The history of the vvarres betvveene the Turkes and the Persians. Written in Italian by Iohn-Thomas Minadoi, and translated into English by Abraham Hartvvell. Containing the description of all such matters, as pertaine to the religion, to the forces to the gouernement, and to the countries of the kingdome of the Persians. Together with the argument of euery booke, & a new geographicall mappe of all those territories. A table contayning a declaration aswell of diuerse new and barbarous names and termes vsed in this history, as also how they were called in auncient times. And last of all, a letter of the authors, wherein is discoursed, what cittie it was in the old time, which is now called Tauris, and is so often mentioned in this history

The Fifth Booke. (Book 5)

The Argument.

Sinan stayeth eight daies at Chars, and departeth for Teflis.

Talogli and Homar are assaulted by Simon, by whom they are discomfited and Homar is slaine.

Sinan succoureth Teflis.

The Georgians and the Persians expect the Turkes to assault them.

They assault be Turks and discomfit them.

Sinan with all his Campe goeth against the Persians, who doe vtrerly re∣fuse to ••oine battel with him.

Sinan goeth to Chielder, and mustreth his Armie.

He is mocked of his souldiers.

Sinan returneth to Chars where he stayeth a moneth, and then returneth to Erzirum: and so is called to Constantinople.

Ebrain-chan the new Embassador of Persia commeth to Sinan.

The Ambassador at Constatinople with Sinan.

Solenine feasts for the circumcision of the Ottoman Prince.

Ebrain-Chan is sent prisoner to ••rzirum.

Amurath committeth the succors for Teflis to Mahamet the Bassa, who with twenty fiue thousand persons departeth in the latter ende of August from Erzirum.

Mustaffa the Georgian ioy neth with Mahamet at Archelech.

The Georgians and the Persians send to defie the Turkes, and to bid them to battell

Mahamet the Bassa refuseth the Battell.

The Turkes passe ouer the riuer, and are assaulted by their enemies, and shamefullie discomsited.

The Turkes being so discomfited, retire themselues to Teflis.

Mahamet the Bassa maketh a publike oration to his souldiers at Teflis.

Mahamet leauieth a taske among his souldiers and so departeth.

A disorder in the departure among the Curdi.

At Altunchala a counterfeit Counsel-house called to betray Mustaffa, who woundeth the Lieutenant of Mahamet, the Bassa of Caraemit, and Ma∣met himselfe.

Amurah being angry at these misfortunes; reproueth the Bassas of his court for their improuidence and follie and particularlie findeth himselfe grieued with Sinan, who maketh a proud and an arrogant answer to the king: Whereupon he is banished from the Court, and Sciaus the Bassa, sonne in law to the King is chosen chiefe Visier in the roome of Sinan.

(Book 5)

THE FIFTH BOOKE. (Book 5)

SInan remayned at Chars eight dayes, during which time, hee surueighed a∣gaine all his souldiers, & al his corn, & * 1.1 thē set himself on his way towards To∣manis, with resolution there to build a Fort, as I told you before. He passed by Archelech, and left behind him Peruana Giol & Triala, and in the end arriued at * 1.2 Tomanis; where, a litle before he came thither, was arriued also the Capigilarchechaiasi from the Court, bringing with him the seal and the writ, wherby the king had named him to be chiefe Visier. For which good newes all the Bassas in the army shewed great signes of reioycing.

At Tomanis he consulted with al his chief Bassas, touching his designment for the Fort that was to be made, and euery * 1.3 one of them deliuered diuers Models of it: but none of them all could be put in execution, by reason of the raine, which fel so largely, so aboundantly, and so continually, that the souldiers had neither leasure nor meanes to employ them∣selues in that work, and especially because Sinan did greatly fear, that the enemy taking the oportunity of this rain, of the strait, and of the building, might peraduenture assault the ar∣mie, and finding it out of order & in ill plight, might great∣lie endommage it. This raine continued falling for the space of eight daies, in all which time neither did beame of the Sun break out, nor the skie cleare: Howbeit waxing at the last somewhat lightsome, Sinan determined to remooue from thence, and to cary onwards his succours to Teflis.

Assoone as the Army was raised, and presently after

they had passed the strait of Tomanis, Talogli the Aga or Cap∣taine of the Ianizzaries of Damasco, and Homar the Sangiac∣co or Lord of Saffetto, who had alwaies hetherto kept com∣pany * 1.4 together in the Army, because they were neighbors, whiles they dwelt at Saffetto and Damasco, had now also de∣termined to go togither to seeke their fortune. For they had receiued priuie intelligence, that hard by a little out of the way there was good store of corne and cattel, and thereup∣on they resolued to fetch in that booty. And so gathering together a company of souldiers, to the nūber of two thou∣sand, who were all very desirous of some refreshing, be∣cause they were insome necessity for corne, they went out for this pray. But Simon-Chan, who hauing aduertised the Persians of the departure of Sinan from Chars, and ioyned himself vnto them, had withdrawne himselfe to follow the * 1.5 Army a far off, and had diuided his souldiers into such pla∣ces, where there was either corne, or water, or any such like thing, that might allure the Turkes to scatter themselues from the Campe: Assoon as he was aware of them, that they had carelesly run out to lay hold on this desired booty, being * 1.6 accompanied with his owne people, & a fewe other Persi∣ans, he fel vpon thē, & hewed thē al to peeces, scarle leauing the Aga of the Ianizzaries any leasure to fly, who being ay∣ded by the swiftnes of his horse (or whether hee were in the front marching before al the rest, I know not) put himselfe to flight, and so scaped with his life. In so much as the San∣giacco * 1.7 aboue named and all the rest were there slaine, and in brief there escaped nor one, but only the foresaid Aga.

Sinan pursued on his iourney, & in the space of two daies came to Teflis, where presently he gathered together all the chief of his Army, & calling also into the Diuano the Capi∣larche••a••asi, he began to take order, that euery man vpon his oath should depose the truth, touching the greatnes of that

cuntry. And all this was, but onely to make it euidently ap∣peare, that the information which Mustaffa had giuen to the * 1.8 king, that Teflis was a citie lik to Damasco, was vtterly vn∣true, for that Teflis was but a small peece of ground, contai∣ning but a few houses, and few inhabitants in them, and not only vnequal to Damasco, but also vnworthy in any sort to be compared vnto it, for that it did far surpasse Teflis in all things, aswel for riches and bignes, as for multitude of peo∣ple. At the same time also he distributed his treasure, and the * 1.9 suecors which he brought, among the souldiers of the sort, comforting them with good speeches, & with lustie & liuely promises of great matters. And foramuch as all the souldiers there made great complaints against the Bassa, that was their Captain in the fortresse, Sinan caused an information, or (as the Turks cal it) a Teflis to be framed against him, & hauing found him guilty that he had conuerted the souldiers pay to his own vse, he condemned him in restitution thereof, and discharging him immediatly frō his office, he did substitute in his place Giusuf Bey, one of the Georgian Lordes, who for * 1.10 the ancient enmity between him and Simon had yeelded him self to the Turks, & was by them so welcommed, that Sinan trusted him with the oustody of that fort, which with so ma∣ny dangers had bene maintained and defended till that day.

When this was done, Sinan departed frō thence with al his army, & while he was vpon his departure ther arriued Em∣bassadors from Leuentogli lord of Zaghen (of whom we haue oftentimes made mentiō before) who wer very wel welcom * 1.11 to Sinan, especially for that aswel by their relation, as also by the testimony of the souldiers of Teflis thēselues, he had bin certified how much good Leuentogli had done vnto thē, by sending to the fort vittails, money, & whatsoeuer els he had that might be commodious for them in that their continual necessity, Which in trueth was so great, that it was an oc∣casion

of spreaidng abroad a general fame, whereby it was reported, that the said Fort was yeelded by the Turks to the Georgiani, yea and the rumor of it passed euen into Italy. But * 1.12 it was all false: For notwithstanding so great penurie of all things, and so great a siege, yet was the Fort still maintained and held in the possession of those fortunate people: Which was afterwardes the matter and occasion of continuing those motions and mutations, which after fell out so com∣modious to the state of Christendom. The Embassadors excused their Lord, for not comming himselfe in person, to do reuerence to Sinan, for that his sicknesse and certen other priuat respects did hinder him from doing that, which hee both desired, and also ought to haue done. All which was most acceptable to Sinan, who in sign therof caused the Em∣bassadors of Leuentogli, to be apparelled in cloth of gold, and * 1.13 sent vnto himself a battel-axe and sword all gilt and set with iewels, promising vnto him great matters, and with gallant words declaring vnto him his exceeding affection of loue & confederacie with him. Yea and some say, that Sinan sent letters to Alesiandro himself, wherein he made a motion vnto him for some treaty of peace, telling him, that hee being a friend both to the Turks and to the Persians, ought to trie al the means he could to pacifie these troubles, and to recon∣cile the minds of the two kings. But in truth what was done in so secrete a matter, I could neuer yet learne any certenty to write: and therfore without any further speach of it, wee wil prosecute the progresse of Sinans armie.

