The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XLII. BOOKE OF THE [unspec D] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 42)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and fortith Booke.

[unspec E] FYlvius Flaccus the Censor uncovered the roofe of the church of Iuno Lacinia, which was selated with marble, and all to cover a temple which he had dedicated. But by an act of the Senate he was forced to bestow the sclates there againe. Eumenes the king of Asia complained in the Senat, of Perseus king of Macedonie. His inimies done to the people of Rome are here reported: for the which, defiance was sent, and warre proclaimed against him. P. Licinius Crassus the Consull, unto whom the province of Macedonie was assigned, passed over thither, and in certaine light expeditions, fought sundry battels with Perseus in Thessalie, all by horse-service, but with bad successe. The Senate appointed a day of bearing betweene Masanissa and the Carthaginians, touching the territorie in question. Embassadours were sent in the associate citties and States, and to the consederate kings, to request them to continue loiall and fast in friendship, by reason that the Rhodians stood in doubtfull tearmes. The Censours tooke a review and numbred the citizens of Rome, wherein were enrolled in the subsidie bookes 257231. Moreover, this booke containeth the fortunate exploits against the Islanders of Corsica and the [unspec F] Ligurians.

AFter that L. Posthumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas the Consuls, had be∣fore [unspec G] all other things proposed unto the Senate as touching the governe∣ment of the provinces and conduct of the armies, ordained it was, that Liguria should be the charge as well of the one of them as the other. Al∣so that both of them should levie new legions, (and two apeece they were allowed to have) therewith to defend the said province & keep it in obedi∣ence, besides ten thousand footmen and six hundred horse of Latine allies. Moreover, to enrol three thousand foot, and two hundred horsemen of Ro∣manes for a supplie in Spaine. Last of all, commaunded they were to prest fifteene hundred footmen and a hundred horse of Romane citizens: with which strenght, that Pretour unto whom [unspec H] Sardinia fell, should passe over into Corsica, there to warre, and M. Attilius the old Pretour, in meane time to see unto the government of Sardinia. This done, the Pretours went to cast lots for their provinces. A. Attilius Serranus had the place of lord cheefe justice within the citie, and C. Cluvius Saxul the jurisdiction betweene citizens and forrainers. Vnto Cn. Faebius Buteo fell the higher Spaine, to M. Matienus the lower. M. Furius Crassipes was to governe Sicilie, and C. Cici∣retus Sardinia.

Before that these magistrates tooke their journey, the Senate was of advise, that L. Posthumius the Consul should goe into Campaine, for to limit out the citie-lands apart from the grounds of private persons: for that it was seene and knowne, that particular men setting out their bounds & encroching by little & little upon the Commons, inprocesse of time held a great part of it in [unspec I] their own possession. This Cos. was angrie & offended with the Praenestines, for that upon a time when he went thither amongst them (in qualitie then of a private person) to offer sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, they did him no honour neither in publike nor private. Whereupon, before hee departed now from Rome, hee addressed his letters before him to Praeneste, that the cheefe magistrate should come and meet him upon the way, provide him a lodging at their cities char∣ges, and at his departure from thence, to see that there were sumpter horses and beasts of cariage readie for him. Now before this mans Consulship, the magistrates of Rome had never beene chargeable to their allies not put them to cost for any thing whatsoever: and therefore allowed they were from the citie their mules, set out they were with tents and pavillions, and all other furniture and provision for the warres, to the end that they should not lay upon the allies any [unspec K] such burden. Privat lodging they had in friends houses, which they enterteined courteously and liberally with reciprocall hospitalitie. For at Rome likewise their houses were open to receive those hosts of theirs, with whom they were wont before to have kind usage, and who had bidden them welcome. In like manner, embassadours (if they were sent by chaunce to any place of a so∣daine) imposed upon the towns and cities through which they were to passe, one sumpter horse onely; to farther expence were no allies put for any Romane magistrates. This revenge of the Consull for a discourtesie offered, (due and just though it were, yet not to have beene exerci∣sed during his magistracie) and the silence of the Prenestines (proceeding either of too much modestie or over-great feare) gave occasion to the magistrates ever since to take it for a privi∣ledge and custome to doe the semblable, yea and to charge their allies with more grievous im∣positions [unspec L] everie day than other in the same kind, as if the precedent example had beene ap∣prooved.

