foote by the grace of God, and the Physitions and Chirurgions helpe. Having seene him, I went a walk∣ing into a Garden, where I prayed to God that hee would give me the grace to cure him, and that hee would give a blessing to our hands, and medicaments, to com∣bate against so many complicated maladies. I bethought in my minde the wayes I must keepe to doe it. They called mee to dinner, I entred into the kitehin where I saw taken out of a great pot, halfe, a Mutton, a quarter of Veale, three great peeces of Beefe, and two Pullets, and a great peece of Bacon, with great store of good Hearbes. Then I said to my selfe this broth was full of juice, and of good nourish∣ment; After dinner all the Physitions and Chirurgions assembled, we entred into conference in the presence of Monsieur the Duke of Ascot, and some Gentlemen that did accompany him; I began to tell the Chirurgions that I mervailed much they had made no apertions in the Marquesses thigh; which was all apostema∣ted, and the matter which issued out was very foule and stinking, which shewed it had a long time lurked there, and that I had found with my probe a Caries in the bone, and small scales which were already separated; they made mee answer, hee would never give consent, and likewise it was almost two monthes since they could winne him to put on cleane sheets on his bed, neither dust one scarce touch the cover∣let, he feelt so great paine. Then said I, for to cure him, we must touch other things than the coverlet of the bed. Each one said what hee thought best of the Lords greefe, and for conclusion held it altogether deplorable. I told them there was yet some hope, because of his youth, and that God and nature doe sometime such things which seeme to Physitions and Chirurgions to bee impossible. My consultation

was, that all these accidents were come by reason of the bullet hitting neare the joynt of the knee, which had broken the Ligaments, tendons, and aponeureses of the muscles which tye the sayd joynt together with the Os femoris; also nerves, veines, and arteries from whence had followed paine, inflammation, aposteme and ulcer: and that wee must begin the cure by the disease, which was the cause of all the sayd accidents, that is to say, to make apertions to give issue to the matter reteined in the interspaces of the muscles, and in the sub∣stance of them: Likewise to the bones which caused a great corruption in the whole thigh, from whence the vapors did arise and were carryed to the heart, which caused the sincope, and the feaver; and the feaver an universall heate through the whole body; and by consequent, depravation of the whole Occonomie; Like-wise that the said vapours were communicated to the braine, which caused the Epi∣lipsie, and trembling, and to the stomacke disdaine and loathing, and hindred it from doing his functions, which are cheefely to concoct and disgest the meate, and to convert it into Chylu••; which not being well concocted, they ingender crudities and obstructions, which makes that the parts are not nourished, and by consequent the body dryes, and growes leane; and because also it did not doe any exercise, for every part which hath not his motion remaineth languid, and atrophiated, be∣cause the heate & spirits are not sent or drawne thither, from whence followes mor∣tification. And to nourish and fatten the body, frictions must be made universally through the whole body, with warme linnen cloathes, above, below, on the right side, and left, and round about: to the end to draw the blood and spirits from with∣in outward, and to resolve any fuliginous vapours retained betweene the skinne, and the flesh; thereby the parts shall be nourished and restored, (as I have hereto∣fore sayd in the tenth booke treating of wounds of Gunshot) and wee must then cease when we see heate and rednesse in the skinne, for feare of resolving that wee have already drawne, and by consequent make it become more leane. As for the Vlcer which he had upon his rumpe, which came through too long lying upon it without being remooved, which was the cause that the spirits could not florish or shine in it; by the meanes of which there should bee inflammation, aposteme and then ulcer, yea with losse of substance of the subject flesh, with a very great paine; because of the nerves which are disseminated in this part. That wee must likewise put him into another soft bed, and give him a cleane shirt, and sheets; otherwise all that wee could doe would serve for nothing, because that those excrements and vapors of the matter retained so long in his bed, are drawne in by the Systole and Diastole of the Arteries which are disseminated through the skin, and cause the spirits to change and acquire an ill quality and corruption, which is seene in some that shall lye in a bed where one hath sweate for the Pox, who will get the Pox by the putrid vapours which shall remaine soaked in the sheets and coverlets. Now the cause why he could in no wise sleepe, and was as it were in a consumption, t'was because he eate little, and did not doe any exercise, and because hee was grieved with extreame paine. For there is nothing that abateth so much the strength as paine. The cause why his tongue was dry and fowle, was through the vehemence of the heate of the feaver, by the vapors which ascended through the whole body to the mouth. For as we say in a common proverbe, when an Oven is well heate, the throate feeles it. Having discoursed of the causes and accidents, I sayd they must be cured by their contraries, and first we must appease the paine, making apertions in the thigh to evacuate the matter retained, not evacuating all at a time for feare least by a sodaine great evacuation there might happen a great decay of spirits, which might much weaken the patient and shorten his dayes. Secondly, to looke unto the great swelling and cold in his Legge, fearing least it should fall into a Gan∣greene; and that actuall heate must bee applyed unto him because the potentiall could not reduce the intemperature, de potenti•• ad actum; for this cause hot brickes must bee applyed round about, on which should bee cast a decoction of nervall hearbes boyled in wine and Vinegar, then wrapt up in some napkin, and to the feete an earthen bottle filled with the sayd decoction, stopt and wrapt up with some linnen clothes; also that somentations much be made upon the thigh, and the whole

