The history of the vvarres betvveene the Turkes and the Persians. Written in Italian by Iohn-Thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by Abraham Hartvvell. Containing the description of all such matters, as pertaine to the religion, to the forces to the gouernement, and to the countries of the kingdome of the Persians. Together with the argument of euery booke, & a new geographicall mappe of all those territories. A table contayning a declaration aswell of diuerse new and barbarous names and termes vsed in this history, as also how they were called in auncient times. And last of all, a letter of the authors, wherein is discoursed, what cittie it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this history

About this Item

Title
The history of the vvarres betvveene the Turkes and the Persians. Written in Italian by Iohn-Thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by Abraham Hartvvell. Containing the description of all such matters, as pertaine to the religion, to the forces to the gouernement, and to the countries of the kingdome of the Persians. Together with the argument of euery booke, & a new geographicall mappe of all those territories. A table contayning a declaration aswell of diuerse new and barbarous names and termes vsed in this history, as also how they were called in auncient times. And last of all, a letter of the authors, wherein is discoursed, what cittie it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this history
Author
Minadoi, Giovanni Tommaso, 1545-1618.
Publication
Imprinted at London :: By [John Windet for] Iohn Wolfe,
1595.
Rights/Permissions

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.textcreationpartnership.org/ for more information.

Subject terms
Turkey -- History -- Wars with Persia, 1576-1639 -- Early works to 1800.
Iran -- History -- 16th-18th centuries -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A07559.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The history of the vvarres betvveene the Turkes and the Persians. Written in Italian by Iohn-Thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by Abraham Hartvvell. Containing the description of all such matters, as pertaine to the religion, to the forces to the gouernement, and to the countries of the kingdome of the Persians. Together with the argument of euery booke, & a new geographicall mappe of all those territories. A table contayning a declaration aswell of diuerse new and barbarous names and termes vsed in this history, as also how they were called in auncient times. And last of all, a letter of the authors, wherein is discoursed, what cittie it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this history." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A07559.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

Pages

Page [unnumbered]

The Second Booke. (Book 2)

The Argument.

The birth of Mahamet and his proceedinges.

The Testament and Death of Mahamet.

The Originall of the Persian and Turkish Sectes.

The errors of Iouius and others, touching the Originall of the Name of Soffito or Soffi.

The encrease of the Persian kingdome.

The Geographicall description of the kingdome of the Persians, first vni∣uersally and then particularly.

The Geographicall description of Georgia.

The Historiography of them both.

The Orders of Dignities or Offices in the Persian Religion.

The Orders of Dignities or Offices in the Persian gouernement.

The Persian Souldiers.

The Armes and weapons of the Persian Souldiers.

Their horses: and the manner of Ordering their Armies.

The Surueigh of the Persian Armies.

The reuenues of that kingdome.

The Epenses of the same.

The causes of the declination of that Empyre.

Certaine aduertisementes of the Author to the Reado••••.

(Book 2)

Page 39

THE SECOND BOOKE. (Book 2)

MAhamet, or (as some call him) Ma∣homet was borne in the yeare of our saluation 593. or (as others write) 567. of Abdalla, the son of Abdel Mu∣talep, who had also an other son cal∣led Abutalep, father to Aly, all of them among the Arabians of a very base and poore estate: which Maha∣met by good hap being married to Cadige, (or as some * 1.1 terme her) Hadige, a woman of noble parentage and no∣table wealth, & by her hauing had a daughter called Fat∣time, who afterward was the wyfe of the aforesayd Aly, departed into Egypt, with rich wares and important mer∣chandises, where withall his wife had furnished him. And being ambitious to know many thinges, and to fit his hu∣mour, which he perceaued in himselfe to bee giuen to matters of fame and of glorious report, hee entred into strict familiarity with one Sergio, a fugitiue of Christen∣dome, * 1.2 of whome learning many particulars of the holy testament, he disgested them in his mind, & was in good hope by meanes of the great authority, that he had alrea∣dy purchased at home with his fortunate mariage, to cause the simple people there to belieue him of his owne credite, and thereupon perswaded himselfe, or rather was confirmed in the wicked opinion which he had concea∣ued, that he might vsurpe the name of a Prophet or Di∣uine. And so being assisted by dyuerse lewd and vngod∣ly persons, he began to giue out the report that he was a worker of miracles and a fauourite of God himselfe, and

Page 40

besides the counterfeting of a cloude, which (as Sergio & * 1.3 other fautors of his shamelesse lyes most falsly feyned) did continually couer him, he made a shew to the world of dissembled abstinence, hipocriticall solitarines, & am∣bitious contempt of wordly riches, inuenting also cer∣taine superstitious prayers, and false visitations of an An∣gell, and to be short a number of other lying and enor∣mous miracles. By meanes of all which thinges hauing gotten the credite to be a deuout person, a Saynt, a Pro∣phete, (being assisted by the temporall authority which he had obteyned with his riches and his wiues kinred) he made that fickle & miserable nation subiect to his wicked law: and among other filthy and vnrighteous orders, which are scattered in the Alcoran, and other bookes of * 1.4 treacherous inuntion, this was most singular, which he imposed vnto them touching the manner of praying, co∣uering all his wickednes with an honorable kynd of pray∣er, made to that one God, whom this people being but lately reuolted to these idolles and monstrous lyes did little vnderstand. This prayer he appointed should bee * 1.5 thus. In the name of the religious & mercifull God. Praised be the soueraign Lord of the worlds, the pittifull, the mercifull, the Lord of the day of iudgement. Thee we serue: from thee we looke for helpe: shew vnto vs the right way, that which thou hast she∣wed to the prophets, not that, for which thou art angry with the wicked, Amen. And cōmanded that it should be said fiue tymes a day, namely, in the morning, at noone, at Eue∣ning, at night, and at two of the clocke after midnight: & that in saying thereof this order following should be pre∣cisely obserued. The Fachi, that is to say, he that hath the charge of the ceremonies, being somewhat before all the rest, when they are assembled together, prescribeth vnto

Page 41

them all, the manner and pronuntiation of the praier, not only by falling downe flat vpon the ground with his face and raysing himselfe vp againe, but also by singing and crying out himselfe, causing all the rest euen as it were in the same moment to doo the like. Mahamet was the man, that where soeuer he was himselfe, performed the office of * 1.6 Fachi: & all those that in other places did order the prai∣ers did represent Mahamet, though indeed they were farre inferiour vnto him. For he was the cheefe man not onely in the Church (which they call Moschea,) but also in the Court of iudgement: so that he had both temporall & spirituall authority, (as we may say,) if so be it be lawfull to such impure and fifthy institutions to apply the religi∣ous and holy tearmes which are proper to our most pure & sacred profession. The others were cheefe in the Mos∣chea, but yet were subiect and obedient to their Gouer∣nor and king: so that at this day besides the king, the Bassa, and the Sangiaceo, which are the Temporall Magistrates in the court, there are the Musti, the Fachi, & such like, which are the principall ministers in the Moschea, and in the law.

By meanes of these leaud Institutions, the filthy and leacherous wretch, hauing obtained the name of a Wise man and a Prophet, persuaded his wife Cadige, by whome he had gotten all his state and wealth, that by the com∣maundement of God, it was necessary for him to marry with eight other women, meaning vnder the colour of a diuine Oracle to satisfy his beastly lustes. His credulous wife graunted vnto him that which hee required at her handes, and so in profane uptialles hee satisfied his vn∣cleane * 1.7 desires with eight other wiues or Concubines: a∣mong whom of greatest accompt were Aisse the daugh∣ter

Page 42

of Abubacher, Ofesa the daughter of Omar, and Fara the daughter of Ottom •••• by whose meanes he assured his temporall authority ouer the people, and soundly rooted his new inuentions in their minds. But (as it is the proper∣ty of all flesh) at the last he was brought to his end in the sixty & third yeare, or (as some say) in the sixtieth yeare of his age, hauing raigned about thirty, or (as others write,) * 1.8 about fiue and twenty yeares: and whiles he was sicke, to the end that his treacherous orders should not cease, but specially that his new-deuised maner of prayer should not be left, he appointed Abubacher his second father in * 1.9 law, for him and in his steed to keepe the first and chiefe place in the Moshea at Mera. With great silence although with as great maruell, was this determination of Maha∣met tolerated: but particularly as great griefe had Aly and his hinse folkes to heare these newes, supposing that the succession should rather haue belonged to Aly, beeing both Nephew & Sone in Law to Mahamet. Yet did A∣bu••••cher excercise the dignity appointed vnto him, with∣out any strife or contention for the same, vntill the death of Mahamet: and then Aly with his kinred, no longer fea∣••••••g the false Prophet deceased openly made challenge thereunto. At whose first demaund it seemed that Abu∣bacher was some what willing to haue yeelded, making a shew that he would do it to gratify such persons, as sued for Aly (being a man more worthy, for his neerenesse in bloud for his agility in body, & for his valour in Armes) rather then for that hee was resolued to surrender to ano∣ther the honor, that Mahamet had graunted to him. But afterwardes hauing secretely vnderstood the mindes of some that were more mighty then his aduersaries, who counsailed him in any case not to spoyle himselfe of the

