The history of the vvarres betvveene the Turkes and the Persians. Written in Italian by Iohn-Thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by Abraham Hartvvell. Containing the description of all such matters, as pertaine to the religion, to the forces to the gouernement, and to the countries of the kingdome of the Persians. Together with the argument of euery booke, & a new geographicall mappe of all those territories. A table contayning a declaration aswell of diuerse new and barbarous names and termes vsed in this history, as also how they were called in auncient times. And last of all, a letter of the authors, wherein is discoursed, what cittie it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this history

The First Booke. (Book 1)

The Argument.

The causes that moued the Author to write this Historie.

The Originall of this warre.

The causes of the same warre.

Aidere beheaded.

Ismahel the king vseth great cruelties, publisheth a new Religion, and sprea∣deth ab••••ad a speech that he would passe into Babylonia.

Amurath resolueth to moue warre against Persia.

Periaconcona beheaded.

New stirres in Persia, wherof Vctres Bassa aduerti seth Amurath: who ther∣by is confirme in his opinion to make this warre.

Consultations at Constantinople, of the maner how to manage this warre.

Amurath will not in person go with the Armie: but choseth Mustaffa Bassa to be his Generall: who passeth to Chalcedon, and from thence to Erzi∣rum, where he mustereth and surueigheth his Armie, and then departeth for Siruan.

Mustaffa a trueth at Char•••• goeth vnder the Mountaines of Chi••lder, and there encampeth himselfe artificially.

The King of Persia sendeth Souldiers against the Turkes: and ouer them he maketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sultan his Generall.

Tocomac cometh toward Chars; he findeth out his Spies, and being decei∣ued by his Spies, he doth confidently assault the Turkes.

At the first, Tocomac doth happely ouercome the Turkes, but afterwardes he was discomfited, and saued himselfe by the oportunitie of the night.

The particular of the Victorie.

Manucchiar the Georgian yeeldeth himselfe to Mustaffa, and is interteined by him.

(Book 1)

(Book 1)

(Book 1)

The warres betweene the Turkes and Persians. (Book 1)

I Write the sondry successes of the warre betweene Amurat king of Turkie, & Mahamet by surname cal∣ed Codabanda king of Persia, both of them among the Barbarians beeing most mightie & most warlike Prin∣ces. A warre not onely long & blou∣die, but also very commodious and of great oportunitie to the Christian Common-wealth: for that it hath gran∣ted * 1.1 leisure to the Champions of Christ to refresh and en∣crease their forces, being now much weakened by warres both Forreine and Ciuill. A matter in truth rather diuine then humane, there being now newly arisen among the Turkes, fresh hopes of victories, by meanes whereof (con∣trary to the custome of such contentions) the wrath of these two Princes was drawne in length, which if they had bene conuerted against Europe, might haue made our state most troublesome and turbulent. These successes and all the rest, that together with the like motions haue come to passe, sometimes intermingling among them the priuy treacheries of the Tartarians, sometimes the oppres∣sions of the people of Drusia, and sometimes also the in∣solencies of the Arabians, I here take in hand to describe, being therunto moued, principally vpon two occasions. The one is, for that they all seeme to me of themselues ve∣ry worthy to be knowne both of the men that liue at this * 1.2 day, & also of those that shall come after vs: neither haue I as yet seene any man that hath made any full or true re∣port thereof Which notwithstanding I hope shalbe here∣in performed by my myselfe who haue bene entertained al∣most

seauen whole yeares (during the said warres) partly in Soria, partly in Constantinople, and by occasion of my practise in Phisicke, haue bene familiarly conuersant with many Bassaes, Embassadours, and other great men, aswel Persians as Turkes, that haue beene agentes and dealers in these affaires. The other is, for that I doe verily persuade my selfe, that I shall breede great profite and delight to all nations Christian by the reading of this history, wherein they shall vnderstand how mighty the forces are of these two enimies of the name of Christ; and in what termes they stand euen at this day: by meanes of which know∣ledge it may peraduenture fall out, that our Christian Princes will bee encouraged to take vp armes against the Barbarians, vnder whose gouernement so many famous and potent nations are already reduced. A losse (to say the trueth) very great, and not to be thought-of without shedding of teares, that whereas a people so renowmed for their Nobilitie, & glorious in all ages for wisedome and science, did in times past gouerne so many nations, as though they were Lordes of the whole world: Now be∣ing either driuen from their proper Colonies, from their owne houses, from their domesticall confines, they goe wandring vp and downe poore, & needy of other mens helpe: Orels being brought into a most vile kind of ser∣uitude, some serue as sclaues, & some yeeld obedience to the enimies of Christ in such sorte, that euen in Greece it selfe, the very name of Greece is quite extinguished, and al because it was departed from the bosome of the Catho∣like Church. But let not this my history take his beginning at these quarrels and complaintes, which peraduenture to some mens humors would seeme the more vnpleasant, in that they would proue more necessary to be set downe in this respect: And therefore my conceit is rather, that

in mentioning such thinges as are neerer to our remem∣brance, I should beginne at the death of olde Tamas the most famous king of Persia, and withall discourse vpon the state and condition of that kingdome whilest it re∣mained in the successors of the said Tamas, videlicet Isma∣hel and Mahamet, his sonnes: for that by this very briefe narration, euery man shall manifestly see the true occa∣sions of this warre, and so we shall auoide the inserting of any superfluous replication in the contexture of this our history.

I say then, that Tamas after the warres, which he valo∣rously waged with Soliman the first of that name, and the eleuenth Emperour of the Turkes, at such time as the said Tamas did driue Soliman out of Tauris (being of old cal∣led Ecbathana, the very same, wherein Herodotus writeth, that the kings richesses & treasures were then kept, & not Terua as P. Giouius would haue it) a Citty which the same Turkish Emperour had sacked, and hauing concluded a peace, wherein it was agreed that the Castell Cheiseri, by * 1.3 the Turkes called Chars, & by Ptolomee (as a man may re∣sonably coniecture) Corso, being in this great change re∣duced by Soliman, into a fort, should be razed: he with∣drew himselfe to the gouernment of his own kingdome. Vnder whome the Persian Empire flourished in sacred & redoubted lawes, the people demeaned themselues after the best manner they could, abundance of collections came plentifully in, the Rentes of his chambers increased wonderfully, Armes, Artes & Sciences did happely pros∣per, and were highly esteemed: neither was there any more feare that Soliman would renew the warres, as one that had altogether bent his thoughtes another way. When as after a few yeares, wherein both Soliman and his

sonne Selim, which after him had enioyed that damned * 1.4 foelicity of his Empire, departed out of this lyfe, Tamas also himself died in the yeare 1576, the xj. day of May, ha∣uing left behind him eleuen children, one called Mahamet the eldest, who passed his life a while in Heri, (in times past called Aria,) and afterwardes in Siras, (of old called Persepolis) by the appointment of his father, being nowe waxen proud for his issue of many sonnes. Another na∣med Ismahel his second sonne, who for the fiercenesse of his courage was banished into a Castell, called by the Per∣sians Cahaca, situate betweene Casbin (otherwise called Ar∣sacia) & Tauris. The third, who had to name Aidere, was kept in the custody of Zalchan, Piry Mahamet, Acta Hussain, and other of his kinsfolkes, by occasion of the mother of the said Aidere, all being cheefe Capitaines in the coast of Istigelù. Other eight children there were partly by the same mother partly by other women, whose names were Mamut, Solimano, Mustaffa, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abra∣hin, & Ismahel the yonger.