Legge, of a decoction made of Sage, Rosemary, Time, Lavender, flowers of Camo∣mile, melilot, and red Roses boyled in white wine, and a Lixivium made with oake ashes with a little Vinegar, and halfe an handfull of salt. This decoction hath ver∣tue to attenuate, incise, resolve and drye the grosse viscous humor. The sayd fo∣mentations must bee used a long while, to the end there may bee a greater resolu∣tion; for being so done a long time together, more is resolved than attracted, be∣cause the humor contained in the part is liquified, the skin and the flesh of the mus∣cles is ratified. Thirdly, that there must be applyed upon the rumpe a great empla∣ster made of the red desiccative and Vnguentum Comitissae of each equall parts incor∣porated together, to the end to appease his paine and dry up the Vlcer, also to make him a little downe pillow which might beare his rumpe aloft without leaning upon it. Fourthly to refresh the heate of his kidneys one should apply the unguent cal∣led Refrigerans Galeni freshly made, and upon that the leaves of water Lillies. Then a napkin dipt in Oxycrate, wrung out and often renewed: and for the corroboration and strengthning of his heart a refreshing medicine should bee applyed made with oyle of nenuphar, and unguent of Roses and a little saffron dissolved in Rose Vine∣gar, and Treakle spread upon a peece of Scarlet: For the Sincope which proceded from the debilitation of the naturall strength troubling the braine. Also he must use good nourishment full of juice, as rere egges, Damaske prunes stewed in wine and sugar, also Panado made with the broth of the great pot (of which I have alrea∣dy spoken) with the white fleshy parts of Capons, and Partridge wings minced small, and other rostmeate easie of disgestion, as Veale, Goate, Pigeon, Partridge, and the like. The sauce should be Orenges, Verjuice, Sorrell, sharpe Pomegranets; and that he should likewise eate of them boyled with good hearbes; as Sorrell, Let∣tice, Purslan, Succory, Boglosse, Marygolds, and other the like. At night hee might use cleansed barley with juice of Nenuphar and Sorrell, of each two ounces, with five or six graines of Opium and of the foure cold seedes bruised, of each halfe an ounce, which is a remedy nourishing and medicinall, which will provoke him to sleepe: that his bread should be of Meslin, neither too new nor too stale; and for the great paine of his head, his haire must be cut, and rub his head with Oxirrhodi∣num luke warme, and leave a double cloth wet therein upon it; likewise should be made for him a frontall of oyle of Roses, Nenuphar, Poppies, and a little opium and Rose Vinegar, and a little Campher and to renew it sometimes. Moreover one should cause him to smell to the flowers of Henbane and Nenuphar bruised with Vi∣niger Rosewater, and a little campher wrapped in a handkercher, which shall be of∣ten and a long time held to his nose to the end that the smell may be communicated to the braine, and these things to be continned till that the great inflammation and paine be past, for feare of cooling the braine too much. Besides, one may cause it to raine artificially in powring downe from some high place into a kettle, and that it make such a noyse that the patient may heare it, by these meanes sleepe shall bee provoked on him. And as for the retraction of his Legge that there was hope to redresse it, when evacuation was made of the matter and other humors contained in the thigh, which by their extention (made by repletion) have drawne backe the Leg, which might be remedied in rubbing the whole joynt of the knee with Vnguen∣tum Dialth••a and oyle of Lillies, and a little aqu•• vitae, and upon it to be laid, blacke wooll with the grease thereof. Likewise putting in the hamme a feather-pillow foul∣ded in double, and by little and little to make his Leg to stretch out. All which my discourse was well approoved of by the Physitions and Chirurgions: the consultation ended wee went to the sicke patient, and I made him three apertions in his thigh, from whence issued out great quantity of matter and Sanies; and at the same time I drew out some scales of bones, nor would I let out too much aboundance of the said matter for feare of too much decaying his strength: Then two or three houres after I caused a bed to bee made neare his owne, where there were cleane white sheets then a strong man lifted him into it, and rejoyced much in that hee was taken out of his foule stinking bed. Soone after hee demanded to sleepe, which hee did al∣most foure houres, where all the people of the house began to rejoyce, cheefely Monsieur the Duke of Ascot his brother.