Page 43

honor which he had obtayned, he began openly to resist Aly, and to vse not onely reasons, but force also against him: so that he established himself in the said Succession. Which Aly, for that he would not disturbe the new-deui∣sed sect, did brooke better then it was thought hee could, although at last in recompence of this his tolleration, be∣ing forsaken of all his freendes and fautors, hee and hys wife Fattime were also spoyled of all the substaunce that was left vnto them by his Vncle: Abubacher vouching for * 1.10 a reason of this his cruelty, That the enheritance of riches be∣longeth vnto him, to whome the Charge of the Law and of Wise∣dome belongeth: and That he being adiudged lawfull heire of the Wisedome, ought also to inherite the riches. Leauing it (as it were) for an Ordinaunce to the people, That a Prophet cannot separate his substance from his dignities and knowledge: but whosoeuer is left heire of a mans wisedome, is also to be taken for the heire of a mans wealth. Wherevpon diuers wise men * 1.11 of that age tooke occasion to write bookes, and therein disputed, whether a Prophet might haue authority to make one and the selfe same person, the heire of his learning and of hys riches. Howbeit this Aly liued so long, that he saw the death of his predecessors Abubacher, Omar, and Ottoman, * 1.12 and after their decease he himselfe also succeeded in the Dignity, which till then they had vsurped vpon him. For conseruation whereof he was compelled to make battell with Maui Lord of Damafco, ouer whome with great glo∣ry he gayned the victory, and so euer after to his immor∣tall praise and commendation hee exercised that Office. At the last he died also, (leauing behind him the report * 1.13 of a magnanimous, variant and iust Prince,) and was bu∣ried with two of his Sonnes Hassan and Ossain, in Cafe, a place with in two dayes iourney neere vnto Babylon: a∣mong * 1.14

Page 44

whose Successors was allwayes thoroughly obser∣ued, whatsoeuer Mahamet had commaunded to be ob∣serued for a Law.

And although the East was diuided into diuers and sondry States and Gouernementes of many persons, yet notwithstanding the superstition of Mahamet, was with all conformity mainetained by them all neither was there heard either of any schisme, or insurrection, or waighty dissention among that people: but for all the inequalitie of those countries and dominions this opinion continued equall and vniforme. At what time, euen on a sudden & beyond all expectation, there arose a superstition in the mindes of certaine Mahometanes, which in few yeares be∣ing sowen and scattred ouer all Asia, did breed a great contention and warre among those nations, that, beeing before vnited together by Mahometes deuise, seemed to be more then frendes and in league one with an other. Of this nouelty one Sexchiuni, or (more distinctly to expresse * 1.15 his name) one Siec Giunet was the author, who vnder the name of Sofi and of Siec, (that is to say, of a wiseman & an author of Religion,) or rather, vnder the pretence of ho∣lynesse began to persuade the people, being by nature in∣constant & superstitious. That those three first Successors of Mahamet, were vniust and vnlawfull vsurpers of the dignitie, That modest & iust Ali onely ought to be na∣med the lawfull Successor. That he alone ought to be cal∣led-vpon in their prayers for helpe, and that by all possible meanes all honors should be yeelded and rendred to him, and taken from those three first, as from persons that were vndoubtedly damned and altogether reprobate. With many argumentes did Giunet approoue his Inuention, & at last persuaded many therevnto that beganne very rea∣dily

Page 45

to follow him as the head and founder of so new a ve∣rity: Whereupon by the appointment of this new master they did all with one conformitie vse this forme of Prayer, Cursed be Abubacher, Omar, and Ottoman, and God be fauou∣rable * 1.16 to Aly, and well pleased with him. From the time of this inuention forwardes, the Sepulcher of Aly and hys sonnes in Cafe grew in great credite, and the followers of * 1.17 this new superstition began euery yeare to visite it, in all respectes euen after the same sort, that the Turkes do visite the Sepulchre of the three first Successors: Yea the very kinges of Persia themselues vsed to be crowned and girte with their sword in Cafe neere vnto Babylon, (as it is sayde before,) where euer after, their great Calife was woont to keepe his residence, as being the mā that represented Aly, and occupied the chiefe roome of their filthy and dam∣nable Priesthood.

Vppon this occasion it is not amisse to aduertise the Reader, how false that rumor hath bene and is, whereby it is noysed abroad, that the kinges of Persia perfourmed these ceremonies in Babylon. The cause of which falshood was, for that Case lying neere vnto Babilon, and being a ve∣ry little place, as resembling rather a village then a towne, or a Citty, the people reported that all these thinges were doone in Babilon that famous Citty: no otherwise then as Strabo writeth to haue happened about the ouerthrow that Darius had when he lost the Empyre. Which ouer∣throw although it was at a little village called Gaugamela, (that is to say, the Cammelles house) yet the wryters and people do say, that it was at Arbella, a notable Citty neere to the said place called Gaugamela. Whereupon it is not much from the purpose to note also, how greatly they are deceaued, that thinke Arbella to be that which is now cal∣led

Page 46

Tauris, whereas Strabo doth playnely say that Arbella lyeth in the Countrey of Babilon which is Assyria, and it is very manifest, that Tauris is in the Countrey of Me∣dia. By this briefe narration it appeereth that Paulus Gio∣uius * 1.18 hath erred, where he writeth that the superstition of the Persians did begin in Persia at the very same tyme, that the heresy of Luther was sowen in Germany: and where he maketh one Arduelle, who was also called Aidere, to be the author of the Persian Faction: whereas he is notably deceaued both in respect of the tyme, and also of the per∣son: of the tyme, for that it sprang vp before the publica∣tion of Luthers religion: and of the person lykewise, for that Arduelle was not the first inuentor thereof, (as hee saith) but Giunet Siec, called also the Sofi, as shalbe declared a little after. The Turkes in the meane tyme, by reason of this new deuysed nouelty, thinking themselues to be of a sound and sincere opinion, did alwayes call them∣selues Sunni, (that is to say, men of a good faith) and on the other syde they called the Persians Rafadi, that is to say, men of a false faith and going-astray, onely because they forsooke those first successors of Mahamet, Abubacher, Omar & Ottoman, whom they belieue to bee the lawfull heyres of that cheefe dignity. And in this sort began the Persian superstition, and not (as some thinke) from the * 1.19 dyuers interpretations of the Alcoran, much lesse from the execution of the law of Aly. For as touching the Al∣eoran, they doo all expound it after one and the selfe same manner: and as for Aly, hee neuer framed any lawe, but onely confirmed that which he found already ordayned by Mahamet their onely law-maker. Besydes that the Turkes doo reuerence Aly together with the other three Abubacher, Omar & Ottoman, as him that was also a suc∣cessor

Page 47

to Mahamet: But the Persians, although indeed they worship Aly, yet for all that they doo not onely not reuerence the other three, but curse them & hate them as impious and damned persons.

Afterwardes the Persians were called Cheselbas, of a certaine red marke which they carried on their heades, * 1.20 by an ordinance that was instituted for the same by Ar∣duelle, who was esteemed a very holy man. Which name was confirmed afterwardes in the succession of Ismahel, * 1.21 who renued the name of Sofi, being first vsurped by Giu∣net, for his inuention of the superstition that was spread abroad by him: and so continuing the said name of Sofi euen vntill our age, among the people of Asia, who by the forces of Alexander were in old tyme subdued with * 1.22 a nomber of other nations, that were famous in those dayes (if Quintus Curtius may be beleeued) for the va∣lue of their iewelles, for the beauty of their bodies, and for the excellency of their dogges. Of this name Sofi, and Sofiti many particularities we could rehearse, if we were not afraide to depart from our matter now in hand; and therefore differring them till some other occasions, it shal be sufficient to repeat, & with diligence to note, that the first man which merited this name was Giunet, who, be∣cause hee found out this notable sect, obtayned the name not onely of Siec, but also of Sofi, although in deed he had not gotten the name of Saha, and that because he gaue his mynd rather to matters of learning and studye, then to matters of Armes & gouernment. After whose example there succeeded three other, who were content to be cal∣led by the name of Siec, but not of Sofi, vntill that after * 1.23 thē there succeded Ismahel, who contemning the name of Siec was called Saha, that is to say, King, & did in such sort

Page 48

enlarge the boundes of his kingdome, that, in respect of his greatnes, men will hardely beleeue at this day the in∣tollerable oppressions, which those Prouinces in truth haue suffered and endured. And herein is Paulus Giouius * 1.24 found to haue erred also where he writeth, that this Isma∣hel was the first of all the Persian kinges that merited the name of Sofi, which indeed he did rather renewe in his owne person, hauing receaued the same from Giunet, the first authour of the damnable superstition, who first tooke that Tytle vpon him.

