The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF TITVS LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 1)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the said Booke.

THe comming of Aeneas into Italic, and his acts there; the reigne of Alcanius in Alba: of Silvius Aeneas, and so forth of other Sylvij, kings thereof, are contained in the first booke. The daughter of Numitor with child by Ma••s. Romulus and Remus are borne.* 1.1 Amulius killed. The cittie of Rome built by Romulus. The Senat by him chosen. He made wore with the Sabines. He presented unto Iupiter Feretrius the ro••al spoiles of their king, whom he slew with his own hands. He divided the people into Centuries, van∣quished the Fidenates and Veientians,* 1.2 and was cannonifed a god. Numa Pompilius taught the rites and ceremonies of sacrifice and divine service, erected a temple to L••nus, and was the first that shut the doves thereof, after he had made peace with all the nati∣ons thereabout: and faining that hee had secret companie and conference by night with the goddesse Aegeria,* 1.3 won the ••tout and fierce hearts of the people to religion. Tullus Hostilius warred upon the Albanes, whereupon ensued the combat of the three brethren, twins on both sides. Horatius was acquit for killing his sister. The execution of Metius Suffetius. Albarased and destroied. The Albanes made free deni••ens of Rome, and there dwelt. War denounced against the Sabines.* 1.4 Finally, Tullus was consumed with lightening. Ancus Martius renued the cere∣monies by Numa first ordained. Vnto the Latines being conquered and made citizens of Rome, he assigned the mount Aventine to inhabite. He won againe by force, a towne of the Latines called Politorium, which the old Latines had sur∣prised and possessed themselues of, and utterly destroied it. He made the Sublician or wooden bridge over Tybris, and ad∣ioined to the cittie the hill Ianiculum. He enlarged the bounds of the Empire, built ••tia, and reigned three and thirtie yeares. In the time of his reigne, Luci••no the sonne of Demaratus a Corinthian, removed from Tarquins, a cittie of Tus∣cane, and came to Rome:* 1.5 and there entring into mitie with Ancus, began to beare the name of Tarquinius, and so to be called: and after the death of Ancus to••ke the kingdome upon him. He ••ncreased the number of the Senator, by one hun∣dred, subdued the Latines, appointed the Circus or Theatre, set forth the publicke games and plates: and being warred upon by the Sabines, he augmented the centuries of the horsemen. And for to make proofe and triall of Accius Nauius the Augur his cunning, be demanded of him, as they say, whether that which he conceived in his mind, were possible to be effected: and when he made answere that it was, he commanded him to cut a whetstone in two with a rasour, which out of hand was by Accius done. Moreover, he wan the field of the Sabines, and deffeited them, ••lled the cittie about, made the vaulted sinkes: and when he had raigned eight and thirtie yeares, was murdered by the sonnes of Ancus. There succeeded after him Seruius Tullius,* 1.6 the sonne of a captive, a noble lady of Corniculum, who being a child, & lying swad∣led in the cradle, had a flame of fire (as thereport goeth) burning about his head. He discomfited the Veientes and Tus∣canes in battell: He was the first that numbred the people of Rome, valued their goods, and instituted the Lustrum every five years, in which were reported to have been numbered eightie thousand citizens. Hee described the Classes and Centuries: set out further the bounds of the Pomaerie, without and within the cittie wals: and put to the cit∣tie, the hils Quirinalis, Viminalis, and Esquilinus. He together with the Latines, founded the temple of Diana in mount Aventine, and when hee had reigned foure and thirtie yeares, hee was with the privitie and by the counsell of his daughter Tullia,* 1.7 murdered by L.T. Tarquinius, the sonne of Priscus. After him L. Tarquinius Superbus usur∣ped the kingdome, without the election, either of the Senators or the people. On which day Tullia (most wicked and cu••sed wretch that sore w••s) caused her coach to bee driven over the corps of her father, lying dead on the ground. Hee had about him a troupe of armed men for the guard of his person. By a subtile wile he put to death Turnus Herdonius. He had warre with the Volscians, and of their spoiles edisied a temple to Iupiter, on the hill Capitol, where the god Ter∣minus and goddesse Iuventas, agreed not to be displaced, whose alters could not be stirred nor remooved, as the others. By the fraudulent practice of his son Sex. Tarquinius, he brought the Gabians to his obeysance. Vnto his other two sonnes, being gone to Delphi, and consulting there the Oracle, whether of them should be king of Rome, answere was made, That be should reigne who first kissed his mother: which answer they enterpreting wrong, Iunius Brutus, who accompanied therin

〈…〉〈…〉 caught a fall, and kissed the ground, the mother indeed of all: which proved true on [unspec G] 〈…〉〈…〉 but in the end. For when as Tarqumius Superbas by his prowd tyrannicall demeanure, had incured the 〈…〉〈…〉 he at last upon the f••cible outrage and villanie done by Sex. Tarquinius (his sonne) in the night 〈…〉〈…〉 who sending for her father Tricipitinus, and her husband Collatinus, besought them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to see her death unrevenged and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with a knife killed herselfe: he I say, by the meanes of Brutus, especially was 〈…〉〈…〉 out of Rome, when he had raigned five and twentie years. Then were the Consuls first created, Lu∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 and Lu, Tarquinius Collatinus.

WHether in writing the acts and affairs of the people of Rome,* 1.8 from the first foundation of the citie, I shall per∣forme a worke of importance and woorth my trauaile, neither wote I well, nor if I wist, dare I advouch: seeing it [unspec H] is a thing both old and usuall; that new Writers alwaies persuade themselues, either in matter to deliver more truth and certaintie, or in manner of curious penning thereof, to outgoe the rudenesse of elder time. Howso∣ever it fall out, this yet will doe me good, that even I also, to the u••most of my power, have endevoured to eternise the worthie deeds of that people which is the soveraigne of the whole world. And if among so manie writers, my same chance to be obscure, yet may I com∣foremy selfe in this, That they who shall darken and shadow the same, are men so highly repu∣••ed [unspec I] and renowned. Besides, the thing it selfe is of infinite toile and labour, as counting and comprising from above 700 yeares past, and which arising from small beginning hath pro∣ceeded and growne so great, as now the bignesse thereof is comberous to itselfe: and I doubt not, but the readers for the most part will take but small delight and pleasure, either in those 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fetched originals, or in the times next ensuing, for hast they make to these nouelties of ••atter daies, where in the puissance of that so mightie people hath wrought long since their owne downefall and ouerthrow. But I contrariwise will seeke even this for guerdon of my paines, namely, to turne away from beholding these calamities, which this our age for manie yeare, hath see••e, so long at least: whilest I call to remembrance, and wholly employ my spirits in considering those ancient monuments of old time, exempt from care and trouble, [unspec K] which were able, if not to withdraw my mind as I write, from the truth, yet to make it pensive and heavie. As for such things as are reported, either before, or at the foundation of the citie, more beautified and set out with Poets fables, than grounded vpon pure and faithfull records, ••meane neither to averre nor disprove. This leave and priviledge hath antiquitie, by interla∣••ing the acts of gods and men together, to make the first rising of cities more sacred and vene∣rable. And if it may be lawful for anie people under heaven to consecrate and ascribe vnto the gods their Original: certes, such is the renowned martiall prowes of the Romans, that all nati∣ons of the world may as well abide them to report Mars above the rest, to be the stockefather both of themselves and of their first founder, as they can bee content to liue in subiection vn∣der them. But these and such like matters, howsoeuer they shall hereafter be censured or estee∣med, [unspec L] I will not greatly weigh and regard. This would I haue everie man rather to thinke upon in good earnest, and consider with me what their life, and what their carriage was, by what men and meanes both in war and peace, their dominion was atcheeved and enlarged. Afterwards, as their discipline began by little and little to shrinke, let him marke how at the very first their be∣haviour and manners sunke withall: and how still they fell more and more to decay and ruine, ye•• and began soone after to tumble downe right even untill these our daies, wherein wee can neither endure our owne sores, nor salves for the cure. For this is it that is so good and profita∣ble in an historie, when a man may see and behold as in a conspicuous monument and light∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 memoriall, the lively examples of all sorts, set up in open view for his instruction, where∣out he may chuse for himselfe and his countrey what to follow, as also learne, how to eschew a [unspec M] soule enterprise, and avoid a shamefull end. But unlesse I be deceived with the affectionate loue of mine owne commensed worke, never was there Commonweale, either more mightie, more holie, and devout, better stored of good precedents, or into which covetousnesse and excesse more lately crept, or wherein povertie and frugalitie, were so greatly or so long time honored, insomuch, as the more they wanted, the lesse they desired. Now of late daies wealth hath

[unspec A] brought in avarice, abundant pleasures haue kindled a desire by riot, lust, and loose life to pe∣rish and bring all to naught. But these complaints, which will be nothing pleasant, no not when perhaps they shall be needfull, banish we must (howsoeuer we doe) at our first entrance of so weightie a matter: when as we rather should begin (if as the Poets use, it were our manner also) with good osses and luckie forespeakings, with vowes and praiers to gods and goddesses, to vouchsafe their furtherance and happie successe to the enterprise of so great a worke.

FIrst of all, this is generally held for certaine, That the Greekes, after the winning of Troy, delt cruelly with all the Trojans, save only Aene∣as and Antenor: to whome, as well in regard of the bond of mutuall [unspec B] entertainement, as also for that they ever persuaded peace and the rendring againe of Helene, they wholly forbare to shew any rigor at all, as by martiall right of warre they might have done. And how Antenor afterwards, accompanied with a number of Henetians, who driven by ciuile discord out of Paphlagonia, and having lost at Troy their king Pylemenes, were to seeke both a resting place, and a captaine to conduct them, arrived through many adventures and accidents of fortune, in the inmost gulfe of the Adriatick sea: and after they had expelled the Euganians that inhabited betweene the sea and the Alpes,* 1.9 those Henetians together with the Trojanes, kept those parts and there remained. The place where first they landed, hight Troy, whereof the territorie and [unspec C] signorie thereabout was also named Troy, and the whole people in generall called Henetians. Moreover, how Aeneas upon like misfortune, having fled his countrey, yet aspiring by the fatall direction of the destinies to greater affaires, came first into Macedonie: and after into Sicilie, seeking an abiding place: and sailing with a fleet from Sicilie, arrived at length, and landed in the countrey of Laurentum:* 1.10 which place likewise was cleaped Troy. Where the Trojans being set a shore, having after their long wandring, nothing in a maner left them but ships & armor, as they forraied & drave booties out of the countrey,* 1.11 King Latinus with the Aborigines, who at that time inhabited those parts, ran forth in warlike manner out of towne and country, to with∣stand the violent invasion of these strangers. But what besell thereupon, is two manner of waies reported. Some say, that Latinus being in a battell vanquished, first made peace with Aeneas, [unspec D] and after that allied himselfe to him by marriage. Others affirme, that as both armies stood ranged in bartell aray, before the trumpets sounded the battell, Latinus came forth into the vaward, and called out the generall of the strangers to parle: demanding who they were, from whence they came, by what chance they departed from their owne home, and to what end they entred the Laurentine borders? After that he heard the companie were Trojans, the Captaine Aeneas, sonne of Venus and Anchises, and that upon the burning of their cittie, they having forgone their countrey, sought some place to abide and build them a cittie in: wondred much, not onely at the noblenesse of the people and their leader, but also at their couragious hearts, resolved either for war or peace: whereupon, by giuing his right hand, he plight his troth, and faithfully promised them friendship and amitie. So the two generals made a league, and each [unspec E] host saluted other.* 1.12 And Aeneas was by Latinus entertained and lodged in the court. Where Latinus solemnly in presence of his familiar houshold gods, by giving his daughter in marri∣age to Aeneas, joined private alliance to the former publicke confederacie. Which thing truly put the Trojanes in good hope and full assurance, to end one day their wandring and flitting to and fro,* 1.13 and to settle themselves in one certaine place of abode. Hereupon, a towne they built, which Aeneas of his wives name called Lavinium. Within a while, by this new marriage, he had issue a sonne:* 1.14 whom the parents named Ascanius. But after all this, were both Trojanes and Aborigenes warred upon.* 1.15 For Turnus king of the Rutilians, unto whom Lauinia before Aeneas his comming, had beene espoused, taking it to heart that a stranger was preferred before him, made warre both upon Aeneas and Latinus: but neither armie departed from the battell [unspec F] with joy and well apaied. For the Rutilians were vanquished: the Aborigines and Trojanes wan indeed the field,* 1.16 but lost their Captaine Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutilians mistrusting their owne strength,* 1.17 fled for succour to the puissant and mightie Tuscanes, and to their king *Mezentius, who keeping his roiall court at Cere, a towne in those daies of great wealth, not well pleased even from the first beginning, with the foundation of a new cittie, and supposing the Trojans power was alreadie much more encreased, than might well stand with the safetie of

the borderers, joined full willingly his forces with the Rutilians. Aeneas to win the hearts of the [unspec G] Aborigines against so dreadfull and dangerous warre, to the end, they all should not onely live under one governement,* 1.18 but also be all of one name, called both nations Latines. And from that time forth were the Aborigines nothing inferiour to the Trojanes in love and loialtie to∣wards their prince Aeneas. Aeneas also trusting confidently in the valiant and faithfull hearts of these two States, growing vp dailie more and more in mutuall amitie, albeit Hetru••ia was so mightie, that the name thereof was renowned not onely throughout the inland parts, but the sea coasts also, even from one end of Italie to the other, from the Alpes to the narrow seas of Sicilie; yet whereas he might well have resisted the force of his enemies, and maintained a de∣fensive war within his wals, he brought his armie forth into the open field. This was the second battell that the Latines fought, and the last deed that ever. Aeneas whilest he was man, atchieved. [unspec H] And howsoever by right he ought to be named,* 1.19 he lieth interred upon the river Numicius, and Iupeter Indiges men him call. Now was not Ascanius, Aeneas his sonne, ripe as yet for age to sway the scepter.* 1.20 Howbeit the roiall crowne remained whole and safe for him, untill he became to four∣teene yeares of age. So long continued the state of the Latines, and the kingdome by grand∣sire and father descended, unto the childs behoofe, under the governement onely of a woman, as protectresse:* 1.21 of so vertuous disposition and princely carriage was Dame Lavinia. Doubtfull much I stand (for who can certainly avouch a thing so long agoe?) whether this were that Asca∣nius, or one elder than he, who had to his mother Creüsa, whilst Ilium flourished, and who fled with this father from thence,* 1.22 and from whom being named also Iülus, the house and familie of the Iulij doe fetch their name and pedigree.* 1.23 That same Ascanius wheresoever or of whomso∣ever [unspec I] he was borned (but Aeneas his sonne of a truth he was) when Lavinium grew exceeding po∣pulous, left that cittie now flourishing and wealthie (as the world went then) unto his mother or stepmother, I wot not whether. Hee himselfe built another out of the ground under the moun∣taine Alba,* 1.24 which of the scituation thereof, stretching out in length on the side of the hill, was named Long Alba. Betweene the building of Lavinium and Long Alba, which became an un∣der-towne or Colonie drawne out of the other, and peopled from thence, were almost thirtie yeares. But so mightie grew they, especially after the discom••ture of the Tuscanes, that neither upon the death of Aeneas, nor during the time of a womans governement, nor all the while that the young prince learned to bee a king, durst either Mezentius or the Tuscanes, or anie other of the borderers, once stirre or rise in armes. But peace was concluded upon these tearms, [unspec K] That the river Albula,* 1.25 which now they call Tyberis, should divide the Tuscanes from the La∣tines, and limit to either of them their owne bounds. After this raigned Silvius, the sonne of Ascanrus, born by chance within the forrests: who begat Aeneas Silvius, and he had issue Latinus Silvias,* 1.26 by whom were certaine Colonies or pettie townships erected, & the inhabitants named Prisei Latini. And from thenceforth all the kings of Alba continued the s••irname of Sylvius. This Latinus begat Alba, of Alba came At••s, A••s begat Capis, and of Capis descended Cape∣tus; whose sonne Tyberinus in ferrying over the river A••bula,* 1.27 was drowned, and by his name re∣nowned that river unto al posteritic. Next to him raigned Agrippa his sonne, and after him suc∣ceeded Romulus Sylvius in his fathers kingdome, who being strucken dead with a thunderbolt, left the crowne to Aventinus.* 1.28 This Aventinus was buried in that hill, which now is part of the [unspec L] cittie of Rome,* 1.29 and breareth his name. The raigned Procas, who had two sonnes, Numitor and Amulius.* 1.30 And unto Numitor, because hee was the elder, he bequeathed by his last will and testa∣ment the auncient kingdome of the Sylvians line. Howbeit, might preuailed more than either the will of the father, or the reverent regard of elder brother. For Arnulius hauing driven out Numiter, raigneth himselfe: and not herewith content, heapeth one mischeese upon another. For first he murdered the issue male of his brother:* 1.31 then by making Rhea Sylvia his brothers daughter, a vestall Nun, and that under colour of honour and dignitie, by perpetuall vowed vir∣ginitie, he berest her of all hope of childbearing. But it was a fatal thing, and (as I thinke) which God would have, that so great a cittie should be built for to yeeld the ground and beginning of that Empire,* 1.32 which next under the gods is most mightie. For behold, the Vestall virgin was by [unspec M] force defloured, and after delivered of two twins: and were it that shee thought so in very deed, or because the name and credite of a god might carrie away and cloke the fault more cleanely, shee fathered her bastard children vpon Mars. But neither god nor man was able to save her selfe or her children from the kings crueltie. For the Votarie was committed to close prison, and there kept bound in yrons: as for the babes he commanded they should bee cast into the

[unspec A] stream of the river.* 1.33 But (as God would) by good hap the Tyber ouerflowed the banckes, and the standing waters on either side was nothing rough, yet so as there was no comming to the deepe current or channell of the very river: and they that brought the infants, hoped well they might be drowned in anie place of the water, were it neuer so full and low. So to fulfill after a sort, the kings commandement, they laid the children in the next plash they came to: even where as now standeth the figtree Ruminalis, called as they say, Romularis: but all that ground then was nothing but wast desarts, and a very wildernesse. The report yet goeth, that when the ebbe and shalow water was gone, & had left on drie ground the floting trough or vessel, wherin the babes were put forth, a shee Wolfe from out of the mountaines thereby, being a thirst, tur∣ned towards the children crie, and with their pendant teates so gently gaue the infants sucke, [unspec B] that Faustulus the head Reeue and overseer of the kings cattell,* 1.34 found her licking them with her tongue: who brought them to his homestall,* 1.35 and gaue them to his wife Laurentia to be fo∣stered. There be that thinke, that Laurentia being a common strumpet among these heardmen and sheepeheards, was vsually called Lupa. Whereupon arose the occasion of this strange tale and wondrous miracle. Well, so were they borne, and so brought vp. And as soone as they grew once to some bignesse, it was no boot to keepe them within dores, nor to set them idlie to tend the cattell, for they would use to hunt abroad in the forrest: whereby having gotten strength of bodie and courage withall, they were able now, not onely to withstand the violence of wild beasts, and to kill them, but also to set upon common robbers by the high waies side, laden as they were with booties, and to spoile them thereof, yea and diuide the prey among the sheepe∣heards: [unspec C] and as the number of yonkers dailie encreased, with them to keepe hollidaies, to make merrie, and follow their disports. And even in those daies (as men say) was the feastivall pastime Lupercal,* 1.36 used in mount Palatine, which of Palanteum, a cittie in Arcadia, was first called Palantium,* 1.37 and after Palatine, wherein Evander, who descended from the Arcadians, long before raigned in that country, and ordained a solemne game and recreation, yearely to be held,* 1.38 as aforetime in Arcadia, in this manner: that young men in the honour of Pan Lycaeus, whom the Romans after called Inuus, should loosely and wantonly run naked. Now whilest they were busily occupied in this kind of sport, which by vow yearely they performed; there lay in ambush the robbers aforesaid, in reuenge and for anger of the prizes which they had lost: Where Romulus manfully quit himselfe,* 1.39 but Remus they tooke prisoner: and being thus taken, [unspec D] they brought him before king Amulius, accusing him greevously, and laying especially to his charge, that he with others invaded and made rodes into Numitor his land, and with a power of Iustie youths, assembled in warlike sort, had forraied and spoiled the same. Thus was Remus deli∣vered unto Numitor to bee put to death. Now had Faustulus even since the first day concieved some hope, that there were in his house softer children of roiall blood: For well hee wist, that both by the kings commandement the babes were cast forth to perish, and also that the time when hee tooke them up, fell out fitly thereunto: marie this would hee in no wise should bee knowne in hast, and before due time; unlesse it were either upon good occasion or great neces∣sitie. Necessitie happened first: and so for very feare hee was driven to reveale the whole matter to Romulus. It happened also, that Numitor himselfe, having Remus in durance, and hearing they [unspec E] were brethren twins, by comparing their age, and avising withall their very countenance and towardnesse, proceeding from no servile and base parentage, bethought himselfe of his sisters children: and by farther enquirie and computation, came so farre, as hee seemed welneere to acknowledge Remus for his nephew. Thus on all hands were meanes wrought to circumvent and surprise king Amulius. For Romulus on the one side not accompanied with a troope of tall fellowes, for he was not able in open fight to make his part good: but giving the heardmen his supposts, in charge to come at a time appointed, some one way, and some another, to the kings pallace, hee set upon the king. On the other side, Remus with another crue from Numitor his house,* 1.40 came to second him: and so they slew the king. Numitor at the first uprore giving out eftsoones, that the enemies had entred the cittie, and assailed the kings pallace, and thereupon [unspec F] having called the youth of Alba into the Citadell, to keepe it by force with a good guard, and espying the two young men after the murther done, comming towards him with ioy: forthwith assembled the people together, and declared openly before them all, the wicked dealings of his brother against him, the parentage of his nephews, the manner of their birth and bringing vp, and how they came to be knowne: after that, hee reported the murther of the Tyrant, and tooke it vpon himselfe as the authour thereof. The two young men passing with their

companies through the middest of the people,* 1.41 saluted their grandsire king, whereat the whole [unspec G] multitude also with one accord and voice ratified the same: so was his roiall name and estate by them established. Thus was the whole regiment or kingdome of the Albanes committed to Numitor. Then Romulus and Remus had a great desire to found themselues a cittie in the verie place where they had beene cast forth and fostered.* 1.42 Now were there of Albanes and Latines both, very manie that might be spared; besides, a number also of heardmen: who, all set toge∣ther, put them in good hope, that Alba and Lavinium too, would bee but small Citties in com∣parison of what which now was a building. Whilest they were devising of these things, an old canker came betweene to marre all,* 1.43 even desire of rule and soveraigntie, the same which had troubled their grandsires before them: and thereupon a soule fray, which arose from a smal and slight occasion. For as much as they were both twins at one birth, and the respect of their age [unspec H] might yeeld no choice and difference, it was thought good and agreed upon, that the gods, who had the tuition of those places, should by Augurie or slight of birds, declare and shew whe∣ther of the twaine should both name the citie, and also rule the same. Romulus chose the mount Palatine, and Remus the Aventine, for their temples or religious quarters, to marke the bird∣sight, and each one apart to receive their Augurie. First (as they say) had Remus appearing in slight sixe vultures or gripes:* 1.44 and as tidings came unto him of this Augurie, it happened that the number unto Romulus was presented double: whereupon they were both of them by their supposts and favourites saluted kings. The one side tooke the vantage of the time: the other of the number, for the prerogative of the kingdome. Thus they fell to hot words first, and from chollerike words to blowes and bloodshead: in which sturre and preasse of the people, [unspec I] Remus was wounded and slaine in the place.* 1.45 The more common report goeth, that Remus in∣scorne of his brother, leapt ouer the new wals: wherevpon Romulus in great choler slue his brother with his owne hands, and in menasing wife, added these words withal, So perish he, what ever else he be,* 1.46 that shal once dare to leape over my wals. Thus Romulus alone became king, and the Cittie new built, of the founders name was called Rome. Wherein first hee fortified mount Palatine, in which he was himselfe reared. To all the rest of the gods he sacrificed after the rule and custome of the Albanes: onely to Hercules after the manner of the Greekes, according to the first institution of Evander.* 1.47 For the same goeth, that Hercules vpon a time, after hee had slaine Geryon, drave that way exceeding faire Oxen, and neere the riuer Tybris, where hee had swum ouer with his drove asore him, laid him downe in a faire greene meddow, as well to re∣fresh [unspec K] himselfe, being wearie of his way, as also to rest and bait his cattell in so plentifull grasse and forage. There, falleth he into a sound sleepe, as having well charged himselfe with wine and viands, and one Cacus a sheepeheard dwelling thereby, a man right fierce, and bearing him prowdly of his strength, being greatly in love with the fairenesse of the beasts, had a good will, and minded to fetch away that bootie: but for that if hee had driven the beasts into his owne cave, the verie trackes would have led the owner of them thither, hee drew the goodliest and biggest of them backeward by their tailes into his hole. Herculs earely in the morning when he awoke, and beheld his droue, and missed some of his count, went on toward the next cave, if haplie their footing would traine him thither: But seeing all traces from wards, and leading no other way; as one troubled in spirit, and doubtfull what to doe, he began to drive farther out of [unspec L] that theevish and dangerous corner. But as some of the Oxen in driving, missed their fellowes behind, and honing after them, bellowed as their nature is: Herculs chanced to heare them loow again, and answere from out of the cave wherein they had been bestowed: whereat he tur∣ned backe, and made in hast thither. But as Cacus forciblie made head against him, and would have kept him from entrance, Hercules smote him with his club: and for all his calling upon other heardmen for helpe,* 1.48 slew him outright. At the same time Evander, who fled out of Pelo∣ponnesus, governed that Countrey, rather by a kind of countenance and authoritie, than by force and lordly command. A man much honoured for his wonderfull invention of letters, a strange and rare thing among those rude and vnlearned sort: but more honoured for the opini∣on that the people had of his mother Carmenta,* 1.49 reputed to bee a goddesse, whom for her spirit [unspec M] of prophesie, those countries, before that Sibylla came into Italie, had in great revence and ad∣miration. This Evander being raised with the concurse of the sheepheards, affrighted about the stranger, guiltie of manifest murther, and hearing of the fact committed, and the occasion thereof: avising well there with the person of the man, his feiture and favour, more stately a good deale, and carrying a greater majestie than the ordinarie proportion of men; demandeth