In the beginning of this yeere, the embassadours who had beene sent into Aetolia and Ma∣cedonie, made report, That they might not come to the speech of K. Perseus, for that some said he was absent; others, that he was sicke; and the one as false, as the other was untrue: howbeit, they might evidently perceive and see, that preparation was made for warre, and that hee would delay no longer, but enter into armes. In like sort they related, that in Aetolia the civill dissen∣tion and sedition grew daily more and more, neither could the chieftaines of these factions dis∣cords be repressed and held in awe by their countenance and authoritie.

As the citie of Rome was amused upon the continual expectancie of the Macedonian warre, [unspec M] before any enterprise thereof begun, thought good it was and requisite, that order first should be taken for the expiation of prodigies, and the pacification of the gods, by way of humble prai∣ers, such as were represented and delivered unto them out of the fatall bookes of Sibylla. For at Lanuvium were seene, as the common voice went, certaine shewes and resemblances of a

[unspec A] mightie great navie. Item, At Privernum there grew blacke wooll out of the earth. Also in the Veientian territorie, neere a towne called Remens, it rained stones. Moreover, all the countrey Pomptinum was overcast (as it were) with clouds of Locusts, and within the land of Gallia, there were seen certain fishes to leap from under the clots of earth, that were turned with the plow as it took stitch and made surrow. For these straunge and fearfull sights, the foresaid bookes were loo∣ked into and perused, and out of them the Decemvirs declared & pronounced, both unto what gods sacrifice should be offered, and what beast were to be slain therfore: moreover, that the one supplication should bee holden, as propitiatorie for those prodigious tokens, as also the other, which the yeare before had been vowed for the health of the people, should now bee performed, and holydaies kept therefore. So the sacrifices were accomplished according to the order and forme set downe in writing by the Decemvirs.

[unspec B] The very same yeere was the church of Iuno Lacinia uncovered, upon this occasion: Q.Ful∣vius Flaccus the Censor was building of a temple to Fortuna equestris, which hee had vowed du∣ring the warre against the Celtiberians, when he was lord pretour in Spaine. His desire and ear∣nest endevor was to straine himselfe, that there might not be in Rome a temple of more state and magnificence than this. And supposing that it would be a great beautie and ornament unto it, in case the roofe were covered with tiles of marble, hee went into the Brutians countrey, and there he was so bold with the church abovesaid of Iuno Licinia, as to untile the one halfe thereof, ma∣king full account, that so much would served for to cover that temple which hee was a building. Boates and barges hee had readie for to receive and carrie away the said tiles or sclates, without [unspec C] being empeached or controlled for this sacriledge by the allies, whom he held in awe and frigh∣ted by his Censorian authoritie. Now after the Censor was returned to Rome, those marble sclates were disbarked out of the foresaid vessels, and conveighed to the temple. And albeit no words were made from whence they came, yet concealed it could not bee. And hereupon arose much muttering in the Senate, and from all parts thereof they called hard upon the Consuls, to have the matter put to question and debated of. The Censor was sent for, who was no sooner entered into the Senate, but both all in generall, and also every one in particu∣lar had a fling at him, and much more sharpely reproched him to his face in these tearmes, That hee could not bee content to abuse and violate the most holy and stately church in those parts, which neither Pyrrhus nor Anniball ever offered violence unto, unlesse he uncovered it [unspec D] also in foule sort, and in manner laid it ruinate. The lanterne thereof was taken away and gone, the rouse left bare and naked, exposed and open to raine and soule weather, and thereby subject to rot: that hee being chosen Censor for to reforme the manners of other; to whome it appertained by his office (after the auncient maner and custome) to see that the tem∣ples were close and covert; to call upon, that all publicke places be kept wind-tight and water∣tight, and in sufficient repaire: that he (I say) of all others should raunge over the cities of allies and consederate States, pulling downe their temples as hee goeth, and uncovering the roases of the sacred edifices, and in demolishing the churches of the immortall gods, commit that, which if he did but practise upon the privat houses of allies, might seem an unworthie act and a great indignitie: and finally, by rearing one temple with the ruine of another, obligue the peo∣ple of Rome with the verie guilt of his owne crime: as if (ywis) the immortall gods were not the [unspec E] same in all places, but that we must honour and adorne some of them with the spoile of others. Now as it was apparent (before the matter was put to the censure of the Senate) which way the LL. enclined in opinion: so immediately upon the proposing thereof, they all opined and gave one sentence, That order should bee taken with the publicanes of the citie workes, for the carrying backe againe of the same sclates to the former temple, and that certaine propitiato∣rie sacrifices should bee offered for the pacification of Iuno. As for all ceremonies requisite to∣ward the divine service aforesaid, they were with all complements performed accordingly: but the farmers who had undertaken at a price to recarie those tiles, brought word that they had lan∣ded them in the churchyard, and there left them, because they might not meet with any worke∣man, [unspec F] who could devise with all the skill & cunning he had, how to bestow them as they were laid and couched before.