The day following, Sinan & his army passed the strait of Tomanis, & then came before him Mutafsade Bassa, borne in * 1.14 Aleppo, & now gouernor of the same city (whō I had often-times in cure) declaring vnto him, that not far frō them ther was great store of corne & cattell, and no body to keepe the same, but only a few Georgiās, & therfore it wold be wel if he

would send for the saide p••aie, whereof (yea though it had beene much greater,) his Armie stood in such need. Sinan did carrie a good affection to Mutafsade, and therefore was easely induced to send for the bootie: but because he was in some feare, that if he shoulde not send out a good * 1.15 Company of Souldiers for it, there might haue happened to his vittailers some accustomed mishap, & being prin∣cipally mooued with the fresh remembrance of the sini∣ster accident that lighted vpon Talogli and Homar, he gaue order, that to fetch in this Corne and Cattel there should goe out ten thousand horsemen and their seruants: among whom was also the said Mutafsade, as Captaine of them ••ll.

Now Tocomac, Simon, and other Persian Captaines had * 1.16 gathered themselues together, & stood waiting & watch∣ing, when any band of the Turkish Souldiers should come down for these reliefes of Corne, & hiding themselues in certaine treacherous valleis neere vnto them, expected occasion, wherein they might make some notable disco∣uery of themselues. Whereupon the foresaide Souldiers beeing come, according to the appointment of Sinan, to fetch away these vit••aises, and beeing arriued at the place where they were, they beganne to load their beastes with∣all: and whiles they were most delighted with the sweet∣nes of their pray, and had nowe charged almost all their Mules and horses with that which it most pleased euerie man to choose, the hidden Persians, all on a sodaine, issued * 1.17 out of their treacherous valley and entred among them. But Mutafsade, as soone as he discouered the Persians in so great number, & in so good time to come vpon thē, fore∣seeing * 1.18 the vniuersall slaughter of all his people, was the first man that fled, and with an vnhappie signe of ill lucke,

he left the rest, that either woulde not, or coulde not saue themselues by flight, to the furie of their enemies: who pursuing their desired victorye, hewed in peeces seauen thousand of them, and some they carried away aliue, lea∣ding with them their Mules and horses laden with their * 1.19 stolen bootie▪ Mutafsade was the first that broughtto Sinan the vnhappie newes of the Persians treacherie, and after him the slaughter that followed, was also reported vnto him by the fugitiues that escaped by flight. And thereupon Sinan dispatched away the Bassa of Caramania, and a great band of Souldiers with him, with commande∣ment that in what place soeuer, and in what sorte soeuer he found them, hee shoulde ioyne battel with them. And these squadrons of fore-runners being gone afore, he him selfe presently, raising all his campe, withal speed followed the said Bassa of Caramania. But neither the one nor the o∣ther * 1.20 ariued in time, for the Persians immediately after the foresaide victory, without any staying, hauing recouered their pray, had withdrawen themselues betweene the Mountaines into certaine secure places, which were kno∣wen onely to such, as by daily experience had p••rfectlie learned the diverse & difficult passages of Georgia. The ar∣my of Sinan marched on for the space of some miles, till they ascended a certaine hill from whence they discoue∣red the Persians, who hauing disposed of their pray in the places before named: were now returned to pursue the ar∣my & to watch some fresh occasioni of new battell. As soone as the Persians deserved the whole army, they were * 1.21 afraid to meere with them, yea and feared also leaste Sinan would descende from the hill, and so assault them to their exceeding great losse. For they did well remember, what dangers and losses Mustaffa had prociued vnto them

whē they too boldly & carelessely had suffered themselues to be induced to carry for him, with so great a multitude & so many fires, in the Champaines of Chieldern & therefore they tooke a better course for their owne security, and so resolued to returne backe into their strong places within the mountaine. And yet they could not be so quit lo•••• this their retire, dont that the Turkes who following Sinan were now descended to pursue them, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some fewe of them, & destroyed about fifty or threescore of thē whose heads in signe of triumph they carried a good part of their way vpon the point of their speares: and aliue they tooke not in all aboue threescore and ten.

At the last Sinan with all his hoast passed these trecheries * 1.22 of his enemies, & came to Triala, where he vnderstood by diuers inhabitants of those villages, that of sundry Persians & Georgiās also which had trauelled that way, they had se∣cretly learned, how the king of Persia, in his owne person, with an exceeding great army being departed out of Tau∣ris, was comming to meete the Turkish hoast, & to bidde it battel: & that his purpose was, that the 4 captaines which were cōbined together with Simon, keeping on their way towards Georgia, should set vpō the hinder part of the Tur∣kish army, & at the very same instant, hee himselfe with his * 1.23 forces would set vpō the forefront. At this news he made present proclamatiō through al his army, that al the hea∣uy cariages, & such as were vnprofitable for battel should be sent before towards Ardachan, & that euery mā should put himselfe in order & readines with armo•• & munition for the u••age to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••hither he himselfe •• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & to meete with the king his enemy. In the meane whole (〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 1.24 it is reported by many aswel Persias as Turks.) ••••e dispatched certen V••••achi or posts to the Persian king being at 〈◊〉〈◊〉

to intreat him, that he wuld send ouer some Ambassador, for a peac, thinking with himself (as some doe conicture) by these meanes he should remoue out of the Kings mind, his resolution to come & assaile him, if any such meaning hee had. The proclamation was put in execution accor∣ding to his appointment, and hauing sent away the saide * 1.25 cariages & heauy burdens towards Ardachan, he himselfe with certaine loads of corne & vittels, (so many onely as were sufficient for the voiage) descended into the open & large plaines of Chielder, where presently he mustred al his people that caried weapons, and gaue notice, that before he would settle himself towards Tauris, he meant to make * 1.26 ••••iall of the readines & nimblenes of al his army, & to set forth such a shew, as though they ioyned battel with their enemies: which presently the next morning without any further delay he put in execution accordingly. For first he set forward fiue hundred peeces of final artiliery, placing thē in good order after the manner of a large trench, & af∣ter this shot, three rows of Ianizzaries, & behind them he tooke vp his own place. Then followed al the army which he parted into two great & wide wings, which after the fa∣shion of a moone cōpassed about a great deale of ground entermingling also heere and there some footemen, with his horsemen, & some harcubuses among his darts & lan∣ces. Behind al the armie were placed al the cariages which were requisit for the vrgent necessity of vittaile, and be∣hind the cariages went the Arrie rewarde conducted by two Bassaes with viii. thousandmen. The army being thus ordered and disposed, hee sent out some fewe Turkes, to * 1.27 shewe themselues vpon the top of certaine hilles, and as though they had bin enemies, that came to seize vpon his army, he presently caused al his artillery to be discharged,

and commaunded euery man to b••irmish, & to bestir him∣selfe, after the same manner and altogether with the same kinde of behauiour, as if their enemie were present before them. And so the tempest of the Harguebuzes being ouer passed, the launces or Indian canes discharged, & the ex∣ceeding thicke storme of arrowes ceased, there did shine round about on all sides, such a brightnes of swords, hel∣mets, and brest-plates, yeelding forth great lightnings & as it were fierie beames, that it enkindled the mindes of them all to battel: and then againe the drums & trumpets made such a noise, the Ensignes, creasts, liueries, and de∣uises were so turned and tossed & the aire so replenished with seuerall colours of blewe and yellowe, & to be briefe there was such a medly of al things, as though it had been the turmoile of a very battel indeed. After a while he cau∣sed the retrait to bee sounded, and then setting all his ar∣my in order againe, there was such another like shewe commaunded the second time, and after that the third al∣so: which indeede was performed rather with the scorne * 1.28 and derision of all his souldiers, who thought it to be as it were but children play, then that any commendation did indeed arise thereby to ambitious Sinan.