This Persian superstition was first brought in by Siec Giunet the Sofi, afterward maintayned by Siec Sederdin, and * 1.25 after him by Siec Giunet the seconde, then, by Siec Aider (called by Giouius, Arduelle,) and at last so encreased & em∣enlarged by Ismahel the Saha and Sofi, that vnder his go∣uernment Persia seemed to enuy the glory of Cyrus & Da∣rius. After the death of Ismahel it descended to Tamas, who reygned with lesse felicity then his father did, being many a time and often greatly damnifyed by Soliman, and after Tamas succeeded Aidere the second, who raigned but for certaine dayes and houres, as the Historie setteth it downe: and then followed Ismahel, who troubled all the Citties of his kingdom with manifold hurley-burlies: & last of all the king that now is, being more vnfortunate and vnhappy then all the rest. And euen as Giunet, foun∣der of this sect, being a man that was esteemed to be wise and holy, did renew the name of Sofiti, which for many ages past had beene extinguished in Asia, and in other his successors Sederdin, Giunet the second, & Aidere Sisopi, who were contented onely with the bare name of Siec: so was it agayne reuyued in the sprouting glory of Ismahel, who did so largely dilate the confines of his kingdome,

Page 49

that it seemed he had (as it were) founded it anew: and yet afterwardes, it was suppressed againe in his suc∣cessors Tamas, Aidere, Ismahel & Mahamet, who leauinge the names of Sofiti and Siec retayned onely the Tytle of Saha. In this sort, began encreased and declined, the king∣dome of the Persians, who were followers of the diuision and superstition of the false law of Mahamet.

What the occasions were, why in so shorte a space, so famous and redoubted a kingdome began to declyne, it shalbe declared hereafter: for that it is now tyme to pro∣ceed in the narration of more important matters, begin∣ning at the Geographicall description of the kingdome it selfe: wherein it shall behoue the reader to walke with good circumspection, because the confynes thereof are set downe neyther so ample and large as they were in the tyme of Ismahel, nor lesse then they were at such tyme as these warres were moued. For Ismahel had in such sorte enlarged the limits of his Empire by his new deuised su∣perstition, * 1.26 that hee had not onely stretched them on the East beyond Aria, and on the South vpon the red sea in the Golfe of Persia, but on the West also he had made the Georgiani tributaries, subdued the Armenians, the Me∣sopotamians, the Babilonians, the Assyrians, and threatned that he would Lorde it euen to the confynes of Europe. But this so notable felicity of his continued no long time, because both he himselfe was dispossessed by those that were mightier then he was, and after his death, Tamas was so straitly shut vp, euen into the innermost places of his kingdome, that it were but a small matter for wryters to describe the compasse and quantity of that which was left. For being depryued of Bithynia, of Mesopotamia, of Armenia, and of Assyria, the poore Persians had much

Page 50

adoo to retaine the people of Georgia and Atropatia at their commandement and deuotion: but auoyding the out∣rages and incursions of the Turkes, they were inforced to transport their Regall seat to Casbin, & to forsake Tau∣ris the auncient Pallace not onely of these princes, but al∣so of all the other kings of those prouinces.

And therefore setting asyde the first felicity, and large compasse of this kingdome, (the memory whereof can serue to no other purpose then to bewayle so great a de∣cay, and to teach vs that we ought not to put too much confidence in wordly riches, nor wax proud in the great authority of rule and gouernement:) measuring the state of this realme, as it was when these warres began, we say, that for the North part, beginning at the very vttermost East of the sea of Baccu, and coasting all that Sea, and then * 1.27 entring into Seruan and Georgia euen vnto Mengrelli, and so a little lower vnto Chars, lying in the champaine coun∣try vnder the mountains of Periardi called Chielder, where also is erected a Castell called Childerum for defence of the borders, you haue the description of all that the Persians possesse on that syde. From thence drawing a lyne by the East, and rolling the same ouer the Lake Actamar, and o∣uer * 1.28 Coy in the champeine of Caldaran, & then carrying the same lyne towardes the South to the Citty of Salmas, and a little higher towards Seresul, euen to the channell of Eu∣phrates, there is comprehended all the West parte of this kingdome. From the channell of the sayde riuer, where * 1.29 the Bassora lyeth, coasting all along that syde of the sea, e∣uen vntill the mountaines Techisnandan, and more to∣wardes the East to the kingdome of Candahar, & there ma∣king an end of that compasse, all the South parte of this present Empire is figured. The East whereof is inclu∣ded * 1.30

Page 51

betweene the borders of Corassan, and of the Tartari∣an Iesselbas, euen from the Citty of Samarcante on the east parte of the Casptan Sea, otherwise called the sea of Baccu.

The compasse appeareth to bee very great and of im∣portance, comprehending in it many prouinces, not one∣ly famous in our tymes, but also much more glorious in the daies of those Auncients: for that in the West is in∣cluded with the countrey of Georgia, parte of Turcomania, and of Cussestan: in the North, Seruania, the countrey of Gheilan; and Massandran: in the East, Candahar, Corassan, and Heri: and in the South, all the kingdome of Fars, (the cheefe Citty whereof is Siras,) with Caramania the Desert. In the very middle and Centre of this Circle are the Territories of Casbin, Cassan, and Hispahan. So that in * 1.31 the beginning of this warre, the King of Persia ruled ouer all these prouinces, Georgia sometyme called Iberia, Ser∣uania, otherwise called Atropatia, Tauris with the territo∣ries belonging vnto it called in times past Media the Great, Gheilan or Gely, Masandran or Hircania: & more inward Parthia, Aria, Candahar or Peripaniso, Farsi or Persia, and parte of Cussestan in old tyme called Assyria. All these pro∣uinces in times past subdued by the Macedonians, the Grae∣cians, and Barbarians, wasted by so many mutations and States, and outrages of Armyes, haue also lost their aunci∣ent names, and according to the seuerall languages there∣in vsed, haue had dyuers and sondry appellations, which (as a man may probably coniecture) are in truth those, that are last named. Of all which prouinces, Anania, Pius the second of happy memory, Negro the Venetian, & some other late Geographers haue beene so bould as to wryte many thinges, rather fabulous then true; after the exam∣ple and imitation of those that are so greatly reprehended

Page 52

by Strabo and Thucydides: & therefore avoyding the dan∣ger of lying, and laying also a side for this time, the Histo∣ry of thinges Naturall, Miraculous, and Poeticall, (for of Poeticall matters especially, the particular Geography of Danaeus reporteth) we will onely speake of such thinges, as will serue our turne for the better knowledge of the State and condition of this kingdome.

Tamas had vnder him, (and so he left the kingdome to Ismahel, in whose time and by whose meanes these warres were raised) threescore and tenne Gouernementes, all bearing the Titles of Sultans & Chan: so that in his whole Empire, he had seauentie Citties of such state and condi∣tion, as they deserued to haue a Gouernour of the same di∣gnitie, that the Bassa is with the Turkes, as shall be decla∣red in the exposition of Names. Now what they were, it would be a very hard matter precisely to know; yet some of them we haue learned; and the principall thereof per∣aduenture were, Sumachi, Sechi, Eres, Seruan, Derbent, Ca∣racach, * 1.32 Ardouil, Tauris, Reiuan, Genge, Hispahan, Masan∣dran, Gheilan, Heri, Cassam, Siras, Starabat, Chilmisnar, Can∣dahar, Iesed, Sapanec, Sultania, Bargo, Cum, Coran, Seua, Cas∣bin, and others, all which haue Iurisdiction ouer many Villages and Townes, from whence there are leauied ma∣ny men of warre. Hispahan onely hath in her gouerne∣ment twelue Sultanes: Casbin three Sultanes & the king: Heri three also and Abas Mirize: Candahar three, and Rustan Mirize. Of all these places to make an exquisite description Geographicall, to tell the Mountaines, the Riuers, the Champaines, the Distances, the Situations, the Altitudes of the Pole, and such other particularities, it would not be an enterprise fit for our handling, except we would insert many lies therein, (as a nomber of writers

Page 53

haue heeretofore done:) & therefore, seeing neither the battels of the Turke haue entred into those partes, nor any thing happened in them that requireth any great diligēce of discourse, Let that little bee sufficient, which wee haue already touched in this History by occasion of Abas Mirize, and of the Turcomanni: and returning to Geor∣gia, to Seruan, and to Media the Great, with a peece of Ar∣menia, we will vse our best diligence, euen as neede shall require, and our informations will serue vs.

Georgia then is that prouince, which in auncient tyme * 1.33 was called Iberia, which on the West is bounded vpon Colchis, at this day called Mengrellia: on the East vpon Media Atropatia, at this day called (as we said afore) Ser∣uan: on the North vpon Albania, now called Zuiria: and on the South vpon Armenia the Greater, now called Turcomania, whereof it doth also possesse a parte, so that Iberia and part of Armenia is comprehended vnder this name of Georgia. It is for the most part full of hills, woods, rockes, and ruynes: and hath abundance of silkes, fruites, wilde beastes, and Faulcons. It is watred with many fa∣mous riuers, (and so was euen in the tyme of Strabo) but principally with the riuer Cirus, whose gulfe openeth in that country, and is ioyned with Araxis. The riuer A∣raxis springeth out of the hill Taurus, in that parte, where * 1.34 Periardo is situate, on the syde of the hill Abo, and so running by East euen to the confynes of Seruan, windeth it selfe towardes the west by the North, where it is ioined with Cirus, and then passeth to Artaxata a cittie of the Ar∣menians, right against a place, which is very famous in this warre, called Reiuan, and so watring Armenia, and cour∣sing all along the playne of Araxis, (which peraduenture is the champaine called Caldarana,) dischargeth it selfe

Page 54

into the Caspian Sea, at this day called the sea of Corazun, and of Baccu, on the one syde by south leauing Armenia, and on the other syde by North leauing Seruania, whose cheefe Citty is Eres, which is so famous in this booke; as in fit place it shalbe shewed. It is a riuer very deepe and large: but yet at this present it contayneth not those mer∣uails; that Herodotus reporteth of it, as also it is very hard to vnderstand that which Quintus Curtius wryteth touching the course thereof, and that which Natalis Comes hath left written of it in his history. Cirus likewyse springeth out of the same hill Taurus, and yet in Armenia, and so descending into the Champaines and plaines of Georgia, * 1.35 charging it selfe, and being greatly encreased with other riuers, it is ioyned with Araxis, and so maketh his issue al∣so into the Caspian sea. This riuer the inhabitants of the countrey at this day call by the name of Ser in their owne language, but the Turkes call it Chiur: the other Riuer both the one nation and the other doo vniformely call A∣rasse. In that parte of the land, where Araxis insinuateth it selfe betweene Media Atropatia, and Armenia, it recea∣ueth into it diuers Riuers that spring out of the hilles of the said region of Armenia, among which is Canac, very * 1.36 famous in this history, which making (as it were) almost an Island, a little on this syde of the Citty Eres, vniteth it selfe in the Channell with Araxis, as in his place shall be shewed.