Of those Pretours who were gone into their provinces, M. Fabius as he was in his journey to∣ward high Spaine, died at Massiles by the way: and therefore upon intelligence given thereof by the Massilian embassadours, the Senate ordained that P. Furius and Cn. Servilius, whome to

succeed others were to be sent, should cast lost betweene themselves, whether of them should [unspec G] continue still in government, and have the charge of high Spaine. And the lot fell out very well and fit, that the said P. Furius who had ruled the said province before, should there remaine.

The same yere, by occasion that a good part of the Ligutians and Gaules territorie woon by conquest, lay void and was not as yet in the tenor and occupation of any man, there passed an Act of the Senate, that it should be divided by the poll. So, A. Attilius the L. chiefe Iustice of the cittie of Rome, by vertue of a decree graunted out of the Senat, created ten Decemvirs or com∣missioners for that purpose, to wit, M. Aemylius Lepidus, C. Cassius, T. Ebutius Parrus, C. Tremel∣lius, P. Cornelius Cethegus, I and L. both named Apulius, M. Caecilius, C. Salonius, and C. Munati∣us. To every Romane cittizen they set out ten acres apeece: and to the Latine allies three.

About the same time that these affaires passed at Rome, there arrived thither embassadours [unspec H] out of Aetolia, about their owne civill discords and seditions. Likewise there came others from Thessalie, reporting what was a doing in Macedonie. For Perseus (casting now in his mind how to compasse that war, which during his fathers life he devised and thought upon) endevoured to draw and win unto him not onely all the nations but the citties of Greece, by sending his embas∣sages among them, and promising liberally more than he performed. Howbeit the hearts of the most part were inclined to him and favoured his dessignes, yea and much more affectionate than to king Eumenes: notwithstanding that all the Sates of Greece, and most of the principall personages were obliged unto Eumenes, & in fee as it were with him, in regard of many courte∣sies and gracious favours received at his hands: and that hee carried himselfe so in his owne realme, that the citties which were subject unto him, were not willing to change their condition [unspec I] with any of the free States whatsoever. Whereas contrariwise, the bruite went, that Perseus after his fathers decease, killed his wife with his owne hands: and likewise secretly murdred Apelles, whose ministrie and service in former time he had used in taking away the life of his brother De∣metrius: for which cause he lived in exile, because Philip made search after him for to have him punished accordingly; him (I say) he murdered, after he had sent for him upon his fathers death, and procured him to come unto him, with great promises to recompence him highly for the execution of the foresaid fact. Yet as infamous & spotted as he was with these domesticall mur∣ders (besides many other massacres of straungers abroad) and for no good part and worthie de∣sert otherwise commendable; he was commonly more esteemed & better regarded of the States of the countrie than king Enmenes, a prince so kind and good to his kinsfolke, so just and righte∣ous [unspec K] to his subjects, so bounteous and respective to all men; whether it were that they, possessed aforehand with the same and majestie of the Macedonian kings, despised the rising of this new kingdome; or that they were desirous of novelties and alterations; or lastly, that they wished and had a desire that he should make head against the Rumanes.