When these counterfeit shewes of war were finished, yet did he not got forwards towards Tauris, as he had apoin∣ted, but remained eight daies in those plains of Chielder, at which time there ariued out of Persia Aider the Aga, as Am∣bassador from the King, who was entertained by the gene∣ral with great ioy. Diuerse and sundry things did this Em∣bassador propounde, which were likewise propounded by * 1.29 Maxut-Chan: but the conclusion of alwas, that the king of Persia would voluntarily relinquish Chars and Teflis, and remaine (as hee did before) in amitie with Am••rath:

and therefore hee des••ied Sinan that he would not faile to conclude of a peace because he himselfe had comman∣demēt to returne back into Persia, Sinan promised to deale with Amurath for this peace, if king Mahamet would send a new embassador to Constantinople. Vpon which cōclusi∣on * 1.30 the said Aider returned into Persia, & being accompani∣ed with sure guids ariued at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before this king to whō he declared what things he had seene, & what promises he had receiued of Sinan, and withal exhorted the king to send a new embassador to the Turkish Court, causing him first to enter couenants with Sinan (as he had promised,) for so it would bee an easie matter to procure a good and speedie resolution. After this, when the publike rumor was found to be false, that was spread abroad of the com∣ming of the Persian king, Sinan in steed of going to Tauris, resolued to goe to Chars & so to returne into his confede∣rate Countries. At Chars he remained a whole month, in * 1.31 very meere and absolute idlenes, with the generall mar∣uaile & murmur of his souldiers, who indeed were asto∣nished, when they perceiued they were come out, not to fight, not to passe into their enemies Countrie, not to make any conquest by war, but to be Idle and to play, to the great dammage & expenses of their Kings Reuenues, and the disturbance of his whole kingdome.

At the last he departed from Chars, for that it was now winter, & the frosts and shows ••ound about thē wrought * 1.32 his souldiers vnaccustomed miseries. In Hassa-Chalassi they celebrated their most solemne feasts, and afterwarde with all his Army hee withdrew himselfe to Erzirum from whence he did presently ••••••misse euery man to goe and winter in his own Country and he himselfe remained still in the said Citie. From this place he sent diligent infor∣mation,

aswel at the departure of the Capigilarohecaiasi, as also by certaine Volacehi dispatched away by post, of the * 1.33 succours that he left at Teflis, of the losses that he recei∣ued by his enemies, of all that wherein he had found Mu∣staffa an arrant her, of the cōming of the Persian embassa∣dor, of the promise made vnto him touching a newe em∣bassador, and to be short of al his whole actions. And be∣sides all these Narrations, he aduertised the king that the enterprize of Persia was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, & such a one, as there needed another kind of pre∣paration, * 1.34 then as yet was appointed for it, & that if Amu∣nath did desire to subdue & ouercome Persia, it was then very necessary, that he should speake with him at large, & discourse vpon many particularities, which neither might he commit to paper, neither coulde they bee declared by pen, without exceeding great tediousnes: & in this point * 1.35 he did write very much, & shewed himselfe to be very pe∣temptorie. And again, besids these first Velacahi, he dispat∣ched also new messēgers, to be very instāt & importunate with Amurath for his returne to Constantinople, continually telling him, that it was not possible for him to signifie by writing, what he purposed to report vnto him by word of mouth, for the easie accomplishmēt of his cōmenced en terprize. Nothing in the world did Sinā hate more thē this war: & for the appeasing thereof he did not omit to att••pt * 1.36 possible meanes, hauing his mind altogether bē•• against the affairs of the christians in Europe, & for y^• diuerting of these wars from the east into some other quarters, he vsed & practised continually a thousand deuises. At the last he wrought so much, be intreated so much, he writ so many letters, & solicited the matter so ernestly, that the king was * 1.37 persuaded to sēd for him to Constantinople assoon as euer he

was certified of the ari••al of the new embassador frō Per∣sia, of whom Sinan had before aduertised him. For among the difficulties, which Sinan had propounded to Amurath, he was resolued vppon this conclusion that it woulde bee conuenient either to receiue the new embassador of Per∣sia, if he came with honorable conditions, and so to grow to a peace, or if the embassador came not, or if after his cō∣ming they coulde not agree vppon the peace, then to put * 1.38 in execution those his conceits and designements, wher∣of he must needes in particular talke with him by word of mouth. The promised embassador, called Ebrain-Chan, a man of great eloquence, and in Persia esteemed to bee of great valour came to Sinan accordingly: whereof Sinan presently gaue intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him againe, that he would permit him to come to Constantino∣ple.

Sinan obtained his desire, and hauing secretly sent forth * 1.39 of his Statiōs certaine succours to Teflis, which came vn∣to thē in very fit time, he went himself to the court where he attended the vniuersall gouernment of the whole em∣pire. But at his first comming to the presence of the king, (wherein he neuer discoursed with him vpō any thing but onely of the comming of the Persian embassador) the con∣ditions were established, which they had to require, for the reducing of the Capitulations of this peace to a good end. After which agreement the embassador being nowe come, & most magnificently receauet in Constantinople was brought in who with magnifical & glorious speeches * 1.40 endeuored to persuade Amurath, that his king had a most ardent desire to be reconciled and to ioine his forces with him, & that for this purpose hee was now specially come thither & withal, that if he also would answere him with

the like mind, there would ensue thereof the greatest vni∣tie & friendship, that euer was betweene the Mahometans, since the time that their great Propher had deliuered to the * 1.41 world that wicked law of theirs. Amurath caused answere to be giuen him, that hee should talke with his Visier, and with him treat of al the matter touching the peace: & so he was by the king entertained & dismissed, both at one time.

In the meane time, the Turke had resolued to cal to Con∣stantinople, his eldest sonne Mahamet, who was to succede him in the Empire, and to circumcise him according to the custome of the Barbarians, following therein the inue∣terate Lawe of the Hebrewes. And for this purpose from al the prouinces of Christendome, by messengers dispatched in poste, were the catholike Princes solemnely inuited to * 1.42 the feastes, that vpon this occasion were prepared. Ac∣cording to this their inuiting there came thither embassa∣dors out of many countries of Europe with great giftes and presentes in token of peace and confederacie. And among the rest the Venetians sent thither one Giacomo Soranzo, who by the great satisfaction, which he made to the king & all those of his court, reuiued the amity and friendship, which flourished betweene the king and that Senate.

In the great market place of Constantinople, which the * 1.43 Turkes call At Maidan, there were rounde about in all pla∣ces erected certen high Scaffoldes: where the multitude should sit to behold the pleasant fight, of firewoorkes, of bankets, of musikes, of wrastlings, and of whatsoeuer else, was there to be shewed for the declaration of so greate a ioy. The king himselfe was present at the said triumphs in a certen Palace, (situate in the most open place of all that large and broade streete,) where within a great lowpe or windowe alost, all closed about and couered aboue with

plancks and boords, through the transparent holes & lat∣tises therof, not being seene of any body, in the company of his wife, he discouered and beheld al thinges that were there performed. All the embassadors had their scaffolds prepared and furnished, & the Persian embassador had his so affold also seuer all to himselfe, but yet with a f••rre diffe∣rent intent & respect then the rest is for that the other em∣bassadors were honored & regarded, as it was conuenient and agreeable to their degrees and estates, and receiued such entertainement as might he shewed at such a kind of Barbarons spectacles but the Persian, by reason of the scornes and iniuries done vnto him, did not onely not re∣ioice at the saide feastes and triumphes, but also ministred himselfe great matter of laughter and sporte to the behol∣ders. For among sundrie other wrongs and outrages, that by the commandement of. Amurath were done to the Per∣sian nation by hauging vp certaine counterfect pictures of Persians made of ••a••hes and stickes, and then burning them, and in many scornefull sortes abusing them: the king, for the great disdaine that he had taken against E∣brain-Chan, as one that not o••ndescending to the conditi∣ons of peace which he expected, not yeelding any more then Maxut-Chan and Aidere Ag•• had done before, see∣med to haue come as a spie to marke the Turkish affaires, or to mocke King Amurath, rather then to put in execu∣tion any good matter, that he had to spacific the mindes of the two mightie princes commaunded that the said em∣bassador, vnder sure and trustie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in should bee ledde prisoner to Erzirum, vntill further order were taken with * 1.44 him.