This Prouince is in habited by sundry Earles, Dukes, & Lordes, aswell in the plaine and champaine, as also in the rough and mountaine cuntrey; and these inhabitants are for the most part Christians, (& yet obseruers of the rytes and schismes of the Graecians,) stout people, stronge of complexion, and obstinate in their opinions. The prin∣cipall

Page 55

Potentates of this Prouince, (besides many others that enioy whole Counties and diuers Lordships) are the Widow and her Sonnes, Manucchiar and Alessandro: the Sonnes of Lauassap deceased, Dauid and Simon: Leuen∣togli, who by his countrymen is called Schender, and by vs Alessandro, surnamed the Great: Giusuf the Sonne of Gori: old Sahamal, of whome wee made mention afore, when we wrote of the death of Aidere: and the sixt is Ba∣sacchiuc.

Sahamal keepeth his gouernement betweene the terri∣torie * 1.37 of Siruan, and of Alessandro, by nation rather an Ala∣no, then a Georgiano, and hath one Sonne, which succee∣ded after him, when Osman Bassa depriued him of his life for his treason that was discouered, whereof shall be spo∣ken in place conuenient. He dwelleth in a rough & high mountaine, by the Turkes called Brus, whose top is co∣uered * 1.38 continually with white and hoarie snowes: he is in religion, by his owne choice, a Soffian, although by na∣ture a Georgian: hee is in money poore, but in shaking a launce and shooting a darte very valorouse: few cities, or rather no one place woorthy the name of a citie doth hee possesse, but certaine Villages and some base Townes hee hath: and the people that is subiect to him is altogether a fauage people, and giuen to robbery and flight.

Giusuf is in deede by countrey, by nation, and by reli∣gion * 1.39 a Georgian, although touching his religion hee hath alltogether abandoned the name of Christ, and hauing vo∣luntarily reuolted to the Turkes, hath chaunged his Gre∣cian Faith into another religion, that among all wicked religions is most impiouse. He hath his place at Gori, and his territorie lieth on the West bordering vppon Basac∣chiuc, diuided from him by the Lake of Esecchia, and on

Page 56

the East vpon the Countie of Derbent. He being brought into a narrow streight by Osman Bassa on the one side, and by the whole Campe on Teflis side, resolued himselfe to yeeld to the Turkes, as in fitte oportunitie shall be decla∣red.

The Widowes yonger Sonne called Manucchiar, is he that came to yeeld his obedience to Mustaffa, as wee haue * 1.40 tolde you before, and the elder is named Alessandro, of whome we shall speake sufficiently when we come to de∣scribe his misery. She holdeth many ownes, but hath put her elder Sonne in possession, and left vnto him the vniuersall care and charge of her whole estate, which af∣terward was fraudulently taken from him by Amurat and by his yonger brother Manucchiar. Her territory lieth in the confines of Chars on the West, & the State of the two brothers Simon and Dauid on the East, watred with a Ri∣uer by the Turkes called Chiur, which perhaps may bee some braunch of Cirus: The pallace of this Dominion is Altunchala, so called in Turkish, and in our language may bee interpreted the Golden-Castell: there is besides, a ve∣ry commodious and remarkeable place called Clisca, and also Carachala, so tearmed by the Turkes, and signifying in our tounge the Obscure or Blacke-Castell: and diuerse o∣ther Iurisdictions both of Townes and Castels. This pal∣lace aswell on the side of Teflis, as on the side of Chars is compassed with the rough mountaines of Periardo, and with horrible thicke woodes, very fit for treacherous am∣bushes, and in all respectes most daungerous for an Ar∣my: But Altunchala it selfe lieth in the middest, being (as it were) most cunningly defended by nature.

There follow, as ye go towards the East, rather in Ar∣menia * 1.41 then in Iberia, the places that sometimes belōged to

Page 57

Lauassap, but now enioyed by the two brethren Dauid & Simon, of their fathers valour and of their fathers estate, both by nature & by vertue the rightfull heires, although * 1.42 in truth they had greatly desyled themselues with a beast∣ly change of their religion, whereby they did wonderful∣ly obscure their glory, being otherwise worthy of singu∣lar commendation: and principally Simon, who by his knowledge in Arte military, and by his learning in mat∣ters of Poesie and Philosophie had merited the grace and familiarity of Ismahel the Sonne of Tamas, whiles he was in captiuitie in Persia, of whome we shall haue occasion to speake hereafter in due time. But what vertue could there be in them glorious and renowmed, which was not ob∣scured by this soule fault committed by them both? it be∣ing the occasion why the one and the other were not one∣ly depriued of their goods, their State, and their honour, but also that they abandoned wholy the most sacred and glorious name of Christ. For Lauassap their father beeing dead, who by his last will and testament left Simon his * 1.43 Sonne to be his Successor in the kingdome, not onely be∣cause he was the elder in yeares but also because he excel∣led his brother in valour, Dauid, being of an intollerable nature, greatly enuying his brothers succession, & ouer∣greedie of glory and rule, began to seeke meanes how to driue Simon out of his State, & with force and Armes to arriue to that place, whervnto neither the will of his fa∣ther, nor the lawes of nature could bring him. And ther∣fore withdrawing himselfe into the field, being followed by a kind of people desirous of Nouelties, and rather lo∣uing seditions and tumultes, then easie peace and quiet rest, he began to take vp those rentes; which his brother did yearely expect from such places as lawfully were sub∣iect

Page 58

vnto him, conuerting to his owne vse whatsoeuer he could by any meanes most vnhonestly vsurpe: and by these spoiles making his followers and souldiers more bounden vnto him, he did in such sort increase his squa∣drous, that being waxen very terrible to all Georgia, hee put his brother Simon also in a marueilous great feare: who hauing vnderstood his malignant and mischieuous intent, and hauing none other meanes to mainetaine & defend himselfe, fled for helpe to Tamas king of Persia, & opening vnto him his great necessitie, requested succours at his handes. Tamas was nothing slow to gratifie Simon herein, but dispatching foure thousand horsemen vnder the conduct of one of his owne captaines, sent him into Georgia, with speciall order, that he should take Dauid a∣liue, and bring him into Persia, in case hee would not chaunge his religion, and so bee setled in that State as his lawfull subiect, and not as a francke tributarie, such as hee was before. Which if he would be content to doe, then the king commaunded his Captaine to seise vpon Simon, and in case he would not chaunge his faith, to bring him away with him, and substitute Dauid in his place: but in case Simon should be readie and willing to do as his bro∣ther had done, then should he be caused to put the mat∣ter in execution, and so be confirmed in his possession, & Dauid should be brought, as wee haue said before, to Cas∣bin. The Persian Captaine departed into Georgia, and without any stirre, or any delay he tooke Dauid, & in the name of Tamas made vnto him the former offer, where∣vnto he did straight way consent, and so forsaking his re∣ligion, and chaunging holy Baptisme for Circumcision, * 1.44 he did most impiously consecrate himself a voluntarie sa∣crifice to false Mahomet, & (which is most horrible & fear∣full

Page 59

to write) renounced the Sauiour of the world. Then did the Persian Captaine seise also vpon Simon, & tould him, that to gratify him, he was come into Georgia at the commandement of Tamas, that all thinges were perfor∣med which he required, and that he had taken his ene∣my-brother prisoner. Howbeit that he must not thinke to enioy that kingdome vnder the protection of Tamas, vnlesse he would change his faith, and become an obser∣uant of the same prophet and of the same lawe, whereof king Tamas is a champion and defender: & therefore he must resolue himselfe so to doo, otherwyse his brother Dauid should be setled in his place, who had already ve∣ry voluntarily chosen that parte,

Most bitterly did Simon bewail the fal of his brother, & being now more setled & constant, then euer hee was, in the most sacred & holy faith of Christ, he surrendered vp his earthly kingdome, because hee would not loose the kingdome of heauen, which he hoped for, and of a King became a prisoner, being betrayed by those very persons, whom he had called to be his defenders. After that Daut-Chan (for so was Dauid now called) had mumbled vp with his vncleane mouth, the wonted and vsuall blasphemies of the Persians, being circumcised, and apprrelled in the habite of a Barbarian, he was in the name of Tamas enstal∣led, not by the terme of King or Duke, but of the Chan of Teflis, and all the other places, heareafter mentioned: And poore Simon was carried away to Tamas, by whom, for all the many instances and earnest requestes, that were made vnto him to become a Persian, yet could he not be remoued from the foundation of his natiue faith, & ther∣fore was sent into the Castell or Rocke of Cahaea, where∣in banished Ismahel, the sonne of Tamas liued, who after∣ward

Page 60

was king, as before is declared. And so contented himselfe rather to remaine in temporall prison, then to change his first Christian religion (wherein notwithstan∣ding he was a Schismatike,) and to prepare for himselfe perpetuall chaines, and blind & eternall captiuity in hell for euer. By this successe of Simon we may easyly learne * 1.45 how dangerous a thing it is, to draw the Barbarians into our states and gouernements for our defence and helpe: for that wee see most manifestly, there is no one thinge more doubtfull, more vncertaine, or more impious, then their faith or promises, and that to spoyle other men of * 1.46 their states, they will not sticke most impudently to ven∣ture vpon any wicked enterprise.