This Tamas, before he dyed, did solemnely appoynt by his will, that his sonne Ismahel the elder should bee set * 1.5 in the kingdome: who although, because he was yonger then Mahamet, could not bee his lawfull successor, yet did he yeeld great hope of his most excellent wit, and singu∣lar vertues: insomuch that he seemed to promise euery man an happy gouernment, & sufficient habilitie to de∣fend himselfe against his enemies, were they neuer so fierce and warlike. Ismahel, after that he was confined by his father Tamas into the eastel of Cahaca, had euer sought to shew himselfe superior to his brother in the Arte mili∣rarie: and although he gaue himselfe by secret industrie to learne the preceptes of the Turkish law (a thing which

if it had beene publikely knowen, would alone haue beene enough to haue barred him from succession of the kingdome:) yet had he alwayes endeuored himselfe to be * 1.6 an open enemy to the Turkes, and thereupon with his of∣ten inuasions (which was the cause of his imprisonment) whiles the peace held betweene Tamas and Soliman, he was so bould as now & then, contrary to his fathers com∣mandement to assault the Territorie of Erzirum and be∣yond all honestie to spoile the townes & castelles of that region withhis sodaine incursions. By meanes whereof he made shew of his great valour to all people, but princi∣pally to his father Tamas, who although in outward shew he seemed greatly to mislike those his youthful heates, yet was he dayly confirmed in the opinion, that he carried of him, to name him his successor, thinking verily that of soe great a dignity he would proue himselfe either altoge∣ther, or at lest more worthy then his brother Mahamet. Which Mahamet (to speake the truth) aswel for the disease * 1.7 of his eyes, whereby for his surname he was called Coda∣banda, as also for the manner of his life altogether giuen to that ease, which is proper to such as are studious and qui∣etly mynded, neuer shewed himselfe sufficient to sway the burden of the Empire,, and to brydle the fiercenesse of his enemies: yea and he protested himselfe that hee * 1.8 did vtterly abhorre so great a weight, and those so many cares, as are wont to follow so ample and soe many-par∣tied a kingdome. And yet for all that did not Mahamet remaine altogether depryued of all the whole fauour of his father: forsomuch as Abas Mirize, the middlemost * 1.9 of his sonnes, was confirmed in the Citty of Heri, (where he was before borne,) and honored with the tytle of the Visier of that remote and abundant Cuntry: yea and

Tamas himselfe had established Emir Hamze, the eldest of * 1.10 Mahamets sonnes, in some great dignitie, if death, though some what tardee, yet not altogether vnlooked for, had not by preuenting him, bereaued him of his lyfe, and ta∣ken from them all hope of greater matters.

King Tamas then being thus dead, the said Ismahel was called by the Sultans, for the execution of his fathers will, * 1.11 to Casbin, that he might (as he ought) be saluted & pro∣claymed king. But while the Postes (whome the Turkes call Volacchi) ran with these great aduerty sementes to Is∣mahel, there arose a stirre within the Citty of Casbin, or ra∣ther within the pallace of the king, where remayned at * 1.12 that tyme Periaconcona, a woman in yeares elder then all those her brethren, the sonnes of Tamas, who was niece to Sahamal the Georgian on her mothers side, being sister to Sa∣hamal, * 1.13 & wife to the said Tamas, of whom also was borne the yong Mustaffa, being one of the eyght sons aboue na∣med. She hauing the care committed to her, and other Sultan Councellers of estate, to see the last will and testa∣ment of the dead king put in execution, was by sondry de∣uises dyuersly attempted, that the place might not be pre∣serued for Ismahel, but vnlawfully yeelded to Aidere: who whiles Tamas was sorest aflicted with his sicknes, boldly * 1.14 entring into the chamber, where he lay, had adorned his forehead with his fathers Crowne, and in the sight of his old and weake parent, with an action more rash then be∣came his honestie, shewed himselfe desirous of this ambi∣tiouse succession. And besides this errour, (for the which he was presently & sharpely rebuked) after the death of Tamas, he with drew himselfe to his sister, most instantly beseeching soe desyred a dignitie at her handes: with whome, as also with the rest of the Counsellors of e∣state

he had vsed so many prayers & fauours, that the en∣heritaunce * 1.15 could not be any longer kept from him, but by the helpe of some secret deceit. His sister durst not be so bould, as to moue any important mittigatiō of these mat∣ters before the Counsellors, neither would her hart suffer her to set forward any action, that might be preiudicial to her brother Aidere: neither could she tell how to permit so great an iniury to be done to Ismahel, who was chosen by his father into the succession. And therefore in this perplexity she sought meanes to satisfy the ambitiouse * 1.16 youth being present, the right and reasons of Ismahel be∣ing absent, the honour of her dead fathers will and testa∣ment, and the proffit of the kingdome. For hauing con∣sulted with all the Sultans, she resolued to yeeld, that Ai∣dere, being inuested in his regall apparell, and setled in the great gallerie, should attend the acclamation of the peo∣ple, and be publikely installed, as though he were elec∣ted king. And euen thus did this vnwise & bould youth suffer himselfe to be led by the blind desires of gluttonous glory: who being set in his maiestie perswaded himselfe, that he should now see his frendes and foes obedient vn∣to * 1.17 him, and himselfe reuerenced of all men, as king of the Empire. But to these designementes so hasty and so pros∣perous, the successes that sprong from the subtilty of those Counsellors, and his dissembling Sister, were nothing conformable: for that by their aduise she tooke order, for the gates of the Pallace to be presently locked, leauing at euery passage asure guarde, and permitting that one narrow wicket onely should remayne open, and safely warded with a company of most faithfull and valorouse Captaines, wholly deuoted to Tamas & Ismahel, who had strait charge also giuen them to suffer euery man to enter

in, sauing onely the followers and keepers of Aidere. In this sort did she thinke to entertaine the young man, vntill such time as the nominated king should arriue from Caha∣ca, and so put in execution what he thought best, for the honour of himselfe, for the custodye of the kingdome, which fell to him by inheritance, and for the generall qui∣et of all Persia.

Thus then sate the young man Aidere, replenished with vnwonted ioyes, receauing honour from al the peo∣ple of Casbin, sauing onely from his frendes and keepers. By meanes whereof, perceauing now the prohibition of them, and the great stirre of Zalchan his chiefest fauorite, (who discouering the prepensed deceit, and crying vpon king Aidere, threatned the lady, the Sultans, & all the rest that waited vpon this fained succession, which was indeed ordayned but for a scorne & despight of him) he acknow∣ledged this publicke derision, and secretly together with all his misfortune, he abandoned his fresh-begun honors, and of a king (as he presumed to be) he had the grace to * 1.18 make himselfe a fugitiue, and being become all fearefull and sorrowfull, with all the force he could he withdrew himselfe closely among certayne women of the pallace, hoping so to find some way to escape with his lyfe.

In the meane tyme so greatly encreased the cryes and threatnings of the frendly company of Istigelu (and now all of them had prepared themselues for some dangerous & pernitious attempt against Persia) that the counsellors, with consent of the lady were enforced to take order, that to bereaue these tumultuous and seditious people of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be depriued of his lyfe. And so Sahamal the Georgian vncle to the young man, after long search made for him, at last found him

hidden among the weomen, and without any stay, ta∣king his head by the lockes, cut it quite from his carcase: * 1.19 and in the place, where Zalchan with the rest of vnfortu∣nate Aidere his fauorites stoode crying and threatning, a∣mong the greatest medley & thickest presse of the proude conspirators, he flong the head all blouddy, & as it were breathing for heate, crying out vnto them, Behould there * 1.20 your king, enioy him at your pleasure. At this sudden and hor∣rible spectacle euery man burned in rage and anger: nei∣ther did there want for the present time many a rash head, that meditated most cruel reueng, & turbulent stirres: Yet in the end when they perceiued that the neere succession of Ismahel was ineuitable, and the death of Aidere (that followed) irreuocable, euery one betooke himselfe to his owne priuate affayres, & at last deuyded themselues one from another, and seuerally departing from the pallace, some saued themselues here, and some there, leauinge those courtes and lodginges all in quyet.

In the meane tyme was Tamas buried acording to their prophane rites, and Ismahel the successor arriued from Cahaca, who without any stirre at all was embraced by his sister, saluted by the Sultans, and reuerenced of all men, as the lawfull heire of so great an Empire. But he, assoone as he began to sway the regall scepter, and sawe himselfe superior to all men in liberty & authority, with∣out any pitty at all (swaruing therein from the Persian custome, and imitating the Turkish maner) caused the heades of all his eyght yonger breethren to be cut off, and with all vsed such f••nder diligence, that not onely all those which were neere vnto them in bloud or affinity were bereaued of their liues, but also all the fauourites of the late slaine Aidere, were vnhappely destroyed in that

publike slaughter, so that the streetes of Casbin were defy∣led * 1.21 with bloud, and all the Citty resounded with mour∣ninges & complaints. Which vnexpected cruelty, being altogether vnworthy of so worthy-a-thought king, did in such sort encrease that opinion of great successes, which all the Persians had conceaued of the person of Ismahel, that there was not a man to be found, which changed not his former hopes into new fears, & bitterly sorrowing for the calling of such a Lord to rule ouer them, did not hate * 1.22 this new fiercenes of his mind, & bewayle so vntymely & miserable a massacre. But much greater and farre more lamentable did these miseries growe, assoone as certayne speeches were published and spred of the king, That hee would change the religion, (if we may so call it:) & assoone as he commanded openly, that whosoeuer desyred to liue vnder his standard, & loued to obey his lawes, should * 1.23 detest the superstitious worships of Aly, the foolish and false prophet of the Persians, & according to the impious custome of the Ottomans, obserue and mayntaine the im∣pure and wicked rytes of Abubac, Osman, and others, that were reuerenced & honoured by the Turkes with a pro∣fane worship. So that by this great nouelty, quite con∣trary to the late publike and famous actes of Ismahel, and altogether repugnant to their hope, whereby they expec∣ted glorious matters from him, to the generall benefite of Persia, the myndes of all men were so afflicted, that the country neuer felt greater trouble, nor euer indured a * 1.24 more dangerous & vncouth a change: by meanes where∣of, & by force of this publike Edict of the new king, (whe∣ther he did it because he was in loue with this wicked worship, and had learned this abomination rather then any other, as we sayd before: or whether he did it to re∣uoke