The dayes following I made injections into the bottome and cavities of the Vlcer, made with Aegyptiacum, dissolved sometimes in aqu•• vitae, and sometimes in wine. I applyed to mundifie and dry the spongie and loose flesh, bolsters, at the bottome of the sinuosityes hollow tents of Lead, that the Sanies might have passage out; and up∣on it a great Emplaster of Diacalcitheos dissolved in wine: likewise I did rowle it with such dexterity, that he had no paine, which being appea••ed the fever began much to diminish. Then I made him drinke wine moderately allayed with water, knowing that it restores and quickens the spirits: and all the things which we rested on in the consultation were accomplisht, according to time, and order; and his paines and fever ceased, he began to grow better, and discharged two of his Chirurgions, and one of his Physitions, so that we were but three with him. Now I remained thereabout two monethes, which was not without seeing divers sicke people, as well rich as poore which came to me three or foure leagues about. They gave meate and drinke to the needy, all which he recommended to me, and prayed me also for his sake to helpe them. I protest I did not refuse any one, and did to them what I possibly could, whereof he was joyfull. Then when I saw he began to mend, I told him hee must have a consort of Violons & a jester to make him merry, which he did: in one moneth we so wrought, that he could hold himselfe up in a chaire, and made himselfe to be carried and walke in his garden, and at the gate of his Castle to see the people passe by. The Countrey people of two or three leagues about, knowing they could see him, came the feast day male and female, to sing and dance pell mell, in joy of his amendment, allbeing very glad to see him, which was not done without good laugh∣ing and drinking. He caus'd still a barrell of beere to be given them, and they dranke all merrily to his good health. And the Cittizens of Mont Hainaut and other gentle∣men neighbours came to see him in admiration, as a man coming from the tombe. And as soone as he began to mend, he was not without company, and as one went out another came in, to visite him: his table was alwayes well covered. Hee was greatly loved of the Nobility, and of the common people, as well for his liberality as by reason of his beauty, and honesty, having a pleasant looke and a gracious speech, insomuch that those that beheld his face were constrained to love him. The cheefe of the Citty of Monts came on Saturday to beseech him to permit mee to goe to Monts, where they had a great desire to feast, and make me good cheere for his sake. He told them he would pray me to goe there, which he did. But I made them an∣swere that they should not doe me so much honour, as also that they could not give me better cheere than I had with him. And he prayed mee againe affectionately to goe thither, and that I should doe that for his sake, to which I agreed. The day af∣ter they fetcht me with two Coaches, and being arrived at Monts we found the din∣ner ready, and the cheefe of the Citty with their wives, stayed for mee with a good will. We went to the Table and they placed me at the upper end, and dranke all to me, and to the health of Monsieur D'auret, saying that he was very happy, and they likewise to have obtained me to take him in hand, for that they knew that in this com∣pany, he was greatly honoured and loved. After dinner they led mee backe to the Castle of Auret, where Monsieur the Marquesse stayd for me with great expectation to recount unto him, what we had done in our banquet, I told him that all the com∣pany had dranke divers times to his health in 6 weekes he began to uphold himselfe a little with crutches, and to grow very fat and get a lively naturall colour. Now he had a desire to goe to Beaumont which is the dwelling place of Monsieur the Duke of Ascot, and made himselfe be carried in a great chaire with eight men by turnes, and the Country folkes where we passed along, knowing 'twas Monsieur the Marquesse fought and strove together who should carry him, and constrained us to drinke, but it was but Beere, but I beleeve had it beene Wine or Hippocras they would have given it us with a very good will, so much did they shew themselves joyfull to see the sayd Marquesse, and prayd all to God for him. Being arrived at Beaumont all the people came before us to doe him reverence, and prayed God to blesse him, and keepe him in good health. We entred into the Castle where there was more than 50 gentlemen which the Duke of Ascot had sent for to come make good cheere with his brother, who kept his table furnisht three dayes together. After dinner the