How be it Sinan for all this remained still in his office of Chief Vis••••d, and attended the publike gouernement of the

kingdome, without any intermission, vntill suche time, as those matters fell out, which in place conuenient shall * 1.45 be declared vnto you: for that now it is time to returne to Teflis and Chars where wee left, which two places without further succours must needes fall into the enemies hands. For Sinan being nowe gone to Constantinople, and the soul∣diers beeing besieged in Teflis, and hauing receiued none other reliefe, but onely that little, which in the be∣ginning of the spring Sinan had secretly caused to be con∣ueied vnto them; and which would scarce be sufficient for all that yeere, so that (it is to be thought) they were in ve∣rie great necessitie, there was no remedie, this other yeere, whiles Sinan remained at the court, but to send some new succors vnto thē, & the rather for that it was not possible to meet with so good an occasion to send them any help, as he found before his departure from Erzirum. In this greate necessitie therefore he did boldlie & freely counsel the king, to send a new garrison of souldiers to Van, to the end that no Persians shoulde passe on this side Van to enda∣mage those countries: and next, that vnder the conduct of some fit Captaine he would send some succours to Te∣flis. Vpon which point the king asked Sinan his opinion, & willed him to be thinke himselfe of one, to whom this ex∣pedition might bee committed. Sinan propounded diuers and sundrie persons vnto him: but none of them plea∣sed Amurath who was minded to bestowe this charge vp∣pon Mahamet the Bassa, Nephew to Mustaffa Bassa, and in that respect ••••uied and hated by Sinan, whom, albeit hee told the king that he was not a fitte man for suche a seruice, yet woulde hee need •••• emploie him in this supplie, as it were in despite, and de••ision of the ad∣uice, which Sinan gaue him. And therefore hee sente

this Mahamet to Erzirum, with the title of the Bassa of that Prouince, displacing from thence Kesuan Bassa the Gouernor * 1.46 of that Region, and withal added thereunto the honor & dignitie of the Captaineship ouer the army for Teflis. Presently vpon this resolution commaundement was giuen to the Bassa of Caraemit, called Hassa the Eunuke, to Mustaffa some∣time called by the name of Manucchiar the Georgian, who (as wee tolde you before) exchanged his Natiue religion with the Turkish superstition, to all the Sangiacchi, the Curdi, & al the souldiers of Erzirum, that reducing themselues vnder the Standerd of Mahamet Bassa, they shoulde fol∣lowe him to Teflis, and obey him in all thinges that hee should command them. Whereupon there assembled to∣gether out of all the saide places about fiue and twentie * 1.47 thousand persons, and treasure sufficient was appointed for the reliefe of the Souldiers in the besieged fort, toge∣ther with Corne and all other necessarie prouisions for them, so that euery thing was put in readines for this en∣terprize, in such large and liberall manner, that it might abundantly haue sufficed. Commandement likewise was giuen to the Bassa of Al••ppo, & to the Bassa of Maras, that with al their souldiers, which they had in pay, they should repaire to Van, and there abide till winter. These two Bas∣saes performed the Kings commandement, and were not disturbed nor molested in any sort by the enemy. Maha∣met the Bassa also performed it likewise, together with all his Souldiers aboue named, but yet with a farre different and contrarie fortune for that there happened vnto him diuers grieuous & pernicious accidents, which made this enterprize vnfortunate and miserable, whereof it is now fit time to discourse in prosecuting the due course of our historie.

In the end of August Mahamet the Bassa departed from Erzirum, with the Bassa of Caraemit, all the Sangiacchi, the * 1.48 Curdi, & all the souldiers subiect to his gouernement, car∣rying also with him money, corne, & all other necessarye munition. At the end of eight daies he arriued at Chars, & from thence passed to Archelech, being in the meane time neither assailed nor disturbed by any enemie. At Archelech he found Mustaffa Bassa, the Widowes Sonne, and al his soul∣diers * 1.49 belonging vnto him, who excusing himselfe with liuely reasons for that he came not to meete with him at Erzirum according to his duty, was most ioyfully entertai∣ned, & honored by Mahamet with Cloath of Golde, and Sworde and Target all guilte, and withall admonished to continue obedient and subiect to Amurath, not failing to conduct him with his garrison appointed for Teflis, and to choose that way, which he thought to be the shortest, the safest, and the most commodious for them: for that some were of opinion that it would be lesse danger to trauel by the way of Tomanis, & some other by the way of his coun∣try. Wherein after many discourses Mustaffa did readily resolue him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his owne countrey, as being also the safest in his opinion. The counsell of Mustaffa pleased Mahamet greatly, who made choice of him to be the guide of his army, reposing himselfe wholly vpon his good aduise, and so they depar∣ted together from thence towards Teflis, passing through * 1.50 Altunchala & Carachala, both belonging now to the said Ge∣orgian, but in times past to the Widow his mother: aboun∣ding with all thinges necessary for the sustenance of man: neither were they euer disturbed by the enemies forces. From these quarters they went forward to a Castell called Gori, sometimes appertaining to the Georgiani, & gouer∣ned

by a brother of that Giusuf who had yeelded him∣selfe to the Turkes, but now by reason of that brothers death it is fallen into the hands of the Turks: from which place they discouered in certaine fieldes a great army of Georgians, mingled with Persians, but yet apparrelled after the manner of Georgia.

These were those Captains of Persia with Simon-Chan, so often mentioned heertofore: who were sent from the Per∣siā king, (as in diuerse yeers before they also were) to succor & aid the Georgian forces. For the king thought, that they were sufficient enough to performe that busines, vnder∣standing, that the Turkes had sent no greater armie thither: and so by their good helpe there might peraduenture ensue a quiet end and pacification of al these troubles. And ther∣fore staying himselfe in Tauris, hee had sent the aforena∣med Captains into Georgia, who keeping on the way of * 1.51 Genge and of Grin had secretly conioyned themselues with Simon, and dissembled & counterfeited their apparrel only because the meanes of peace should not bee disturbed, and their king accompted a falsifier of his faith, who vnder the vaile of a treaty vpon truce & amity, whiles Amurath atten∣ded nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered Countries, without any annoyance or disturbāce to any o∣ther places, went about to procure the slaughter and ouer∣throw of the Turks. These then, assoon as they saw the Turkish army, & perceiued that they thēselues wer also descried by them, sent swift haraulds vnto thē to bid them battel, & * 1.52 with haughtie and iniurious words to defie them to fight.