his neighboures the Mesopotamians, the Babilonians, and Assyrians, vnder his banners:) many of his prophane priestes, many of the Gouernors of his frendly and sub∣iect Citties, being too much inflamed with the former superstition, were dryuen into exile, many put in prison, some had their eyes pluckt out, (among whome was the Califfe of Casbin) and not a few others in sondry sortes de∣priued * 1.25 of their liues: yea many Ladyes, ioyned in bloud with Ismahel himselfe, & dyuers others of his kinsfolkes, to whom neither sex, nor age, nor innocency could be a suffi∣cient defence, did endure sondry tormentes and strange calamities.

In this so great an innouation, and among these tu∣multes, there went abrode with all, an vniuersall rumor, not onely among the Citties of Persia, but in the regions of the Turkes also, (Fame the publisher of euill, rather then of good newer, arriuing euen to the Citty of Constantinople) that with all these disorders, Ismahel sought to put in order * 1.26 a great number of such soldiers, as fauoured this new pro∣claimed vanity, & passing with them to the citty of Baby∣lon, now called Bagdat, there, to the imitation of Soliman, would receaue the Crowne of the Empire at the hand of him, that (who soeuer he was) he should find to be the successor of their great Califfe, and in the cheefest place a∣mong theyr vncleane priestes. In this dyuers variety of matters, and in so great nouelty of euentes, beyond all common expectatiō, whiles there encreased rather feares of newe motions, then ensued hopes of auncient quy∣etnesse, by the helpe of the aforenamed Lady Peria∣concona, (who as the kinges greatest fauorite suruiued all the rest) he was sodainely bereaued of his lyfe: whether it were that this his death happened by occasion of cer∣taine

amorous practises of Ismahel himselfe, or whether his sister had cuningly conueighed poyson into some e∣lectuary prepared for him: or (as some more probably do * 1.27 affirme) that his sayd sister hauing priuately conspyred with Calil-chan, Emir-chan, Piry Mahamet, Curchi Bassi, be∣ing al at that time captaines of great accompt, & as it were Presidentes of the kingdome, had brought them in, ap∣parelled in womens weedes & gowns, & that they strang∣led him, at such time as Ismahel had priuately withdrawen himselfe among his paramoures. Howsoeuer it was, suf∣ficient it is, that by the helpe of the saide Periaconcona, the 24. day of Nouember being S. Katherins euen, in the yeare of our saluation 1577. this king, being generally tearmed by his people a seditious man & a contemner of the lawe, was suddenly taken out of this world, to the exceeding ioy of all those Nations, that by his death thought they should remaine freede from great and manifold troubles.

Ismahel being thus dead, the Lady began presently to * 1.28 parlee with al those Sultans, that were the ministers of this fraudulent death, & told them, that as they had giuen ad∣uise, for the greater benefit of all Persia, that Ismahel should be depryued both of his kingdome & lyfe: and that as yet it was not knowen, who should worthely succeed in that Crowne, which now remayned in their handes, for∣asmuch as the king, that dead is, hath left no issue behind him: so it touched them verye neere to take vpon them the protection thereof, and preseruing the maiestie of the Scepter, the liberties of the people, and the peace of the subiect Citties, strongly to defend and deepely to settle the safety of that nation, which onely possesseth the true orders of the elect disciples of crafty and wicked Maha∣met. There were at that tyme many gouernours and Ca∣pitaines

assembled in Casbin: and euery one of them had withdrawen himselfe thether, for the accomplishment of his owne priuate designementes, these gaping after the mutations of the world. Emir-Chan he burned in ambi∣tious desires, and hoped by the meanes of a match, to be concluded with a sister of Periaconcona, (who was already greatly inclyning to him) that he should be exalted to the soueraigne degree of all Persia. Mirize Salinas, cheefe among the Sultans, of that court, he hoped on the other syde to aduance into the estate, eyther Mahamet bro∣ther to the dead king, or els Hamze the eldest son of the sayde Mahamet Codabanda: and by bestowing vpon him his daughter to be his wyfe, (as afterwarde hee did) so to encrease the glory of his house. Others there were that hoped they should be able to draw Abas out of Heri, and to create him king of the Empyre. There was also one of the Tutors of the infant Tamas, who waited like∣wise for some oportunity to settle Tamas in the kingdom, and so by meanes of his greatnes to exalt himselfe to the soueraigne Tytle of cheefe captaine among his fellowes. Neither did there want a nomber of others, that secretly watched to vsurpe any occasion that might be presented vnto them. How be it in this so great variety of thoughts, * 1.29 the Sultans aunswered the Lady with one consent, and promised her in most liberall termes all the protection, that their forces could afforde, or their wepons pro∣cure: and yet did euery one of them both in action and worde clerkly dissemble their seuerall imaginations where unto they myrid was as proue and deady, as their harte was cunning to conceale them closely. And in this sort were ended those great noueltyes which arose (I

know not vppon what occasion) & were brought in by this ambitious king.

In the meane space, which was one yeare seuen monthes and six dayes of king Ismahels raigne, Amurat the new successor also of his father Selim, who was now wake∣ned at the death of old renowmed Tamas, and at the ru∣mor spred abroade of the desyre which Ismahel had to passe to Babilon, & at the fresh report of this new published superstition, & had throughly learned of all sides, what harme this late inconstant & variable king had wrought in Persia, what dissentions he had raysed, & how hardly all the Prouinces of the Persian Empire had endured those strange calamities, & so hoped in himselfe either in Isma∣hels lyfe tyme, or after his death to succeed him, for that heareby occasiō might be ministred vnto him to take vp * 1.30 armes against Persia, & matter suggested to put in executi∣on his vnmeasurable desires of some new conquestes: which desires had alwaies made both him and other his predecessors not onely suspected, but also terrible & feare∣full aswell to his frendes as to his enemies: for asmuch as there is an auncient custom, which is growen as it were to be a law among the Ottoman kings, that those Emperours cannot challenge their due honours in their life tyme, nor * 1.31 their proud monuments after their death, (which are so durable, as at this day they remayne equall with Aeter∣nitie,) vnlesse they attempt some great and ambitious ac∣tions & enterpryses, and vnlesse they performe some ex∣ployte, that may be conformable to theyr maiesty. Amu∣rat * 1.32 therefore bending all his cogitations to these great stirres, would not direct his mind any other way, or moue warre agaynst any other nation, vntill he might first see what issue these maruellous innouations would bringe

foorth which in the succession that followed, & namely in the person of Mahamet now king, simed to be more preg∣nant and perseuerant, then euer they were before, and ministred to Amurat new occasions of victorious and strange hopes, for that assoone as Ismahel departed out of this lyfe, by the aforenamed Mirize Salmas, (being in dig∣nitie the cheefe man among the Sultans, though in bloud and nobilitie inferior to them all) after many letters dis∣patched too and fro, Mahamet Codabanda was at last as∣sured, how with all quietnes of mind and security of per∣son he might come and take possession of the kingdome. He was also certyfied by the same Salmas of the whole conspiracy plotted agaynst his Brother to put him to death, and likewise made acquainted how the fraudulent lady with the Sultans had capitally consulted against him, & how she fauouring Emir-chan & Abas Mirize of Hert, her nephew and his son, more then became her, did little regard the due and rightfull succession of him being her brother. And for these causes did Mahamet greatly beare himselfe bold of the faith and diligence of Mirize Sal∣mas: and had withall no small desyre to see his eldest son Hamze Mirize, aduanced to some such soueraigne dig∣nity, as he saw was due to the liuely hope, that euery man perceaued to bein him, in regarde of his vertue & prudence, for managing the common wealth, and dis∣patch of matters of warre: wherein also he shewed him∣selfe to his father very iealous and suspicious, least some other man should vsurpe vpon him that honour and au∣thority which so properly appertayned vnto him. And thereupon did Mahamet in the end resolue with him∣selfe, not to leaue the kingdome in the handes of priuate persons, not in the lightnes of an inconstat woman, who