[unspec A] of him who he was. And as soone as he understood his name, his father, and native countrey: O Hercules (quoth he) the soone of Iupiter, All haile: my mother a most true prophetesse hath foreshewed vnto me, that thou shalt encrease the number of heavenly wights, and that in this place an altar shall be reared and dedicated vnto thee, which the most mightie and richest na∣tion one day of the world,* 1.50 shall name Maxima, and honour according to the ceremonies by thee ordained. In a good houre be it spoken (quoth Hercules) and the osle I gladly accept; and so giving him his hand, faithfully promised to accomplish the will of the gods, and erected streit∣waies and consecrated an altar in the place. There and then first, hee sacrificed one of the fairest Oxen, chosen out of the whole drove, calling to the ministerie of that divine service and feast, the Potitij and P••narij,* 1.51 two most noble houses at that time in those parts. It happened so, by [unspec B] chance, that the Potitij were readie at hand in due time, and the inwards or intrals were set be∣fore them: which being eaten, the Pinarij came to the good cheere behind: where¦upon the custome held, that so long as the familie of the Pinarij continued, they might not feed of the sacred inwards. But the Potitij, instructed by Evander, became the priests of that holie sacrifice manie ages after: untill the solemne service and ministerie of this familie was put ouer to pub∣licke servants, and the whole stocke of the Potity utterly worne out and dead. These were the onely forraine sacrifices of all other,* 1.52 that Romulus received and admitted, being even then a furtherer and maintainer of immortalitie, by his owne prowesse atcheeued, and where¦unto his fortune conducted him. Having in this manner religiously performed and established the service of the gods, hee assembled the multitude to an audience and for that they could by no [unspec C] meanes but by lawes, bee united together into one bodie and societie of a people, he derised Statutes, and ministred justice unto them. And supposing that those laws would be accounted sa∣cred and inviolable of the wild and rusticall sort of men, in case he shewed himselfe by some re∣gall ensignes venerable:* 1.53 he carried with him a greater port and majestie, not onely in his robes and princely habite, but most of all in the attendance of twelve officers or sergeants, called Lic∣tores, whom he caused to goe ordinarily before his person. Some thinke he chose this num∣ber according to the birds, which by Augurie did foreshew and prognosticate his raigne: I ra∣ther am of their opinion, who thinke that Sergeants at armes, and this kind of officers came from the Tuscanes their neighbours,* 1.54 from whence also theyvorie chaire of estate, called Sella curulis, and the royall purple robe embrodered, named Toga pr••texia, was fetched, as also the [unspec D] very number of sergeants or Lictours.* 1.55 For that the Tuscanes had this manner, when they chose their king by the common voices of their twelve principall States, each one found a sergeant. All this while grew the cittie more and more to bee fortified with ramparts and bulwarkes, as men still built in sundrie places where they liked best, seeming thereby to provide rather for a future multitude in time to come, than for the present number wherewith it was then peopled. Furthermore, least that the cittie so large in compasse, should stand void and vacant, Romulus for to encrease the number of inhabitants (according to the old practice of the founders of cit∣ties, who by gathering about them the base multitude and obscure, feined that they were an of∣spring borne out of the earth) set vp a sanctuarie or lawlesse church,* 1.56 called Asylum, in that place which at this day betweene the two groves, is enclosed and fenced round about with thicke bri∣ers [unspec E] & brambles. Thither resorted (as to a place of refuge) out of the neighbor countries, a rable and confused medley of all sorts, tag and rag, bond and free, one with another; folke desirous of change and noveltie.

So began first the citie according to the plot of large buildings,* 1.57 to be wel peopled and grow mightie. Thus being provided of power sufficient: he thought then upon a counsaile and poli∣cie to his power. And so created a hundred Senatours: either because that number see∣med great ynough, or for that there were no more but one hundred that were of worth to bee elected counsellor or (wife) fathers. These men certainely for honour and dignitie, were called Patres or Sage fathers:* 1.58 and their lineall descent Patr••ij or nobles. Now by this time was the State of Rome so mightie and puissant, that it was able in fight to match any cittie neere ad••oi∣ning [unspec F] whatsoeuer. But for default of womankind, this puissance was to indure but the age of one man: for neither had they hope of issue among themselues at home, nor yet made marriages with their neighbours abroad. Whereupon Romulus by the advise of his Senatours; sent Em∣bassadours to the countries there about, to treat for societie and alliance for his new people, by way of marriage.* 1.59

Alledging that citties also, as well as other things, arose of base beginnings, and in processe of time by their owne prowsse, and helpe of God with all, grow to great power

and reputation: whereas therefore they were full well assured, that as the gods were gracious to [unspec G] their first uprising, so their own vertue and valor should not be wanting: their neighbors ought not, in regard of common humanitie, and as they were men, thinke much and disdaine to ioine in blood and kindred with them, being also men as well as they.

Howbeit, this embassage in no place had gentle audience and courteous entertainment. For they all in general despised them, and were in eare for themselues and their posteritie, by reason of so mightie a state, encrea∣sing in the middest of them, and under their very noses. And from the most of them the Embassadors were dismissed and sent away, with this frumpe and demand, Whether they had set up a sanctuarie or lawlesse place for women to? For that were alone, and a fit marriage indeed to sort together. This tooke the youth of Rome in great displeasure, and doubtlesse the quarrell grew like to be tried by knockes. But Romulus dissimuling his inward heart-burning, to [unspec H] the end he might find time and place meet for the purpose, prepareth to set forth certaine so∣lemne plaies and games,* 1.60 which he nameth Consualia, to the honor of Neptune Equestris. Here∣upon he commanded to proclaim these games al over the country adjoining; and with as great preparation and furniture, as in those daies either their skill or abilitie might afford, they cele∣brate the same, and all to make the shew more goodly, and worthie so great expectation. Thi∣ther resorted manie a one, desirous also to see this new cittie, but their next neighbours especi∣ally of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae: The whole multitude of Sabines likewise came with their wives and children. Who being friendly invited to their houses, from one to another, and courteously entertained: when they beheld the scituation of the cittie, the strong wals and saire buildings, so thicke standing, wondred how in so short a space the cittie of [unspec I] Rome was growned so great. Now when the time of this solemne sight was come, and that their minds were busied, and their eies bent thereon: then at once, as it was agreed before, there arose an uprore.* 1.61 And the youth of Rome upon a token and watch-word giuen, fell on every side to carrie away the Sabine maidens. A great many of them were ravished by hap hazard, as they did light upon them, and as they came next to their hands. Othersome more beautifull than the rest, were appointed for the cheese of the Senatours, and by certaine of the commons, as they had given them in charge, conveied home to their houses. But one passing faire and lovely above all others, was harried by the companie or crue of one Talassius (they say) and when as anie asked to whom they carried her, they ever cried out (for feare she should bee forced or de∣floured) Thalassio, Thalassio, i. Vnto Thalassius.* 1.62 Whereupon Thalassio became a common by∣word [unspec K] at wedding ever after. Thus their sport and pastime upon this sturre and fright, was mar∣red, and the parents of the virgines fled away with heavie cheere, blaming them highly, and complaining of their breach of hospitalitie: and calling upon the god for vengeance, to whose feastivall games they being come, were under colour of religion and truth, beguiled. The damsels likewise that were ravished, conceived neither better hope of themselues, no lesse in∣dignation against them.* 1.63

But Romulus himselfe in person went from one to another, declaring, That their fathers pride, who denied their neighbours marriage, was the cause of all this: pro∣mising neverthelesse that they should bee linked in lawfull wedlocke, made partakers of all woridly goods, obtained the freedome of a citie, and (than which, nothing is more deare to man∣kind) enioy the blessing of children: exhorting them to appease their anger, and quiet [unspec L] themselues: and to give them their harts, whose hap it was to have their bodies. For oftentimes vpon wrong and iniurie there growth loue and reconciliation. Alledging moreover, that they should find their spouses so much more louing and kind, as everie one of them for his part would endevour, after they had in their turne and course fulfilled the dutie to them of good husbands, for to make amends, and supplie the misse they haue of father, mother, and native countrey.

Their husbands with all used faire speeches and flattering words, excusing the matter, and laying all the weight upon servent affection and pure loue: which kind of persuasion of all other, prevaileth most with womens nature. Thus were the ravished young wines in some sort quieted in mind, and held themselues well contented. But their fathers, then most of all araied in mourning weed, with teares and heauie complaints, stirred vp the Citties where they dwelt: [unspec M] neither contained they their mood within home, but assembled themselues from all parts vn∣to Tatius the king of the Sabines:* 1.64 and to him repaired their Embassages, for that the name of Tatius was highly renowned in those countries. They of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae, who were partly touched and greeved for that wrong done, thought that Tatius and the Sabines dealt but coldly in the action, and went but slowly about revenge. These three natitons there∣fore

[unspec A] banded themselves, and agreed to prepare for warre. But so sharpe set were the Ceninians that the men of Crustuminum and Antemnae, bestirred not themselves quick ynough for them. So they of Cenina entred alone by force of armes the territories of the Romanes. As they wa∣sted and spoiled without order and measure, Romulus met them with an armie, and in one small skirmish made proofe,* 1.65 how Moode without might is vain and bootlesse.

For he discomsited, put to flight, and pursued in chase their whole host, slew their king in battell, and him despoiled:* 1.66 and having slaine their generall, at the first assault hee won the towne: and after hee had from thence brought backe his armie with conquest and victorie, as a man no lesse desirous to shew his noble acts with glorie, than to atchieve the same by prowesse, he bare afore him on high as a pompeous pageant in a frame fitly for the purpose wrought,* 1.67 the spoile and armour of his ene∣mies [unspec B] captaine, by himselfe slaine: and so ascended up to the Capitoll hill, where laying them downe at the Oke which the sheepeheards had in great reverence, hee consecrated them as a present to Iupiter: and set out with all, the foundation and bounds of a temple unto him: giving moreover this addition and title to the god, and saying solemnely: O Iupiter Feretrius, I king Romulus upon my victorie, present unto thee this armor of a king, and within this compasse of ground, which even now I haue conceived and assigned, I dedicate a temple, to receive those rich and roiall spoiles, which the posteritie, following mine example, shall beare away from the kings and captaines generall of their enemies, whom they shall happen hereafter to kill. This is the very beginning of that temple, which first of all other was in Rome consecrated.

And so it pleased God, that neither the first founders words were spoken in vaine, whereby he foretold [unspec C] and pronounced, that his posteritie should bring their spoiles thither: nor his glorie made vul∣gar and common to manie compartenes with him in the like exploit and glorious present. For after him,* 1.68 in so many yeres, and after so many wars, two roiall spoiles only were won of the ene∣mies. So rare was the happinesse of honour in that behalfe. Whilest the Romanes were thus emploied about Cenina, the armie of the Antemnates, taking the vantage of the time, and of the Romanes absence from home, and seeing their frontiers without a guard, with a power of armed men entred the confines of Rome. Against whom also the Romane legion made head in all hast, and finding them scattered out of order in the fields, charged upon them. By reason whereof,* 1.69 at the very first shocke and shout made, discomfited were the enemies and their towne surprised.

As Romulus returned with triumph and joy for these two victories,* 1.70 his wife [unspec D] Hersilia, at the importunate sute of the wives that had beene ravished, earnestly besought him to pardon their fathers and receive them into his cittie: for so by concord and unitie, the weale publicke, and the good estate of his kingdome might flourish and grow mightie. This sure was gently heard, and soone obtained.

After this, he set forth against the Crustuminians that began to warre upon him: with whom hee had the lesse adoe, for that their courages were well abated alreadie by the ouertrowes of others.* 1.71 To both these places as unto Colonies, were new inha∣bitants sent. But the greater number were desirous to enter their names, and to plant themselues at Crustuminium, for the fertilitie of the soile. And manie likewise removed from thence to Rome,* 1.72 the parents especially and kinsfolke of the ravished women. Last of all, the Sabines war∣red farre more sharply and dangerously than the rest: for nothing did they either in furie or [unspec E] rage, or for covetous desire of spoile. Neither made they talke & shew of war, before they war∣red indeed and were seene in field. And besides this their considerat policie, they dealt also with craft & subtillie.* 1.73 For wheras one Sp. Tarpeius had the charge of the castle in Rome, his daughter a young maiden, Tatius with a summe of money corrupted and procured, at what time as shee went to fetch water without the wals for sacrifice, to receive armed souldiours into the forresse. But so soone as they were let in, they with their armour smothered and killed her: either for that thereby it might bee thought the castle was woon by force: or because they would make her an example to posteritie, that no traitor should ever thinke to escape unpunished. But here∣to belongeth a tale, namely, that the Sabines used commonly on their left armes to wear brace∣lets of Massie and weightie gold, and faire rings besides on their fingers, set with precious stones [unspec F] of great value: and that she covenanted and agreed with them to have that which they ware on their left hands, whereupon shee had their targets in sheed of those golden ornaments, heaped upon her. Others say, that upon agreement and covenant made to deliver that which was on their left hands, she demanded their armour, and because she seemed to deale, deceitfully, shee was overtaken therwith, and perished by receiving a reward of her owne chusing. However it was, the Sabines were possessed of the castle. From whence the morrow after (when as the Ro∣manes

armie well appointed in battell ray, had taken up and overspread the whole plaine that [unspec G] lieth from mount Palatine to the hill Capitoll)they would not come downe on even ground be∣fore that the Romanes,* 1.74 partly netled with anger, and partly pricked with an hot desire to reco∣ver the castle againe, began with their great disadvantage to climbe against the hill. Whereup∣on the captaines on both sides joined battaile: Metius Curtius for the Sabines, Hostius Ho∣stilius for the Romanes: who albeit he was on the lower ground, yet in the forefront most cou∣ragiously and stoutly abid the brunt of the conflict. But so soone as hee was stroken downe and slaine, incontinently the Romanes reculed and gave ground: and thus discomfited, fled backe∣ward to the old gate of Palatium.

Romulus himselfe also, borne backe with the presse and throng of those that sled,* 1.75 lift up his weapons on high towards heaven, and cried out saying: O Iupiter, I Romulus by thy direction guided and ruled, have here in this mount Palatine laid the foundati∣on [unspec H] of this cittie: and now alreadie have the Sabines by corruption and trecherie got the cita∣dell and fortresse thereof: from whence they having passed the midst of the vale betweene, make hither in hast with force of armes: but thou O father of gods and men, vouchsafe yet from hence at leastwise to repulse the enemies, deliver the Romans from this so great feare, and stay their shamefull flight. And here to thee O Iupiter Stator I vow a temple, for a memoriall to all posteritie, that by thy present helpe this cittie was saved and preserved.

Thus having once praied, as if he had knowne for certaine that his praiers were heard. Even here(quoth he) O yee Romanes, dooth Iupiter Opt. Max. i. the best and greatest of all the gods commands you to stay and begin the battell afresh. Herewith the Romanes, no lesse than if they had been commanded from heaven above, made a stand. And Romulus in person highed him with all speed to the for∣most [unspec I] in the vaward.

Now was Metius Curtius, principall leader of the Sabines, run downe from the castle, and had scattered and chased the Romanes backe as farre as the Forum or common place of Rome at this day reacheth in length: and being come within a little of the gate of Pa∣latium, he lift vp his voice and cried alovvd, Vanquisht we haue these faithlesse friends, and hart∣lesse foes: and now know they well, it is one thing to ravish maidens, and a farre other thing to fight with men.

In this sort as he braved it out, Romulus with a troope of lustie young men, made head against him. Metius haplie at that time, fought on horsebacke, whereby he was forced the sooner to recule, and the Romanes made after and pursued him. The other battell of the Ro∣manes in like manner, being much encouraged with the valour of their king, discomfited the Sabines. Metius with his horse under him, affrighted at the noise of them that ran after, lept in∣to [unspec K] a marish or bog thereby. Which accident, considering the danger of so great a person, made the Sabines to looke backe to him. And hee verily taking heart againe at the calling and en∣couragement of many his favourites, escaped. But the Romanes and Sabines both, in the middle valley betweene the two hils, renue the battell againe: where the Romanes got the better hand.

Then the Sabine dames, for whose wrongfull usage all this war arose, with their haire hanging loose about their shoulders, and renting their garments, for very greefe and sorrow past all feare, ventured to run amongst the javelins & darts as they flew: & thus hauing thrust themselues vio∣lently overthwart betweene them, began to part these bloodie armies, and to end their deadly feaud:* 1.76 Beseeching their owne fathers on the one side, and their husbands on the other, that they being fathers and sonnes in law, would not embrew themselues with so unkind and unnaturall [unspec L] bloudshead, nor as parricides, murder the young ones newly borne, some their graundchildren, and others their owne heirs of their bodie begotten. If ye our fathers, thinke much (say they) of the affinitie betweene our husbands and you: or if yee our husbands are displeased with our ma∣riage, bend all your anger and malice against us: we are the cause of this warre, we are the cause of wounding and killing both husband and father: yet will wee rather die, than liue either or∣phans without the one, or widowes without the other.

This thing mooved as well the multitude of soldiours, as also the captains; and presently of a suddaine all was husht, and the fight cea∣sed. Whereupon, the Generals came foorth to conclude a league. Neither made they peace only, but one citie of two: united their realms, & joined together in the regiment: but the roiall estate they setled in Rome. [unspec M]

The citie thus being made one of twaine, the Romanes for to gratifie the Sabines in some sort,* 1.77 were of Cures, a towne of the Sabines, called Quirites. And for a memoriall of that battaile, the very place where Curtius, after he was gotten out of the deepe marish, first set his horsse on firme ground,* 1.78 was named Curtius his lake. This joius peace ensuing presently upon so cruell war, made these women better beloued of their husbands and parents: but especially of Romu∣lus

[unspec A] himselfe.* 1.79 And therefore when hee divided the cittie into thirtie wards or parishes, hee called them by their names. But it is not left in any record (for out of all question the women were farre more in number than so) whether those that should give names unto the wards, were chosen by age, or by their owne dignitie and worthinesse, or their husbands degree and calling, or by ca∣sting lots. At the same time were enrolled and ordained three centuries of gentlemen or knights: The Ramnenses were so cleaped of Romulus,* 1.80 the Titienses of Titus Tatius; but of the name and first beginning of the Lucerians, the occasion is not certaine. So these two kings not onely raig∣ned together, but also governed with great unitie and concord. But after certaine yeares the kin∣dred of king Tatius chanced to beat and euill intreat the embassadours of Laurentum. And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations, for satisfaction of this outrage; Tatius [unspec B] his kinsfolke what by favour, and what by intreatie, prevailed more with him than the just com∣plaint of the others. Whereby hee brought vengeance due to them upon his owne head: For being come upon a time to Lavinium, unto a solemne sacrifice and feast, there in an uprore or hurliburly the people ran upon him,* 1.81 and so was he slaine. Which thing (they say) Romulus, made lesse regard of than was meet: either for that fellowship in lordship is neuer faithfull, or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away. Wherupon he forbare indeed to make warre: yet to the end the wrong done to the Embassadours, together with the murder of the king, might bee expiate and purged cleane away, the league betweene the citties of Rome and Lavinium was renued. But whilest peace verily was beyond mens expectation with them con∣cluded: behold another fresh warre arose, much neerer than the other, and hard almost at their [unspec C] very gates. For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to encrease over∣much so neere unto them: before they should grow to such greatnesse as they were like to doe, began first to warre upon them: and sending a power of lustie tall souldiours, invaded and wa∣sted all the countrey betweene the cittie of Rome and Fidene. And taking their way on the left hand, for that the Tyber kept from the other, they forraied and spoiled as they went, to the great feare of the pezants and countrey people. So as this suddaine tumult and garboile heard out of the fields into the cittie, brought the first newes of the warre. Romulus raised therewith (for so nigh a warre might beare no delay) led forth his armie, and encamped within a mile of Fidene: and leaving there a competent guard, hee departed thence with all his other forces, comman∣ding part of his souldiours to lie close in certaine covert places,* 1.82 among the thickets in ambush∣ment. [unspec D] Himselfe with the greater number, and all his horse, advanced forward, and riding up and downe before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner, made semblant of a brava∣do, and all to traine the enemie forth, which was the thing he onely sought. This kind of horse service was a meanes that the Fidenates lesse suspected and marvelled at their flying, which they were to counterfet. For whilest the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were, in a mammering whi∣ther to slie or fight, and the infanterie withall began to retire: all at once the enemies in thrun∣ging manner sallied forth of the gates, and chased the Romanes so fiercely, that in their eager pursute they were drawne to the verie place of ambush. Thence the Romanes suddainely arose, and charged the flocke of the enemies: And to encrease their fright, they likewise that were left behind to guard the campe, shewed themselves with banners displaied.

So the Fidenates terri∣fied [unspec E] sundrie waies, before well neere that Romulus and his men of armes could reine about their horseheads, turned their backes, and rodefull gallop towards the towne againe, and so much the faster, for that they fled now in good earnest themselves, that pursued them, who a little before made but semblance thereof. Yet for all this could they not escape the enemie: for the Romans hard at their heeles, rushed together with them pelmell into the towne, before the gates could be shut against them. At this Fidenatian warre, spreading so dangerously, the Veientians grew angrie in their hearts, and began to chase.