Mahamet Bassa, who had no other desire, but onely to bring his succors safe to Teflis, receiued this defiance with great griefe of minde, and hauing dismissed the hearaulds, * 1.53 hee went about in the best manner he could, to delay the

execution of this their prouocatiō to battel. That euening hee was fauored in his purpose by very great & continuall raine, which couertly excused his delay & feare, euery man thinking that it proceeded rather vpon some reasonable & iust impediment then vpon his cowardise. But the next morning, when the sun shined bright vpon the face of the earth without any cloud at all, the Georgians & the Persians, hauing vnited themselues, & waxen more resolute then e∣uer they were, drew neer to the Turkish armie, & followed it while it marched. And so both the armies kept in sight one of another, without any act at al or motion of war, vntil about fowre howrs & a halfe before night, at what time the Turks ariued neer to a riuer, that separated the one army frō the other. Mahamet and Mustaffa fell into consultation be∣tweene themselues, whether they should passe ouer the ri∣uer, before night, or else without any further trauel to stay on this side of the water vntill the next morning. Mustaffa the Georgian aduised him to stay and not to go ouer fearing lest they coulde not possibly bee so readie, & haue all their * 1.54 cōpanie together on the other side, so soone, but that their enemies would be first vpon them, & finding the camp in disarray & confusiō would greatly annoy them. Notwith stāding Mahamet disliked this aduise of Mustaffa, hauing ta∣ken a strong conceit, euen vpon the very first discouery of * 1.55 the enemy that there was some intelligence & agreement between Mustaffa & the Persians, & that malitiously to that end he had perswaded him to come that way, & not by the way of Tomanis: & therfore Mahamet thinking if there were any deceit intended & plotted between Mustaffa & his e∣nemies, to set it in some confusion and disturbance, would not in any case follow the counsell of the Georgian, to stay that night on this side of the riuer but commaunded

that with all the greatest speede that might be all his soul∣diers with their Casenda and their Nosul, that is with their * 1.56 treasure and Corne should passe ouer, to the ende that before night they might lande on the other side of the water in some good place, to the scorne and derision of their enemies. The Checaia or the Lieutenant of Mahamet Bassa, a bolde young-man and a hardie, was the first that went ouer, and after him the carriages of money, and of corne, & then al the whole Armie with verie great speed; * 1.57 although some of the confused multitude were drowned in the waters, being rather ouer troden with the horses & camels, then brought to their deathes either by the swift∣nes of the waters course, or by the depth of the Channel. For indeede neither the one nor the other could possiblie be the cause or occasion of this mischaunce.

Assone as the Georgiani perceiued, that the Turkes had passed the Riuer, without any staying til they might settle * 1.58 themselues in any good order, in great haste & furie they ran to encounter them, & presently assailed them, whiles they were all in a confusion and out of array, by meanes whereof the Turkes durst not almost sustaine their furious assault. And yet was there not in them such basenesse of courage, but that they turned their faces, and ioyned bat∣tel with thē, wherein within a verie short time you might see the bankes of the Riuer in manie places be sprinkled with the Turkish bloud, and many carcases of the Turkes * 1.59 here and there scattered, without any apparance at all of any losse among the Georgians and the Persians, that could be perceiued. Among those that fell in this slaughter, there were a number of Sangiacchi, Curdi, and certaine Me∣sopotamians: whereby it was manifestly discouered, that if the Turkish Squadrons had not vsed the greater valour,

out of all question they had bene all miserablie destroied: with the rest of the Sangiacchi, Curdi, & Mesopotamians fea∣ring and coniecturing by the ouerthrowe of their owne * 1.60 the losse also of the others, they turned their backes, and put themselues to flight: the like did the remnant also of Caraemit, and after them at the last all the whole Armie. And because the Georgians, foreseeing this their flight, had made a great wing, and turning themselues vpon their e∣nemies on the lands side, had left them no passage to flie, but sought by al meanes to driue them backe againe into the Riuer, the fugitiue cowards could not choose, but euē in their flight receiue verye great hurt intermingled with shame. Which notwithstanding some of thē desiring to auoyd, thought it lesse harme to cast themselues into * 1.61 the riuer, and so escape (though hardly) with their liues, or else with desperation to bee drowned in the waters. Great was their shame, great was their confusion, but greatest was their losse, for that in the heat of the ba••tell, the Kings money and the Corne was taken in pray by the Georgians and Persians, euery man sauing (onely) somuch * 1.62 for himself, as he could secretely hide vpon his owne bo∣die, or conuey by the meanes of some trustie slaue, which by the helpe of their swift horses, was preserued rather by fortune then by valor.

In this maner were the Turks handled who being thus * 1.63 discomfited, and wounded, full of shame and dishonour, & spoyled of all their reliefe, the next morning gathered themselues together again, one with another cursing the heauens, their king, & their aduerse fortune, some of thē also threatning that Georgian rinegate, as though all this mischiefe had happened through his treachery & secrete intelligence with the enemie. Notwithstanding, when

they founde that they had still remaning so much money, and other easements, as might suffice to comfort the af∣flicted mindes of the souldiers besieged in the forte, they re solued to goe onwardes to Teflis, & the day following they made so good speed in their iourney, that for all the diffi∣culties of the waies, which trauellers do commonly find in those quarters, they ariued there in the euening. Greatly were all the souldiers of the fort astonied whē they saw the Turks, whom they had so long expected, ariued in such bad order & so il furnished, & were wonderfully grieued at this common losse: by reason where of they were all in a greate confusion and protested to Mahamet, that they would a∣bandon the defence of that countrie, if they had not neces∣sary prouision made for thē: yea their protestations were so * 1.64 vehemēt, & their mutinie so tumultuous, that therby was confirmed a certaine generall rumour which was alreadie raised vpon this vnfortunate battel, that Teflis was recoue∣red by the Georgians, the reporte whereof came also into I∣taly, as a thing most certaine and true, and yet proued to be but a lie. Besides which losse of the foresaide souldiers and prouision, certaine other mischiefes were also like to ensue, which euery reasonable man woulde expecte vp∣pon so happie and fortunate a successe but that they were met withal. For Mahamet after he had with large pro∣mises pacified & mitigated their first furies & insolences, presentlie in the morning he caused a Diuano to bee called within the castel, where hauing the multitude of the San∣giacchi, the Bassaes, the Zaini, the Spahini, & the Giannizzaries gathered together, he spake vnto them in this manner.

Forasmuch as it hath pleased GOD, that so great * 1.65 and so important an occasion of victorie, which was of∣fered vnto vs for the exaltation and glorie of euerie

one of ••••, is nowe fallen out so infortunately that

it hath not onely not ministred vnto vs anye matter of trium∣phing ouer our enemies, as wee shoulde haue done, but rather it hath made them (I knowe not howe) to carrie away from vs both the triumph, and also our Armor, our Horses, our slaues, and our spoiles: yea and the remem∣brance wheof doth most grieuously trouble & afflict me,) our Sultans money, and our publike munition and sorces, solemnely deliuered to our conducte, is nowe become a bootye and pray vnto them: that the honour which might haue made euerie one of vs to bee famous among Noble and valourous Souldiers, is nowe fallen from our foreheades, and to our great detriment doth adorne the heades of Straungers, or rather of our enemies: And that notwithstanding all this, wee are nowe come to these couragious Souldiers, which with their great labour and valour haue defended this forte euen in the middest of their enemies weapons and treacheries, & to whom wee should yeeld that aide and reliefe, which the vertue of e∣uery one of their minds doth deserue, & which king Amu∣rath had put in our handes to bring hither vnto thē: there is now no remedie but to resolue vpon some good means that we fall not wholly into the vtter disgrace of our Lord & King, & that is to maintaine these souldiers in the cu∣stody & defence of this forte, & though it bee with all our own wants & al our own dishonors, to comfort these that haue so long time looked for vs, & so wel deserued all mā∣ner of reliefe. We cannot excuse our selues, that our ene∣mies were better then we, either in number or instrumēts of warre: (for both in the one and the other we were farre beyond thē) neitheryet can, we say, that they set vpō vs by night, or at vnawares:) for when we saw their nūber, their

weapons, their horses, and finally their approch, and their manner of assault, yet we would needes passe ouer the Ri∣uer, and ioyne battell with them: which we nowe knowe hath fallen out verie lamentable to vs, because wee were more readie to take our flight then to endure the fight, & to vse our feete then to occupie our handes.) And there∣fore it is very requisite, aswel to satisfy the rigor of Iustice, as to performe the duetie of Souldiers, that we suffer not our Lorde and Kinge to loose his Money which hee tru∣sted into our handes, and which is gone from vs, not by greater strength nor by any treacherous stratagem of our enemies, but through our owne too-too importunate feare, and too base a regarde of our liues, before which it was the duetie of euerie one of vs to haue preferred the care of our honour. For if by fighting and couragiouslie sustayning the assaults of our enemies, though they had bene stronger and better armed then we, this misfortune had happened vnto vs, & that we could in any sort haue represented to the King and the world an honourable & bloudie battell, wee should not now haue had anie neede to seeke meanes, howe to repaire this losse, and to restore the thing that violently was taken from vs by such as were more mightie then our selues, and these honorable souldiers also should more easilie haue digested with vs this lamētable calamitie. But we haue lost that money, & in verie deed, hauing (as it were) willingly bestowed it v∣pon the Georgians & Persians to redeeme our liues and to saue vs from their furie, wee are bound to repay it, or else for euer hereafter to be challenged as lawful debters to the King for it. And therefore, my good friends & compa∣nions, if you will take a good course, let euery one of vs without any further consultation put his hand to his pri∣uate

purse (if he haue not foolishly cast that also into the handes of his rauenous enemie) and with our owne mo∣nie let vs succour the necessitie of these men, and haue regard to the honor of our King. So shall wee make our flight lesse blame-worthie, wee shall iustifie our actions the more honestly, and (that which is of greatest impor∣tance) we shall the better pacific the wrath of King Amu∣rath, which most iustly he might conceiue against vs. I my self, before you al, am most ready to disburse fower thou∣sand Duckats towards it: if it please you al to followe mee accordingly; wee shall deliuer these Souldiers from their great necessitie, and acquite our selues from the intricate bonds of most troublesome displeasures.