by the occurrents sent him from his counsellor, was detec∣ted to be an vnshamefaced queane, and are bellious con∣spirator against her owne bloud, where with she had now twise defiled her selfe, without any pitty or remorse of conscience. And therefore he wrote back againe, that he was mynded to take the rightfull succession vpon him: * 1.33 that (God so fauouring, ayding and assisting him) hee would enforce himselfe to profit Persia, to proue a more thankfull and commodious a member to the com∣mon wealth, then his dead brother: & that for the same purpose he was putting himselfe on his iourney: with straite charge notwithstanding, that Mirize Salmas, to make his cunning seeme the more acceptable, should be∣fore his entrance within the gates of Casbin present him with the mischeeuous head of Periaconcona, a woman (in respect of the scorne exercysed agaynst yong Aidere, and of the treacherous death practised and executed vpon his brother, and of the perucise imaginations which she con∣ceaued to cause the succession to fall into other mennes handes, and of the prodigall familiarity which she had with some of the Sultans,) well worthy of a thousande deathes. Secreatly did Mirize Salmas put in execution whatsoeuer Mahamet had priuately enioyned him, so that by his meanes he was presently & solemnely proclaimed king of Persia. And afterwardes hauing gathered togea∣ther many squadrons of men, wholly deuoted to the bloud and name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas put himselfe on his way to meete him, carying the head of that audacious & manlike virago vpon the top of a lence▪ * 1.34 with her hayre dispersed, and some other vncouth beha∣uiours that moued terror to the beholders. From which nouelties (one mischeife as it were huding vpō the neck

of another) there sprongvp dyuers inward hatreds, sun∣dry tumultuous seditions, and many ciuill warres, inso∣much that the king for his parte being continually solici∣ted * 1.35 by Mirize Salmas, (the cheefest and deerest fauorite he had,) sought by all meanes to take reuenge of those treacherous companions and complices of his brothers death, who on the other syde did euen burne in immo∣derate desyres to aduance their owne priuate estates, and withall their might opposed themselues against his pow∣er and authority, whereby the state of Persia began to fall into greater inconueniences, and of these nouelties to reape new losses. Sahamal the Georgian, (he that by the appointment of his neece Periaconcona, and of the conspi∣ring Sultans, was the minister of Aidere his death,) as∣soone as he heard of the misfortune of his neece, fled to * 1.36 his places of rest in his mountaine of Bruz, fearing great∣ly the wrath of this new Lord. Leuentogli likewise one of the Lordes of Georgia, who by reason of these accidentes, which happened to his brother at his owne perill, did re∣posesmall confidence in the Persian protection, vnder∣standing * 1.37 the flight of Sahamal, being very neere vnto him both in countrey and bloud, estranged himselfe so farre from his old loue and auncient deuotion, that he seemed to desire some new innouation. The Nations also that were neighbours to the Turkes, and the people of Media * 1.38 Atropatia, where Seruan is at this day, remayned malcon∣tent at the same of this new king, & in the end it appeared that Persia vnder this fresh successour, through many mu∣rations, was fallen into a most notable misery, & the state thereof more weakened then euer it was wont to be.

Of all these late successes, aswell as of the former intelli∣gences, was Amurat aduertysed from dyuers partes, but

specially and particularly Vstref the Bassa of the Citty of Van, a citty according to Strabo situate in Armenia the greater, vpon the Lake Actamar (sometymes called Pa∣lus * 1.39 Mantiana,) sent him most perfect information of all these stirres in Persia, discoursing vnto him of the death of Ismahel, the consultations of the Sultans, the treacheries & death of Periaconcona, the broyles betweene the king and the Sultans, the nature of the new king being diseased in his eyes, little esteemed by his subiectes, besotted in his affections towades his three sonnes, (at whose handes he foresaw notwithstanding, that hee should receaue many iniuries and troubles,) the facility to ouer-rule the cheefe Gouernours of the Georgiani, and the people of Atropatia, otherwyse called Seruan, which were euill affected to∣wardes the new king: and to be briefe whatsoeuer had in truth succeeded in Persia, and might inflame the mynd of Ottoman to conuert his forces agaynst an enemy of small counsell and much cnofusion: adding thereunto, that neuer was there greater opportunity to ouercome that kyng then now was offered, and that in any case hee should not let slip such an occasion, as the Ottoman kings neuer had before to obtayne so certayne and so famous victoryes, with so great glory and felicity in these enter∣pryses.

Amurat, whose eares had along time beene filled with those stirres, that Ismahel had raysed, and whose cogita∣tions were wholly bent to marke what wold be the issues thereof, liued with a mynd altogether inflamed with an vnmeasurable desire of the newes, and assoone as to his owne naturall inclynation, and to other mens reportes, there was added also this information of Vstres, (who per∣aduenture had that charge particularly enioined him) he

setled himselfe more deepely in his former conceytes, vz: to proue his forces in subduing a king of an ancient time, dissenting and estraunged from the lawe of Mahamet, a * 1.40 contemner of his maiesty, and to be short, his onely cor∣riuall and odious competitor in all the East: and there∣withall began to call to his remembarnce, how Selim fa∣ther to his grandfather, and Soliman his grandsyre would haue taken this enterprise to hart, recording priuately to himselfe how they being captains of most mighty armies, went themselues in person, fought with the Persian kings, sacked and tooke many of their Citties, and reduced their bordering enemyes into very strait termes. But no one thing did more enflame the Turkish Emperour, then did so rare an occasion which he thought was now offered vnto him, to haue for his enemy a king not well practy∣sed in feats of war, besotted & confounded in affection & conceyttowardes his children, and weakened through the dissention of his subiectes: he measured and weigh∣ed his owne forces, he considered the peace which his people had enioyed from the taking of Goletta, euen vntill this tyme: he collected the infinite number of his vassalles aswell horsemen as footemen, he surueighed the rentes of his customes, his meanes to fynd money, his engynes of war (wherein he did far surpasse the Persians,) the citties of his enemy layde all open, and without any defence of fyre or by such lyke instruments of death: and in breefe when he had called to mind whatsoeuer he durst attempt and promisse to himselfe, he did more and more resolue with himselfe to take the occasion that was now offered him to begin this warre. For the compassing of which his purpose he was greatly fauoured by the present state * 1.41 of Christendome, at that tyme being wholly in league &

amity with him: and the peace yet continuing that the Emperour had made with him: and the rather, because * 1.42 he was verily perswaded that he should not haue any di∣sturbance by the Catholike king, who no doubt would graunt him a truce by reason of his warres in Flanders, wherewith hee perceiued hee was shrewdly occupied, (which truce afterward ensued by occasion of the king∣dome of Portugall.) The State of Venice also obseruing that faith and promise, which with publike capitulations, they had faithfully established in concluding a peace, af∣ter that singular victory, which they had obtayned neere to the Islandes Echinades against the Turkish Fleete. And to be shorte the Turke assured himselfe that he should not any way suffer any annoiance or impedimenr by any prince of Europe.

In this generall tranquillity & common peace with the Potentates of Christendome, did Amurat with more se∣curity and bouldnes discourse with him selfe about the broaching of this warre in Persia: and at last not fynding any thing contrary to his designementes, he resohied to haue a treaty with those chief Bassaes called Visiers that vse to sit at the Court gate, & to take sound aduise with those * 1.43 that had the vniuersall gouernement of the whole Em∣pyre in their handes, whether it were better vpon this pre∣sent occasion to begin the prepensed warre, or if they thought this oportunity not to be so fit, then to lay it aside, & to conuert their forces and counselles against the com∣mon wealth of Christendome. So impiously and so bar∣barously is this Empyre managed; that whensoeuer there is any treaty to attempt any enterpryse for the aduaun∣cing thereof, it is lawfull to violate any truce and to breake promisse: whereupon although this warre