Touched they were also in regard of kindred and al∣liance: for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscanes. And fearing least (if the Romane forces should thus distresse and lie upon all the borderers) they being so neere, should not goe free, they were the rather pricked forward, and thereupon made rodes, and entred in armes the confines of [unspec F] Rome, spoiling and boothaling, more like robbers than professed warriors. So without pitching any tents, or abiding the comming of their enemies, but onely driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields, they returne againe to Veij. The Romanes contrariwise, not ••••••∣ding the enemies in the field, but yet provided and resolved to give battell, and to hazard all, passed over the Tybet. Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves, ful∣ly minded to come against their cittie: issued forth and met them, intending to trie the quarell

by dint of sword,* 1.83 and in open field, rather than to be mued up within the town, & to fight & de∣fend [unspec G] themselves from off their houses and wals. There the Romane king with the strength onely of his old beaten souldiors, without anie other helpe and supplie whatsoever, without policie or stratagem, had the better: and having thus discomfited the enemies, he chased them even to their verie wals. And for that the cittie was exceeding strong, fortified as well by naturall situ∣ation, as by wals, he forbare to assault it. But in his returne homeward, hee wasted the countrey, more upon a mind to revenge, than hope of spoile. With this defeature, the Veientians no lesse subdued than if they had lost a field, sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace: unto whom truce was graunted for an hundred yeares,* 1.84 but they were amerced to lose part of their lands. These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad, during the reigne of Ro∣mulus. Whereof none seemed to derogate anie jot from the opinion, both of his divine birth [unspec H] and beginning,* 1.85 and also of his immortalitie or deification after his death. Such was his coura∣geous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdome: his policie and wisedome in founding the cittie first, and after in establishing and governing the same, as well in war as in peace. By whose good proceedings it got such strength, and so sure footing, that for fortie yeeres space after, it enjoied peace with salatie. Neverthelesse of his commons hee was better beloved than of his nobles: but above all, his souldiours most heartely affected him: of whom he had alwaies about him, as squires of the bodie, three hundred pensioners armed, not onely in time of warre, but also of peace,* 1.86 whom he called Celeres. Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortall deeds, as he upon a time assembled al the people upon the plaine, at the marish Caprae, there to num∣ber or muster his armie: behold, upon a suddaine there arose a tempest with great crackes of [unspec I] thunder, which with so thick & cloudie a storme, covered the king, that the people lost the sight of him.* 1.87 And never after was Romulus seene on earth. The Romane youth, after their feare was at length past, and that upon so darke and troublesome weather, it prooved a faire day againe, and calme withall, seeing the kings throne emptie, albeir they credited the Senators that stood next about him, who gave out he was taken up alost in the storme; yet strucken into sad dumps, as it were for the losse of their father, held their peace a good while. But afterwards, when some few of them had once begun, they all set on and cried aloud. All haile god Romulus the sonne of a god, king and father of the cittie of Rome: With earnest praier beseeching him of his grace, that he would vouchsafe to be propice, and save their ofspring and posteritie for ever. I am of this mind, that some there were even then, that suspected and secretly surmised that the king [unspec K] was pulled in peeces by the hands of the nobles. For this rumour also was bruited abroad, al∣though in very darke and obscure tearmes. But by reason of high admiration of the man, and the present feare withall, the former opinion tooke place, and was more currant. Over and besides, it grew the rather credible, through the politike practice of one person.

For as the whole cittie was pensive and sorrowfull for the misse of their king, and sore displeased with the Sena∣tors, one Proculus Iulius, a substantiall good author (as men say) and to bee beleeved in a matter of great importance, stepped forth into the assemblie, Romulus (quoth he) Quirites, the foun∣der and patrone of this cittie,* 1.88 even this verie morning at the day breake, descended suddenly downe from heaven and met me, and as I stood all quaking for feare, readie to worship him, and humblie beseeching that I might behold him face to face:. Away (quoth he) & tell the Romans, [unspec L] that the will of the gods in heaven is, that my cittie of Rome shall bee the head and cheefe of the whole world: will them therefore to follow and practise chivalrie, and the knowledge there∣of: and wot this well, and so let them doe their posteritie to wit, That no power in the world shall be able to withstand the puissance of the Romanes. Which (said he) was not so soone spoken, but he ascended on high, and departed.

A wonder it was to fee, how much they gave credite to this mans tale, and how greatly the misse of Romulus both among the commons and the armie, was by this beleefe of his immortalitie, digested.

In this meane while the Senatours fell to strive who should bee king: and the desire of sove∣raigntie troubled much and perplexed their minds. But as yet, there was no banding nor siding from any one person in particular: for that in a state so newly risen, & of so small continu∣ance, [unspec M] there was not one that far excelled another in authoritie. All the contention was betweene the two severall factions in generall.* 1.89 For they that were descended of the Sabines, fearing least because after the death of Tatius there was none of their part, that had raigned with Romulus in equall jurisdiction, they should now loose their possession and title to the crowne; were desi∣rous to haue a king chosen out of their corporation. The old Romanes againe might not abide

[unspec A] an alien or forrainer to be king. Howbeit, thus diuersly affected as they were, a king they all will needs have, as who (God wot) had not yet tasted the sweetnesse of libertie and freedome. Besides the Nobles began to feare, least peradventure in case the hearts of manie citties thereabout, should not be well disposed, but provoked against them, some forraine power would make inva∣sion, finding the cittie without government, and the armie without a captaine. Therefore they all liked well to haue one head, but none could find in his heart to giue place unto another. Whereupon the hundred Senatours associate and combine together in the rule of the Com∣mon-weale, by deviding themselues into ten Decuries, and for euerie Decurie chusing one to beare the cheefe authoritie. So that ten governed at once, but one alone had the regal ensignes and the Lictors before him. This soveraigntie and preheminence determined euery five daies: [unspec B] and thus went it through them all round in course. After which manner they continued the space of one yeare. And the governement upon this occasion was (as it is still at this day) called Interregnum.* 1.90 Then after a yeare began the commons to grudge and mutter, that their servitude was greater than before, having now lords over them, an hundred for one: and seemed they would no longer endure, but haue a king againe, yea and one of their owne chusing. The Sena∣tours seeing them thereabout, and taking it to bee good policie for to offer that of their owne accord, which they were otherwise like to forgoe, curried favour with them in this wise, to wit, by graunting the cheefe prerogative unto the people (in chusing a king) yet so as they gave them no greater priviledge, than they reserved to themselues. For thus it was decreed, that when the people had elected a king, it should stand firme and ratified, if the Senatours liked thereof, and [unspec C] gave thereto their roiall assent. And even at this day in making of laws, and chusing magistrates or rulers, the same rights is in some sort observed, setting aside the violence of Tribunes. For that now before the people give their voices, the Senatours passe by their authoritie, that which they would have done, fall it out in the assemblie of people, by scrutinie, doubtful as it will.

To pro∣ceed then, the Interregent having called a generall parliament: In the name of God (quoth he) O Quirites, and which may be to you good, luckie, and prosperous, elect, or nominate yee a new king: for so is the good pleasure of the Nobles and Senatours: and in case yee shall elect a man of such qualitie, as may be deemed worthie to succeed Romulus, then will they by their assent passe the same, and allow thereof.

This pleased and contented the commons so highly, that be∣cause they would not seeme behind in bountie and curtesie, they answered againe, that this on∣ly [unspec D] they ordained and agreed upon, to with, that the Senate should determine who should be king of Rome.* 1.91 Ther was in those daies one Numa Pompilius, much renowned and esteemed for his just life and religious: he dwelt in Cures, a cittie of the Sabines, a man right skilfull and very wel seene (as any one might be in that age) in all lawes both divine and humane: whose teacher and first maister, for want of other authour of his science and knowledge (they say) but yet vntruly, was Pythagoras as of Samos. Concerning whom, this is well knowne, that he a hundred yeeres after and above, in the daies of Servius Tullus king of Rome, held a schoole of yong men students, that were his disciples, and followed his sect, in the utmost and farthest coast of Italie, about Me∣tapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. From which places (albeit he had lived in that time) what same of him could spread so farre as to the Sabines? or by what entercourse and affinitie of lan∣guage [unspec E] might hee possiblie have trained any man unto him for desire of learning at his hands? or by what good meanes and helpe, could Numa trauell alone unto him in safetie, through so many countries, of diuerse tongues and sundrie manners? I am of this opinion rather, that the man by nature was framed and disposed to vertue, and that hee was instructed, not so much in strange and forraine sciences, as after that strict rule, that sterne and severe discipline of the auncient Sabines; than whom, there was not a nation in times past, more precise, reformed, and void of corruption. The Romane Senatours hearing the name of Numa, although they saw well enough, that the Sabines were like to proove of great reputation and power, by chusing their king from among them, yet was there none of them so audacious, as to preferre either themselues, or any one of their bend and faction, not any one I say, Senator or Cittizen, before [unspec F] that man: but all in generall with one accord, agreed to conferre the kingdome upon Numa Pompilius. Who being sent for and come; like as Romulus at the founding of the cittie was in∣augurate King, or attained to the crowne by meanes of Augurie: so hee also would needs, that the will and counsell of God should be sought for, touching his owne election. Whereupon hee was by the Augur (unto whom for ever after that publicke ministerie or priesthood, in regard of honour and reverence by patent belonged) brought unto the castle hill, and there he set him

[unspec G] downe upon a stone, with his face towards the South. Then the Augur on his left side, with head covered, tooke his place: holding in his right hand a smooth stafte without knot or knob, and hooked towards the top, which they called Lituus. From whence after that he had with good avisement taken a prospect and view towards the cittie and countrey, and made his praiers to the gods, he limitted the quarters of the heaven, from East to West: and the parts Southward he appointed for the right hand, and those Northward for the left.

And so farre as ever hee could cast his eie and see forward, he imagined to himselfe a marke: then shifting his staffe into his left hand, and laying the right hand upon Numa his head, he praied in this forme. O father Iupiter, if it may be right and lawfull, that his Numa Pompilius, whose head I lay my hand upon, shall be king of Rome, shew I beseech thee some certaine and manifest signes within that com∣passe and those precincts, that I have conceived and set out.

Then pronounced hee in plaine [unspec H] words what tokens by sight or flight of fowles he would have to appeare. Which being once seene,* 1.92 Numa was declared king, and so came down from the temple or place of prospect above∣said.

In this manner, being inaugurate and invested in the kingdome, hee provideth by good or∣ders, lawes, and customes, to reedifie as it were that cittie, which before time had been new built by force and armes. Whereunto, he seeing that they might not be brought and framed in time of warre, whose hearts were alreadie by continuall warfare growne wild and savage: and suppo∣sing that this fierce people might be made more gentle and tractable, through disuse of armes, he therefore built the temple of Ianus in the nether end of the street Argiletum,* 1.93 in token both of warre and peace: with this invention, that being open it should signifie, that the cittie was in [unspec I] armes: and standing shut, that all the neighbour countries were in peace and quiet. Twise onely after the reigne of Numa was this templeshut: once, when T. Manlius was Consull, after the first Carthaginian warre was done and ended: and a second time (as God would) in our age for us to see, when as the Emperour Caesar Augustus, after the battell of Actium (with Antonius and Cleopatra) had obtained peace both by land and sea. Numa then having knit the hearts of the borderers about him in firme league and amitie, and thereupon closed up the dores of Ianus, secured now from all feare and care of dangers abroad, yet doubting least through ease and idlenesse their minds might fall to loosenesse and riot, whom the dread of enemies and martial discipline had held in aw and in good order: devised above all things to strike some fear of God into them,* 1.94 and to plant religion in their hearts: a policie no doubt, with the simple multitude [unspec K] (rude in those daies and ignorant) most effectuall. Which reuerence of God, for that it could not sincke not enter well into their heads, and take a deepe impression, without some devise of a fained miracle, he made semblance, and gave out, that he conversed in the night season, and had, I wot not what, secret conference with the goddesse AEger••a. By whose counsell and direction for∣sooth, he ordained such divine service and sacrifices to the gods, as to them was most accepta∣ble: and to everie god appointed severall priests for the ministerie thereof accordingly.* 1.95 But first above all other things he divided the yeare, according to the course of the Moone, into twelve moneths: and for as much as the Moone hath not full thirtie daies to euerie moneth, whereby some daies are wanting to make up the just yeare, after the revolution and circle of the sunne: he, by putting the odde daies between everie moneth, so disposed and ordered the yeare, that in [unspec L] every three & twenty years space the daies agreed just to the same point of the sun from whence they began, and so made up the void spaces, and accomplished fully the tearme of everie yeare.* 1.96 He appointed likewise law daies and daies of vacation, called Fasts and Nefasti, thinking it good, that otherwhiles there should bee rest from attendance on the courts, and no dealing with the people. After this, he set his mind about the creation of priests, albeit in his owne per∣son he performed very manie sacrifices, especially those which at this day pertaine to the priest, of Iupiter,* 1.97 called Flamen Dialis. And supposing that in a cittie so martiall, there should succeed more kings like to Romulus than Numa, who in proper person would goe forth to warre: least haply the divine ministerie that belonged to the king, might be neglected, he created a Flamin to Iupiter, for to be a sacrificer continually resident: endued and adorned him with a rich cope [unspec M] or vestiment,* 1.98 and with an yvorie chaire of estate upon wheeles, called Sella curulis. Vnto him he adjoined two Flamines more: one for Mars, another for* 1.99 Quirinus. He instituted also a Nunne∣rie as it were, of religious vestall virgines. A priesthood that had the beginning from Alba, and suted well with the house, from whom the first founder of the cittie was descended. And to the end they should attend continually about the church, as resiant chaplaines, he allowed them an

[unspec A] ordinarie fee or pension, at the publike charges of the cittie: and made them by perpetuall vo∣wed virginitie and other ceremonies to be reverenced and accounted holie. Likewise vnto Mars Gradivus he elected twelve priests called Salij,* 1.100 and gave unto them a rich purple coat, embro∣dered for an ornament, and to weare upon that coat a brasen brestplate, and to beare cer∣taine scutchions or bucklers that fell from heaven,* 1.101 called Ancilia: commanding them to run about the cittie, chaunting hymns and songs, with dancing and leaping full solemnly. More∣over, he chose for a Superintendent or high Priest, Numa Martius, the sonne of Marcus, one of the Senatours: and to him hee gave in writing, set downe under his hand and scale, a rule, whereby he might know what beasts should be killed for sacrifice, upon what daies, and at which temples, and how the monie should bee levied and disbursed for the diffraying of all charges. [unspec B] All other sacred rites as well publicke as private, hee submitted and referred to the discretion and ordering of that high Priests to this end, that the common people might know unto whom they were to resort for counsell and instruction, and that no part of Gods worship and service should by neglect of the auncient rites and traditions of their owne countrey, bee consounded and corrupted by bringing in any strange and forraine superstitions. Hee ordained besides, that the same Archprelate should teach, not onely these heavenly ceremonies, but also funerall ob∣sequies, and how the spirits beneath, and ghosts of bodies departed, should be quieted and pa∣cified: and what strange and prodigious tokens, that came by way of lightening, thunder, or any other fearfull sight whatsoever, should be expiate and purged by sacrifice accordingly. And for to know the truth, portended by these tokens even from the minds of heavenly spirits above, [unspec C] hee consecrated unto Iupiter Elicius an altar upon the mount Aventine.* 1.102 And by the meanes of Augurie, he consulted with that god, what things he was to enterprise and goe about. Whilest the whole multitude was thus drawne away, and cleane turned from thinking of force and armes, and busied about devising and ordering of these matters, not onely their minds were occupied in doing somewhat, but also the continuall feare of God now setled in them, (as being persua∣ded that the heavenly power was present in the managing of mens affaires) had possessed now all their hearts with such pietie and religious holinesse, that faithfull promise once made, and the reverence of an oath taken, abandoning all feare of law and punishment, was able to rule and governe the cittie. And as the people framed and reformed themselues to the fashions and manners of their king, as the only and speciall patterne to follow: so the nations likewise bor∣dering [unspec D] upon them, who before time verily thought that cittie to be built, and as it were encam∣ped in the middest of them to the disturbance and disquieting of all their peace, were now be∣come so respective of them, that they thought it an impious and sinfull deed, once to offend or offer abuse to that cittie, so well given, and so devoted to the worship and service of God. Fur∣thermore, there was a grove, the middlest whereof was watred continually by a spring that issued out of a darke and shaddowed cave: into which, because Numa used verie oft to retire himselfe alone,* 1.103 without any other, as it were to have familiar companie with AEgeria, hee dedicated that grove unto the Muses, for that, their assistance also in counsell and advise hee desired together with his wife AEgeria.* 1.104 And to Faith alone hee instituted a solemne yearely feastivall day, and ere∣cted a chappell. Vnto which hee commanded the Flamines to ride in an arched or embowed [unspec E] close chariot, drawn with two horses, and to sacrifice and execute their function, with their hands covered and wrapped close to their fingers ends: signifying thereby, that faith is to bee kept and preserved: and that her seat was sacred and consecrated even upon the right hands. Many other sacrifices, and places for sacrifice, which the Priestscal Argeos, did he appoint and dedicate. But of all his acts this was most worthie and memorable, that during the time of his raigne hee had no lesse regard to preserve peace, than to maintaine roiall estate and dominion. Thus two kings one after other, taking either of them a severall course by himselfe, that one by warre, this other by peace, mightily promoted the welfare of the cittie. Romulus raigned 37 yeares, Numa 43. So that now the cittie became very puissant, as being well and equally tempered both with fears of armes, as also with discipline of peace.

[unspec F] Vpon the death of Numa the regiment returned againe to an interreigne. Then the people nominated and elected for their king,* 1.105 with the roiall assent of the Senatours Tullas Hostilius, the nephew or grandsonne of that Hostilius, who had in times past sought valiantly against, the Sa∣bines, at the foot of the castle hill. This man was not onely unlike the former king, but also more fierce and hardie than Romulus himselfe. For besides the heat of youth, and strength of bodie withall, the glorious remembrance of his grandfather set him on and pricked him forward. Sup∣posing

therefore that the cittie through rest and ease began to age as it were, and to decay, hee [unspec G] sought everie way to picke quarrels, and to give occasion to make warre. It forruned, that the pe∣zants about Rome, and those of Alba likewise, preided and spoiled one anothers land. At that time C. Cluilius was lord and king of Alba. From both parts wel neere at one time, were Embas∣sadours addressed to demand restitution of good, and satisfaction for their harmes. Tullus Hosti∣lius he had streightly charged his messengers to have no dealing with the Albane prince, before they had delivered unto him their message. For well hee wist, that hee would make deniall, and yeeld no amends: and then might hee with safe conscience justly proclaime warre against him. On the contrarie side, the Albane embassadours followed their businesse but slackely, for being courteously invited, and friendly entertained by Tullus, and lodged within his pallace, they were well content to bee feasted by the king, and were his daily guests so long, that the Romanes had [unspec H] by this time both challenged their owne first, and upon deniall made by the Albane King, given defiance and proclaimed open warre within thirtie daies next ensuing. Vpon which tidings by them related to Tullus, hee gave the Albane Embassadours audience, permitting them to de∣clare what their errand was,* 1.106 that they came about.

They (simple men) ignorant of all that was done, first spent time in excusing themselves, saying, they were very loath and unwilling to speak ought that might displease Tullus, but being commanded by authoritie, they might not will nor chuse: and thereupon were come to make claime of goods, and amends for wrongs, and if they were not restored and recompence made, they had commission to denounce warre against him.

Where unto Tullus made answere in this wise, Tell your king and maister (quoth hee) that the [unspec I] Romane king calleth the gods to witnesse, whether of the two Nations sent the Embassadours away first, and rejected them when they demanded restitution, that upon his head they might bring the miserie, losse, and calamitie of the present warre. With this dispatch the Albanes re∣turned home.

So they made preparation of forces on both sides all that they could, most like in all the world to a ciuile warre, betweene fathers and sonnes, proceeding both from the Trojane race: considering that by Trojanes Lavinium was founded: from Lavinium came the people of Alba: and from the Albane kings were the Romanes in right line descended. But the finall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and end of this warre, made the warre it selfe lesse wofull and lamentable, both because they came not to a set field, and also for that by rasing the houses onely of the one cittie, two na∣tions were intermingled and united in one. The Albanes first with a mightie power entered the [unspec K] territorie of Rome, and encamped themselves not past five miles from the cittie, where they strongly entrenched themselves: which place of the Captaines name was called* 1.107 Fossae Ciuiliae, many yeares after: vntill both it and the name with all in processe of time, decaied cleane and came to nothing. In this campe the Albane king Cluilius ended his daies, in whose stead the Al∣bane armie created Metius Sussetius their Dictator.* 1.108 Tullus in the meane time became hautie and prowd, especially upon the death of the king, eftsoons giving out and saying, that the migh∣tie power of the gods, having thus begun at the verie head, would likewise take vengeance on the whole bodie of that Albane nation, for this their vnjust and godlesse warre: and one night above the rest passed secretly by the campe of his enemies, and in warlike manner invaded the Albane land. This newes raised Metius out of his standing campe. Who led forth his armie [unspec L] and marched on as neere to his enemies as hee could, dispatching aforehand an herault unto Tullus, to notifie unto him thus much from him, that it was needfull and expedient before they joined battell, to parle and commune together. If he would vouchsafe to conferre, he knew very well, that he should alleadge and say forth such matters, as might concerne the weale of the Ro∣manes, as well as of the Albanes, Tullus refused not the offer, albeit they were but vain toies that were pretended, and therefore set his men in battell aray. The Albanes semblably come forth against him. After they were thus ranged and embattelled readie to fight, the generals on both sides, accompanied with a few of their principal Nobles, advance betweene both armies. Then began the Albane Dictator in this wise.* 1.109

Mee thinkes (quoth hee) I heare alreadie of injurie and wrongs done, and how such goods as were demanded are not restored againe according to the [unspec M] form of the league, as also that Cluilius our king was cause of this war•• neither doubt I, O Tullus, but even you pretend, and are about to alledge as much. But if wee would as wee ought to doe, stand upon the truth of things, rather than upon I wot not what gloses, and goodly shewes of words: it is ambition and desire of rule onely and nothing else, that spurreth on two nations of one bloud and neere neighbours to take armes and war one with another: justly or unjustly,

[unspec A] I am not able to say, Let him on Gods name that first began the quarrell, in conscience see to that. As for me, the Albanes indeed have made me their generall. But this one point Tullus I would have you to remember and consider: How strong about us and you especially the Tus∣canes are, you know better, the neerer yee are unto them: mightie they are by land, much more by sea. Then wot well this, that when you shall cause the trumpet to sound unto battell, these two armies will bee to them a faire marke and spectacle to behold: that they may give an assault to both at once, as well the victors, as them that are vanquished, whilest they are wearied and toi∣led out of heart. For the love of God therfore, if there be any sparke of grace in us, since we not contented with that libertie which we surely enjoy, will needs venture & put in doubtful hazard, which of us shall rule and command, and who shall serve and obey the other, let us take some [unspec B] good course whereby it may bee decided without great losse or bloods head on both sides, whe∣ther shall be lord and soveraigne. The motion Tullus misliked not, albeit both for disposition of nature, and hope of victorie, hee were the haughtier of the twaine.