But following the description of those places, that be∣longed to the father of these two vnhappy heires, we say, * 1.47 that the Citties subiect vnto him, were principally Teflis, Lory, Tomanis, Chieres, Giurgi-Chala & many other townes & villages. But the cheefe pallace of all was euer at Teflis, and neere therunto euen at this day are to be seene the se∣pulchers of the kinges of this parte of Georgia. It is a place very strong by situation, watred with a small riuer, which descending from certaine hils neere thereaboutes rometh along this coast and entreth into his neighbour Araxis. This small riuer the Turkes call Chiur, supposing perad∣uenture that it is some braunche of the Riuer Cirus, the graund waterer of all this region. On the syde of Arme∣nia, * 1.48 towardes the South coast, where Tomanis standeth, there are many very narrow lanes in the mountaines, & very deepe valleys, wherein the foresaid riuer Araxis with most outragious turninges and windinges, and his many rushing downefals among the rockes doth euen be-deafe a mans eares, & with his most violent roming in and out

Page 61

doth drowne and ouerwhelme, whosoeuer by miserable chance falleth downe headlong from the toppes of those narrow passages which are vpon the mountaines. And vpon the creastes of the said mountaines, on the syde of * 1.49 the sayde narrowe passage, there growe most hideous woodes and antique forrests full of * 1.50 Beeches and Pyne∣trees, where the horrour of darkenes, and silence which is oftentymes interrupted, onely by the whistlinge of windes, or by the cry of some wilde beast, doo make the poore passengers most terribly afraide. On the Weste syde there are most difficult passages on the rocks of Per∣iardo, * 1.51 which maketh both the borders of this countrey, and the borders of the Widowes countrey also most dan∣gerous and full of a thousand annoyances: and there like∣wise the riuer Araxis with his crooked courses in the low and deepe valleyes, maketh a most narrow and perrillous passage for any man. On the North syde is the roughe and noysome mountaine of Caucasus: and by that coaste the Turkes could not possibly get any entrance into this Region, vntill they had conquered the Citty of Derbent. So that on all these three sydes, by which the Ottomans might make their way into that countrey, that is to say, by Colchos, by Periardo, and by Armenia, Nature defended the land from forraine and strange nations, as though she had foreseene this calamity and tempest of the Turkish fury, and of her owne bounty and benignity supplyed those wantes of Arte, which were in that people, who was vtterly ignorant in casting of Gunnes; and in the vse * 1.52 of such lyke engines. Of these straites of Georgia as also of the fower entrances before named, it seemeth that Strabo maketh manifest mention in his seconde booke, where he also writeth, that Pompeius, & Canidius, did vse

Page 62

two of these passages to enter with their Armies into this * 1.53 prouince. But in this present warre the Turkes sought to vse them all fower at one tyme: by the way of Colchos, sending their fleete on the great sea into the Channell of the riuer Fasis: by the coast of the Albanians leading Ab∣dilcherai the Tartarian into Seruan: and by these two straites carrying all their Army, as in fit places it shall be set downe.

As ye walke towardes the North, on this syde of the lake Essecchia, (which perhaps is the marish called Lych∣nitis) * 1.54 there standeth the Cittie Basacchiuc, with certaine o∣ther Townes and Citties, for a long time subiect to Basac∣chiuc being a Lord of that name. Who was allwaies more rusticall and vnciuill then all the rest, as one that dwelt far out of the ordinarie waies, by which the Turkish Armie made their iourney, and by that meanes neuer endured the like troubles and inconueniences that others did: so that in all these stirres and hurly-burlies among his neigh∣bours, withdrawing himselfe into these fortes made and framed by nature, he sat as it were in a watch-tower to be∣hold the accidents of this doubtfull warre. Which rest certainely he had not so quietly enioyed, if the Tartarians had not fayled in their promises made to Amurat: whose * 1.55 breach of promise did in deede frustrate and thwat many important enterprises and singular conquestes, that Ofman the Bassa had plotted in those quarters.

Now the Sonne of Leuent, called by the inhabitantes * 1.56 there, Schender, and by vs Alessandro surnamed the Great, and brother of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hath his state betweene Reiuan & Sir∣uan, wide of Tomanis, and though it be accounted among the Georgian States, yet is it situate rather in Armenia the Greater in the borders of Atropaiia, then in Ieria. This

Page 63

man in steed of armes hath continually vsed prayers and presentes, and as he that more then all the rest lay open to the passage through Siruan, and dwelt neere to Reiuan and Teflis, he was likewyse subiect to the Persian fury: yet for all that he handled the matter so well with the Turkes on the other syde, that by his rich and liberall gifts, in steed of armes and wepons, euen in the greatest heates of this warre, he kept himselfe equally vntouched and free from the violence both of his foes and frends. His cheefe pal∣lace is Zaghen, fruitfull of silkes, he hath also Grin, and di∣uers other villages & townes: he surpasseth at this day all the rest of his neighbour Georgians in riches & money, & * 1.57 enloyeth withall greater tranquilitie and quiet then they all. He was in tymes past greatest affected to the Crowne of Persia, but since the tyme, that Tamas sought by vniust and vnlawfull meanes to depryue him of his state, and in his rowme to substitute his brother Ixis, (who being be∣come a Persian, and hauing giuen himselfe to Tamas and to Satan, like a wicked wretch, gaped after it aboue all thinges in the world,) he then began to repose small con∣fidence in the Persian succours, and resoluing with him∣selfe to remaine a Neuter, he followed the campes of the conquerours, and fauoured the Ensignes and name of those that were mightiest. And in this case standeth the state of Georgia at this day.

But the countrey of Siruan, which on the West is ioy∣ned * 1.58 with this Prouince, (whereof wee will make but a briefe discourse,) hath also on the North syde the Alba∣nians, and a little beyond them some wandring and vaga∣bound Tartarians called Pericorschi, betweene Caueasus & the riuer Volga, whereupon it may be that the Tartarians are comprehended vnder the name of the Volcenses: on

Page 64

the East it hath the lake (if with Polycletes we may so terme it,) or rather (as other call it) the sea of Corazan: on the South syde Armenia, and more toward the South and * 1.59 southeast Media the greater. The Metropoliticall citty of Siruan is Sumachia, situate betweene Derbent and Eres: and as Derbent lyeth in the way for the Scythians, so doth Eres make way for the Armenians and Medes to enter in∣to * 1.60 the country that is subiect to the said Citty. All Atro∣patia, was subiect to the Persian King, and was obedient to him, being induced thereunto first by Aydere, and after∣ward by Ismahel Sofi, sauing onely that it seemed the peo∣ple of Derbent did ordinarily loue rather the fame and re∣nowne of the Turkes, then the gouernement of their na∣tiue Prince, sticking also to the auncient religion which Aidere shooke, and Ismahel subuerted. The whole coun∣trey is fruitefull, and watred with Araxis and Cirus, and * 1.61 other riuers that are famous euen in antique writers: and principally Eres, which yeelded in tymes past great store of those fine white silkes, commonly tearmed by the mar∣chantes Mamodean silkes, whereof at this day there is not to be found, no not a very small quantity, by reason * 1.62 of the monstrous ruines and ouerthrowes, that haue hap∣pened in those countreys. The king of Persia maintained in Derbent and Eres, after the naturall Lord was driuen out of them by Ismahel, certaine gouernours with the tytle of Sultans: and in the Citty of Sumachia one onely Gouer∣nour with the tytle of Chan, who ruled both ouer Sechi, & also ouer the other Citties that were subiect to that iuris∣diction. But Derbent, as we haue already written, euē as * 1.63 it was the last citty on that side which was subdued by the Sofi, & made more resistance, then all the rest, in receauing the superstition of the Sofiti or Cheselbas, insomuch that

Page 65

Aidere left his carcase vnder her walles: euen so, though at the last it was ouercome, yet did it alwayes remaine most affectionate to the first faith & opinion that it held, when the law of Mahomet had not yet tasted of the Schisme of the Sofians: howbeit, it could neuer fynd opportunity to receaue the Turkish captaines into her, and so vtterly shake-of all obedience to the Cheselbas.