could not bee moued eyther agaynst the Persians, or a∣gaynst the Princes Catholike, without breach of theyr promised sayth, (altogether counterfetting and preten∣ding capitulations of peace, leagues & oathes that ought to be inuiolable:) yet in the manifold consultations, that passed among these Visiers, there was not a man found that had any consideration or made any accompt of that defect: but euery one of them (as their manner is in all thinges) preferring violence before reason, thought it * 1.44 conuenient to set forward the wicked desyre of their Lord, without any godly or honest respect at all. And a∣mong the rest, Mahamet the Visier, being cheefest in * 1.45 authority, experience, and yeares of gouernement, was of aduice that it would proue a more easy and lesse dan∣gerous attempt to warre with the Persians, then with the christian princes: aswel for that the ciuil dissentions late∣ly sprong vp in the kingdome of Persia, and the conditi∣on of the new successor of the Persian Empyre in his go∣uerment and warre, promised all fortunate victory: as also for that to wage battell agaynst the Christian Prin∣ces, was not to make that Prince onely his enemie against whom he should fight, (whose forces notwithstanding, bee what Prince soeuer he may bee, haue euer beene most terrible, some by sea & some by land) but it was to bid battell to all the Potentates of Christendome at once; those potentates (I say) that not many yeares before had discomfited a fleete of 300. Gallies & mo, & awhile after that, had put to flight another fleet either as great as it, or not much inferior, & peraduenture was still able * 1.46 to performe, whatsoeuer they desyred. In these consul∣tations & other like discourses, in the end they al agreed, that it would be much better to make war in Asia against

dartes, agaynst swordes, agaynst Citties eyther lying o∣pen or slenderly fenced, then in Europe, agaynst light∣ninges and fyres, against bowes and arrowes, agaynst de∣uouring flames, agaynst strong places fortifyed with mu∣nition and instrumentes of death. And if there were any difficultie at all therein, there were but two onely that seemed to be of any weight: one was the great distance * 1.47 and rough passage of those places, through which they were to leade their horses, their Cammells, their artillery and their men, euery man knowing that the Country of Georgia is compassed rounde about with verie roughe mountaines and thick woods, where the enemy vseth all good oportunity to lay ambushes, and to worke treason against such as passe that way: another difficulty was mo∣ney, Sinan Bassa among the rest offering to their consi∣derations, that if a man would conquere a new countrey, it was necessary for the mayntenaunce of the conquest to erect Castelles and Fortresses, which being leaft to the defence of valiant souldiers would require large sti∣pends, without which euery souldyer willingly forsa∣keth his charge. Sauing these two difficulties (which * 1.48 notwithstanding were not greatly debated, but in an∣swere thereof as much spoken by the king himselfe as was thought sufficient) euery man thought the conquest of the kingdome of the Cheselbas to bee the playnest & ea∣syest, & promised to themselues vndoubted victory of it. But aboue all other Mustaffa Bassa, he that reduced the * 1.49 Ile of Cyprus vnder the Ottoman power, infamous for the cruell, barbarous & vniust death of Marcantonio Bragadi∣no the stoute and valorous Captayne of Famagosta, whose name shall neuer dye in the tongues and myndes of all a∣ges, hee (I say) with exceeding audacitie set out great

hopes of glorious conquestes not concealing the ver∣tues of the Latines, & the perilles passed in the wars of the said Islande, and particularly in the expugnation of the Citty, preferring the armes, forces, and valour of the La∣tines before the valour, forces, and armes of the Georgiani and the Persians: and in breefe assuring more certayne * 1.50 hope of this warre in Asia, then of any other that could possibly be raised in Europe. And in this sort were the first discourses and originalles of these motions in the East, begun and practised: whereby all men may see that nei∣ther zeale of religion, nor any iniury receaued from the Persian Kinges, but onely the ambitious desyre of Amu∣rat to subdue a kingdome, both in his owne conceyte and also by other mens relation ill gouerned by an effeminate and sottish king, and through ciuill dissention brought into great danger, was the first prouocation of making * 1.51 this warre: and thereby may all Catholikes learne, that there is nothing more pernitions to the Christian Com∣mon wealth, then ciuill discord.

When they had thus concluded vpon this resolution to make warre in Persia, there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof, and vpon what coast they should begin their iourney, that so they might expect the more honorable successe: which poynt Amurat did * 1.52 greatly vrge, protesting before al his Visiers, that he would not enter into a warre, vnlesse he were in great hope to beare away the promised victory. Many were the propo∣sitions and opinions of the Visiers: and many questions did the king propound, whereunto hee himselfe did rea∣dily answere. On the one side some thought, that it wold be very conuenient to send the Army to Babilon, and from * 1.53 thence to Syras, (in old tyme called Persepolis) famous

for the praye that Alexander tooke there, (as Q. Curtius wryteth,) and by that way to attempt the conquest of all Persia. Others were of a contrary mind, & did giue aduice, * 1.54 that the Army should bee sent by direct course to Tauris, there to erect strong fortresses, and to take possession of all the country subiect round about. It is reported also, that some there were that thought it better to send two seue∣rall * 1.55 Armyes from both the places aboue mentioned, that so bringing the enemy into a straite, they might inforce him to retire, and to yeeld vnto them whatsoeuer they should demand. But Amurat durst not repose such con∣fidence * 1.56 in his owne forces, as to thinke that with his bat∣tells deuided & so weakened, he should be able to ouer∣come that enemy, who had alwaies fought most valiantly agaynst the monstrous and couragious Armyes of his forefathers, not without some feare also of the auncyent vertue of the Persian people, whereof Fame hath euer resounded an immortall and glorious report. Neyther did he make slender accompt of the Georgiani, the most antique tributaries and confederates of the Persians, by whose onely assaultes his Army could not but suffer ma∣ny inconueniences and sundry trauelles: forsomuch as if they should assaile his battels behind or on both sides, & the Persians should set vpon his forefront, though they were many in number and fenced with artillery, yet be∣ing ill planted, and in such difficulty as they could not vse their Artillery, it would be a very easy matter to defeate them. And therefore he did firmely resolue with himselfe to send one onely Army, and with vnited forces to seeke the ouerthrow of his enemy. And thus preferring his strong hope to conquere the countrey of Siruan in Geor∣gia, and the chiefe Citties of Media the Great, before the

difficultie of making warre vpon the coast of Siras, re∣posing great confidence in the notable helpe that was promised him by the Cumani in Tartaria called Precopen∣fes, he confirmed his counsellors the Bassaes in the same o∣pinion: and withall discouered a matter, which to all of them but especially to Sinan seemed most strange, name∣ly that he was determined not to go in person with his Army about this enterpryse, but was minded to send one * 1.57 of his worthiest Captaines in his steed. The respectes that held Amurat from going himselfe with the Armye, were many: but principally the Falling sicknesse, where∣with hee was troubled: the zeale hee did beare to the kingdome, fearing greatly (and that not without good cause) least his sonne being in fauour with the people might peraduenture vntimely be aduaunced before him: and the danger that he suspected at the handes of the Christian Potentates.

While they were thus in parlee about this expedition, and Sinan, Mustaffa, and some other Visiers made meanes to bee sent as Vicegerentes and soueraigne ministers of their Lordes designement, he dispatched away sondry postes and light-horsemen with order to the Bassaes, Go∣uernours, of Van, of Babilan, of Erzirum, in the borders of Cappadocia & Armenia the greatter, that they should by of∣ten * 1.58 inroades spoyle the townes and castelles of the Chesel∣bas, and euery way doo them what harme they could, Which was presently put in execution by them all, and specially by the aboue named Vstref Bassa of Van, who be∣sydes * 1.59 the burning of dyuerse townes, brought many a soule into slauery, and in the countryes aswell Tributary as subiecte to the Persians, made many incursions, and wrought much annoyance.

Through these and other lyke iniuries theyr myndes were greatly incensed with anger, and theyr wrathfull hartes filled with a most ardent desyre of reuenge: and whiles with shame enough they romed vp and downe dayly, sharpening their hatred as it were agaynst a whet∣stone, in the yeare 1577. the abouenamed Mustaffa was * 1.60 elected Generall of the Turkish Campe, prouision was made ready for him, and authority giuen him to prepare whatsoeuer was needefull. So messages were sent, and commandement giuen, ouer all the countreyes heareaf∣ter named, that all the Bassaes, Sangiacchi, Agaes, Spahini, Gianissaries, and souldiers of all sortes, that were bound by their perpetuall annuitees to go to warre, should take their iourney in the beginning of the spring to the Citty of Erzirum, (which if it be any of the old citties, it is very likely to be Simbra mentioned by Ptolomee) there to bee ready for the charge that should be enioyned them by their new Generall: who hauing his dispatch from Con∣stantinople, & passing to Chalcedon (which Herodotus in res∣pect * 1.61 of the founders errour calleth Blynde and now is na∣med Scutari,) through the countryes of Amasia and of Si∣uas, (the one being the natiue soyle of Strabo, and the o∣ther in old tyme called Sebastopolis), hee arriued in Erzi∣rum in the very beginning of Sommer, and there stayed * 1.62 till such tyme as all his people, corne, artillery and other necessarye prouision were gathered together, and at last departed for Struan, hauing first taken an vniuersall and diligent surueigh of all his Army: whereby distinguish∣ing * 1.63 the sound & strong from the sicke & feeble, the armed from the vnarmed, & the couragious from the cowards, weighing in equall ballance his owne forces, hee might assuredly know what to looke for at their handes. Then