gentlemen runne at the Ring, playd at Foyles, and rejoyced greatly to see Monsieur Auret, because they had heard he would never come out of his bed againe, or be cu∣red of his hurt. I was alwayes at the upper end of the table, where every one draul•••• ••arouses to him, & me, thinking to make me foxt, which they could not do: for I drank but according to my old custome. A few dayes after wee returned backe and tooke leave of Madam the Dutchesse of Ascot, who tooke a Diamond ring from her finger which she gave me, acknowledging I had very well drest her brother; which Dia∣mond was more worth than fifty Crownes. Monsieur Auret grew still better and bet∣ter, and walked all alone round about his garden with crutches. I beg'd leave of him divers times, to come away to Paris, declaring that his Physition, and Chirurgion, would well doe the rest that remained, for the cure of his greefe. And now to begin a little to estrange my selfe from him, I prayd him to give me leave to goe see the Citty of Antwerp, which he willingly accorded to: and commanded his Steward to conduct me thither accompanied with two Pages: we passed through Malign••s and Bruxelle, where the cheefe of the Citty prayed the sayd Steward, that at our returne they might heare of it; and that they had a great desire to feast me, as they of Monts had done. I thank't them most kindly, and told them that I was not worthy of such honour; I was two dayes and a halfe to see the Citty of Antwerp, where some Mer∣chants knowing the Steward, prayd him to doe them the honour, that they might be∣stow a dinner or supper upon us. There was striving who should have us, and were all very joyfull to heare of the good health of the Marquesse of Auret, doing me more honour than I expected. To conclude, we came backe to the Marquesse ma∣king good cheere, and within five or sixe dayes I asked my leave of him, which he granted with great greefe, and gave me an honest Present, and of great valew, and made me be conducted by the sayd master of his house and two Pages, even to my house at Paris.

I have forgot to tell you, that the Spaniards have since ruined, and demolisht his Castle of Auret, sack't, pillag'd, rifled and burnt all the houses, and Villages belong∣ing unto him, because he would not be of their side, in the slaughters and ruines of the Low Countryes.

The Voyage of Bourges, 1562.

THe King with his Campe remained not long at Bourges, but those within yeeld∣ed it up, and went out with their jewells saved. I know nothing worthy of me∣mory, but that a Boy of the Kings privie kitchin, who being neere the walls of the Citty before the composition was made, cryed with a loud voyce, Huguenot, hugue∣not; shoot heere, shoote heere, having his armes lifted up, and his hand stretched out; a souldier shot his hand quite through with a bullet: having received his stroake, he came and found me out to dresse him. My Lord high Constable, seeing the Boy to have his hand all bloody, and all rent and torne; demanded of him who had hurt him. Then there was a gentleman who saw the shot made, sayd it was well bestow'd because he cried, Huguenot, shoot here, shoot here. Then the sayd Lord Constable sayd this Huguenot was a good musketiere, and bare a pittifull mind, for it was very like∣ly if he would have shot at his head, he might have done it more easily than in the hand. I dress'd the sayd Cooke who was very sicke, but at length was cured, but with lamenesse of his hand, and ever since his companions call him Huguenot; he is living.