Betweene Seruan and Tauris is situate the countrey of Caracach, fertile and rich in corne and cattell, very com∣modious * 1.64 for the feeding of Beastes, in situation not great∣ly subiect to windes, by reason that it lyeth rather alow then aloft, but yet pleasant and temperate: and it seemeth that this countrey on that side, bordereth vpon the A∣tropatians and the Medians, where the Cittie of Tauris standeth, euen at the rootes of the mountaine Orontes, which according to Straboes opinion is a portion of Tau∣rus. * 1.65 Of this Cittie we haue sufficiently spoken in this Hi∣story, & much more largely in the Letter, which in man∣ner of an Appendix wee haue added in the end of this worke, for the more manifest declaration of our opinion touching the recognition of this place: the reading wher∣of may peraduenture more distinctly expresse the Geo∣graphy of these countries. And now taking this Cittie of Tauris for the middell, or (as it were) the Center in a cir∣cle, wee will also vse it for an obiect in all the considera∣tions, which very briefly wee shall heere ser downe. All those that come from Van or from the Lake of Vastan, and make their voyage towardes Media, doo arriue at Tauris, * 1.66 trauelling alwaies by East, or by East & by North, being nyne dayes iourney or thereabouts, and leauing Coy, Me∣rent, and Soffian. And this was the way that Osman Bassa, and Ferat Bassa kept when they went with their Army to this citty, and which Angiolello also held, when he was in

Page 66

Persia,, as is manifest to be read in Ramusius. Besydes this * 1.67 way, there is also another comming from Reiuan, from whence as ye trauell by a direct line (as it were) by East, leauing Nassiuan and Chiulfall, you shall arriue at Tauris, within the space of nyne or tenne daies iourney of an or∣dinarie carriers pace: and therefore Ferat Bassa, the first time that he was generall, attempted this way beginning at Reiuan, which he made a Fortresse. Aboue Nassiuan, & Chiulfall is Seruan, and the countrey of Caracach which * 1.68 (I know not whether it be true or no) they say the Turke goeth about to strengthen with fortes, and to subdue, as he hath begun. From Tauris towards the south by west standeth Salmas, and on the south Siras in Persia, and on * 1.69 the South by east Casbin, distant from Tauris about eight or nyne dayes iourney, (as saith Barbaro and Angiolello) with certaine other cities amōg, wherof there is sufficient mention made by vs in the history, & therefore we will not stand here to repeat them. More towardes the East is Cassan, and further beyond is Hispahan, foure and twenty * 1.70 dayes iourney distant from Tauris. Then followeth Heri, and Corazan, & the Ieselbas, who were so troublesome to Ismahel, that by their meanes he was ouercome and put to flight by Selim.

In Armenia the Great there are dyuers Lakes, where∣of the greatest according to Strabo his opinion, is the lake * 1.71 Martiano, called by the inhabitantes there Actamar, and by vs the sea of Vastan. Next to this is the Lake Arasseno, called Tospite & Toeti, which breaketh and teareth appar∣rell asunder, as Strabo wryteth: and through this riuer doth Tigris runne with such violence and swiftnes, that it doth not mingle his waters with the lake. Aboue the lake of Actamar are the champaines of Caldaran, famous for * 1.72

Page 67

the battelles betweene Selim & Ismahel. But not to stand long in repeating such thinges as are written by vs and o∣thers vpon other occasions, it shall bee well to descend to those particulars, which as they haue not beene hitherto precisely described by any man that I know, so may they bring vnto vs more certaine knowledge of this Empyre.

There is resident in Casbin their prophane Priest cal∣led * 1.73 Mustaed-Dini that is to say, the chiefe of the law, who is as the Mufti among the Turkes: and in the other sub∣iect Citties are certaine peculiar Heades, obedient to this cheefe Priest: who notwithstanding are not chosen or displaced at his pleasure, as our Bishops and prelates are by our most holy Pope, the true Viccar of God and pastor of the holy Catholike Church; but by the King himselfe, who, (as we haue said before) should be not onely a king, but also a Priest, euen as Aly and Mahamet were. How∣beit for avoyding of greater trouble, he graunteth that fa∣uour and putteth ouer that burden from himselfe vnto o∣thers, to whose iudgementes hee also referreth himselfe; whensoeuer there is any consultation or treatie touching their law and obstinate religion. Vnder the Mustaed-Dini are the Califes, and these are they that execute their dayly seruice in their Moschees or Temples. The chiefe of these * 1.74 Califes is he that putteth the Home vpon the kinges head, when he is first in thronized: A ceremonie now perfour∣med in Casbin, because the Turkes for bad it to be perfour∣med in Cafe neere vnto Babylon, where also in times past (as we haue sayd before) the Persian kinges were wont to girde themselues with their sword. Those three Sultanes that remaine at Casbin for the generall gouernement of the * 1.75 whole Empire, haue their seuerall distinct charges. One hath the care of matters of warre ouer all the kingdome:

Page 68

and the other two gather vp all the reuenues, and keepe a diligent reckoning thereof: which two may be rather cal∣led Treasurers then any thing els, such as the Turkes call Deftardar. Next vnto them there are at Casbin two great * 1.76 Chauncellours, whome the Persians call Mordar, whose office is to write all the orders, Commaundementes, and letters concerning the gouernement of the kingdome: one of them keepeth the Seale, and the other the penne. There is also in Casbin the magistracie of Iudges, exercised * 1.77 by two persons, whome the Turkes call Caddi, and wher∣of in Constantinople there are wont to bee three, as also the nomber of Sultanes there is greater then in Casbin. And these two Iudges do make aunsweare and giue sentence in matters of controuersy and ciuill quarrels. For as tou∣ching criminall causes they haue no further authoritie, but onely to frame examinations of witnesses, & to make declaration thereof, which they call Sigil: and this Sigil they deliuer vp into the handes of the Sultane that is go∣uernour of the cittie or of the Empire, & he causeth exe∣cution to be done according to custome. And euen as the chiefe cittie is thus ordered, so likewise all the other Cit∣ties haue the selfe same magistrates, but yet all at the kings disposition & appointment: for in them also, besides the Chan, or Sultan, besides the Mustaed Dini, and the Calife, there are the Caddi, the Mrdari, and the Desiardari, which exercise the same authoritie within their priuate gouerne∣mentes, as the others do ouer the whole state. This is then the order of the States of the kingdome: First the Sa∣ha, * 1.78 then the Mirize and Mirize, the Chan and Sultan, the Mordar, the Defardar, the Caddi, the Mustaed-Dini, and the Calife. The king keepeth also for the gard of his Palace∣gate certaine orders of souldiours whereof the most no∣ble

Page 69

and greatest in nomber are those that the Persians call Curchi, which are as it were the Kinges gentlemen, being six thousand, all of them diuided vnder seueral captaines: which Captaines also doo yeeld obedience to their gene∣rall Captaine called Curchi Bassa, a person alwaies of great authority. The other next vnto this is the order of the * 1.79 Esahul to the nomber of seuen hundred, distinguished al∣so vnder particular Captaines, after the manner of the Curchi, and the captaine of those captaines is called Esa∣hul Bassi. There want not diuers other seruices besydes * 1.80 these, which doo not deserue in this place to be nombred. And this is the state of Persia.

But as concerning the state of their warres and war∣fare, * 1.81 it cannot bee precysely and particularly descrybed, neither in respect of their forces, nor of their weapons, nor of the manner of their fight: and yet will wee set downe that little which we know for certaine. The soul∣diers of this kingdome would in truth be very many and terrible, if al those places, which we haue comprised with∣in the cōpasse therof, as they are accompted, so they were indeed obedient to this crowne, and if also all those fables could be verified of it, that are dyuersly reported by dy∣uers wryters, of so many horsemen & so many footemen. But for somuch as not onely the Tributaries, but also the very naturall subiects doo not send in their ordinary and due aydes and succours, hereupon it springeth that in all their occasions their forces prooue so weake, and their Armies of a very small nomber. Of the discordes and di∣uisions in Georgia, which haue now bene tried by long ex∣perience to haue bene no lesse hurtful to them selues, then to the Persians, we haue already spoken asmuch as may suf∣fice: and now we will speake of some others, beginning

Page 70

with Amet-Chan, who hath a long time been Lord of Ghei∣lan. This man, although he were of hability to haue yeelded singular aide to this crowne, (it being the gene∣rall * 1.82 opinion of all men, that he could gather together xx. thousand horse) yet could hee neuer be induced to serue in warre, but rather enioying a base and infamous lyfe, he is become both vyle to himselfe, and vnprofitable and hatefull euen to his neighbours & kinsfolkes. For which cause king Tamas, when hee was free from the Turkish * 1.83 warres, employed all his forces against him, and followed him so hardly, that in the end hee tooke him prisoner, & so kept him till he dyed, which was for the space of xv. yeares. But assoone as the now king Mahamet was inthro∣nized in his kingdome, being carried away with a vaine and foolish pittie, hee deliuered him out of prison, ho∣ping (lyke an vnwyse man as he was) that this most co∣uetous and suspicious wretch would haue proued curte∣ous, and kynd towardes him, which was a thing quyte contrary to his nature and disposition. And behold, nei∣ther thoseuerity of Tamas, nor the lenity of Codabanda, could euer perswade him to change his mynd: for in the greatest daungers of this present warre hee could neuer tynde in his hart to apply himselfe to the performance of any noble acte, that was not only worthy of his great for∣ces, but also especially required by the present necessities.