he deuided his troupes: and first in order were mustred the people of Mesopotamia, to the nomber of xij. thou∣sand, (their Captayne being well checked by the Gene∣rall * 1.64 for bringing so few this yeare) all of them for the most parte Archers, not of any great courage, and accusto∣med to the vse of the Scimitarre. The second were the Assyrians and Babilonians, watered with Euphrates & Tigris, * 1.65 coming from the very confines of Balsara, (in old tyme called Teredon,) in nomber no more then xiiij. thousand horsemen, yet all armed with sword and darte, after the manner of their neighbours the Mesopotamians. The third in order were the Sorians, a people more riche in apparell * 1.66 then stout in armour, & rather alluring their enemies with the goodly shew of their spoiles then terrible to them, being ij. thousand in nomber, all of them being very cun∣ning to vault and turne themselues round about in fight∣ing. Then were mustred the men of Siuas, of Amasia, of Maras, of Bursia, of Angori, and other places comprehen∣ded vnder the name of Natolia, (where in tymes past were * 1.67 the Magnesians, the Bithynians, the Phrygians, those of Pon∣tus & Lydia,) to the nomber of x. thousand, hardy peo∣ple and well armed, but for the most part archers on hors∣backe. There came next after them those of Iury, and Pa∣lestina, vpon swift coursers, continuall darters & archers, more ready for flight and spoyle, then for fight and foyle, * 1.68 poore in apparrel and vertue, to the nomber of one thou∣sande. The Cilicians succeeded them, now inhabiting Caramania, to the nomber of iiij. thousand, armed with Scimitarre, battell axe, and bow, a harde and rough na∣tion, * 1.69 giuen to spoyle and robbery. Then followed the glory and hope of all the Campe, the people of Grecia, * 1.70 souldiers full of franke courage, armed with arcubush and

sworde, mounted vpon good and valiant horses to the nomber of 10000. And after them the familiar & faith∣full garde of the Generall, iij. thousand Gianissaries of Con∣stantinople with arcubush on the shoulder and sword by * 1.71 the syde. Vnder the standard of Beyran Bassa, were lyke∣wise mustred the people of the Citty and iurisdiction of Erzirum leuied out of those places, where in tymes * 1.72 past the Cappadoces bordering vpon the Armenians did in∣habite, to the nomber of iiij. thousand: souldiers accusto∣med to braules and battelles, and first in the field to meete their enemies, armed with sword and arcubush, dartes or Indian Canes, and yet all of them on horsebacke. Euery troupe had their seuerall Captaynes, who notwithstan∣ding were changed at the Generalles pleasure: whose names seruing to no purpose we will quite leaue out, the rather to auoyde the tediousnes of the reader, being not acquaynted with barbarous tearmes. * 1.73

These were then the squadrons of such souldiers as were stipendiaries to the Turkish king, to the nomber of whom those which went as voluntarie aduenturers were little inferior, yet better armed peraduenture and more hardy to fight: so that there were found in this surueigh about a hundred and ten thousand horsemen. Neither * 1.74 was there any stirred out of Arabia Felix, out of AEgipt, out of Hungarie, out of Africa, or out of other places re∣more, or situate vpon the sea coastes: as also those Pro∣uinces, that had sent the squadrons afore mentioned, were not leaft destitute of their ordinary guards and garnisons, * 1.75 no nor without a great multitude of idle persons: yea & Damasco, which in old tyme carried the name and pryce for matters of warre, kept backe their band of Gianissaries being Arcubusiers, to take their ease at home vnder the

standerds of their owne captaines. Mustaffa brought with * 1.76 him fiue hundred peeces of small Shotte, aswell for safety of his army, as also for seruice in defending such fortresses and castelles, as he should be enforced to erect in the new-conquered countries. He had also of the king many loades of money for his souldiers pay: with fur∣der * 1.77 order and direction to vse the chamber of Aleppo and of other Citties, if he should stand in neede. He caused likewyse to be brought from the prouinces aforenamed, by imposition of Tenthes for graine, and taskes for cari∣age * 1.78 of camells (which they call Nosul and Auaris) an ex∣ceeding great quantity of corne: which he made to bee transported in Gallies by the great sea (in tymes past cal∣led Pontus Euxinus) to the hauen of Trapezuntia, or Trabi∣zonda, vnder the generall conduct of Aly-Vcchiali, that for the ease of the army it might so be conueighed from Tra∣bizonda; * 1.79 to Erzirum, being but onely foure dayes iour∣ney distant from thence. He had also gathered together a great nomber of Pioners and Myners: and to be short ha∣uing taken order for all thinges that he thought might be necessary for the warre, he departed in comely manner & seemely a••ray from Erzirum, and in the end of eyght * 1.80 dayes arriued at the ruines of Chars, where among good pasture and abundance of come frute and wa•••••• herest∣ed himselfe. And being surprised with an excessiue raine, which falling in great quantity made newe pooles and brookes, and being mixed with stormes, and tempestur∣ous * 1.81 winds rent his tents asunder, & wrought great harme both to men & cattell, he was compelled to stay in that place three whole dayes together not without some in∣conuenience, by meanes whereof many fell sicke & were * 1.82 constrayned to abandon the army. From Chars he depar∣ted

with al his people that were not hindred with sicknes, * 1.83 and tooke vp his lodging that eueninge vnder certayne mountanes (now called Chielder) being in myne opinion the hilles of Periardo, and because he was aduertised, that the Persians were in the field to make battell with him, being now passed beyond their own borders, which were so set out by Soliman in the peace concluded with Tamas, (as before we haue said,) & doubting least peraduenture they might encounter him, where he little looked for them: he thought it best for the more security of his hoast to pitch his Tentes in such a place as he might well discouer them, and yet not be assaulted at vnawares. And therefore he planted himselfe in the plaine, and gaue or∣der, that Beyran the Bassa of Erzirum should take possessi∣on * 1.84 of a certaine hill that was on the right hand, & Dreuis the Bassa of Caraemit should keepe another hill that stood on the left hand and with them Osman Bassa, Mahamet Bassa, Mutassade Bassa being aduenturers, with many o∣thers aswell of the kinges stipendiaries as voluntary men, should like wyse pitch their Tentes vpon the same hilles, in such sorte as they making as it were two Cornettes or winges to the campe, might discouer the comming of e∣uery man, and he himselfe being shadowed with the two hilles might be perceaued of no man.

But whiles all these thinges with such military prepa∣rations were made ready by Amurat: the new king of * 1.85 Persia, who was yet scarce setled in his kingdome, being stirred vp by the same of these motions, resolued with himselfe to send men against the Turkes for defence of his state, and was content for the tyme to dissemble his conceaued and hatred, which he bare to some of the Captaines of Persia and of Georgia, & to make some

apparant shew that he was reconciled with them, for that without them he could not promisse himselfe any forme of an army or defence: and for all the hurley-burley, wherwith his kingdome was troubled, & for all the disor∣ders whereintoo both the Sultans & people were fallen, yet he wrought so throughly, that all the Captaines of ac∣compt tooke vpon them the protection of his honour & kingdome. And so Tocomac a Sultan; the Chan and gouer∣nour of Reiuan, being elected generall of this expedition, * 1.86 a souldier very famous and well knowen to the Turkes for the many embassades, wherein he serued often tymes to Selim and Amurat, and in Persia deemed to be a man of singular vertue, he gaue him in charge, that gathering to∣gether * 1.87 the greatest nomber of men he could out of Atro∣patia, out of Media the greater, and other places neere to the Turkes, he should seeke all the meanes he was able to stop their passage into Georgia & Media Atropatia, And * 1.88 thereupon Edictes and preceptes were sent out to all the citties of the kingdome, and principally to Amadan, to Genge, to Taiuris, to Nassiuan, to Marant, to Ardeuil, to Soffian, to Carachach, to Turcomania, to Giaunt, & to many other places on this syde and beyond Casbin, that all the Chans, Sultans, and souldiers whatsoeuer, should come ready prest to follow the commandementes of their new Generall. Many there came that were obedient to the kinges proclamation, but many there were that would * 1.89 not stirre a foote, for their obstinacy in the broiles begun, and for the suspition which they had of vnlooked-for mis∣cheefes: wherefore the king remayned greatly discon∣tented, and much greeued at this first disobedience of his subiectes, and cleerely perceaued how much better it had beene for him to haue liued in peace and amity with A∣murat:

how be it to make the best of the matter he was inforced to take this defence vpon him, as also for the sa∣tisfaction of the subiectes of Georgia, (which desyred the same with earnest request by certain embassadors sent * 1.90 particularly from Daut-Chan for that purpose) to salue his owne honour and the succession of Emir Hamze his eldest sonne. And therefore with those fewe, which for the loue of iustice were met together in those partes, being not aboue twenty thousande, Tocomac was dispatched * 1.91 about his busines, hoping that the enemyes army (where∣in he heard say the king in person was not) might be such, as with these his smal forces it were not impossible for him to oppresse them in some narrow straites, where the mul∣titude commonly vseth rather to be: in confusion & per∣plexity, then ready and able to helpe one another. These xx. thousand were all horsemen, armed with Scimitarre and bow with some Arcubuses among and (which is * 1.92 wont to stand this nation in great steed) they were fur∣nished with very syne and well tempeted Armour, but specially couragious they were and resolute, and made more hardy by the vertue and valour of their Captayne. And therefore with all their prouision necessary for vic∣tuall and fight, keeping the way of Tauris and Genge, * 1.93 they came to the turning of Chars, where they were ad∣uertysed that their enemyes army was passed.