The battell of Saint De••is, 1567.

ANd as for the battell of Saint Denis, there were divers slaine aswell on one side as on the other: ours being hurt, went backe to Paris to be dressed together with the Prisoners who were taken, whereof I dressed a great part. The King commanded me by the request of the Lady high Constable, to goe to her house to dresse my Lord, who had received a Pistoll shot in the middle of the spondills of his backe, whereby he presently lost all sence and motion of thighes and legges, with retention

of excrements, not being able to cast out his Vrine, nor anything by the fundament, because that the spinall marrow, (from whence proceede the sinewes to give sense and motion to the inferiour parts,) was bruised, broken, and torne by the ve∣hemence of the bullet. He likewise loft his reason, and understanding, and in a few dayes he dyed. The Chirurgions of Paris were a long time troubled to dresse the sayd wounded people, I beleeve (my little master) that you saw some of them. I beseech the great God of Victories, that we may never be imployed in such evill en∣counters, and disasters.

The voyage of Bayonne, 1564.

NOw I say moreover, what I did in the voyage with the King to Bayonne, where we have beene two yeares and more to compasse all this Kingdome, where in divers Citties and Villages I have beene called into consultations for divers diseases, with the deceased Monsieur Chaplaine cheefe Phisition to the King, and Monsieur Chastellan cheefe to the Queene Mother, a man of great honour and knowledge in Physicke and Chirurgery: making this voyage I was alwayes inquisitive of the Chi∣rurgions if they had marked any rare thing of remarke in their practice, to the end to learne some new thing. Being at Bayonne there happened two things of remarke for the young Chirurgions. The first was, that I drest a Spanish Gentleman, who had a greevous great impostume in his throate: he came to have beene touched by the deceased King Charles for the Evill. I made incision in his Aposteme, where there was found great quantity of creeping wormes as bigge as the point of a spindle, ha∣ving a blacke head; and there was great quantity of rotten flesh. Moreover there was under his tongue an impostume called ••anula, which hindred him to utter forth his words, and to eate and swallow his meate: he pray'd mee with his held up hands to open it for him if it could be done without perill of his person, which I immedi∣atly did, and found under my Lancet a solid body, which was five stones like those which are drawne from the bladder. The greatest was as big as an Almond and the other like little long Beanes, which were five in number; in this aposteme was con∣tained a slimy humor of a yellow colour which was more than foure spoonefulls; I left him in the hands of a Chirurgion of the Citty to finish the cure.

Monsieur de Fontaine Knight of the Kings Order, had a great continuall pestilent Feaver, accompanyed with divers Carboneles in divers parts of his body, who was two dayes without ceasing to bleed at nose, nor could it be stancht; and by that meanes the feaver ceased with a very great sweat, and soone after the Charboncles ripened and were by me dressed and by the grace of God cured.

I have publisht this Apologie to the end that each man may know, with what foot I have alwayes marched, and I thinke there is not any man so ticklish, which taketh not in good part what I have said, seeing my discourse is true, and that the effect sheweth the thing to the eye, reason being my warrant against all Calumnies.

The end of the Apologie and Voyages.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Of what the Adversary ac∣cuseth the Au∣thor.
• * 1.2

  The words of the Adversary.
• * 1.3

  The Authors answere.
• * 1.4

  In the booke of Fistulaes of the fundament in the 3 chap. 5. booke 4. leafe. 2. Treatise chap. 17. Treatise 3. doct. 1. chap. 3
• * 1.5

  In the 3 book chap. 4. of the matter of Chi∣rurgery. Wounds chap. 12. In the 26 chap. of the 5 book.
• * 1.6

  In the 4 ch. of the 3 booke. In the book 〈◊〉〈◊〉 treatise.
• * 1.7

  In the 12. chap. of the 2. booke.
• * 1.8

  In the 4 treat. 11 chap. 1. booke.
• * 1.9

  In the first booke 1 secti∣on 3. chap. 16. page 5 upon the ••8. ch. of the booke of Paul.
• * 1.10

  In the book 2. ch. of Angealo∣gie, lea••e. 76. In the booke 1 ch. of stiches.
• * 1.11