And as they sought on both parts what way to take, this meanes at length they sound, where unto fortune it selfe pre∣sented fit matter and occasion. For by good hap even then, in either host three brethren twins there were, borne at one birth, and those neither in age nor strength unlike. Their names were Curiatij and Horatij,* 1.110 that is very certaine, neither is there any thing of ancient record more fa∣mous and notable. Yet as cleere in substance as it is, there remaineth still some doubt and error. in their names: of whether people the Curiatij and the Horatij were. Writers there bee on both sides, but the greater number say, as I find, that Horatij were the Romanes, to whom I rather en∣cline, [unspec C] and my mind giveth mee to follow them. With these three brethren the kings went in hand, persuading them to fight for the honour of their countrey, and trie the quarrell by dint of sword: shewing them, that on whether side the victorie fell, there should remaine the sove∣raigne dominion. Nothing refused they to doe, the time and place both, were agreed upon and appointed. But before the combate, it was covenanted betweene the Romanes and the Albans, and these conditions drawne: That whose champions in fight should have the better, that na∣tion should peaceably command the other. There are of covenants many and sundrie Capitu∣lations farre different in matter: but they run all after one manner and forme. As for this, it was made, as wee have heard in this wise, neither is there extant a more auncient record of any com∣position whatsoever. The Herald (called Fecialis) demandeth of king Tulius in this wise: Is it your [unspec D] will and commandement my lord, that I make a covenant and accord with the Paterpatrate of the Albane people? It is (quoth the king.) Then (quoth he) I demand of you sacred hearbs. The king answered againe, Take them pure and cleane. The Facial then reached from the castle hill pure hearbs from among the grasse: which done, he thus asked the king: Do you (my lord) ordain meet the messenger roiall of the commons of the people of Rome? and allow necessary imple∣ments, all furniture for my selfe, and my retinue and traine? The king answered: I doe, so far forth as may bee, without the harme or detriment of my selfe, and of the citizens of the people of Rome. The Fecial or herald for that time, was Marcus Valerius, who created Paterpatrate or king at armes. Sp. Fusius, by touching his head and haire with vervaine. Now the Paterpatrate is for to confirme the agreement with an oath, and so he read out the covenant and oath, and that with [unspec E] manie words: which to rehearse, as they were in a long prescript forme pronounced, were verie needlesse. After this having recited all the articles and conditions thereof.

Hearken (quoth hee) O Iupiter, listen thou Herald for the Albanes, attend also and give eare yee the Albane people, how these conditions from the first to the last, have beene read alowd out of those bookes or ta∣bles of waxe, without coven or fraud, and how at this day they are most rightly meant and un∣derstood, according to the tenure of the words: from these articles I say, shall not the people of Rome start backe first, nor make default: If they shall first goe backe and faile therein by pub∣licke consent, and fraudulently; that day, O Iupiter, smite thou the citie of Rome, as I to day will strike this swine: yea and smite thou home so much more, as thou art more able and powerfull than my selfe. And after he had thus said, he smote the swine with a slint stone. The Albanes like∣wise [unspec F] repeated their prescript forme of words, and the oath, by their Dictator and Priests for the purpose.

The complements of the covenant and composition thus performed, and all con∣cluded, then those three brethren of both sides, as it was before agreed, buckle to arme them∣selues. And being encouraged on both hands by their well-willers and friends, that put them in mind of their countrey gods, their native soile and parents, saying, that all their fellow citizens and countreymen whatsoever, both at home in the cittie, and abroad in the campe, euery one,

had their eie onely upon them, their weapons and their hands: the young men being both of [unspec G] themselves by nature forward and lustie, and also emboldened with the comfortable words of their friends, advanced forth betweene both armies. Now were the two hosts set on both sides before their campes, rid of present danger, rather than void of care and pensivenesse. For why? the whole triall of soveraignetie and rule, rested in the valour and good speed of a few. Where∣upon they longing to see the sequele and issue, were wholly bent to behold, and onely minded this unpleasant sight and spectacle. At sound of trumpet these brave brethren, three to three, like as they had beene two set battels, and carrying the stomackes verily of two great armies, af∣fronted one another, and with cruell and mortall weapons gave the charge. Neither regarded they their owne proper peril, but set before their eies, only the rule or servitude of the common∣weale, [unspec H] as if the state of their country from thenceforth lay wholly upon their good or band suc∣cesse [unspec H] in this action.* 1.111 So soon as they began to cope together and make assault, that their harneis and weapons once clattered, and their drawne swords shone and glittered againe, behold such an exceeding feare came upon the beholders, that they trembled and quaked withall: and du∣ring the time of equall combate, seeing no inclination of victorie to the one side or the other, they were so astonied, that unneath they could well speake or freely take their wind. Afterwards, when as they were come to closing and handstrokes, and that now not onely the stirring of their bodies, and the doubtfull handling of their weapons and armour, but bloodie wounds also were seene, two of the Romanes (having sore wounded all the three Albanes) fell down one upon the other, and yeelded up the ghost. At whose fall, the Albane host shouted againe for ioy: but the Romane legions, albeit they were now past all hope of victorie, yet they were not void of care, [unspec I] being amated, and in an extasie as it were with very feare what should become of him, who be∣ing but one, had three Curiatij vpon him at once. But as good hap was, hee as yet was fresh and unwounded. And as hee was not able alone to make his part good with them altogether, so in single fight, man to man, he thought himselfe good ynough for them all, one after another. To single them therefore, and to part them in fight, he begins to flie, thinking thereby they would follow after him, each one as his hurt bodie would give him leave. Now when he was retired a prettie good way from the place where they had fought, and looking behind him espied them follow farre a sunder, and one of them not much behind himselfe, hee turned againe upon him with great violence. And whilest the host of the Albanes cried out to the Curiatij to rescue and succour their brother, Horatius by that time had slaine his formost enemie, and was in hand [unspec K] with the second. Then the Romans with such a shout, as they are wont to make who after a great fright recover themselves and take heart againe, encourage their champion: and hee himselfe hasteneth to finish the combate. And before that the third, who was not far off, could get to the other, he had slaine the second Curiatius. So that now there was but one to one, left to fight on even hand and they, neither in hope nor strength equally matched. As for the one of them, his bodie as yet not wounded, and his double victorie withall, caused him to attempt the third con∣flict stoutly and courageously. The other faint and feeble of his hurt, tired with running, had much adoe to come forward, and quite out of heart, seeing his two brethren lie slain at his feet, offereth himselfe as a prey to his victorious enimie: for surely betweene them was no fight at al to speake of. The Romane he, triumphing and crying out for joy, Two brethren alreadie (qd.he) [unspec L] have I sent to the divell, the third likewise shall I send after them, that a Romane may command an Albane, which is the cause of all this warre.

And there with he thrust his sword alost into his throat, who had much adoe to hold his weapons: and so soone as he was downe, stript and rifled him. The Romanes with great triumph and gratulation, receive Horatius, rejoicing so much the more, as his case was more dangerous and well neere desperate. Then of both sides addresse they themselves to burie their champions, but not with like cheere and alacritie of heart.

For why? they of the one part were become lords, and they of the other, subiects. Their tombes re∣maine yet to be seene in the very places where they were each of them slain, two of the Romans entombed together in one place neerer unto Alba: the three Albanes towards Rome, but di∣stant a sunder, like as they fought and left their lives. Before they dislodged and departed thence [unspec M] the one from the other, Metius according as it was capitulated in the composition, asked & de∣manded what Tullus would command him to do: who enjoined him to keep his youth readie in armes at an houres warning, for that hee would employ them in service, in case hee should warre with the Veientians. So were the armies dismissed home. And Horatius he went formost, bearing afore him the threefold spoile of three brethren. Whom his sister, a maid affianced before to

[unspec A] one of the Curiatij, met before Capena gate: and espying upon her brothers shoulders, the coat of armes of her espoused husband, which she her selfe had wrought with her owne hands; she unbound her head, let her haire loose, and pittiously called upon her dead spouse by name. This lamentable wailing of the sister presently upon victorie, and amid so great and publicke joy,* 1.112 moved the prowd and haughtie young man to wrath, and drawing out his sword there with, ran the silie damsell through: and with these bitter words rebuketh her also, Get thee hence (quot he) to thy spouse with thy unseasonable and foolehastie love, forgetfull as thou art, of thy two brethren dead, and him that is alive: forgetfull of thy native countrey, and the honour therof: and so with a mischeefe goe she, what ever she be, that shall bewaile an enemie of Rome. A cruell and horrible fact this seemed, as well to the Senatours, as to the commons: but his late [unspec B] and fresh desart made it the lesse trespasse: yet for all that was hee apprehended, and brought before the king. The king, that hee might not seeme the authour of a judgement so unpleasant and odious unto the people, and consequently of punishment according to the doome, assem∣bled the people together and said: I ordaine Duumvirs to sit upon Horatius, in triall of a crimi∣nall cause of felonie; and to judge him according to the law, in that case provided. The tenor of the law runneth thus, in a dreadfull kind of forme. THE MAGISTRATES CALLED DUUM∣VIRS SHALL IVDGE THE PARTIE ACCVSED IN A CAPITAL ACTION OF FELONIE, IF HE SHAL APPEALE FROM THE DUUMVIRS, LET HIM TRAVERSE HIS APPEALE, IF THEY OVERTHROW HIM, THEN HOODWINKE HIM, OR COVER HIS HEAD, HANG HIM UPON A CVRSED GALLOW TREE BY A ROPE, AND STRANGLE HIM, [unspec C] HAVING WHIPPED AND SCOVRGED HIM BEFORE, EITHER WITHIN THE PO∣MOERIE OR WITHOUT. By vertue of this law were the Duumvirs created, who by the rigour of that law thought they might not quit so much as a guiltlesse person: and ha∣ving once condemned him,* 1.113 then one of them gave sentence and said: I judge thee O Pub∣lius-Horatius a murtherer and enemie to the state of Rome. Goe Lictor therefore, and bind his hands together. Then came the Lictor and cast a cord about them.

But Horatius, by the ad∣vise of Tullus, a gentle and mild interpreter of the law, I appeale (quoth he.) So upon his appeale was the matter debated, and to be tried before the people: who were not a little troubled in de∣ciding or judging this cause, and most of all in regard of Publius Horatius the father, crying out and saying, That he deemed his daughter was justly and worthily killed: otherwise hee would [unspec D] himselfe have punished his sonne by his fatherly authoritie. Beseeching moreover, that they would not now make him childlesse, whom erewhile they saw with a goodly companie of chil∣dren about him. And there with all the old father embracing the young man, and shewing the spoiles of the Curiatij, set up and hanging in that verie place which now is called Pili Horatia, i. Horatius his pillar.* 1.114

And can yee indeed (O ye Romanes, quoth hee) abide to see him bound un∣der a gallowes, yea and whipped and tormented, whom a while afore yee beheld to march in great glorie and jolitie for his atcheeved victorie?

So unseemely and foule a sight as which, the Albanes themselves can hardly suffer. Go Lictor, goe bind those hands fast, which armed a lit∣tle before, wan the people of Rome their dominion: Go I say, and hoodwinke his head, who sa∣ved and delivered this cittie from bondage, hang him by the necke, and strangle him upon a [unspec E] cursed tree: scourge him and spare not, either within the circuit of the wals, so it bee among those javelins and spoiles of the enemies: or without the wals, so it bee within the compasse of the Curiatian sepulchres. For to what place can you lead this young gentleman, where his ho∣nourable acts may not save him from so unworthie and shamefull punishment? The people could no longer endure, either the teares of the old father, or the constant resolution of the youth his son, who shewed himselfe still the same, & not to change for any danger.

So they quit him, in the honorable regard rather of his prowesse & valor, than in the right and equity of his cause. Yet to the end that the murder so manifest and openly knowne, should be in some sort ex∣piate, and satisfaction made therefore, his father was charged to purge his sonnes sinne, and make amends, at the expences of the cittie. Who having performed certaine purgatorie sacri∣fices, [unspec F] which afterward belonged to the house and familie of the Horatij, put a rafter or beame crosse overthwart the street, and caused the young man with his head covered to goe under, as under a yoke or gallowes; which remaineth yet unto this day, from time to time at the cittie charges repaired, and they call it Sororium Tigillum, i. the Sisters beame. And in that verie place where Horatia was wounded and fell downe, her tombe was erected of foure-square stone.

But not long continued the Albanes in quiet and peace. For the common people finding

fault and greatly discontented, that the whole state of the weale publike was put into the hands [unspec G] of three souldiors, infected so and poisoned the vaine and shittle head of the Dictator: that for as much as plaine and upright dealing sped no better, he began to win againe the hearts of his commons by crooked meanes, and indirect courses. Seeking therefore warre in time of peace, as before in time of warre he sought peace: and seeing his people had more heart than hand, and their strength not answereable to their stomackes: hee stirred up other nations, openly by way of proclamation and defiance to make warre, and reserved his owne men under a colour of league and consederacie, for to practise treason and falshood. The Fidenates, a colonie of the Romanes, having made the Ve••entians partakers of their counsell, and combined with the Al∣banes to forsake the Romanes, when time came, and turne unto them, brake out and tooke arms. When Fidene had thus openly revolted, Tullus sent for Metius and his power from Alba, and [unspec H] setteth forward against his enemies: and passing over the river Anio, encamped neere the con∣fluent, where both streames meet together. Betweene which place and Fidene, the armie of the Veientians had crossed the Tyber, who put themselves in the right wing of the battell fast by the river, and the Fidenates in the left, neerer to the mountaines. Tullus directly opposeth his owne forces against the Veientians, and placeth the Albanes to affront the Fidenates. The Albane captaine having as little heart as honestie and truth, neither durst keepe his stan∣ding, nor openly turne unto the enemie, but by little and little withdraweth himselfe toward the mountaines: and when hee thought hee had gained vantage ynough, hee mounted up the hill with all his companies, and with a wavering mind to spend the time, displaieth his ranckes. His intent and purpose was, on what side fortune seemed to give the better, with them to joine [unspec I] and take their part. The Romanes that stood next, perceiving their flanckes naked by reason of the departure of their friends and allies, at first marvelled much at the matter: but afterwards there gallopt and horseman, and advertised the king that the Albanes were gone away. Tullus in this so fearefull and dangerous case, vowed twelve Priests Salij, and two temples to Pallor and Pavor, 1. to Palenesse and Feare: and with a lowd voice cried out in the hearing of his enemies, commanding the said horseman to return to the battel, saying, There was no cause at al to feare, for that himselfe had commanded the Albane host to wheele and fetch about, and so to charge the Fidenates on their backes where they lay open. Willing him expressely moreover, to cause the men of armes to hold up their launces on end. By which meanes, a great part of the foot∣men could not see the Albanes as they departed and went their waies. And those that had seene [unspec K] them, thinking it was a truth which they heard the king to speake, fought so much the more hotely. So the feare turned now from them, and fell upon the enemies: for they heard the king when hee spake so lowd, and also a great manie of the Fidenatians being cohabitants with the Romanes, understood Latine. For feare therefore, that the Albanes should all on a suddaine run down from the hils, and stop their passage to the towne, they turned their backes and fled. Then Tullus presseth hard upon them, and having discomfited the Fidenatians wing, commeth back more fiercely upon the Veientians, being alreadie amased at the fright of the other. Neither were they able to withstand the brunt. Howbeit, the river behind at their backs kept them at first from flying away, but afterwards when their flight bended thitherward: some flinging their wea∣pons shamefully away, like blind men ran headlong into the water: other lingering stil, and stay∣ing [unspec L] on the banke side, doubtfull whether to flee or to sticke to it and fight, were trod under foot and hewen in peeces. Never had the Romanes before that day a more cruell battell. Then the Albane armie, which beheld and saw all this conflict, descended downe into the plaine. And Metius forsooth, rejoiceth much on Tullus behalfe for his victorie. Tullus againe speaketh Me∣tius faire, and gave order, that the Albanes in a good hower should joine their campe to the Romanes: and against the next day, prepared a purging or Lustrall sacrifice. The morrow when it was day, and that all things were in a readinesse, according to the manner, hee commandeth both armies to assemble together to an audience. The criers, beginning at the furthest part of the campe, summoned the Albanes first. Who also for the strangenesse of the matter, and desi∣rous to heare the Romane king to make his Oration, preased forward to stand next. The Roman [unspec M] legion for the nonce, as it was before decreed, stood armed round about, and hemmed them in: and the Centurions had in charge without delay to execute whatsoever they were commanded. Then began Tullus to speake in this wise.* 1.115

If ever in anie warre heretofore yee had cause, O Ro∣manes, to render thankes, first to the immortall gods, and then to your owne manhood and va∣lour, certes it was in yesterdaies battell. For yee fought not then with the force of your enemies,

[unspec A] more than with the trecherie and falshood of your friends and confederates, which is the grea∣ter conflict and farre more dangerous. For to put you cleane out of doubt, and to beare you no longer in hand with a wrong persuasion; The Albanes went up toward the hils without my com∣mission, neither was it my commandement that, but a policie and countenance onely of com∣mand: to this end, that yee not knowing how ye were forsaken, might not withdraw your hearts from fight, and also that your enemies weening they were environned behind, should be afraid and so enforced to flee. Yet are not the Albanes all in generall to bee charged with this fault which I reprove. They did but follow their leader, as yee likewise would have done, if I had willed the march to have turned anie whether from thence. It is Metius that was the guide and leader of this journey, Metius is hee that is the worker and deviser of this warre, Metius I say it is, and [unspec B] none but Metius, the breaker of the Romane and Albane league. But let who that will from henceforth presume hardly to do the like, if I make not him forthwith a notable example to all the world.

The Centurions stood armed round about Metius, and the king goeth on with the rest of his speech as hee began, and said: That which I pray God may turne to the good, prospe∣ritie and happinesse of the people of Rome, of my selfe, and you the Albanes, I am minded to reduce all the Albane nation to Rome: to endue the commons with the freedome of the citie: to advance their cheefe gentlemen to the order of Senators, & to make one uniforme citie and Commonwealth: that as in times past the Albanes state, out of one body was divided into twain, so now it may bee united and become one againe. At these words the Albane youth unarmed, and beset on everie side with armed men, albeit they were distracted in mind, yet were they for∣ced [unspec C] with a generall feare to keepe silence, and hold their peace.

Metius Suffetius (quoth Tullas then) If thou couldest have learned to keepe allegeance, promise, and covenants, thou mightest have beene tought it at may hands with life. But now since thy froward nature is incurable, teach thou by thy fearefull example and death all mankind, to hold and repute those things for sacred and holie, which have by thee beene broken and violate. Like as therefore erewhiles thou barest a double heart in doubtfull ballance, betweene the Fidenates and the Romanes state: even so, streightwaies shalt thou yeeld thy bodie to be drawne a sunder, and plucked into two peeces accor∣dingly. Then forthwith hee caused two teemes of foure horses to bee set to, and Metius to bee stretched out and tied unto the chariots to them belonging.

Afterwards were the horses driven a contrarie way, and carried with them in both chariots the bodie torne in peeces, as farre forth [unspec D] as the lims hung fast together by their cords and ligaments : which made all men avert their cies from beholding so cruell and horrible a spectacle. This was the first and last punishment that ever the Romanes executed with so little respect, or none at all (to say a truth) of the lawes of humanity. In all other they may safely make their boast, that no nation in the world hath ben lesse delighted and pleased with extremitie of torment.

Whilest these things were in doing, there had beene certaine horsemen sent afore to Alba, for to translate the multitude to Rome. After whom were the legions also of the footmen thi∣ther led, to rase and destroy the cittie. At whose entrance within the gates, ther was not that stur nor fearefull hurrie, as usually is seene when citties are lost: and when with breaking down the gates, beating and battering the wals with rams and other engines, forcing the citadell, the [unspec E] enemies shout, and the armed souldiours run to and fro in the cittie, killing and slaying, firing and burning all afore them as they goe: but a sad silence, and a still kind of sorrow and pensive∣nesse so possessed and astonied all their minds, 'that for feare forgetting what to leave behind them, or what to take with them, without advise and counsell, one asking another what to doe, they one while stood in their house entries, another while ran up and downe wandring in their houses, as if their last day had beene come. But so soone as they heard the horsemen crie aloud, and command them with menacing to void and depart, and that now the ratling of the tiles and slates from off the houses, as they were a pulling downe, was from the furthest part of the towne heard: and that the dust raised from places farre off, had as it were with a cloud overcast and filled all: then everie man catching up hastily, and carrying forth what hee could, leaving [unspec F] their domesticall gods, leaving their houses wherein they had beene borne, bred, and brought up, departed forth: so that now they filled the streets as they went close on a row together, and the fight one of another with mutuall commiseration, redoubled their teares and wofull com∣plaints. Yea & pittious mone & lamentations were heard of women especially, as they passed by their faire and stately churches, beset with souldiours, and abandoned their gods as it were cap∣tives and prisoners. After the Albanes had thus quit the cittie, downe went the Romanes everie

where with the buildings, as well publicke as private, and laid them even with the ground, and [unspec G] so in one hower destroied and rased soure hundred yeeres worke, for so long had Alba stood and flourished. Howbeit the temples of the gods they spared, for so the king had given com∣mandement. Rome all this while, riseth by the fall of Alba. The number of Cittizens increased double: to enlarge the cittie the mount Celius was annexed to it : and that it should bee better peopled and more inhabited, Tullus had his roial fear and pallace there, and therein from that time forth he kept his court. The cheese Cittizens of the Albanes he advanced to the order of Senators, that hee might augment that state also of the Commonweale, namely, the houses of the Tulli, Servilij, Quintij, Geganij, Curiatij, Cloelij: and for that degree and order of Senators by him encreased,* 1.116 he built an hall or new court, called until our fathers daies Hostilia curia.i.Ho∣stilias court. And that all estates and degrees might out of this new people be somewhat streng∣thened, [unspec H] hee chose from out of the Albanes ten troopes or cornets of horsemen, and with the same supplie hee both fulfilled the number of the old legions, and also made and enrolled new.