They were now arriued within a daies iourney neere to Chielder, when they were resolued to send quicke and faithfull spies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 might bring them certayne newes of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, condition, and nomber of the Turkish soul∣diers: * 1.94 who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thether euen at the very tyme that the Turkes were encamping themselues betweene the two hilles, whereupon the two Bassaes Beyran and Dreuis with

their people had already pitched their Tentes. The Per∣sian spyes discouered the Turkish hoast aloft, and per∣swaded themselues that there were not any other bat∣tell * 1.95 then those which they saw vpon the two high hills: whereof with all the speede they could they returned news to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his spies a farre off. When Tocomac vnderstoode theyr informati∣on; agreeing with his former conceit, which he brought from Casbin of the nomber of his enemyes: peraduen∣ture also perswading himselfe, that if a greater army were to come out of the borders, the same might now bee at Chars, and these onely troupes sent before to discouer the cuntrey: he became very bould & foole-hardy through too much desyre of glorie, and determined with him∣selfe to go and assault them: and hauing discouered his * 1.96 enemyes tentes, he was throughly confirmed in his for∣mer opinion, and the spyes relation, and with so much the more confidence went forward to assayle them. But Beyran and Dreuis, who quickly from the hill had percea∣ued * 1.97 the Persians comming in the plaine against them, al∣though they knew them to be full of courage, yet repo∣sing great confidence in their fellow battell, (which did not shew it selfe,) with all speed mounted vpon their hor∣ses, and ranne to meet them: and in the foresaid plaines vnder Chielder within one houre after noone, they ioined a most bloudy battell: wherein there were slayne at last seuen Turkish Sangiacchi, with a very great nomber of souldiers, both stipendiaries & voluntary, without any ap∣parant losse at all among the Persians, who closing them∣selues * 1.98 together, in great heat and all bee-bloudied in the battel, did prosecute their happy and fortunate victory.

But Generall Mustaffa, who perceyued all that had

passed, and stayed waiting till the fight was at hottest and the medley at the thickest, that so the flight of his enemies might breed the greater disorder: & seeing at length that * 1.99 his people could no longer endure the fury of their ene∣mies rage, (euen as though it had lightned and thondred, and as though the earth had beene shaken,) with such cries and exclamations, as the Turkes vse in their assaults for the more terror of the enemy, exciting his army, he ran as it were headlong vpon his aduersaries, and with grea∣ter cruelty renued the terrible battell. The Persians did * 1.100 couragiously sustaine this vnexpected & fearefull assault, and seeing the night now very neere approching, rather then they would suffer the disgrace of a shamefull and ig∣nominious discomfiture, with vnexplicable signes of va∣lour, in that little tyme of day-light that was leaft them, they continued their manifold slaughters, vntill at last be∣ing * 1.101 fauoured with the darkenes of the night, they resol∣ued to withdraw themselues with as little losse as possibly they might. Mustaffa neither could nor durst any longer pursue them, but was constrayned by night to returne to * 1.102 his pauiglions. The Persians for their partes did with all diligence dispatch men in post, to the King being at Cas∣bin, * 1.103 aduertysing him aswell of the successe of the battell, as also of the greatnes of the Turkish army, and likewise what they were determined to do that they might annoy it: By the Turkes also there were presented to Mustaffa * 1.104 (who had already sent away Postes to Amurat,) fiue thousand heades, which by their colour, countenaunce, and beardes be wrayed themselues to bee Persians, and 3000. Persians aliue. Mustaffa did greatly reioyce at the victory, and to make it seeme the greater, (seeking by all meanes to conceale his owne losses, and mynding

to make the issue more dreadfull, that so he might rayse a greater terrour by the fame that should thereof arriue to the enemy,) he caused the heads of those three thousand * 1.105 that were brought before him aliue, to bee presently cut from their shoulders, and vsing a most straunge Arte to breede terrour in the Persian, he gaue order, that of those * 1.106 heades there should be framed a bulwarke in those fields, for a most horrible and vncouth spectacle.

The same day, that Mustaffa the Turkish Capitayne employed himselfe about this barbarous & cruell worke, there came vnto him certaine messengers frō Manucchiar * 1.107 the yonger son of the Georgian widdow, called Dedesmit, who being brought into his pauigliō, told him, that with his good fauour and licence Manucchiar their Lord and maister came to salute him, & to offer himselfe vnto him as his obedient and deuored seruant. At which newes Mustaffa redoubling his ioy, gaue commandement, that all the Bassaes & Capitaines of the hoast, with all solemne pompe, with trumpettes, drommes, peales of Artillery, and with all other signes of magnificall and ioyfull enter∣tainement should go forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to accompany him to his presence: which they did accordingly, and encountring him with all signes of ho∣nour, * 1.108 conducted him with an infinite traine to the great pauiglion of Mustaffa, who also caused him to bee saluted againe with an other peale of ordinance and Arquebuse∣shot, and with a second reply of trumpets and drummes. Manucchiar dismounted from his horse, and (although against his will) he beheald the strange and vncouth pile of heades all pale and filthy to looke on, and indeed ima∣gined what the matter meant, all which Mustaffa himselfe discoursed at large vnto him from poynt to poynt: not∣withstanding

before all other thinges, hauing done his * 1.109 due reuerence to the said Mustaffa, and according to his degree placed himselfe next to his syde, after he had pre∣sented him with such giftes as his countrey yeelded,

hee gaue him to vnderstand, That for the honour and estima∣tion which he bare to the Turkish valour, he was alwaies deuoted to the house of the Ottomans: and as he had of∣tentymes desyred to spend his goodes and lyfe in their seruice, so at this present being moued by his auncient de∣syre, allured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderfull army, and stirred vp by a particular fantasy to learne the paynefull and harde preceptes of Arte Mili∣tary vnder such a Captayne, being a maister of other cap∣taynes, hee offred him all deuotion and seruice, more then euer he had done heretofore: and himselfe, hauing nothing in the world more deere vnto him, consecrated his owne lyfe to his commandementes, desyring that the same might be emploied in the conflictes of warre, vnder his banners, among warriers and souldiers of same and re∣nowne, & therefore he besought, him, that hee would ac∣cept of him in the name of Amurat, whose obedient vassal he vowed himselfe to remaine for euer.

Mustaffa did grati∣ously receaue all this discourse of Manucchiar, and hauing shewed him againe the pyle of heades, together with his * 1.110 battelles, armour and prouision of war, told him, That as

all these forces are the gift of god, who alwaies fauou∣red the righteous counselles of the Ottoman kinges (an impudent speech too bould & vnbrydeled) in such sort, that they lord it ouer all the world, euen to the astonishment of all that liue in the world at this day: so had he for his parte chosen the better parte in comming now to yeelde himselfe & to submit his obedience to his king although

it had beene good if he had do one it before.

And as con∣cerning the desyre which hee had to bee his compani∣on & fellow in these warlicke affayres, he did very frend∣ly accept of his comming, & promised him all good enter∣tainment and assured safety. And so in exchange of the presentes which he brought him, hee apparelled him in cloth of gold, honored him with a battell-axe and target, wrought with gold & ammell: & neuer permitted him to go from his pauiglion without a traine of his slaues.