The like treacherie shewed Rustan Mirize, the king of * 1.84 Candahar, and sonne to a brother of king Tamas, who nei∣ther for neerenesse of bloud, nor for common honour, nor for the estimation and reputation of his owne super∣stition, could euer be wrought to pitty the calamities of Persian: and yet the kingdome of Candahar was very well hable to gather about xxv. thousand horse: Neither may

Page 71

his excuses auaile him, that he alleadged touching the far distance of his countrey: For if distaunce of place was no hinderaunce to the enimie to bring his Armies euen to Tauris, to annoy the Persians: Lesse reason had Rustan Mi∣rize to withdraw his ready forces frō defending his frends, the iourney from Constantinople to Tauris beeing no shor∣ter, then it is thither from Candahar.

Like vnto these was, and still is Emir-Miran the Lord of Iest, a hard man, and very obstinate in coueteousnesse, * 1.85 who doth not onely not send any voluntarie aide, but also refuseth to pay those tributes which by couenant & com∣position he is bound to send: And yet is he able to yeeld foure or fiue thousand horse of great valour in warre.

The Lord of Lar also, called Ebrain-Chan, famous for * 1.86 his mightinesse, although in times past hee hath alwayes helped the common forces with his priuate succours, yet at this day he vtterly denieth both the one and the other, and threateneth rather to suppresse all Estates, then to ad∣uaunce and encrease any that belong to this crowne.

But aboue al the rest, me thinketh that Abas Mirize this kinges sonne is most impious and wicked, who not onely * 1.87 would neuer fauour his fathers enterprises against the cru∣ell enimies of the common libertie, but also hath sought by all meanes possible to driue both his brethren and his father out of the State, and to enter himselfe into the suc∣cession and gouernement of this diuided and troubled kingdome. So that vnder his Iurisdiction there are idlely fed eighteene thousand horse, which would prooue very stout and strong in warre, if they wanted not discipline.

In Cussestan, those Arabians that were wont to be rea∣dy for any seruice to the Persian kinges, haue yeelded thē∣selues * 1.88 to the Turkes, and often times worke great annoy∣ances

Page 72

to the Persians by their suddaine incursions. But within the very bowels of the kingdome, the Turcoman nation, that would haue beene a great strength to these * 1.89 forces, if they would haue ioyned with them, Behold, how it hath not failed to procure many ouerthrowes to this kingdome: a great parte whereof we haue described in the fourth booke of this history. The kingdome of Seruan also is in such sort spoyled and decayed, that the ci∣ties * 1.90 of Sumachia, Eres, Sechi, Derbent and others, out of which there was wont to bee leuied a good reasonable nomber of people, as also Reiuan, Teflis, and other coun∣tries of Georgia and Armenia, are not able to yeeld any succours in the time of warre: so that the Crowne of Per∣sia beeing depriued of such and so many helpes, is at this day constrayned to wage warre with very slender forces, which very briefly shall be heere set downe.

Out of Hispahan, and the territorie thereof, (to reckon their Stipendiaries to the vttermost) they leauie eight * 1.91 thousand souldiers on horseback: out of Bargo, two thou∣sand: out of Cassan, foure thousand: out of Seua, one thousand: out of Sultania, one thousand: out of Casbin, twelue thousand: out of Ardouil, one thousand: out of Siras eight thousand: out of Tauris foure thousand: out of Cum and Cuohiue-Tauris two thousand: out of Genge & the rest of Georgia, foure thousand. Besides these they may hire others, when their occasions do so require, and they haue alwaies volūtary souldiers, & that in som good nom∣ber so that the greatest Armie that they can possibly ga∣ther, will hardly amount to threescore thousand horse: (alwayes prouided that euery cittie aforenamed do send in their Stipendiarie Souldiers according to their duety.) Whereas if all the other Capitaines, that are noted aboue

Page 73

to be obstinate and rebellious, would agree and concurre in one vnitie, they might make an hoast of an hundred & thirty or an hundred and forty thousand persons or there∣aboutes.

Their Souldiers are armed for the most parte with Sci∣mitarre, * 1.92 Launce, and Darte, but specially, the Scimitarre is most familiar vnto them, and all the Persians do make a singular profession and vse of it: although there want not among them some that can handle the Arcubuse also, the exercise whereof hath of late yeares growen more fami∣liar and vsuall, then it was in the time of Ismahel, and in the first yeares of the raigne of king Tamas. For their owne defence they are armed with good Corselets, and strong helmets, many of them able to keepe out an Arcubuse∣shot, much more to daunt the force of a Darte: Some of their horses also are armed with very good Armour, most finely and soundly tempered. And these their horses are * 1.93 of a singular vertue, equall with those of the old time, which (as Strobe writeth) were accustomed to be fed and brought vp in Armenia for their kings vse. Swift in course, fierce in battell, long breathed and very docible. When they are vnsdled, gentle and milde, but when they are armed, warlike, hardie, and manageable, euen at the plea∣sure of the Ryder: so that it is no meruaile, if one of them haue bene sold for a thousand or a thousand & three hun∣dred * 1.94 Cocchini.

Those that follow & attend the exercises of warre are for the most part men of noble me, and therevpon it cō∣meth, * 1.95 that they are more hardy and valiant to foyle then to flie. And beeing compared with the Turkish people, (who for the most part are very ascalles, of vile race, rea∣dy to fly and to rauine) they are by good right very wor∣thie

Page 74

to be highly esteemed. The Persians are great decei∣uers, full of craftie Stratagemes, vnconstant, and breakers of their word: (a vice that seemeth to haue beene alwaies proper to the Barbarians.) Neuer content with any mans gouernement, and louers of nouelties, wherein Persia was * 1.96 alwaies noted particularly & specially to haue offended. For testimony whereof we may vouch those ancient poy∣soninges and wicked treacheries, which were plotted not onely by Subiectes against their kinges, but also by chil∣dren against their naturall father: which name (as Iusti∣nus writeth) was in so small estimation with those fiftie sonnes of Artaxerxes, that with one consent they all con∣spired vpon a most wicked pretence to murther their fa∣ther, * 1.97 without that any one of them, either in regard of his Fatherly Maiestie, or reuerence to his age, or naturall pie∣tie, did attempt to prohibite so great an iniquitie. An Acte (as it seemeth) very well marked by the Sofian kings, who as we may read of Vngher, Mahamut and others, and (as it is written in this Historie) the Children with the Fa∣ther, the Father with the Children, and the Children one with an other, haue learned it by course, and dayly doe practise it to destroy one another and so weakening their owne forces, do make themselues spectacles of infamy to all the world.

The people of Persia are afrayde of Artillery beyond * 1.98 measure, and yet sometimes they haue not beene afraide with suddaine assaultes to assaile their enimies trenches, & lodginges in their Campes. And although they be so ti∣morous and fearefull of that Engine, and know of what moment it is in a battell: yet haue they not hetherto re∣ceiued the vse thereof, being rather obstinate in their blind ambitious conceite, that it is a sinne and shame to exercise

Page 75

so cruell a weapon against mankinde, then ignorant how to make it, or destitute of matter to cast it.

The manner of ordering their battell is after the fashi∣on * 1.99 of a horne or of the Moone, as a man may call it, and in open battell their Squadrons are ordered on this sort. In the right horne or wing, by auncient custome were * 1.100 placed those troupes that were guyded by the captaynes of Istigelu, which is now called the Traytors lyne, by rea∣son of Zalchan and the rest, that were so ready & resolute in the conspiracy, which was made in the fauour of Ai∣dere, whereof we haue already written in this history. In the left cornet or wing were placed the people that were * 1.101 led by the captaines Zambeluzes, who vaunt of their aun∣cient discent from Damasco, and from the Tacaluzes, a na∣tion neuer greatly esteemed for any valour or knowledge that they had in warfare. In the body of the battel was ap∣pointed the kings guard, who was alwaies accustomed to * 1.102 be present at warre with his Armies, although this king partly by reason of the infirmity of his eies, and partly for the dissentions in his kingdome durst not venture to goe in person, but in his steed sent Prince Amze, a valorous & good warrier. In the middest of the battell also, about the King, went the people of Ausares, which are pressed out of Persia, all of them accounted very warrelike, and more valiant then all the rest. Neyther would it bee greatly a∣misse to thinke that from hence were those troupes fetch∣ed in tymes past, which Xerxes was wont to terme by that proude tytle Immortall, the immortall souldiers. The Rere-ward was kept by those that descended from Calir∣chan, * 1.103 which were neuer as yet depryued of that honour, for the good desertes that Calirchan shewed to Ismahel, when he strained himselfe, to passe with a mighty Army

Page 76

euen into Cafe, to performe the Regall Ceremonies at his Coronation, and yet for all that neuer stirred the ordina∣ry guarde of Casbin. The people of Caribdiler and Chia∣peris * 1.104 made-vp the Vaunt-Guarde, accompted also to be men of good sort and very warlike, because they haue al∣waies shewed themselues ready in any occasions or trou∣bles of warre, and performed their partes very valiantly. And this was the manner of ordering their battelles in late tymes.