Tullus upon this affiance he had in his strength and power,* 1.117 denounceth warre against the Sa∣bines, a people in those daies of all other most puissant and mightie, both in men and muniti∣on, next the Tuscanes. Wrongs had been done, and outrages committed on both parts, and re∣stitution or amends demanded, but to no effect. Tullus found himselfe greeved, that diuers oc∣cupiers or merchants of Rome, at an open mart or faire of great resort before the temple of Fe∣rom••, were said hold upon and apprehended. The Sabines on the other side complained, that their men, notwithstanding they took sanctuarie in a certain sacred and priviledged grove, were [unspec I] arested and in hold at Rome. These were the quarrels and occasions pretended of the warre. The Sabines well remembring, that not onely part of their owne forces was by Tatius translated to Rome, and there planted, but also that now of late the puissarice of the Romans was well amen∣ded by the supplement of the Albanes, began likewise for their part to cast about, and seeke for helpe abroad, and forraine aids. Now was Tuscane their neighbour nation, and of the Tuscanes the neerest vnto them were the Veientians. From thence they gat certaine voluntaries to take their part, by reason that their minds alreadie were well disposed to revolt upon old grudges and rancour, remaining still of the former warres past: othersome also vagarants and idle per∣sons of the rascall sort, and needie commons, were soone hired for monie. But as for any succor from thence by publicke consent of the state, they had none at all. So much prevailed even [unspec K] with the Veientians (for in the rest it was lesse marvell) the faithfull covenant of truce concluded with Romulus. Now when these preparations of warre were made on both sides to the uttermost of their power, and that it stood upon this point, That they were like to have the ods and van∣tage, who should begin first, and enter the field: Tullus prevented the enemies, and invaded the Sabine land. A sharpe and bloodie battell was there fought under the wood Malicusa. Where the Romanes bare themselves bravely that day, much upon the valour of the Legionarie foot∣men, but more upon the strength of their men of armes, whose number lately was augmented: for by the suddain and forcible charge of the horsemen, the battel of the Sabines was so broken, their ranckes so disordered,* 1.118 that they could neither stand close together to fight it out, nor yet spred themselves to flie, without great slaughter and bloodshead. [unspec L]

The Sabines thus vanguished, and the kingdome of Tullus and the whole state of Rome, be∣ing verie glorious and wealthie: behold, newes came to the King and Senatours, that in the Al∣bane mount it raigned stones: which hardly was beleeved, and therefore certaine men were sent of purpose to see this strange and prodigious fight: who might plainely behold stones to fall thicke out of the skie, like as when some forcible winds drive haile in big round bals upon the earth. They imagined moreover, that they heard a great and mightie voice out of the grove from the verie top of the hill crying unto them, & warning the Albanes to do sacrifice and di∣vine service according to the rites & ancient maner of their forefathers, which they had discon∣tinued and forgotten, as if together with their country they had abandoned their gods, and ei∣ther taken to the Romane fashion, or else being angrie with fortune (as it is commonly seene) [unspec M] forlet and neglected the worship of the gods altogether. The Romanes likewise upon that mi∣raculous signe, for the purging and expiation thereof, celebrated solemne publicke sacrifices for the space of nine daies,* 1.119 called a Novendiall: either because they were mooved thereto by that voice from heaven (for that also is reported) or tooke direction from the Soothfaiers that prie into the inwards of beasts. Certaine it is, that a solemne custome remaineth still unto this

[unspec A] day, that whensoever word commeth of the like wonder, they keepe hollyday nine daies toge∣ther. Not long after this, the pestilence raigned in the cittie. And albeit the people be∣gan thereby to slacke soulderie and militarie service : yet would not this martiall prince give them rest and respite from warre: being of this mind, that the bodies of young men were more healthie in armour, abroad in the open field, than at home in the cittie under covert: untill him∣selfe at length fell sicke of a long and lingering disease. Then that hautie and courageous sto∣macke of his, together with his lustie and able bodie, became so abated, that hee who earst be∣fore thought nothing lesse befitting a king, than to set his mind, and busie his braines about re∣ligious ceremonies; now all upon a suddaine became wholly devoted to all kind of superstition both more and lesse, yea and filled the peoples heads besides with holinesse and devotion. So as [unspec B] now the verie common sort wishing againe for the old world, under the reigne of king Numa, were verily persuaded, that there was no other remedie left for their sicke and diseased bodies, but to obtaine at Gods hand grace and pardon. Men say, that the king himselfe in perusing and turning over the Commentaries and registers of Numa his predecessor, and therein finding certaine hidden and solemne sacrifices that had beene unto Iupiter Elicius, retired himselfe, and kept close within house to celebrate the same. But for that this holie service, was neither begun aright, nor dulie administred, hee had not onely no divine apparition and heavenly vision pre∣sented unto him, but also incurred the heavie displeasure and wrath of Iupiter, whom by his preposterous religion he had thus disquieted; and so both himselfe and his whole house were consumed with lightening.* 1.120 This Tullus in great glorie and renowne of martiall prowesse, raig∣ned [unspec C] two and thirtie yeares.

When Tullus was dead, the governement returned againe, as it was from the first beginning ordained, unto the Senatours; who named and Interregent, and he called a parlement, wherein the people elected Ancus Martius for their king,* 1.121 and the Senatours gave their assent thereto. This Ancus Martius, was Numa Pompilius his daughters sonne, who so soone as hee was come to the crowne, hoth in remembrance of his grandfathers glorious governement, and also in regard of the raigne of his next predecessor, which in other points right excellent and com∣mendable, in this onely failed, and was not so happie: either for that religion was neglected, or not with due ceremonies exercised: and thinking it a thing most necessarie, and of greatest mo∣ment, to reduce all publicke divine service and sacrifices to the first institution of Numa, com∣manded [unspec D] the Archprelate or Highpriest, to make an extract, and transcript of all the sacred rites and misteries out of Numa his Commentaries, and ingrosse them into one table, and to publish them abroad unto the people: whereby both his subjects and citizens desirous of peace, as al∣so the States thereby adjoining, were in good hope, that the king would altogether conforme himselfe, and take after the customes and ordinances of his grandfather. Hereupon the Latins, with whom in king Tullus his daies a league was made, tooke heart unto them, made in-rodes into the countrey about Rome, and fetch out booties. And when the Romanes demanded resti∣tution, they made them a prowd answere, supposing belike, that the king of Rome would passe the whole course of his raigne in ease and idlenesse, sitting still in his chappels, and by his holie altars. But Ancus was of a meane and indifferent disposition by nature, having an eie as well to [unspec E] Numa, as to Romulus, & composed as it were of both. For over & besides, that he thought peace more expedient and necessarie for his grandfires reigne, the people being as then but new risen, unsetled, and fierce withall: considering also, that himselfe should not easily without taking wrong, enjoy the quietnesse which to him happened: for that his patience was alreadie tried, and not onely tried, but also despised: and seeing that the State of the present time was fitter for a Tullus to be king, than a Numa: yet to the end that, as Numa in time of peace instituted cere∣monies of religion, so he might likewise set out to posteritie others concerning warre: and that warres should not onely be made, but also denounced and proclaimed orderly, and in some re∣ligious forme of solemnitie: he set downe in writing that law and formall order, by vertue wher∣of restitution is demanded (which at this day the Fecials or heralds observe) like as he received [unspec F] it from the ancient people Aequi.

The Embassadour Fecial, comming to their borders, at whose hands the goods are required againe, covering his head with a bonnet or vale of woollen yearne, faith thus: HE RE O IV∣PITER, GIVE EARE YEE LIMITS AND CONFINES(naming them of such and such a coun∣trie) LET IVSTICE AND RIGHT HEARKEN ALSO TO VVHAT I SHALL SAY: I AM THE PVELICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, OF A IVST AND RELIGIOVS EM∣BASSAGE

AM I COME, AND TO MY VVORDS GIVE CREDITE. After this, rehearseth he [unspec G] all his demands, and then calleth Iupiter to witnesse, saying. IF I VNIVSTLY AND IMPIOVSLY DEMAND THAT SUCH PERSONS SHOULD BE DELIVERED, OR SUCH AND SUCH GOODS BE RENDRED UNTO ME, THE PUBLICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME; THEN LET ME NEVER RETURNE AGAINE TO ENIOY MINE OVVNE COUNTRY. These words rehearseth he, as he setteth foot, and steppeth into the confines: the same also he speaketh to him whomsoever he meeteth first: the selfesaine words he pronounceth, as he entreth within the gate of the citie: yea & when he is come into the market place he saith the same, changing and varying in some few tearmes, from the prescript forme of the demand, and taking the so∣lemne oth. In case then, the persons whom he requireth, bee not yeelded after three and thirtie daies expired (for so manie just, are usually graunted) then proclaimeth hee warre in this wise. [unspec H] HEARE O Iupiter, and thou Iuno, Quirinus thou: YE CELESTIALL SAINTS ALL, AND TER∣RESTRIALL POVVERS, YE INFERNALL SPIRITS ALSO LISTEN AND GIVE EARE. I CALL YOU ALL TO VVITNESSE, AND PROTEST BEFORE YOU, THAT THIS NATION, (naming them whosoever they be) IS UNIUST, AND DOTH NOT ACCORDING TO RIGHT AND EQUITIE. BUT OF THESE MATTERS VVILL VVE CONSULT AT HOME IN OUR COUNTRY, VVITH OUR ELDERS, AND ASKE THEIR ADVISE HOVV VVE MAY COME BY OUR OVVNE. Herewith returneth the messenger unto Rome for counsell, and presently the king would in these or such like words, sitting in counsell with his Peeres, move them in this ma∣ner. WHEREAS THE PATERPATRAT OR HERALD, IN THE BEHALFE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THEIR QUIRITES, HATH TREATED VVITH THE PATERPATRAT, OR [unspec I] HERALD, IN THE NAME OF THE ANCIENT LATINES, AND VVITH THE FOLK OF THE ANCIENT LATINES, CONCERNING CERTAINE THINGS, DIFFERENCES, SUTES, AND CAUSES THEREUPON DEPENDING; VVHICH THINGS THEY HAVE NEITHER YEEL∣DED NOR PAID, NOR PERFORMED AND DONE; VVHICH OUGHT TO HAVE BEN PAID, YEELDED, PERFORMED AND DONE; VVHAT IS YOUR IUDGEMENT? Speaking to him, whose opinion first hee asketh in this case. Then (saith hee) MY ADVISE IS, THAT THOSE THINGS BE SOUGHT FOR AND RECOVERED BY PURE FORCE, BY IUST AND LAVV∣FVLL VVAR. THIS DO I FVLLY AGREE UNTO, THIS DO I DETERMINE RESOLVTELY. After him were the other asked in course: and when the greater number of them there present accord therunto, then by generall consent, they were wont to proclaime war in this order: that [unspec K] the Fecial or king at armes should go with a javelin, having and yron head, or with a red bloodie spear burnt at the end, as far as to their borders or marches: and there in the presence of three witnesses at the least, not under fourteene yeares of age, should say thus: WHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF THE OLD LATINES, AND THE OLD LATINE FOLKE HAVE PRACTISED AND TRESPASSED AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND THE QUIRITES, AND VVHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THE QUIRITES HAVE SO DETERMINED, CONSENTED, AND AGREED, THAT VVAR SHOULD BE MADE VVITH THE ANCIENT LATINES; I THEREFORE TOGETHER VVITH THE PEOPLE OF ROME, DO DENOUNCE AND PROCLAIME AND MAKE VVAR VVITH THE NATIONS OF THE OLD LATINES, AND VVITH THE OLD LATINE FOLKE. And when he had thus said, he launced his speare [unspec L] or javelin within the confines of the enemies. After this manner then, was restitution demanded of the Latines, and warre denounced or proclaimed: which order of proceeding their posterity by tradition received.

Ancus having committed the charge of divine service and sacrifice unto the Flamins and the other Priests, levied a new armie, went forth into the field, and by force wan Politorium, a cittie of the Latines. And following the usuall maner of the former kings his progenitors, who had mightilie increased the Romane estate, by admitting their enemies into the number of ci∣tizens, transported the whole multitude from thence to Rome. And because the ancient natural Romanes inhabited Palatium, the Sabines about the Capitoll and rocke Tarpeia, and the Al∣banes replenished the mount Celius: therefore the hill Aventine was allowed this new compa∣nie [unspec M] to dwell in. Vnto whom not long after, there came fresh inhabitants to people it, upon the winning of Tellene and Ficana. But after this, the Romanes were driven to recover by war Poli∣torium againe: for that whilest it stood void and vake, the old Latines had surprised and taken it. Which was the cause, that the Romanes destroied that cittie quite, that it should not bee at all times a receptacle for the enemies. Last of all, when as now the Latines warre was driven wholly

[unspec A] and brought before Medullia, there for a good while was much ado, and doubtfull issue of sight, and interchangeable victorie: for that the towne was both well fortified with bulwarkes, and fur∣nished with a strong garison of men: and also by reason that the armie of the Latines being in∣camped in plaine and open ground, had sundrie times with banners displaied, encountred hand to hand with the Romanes. At the last Ancus bending his whole power against them, first gaue them an overthrow in a set battell: and so having gained rich pillage, returned to Rome. At what time also were many thousands of the Latines received into the cittie. Who to the end, that the Aventine and Palatium should meet together, were appointed to feat themselves about the temple of* 1.122 Murtia. The Ianiculum likewise was adjoined unto the cittie, not for want of ground, but because it might not be at any time a fortresse and hold for the enemies: which was thought [unspec B] good to be united unto the cittie, not onely with a wall, but also for more commodious passage to and fro, with a woodden bridge over Tyber. The Quirites fosse or ditch also, no small defence against the easie accesse from the plaine grounds, was a worke of Ancus. Thus the estate being growne to exceeding strength and bignesse: when as now in so huge a multitude of people there was much confusion, and no difference of well doing or ill, and thereby many mischeefes and outrages began secretly to be committed: for to restraine therefore with some terror, such boldnesse increasing daily more and more, there was a gaole or common prison built in the hart of the cittie, even over against the common place of assemblie. And in this kings daies not onely the circuit of the citie was enlarged, but also their lands and territories. For by reason that the forrest Moesia was conquered from the Veientians, their signorie reached to the seawhere, [unspec C] in the very mouth of Tyber was the towne Hostia built, and the salt pits made thereabout, and upon such noble exploits by armes atcheeved, the temple of Iupiter Feretrius, was in more am∣ple and glorious manner reedified.

In the reigne of Ancus, there came to dwell at Rome one Lucumo, a pregnant nimble hea∣ded man, and a wealthie, upon a desire especially and hope of advancement and honour, which at Tarquinij (where he was borne, although descended of sorraine parentage) he had no means to attaine unto. The sonne hee was of Demaratus the Corinthian, who upon civile troubles and dissentions having fled his countrey, and by chance planting himselfe in Tarquinij, there mar∣ried a wife, and had issue by her two sonnes, named Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived his fa∣ther, and became heire of all his goods. Aruns died before his father, leaving his wife behind [unspec D] him, conceived with child: neither lived the father Demaratus long after his son, who not know∣ing that his daughter in law and sonnes wife was with child, made no mention at all of his ne∣phew, his will, and so departed this world. Whereupon the child after his grandsires decease, being borne to no part of his goods, for his poore condition, hight Egerius. But Lucumo on the other side, the sole heire and inheritor of all, as hee began by his wealth to bee hautie ynough, and to looke aloft, so hee grew much more prowd for his matching in marriage with Tanaquil, a dame of a right noble house descended, and who could hardly beare a lower estate and degree than that wherein she was borne. When shee was once married, and saw the Tuscanes to disdain Lucumo, for that his father was a stranger and banished person, she could not indure that indig∣nite. But forgetting all kind affection to her native countrey, so shee might see her husband rai∣sed [unspec E] to high promotion, shee resolved and plotted to leave Tarquinij and depart. To which pur∣pose and dessignement, Rome seemed a place most fit and convenient of all others. For thus she projected and discoursed: That in a cittie lately founded, where all kind of nobilitie suddainely commeth up, and ariseth from vertue and prowesse, her husband a valorous and industriousman must needs have place, and be entertained: that king Tatius a Sabine borne, had raigned there: that Numa was from Cures sent for thither, and called to the crowne: that Ancus also a Sabine by his mothers side, had the onely image of Numa to shew for his nobilitie. Thus she soon per∣suaded him, as being a man ambitious and desirous of honour, and whose mother onely was a Tarquinien borne, and therefore hee was to make lesse scruple of abandoning the place of his nativitie. Thereupon they removed with all they had to Rome. And it fortuned that to Ianiculum [unspec F] they came. Where, as Tarquinius sat with his wife in the chariot, behold an Eagle came gently flying downe from aloft, & tooke up his bonnet from his head, and soaring over the chariot with a great noise, and clapping of her wings, as if shee had been sent from heaven to doe this feat, set it gainely and handsomely on his head againe: which done, shee mounted on high, and flew away. Tanaquil, as they say, embraced this Augurie with great joy, being a woman skilfull, as commonly all the Tuscanes are, in such prodigious fights and apparitions from heauen; and

therewith taking her husband about the necke, willed him to be of good cheare, and to hope [unspec G] for great matters and high preferments: saying, how that bird came from such a quarter of the heaven, addressed as a messenger from such a god, and shewed a divine token and presage upon the highest part of man, even the top of the crown, and lifted up the ornament that stood upon his mortall head, to give it him againe immortall, as from God above. In these hopes and cogi∣tations which they entertained by the way, they entred the citie: where they tooke an house; and from thenceforth hee was commonly called L. Tarquinius. Now within a while both his new comming, and his wealth withall, made him well knowne: and himselfe also besides, set for∣ward his good fortune by courteous and faire speech and affable language to everie man, by friendly inviting, and liberall feasting, and by making what friends he could by gifts, fauors, and good turnes: so farre forth, as the same of him came into the kings court: where, by his willing [unspec H] service and singular dexteritie, in short time he had not onely accesse unto the kings knowledge, but also entered into familiar acquaintance and friendship with his highnesse. Insomuch, that both in private counsels and publicke consultations, as well at home as abroad, hee was alwaies present, and bare a great stroke. And having in all kind of offices carried himselfe with credite, was in the end by the kings last will and testament made tutor or protector of his children. Thus raigned Ancus foure and twentie yeares,* 1.123 for glorie and reputation of his sage governement, as well in warre as in peace, equall to anie of the former kings his predecessors. Now were his sons neere foureteene yeares of age when hee died. Tarquinius therefore made the more hast, that the high court of parliament should with all speed possible bee summoned for creation of a king, which being against a day proclaimed, he sent away the boies to the chase a hunting, at the [unspec I] verie instant of the said election. Hee himselfe (as men say) was the first, that both ambitiously sought for the crowne, and also to win the hearts of the commons, divised and framed an elo∣quent Oration.* 1.124

Saying, it was no new and strange thing that he stood for: And why? hee was not the first(that any man should be offended, or make any wonder) but the third alien that in Rome affected and aspired to the kingdome :that both Tatius, not of a forrainer onely, but of an ene∣mie became king: and Numa likewise, a man unacquainted with the cittie and matters of State, was without any sute or seeking of his part, by the Romans sent for, and advanccd to the crown. As for himselfe, hee alledged and said, That from the time he was at his owne libertie to dispose of himselfe, hee with his wife and all that he had, removed and came to Rome: and of that age wherein men are emploied in civile affaires, he had spent a greater part in Rome, than in his own [unspec K] ancient countrey. Moreover, that he was trained up both at home in the cittie and in war abroad, to the knowledge of the Romane lawes, orders, add customes, and that under no meane person but an excellent maister, even king Ancus himselfe. And finally, for faithfull service and diligent attendance about the king, he had endevoured to passe all others: and for liberalitie and courte∣sie towards all others, hee had striven to goe beyond the king.

These and such like allegations, as he laid forth and pleaded, and that right truly; the people of Rome with exceeding great consent elected him their king. Who being a man otherwise of singular parts and of greatworth, as hee was ambitious in seeking the kingdome, so continued he stil, when he ware the crowne: and min∣ding no lesse to establish his owne state and throne, than to maintaine the good estate of the Commonweale, he advanced one hundred more to the order of Senators, who afterwards were [unspec L] called Minorum Gentium Patres, as a man would say, Senators of a latter sort, and meaner qualitie. A faction, no doubt to take part and side with the king, by whose meanes they had beane admit∣ted into the Senate. The first warre he made, was with the Latines: from whom by force hee wan the towne Appiolae: from thence having brought away a greater pillage in proportion, than the warre imported in brute, he set forth gamings and plaies more stately and with greater furniture and provision, than the other kings before his time. Then was the plot or compasse of ground first set out and appointed for the lists or Theatre, called now* 1.125 Circus max. wherein were assigned scaffolds for the Senators, and for the gentlemen or knights severally by themselves, called Fori, where they might make them places to see the pastimes at their ease and pleasure. And in this manner stood they to behold: namely upon scaffolds born up twelve foot high from the ground [unspec M] with forked perches or props. The gamings were running of horses, and fighting at firsts and buf∣fets: for performance whereof, there were champions sent for of purpose, especially out of Tus∣cane. These sports continued afterwards from yeere to yeere in great solemnitie, and named di∣versely, either the Romane games, or the Great games. This king moreover assigned certaine pla∣ces about the Forum or common place for private men to build in: where the galleries & shops

[unspec A] were made. He went in hand likewise to wall the citie about with a stone wall, but the Sabine war staid him in the beginning, that he went not forward with that work. This came so sodainly upon him, that the enemies were passed over the river Anio, before the power of the Romanes could meet them, and make head against them. Whereupon great feare there was at Rome. And at the first a cruell conflict there was, and much blood shed on both parts, but no apparence of vi∣ctorie. But after that the enemies were retired once into the campe, and that the Romanes had time to gather fresh forces, Tarquinius supposing his onely want was in his cavalerie, determi∣ned to joine unto the Rhamnenses, Titienses, and Luceres, which Romulus had ordained, other centuries or cornets of horsemen, and them to leave unto the posteritie after him, bearing his owne name. Which because Romulus had done aforetime by the counsell and advise of Au∣gures, [unspec B] Accius Navius renowned and famous in those daies for his skill that way, opposed him∣selfe and gave out plainely, that there might be nothing changed or newly ordained in that be∣halfe, unlesse the birds first approoved and allowed the same. Whereat the king was wroth, and inscorne and derision of his art, as they say: Come on Sir Soothsayer(quoth he) areed, and tell me by the flight of your birds, whether that may possiblie be done, which I now conceive in my mind. To which demand Navius, who had first made proofe thereof by his learning, answered resolutely, that it might in very deed bee effected. Why then (qouth hee) I have imagined in my conceit, that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a rasor: Heretake them to thee, and dis∣patch that which thy fowles foreshew may bee done: then as the report goeth, without more adoe, he cut the wherstone quite a two. And in that verie place where this seat was done, the Sta∣tue [unspec C] or image of Accius was erected, with his head covered, even in the Comitium, at the staires thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsell house. It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place, for a memoriall to all posteritie following, of that miracle. Certes, both Auguries, and the priesthood and colledge of Augures, from that time forward was so highly honoured, and had in such reverence, that never after was there ought done, either in warre abroad, or in peace at home, but by their counsell and advise. Assemblies of people sum∣moned were dismissed, armies levied and readie to take the field were discharged, yea and the greatest affaires of State, were given over and laid aside, when the birds allowed not thereof. Neither did Tarquine for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen anie whit, onely hee re∣doubled the number, so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse: and those la∣ter [unspec D] sort who were added to the others, bare the names of the former, which at this day, because they be double, are called the sixe centuries. Tarquine thus having encreased that part of his power, bad the Sabines battell the second time. And over and besides, that the Romanes armie was in strength well amended, he devised also privily a subtile Stratageme, and sent certain men to set on fire a mightie stacke of wood, lying upon the bancke of Anio, and so to cast it into the river: the wood burning still by the helpe of the wind, and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge, and ther sticking close together with the boats and plancks, fired and consu∣med it cleane. This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight, and when they were dis∣comfited, troubled them much, and hindered their flight: so that manie a man having escaped the enemie, yet perished in the verie river. Whose armour and weapons floting downe the Ty∣ber, [unspec E] were knowne at Rome, and brought newes thither of this victorie, in manner before word could be brought thereof by land. In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise. For being placed at the skirts of both the wings, at what time as the maine battell of their owne footmen, were now at the point to recule, they charged so forciblie upon the enemie (as it is re∣ported) from the flanckes where they were marshalled, that they not onely staied the Sabine le∣gions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrinke and give backe, but all at once put them to fight. The Sabines ran amaine towards the mountaines, but few gat thither: for the greater number as we said before, were by the horsemen driven into the river. Tarquinius thinking it good to take the time, and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted, after he had sent to Rome, the bootie with the prisoners, and burned on a great heape together (as hee [unspec F] had vowed to Vulcane) the spoiles of the enemies, marched on still forward, and lead his armie into the territorie of the Sabines: who albeit they had alreadie sustained an overthrow, & could not hope for better successe, yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves, with such a power as might on a suddaine in that stirre bee raised, met with him. Where they once againe were defeated and vanquished, and in the end being in dispaire to make their part good, they sued for peace. Then was Collatia, and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines,

Egerius the kings brothers sonne,* 1.126 was left with a garrison at Collatia to keepe that place. And (as [unspec G] I find upon record) the Collatines were yeelded into his hands, and the manner of their surren∣der went in this order. First the king demanded thus and said: Are yee Embassadors, or deputed assignes sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of your selves and the Colla∣tines? We are (quoth they.) And are the people of Collatia in their owne power, and at libertie to doe what they will? They are (say they.) Do yee also render up your selves, the people of Col∣latia, their town, their territorie and lands, their waters, their limits, their temples, their houshold stuffe and implements, and all things els, as well sacred as prophane, unto my power and the peoples of Rome? We doe yeeld (say they.) Then (quoth he) doe I accept thereof, and receive all into my hands. The Sabine warre thus finished, Tarquinius returned to Rome in triumph. Af∣ter this, he warred upon the old Latines, but they never proceeded so farre on any side, as to join [unspec H] issue in a generall battell, and one set field for all. But bringing his power first to one towne, and after to another, he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latines. So as these townes, Corniculum, old Ficulnea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, were recovered from the old Latines, or from those that had revolted unto them.