But to the end that from thinges vnknowen, and principles not vnderstood, the course of my history pro∣ceed no furder, for that in certaine strange and important successes, the readers will be desirous to know the seuerall nations, scituations, Citties, riuers, mountaines, counties, Dukedomes, kingdomes and prouinces: it shall not be a∣misse in a distinct booke by it selfe to declare, what these enemies are, against whome the Turkes make warre, and to describe what and how great forces they haue, what kingdome they possesse, what prouinces are subiect vnto thē, their worship or religion, their kind of gouernment, their wepons, their manner of fight, their forme of bat∣tell, their reuenues, their expenses, and to be short what∣soeuer els shall bee necessarie to bee knowen, and so with greater perspicuity to proceed in the continuation of our interrupted history.

The end of the first booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The warre in Persia commodious for the state of Christendom.
• * 1.2

  The causes that moue the author to wryte this hi∣storie.
• * 1.3

  A peace be∣tweene Tamas & Soliman, & the conditions thereof.
• * 1.4

  Soliman & Se∣lim dead.

  Tamas dyeth.

  Tamas leaueth eleuen chil∣dren.
• * 1.5

  Tamas his last will.
• * 1.6

  The simulati∣on of Isma∣hel.
• * 1.7

  Why Maha∣met was cal∣led by sur∣name Codabanda.
• * 1.8

  Mahamet lo ueth not the charge of a king.
• * 1.9

  Abas Mirize Mahamets sonne, in Her
• * 1.10

  Emir Hamze Mahamets sonne.
• * 1.11

  Ismahel called to Casbin to be crowned king of Persia.
• * 1.12

  Stirres in Cas∣bin.
• * 1.13

  Periaconcona, sister to Maha∣met, Aidere & Ismahel, yet elder in yeares then they.
• * 1.14

  The singular boldnesse of Aidere.
• * 1.15

  Aidere procu∣reth to bee made king be fore Ismahel.
• * 1.16

  The subtilty o Periaconcona to entertayne Aidere.
• * 1.17

  Aidere stalled king in Casbin.
• * 1.18

  Aidere ackno∣ledging his publike derisi∣on, ssieth all fearefull a∣mong certaine women.
• * 1.19

  Aidere be∣headded by Sahamal his vncle.
• * 1.20

  The head of Aidere throwne among the conspirators.
• * 1.21

  Ismahel put∣teth to death many kins∣folkes and frendes of his dead brother Aidere.
• * 1.22

  Euery man bewaileth the cruelty of the new king Ismahel.
• * 1.23

  Ismahel pub∣lisheth a new superstition.
• * 1.24

  New publike griefes & new deathes hap∣pening by oc∣casion of Ismahel.
• * 1.25

  The Califfe of Casbin de∣pryued of his eyes by the commande∣ment of Is∣mahel.
• * 1.26

  A rumor spread that Ismahel would passe to Babilon with an army.
• * 1.27

  King Ismahel suddenly pe∣rished, & the manner of his death.
• * 1.28

  Periaconcona parleeth with the captaines of Persia.
• * 1.29

  The answere of the Cap∣taynes to Pe∣riaconcona,
• * 1.30

  Amurat at the stirres in Persia, en∣treth into mind to make warre vpon them.
• * 1.31

  An auncient custome of the Turkes.
• * 1.32

  Amurat in∣tentiue to the matters of Persia.
• * 1.33

  Mahamet Codabanda resolueth to come and be crowned King.
• * 1.34

  Periaconcona beheadded.
• * 1.35

  New stirres and mis∣cheefes in Persia.
• * 1.36

  Sahamal the Georgian fly∣eth from Casbin into the moun∣tayne••.
• * 1.37

  Leuentogli desyrous of innouation.
• * 1.38

  The people of Seruan e∣uill affected towardes the new king.
• * 1.39

  Vstress the Bassa of Van aduertyseth Amurat of the stirres in Persia.
• * 1.40

  Amurat is confirmed in his opinion to make warre.
• * 1.41

  Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes.
• * 1.42

  Amurat in peace with the Christian Princes.
• * 1.43

  Amurat ta∣keth counsell of his Visiers.
• * 1.44

  Turkes make no accompt of breaking Promisse.
• * 1.45

  Mahamet the Visier aduiseth to make warre.
• * 1.46

  The generall conclusion of them all.
• * 1.47

  Two difficul∣ties found in the resolution to make warre.
• * 1.48

  The difficul∣ties aunswe∣red.
• * 1.49

  Mustaffa Bas∣sa the infa∣mous, hath great hope in this warre.
• * 1.50

  Mustaffa pre∣ferre th the valour of the Latines be∣fore the valour of the Georgians & Persians.
• * 1.51

  Discord dan∣gerous to a common wealth.
• * 1.52

  Amurat pro∣testeth to the Visiers, that of this warre he would both reape profit and honour.
• * 1.53

  The opinion of some tou∣ching the manner of the warre.
• * 1.54

  The opinion of others.
• * 1.55

  A third opi∣nion.
• * 1.56

  The delibera∣tion of Amu∣rat.
• * 1.57

  Amurat go∣eth not in person to this warre, and the reasons why.
• * 1.58

  Order giuen by Amurat to the borde∣rers to annoy Persia.
• * 1.59

  Vstref doth much harme to the borde∣rers.
• * 1.60

  Mustaffa e∣lected Gene∣rall of the Turkish Campe a∣gainst the Persians.

  A. 1577.
• * 1.61

  Mustaffa at Chalcedon.
• * 1.62

  Mustaffa at Erzirum.
• * 1.63

  The muster of the army in Erzirum.
• * 1.64

  The A••es•• po∣tamians.
• * 1.65

  The Assyri∣ans and Ba∣bilonians.
• * 1.66

  The Sorian.
• * 1.67

  The Natoli∣ans.
• * 1.68

  The Iewes & Philistims.
• * 1.69

  The Carama∣nians.
• * 1.70

  The Greci∣ans.
• * 1.71

  The Con∣stantinopo∣lites.
• * 1.72

  The men of Erzirum.
• * 1.73

  Voluntary men little in∣ferior to the number of stipenda∣ries but bet∣ter armed.
• * 1.74

  Places that sent no soul∣diers this yeare to the warres of Persia.
• * 1.75

  500. peeces of small artil∣lary with Mustaffa
• * 1.76

  500. peeces of small Ar∣tillary with Mustaffa.
• * 1.77

  Many loades of money.
• * 1.78

  Taxes and Tenthes for corne and ca∣riage.
• * 1.79

  Trabizonda but 4. small daies iourney distant from Erzirum.
• * 1.80

  Mustaffa de∣parteth from Erzirum to the ruines of Chars.
• * 1.81

  An excessiue raine.
• * 1.82

  Somefall sicke.
• * 1.83

  Mustaffa de∣parteth from Chars.

  The moun∣taines of Chielder.
• * 1.84

  The artificiall manner of encamping, which Mustaffa vsed.
• * 1.85

  The King of Persia moued by the fame of this expedi∣tion made a∣gainst him, dissembleth his hatted to∣ward the Sul∣tans.
• * 1.86

  Tocomac ge∣nerall of the Persi∣ans.
• * 1.87

  Order giuen by king Ma∣hamet to To∣comac.
• * 1.88

  Commande∣ment giuen ouer all Persi∣a, to gather men against the Turke.

  The places whence the souldiers were gathe∣red.
• * 1.89

  The disobe∣dience of many.
• * 1.90

  Embassadors from Georgi∣a.
• * 1.91

  The army of the Persians ••x. thousand and no moe.
• * 1.92

  The manner how the Per∣sians are ar∣med & their conditions.
• * 1.93

  Tocomac with his host commeth to∣ward Chars.
• * 1.94

  Tocomac sendeth spyes,
• * 1.95

  The errour of the Persian spyes.
• * 1.96

  Tocomac fal∣leth into the same errour that the spyes did.
• * 1.97

  Tocomac commeth boldly to as∣saile his ene∣myes.
• * 1.98

  The Persians obtaine a happy and fortunate victory.
• * 1.99

  Mustaffa is moued a∣gainst the Persian con∣querors, and succoureth his owne people.
• * 1.100

  The Persians endure the as∣sault.
• * 1.101

  The Persians retire through the benefite of the night.
• * 1.102

  Mustaffa re∣turneth to his rentes.
• * 1.103

  The Persians newes to Cas∣bin.
• * 1.104

  Mustaffa sen∣deth postes with newes of the battell to Amurat.

  5000. heades, and 3000. Persians a∣liue presented to generall Mustaffa.
• * 1.105

  The arte of Mustaffa his cruelty.
• * 1.106

  A bulwarke made of heades.
• * 1.107

  Embassadors from Manuc∣chiar the Ge∣orgiano.
• * 1.108

  Manucchiar honorably receaued by Mustaffa.
• * 1.109

  The speech of Manuc∣chiar.
• * 1.110

  The aun∣swere of Mustaffa.