A man might there haue seene a thousand countenan∣ces chaunged a thousand maner of wayes: for one softly whispered many a cursse and shame vpon the King, vpon Mahamet, vpō God: another denied to disburse any thing, another determined priuilie to steale away, and some practised one thing & some another, but in the end euery man was induced to follow the purpose and example of Mahamet: and there vpon hauing made a purse according to euery mans habilitie, there was collected thirtie thou∣sand Duckats among them. Presently after this, word was * 1.66 sent to Leuentogli at Zaghen, that he should send thē grain, Muttons and other necessarie prouisions, that they might the better continue the defense of the Fort.

Two onely dayes did they remaine in Teflis, and then hauing chaunged such souldiers as desired to bee dismis∣sed, * 1.67 and hauing also appointed for that gouernement Ho∣mar Bassa in the rowme of Giusuf, that was in it before, Mahamet departed. But before his departure, consulta∣tion was had whether they shoulde keepe the way of To∣manis,

or the other through the Countrey of the Georgian Mustaffa: and in the ende they resolued, that it was bet∣ter * 1.68 to keepe the way of Tomanis, and thereupon order was taken that they shoulde all passe ouer the riuer, for that they were determined to goe that way. The Sangiacchi Curdi were the first that went ouer, and had alreadie pit∣ched their tents vpon the further side of the water, (when Mahamet beganne to reuoke his former order, and sente thē word that they should return, because he was now de∣termined * 1.69 to leaue the way of Tomanis, & to go back by the same way that he came, by Carachala & Altunchala. Al the Sā∣giacchi were in a great rage at this message, being alreadie exceedinglie greeued aswell for the losse of their friends as also for disbursing their Money, and in plaine and ex∣presse tearmes, sente him answere that they were ac∣customed to warre, and to great exploites fitte for men and not for boyes: and that these mutabilities seemed to them to bee rather childrens plaie then manly resolu∣tions: and as for themselues, that they were not minded to chaunge their iourney, but as they had alreadie sepa∣rated themselues, so would they goe forwardes, and fol∣lowe on their voiage. Verie hotely and earnestlie did Ma∣hamet entreate them to returne backe, but no meanes could hee find to reuoke them from their obstinate pur∣pose, but forwards they went the same way and arriued * 1.70 at Chars, long before Mahamet, who was much greeued at thē & greatly reprooued their disobedience. But when he perceiued he could not otherwise do, he with the Bassa of Caraemit and the Bassa of Altunchala put themselues on their Iourney, euen in the same waies, wherein they had receiued their shamefull and ignominious discomfiture.

At the last Mahamet arriued at Altun-Chala. And for * 1.71

asmuch as partly by his own earnest desire, partly through the secrete prouocation of the other chiefe Bassaes, he was vrged to seeke some meanes, how hee might reuenge the treasons and losses, which the Georgians had wrought and brought vpon them, yea euen with the death of Mustaffa, who was nowe suspected of all men. Mahamet and the rest thinking (as wee tolde you before) that Mustaffa had had some pri••ie intelligence with them, and that they together had plotted this treacherie: Or at the least (for that was thought to bee the principall intent of Mahamet) forasmuch as hee was minded by this meanes to make A∣murath beleeue, that in trueth all the mischiefes that ligh∣ted vpon them, did not happen through their cowardise, but through the treacherous treasons, and malitious ad∣uises of the Georgian, and so make their receiued losses seeme more worrhie of excuse, and their flight more par∣donable hee deuised with himselfe how to finde out such an artificiall plot, as without any stirre hee might bring to effect what hee had entended. And that which he had * 1.72 in his minde was this: To call a Diuano vnder his owne Pauilion, faining that hee had receiued some com∣maundement from the Courte, and then hauing cau∣sed Mustaffa to come into that rowme, whiles the said commaundement shoulde bed in reading, to cause his Checaia or Lieuetenant with those chiefe of his bande that stoode about him, to fall vpon him and presently * 1.73 cutte off his heade. So Mahamet called the said Di∣uano, wherein there sat with him the Bassa Eunuke of Ca∣raemit, certaine Sangiacchi subiect to the Iurisdiction of Erzirum the Capigi Bassi (that is, the chiefe Gentle∣man vsher) and the Checaia of the saide Mahamet: with all whome vpon the Lawe of a solemne oath hee had

communicated his intended deceyte. The Georgian Mus∣taffa was called accordingly, who, both because he was be∣loued of moe then one, and also because hee vsed all dili∣gence and forecast, and specially because euen in the ar∣my he had perceiued some priuie whisperings of such a matter, knew full wel, that all this was deuised against him, and imagined that the conspiracie had beene farre greater then indeede it was: whereupon he also prepared for his owne defence. And touching his going to the Diuano, he thought he might not deny so to doe, least by his absence he should be condemned for contumacy, & so he himselfe shoulde make himselfe guilty and culpable of the fault, that (peraduēture not without reason) was imputed vnto him, and thereby leaue his cities for a pray to their ene∣mies. But seeing that he must needes goe, hee deuised a very safe and sure meanes, how he might escape the hands of the Turkes, and peraduenture to the great dommage of Mahamet and example of the beholders, giue a taste of his owne vertue and valor. And therefore hauing cho∣sen * 1.74 out fiftie of his most faithfull Souldiers, he gaue them to vnderstande, that there was no remedie but they must needes follow him to the Diuano, that was appointed with in the Pauilion of Mahamet, and being come thither they must there stay ready and attentiue, to the end that at his first & one onely call, they should all sodainely & forcea∣bly rush into the pauilion with their weapons, and rather then any wrong should be done vnto him, they should ex∣ercise their strength against the Turkes without excepti∣on of any person. They being by nature verie great ene∣mies to the Turkish bloude, and vnderstanding full well what he had said vnto them, setled themselues to put it in execution, and hauing gathered vnto them other of their

owne faithfull and trustie friendes also, they set Musta∣ffa * 1.75 before them and so followed him euen to the Pauili∣on of Mahamet. Mustaffa entred into the Diuano, and standing vppon his feete required Mahamet to tell him what hee had to say to him: who presently caused the coū∣terfaite commaundement to be read, whereunto hee gaue an attentiue eare. But when the other Sangiacchi and Bas∣saes * 1.76 beganne to sit down (for it is the manner of the Turkes whensoeuer anie of the Kinges commandementes are in reading, alwaies to stande vp, and not to sit downe vntill it bee fully read,) the Georgian tooke his leaue, promising that hee woulde euer bee readie, not onely to performe that order of the Kinge, but whatsoeuer else hee shoulde commaund, how hard and difficult so euer it were. While he was retiring out of the Pauilion, the Capigi Bassi (or gen∣tleman * 1.77 Vsher) of Mahamet Bassa, came vnto him, and plucking him by the sleeue of his garment, (adding deeds also to his wordes,) willed him to sit downe. When Mu∣staffa felt himself plucked by the sleeue, he cried out aloud, and drewe his sworde: wherewith hee stroke Mahamets Checaia that was right against him, and with his left hande hauing raught his roll from his pate, with his right hand, * 1.78 sodenly, to the great astonishment of all that were present, at one onely blowe, he parted his heade, his necke and his brest in twaine, euen to his verie stomacke, so that hee died (a strange spectacle to beholde) being thus cut in sunder, with his two shoulders hanging downe vpon their seuerall sides. After this first hee redoubled his seconde stroke, and aymed at the heade of the Eunuk Bassa, but it beeing * 1.79 defended by the writhen Rolles of his Turbant, it slipped downe by his eare, and besides a peece of his saide Tur∣bant caried his eare quite away, with a little also of his

flesh of his checke. Then being all enraged, & eagerlie en∣flamed with desire of reuenge he did set vpō Mahamet Bassa * 1.80 (who being now alin a confusiō was risen at this tumult) & wounded him with fiue mortall wounds: two whereof not∣withstanding, being the deepest and the sorest, although they brought him euen to the extreeme poynt of death, yet by cunning hand were healed. At the cry of this Rinegate Georgian all his people had runne in together: vpon whose confused tumult and the feare that Mustaffa through his furie had put into them, the Campe was raysed and euery man with all speede departing from thence, set himselfe * 1.81 on his way towardes Chars, whither also were brought the two wounded Bassaes, and the rest, that were ill hand∣led and greatlie scarred with these sudden and vncouth stirres.