After all this ensued peace. Then was he more earnestly bent to goe forward with his workes, begun in time of peace, than he was before busied in managing of his warres: insomuch, as he gave the people no more repose at home, than he had in warres abroad. For besides that the pre∣pared to compasse the cittie (which as yet he had not fortified) round about with a stone wall, the beginning of which peece of worke was by the Sabine warre interrupted and broken off: he divised also certaine draughts or vaulted sinckes from aloft into the Tyber, whereby he drained [unspec I] and kept drie the base cittie, or lowest grounds about the marketplace, and the other vallies be∣tweene hill and hill, for that out of the plains and flats, they might not easily make riddance and conueiance away of the water. Moreover, he levelled a large court or plot of ground, readie for the foundation of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll, which he had vowed in the Sabine war, his mind even then giving him, that one day it should be a stately place.

At the same time there happened in the court a wonderfull strange thing, both in present view, and also in consequence. For as the report went, a young lad, whose name was Servius Tul∣lius, as he lay asleepe, in the sight of manie persons had his head all on a light fire. And upon an outcrie raised at the wondering of so great a matter, the king arose: and when one of the hou∣shold brought water to quench the flambe, he was by the Queene staied. And after the stir was [unspec K] somewhat appeased, she forbad the boy to be disquieted, untill such time as he awoke of him∣selfe: and within a while as the sleepe departed, the blaze likewise went out, and vanished away. Then Tanaquil the Queene taking her husband aside into a secret roome.* 1.127 See you this boy (qd. she) whom we so homely keepe, and in so poore and meane estate bring up? Wot well this, and

know for certaine, that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtfull affaires; hee will bee the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the kings house. Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindnesse and indulgence the subject matter

of so great a publicke and private ornament. Wherupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their owne children, and to instruct and traine him up in those arts, whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises, and to atchieve high place of wealth and [unspec L] honour. And soone came that to passe, which pleased the almightie gods. For he proved a yong man indeed of princely nature and towardnesse: in such sort, that when there should be a sonne in law sought out to match with Tarquinius his daughter in marriage, there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in anie respect. So as the king affianced his daughter unto him. This so great honour whereunto he was advanced, upon what∣soever cause or occasion it was, induceth me to thinke he was not the son of a bondwoman, nor that he served whilest he was a little one, as a slave. I am of their mind rather, that report thus: When Corniculum was won, the wife of Servius Tullius, a great lord and principall personage of that citie, and there slaine, was left great with child: and being among other captives knowne whose wife she was, in regard of her rare nobilitie onely, was by the Queene preserved from ser∣vitude, [unspec M] and at Rome in Priscus Tarquinius his house, was delivered of a child: upon which so spe∣ciall favour, there grew more familiar acquaintance betweene the two ladies the Queen and her selfe; and the child also brought up of a little one there in court, was both tenderly beloved, and also highly regarded. But his mothers fortune, whose hap was after her countrey was lost, to fall into the hands of enemies, caused men commonly to thinke that he was the sonne of a bond∣slave.

[unspec A] Now in the eight and thirtieth yeare almost, after that Tarquinius began his raigne, was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit, not onely with the king, but also with the nobilitie and commons. Then the two sonnes of Ancus, who as they alwaies before disdeai∣ned in the highest degree, that they were by the deceitfull practise of their guardian, so unwor∣thily put by the inheritance of their fathers kingdome, and that a stranger raigned at Rome, one who was not descended of anie neighbour house thereby, no nor so much as of Italian bloud: so now they began much more to take stomacke and indignation, in case that after Tar∣quinius, the kingdome should not returne to them and their line, but should still run on end, and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets: That in the same cittie, a hundred yeares almost after that Romulus the sonne of a god, and a god himselfe, raigned therein, (during the time he remai∣ned [unspec B] here upon the earth) a verie bondslave and no better, and one borne of a bondwoman, should be possessed of the crowne: and that it would be a foule staine and dishonour generally to the name of the Romanes, but most especially to their house and familie, if whilest the issue male of Ancus lived, the kingdome of Rome should lie open, and be exposed, not to strangers alone, but which is more, to verie bondmen and slaves. This ignominie therefore, and open wrong, they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid: howbeit, the greevance of this injurie done unto them; set them on against Tarquinius himselfe, rather than Servius Tullius; both for that the king, if he lived still, would be a more sharp revenger of the murder, than a privat per∣son: and also if they should happen to kill Servius, whomsoever besides, the king would vouch∣safe for his son in law, him was he like to make heir apparent, & inheritor also of the kingdome. [unspec C] For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himselfe in this manner: There were for the purpose to do this feat, two passing stout and sturdie heardmen chosen, who having such rusticall yron tooles about them, as they were woont both of them to occupie, and made a great shew of a most tumultuous brawle and fray in the very porch of the court gate: by which means, they drew all the kings officers, sergeants, & guard about them: then as they called with a lowd voice, both the one and the other upon the king, in such wise, as the noise was heard within the pallace, they were convented before his highnes. At their first comming, they cried out both at once, and interrupted one another in all outrageous maner, so as by a sergeant they were saine to be restrained & commanded to speak by turnes, untill at length they gave over their confused brawlings. Then one of them for the nones, as it was before agreed, began his tale: and while [unspec D] the king,* 1.128 as wholly bent to give eare turned aside towards him, the other list his axe aloft, and strooke the king on the head, and leaving it sticking there still in the wound, they whipst out both of them together, and ran their waies. And whilest they that stood next about Tarquinius, tooke him up readie to die, the sergeants made after them that were fled, and apprehended them. Whereupon an outcrie arose, and a great concourse of people, wondering what the mat∣ter might be. Tanaquil in this hurliburlie caused the court gates to bee shut, and commanded everie one to avoid the place: and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisit to cure the wound, as if there were some hope of life: and withall, if that should faile, shee pre∣pareth other meanes and remedies against the worst that might happen. Sending therefore in all speed for Servius, when she had shewed him her husband halfe dead, and alreadie bloudlesse: [unspec E] shee tooke him by the right hand, and besought him not to suffer, either the death of his father in law unrevenged,* 1.129 or his wives mother, to be a laughing stocke unto the enemies.

Thine is the kingdome O Servius by right (quoth shee) if though bee a man; and not theirs, who by the hands of others have committed a most shamefull and villainous fact. Take a good heart therefore, and arme thy selfe, and follow the guidance and direction of the gods, who long since by a di∣vine and heavenly flame burning about thy head, foreshewed that one day it should bee highly advanced. Now let that heavenly blaze, raise thee up: now awake in verie deed: what man! wee also being strangers have borne the scepter: consider with thy selfe who thou art now, and not from whence thou art descended. And if in so suddaine an occurrence, thine owne wits be asto∣nied, and to seeke, then follow my reed, and be advised by my counsell. In this while the noice [unspec F] and violence of the people was so great, that it could not well be suffered.

Then Tanaquil from the upper lost of the house, out at a window that opened into the new street (for the king kept his court hard by the temple of Iupiter Stator) spake unto the people,* 1.130 willing them to be of good cheare.

The king indeed (quoth she) was amased and swowned at the suddaine stroke, howbeit it went nothing deepe: for now is he come againe to himselfe, his wound cleansed from bloud, and searched: all signes of life, and no danger of death: and I trust in God within a while you

shall see himselfe againe. In the meane time his pleasure his, that the people shall be obeysant [unspec G] to Servius Tullius: the shal minister justice and give lawes, he shall execute and performe all theoffices of the king.

Then came Servius abroad in his roiall robe; called Trabea, attended with the Lictors; and sitting in the kings throne, some causes he dispatcheth himselfe, of othersome he maketh as though he would consult and conferre with the king. Thus for certaine daies, the king being dead, and his death concealed, he, under colour of executing the function of ano∣ther, garthereth strength to himselfe. But when at the last it was openly knowne by the wailing and lamentation which arose in the pallace, that the king was departed, Servius accompanied with a strong guard,* 1.131 shewed himselfe, and was the first, that without the election of the people onely by the will and consent of the nobles, tooke the kingdome upon him.

The ionnes of Ancus at the first, seeing the murderers attached, and hearing that the king [unspec H] was alive, and Servius so mightie, retired themselves as banished persons to Suessa Pometia. And Servius now sought meanes to make himselfe strong, as well by private helpes, as by publicke. And least peradventure the children of Tarquinius should another day be as ill affected against him, as the children of Ancus were against Tarquinius, he gave in marriage his two daughters to Lacius and Aruns, two of the kings sonnes late deceased. Yet could not the with all the poli∣cie of mans wit, stay the fatall necessitie, nor stop and divert the course of the destinies; but that the envie that followeth a kingdome, bred all distrust, disloiltie, and mallice, even among those of his owne household, for all their alliance and affinitie. Howbeit, in very good time, and sitly for the quietnesse of the present state, was the warre with the Veientes (for now was the tearme of the truce expired) and other Tuscanes, taken in hand. In which warre, both the valour, and al∣so [unspec I] so the good fortune of Tullius was well seene and greatly renowmed. Who having discomsited a mightie host of the enemies, as undoubted king in the conceit and judgment as well of the Senatours as of the commons, if their hearts had been sounded, returned to Rome.

Then in hand went he with a worke of peace, and of all other the greatest, and of most im∣portance. To the end, that as Nyma was the first author of divined law and religion so the poste∣ritie for ever after might report and record, that Servius was the founder of all distinction and order; whereby betweene degrees of worship and wealth, there might be seene due difference, and regard of worth.* 1.132 For the devised and ordained the Cense, to wit, the assessing, and taxation of the cittizens: a thing most profitable to that state and government, which was like in time to come, to grow so mightie. By which Cense, the charges and contributions, either in [unspec K] war or peace, was not levied by the poll upon the citizens, as aforetime, but according to the va∣luation of their wealth and abilitie.* 1.133 So he erected certaine Classes and Centuries, and appointed their degrees, according to the assessing, and valuation, meet in decent manner to serve in warre, and meet to be emploied in peace. And first, of those who were rated at an *hundred thousand ASSES and above, he ordained so Centuries; 40 of the eldersort, and as manie of the yonger: and all jointly were counted the first Classis. The elder were charged to be in readinesse at all howers, for defence of the cittie: the younger to follow the warres abroad. These were bound to find harneis: for defence of their owne bodies, an headpeece or morion, a shield, greeves, and corselet, all of brasse: and for offence of the enemie, a javelin and a sword. To this Classis were adjoined two Centuries of carpenters and smiths, or engineers, who were in wage, and served [unspec L] without amount: and their charge was to find the campe engines of batterie and artillerie. The second consisted of those that were valued betweene I00000 and* 1.134 75000 Asses. And of this sort both young and old, were enrolled twentie Centuries: who were enjoined to provide for their armour, a target or buckler in stead of a shield; and excepting onely a corselet, in all points as the former. The third he would have to be of those that were esteemed worth* 1.135 50000 Asses, and as manic Centuries of them, and with the same distinction of age. Neither concerning their armour was any thing altered: only for their greeves they were dispensed with. In the fourth Classis were those that were assessed in the Subsidie booke, betweene 50000 and* 1.136 25000 Asses, and of them were to manie Centuries. Their armour was changed, having no more but a speare and a casting dart, with a looped called Verutum. The fist was greater, containing thirtie Centu∣ries. [unspec M] These carried with them slings and stones to sling a farre off: among whom were reckoned the beadels of criers, together with the trumpetters & cornestiers, who were divided into three Centuries. This band stood of them that were assessed from 25000 unto* 1.137 II000 Asses. The va∣luation under this, comprised all the rest of the multitude. Whereof arose one Centurie, freed and exempted from warfare. Thus having furnished and disposed the forces of the Infanterie,

[unspec A] he enrolled besides twelve Centuries of horsemen, and those out of the principall men of the cittie: and sixe other Centuries likewise, to those three that Romulus instituted, retaining the same name still, that they in their first solemne institution had. These horsemen for to buy their great horses, had* 1.138 10000 Asses out of the chamber of the citie, a peece: & for to find and keepe those horses, were the rich widdows set, yearely at* 1.139 2000 Asses a peece. Thus were all these char∣ges and burdens shifted from off the pooremens shoulders, and laid upon the rich. And there∣fore afterwards was their dignitie and honour so much the more. For in the grand-leetes and so∣lemne elections of Magistrates, everie man had not prerogative alike, nor equall authoritie, as Romulus first ordained, and the other kings continued, when they gave their voices by the poll indifferently, one with another: but there was distinction made, and certaine degrees; but so, [unspec B] as neither any one was excluded or shut out, and yet the whole rested and lay in the power of the richer sort, and cheese of the cittie. For first the horsemen were called: afterward, the eightie Centuries belonging to the first Classis, of the principall footmen: who if they disagreed, and happened to be at anie difference, then the Centuries of the Second Classis were cited. And ne∣ver went they likely so low, as to the last of all. Neither ought anieman to marvell, that this order in these daies, after five and thirtie tribes complete, agreeth not with the Centuries of the elder and younger sort, according to the computation set downe by Servius Tullius, considering their number is now doubled. For having divided the citie into foure Wards, according to the quar∣ters and hils; those parts which were inhabited, he called Tribes, of the word Tribute (as I sup∣pose.) For he it was that devised and brought up the manner of equall contribution and pai∣ment, [unspec C] proportionably to the assesment and rate of mens goods. Neither were these tribes anie waies at all respective to the division or number of the Centuries aforesaid. When this Cense and taxation was finished, which he dispatched the sooner, by reason of the peoples feare of an act by him made, concerning those that should not come in to be registred and enrolled in the Subsidie booke; he published an edict, under paine of imprisonment and death, that all ci∣tizens of Rome, as well horsemen as footmen, should the morrow after at the breake of day, everie one in his owne Centurie, shew himselfe in Campus Martius, i in Mars field. There, af∣ter he had mustered and embattelled the whole armie, he assoiled and purged the same with the sacrifice of a Swine, a Sheepe, and a Bull. And this was called Conditum Lustram. Which was the very closing up and accomplishment of the assesment. In this Lustrum, there were numbred [unspec D] and assessed 80000 Citizens. Fabius Pictor, a most ancient writer sayth moreover, that so many there were of able men to beare armes. For to containe this multitude, it was thought good the cittie should be inlarged. Whereupon the adjoineth unto it two hils more, to wit, Iuirinalis, and Viminalis. After this, he proceeded to augment the mount Esquilie: and to grace that hill, and make it of more reputation, there he dwelt himselfe, and had his court. He cast a trench and ditch, and raised a rampire about the citie, and then walled it: by occasion wherof, he set out the Pomoeric further. Pomaerium,* 1.140 according to the Erymologie and litterall signification of the word, is as much to say, as Postmarium, or the Arriermure, that is, a plat of ground behind, or without the wall. But indeed it is rather a space about the wal on either side, which the Tuscanes in old time, when they built their cities, used by advise of Augures, to hallow and consecrate in [unspec E] certain bounds and limits, all along where they minded to set the wall: that neither within-forth the houses might joine upon the wall(whereas now adaies they build close to) and without also, there might be a void peece of ground, lying common, free, and unoccupied of men. This va∣cant space, that neither might lawfully be inhabited, nor yet eared and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as well because it was without the wall, as the wal without it, the Romanes called Pomoerium. And ever as the cir∣cuit of the cittie was made larger, looke how much the wals should be set out further, so farre those hallowed and consecrated bounds of the Pomoerie were extended.

Thus the cittie being much increased in compasse of building, and all things disposed in good order, requisit as well for war as peace; to the end, that he should not alwaies seeke to pur∣chase wealth and puissance by war and martiall prowesse onely, he attempted to amplifie his do∣minion [unspec F] by pollicie, and withall to bestow upon the citie some glorious ornament to beautifie the same. And even at that time was the temple of Diana at Ephesus, of great same, and much renowned: which as the report went, was built in common by all the states and princes of Asia. When as therefore Servius would use highly to praise and commend unto the lords and heads of the Latines(with whom of purpose he had both in publike and privat, mutuall intertainment and familiar acquaintance) that generall agreement of the princes of Asia, in matters of reli∣gion,

and in the uniforme worship of the same gods: at length, by much iterating and follow∣ing [unspec G] still that theame, he prevailed with them so far, that the nations of the Latines, and the peo∣ple of Rome together, built at Rome a temple unto Diana: which was a plaine confession, and cleare case, that Rome was now the imperiall seat, for which they had so often warred. This qua∣rell, albeit now the Latines all in a manner had neglected quite, and made no care at all there∣of, seeing they had so often attempted it by force of armes, and sped so badly: yet fortune see∣med to one only man to cast a favourable aspect, and yeeld good hope, by his private policie and industrie, to recover againe the imperiall dignitie unto the Latines. A certaine householder forsooth of the Sabines, had as they say, a cow bred with him of a wonderfull bignesse, and fair with all (for a memoriall of which so rare and wonderfull beast the hornes were set up, and re∣mained fast fixed in the porch of Dianas temple, many a hundred yeares after) this was suppo∣sed [unspec H] (as it was no lesse in very deed) a strange and prodigious thing: and the wisemen or wizards prophesied, that the soveraintie and Empire should be setled and established in that State, wher∣of any one citizen sacrificed that cow unto Diana. This prophesie came to the eares of the priest of Dianas temple. The Sabine abovesaid, so soone as he had espied a meet and conveni∣ent day for sacrifice, drives the cow to Rome, and leads her to the temple of Diana, and there presented her before the altar: where the Romane priest wondering to see so huge a beast, wher∣of there had been so much speech, and calling to mind withall the aforesaid Oracle, spake to. the Sabine in this wife, My friend (quoth he) what meane you to sacrifice so uncleanely unto Di∣ana, and doe not rather purifie and wash your selfe all over in some running streame, before you come hither? Lo where Tyber runneth in the valley beneath. The stranger then, moved with [unspec I] some scruple of conscience, who desired nothing more, than that all should be well and orderly done, that an happie successe might be correspondent and answereable to so prodigious a beast, forthwith went downe to the Tyber. In the meane while, the Romane killed the Cow in honour of Diana. This thing pleased the king and the whole cittie wonderfull well.

Servius, albeit he were now without all question by so long continuance, fully and really in∣vested in the kingdome; yet because he heard say, that young Tarquinius otherwhile gave out speeches of him, that he raigned without the nomination and election of the people: therfore after he had first wan the hearts of the commons, by dividing among them everyone, certaine lands gotten by conquest from the enemies, he adventured to propound unto the people, & put it to their suffrages, and voices, Whether their will and pleasure was, that he should raigne over [unspec K] them. Thus was he declared king with as great consent, as never any before with the like. But Tarquinius for all this, had never the lesse hope to aspire and attaine unto the crowne: nay rather so much the more, because he understood the said division of the lands among the commons, was a thing concluded & passed against the wil & mind of the Senators. Taking therfore occa∣sion therby to accuse & blame Servius before them, he supposed he had good means offered to wind himself into favor with the lords of the Senat, & so to become strong in the counsel house. Over and besides, he was both himself a young man of great courage & hot stomack, & his wife likewise at home, dame Tullia, lay ever upon him, & pricked forward his distempered & troubled mind: for you must thinke, that the roiall court of Rome also, hath brought forth and afforded one example of a tragicall and horrible act: that by a wearines and lothing conceived against [unspec L] the kings government, liberty and freedome might the sooner ensue: and that raigne bee the last, which was by mischeefe gotten first. This L. Tarquinius whether he were the sonne or ne∣phew of Priscus Tarquinius, it is not very cleare, howbeit, I would rather thinke with most wri∣ters, that he was his sonne. A brother he had, Aruns Tarquinius, a young gentleman of a mild nature. These two (as is aforesaid) had married the two Tulliae, the kings daughters, and they also themselves were in conditions farre unlike. And happily it so fell out, that two froward and vio∣lent natures were not coupled together in wedlock: such was the good fortune, I beleeve, of the Romane people, that thereby the raigne of Servins might continue the longer, and the cittie brought and setled in good order. The younger Tullia, a stout dame and a prowd, greeved and vexed much that her husband had nothing in him, no mettall or matter at all, either to cover [unspec M] and desire, or to enterprise and adventure: her mind was fully set upon the other Tarquine, him she esteemed highly, and had in admiration, him she said to be a man indeed, and descended of roiall bloud. As for her sister, she despised and checked her, for that she having a forward and valorous knight to her husband, sat still, and seconded him not in audacitie and boldnesse, as a woman should doe. Well, in short time likenesse and disposition soone brought them together,

[unspec A] and as it is commonly seene, Naught will to naught, and sort best together. But the mischeefe and trouble that brought all up side downe, arose from the woman. For she using to have secret conference with her sisters husband, never ceased to speake badlie; and to raile of her own hus∣band unto his brother, and of her sister unto her husband.

Affirming in good earnest, it were better both for her selfe to be a widdow, and for him to live single, and without a wife, than so to be mismatched as they were, and through the craven cowardise of others to languish and come to nothing. As for her selfe, if the gods had given her an husband according to her owne qua∣litie and worthinesse, she doubted not to see, and that very shortly, the crowne in her own house, that now she seeth in her fathers. In this manner possesseth she quickly the humorous young man, and filled his head with her owne rashnesse and follies.

Now when Aruns Tarquinius and the elder Tullia, who died just in a manner both at one time, had well rid their owne houses, and [unspec B] made way and ouverture for a new marriage, it was not long but they were married, with Servi∣us his leave and connivencie, rather than his good liking. But then every day more than other began Tullius to be a continual more in their eies, his old age hatefull, and his raign more odi∣ous: for now the woman minded nothing but one mischeese upon another: and would not suf∣fer her husband to be at rest night nor day, least peradventure the former murders done and past, should serve to no purpose, and misle the effect of their designements. And thus she brake out and said:* 1.141 That she wanted not before one that carried the name of an husband, with whom she served, & kept her selfe quiet and said nothing.

But she had a want of one, that thought him∣selfe worthie of a kingdome, that remembred he was the sonne of Tarquinius Priscus, that loved [unspec C] better to be seised of a crowne and scepter indeed, than hope for a kingdome, and here thereof. But sir(quoth she)if you be the man to whom I take my selfe wedded, then I cal you both husband and king: if not, then is our case changed for the worse, in that, cowardlinesse is accompanied now with wickednesse. Why resolve you not? why arme you not your selfe, and go about this businesse? you need not go so far as to Corinth or Tarquinij, for to seeke and compasse forraine kingdomes, as your father did. The gods of your owne house and native country, the Image and example of your father, the kings pallace, and therein theroiall seat and throne of estate, yea the very name of Tarquine, createth, nameth, and saluteth you king. But and if your heart will not serve you to these desseignes, why beare you the world in hand and deceive them? why take you so upon you as you doe, to shew your selfe as a kings sonne? Get you hence to Corinth againe, away to Tarquinij, [unspec D] turne backeward to your former stocke and condition, more like to your brother than to your fa∣ther. With these and such like motives, by way of reproofe she checketh the young man, set him on, and pricked him forwards, and she her selfe for her part, could be at no repose, for thinking that Tanaquil, an alien and stranger borne, could contrive in her head, and effect so great matter, as to make two kings together, one after other, namely her husband first, and afterward her son in law: and she her owne selfe, a kings daughter, could beare no stroke either in giving or taking away a kingdome.