  In the chapter of burning, 2 booke lea••e 2••6. In the first booke leafe the 5.
• * 1.12

  Galen in 4. booke of the Meth. and in the booke of Art of Hippocrates Apho. the 6. booke 1. In the booke of ••rte 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.13

  Of what the esch••r is made.
• * 1.14

  In the 5 book of his Meth.
• * 1.15

  Words of the adversary.
• * 1.16

  Proposition of the Adver∣sary.
• * 1.17

  In the 5, booke ch. 26, and in the 7 booke ch. 33••
• * 1.18

  In the ch. of cutting booke the 2.
• * 1.19

  A notable history.
• * 1.20

  The operation of Charbonell.
• * 1.21

  In the 7, sen∣tence of the booke of Vl∣cers.
• * 1.22

  Another hi∣story.
• * 1.23

  Operation done by Vi∣ard.
• * 1.24

  Gangreene happening by an antecedent cause.
• * 1.25

  Operation done Guilles meau.
• * 1.26

  Operation done by the Author.
• * 1.27

  Another operation.
• * 1.28

  Booke the 6. Chap. 4 and 5 booke 2. chap. 4. booke 3, ch. 9, section 7.
• * 1.29

  In the 2. booke of the chap. of Hypospatisme, booke 14, ch. last, of the Meth. In the 4. chap. of the 16. booke of my worke. Booke 6 chap. 7, Booke 2, chap. 5.
• * 1.30

  In the 2, book chap. of Peri∣scythisme.
• * 1.31

  In the 26. ch. of the 9. book of my workes.
• * 1.32

  Book 6. chap. 44. booke 2, chap. 3. booke 3. chap. 22.
• * 1.33

  Guide of Ca••∣liac the 2, trea∣tise. Doct. 1. chap. 1. Booke 7. chap 10. booke 6. chap 46, book 2, chap. 47.
• * 1.34

  In the first booke, chap. 29, & 30. also in booke 2, chap. 32. Booke 6, chap. 47, and 48. In the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, book chap. 1, De internes mor∣bis. Booke 1. chap. 33. book 3, sect. 2, chap. 89. booke the 6, chap. 50. In the 3. book 12. chap. 6, 7.
• * 1.35

  In the 7. book chap. 25. book 6, chap. 76. book 2, chap, 72, upon the sentence 49. of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 secti∣on of the book of Arts.
• * 1.36

  Sentence the 22, and 23, of the 3 section of the booke of the joynts, chap. 1••. of the 15. booke.
• * 1.37

  A faire simi∣litude.
• * 1.38

  The retiring of the ene∣mies.
• * 1.39

  History.
• * 1.40

  Brave answere of the Soul∣diers.
• * 1.41

  Exemplary punishment.
• * 1.42

  Counsell of De Vigo.
• * 1.43

  Experience of a bold man happy successe
• * 1.44

  Receipt of an excellent balme for wounds with Gunshot.
• * 1.45

  Witnesse of the dexterity of the Author.
• * 1.46

  The death of Marshall Montian.
• * 1.47

  The English retire.
• * 1.48

  Dances of the Countrey Wenches.
• * 1.49

  Wrastlers; lit∣tle Brittan & good wrast∣ler.
• * 1.50

  The little Brittan kild.
• * 1.51

  The body o∣pened by the Author.
• * 1.52

  Addresse of the Author.
• * 1.53

  History.
• * 1.54

  The hurt of Monsieur de Guise.
• * 1.55

  History.
• * 1.56

  Charity of the Author.
• * 1.57

  Another History.
• * 1.58

  What it is to reveale the se∣crets of Prin∣ces.
• * 1.59

  The King of Navarre pray∣ed the Author to follow him.
• * 1.60

  History of desperate people.
• * 1.61

  The taking of Castle of Compt.
• * 1.62

  The names of the Princes who were at the seige of Meth.
• * 1.63

  Nota.
• * 1.64

  Commission of the Author.
• * 1.65

  History.
• * 1.66

  The hurt of Monsieur de Pienne, tre∣pand and cu∣red.
• * 1.67

  Princes carri∣ed the Baskets.
• * 1.68

  Breach.