Mustaffa sent present information to the King, of all that was practised and wrought against him, finding him∣selfe * 1.82 greatly greened at the false suspition that Mahamet had conceyued of him, to his great dishonour: wherein he did so cunningly write, and so much dissemble, by shadow∣ing the trueth with lying and cogging, that hee perswaded the King to shewe him a manifest token of his good liking and contentment, by sending vnto him both cloth of gold, and a battell Axe all guilt. Mahamet also, entermingling here and there; with all the arte that possiblie hee coulde deuise, all hatefull and injurious tearmes, sent large ad∣uert * 1.83 sements of all the misfortunes that had happened, and aggrauated to the King both the treacheries of Mu∣staffa, and also the slender securitie of those wayes and countries.

Assoone as King Amurath vnderstoode the calamitie of his soul••ilers, the losse of his money, the great dishonour

of his people, and the apparent danger, wherein the Fort of Teflis stoode, when it was like to bee abandoned: beeing * 1.84 all inflamed with rage and anger, hee called vnto him the Bassaes of his Court, among whom sate as chiefe the proud and haughtie Sinan, and rated them all diuerse and sun∣drie wayes, reproouing their leawde counsell, and recoun∣ting the losses that he had receyued, as though they had happened through their defaultes, and especially Sinan, the principall occasion of all these mischiefes, who like an improu••dent foole woulde needs relinguish the charge of his Armie, and like a King sitte idle at Constantinople, standing (as it were) at some publike triumph, to beholde and heare the miseries and misfortunes of others. Sinan * 1.85 coulde doe no lesse, but make aunswere to the wrathfull King, yet not with such mildenesse and modestie, as in so sinister an occasion he shoulde peraduenture haue doone, but rather in all proude and arrogant manner, without any reuerence or regard, hee tolde him plainely, That as the last yeare, (beeing the fifth yeare of this warre) whiles hee was ready and prepared to returne to Constantinople, the suc∣cors were brought into Teflis so with great quiet and ease, that euen his owne subiects (much lesse his enemies) scarce knewe of it, the Persians and the Georgians in the meane * 1.86 time occupying their mindes about anie other thing ra∣ther then about this, (wherof we haue not in deed made a∣ny mention at all in his due place, for that there fel out no∣thing worthie to be written, sauing that the sayd supplie of money & corne (vndoubtedly to the iust commendation of Sinā) was so safely & warely cōducted to Teflis, that neither the Turks made any preparatiō of souldiers for the conuoy of it, nor yet the enemies had any suspitiō of such a matter, neither was there any shew of battel or cōtention about it.)

Euen so it would haue fallen out this yeare also, if the King had put his aduise in execution, asmuch as hee despised & contemned it: For he did then giue him to vnderstand that Mahamet Bassa could not be a fit man for the leading of those succours, especially to such a station or place, and that it was very necessary to haue chosē in his rowm, some other person of valor, of worth, and of wisdome: but seing he would needs make choice of the same Mahamet, hee was not now to blame any other for this errour, but onely himselfe. And touching his comming to Constantinople, it was a thing long before thought to bee very needfull, not onely for his aduise howe the matter of peace might bee brought to some good passe, but also because (if that trea∣tie came not to the desired issue,) then hee had to talke with him, howe hee might easily compasse the ouer∣throw of his enemie: which matter as yet he had no fitte time to declare vnto him, but was now most readie to re∣ueale it, if it would so please him. Wonderfully was Amu∣rath greeued with this his answere, when hee considered * 1.87 that a slaue of his owne, should thus reproch him with a matter that was so odious, and so manifestly touched his follie and improuidence: notwithstanding he dissembled his discontentment conceiued against him, and was verie desirous to know of him, what that secrete and important matter was, which he had to reueale vnto him, for the ea∣sie compassing of this commenced enterprise: and there∣fore after he had framed him a glosing replie, he cōman∣ded Sinan to display all his conceites, and to disclose those his deuises, which he had to vtter. All the rest of the Bas∣saes helde their peace, & euery one of them, omitting the ouersights of Sinā, were cōtent also to omit the occasiō of answering the king, al of thē being wholy bent against him

& ioined with the king (as it were) in disdain & scorne of his arrogancie, who for a briefe of al his aduises propoun∣ded these two thinges. First, his counsaile was, that they should not proceede in this warre as they had hithereto done, that is to say, by seeking with fortes and fortresses * 1.88 to hold and keepe their enemies countries. For (as in the verie beginning of this war, whiles consultation was had in what manner and sorte it should be made, hee had ex∣presly protested) he did manifestly foresee, that their Ca∣sende or treasuries were not able to yeeld such store of mo∣ney, as was sufficient for the maintenance of necessarie garrisons, and so the error of Mustaffa (that nowe is dead) was euidently conuinced, who so obstinatelie had per∣suaded such a dangerous and difficult manner of warfare. His secōd aduise was, that the true meanes to bring these * 1.89 stirs to a wishid ende consisted especiallie in the resoluti∣on of the king himselfe, whom if it would please but to re∣moue a little frō Constātinople, for three or foure daies iour∣neys onely, and to passe either into Caraemit, or into Alep∣po, or at least into Amasia, hee might assuredly promise to himselfe all speedie & honourable victory▪ for at the onelie name of his remoue, either the Persians would not stande too obstinately vpon conditions of peace, but would ea∣sely come to any agreement, or els he might continue his wars, & so obtaine great cōquests. These were the reasons that Sinan propounded whereof it seemeth no other thing followed but onelie an enuious affectiō of the king against him, quite contrarie to the conceit which before hee had of him, & (which was a matter of greater importāce) a fur∣ther * 1.90 suspition (fostered by these mightie Ladies,) that Si∣nan had thus counselled the king himselfe to goe in person from Constantinople, not for any good that coulde arise by

his departur, but onely that so hee might finde meanes for the Prince his Sonne to make himselfe King & driue out * 1.91 his father. This suspiciō was in such fort nourished in the minde of Amurath, especially being assured of the great affection which the prince carried towards Sinan, that he was enforced to ridd him out of his sight, and to depriue him of al charge, driuing him presentlie out of the court and out of Constantinople, and banishing him into Da∣motica, a place neere to Andrinopolis: from whence after∣terwarde, through speciall fauour which by humble sup∣plication hee obtained, he was sent into Marmara a little beyond Siliurea, where he yet liueth. And into his place of Visiership was assumed Sciaus Bassa, the Kings Sonne in * 1.92 lawe, by contrey an Hungarian, a man verie gracious of countenance, and of honourable iudgemente, but aboue all the men in the worlde, a seller of Iustice and benefites, and yet a great friend to the peace with Christian Princes which Sinan did so wickedlie maligne.

In the meane time the Persian captaines had withdraw∣en themselues to their places of Residence, and by verie * 1.93 speedie Postes had imparted to their King their obtained victories, and so euery man for this season had made an end of those great stirs that were raised in the years. 1580. 1581. and a good parte of 1582. wherein also follow∣ed the election of a newe generall, who notwithstanding went not forward in his troublesome busines, vntil the be∣ginning * 1.94 of the yeare, 1583. as in the next booke we wil declare vnto you.