Tarquinius kindled with these furies and temptations of a woman, went about, labou∣red, and made court to the Nobles, especially those that were Minorum gentium: estsoones put∣ting them in mind of the pleasures and favours that his father had done them, and requiring now of dutie the like good turne at their hands. The young men, the flower and manhood in generall [unspec E] of the cittie, he wrought and won to himselfe with gifts: and so partly with great promises, what wonders he would doe, and partly with raising slanders upon the king in all places, and charging upon him odious crimes, he grew very great and mightie. At the last, espying a convenient time to set on foot, and putin execution his intended projects, with a strong guard of armed men, hee entred forciblie into the Forum or common place of assemblie, whereat the people all surprised with great feare, he sat him downe upon the kings throne, even at the entrance of the Curia or Se∣nate house, and there, by the voice of the crier summoned the Senatours to counsell before king Tarquinius. Who forthwith there assembled together: Some, thereto made and prepared aforehand: others, for feare least their not comming, might turn them to displeasure. And as they were astonted at this strange and wonderfull sight, so they thought Servius utterly undone, and [unspec F] his case desperate.* 1.142

There Tarquinius began an invective in spightfull and reprochfull tearmes, tou∣ching the first pedigree or parentage of Servius: saying, that he being a slave, and born of a bond∣woman, after the cruell and shamefull death of his father Tarquine, usurped the king domeanot by meanes of an Interreigne, as the order was aforetime, nor by a solemne assemblie, and the free voices of the people, ne yet by the assent of the nobles, but only through the wile and fraud of one woman. And as he was(quoth he) thus borne and thus created king, so hath he been a partial

favourer ever of the basest sort, even such as himselfe; and in hatred of the noble birth of others [unspec G] hath divided amongst the vilest persons, lands taken from the cheese men of the citie; and all such burdens and charges, as had ben in times past common to all, he hath cast upon great persona∣ges of qualitie and worth, and set up an assessing or taxing, that the state of the wealthier persons being made knowne and exposed to envie, he might bring them into disgrace with the people, and bestow their goods upon the poorest and neediest at his pleasure.

Amidst this Oration of his, came Servius in place, advertised of the matter by a fearefull messenger in all hast.

And pre∣sently began to crie out with a lowd voice, at the very porch or entrie of the Curia: What is here ado (quoth hee) and what meaneth this O Tarquine? How darest thou, during my life, assemble the Senatours or sit on my seat? Whereunto he stoutly made a prowd answere, that hee did but keepe his fathers throne, and being as hee was, a kings sonne, hee demeed himselfe more wor∣thie [unspec H] to bee inheritor of the kingdome, than a bondslave: and as for him, hee had been suffered long ynough to play with his good Masters, and to insult over his betters.

With this arose a great clamour from the partakers and complices of both sides: the people they ran from all parts to the counsell house, and like it was, that the stronger should be king. Then Tarquinius being put to his shifts, and forced to trie the utmost, seeing no other remedie, tooke Servins by the middle, as being himselfe much younger and stronger farre, carried him out of the counsell house, and threw him downe from the staires head to the foot, and so returned againe into the Senate house, to get the Senators together. The kings officers with the guard attending upon him, sled. Himselfe well neere dead, with certaine of his courtiers and traine, breathlesse also for feare, made speed, and retired towards his pallace, as farre as to the top of Cyprius street, where [unspec I] he was overtaken by them that were sent by Tarquinius,* 1.143 and so slaine outright. And it is verily thought, that this was done by the suggestion and procurement of Tullia; so little disagreeth it from other wicked prankes of hers. But this one thing is known for certaintie, that she came ri∣ding in her coach into the common place of assemblie, & nothing dismaied or abashed at the presence of so many men, there met together, called forth his husband out of the Senat house, & was the first that stiled him with the title of King. By whom shee being willed to depart a way out of that throng and uprore, as she returned homeward as far as the pitch of Cyprius street, where was of late a place consecrated unto Diana, called Dianium, the coachman that had the guiding and driving of the steeds, as he turned the chariot on the right hand up to the cliffe Virbius, for to passe up to the hill Esquiliae, suddainely staired for feare, and reined in his horses, and shewed [unspec K] unto his ladie and mistresse, Servius lying there murdered. And hereof followed (as the report goeth) a beastly part, and beyond all sence of humanitie, which the very place doth witnesse still at this day, called thereupon Sceleratus Vicus, i. the wicked street: Wherein, the raging and frantike woman Tullia, harried with the suries, and haunted with the ghosts of her sister and husband, caused (men say) her chariot to be driven over her fathers dead corps; and being her selfe be∣spreint and beraied with the bloudie chariot, carried home with her some part of it in token and witnesse, that her hand was in this parricide and murder of her owne father: to the end, that shee might provoke her owne domesticall gods and her husbands to wrath and displeasure: and so consequently, as they entred their raigne with mischeefe and wickednesse, they might soone after be turned out therof with shame and infamie Servius Tullius raigned foure and for∣tie [unspec L] yeares, in such wife carrying himselfe, as it were hard, even for a good and staied prince that should succeed him, to follow his steps. This made moreover for his glorie and fame, that toge∣ther with him died all right and lawfull government of Romane kings. And even that regiment of his, so mild, so gracious, and temperate as it was: yet because it rested in the absolute power of one man, he was minded, as some doe write, to have forgone and given over, had not this wic∣ked intestine practise from his owne familie come betweene, to prevent and cut off his good de∣signes and intent to let his country free.

]After him began to raigne Tarquinius, for his insolent acts surnamed Superbus, i. the prowd. For he would not suffer his wives father (unkind sonne in law he)to be interred: saying eftsoons in jibing manner, that Romulus also died, and was never buried. Moreover, the principall heads [unspec M] of his peeres and nobles, such (as he thought)had favoured Servius his proceedings, and tooke parr with him, those he made away and slew. Afterwards, fearing upon the guilt of his owne con∣science, that he had given an ill precedent for others, to take vantage against himselfe, attaining to the crown so leaudly; he retained therfore a guard of armed men about his bodie: and in ve∣ry truth, setting only might aside, no other right had he to weare the diademe, as who raigned

[unspec A] neither by peoples election nor Senatours approbation. Over and besides all this, to the end he might sit safely in his seat by servile feare and dread, who reposed no trust nor hope in the love of his subjects; therfore to strike the greater terror into them, and hold them in aw, he by himselfe alone without assistance of any counsell, sat upon all matters of life and death: by meanes wher∣of he was ablé to kill, banish, and condemne in forfaiture of lands and goods; not those onely whom he suspected and hated, but also them, from whom he could looke for nothing else but spoile. Thus when he had decaied the number of the nobles especially, he purposed to chuse no new in their place, for to make supplie: tó the end, that the fewer they were, the more contempti∣ble the whole order might grow: and with lesse discontent, put up the indignitie, that they were not emploied in the State, nor ought done by their advise. For this king was the first, that aboli∣shed [unspec B] the custome received and continued by all others asore him, of consulting with the Senat in all matters, and managing nothing without them. He governed the Commonweale by him∣selfe, and after his owne waies: with whom it pleased him he made war and peace, league and societie, even of his owne head: and would breake the same as himselfe thought good: thus he did, and undid all at his pleasure, without regard of the peoples mind, or the Senates authoritie. Above all, he sought to win the hearts and good wils of the Latine nation, that by support of forraine power also, he might be more secure and safe among his owne people: neither enter∣tained he with their princes, friendship and amitie only, but entred also into alliance and affi∣nitie with them. For unto Octavius Mamilius a Tusculane, he gave his daughter in mariage. This Mamilius was of all the Latines the principall and noblest person, lineally discended(if we may [unspec C] beleeve the common bruit and report)from Vlysses and Circe. By this marriage he gained many kinsfolke and friends of his new sonne in law. So that now Tarquinius was in great authoritie and reputation among the lords and Barons of the Latines. Whereupon he gave them knowledge, and proclaimed, that upon a certain day they should all meet him at the sacred grove of Feren∣tina, to treat and commune together about matters concerning the common good of both States. Thither resorted they in great number betimes in the morning. And Tarquinius himselfe failed not for his part, to keep the very day appointed, but it was sunsetting welneere before he came. There, in that assemblie all day long, before his comming, was much talke and reasoning, pro & contra,* 1.144 touching him.

Turnus Herdonius of Aricia, had inveighed spightfully against Tar∣quinius in his absence (for his being away) saying it was no marvell indeed that he was at Rome [unspec D] surnamed Superbus(for even then commonly they termed him so, although secretly, &in whispe∣ring wife.) For could there be(quoth he) a prowder part plaid, than thus to mock, delude, & abuse the whole state of Latium, that when their princes and nobles were cited there to appeare, farte from their citties and dwelling houses, he only should be absent that summoned the assemblie? Which verily was but a devise of his to trie their patience, that if they once tooke the yoke, he might keep them stil under as his vassails: for who seeth not what he reacheth at?even to command and lord it over the Latines. And in case his owne citizens have done well, in trusting him in the rule over them (if a man say they trusted him, & not rather that he came soulie and for∣cibly by it, even with shameful murder)the Latins also may put themselves into his hands with se∣curitie. And yet I see not why they should so doe, considering he is a meere stranger and alien. [unspec E] But how and if his owne subjects repent, and are discontented with him, being one after another by him murdered, banished, deprived, and spoiled of their goods? What better dealings may the Latines hope and looke for? Therefore if they would be ruled by him, they should depart home everie man, and not keepe the day of the Diet no more than he doth that published and proclaimed it. Whilest this seditious and dangerous person, who by these and such like facti∣ous courses was growne to be a great man and powerable in his countrey, stood arguing thus, inforcing and following hard upon other points, tending to the same effect, in commeth Tar∣quinius.

Whereupon heebrake off his speech, and all was husht. Then turned every man to salure and welcome Tarquinius: Who after silence made (being advised by some of his familiars that were next unto him, to excuse himselfe for comming at that time of the daie) [unspec F] said, that hee had beene taken to bee an arbitrator or daiesman betweene the father and the sonne: and because hee was desirous and carefull to procure attonement betweene them, and to make them good friends; hee made the longer stay and came the later. Which occasion of businesse seeing it had disappointed them of that day, therefore the morrow after hee would deliver that which hee had in purpose and intended to moove unto them. But Tarnus (as they say) could not hold, nor put up so much as this with silence: but brake out

and said againe, there was no speedier deciding and taking up of any matter, than betweene [unspec G] the Father and the Sonne; a thing that might be dispatched in few words: for if he would not obey and giue place unto his father, he should abide the smart of it with a mischiefe. And thus the Aricine having girded as it were, and glaunced at the Romane king, departed out of the assemblie. Which thing Tarquinius taking more displeasantly a good deale then he made semblance of, forthwith devised and practised to bring Turnus to his death, that he might strike the same terrour into the hearts of the Latines, wherwith he had kept under his owne subjects at home. And for that he had no absolut power to cause him openly to be slaine, he fra∣med most saltly a criminall action against the guiltlesse man; therby wrongfully to worke his de∣struction.

By meanes of certaine Aricians of a contrarie faction, he wrought a bondslaue of Turnus with a summe of monie, to suffer a number of swords privily to be conveyed into his [unspec H] masters Inne or lodging:* 1.145 which being done in that one night accordingly, Tarquinius some∣what before day, sent for the chiefe Lords of the Latines to come unto him; and pretending as though he were frighted by some strange accident, said that his long tarying the day before, (by Gods special providence, as it were, so appointed)was for the safetie of him and them all. For he was informed that Turnus contrived to massacre both him and the heads of their nation, to the end that he alone might raigne over the Latines: That he minded yesterday to have put this plot in execution, even in the verie assemblie; but the deed was deferred, for that himselfe(the principal author of that meeting) whose life he sought for aboue all other, was not in place. And herupon it was(faith he) that he fared so as he did, and railed against him so bitterly the day be∣fore in his absence; for that he by his long tarrying had put him by his hope and the effect of [unspec I] his dessignes: and if all were true that was told him, he nothing doubted but early in the mor∣ning at break of the day, so soone as they were set in counsell together, he would come armed and well appointed with a crew of his adherents & sworne consederates: for reported it is, (quoth he) that a number of swords and other weapons are brought into his lodging: which whether it be so or no, might soone be knowne.

And therwith he desired them to take the paines to go with him thither. And verily, considering the proud nature and hautie spirit of Turnus, together with his yesterdaies Oration, and the long stay of Tarquinius besides, for that the pretended massacre seemed therby to have beene put off and prolonged, the matter became very suspcious and pregnant. Thus go they with minds verily somewhat enclined and disposed to beleeue all, and yet so, as they would thinke all the rest but tales and lies, unlesse they found the swords afore∣said. [unspec K] Being come to the house, and Turnus awakened out of sleepe, certaine warders were set to keepe him on every side: and when they had laid hold upon his servants, who for love of their lord and master began to make resistance, the swords were brought forth out of all the blind corners of the hostelrie openly to be seene: then was it a cleare case and past all peradventures: and Turnus was apprehended & yrons clapt upon him. And immediatly in all hast the Latins As∣sembled together to counsell in that great tumult and uprore: Where, upon bringing forth the sword in sight before them all,* 1.146 they were so incensed and deadly bent against him, that he was not suffered to answere and plead for himselfe, but was presently at the source or spring head of the Ferentine water plunged downe, & a hurdle done aloft upon him, & greatstones heaped ther∣on, and so after a new kind of death stisled & drowned.

Tarquinius then, after he had called the La∣tins [unspec L] againe to the place of counsell, & much commended them for dulie executing Turnus, who practising thus to alter and trouble the state, was detected of a manifest intended murder, made this speech unto them:* 1.147 I might(quoth he)if I would, by vertue of ancient rites alledge and plead, that for as much as all the Latines are descended from Alba, they are comprised within that consederacie and league, whereby in the raigne of Tullus the whole Commonweale and State of Alba, together with their inhabitants, became incorporate into the Empire of Rome. How∣beit, in regard rather of the commoditie and weale publicke of all, I judge it requisite, that the league were renued, and that the Latines might enjoy and be pertakers of the prosperitie and happie fortune of the people of Rome, rather than evermore to hazard and suffer the destru∣ction and desolation of their citties, with the spoiling and wasting of their lands, which first in [unspec M] Ancus daies they tasted, and after in my fathers time they had abidden and suffered.

The La∣tines were hereto soone persuaded. And although in that league the preheminence and sove∣raintie rested in the Romans, yet they saw well enough that both the heads and rulers of the La∣tine Nation stood with the Romane king, and were wrought unto his hand, to side with him: and also Turnus unto them was a sreth precedent and example, to teach them what danger might

[unspec A] betide euery one that should make a part against him and crosse his intention. So the alliance was renewed and proclamation made that according as it was capitulated, that all the service∣able men of the Latins should at a day appointed repaire in good number with their armor, unto the grove of Ferentina. Who when they were there met together from all parts accor∣ding to the edict of the Romaine king, to the end should have no captaine of their owne to lead them, no privie watchwoord or regiment by themselves to direct them, nor private en∣signes distinct from the rest to keepe them together; he shuffeled on mingled the bands and com∣panies of Latins and Romaines one with another, making one of twaine, and two of one: and when he had thus doubled the bands, he set. Centurions over them. And albeit he was in peace an unjust prince, yet was he in war no bad captaine; nay, for martiall prowesse he had beene [unspec B] equall to the formerkings; had he not failed and degenerated in other things, and thereby stai∣ned and hurt his glorie even in that behalfe. He was the first that warred upon the Volscians, which war after his time lasted more than 200 years:* 1.148 and wan from them by force Suessa Pome∣tia. Where having made portsale of the pillage, and raised as much gold and siluer as amoun∣ted to* 1.149 40 talents, he conceived in his mind to build so stately a Temple of Iupiter as might be∣seeme the soveraigne king of gods and men, become the noble Empire of Rome, and an∣swere the majesty also of the very place where it was to stand. And for the rearing and fi∣nishing of this Temple, he laid that money apart, that came of the spoile aforesaid. But pre∣sently upon this, was he surprised with a warre that held longer than he hoped it would. For ha∣ving made one assault in vaine upon Gabij, a neighbour citie to Rome, and dispairing also of [unspec C] any good successe by beleagering the towne, for that he was valiantly repussed from the wals, at the last he devised and resolved to get it by wile and deceit: a course that Romaines had not usually practised.

For making as though he had given over and abandoned this warre, as being now earnestly bent and busily occupied about laying the foundations of the Temple, and folow∣ing other publike works in the citie: Sextus his sonne, the yongest of three, sled for the nones to Gabij, complaining of his fathers intollerable rigor and crueltie against him:* 1.150 saying, That now he had turned his accustomed pride from strangers upon his owne blood, and was growne to be weary of so manie children: that as he had made good hand and cleane riddance of his nobles, and left the Senat desolate, so he might bring it to passe in his own house, to leaue behind him no issue nor inheritour of the kingdome. And for his owne person verily, he was escaped from a∣mong [unspec D] the pikes and swords of his father, and was persuaded fully, he might no where be sure in safety, but with the capitall enemies of L. Tarquinius. For to put them out of doubt, and that they might be no longer abused, the war continued stil against them, which seemed in out∣ward shew given over and laid away: and his father would not faile, but whensoever he could spie his vantage and sit opportunitie, come upon them at unawares. But in case there were no place of refuge and protection for poore and humble suppliants amongst them, he would wander and trauail all over Latium: and if he might not rest there, he would from thence go to the Volscians, Aequians and Hernicks, until he came to them that knew how to save the children from the crueltie and inhumane persecution of the fathers. Perhaps he should find meanes to stirre coles and kindle warre, yea and performe himselfe good service against that most proud king, and [unspec E] that most stout and insolent people. And seeming withall in great anger and discontentment, (if they would not regard his complaints) readie to depart and go his waies, he was kindly in∣tertained, and friendly intreated by the Gabians:* 1.151 who willed him to be of good cheere and not to meruaile at all, that Tarquinius became now at length so ill affected against his own chil∣dren, like as he had tyrannised alreadie upon his subjects and consederates: for he would no doubt in the end exercise his fell stomach even upon himselfe, for want of other subject matter to worke upon. And as to him, right welcome he was to them, assuring themselues that within a while it would so come to passe, that if he with them, would set to his helping hand, they should remoove the warre from the gates of Gabijunto to the verie wals of Rome.* 1.152 After this, was he admit∣ted to sit with them in common counsaile. In which he used eftsones to say, That in other mat∣ters [unspec F] he gaue place, & referred himse to be advised by the ancient Gabines, as men more practised and experienced than himselfe, but for the warre, which ever and anone he persuaded them unto, himselfe tooke upon him a speciall insight & skil therin, as he that knew the strength of both na∣tions, and was fully persuaded in the conscience, that his kings pride must needs be odious to his subjects, which his verie owne children could not brooke and endure.

Thus whilesby little and little he sollicited the principell citizens to rebell, and went himselfe daily in person

with a crew of the most forward and able yoong men, forraying, spoyling and making rodes [unspec G] into the Territorie of the Romanies, and that now through his words and deeds, which tended to fraud and deceit in the end, they began more and more to give credit unto him that one day would deceiue them, he was at last chosen Generall for the warre. And having made certaine small skirmishes betweene Rome and Gabes, in which for the most part the Gabines had the better (whiles the simple people, God wot, saw not his drift and how he caried the matter:) then all the Gabines from the highest to the lowest, thought verily and in good earnest, that Sextus Tarquinius was sent them by speciall grace even from God above to be their Captaine and Protector. But with the soldiers, what with attempting painefull enterprises & performing dangerous service, and what with dealing prises liberally amongst them, it passed how he grew into credit, & how deerly he was beloved; in so much as Tarquinius the Father was of no greater. [unspec H] commaund at Rome, than Tarquinius the Sonne at Gabes. Thus when he saw he had gathe∣red strength sufficient, and was fully furnished against all assaies; he dispatched unto his fatherat. Rome, one of his trustie servants with credence, to know his will & pleasure, seeing that the gods had done him this grace, that he at Gabes was able to do all in all. To this message made the king no answere at all by word of mouth, taking the man belike, as I verily thinke, for one hardly to be trusted. But as one musing with himselfe and in a deepe studie what answere to shape, he went into a garden on the backe side of the house, and his sonnes messenger followed after. There walked he vp and downe, and said never a word: onely, with his rod or walking staffe, as it is reported, he knapt of the uttermost heads and tops of the poppies. The messenger wearie with calling for an answere, and waiting such attendance; returned to Gabes as wife as the came, [unspec I] and without effect of his errand. He reporteth what he had said and seene, namely how the king, whether upon anger or hatred, or pride ingrasted by nature, uttered no speech at all. But Sextus knowing by these mysticall and secret circumstances, his fathers will and direction, made no more adoe but slew the chiefe of the Citizens: some by accusations unto the people, and others by reason of disgrace they were already in, and therby exposed unto violence, were soone overthrowen. Many of them were openly executed, and some whom there was little appearance or colour of justice or none at all to accuse, were secretly murdered. Divers of their owne ac∣cord sled into voluntarie exile, or else they were forced into banishment; whose goods as well as theirs that were put to death, were divided among the people. By sweetnes of his largesse of spoile,* 1.153 by the profit and wealth that grew to private persons; the publike wo and calamitie [unspec K] was nothing felt and seene: until such time as the Gabines whole estate, dispoiled of counsaile, berest of aide and succour, yeelded without dint of sword unto the king of Rome.

Tarquinius having thus gained the towne of Gabes, made peace with the nation of the AE∣quains, and renued the league with the Tuscanes. After this he converted his mind to the af∣faires of the cittie, among which this was the principall, to leave behind him the temple of Iu∣piter, upon the mount Tarpeius, for a monument and memoriall of his raigne and name. That of two Tarquines, kings both, it might be said another day, that the father vowed it, and the fon∣finished the same. And to the end, that the sloore and plot of ground, freed and exempted from all other kind of religions, might wholly be dedicated to Iupiter and his temple, there to be built: he determined to exaugurate and to unhallow certain churches and chappels, which ha∣ving [unspec L] been first vowed, by king Tatius, in the very extremitie of the battell against Romulus, were after by him consecrated and hallowed. In the very beginning and founding of which worke, it is said, that the divine power and soveraigne deitie, moved the gods to declare the future migh∣tinesse of so great an Empire. For when as the birds by signes out of the Augurs learning, ad∣mitted and allowed the exauguration and unhallowing of all other cels and chappels besides, only in that of Terminus,* 1.154 they gave no token to confirme the unhallowing thereof: which was taken for an ominous presage, and thus interpreted, That seeing the seat and house of Termi∣nus was not stirred, and he the god alone that was not displaced and called forth of the limits to him consecrated; it shewed that all should remaine there firme and stable for ever. This divine token of perpetuitie being received for good and currant: there followed another strange and prodigious signe, portending the greatnesse also of the Empire. For as they digged for the [unspec M] foundation of the temple, there appeared (as they say) a mans head, face and all, whole & sound: which sight imported no doubt and plainely foretold, that it should be the cheese castle of the Empire and the capitall place of the whole world. To this effect prophested the wisards, as well they of the cittie, as those whom they sent for out of Tuscane, to know their opinion and iudge∣ment.