Touching the reuenues of this kingdome, the com∣mon opinion is, that in the dayes of Kinge Tamas the * 1.105 crowne did yearely receaue into the Chamber of Casbin, foure or fiue millions of gold, which afterward he caused to be worth eight millions, by a sudden enhaunsing of the value of his coyne, geuing in commandment by most seuere Edictes, that ouer all his Empyre, for a certayne space, all the money that he had receaued, should bee ta∣ken and accompted for asmuch more as it was worth, and accordingly made pay to his souldiers and Sultans, & all other that were in his pay. Which example (mee∣thinkes) was well followed by Amurat the now-king of * 1.106 the Turkes, who receauing at the Citty of Cairo the Cechi∣no of gold for xliii. Maidini, he put it out againe in Constan∣tinople, to pay his Capigi and Ianissaries, withall lxxxv. Mai∣dini, commanding that it should be of that value ouer all the Citty, and countryes subiect vnto it. But in the dayes of this king of Persia, the reuenues of this crowne are thought to be so much diminished, that it is the opinion * 1.107 of all men, they amount to little more then two millions in all. Neither is there to be found in him that industry & prouidence which was in Tamas, and though it were, yet peraduenture it would not be regarded by his subiects: &

Page 77

it seemeth that the occasion of this decay is the losse of so many countries as Soliman conquered, and particularly Mesopotamia, and Assyria, besydes Erzirum and the Tri∣butes that are denyed by the people of Georgia, and by o∣ther nations of this kingdome. Next after this kinde of reuenue, which is payed in ready money, and collected into the Chamber of Casbin from among the Citties that are subiect vnto it: (although all the countrey, that was possessed by these kinges, were not appoynted by diuisi∣on to the payment of a certayne nomber of souldiers, as the Turke vseth to doo in those Countries that he subdu∣eth:) yet is there a great sort of towns and villages which * 1.108 are very Feudataries to the croune of Persia, & are so many that they supply a part of the pay that is due to the horse∣men aboue mentioned, to foure thousande of the Curchi of Casbin, and to the Esahul aforenamed. Among all the reuenues that are gathered out of the Citties subiect * 1.109 to Casbin, the greatest were alwaies payed out of Tauris, Cassan, & Hispahan, all Citties of great traffike, where the marchandise of Europe & all Asia doo arriue. And these are the reuenues of this Crowne.

The expenses briefely are these. The threescore and * 1.110 ten Sultanes, that serue in the gouernement of the subiect Citties, are payed in ready money out of the Chamber of Casbin, with a stipend of three thousand, foure thou∣sand, or fiue thousand Cecchins a peece. The two thou∣sand Curchi, that remaine to be paide for their attendance, (who haue no landes assigned to them for their pay, as the foure thousand abouenamed haue) doe also receiue their ordinary wages out of the kinges Chamber, from a hundred & threescore, to two hundred Cecchins a man. From thence also are defraied the stipends for the magis∣tracyes

Page 78

of the Iudges, not onely of Casbin but of all the whole empire, & all the Treasurers likewise. Wherof some haue a thousand, some fiue hundred, and some a thou∣sand and fiue hundred Cecchins yearely. The Garnisons of certayne Fortes, as of Elegie neere to Nassiuan, Guuergi-Chalassi, Cahaca-Calassi and such like, consisting some of a * 1.111 thousand and fiue hundred persons, some of a thousand, and some of fiue hundred, are payed with these Reue∣newes, and euery Souldier of them receiues for his pay fiue Cecchins a moneth little more or lesse. I do not heere reckon the expenses that go out for the pay of other base Offices, of his household, of the Queene, of the Prince, of his Children, of the Temples called their Moschees, of the buildinges, of the gardens, and such like: and so I leaue you to make an accompt, how much remaineth o∣uer and aboue, for the king to put vp in his purse yearely.

And now hauing respect to the order of those thinges, which I propounded to my selfe to treate-of, there rest∣eth nothing els, but onely briefely to consider the occa∣sions, whereby it is come to passe, that a kingdom so mer∣uelously encreased is so suddenly decreased and decaied. * 1.112 And we think the principall occasions therof were three. The first, because the enemy did in very short space waxe verie strong and mightie, by the great conquestes that he made both by sea and by land: by meanes whereof it fell out that those calamities and assaultes, wherewith Persia was at sondry tymes dyuersly afflicted and trauelled, did alwaies proue very grieuous and mortall vnto it. The se∣cond because the empyre of Persia had no fenced citties, that were able to hold out or maintaine themselues: and if there were any, as Van was one, it was because they knew not how to fynd the meanes, either to maintayne,

Page 79

or to recouer themselues: And who knoweth not, that the country lying open, without any resistance, not one∣ly the huge forces of the Turke, but also farre lesse forces had beene able to worke these mischeefes, yea and farre greater then these are. The third, is the conquest of all Artes that the Turke hath made in the winning and sub∣duing of so many christian citties, which are replenished with al kind of diligent study & arte. By which conquests the Turke hath not onely learned to vse his wonted and natiue weapons after a more mortall and deadly manner: but also hath inuented new, to the great astonishment & terour of his enemy, who hath not onely neglected to make vse of forraine instructions, and to learne the true meanes, to encrease his owne forces, but (as it were) con∣temning all other mens wittes; hath thought himselfe a∣lone able to teach and instruct others. And this is that haultinesse and ambitious conceite of the Persian, who in this present misery of his owne, vaunteth & braggeth of great matters, though all the world can see nothing but most vnhappy euentes in all his warres. The fourth is the concord and celerity of the Turke, whereby he hath at∣tempted whatsoeuer he would, and hath obtayned what∣soeuer he attempted: yea and oftentimes, before the Per∣sians could take their Armour, he hath taken their coun∣tryes. The fifte, which is the roote and fosterer of all the rest, hath alwayes beene the discord and dissention in the kingdom of Persia, and the keeping aliue of so many bre∣thren or nephewes of the king at once: and not onely the keping of them aliue, but also the maintaining of them in authority, in gouernement, and in maiesty. For hereby it came to passe that all counselles and execution of coun∣sailes were diuided, Armies weakened, Captaines minds

Page 80

suspended, and inclyning to dyuers parties, & to be briefe there followed a meere confusion of all thinges. It is in deed a barbarous and inhumaine thing for one brother to dye his crowne & Scepter with the bloud of another, and oftentymes of so many of his breethren, and out of all doubt it is a very harde and cruell position, that a man shall not be able to rule without the making away of his deerest frendes: But yet on the other syde it cannot bee but too much negligence and lenity, to permit that bree∣thren and children, being of speciall ambition waxen o∣uer proude in their owne conceytes by reason of their princely gouernementes and authorities, should stirre-vp armes one against another, and in the meane while scarce leaue any meanes for the poore king to scape with his life: who being by his owne bloud made (euen as it were) a rebell to the honour and quyet of the kingdome, must needes reduce his empire into a most vnhappy state. Both these kyndes of gouernementes, are in extremities, and therefore infected with vice and barbarisme, and not to be exercised by any man. And although Cornelius Tacitus saith, that Great enterpryses, which are recompensed with the proffit and safety of the Commonwealth, may haue some iniquity or vnlawfulnesse in them: notwithstanding euery Christi∣an prince ought by all meanes to auoide them, and to e∣stablish the quyetnesse of his kingdome, neither with too great cruelty, nor with excessiue lenity, in which two poyntes all the Barbarian kinges doo ordniarily offend. * 1.113

I had heere made an end of this booke, had there not beene brought vnto me certaine bookes, some written in French and some in the Latin tongue, some with the ty∣tle of commentaries, and some of an History, vnder the names of dyuers Authours more Poeticall then Histori∣call,

Page 81

as faras I can gather: in which bookes hauing found many wantes, aswell concerning matters of the Persian and Turkish opinions about their lying religion, as also touching the recognition of certaine auncient citties, the tymes wherein things haue happened, the actions them∣selues, the voyages of the armies, and many other parti∣cularities, I thought it my dutye to admonishe all those, that after this our age shall happen to reade those bookes and this history, that they walke verye circumspectly in reading such writings. And especially let them take great heed, that they doo not belieue these things following: namely, That the Turkes follow Aly, and the Persians follow Omar and Abubacher: for the matter is quite con∣trary. Likewise, that Scutar was in old tyme Chrysopolis, whereas it is a most cleere case that it was Chalcedon, the founders whereof were termed blynde, because they did not see what errour they committed in buylding a Citty there, and leauinge the place where Constantinople nowe standeth, as farre excelling the situation of Chalcedon, as gold excelleth leade. Also that Esrum or Erzirum, as it should be called, is a citty of Assyria, whereas indeed it is not a citty of Assyria, but of Cappadocia, if we speake pro∣perly. That Seruan is the auncient Media, it being in truth Atropatia. That Osman Bassa tooke Teflis, Mustaf∣fa himself being there in person with all hys hoast, & not (as one of them saith) Citra memorabile damnum, without any memorable losse, no, not with any losse at all, because he found it emptie. That Mustaffa, poysoned himselfe voluntarily, which he did not indeede, but fell into an A∣poplexie. And many other such tales, wherof it is not now conuenient to make any particular confutation. And therefore passing them ouer, wee will prosecute our for∣mer order of this History.

The end of the second Booke.

Notes

Do you have questions about this content? Need to report a problem? Please contact us.