The ende of the fift Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Sinan at Chars 8. daies.
• * 1.2

  Sinan recei∣ueth newes that he is chosen chiefe Visier by the King.
• * 1.3

  Great raine at Tomanis.
• * 1.4

  Talogli and Homar goe out to fetch in corne and cattell,
• * 1.5

  The prepara∣tion of Sinan
• * 1.6

  Simon as∣saulteth Ta∣logli and Homar.
• * 1.7

  Homar the Sangiacco slaine, and all his people discomfited.
• * 1.8

  Sinan enqui∣reth of the greatnes of Teflis, to the reproch of Mustaffa.
• * 1.9

  Sinan succo••∣reth the Fort at Teflis.
• * 1.10

  Guisuf Bey, the Runegat put in trust with the kee∣ping of Teflis fort.
• * 1.11

  Ambassadors from Leuen∣togli to Sinā.
• * 1.12

  The rumour prooued false that Teflis was yeelded.
• * 1.13

  Sinan hono∣reth the Em∣bassadors.
• * 1.14

  Mutafsade to General Sinā.
• * 1.15

  Sinan appoin∣teth 10000. souldiers to goe with Mu∣tafsade.
• * 1.16

  The Georgiās & the Persians watch for the Turkes, to set vpon them.
• * 1.17

  The Persians set vpon the Turkes.
• * 1.18

  Mutafsade s••i∣eth first of al.
• * 1.19

  7000. Turkes hewen in pee∣ces Mutafsade bringeth newes to Sinā of the discom∣siture.
• * 1.20

  Sinan with all his Campe re∣moueth to set vpon the Per∣sians.
• * 1.21

  The Persians refuse to ioine battel, & retire to their safe places.
• * 1.22

  Sinan beeing at Triala with al his army, vnderstādeth that the King of Persia with a very great army is com∣ming against him.
• * 1.23

  Sinan procla∣meth, that all his army should make ready to go to Ta••••••.
• * 1.24

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.25

  Sinan with his army in the plaines of Chielder.
• * 1.26

  The order of the Army.
• * 1.27

  Sinan maketh three shewes with his army & exerciseth it with sighting & s••irmishing
• * 1.28

  Sinan derided by his Souldi∣ers.
• * 1.29

  The King of Persia offe∣reth Chars v∣pon conditiō of peace.
• * 1.30

  Sinan promi∣seth to intreat a peace: & re∣requireth a new embassa∣dor.
• * 1.31

  Sinan retur∣neth to Chars & there remai neth in Idle∣nesse a whole moneth.

  Sinan repro∣ued by his soul∣diers.
• * 1.32

  Sinan depar∣teth from Chars to re∣turne to Erzi∣rum.
• * 1.33

  Sinan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aduertisement to the court, of al that had happened.
• * 1.34

  Sinan repor∣teth the enter∣prize of Persia to be very hard.
• * 1.35

  Sinan maketh ernest request to goe to Cō∣stantinople.
• * 1.36

  Sinan abhor∣reth the wars in Persia, and desireth that they were tur∣ned against the Christians.
• * 1.37

  Sinan called to Constanti∣nople.
• * 1.38

  ••brain-Chan the new Em∣bassador of Persia com∣meth to Sinā.
• * 1.39

  Sinan goeth to Constanti∣nople and sit∣teth in his place of vicier
• * 1.40

  Ebrain-Chan speaketh with the king & ex∣horteth him ••o peace.
• * 1.41

  The answere of Amurath to the embassador Ebrain-Chan.
• * 1.42

  Embassadors of diuers prin∣ces come to Constantino∣ple.

  The Venetians send Giaco∣mo-Soranzo to Constanti∣nople.
• * 1.43

  Feastes at the circumcision of Prince Ot∣toman.
• * 1.44

  Ebrain-Chan sent prisoner to Erzirum.
• * 1.45

  Sinan adui∣seth Amurath to send a gar∣rison to Van: & succour to Teflis, vnder some good Captaine.
• * 1.46

  Amurath cō∣mitteth the succours of Teflis to Ma∣hamet Bassa.
• * 1.47

  25000. men follow Maha∣met Bassa to Teflis for suc∣cour thereof.
• * 1.48

  Mahamet Bas∣sa the General departeth frō Erzirum.
• * 1.49

  Mustaffa the Georgian commeth to Archelech to meet with Mahamet Bas∣sa going for Teflis.
• * 1.50

  By the aduise of Mustaffa Generall Ma∣hamet resol∣ueth to goe to Teflis through the Widowes country.
• * 1.51

  The Persians counterfeit their apparrel, to the end the meanes of a peace should not be distur∣bed.
• * 1.52

  the Georgians and Persians de••ie the Turks to the fight.
• * 1.53

  Mahamet Bas∣sa refuseth battell.
• * 1.54

  Mustaffa ad••i∣soth not to passe the riuer
• * 1.55

  Mustaffa mis∣liketh the Ge∣orgians ad∣uise.
• * 1.56

  Mahamet com∣mandeth to passe the riuer presently.
• * 1.57

  Some drow∣ned in the ri∣uer.
• * 1.58

  Georgians & Persians set v∣pon Mahamet Bassa.
• * 1.59

  The Turkes discomfited by the Persiās & Georgians.
• * 1.60

  The Turkes flie from the battell.
• * 1.61

  The Turkes in their flight greatly dam∣nified.
• * 1.62

  The treasure and corne ta∣ken from the Turkes.
• * 1.63

  Mahamet Bas∣sa being dis∣comfited ga∣thereth toge∣ther his scat∣tered souldi∣ers.
• * 1.64

  The besieged souldiers in Teslis protest to Mahamet Bassa, that they will abā∣don the sort.
• * 1.65

  The oration of Mahamet Bas∣sa in the Ca∣stel of Teflis.
• * 1.66

  The Turkes make a purse among them∣selues in Teflis of 30000. du∣kats.
• * 1.67

  Mahamet de∣parteth from Teflis.
• * 1.68

  Mahamet go∣ueth order to passe the riuer to returne by the way of To∣manis.
• * 1.69

  Mahamet re∣uoketh his or∣der: but is not obeied by the Curdi.
• * 1.70

  The Curdi come to Chars long before Mahamet Bassa.
• * 1.71

  Mahamet at Altunchala.
• * 1.72

  Mahamet de∣uiseth howe to betray Mustaf∣fa the Georgi∣an in Altun∣chala.
• * 1.73

  Mahamet cal∣leth a fained counsel.
• * 1.74

  Mustaffa the Georgian pre∣pareth his gard to desēd himselfe from Mahamet.
• * 1.75

  Mustaffa the Georgian at the tent of the Diuano.
• * 1.76

  The custome of the Turkes, whē the Kings commande∣ments are in reading, to stand vp.
• * 1.77

  Mustaffa cry∣eth out and woundeth Mahamets Lieuetenant.
• * 1.78

  Mahamets lieuetenant dieth, being cut in sunder downe to the stomacke.
• * 1.79

  Mustaffa cut∣teth of the eare of the Bassa of Cara∣emit.
• * 1.80

  Mustaffa woū deth Maha∣met with fiue mortal wouds
• * 1.81

  Mahamet be∣ing wounded ret) red to Chars with his people.
• * 1.82

  Mustaffa ad∣uertiseth king Amurath of al that had happened.
• * 1.83

  Mahamet also informeth the King howe matters had fallen out.
• * 1.84

  Amurath be∣ing angrie reprooueth the Bassaes of the Court.
• * 1.85

  Sinan answe∣reth the king proudly and arrogantly.
• * 1.86

  Succours brought to Teflis, with∣out any thing else worth the writing.
• * 1.87

  Amurath greeuously offended with Sinan.
• * 1.88

  The first ad∣uise of Sinan.
• * 1.89

  The second aduise of Si∣nan.
• * 1.90

  Women are of gret might with Amurath
• * 1.91

  Sinan dischar∣ged from the •• Court and Constantino∣ple, & banish∣ed to Marma∣ra for euer.
• * 1.92

  Sciaus the chiefe Visier, and his man∣ners.
• * 1.93

  The Persians at their places of residence
• * 1.94

  The 5. 6. and 7. yeere of this warre