[unspec A] Thus was the kings mind all wholly set upon sumptuous building, and spared for no cost. So that the pillage taken at Pometia, which was laid by for the accomplishment of the whole worke,* 1.155 would hard and seant serve for the very foundation. And therfore I would rather give cre∣dite unto Fabias Pictor(to say nothing that he is the more nuncient authour of the twaine) that there were but* 1.156 40 talents, and no more, than to Piso, who writeth, that there was* 1.157 40000 pound weight of silver set by for that use. Which summe of masse of mony could never be looked for to arise out of the saccage of one only citie in those daies: & must needs exceed the charges of the foundation of any of these stately and magnificent buildings in this our age. The king being thus wholly minded and bent to the finishing of the temple, and sending for Carpenters, Ma∣sons, and other workemen, out of all parts of Tuscane, emploited not only the citties monie and [unspec B] stocke thereabout, but also had the worke and labour of the common people withall. Which was no small toile of theirs, considering the travell of warfare besides: yet were they lesse agree∣ved and discontented therewith, so long as they founded and reared with their owne hands the temples of the immortall gods. But afterwards were they emploied and set to other works, which as they were lesse in shew, so were they more painfull & of greater trouble, namely the making of scaffolds of standing places in the Cirque of Theatre; and to the conueiance of a mightie great sinke or vault under the ground, for to receive and carrie away all the silth and corruption of the citie. To which two peeces of worke, scarcely is the magnificence of our new modern buildings, in any respect comparable. Having in this wise held the commons in continuall labour, because hee thought that a multitude of a people would but overcharge and pester the cittie, when they [unspec C] were not emploied some way or other, and also minded by erecting Colonies, to inlarge the confines of his dominions, he therefore sent part of them to inhabite and people Sig∣nia and Circeij, two strong forts and frontier townes for the defence of the cittie by sea and land.

Whilest he was busied in these affaires, there appeared unto him a strange and fearefull sight, namely a serpent gliding downe a pillar of wood, which having put the beholders in great fright and caused them to slie into the kings pallace, did not so much amase the kings heart with sud∣daine and momentanie seare for the present, as fill his head with perplexed cares what the thing might portend. Whereas therefore the manner was to use the Calchars and wise men of Tuscane about publicke prodigious tokens onely: he being much troubled in spirit, and terrified [unspec D] at this fearfull sight, being domesticall, and as it were touching and concerning his own person: purposed to send out as far as Delphi, to the most famous and renowned Oracle in the world. And for that the durst not put any other in trust with the answered that should be delivered by the fatall lots, he addressed two of his sonnes to take a voiage through vnknown lands in those daies, and more unknowen seas, into Greece. Titus and Aruns were they that went this journie, having to beare them companie all the way, L. Iunius Brutus. This Brutus was the sonne of Tarquinia the kings sister, a yoong gentleman of a farre other nature and disposition, than he seemed in outward shew and semblance. He hauing heard say that certain principall citizens, and his own brother among, had been by this his uncle put to death; to the intent that himselfe might have nothing left, eyther in the parts of his mind for the king to feare, or in his outward state for [unspec E] him to couet and desire: resolved under the cloake of base contempt to save himselfe, since that in right or justice he might repose small or no safegard at all. And therfore composing and framing himselfe of purpose to counterfeit a noddie and a verie innocent,* 1.158 as suffering him∣selfe and all that he had to fall into the kings hands as an eschear, he refused not to be misnamed Brutus, a name appropriate to unreasonable creatures; that under the shadow and colour of that surname, that courage of his lying close hid, which should one day set free the citie of Rome, might abide the full time and appeare in due season. This Brutus beeing by the Tarquines brought to Delphi, as their laughing stock to make them pastime by the way, rather than a meet mate to accompany them, caried with him (as men say) for to offer and present unto Apollo, a golden rod within a staffe of cornell wood, made hollow for the purpose: the very type and re∣semblance [unspec F] by secret circumstances, of his naturall disposition. Thither beeing arrived, the yong men having done their fathers commission accordingly, were very desirous and earnest to inquire and learne of the Oracle, which of them should be king of Rome. And from the bot∣tome of the deepe vault, this answere as men say, was deliuered in their hearing: WHICH OF YOU (O YONG MEN) SHAL FIRST KISSE YOUR MOTHER, HE SHAL BEAR CHIEFE AND SOVERAIGNE RVLE IN ROME. The Tarquines then intending that Sextus their brother

who was left behind at Rome, might neither know the answer, nor yet obtaine the kingdome, [unspec G] willed the matter should by all possible means be carried so secret as might be, & concealed from him. They themselues agreed upon this together, to draw lots whether of them twaine, when they were returned to Rome, should first kisse his mother. But Brutos supposing the speech of Apollo his priest, tended to another sence, made as though he stumbled forward and took a fall; and so touched the ground with his mouth and kissed the earth, thinking this with himselfe, that she was common mother of all mortall men. Then returned they to Rome. Where they found great preparations for warre against the Rutilians.

The Rutilians then were lords of Ardea. A people on those parts, and for those times, very rich and wealthie:* 1.159 and that was it that gave the very occasion and was the first motive of warre. The Romane king was desirious both to enrich himselfe, as having about the sumptuous building of [unspec H] publicke works emptied his coffers: and also by some spoile, to mollifie & win againe the hearts of his naturall all subjects: being much discontented (besides their generall mislike of his pride otherwise) at this maner of government; and disdaining greatly that they were by the king made labourers, to serue carpenters and masons, and held so long to servile toile and painefull la∣bour. The Romanes assaied at the beginning to surprise and win Ardea by assault: but when that way sped but ill, then began they to annoy and distresse the enemies by laying siege, by casting trenches, raising forts, and fabriks, about the towne. During this siege, and the standing campe lying there, (as it falleth out commonly, when the warre is rather long and late than hote and cruell) there were granted large licences and pasports to and fro betweene the campe and Rome, with much liberty: and yet more to the Principals of the armie than to the common [unspec I] soldiers. And the kings sons had otherwhile good leasure to feast and banket one with another. Vpon a time it happened whiles they were drinking & making merry with Sexta, Tarquinius in his pavilion, where Collatinus Tarquinius the sonne of Egertus sat at supper; there arose among other good table-talke, some arguing about their wives, whiles everie man highly praised and wonderously commended his owne. And growing to some heat and contention therabout: There need not many words for this matter, quoth Collatinus, for in few howers it may be known how farre my Lacretia surpasseth all the rest.* 1.160 And therfore if there be any lustinesse & courage of youth in us, why mount we not on horsebacke, and in our owne persons go and see the na∣tures and dispositions of our wives? And as they shalbe found and seene, taken of a sodaine, and not looking for their husbands comming, so let every man judge of them, and set that downe for [unspec K] the onely triall of this controversie. They had all taken their drinke well, and were prettily heat with wine: Marry, content say they all, and to horse they go, and away they gallop on the spur to Rome. Thither were they come by the shutting in of the evening when it grew to be darke; and so forward without any stay to Collatia they ride. Where they find dame Lucretia, not as the kings sons wives, whom they had surprised & seen afore, passing the time away in fea∣sting and rioting with their minions and companions: but sitting up farre within night in the middest of her house amongst her maidens, hard at wool-work by candle light. Whereupon, in this debate about their wives, the entire praise and commendation rested in Lucretia: Her hus∣band and the Tarquines had a loving and courteous welcome at her hands. And hee againe for joy of the victorie, invited the kings sonnes kindly, and made them friendly cheere. There at [unspec L] that infant, Sextus Tarquinius was bewitched and possessed with wicked wanton lust, for to offer violence and villanie unto Lucretia: her passing beauty and her approved chastitie set him on fire and provoked him therto. But for the present, when they had disported themselves all night long like lustie and pleasant youths, they returned be times in the morning to the campe. A few daies after, Sextus Tarquinius, unwitting to Collatinus, attended with one onely man came to Collatia, where he was againe in good and friendly sort received by them in the house, that suspected nothing lesse than that whereabout he was come. And being after supper brought up into the guest chamber, when he thought all about him sure, and that every body was fast asleep, all set on fire and burning in love, hee steppeth with naked sword in hand to Lucretia, as she lay sleeping full soundly, and bearing down the womans breast with his left hand, Peace (quoth he) [unspec M] Lucretia, and not a word: I am Sextus Tarquinius, I haue my drawne sword in hand: if thou once speake thou shalt surely die. The seely woman thus starting out of sleepe, was sore affright, as see∣ing no remedie but in a manner present death, in case she had cried for helpe. Then uttered Tar∣quinius and confessed his amorous passion, fell to intreat and intreat againe, and with his praiers intermedled threats, and went euery way about her, not ceassing by all meanes to sift, to sound

[unspec A] and tempt the womans heart. But when he saw her obstinat and invincible, and (to die for it) not relenting one jot; then, besides the feare of death, he presented unto her dishonour and shame: pretending that after he had massacred her, he would lay by her side in naked bed, her own man∣servant with his throat cut; that it might be voiced abroad, that she was taken and killed in filthie adultery.* 1.161 For fear of this reproch and infamie, see how sinfull lust gat the victory, and conquered constant chastity: and Tarquinius in great pride and jolitie, that he had by assault won the fort of a womans honor, departed thence. But wofull Lucretia, all sorrowing for so heavie a mischance, dispatched a messenger to her father at Rome, and so forward to her husband at Ardea, with this errand: That they should come unto her, each of them with one faithfull and trustie friend, and hereof they must not faile, but make all the speed they could, for that there was befallen a [unspec B] greevous chance and horrible. So there repaired to the Sp. Lucretia her father, accompanied with P. Valerius the sonne of Vólesus: and Collatinus her husband, with L. Iun. Brutus. Who both together by chance going backe to Rome, encountred in the way his wives messenger. Lucretia they found sitting alone in her bedchamber, all heavie and sad: and she at the comming of these her deerest friends, shed teares and wept apace. How now my deere (qouth her husband) is all well? No God wot sir,* 1.162 (quoth she againe:) For how can ought be well with a woman that is despoiled of her honour and womanhood? The print, Collatinus, of another man is to be seen in thy own bed.

Howbeit, my bodie only is distained: my mind and heart remaineth yet unspotted: and that my death shall make good and justifie. But give me first your right hands, and make faithfull promise that the adulterer shall not escape unpunished. Sex. Tarquinius is the man, he it is, who this night [unspec C] past, entertained as a friend, but indeed a very foe in the highest degree, hath by force & violence taken from hence with him his pleasure, a deadly pleasure, I may say, to me: & to himselfe also no lesse, if yeebe men of courage. All of them one after other give their assured word, comforted the wofull hearted woman, excused her selfe that was but forced, and laid all the blame upon him that committed the shamefull act: saying, It is the mind that sinneth, and not the bodie; and where there was no will and consent, there could be no fault at all.

Well (quoth the) what is his due to have, see you to that: as for me, howsoever I quit and assoile my selfe of sinne, yet I will not be freed from punishment. And never shall there by example of Lucretia, any unhonest woman or wanton callot live a day: and thus having said, with a knife which she had close hidden under her clothes, shee stabbed her selfe to the heart, and sinking downe forward, fell upon the floore [unspec D] readie to yeeld up the ghost. Out alas, cried her husband and father hereat: and whilest they two were in their plaints and mones,* 1.163 Bratus drew forth the knife out of the wound of Lucretia, and holding it out afore him, all embrewed and dropping with bloud, Now I swear (quoth he) by this bloud, by this most chast and pure bloud, before the vilanie wrought by the kings sonne, and here before the gods I protest, whom I cal to witnesse, that I wil by fire and sword, and with all my might and maine persecute and drive the country of L. Tarquinius the prowd, and his ingracious wife, and the whole brood of his children, and suffer neither him nor any els for his fake to raigne as king at Rome. Then gave he the knife to Collatinus, and so to Lucretius and Valerius, who greatly amased at this so strange occurrent, and wondering how it came to passe, that Brutus should of a suddaine be so changed, and become so stout of stomacke and courageous, tooke the same forme [unspec E] of oath that he sware afore: and so leaving their wailing and lamentation, and wholly set upon an∣ger and revenge, they followed Brutus as their captaine and leader, to put downe and overthrow the government of kings, and utterly to root our their race.

The dead corpes of Lucretia, was had out of dores, brought into the market place, and there shewed. And thither, what with wondring (as the manner is) at so strange a sight, and what with the indignation of so unworthie a fact, they raised much people together. Everie man for his part was readie ynough to complaine of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings bloud. The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side, the resolution of Brutus on the other side, who rebuked and blamed all vaine weeping and foolish moning, mooved and persuaded all that were present, that like men of valour, like true hearted Romanes, they would take armes against them that demeaned themselves no better, nay [unspec F] worse than ordinarie enemies. And presently, the bravest and tallest yong men shewed themselves forward, readie in armour, and voluntarie. The rest of the youths followed streight after. And ha∣ving left at Collatia the one halfe of their forces in garrison, toward the gates, and set certaine watches, that no man brought tidings or newes unto the king and his sons, of this rising and com∣motion, all the other were appointed in warlike maner, followed their leader Brutus, from thence directly to Rome. At the suddaine comming thither of this armed multitude: no marvell if all

the way where as they passed and marched, there arose a feare and trouble among the peo∣ple. [unspec G] But when they perceived the most substantiall and principall cittizens in the forefront, they judged whatsoever the matter meant, it was not for naught. And verily this hainous fact disquie∣ted the minds of men no lesse at Rome, than it had before at Collatia. Therefore from all parts of the citie there was flocking and running into the market place. And being thither come, the Bedell or common Crier, summoned the people to appeare before the tribune of the Celeres or Captaine of the guard: which office haply Brutus bare at that time.

Where he made an oration,* 1.164 not proceeding from that spirit, nor resembling that qualitie of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made shew of unto the world, for he inveyed against the violence and filthie lust of Sextus Tarquinius; the shamefull vilanie and not to be named, done upon the bodie of Lucretia: he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death, and [unspec H] the desolate case of Tricipitinus, berest now of all his children: who accounted the occasion of his daughters death a greater indignitie, and more pitifull, than her verie death. Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himselfe, the miseries, the infinite toyle and pains of the com∣mons, buried as it were under the ground, with cleansing and casting of ditches, voiding and ferming of the sinkes. Saying, that the men of Rome which were the conquerers of all nations about them, were now of warriers become quarriers, hewers of stone and day labourers. He reckoned vp also and put them in mind of the unworthie death and cruell murder of Servius Tullius: and how his daughter (oh abhominable act!) rode over the corps of her father in her cursed chariot: And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents.

Thus rehearsing these and other matters, much more grievous and horrible, [unspec I] (I verily belleeue) according as the present indignitie at the verie time doth minister and giue ut∣terance for, not so easie penned and set downe by writers that come after, he so mightily infla∣men the multitude, that he caused them to depose the king, to deprive him of his royall state and dignitie, yea and to decree and enact, that L. Tarquinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever. Himselfe hauing selected & armed the yonger gallants who offered their service, and willingly entered their names, set forward in person to the campe lying before Ar∣dea, for to excite the armie there against the king: leauing the government of the Citie unto Lucretius, who had before bene appointed deputie and lieutenant there, by the king. In this time of garboile, Tullia left the pallace and fled, and all the way as she went, both men and wo∣men cursed and cried out upon her, and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be [unspec K] avenged. When newes here of was brought into the camp, and that the king upon these strange tidings made hast towards Rome to stay and suppresse these broyles: Brutus hauing intelligence of his comming, turned another way because the would not meete with him. And so at one in∣stance in a manner, by contrarie journies came Brutus to Ardea, and Tarquinius to Rome. But the gates were shut against Tarquinius,* 1.165 and in steed of entrance, warned he was, & commanded into exile. The whole campe receiued with joy, Brutus the redeemer of their Citie. From thence also were the kings sonnes driven: two of them followed after their father and departed into ba∣nishment unto Caere, a towne of the Tuskanes: as for Sextus Tarquinius, he retired himselfe to Gabes as it were into his owne kingdome: where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels, upon mallice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himselfe in times past. [unspec L] L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned 25 yeares. Thus continued the kings regiment at Rome, from the foundation of the Citie, unto the freedome and redemption the thereof, 244 yeares. Then in a solemne assemblie and election by the Centuries, held, by the Provost of the citie,* 1.166 according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his com∣mentaries, two Consuls were created: L. Iunius Bru∣tus, and L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Romulus. ••••
• * 1.2

  Numa Pompili∣us. 2.
• * 1.3

  Tullus Hostili∣us. 3.
• * 1.4

  Ancus Marti∣us. 4.
• * 1.5

  Tarquinius Pri••∣cus. 5.
• * 1.6

  Seruius Tulli∣us. 6.
• * 1.7

  Tarquinius Su∣perbus. 7;
• * 1.8

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.9

  Venetians at this day, descen∣ded from Heneti•• a people of Pa∣phlagoni••, and the Trojanes, un ••en the conduct of Antenor.
• * 1.10

  Aeneas and the Trojanes arrive in Italie.
• * 1.11

  King Latinus.
• * 1.12

  Aeneas esposeth Lavinia.
• * 1.13

  Lavinium built
• * 1.14

  Afeanius borne
• * 1.15

  Turra.s
• * 1.16

  Latinus slaine
• * 1.17

  Mezentjus
• * 1.18

  The Latines.
• * 1.19

  The death and sepulture of Ac∣neas.
• * 1.20

  Iupiter Iudiges.
• * 1.21

  The wife go∣vernmenent La∣vinia, Queene Mother.
• * 1.22

  Tulus or Aseanius.
• * 1.23

  The familie of the Iulij.
• * 1.24

  Long Alba 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A••canius The kingdome of Alba.
• * 1.25

  Albula or Ty∣bris.
• * 1.26

  Latinus Silvius.
• * 1.27

  Tiberinus.
• * 1.28

  Aventinus.
• * 1.29

  Procas.
• * 1.30

  Numitor and Amulius.
• * 1.31

  Rhea Sylvia.
• * 1.32

  Romulus and Remus borne.
• * 1.33

  Romulus and 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.34

  Faustulus.
• * 1.35

  Laurentia.
• * 1.36

  Lupercal.
• * 1.37

  Evander.
• * 1.38

  Pan Lycaeus or Inuus.
• * 1.39

  Remus taken prisoner.
• * 1.40

  Amulius the userpet slaiae,
• * 1.41

  〈…〉〈…〉 of ••.
• * 1.42

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.43

  〈◊〉〈◊〉be∣tweene 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉
• * 1.44

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.45

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.46

  •• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king of Rome.
• * 1.47

  The 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.48

  Evander the in∣••enter of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 letters.
• * 1.49

  Carmenta mo∣ther of Evander.
• * 1.50

  Ara maxima de∣dicated to Her∣cules.
• * 1.51

  Potitij & Pinary.
• * 1.52

  Romulus ma∣keth lawes.
• * 1.53

  Roiall robes, Iictours.
• * 1.54

  Chaire of estate, called Sella cu∣rulis.
• * 1.55

  The purple role called Toga pr••∣texia
• * 1.56

  The Asylum first erected.
• * 1.57

  The institution of a Senate.
• * 1.58

  Patris. Patri••••.
• * 1.59

  The Embassage of Romulus, treating for mar∣riage.
• * 1.60

  The games Con∣sualia.
• * 1.61

  The Sabine mal∣dens ravished.
• * 1.62

  Thalasio.
• * 1.63

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.64

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 king of the Sabines.
• * 1.65

  The Ceninians defeated.
• * 1.66

  Their king slain:
• * 1.67

  Romulus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unto Iupiter Feretrius the spoile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King of the Ce∣nitians.
• * 1.68

  By Cornel, Cos∣sus, and M. Mar∣cellus.
• * 1.69

  The Antemnate: overthrown, and their cittie forced
• * 1.70

  Hersilia wise to Romulus.
• * 1.71

  Colonies of Ro∣manes first plan∣ted.
• * 1.72

  The Sabines make warre.
• * 1.73

  The castle of Rome betrained to the Sabines.
• * 1.74

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Sabines Metivs Curtius. Hostius Hostilius
• * 1.75

  ,The praier of Romulus to Iu∣piter stator
• * 1.76

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wo∣m••n to their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 the••••.
• * 1.77

  Quirites.
• * 1.78

  Curtius Lacus.
• * 1.79

  Curi•• 301
• * 1.80

  Centuries.
• * 1.81

  Tatius murdered.
• * 1.82

  A stratage•• of Romulus.
• * 1.83

  The Veientians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Romulus.
• * 1.84

  Truce betweene Romanes and Veientians for an hundred yeares.
• * 1.85

  The commenta∣tion of Romu∣lus.
• * 1.86

  Celeres.
• * 1.87

  Romulus his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.88

  The speech of Proculus Iulius.
• * 1.89

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 betweene the Romans and Sabines for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.90

  The Interro∣gencie.
• * 1.91

  Numa Pompi∣lius.
• * 1.92

  Numa Pompi∣lius declared and inaugurat king.
• * 1.93

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.94

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.95

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.96

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.97

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.98

  〈…〉〈…〉 called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romulus.
• * 1.99

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.100

  〈◊〉〈◊〉,
• * 1.101

  Ancilia••
• * 1.102

  Iupiter Elicius.
• * 1.103

  Aegeria
• * 1.104

  The temple of Faith.
• * 1.105

  Tullus Hostilius
• * 1.106

  〈…〉〈…〉 of the Albanes to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tullus.
• * 1.107

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.108

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.109

  The Oration of Metius unto Tul∣lus.
• * 1.110

  Curiatij•• Horatij.
• * 1.111

  The cruell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 between the brethren Curiatij and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.112

  Horatius killeth his sister.
• * 1.113

  The iudgement of Horatius.
• * 1.114

  P. Horatius the father to the people.
• * 1.115

  The Oration of Tullus.
• * 1.116

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.117

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.118

  The Sabines de∣feited by the Ro∣manes.
• * 1.119

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.120

  Tullus consume I with lightening.
• * 1.121

  Ancus Martius king of Rome.
• * 1.122

  Venus
• * 1.123

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of An∣cus.
• * 1.124

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.125

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 maximus
• * 1.126

  The forme of succeeding a 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.127

  Tanaquil the Queene in to king Tanaqui∣nius.
• * 1.128

  L. Tarquinius the king killed.
• * 1.129

  Tanaquil to Ser∣vius.
• * 1.130

  Tanaquil to the people.
• * 1.131

  Servius Tullius 〈…〉〈…〉-town 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.132

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.133

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.134

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.135

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.136

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.137

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.138

  32 bb. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.139

  6 ••b. 5. shi
• * 1.140

  Pomocrie, what it is.
• * 1.141

  Tullia to her husband.
• * 1.142

  L. Tarquinins his speech to the senatours.
• * 1.143

  ••ervius Tullius ••ilied.
• * 1.144

  Tarnus Herdo∣nius his orations against Tarqui∣nius Superbus.
• * 1.145

  Tarquinius against Turnus Herdonius.
• * 1.146

  Turnus herdo∣nius put to death
• * 1.147

  Tarquinius to the Ar••cines.
• * 1.148

  Suessa Pometia wonne by the Romanes.
• * 1.149

  1070 lib ••terl;
• * 1.150

  Ser: Tarquinins saying, That now to the Gabians.
• * 1.151

  The Gabines to Sextus Tarquini∣us.
• * 1.152

  Sex= Terquinius to the Senators of the Gibins••
• * 1.153

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.154

  Termin••s the 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ounds and Me••rs.
• * 1.155

  Tarquinius Pris∣cus foundeth the temple of the Capitoll.
• * 1.156

  I070 bb. sterl.
• * 1.157

  125000 lib. ster.
• * 1.158

  Iun. Brutts corn∣teriaicech a icole
• * 1.159

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.160

  〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lucretia.
• * 1.161

  Lucretia forced by Tarquinius Sextus.
• * 1.162

  The pittifull plaines of cha•• Lucrece.
• * 1.163

  Lucretia killeth herselfe.
• * 1.164

  The ••emonstranc•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 Brutus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the people against the king and his b••ood.
• * 1.165

  T••••quinius the king banished.
• * 1.166

  Con••••ls first created.