Now were not the Aetolians onely together by the eares among themselves, by reason they were dived so deepe in debt, but the Thessalians also: and this pestilent maladie as it were by catching and infection, was spread as farre as Perrhoebia. But after that the Senat was advertised that the Thessalians had taken armes, they sent App. Claudius as embassadour to see and appease those troubles: who having rebuked and chastifed the chieftaines of both sides, eased and stricken off a great part of the debt, which grew burdensome and grievous by excesse usurie, and [unspec L] that with consent of the most of the creditours, who had thus overcharged their debtours, hee parted the paiment of the due debt and principall, by even portions for certaine yeeres. The troblesom state of Perrhoebia likewise was reduced into good terms of quietnes, by the self-same Appius, and after the same order. And at the very same instant Marcellus visited the Aetolians, and tooke knowledge at Delphi of their troubles and garboiles which proceeded from very hostile hearts and minds, enemielike, and were pursued with civill war. And when hee saw that they con∣tended and strove avie to surpasse one another in rash courses and audacious; hee would by his decree neither charge nor discharge the one partie more than the other: but he requested them indifferently on both sides, to absteine from warre, to make an end of discord and dissention, and burie all that was past in perpetuall oblivion. Whereupon they were reconciled: & this their at∣tonement [unspec M] was ratified with the assurance of pledges interchangeably given: and accorded it was, they should meete at Corinth, there to bestow their hostages. From Delphi and that generall diet of Aetolia, Marcellus crossed the seas into Peloponnesus, where he had appointed and publi∣shed a solemne assembly and counsell of the Achaens. Wherein hee highly praised and com∣mended

[unspec A] the whole nation, for observing so stedfastly their old decree, wherby they debarred and excluded the Macedonian kings out of their confines, he declared evidently & presented to the view of all the world, what malice & hatred the Romans bare to Perseus. And that it might break out the sooner into open warres, king Eumenes came to Rome, and brought with him a note or abstract of all the preparations for the warre, which with diligent search and enquire into parti∣culars, he had gathered.

Much about the same time, the five Embassadours sent unto king Perseus for to see into the affaires of Macedonie, were commaunded to take a voyage as farre as Alexandria, for to renew the old amitie with king Ptolomaeus. The names of them were these, C. Valerius, Cn. Lutatius Cer∣co, I. Baebius Sulca, M. Cornelius Mammula, and M. Caecilius Denter. And even then or not much [unspec B] after, there came embassadours from king Antiochus: and the chief & principall person among them, one Apolonius, was admitted to come into the Senat, where he excused the K. his maister for many good & just reasons, in that he had not sent his tribute and made paiment so soon as he ought by the day appointed: but now (he said) that he had brought it all, to the end that the king should be to them beholden for nothing but the respite of time only. And besides, that they were come with a present of certaine plate of gold, weighing three hundred pound. That the king his petition was, That the societie and friendship which had bene contracted between his father and them, might be renued also with him: promising, that if the people of Rome would impose anything upon him to be done, which were meet to be laid upon a good and faithfull allie, hee would not saile in his devoire to performe all offices whatsoever. For why, the Senate had so well deserved of him, at what time as he sojourned in Rome, and such courtesie he sound among the [unspec C] floure of the Romane young gentlemen, that of all degrees and sorts of men, he was reputed and used more like a king indeed, than an hostage for the time. These embassadours received a gra∣cious answere: and withall, A. Attilius the Pretour of the cittie was enjoyned to renew the league with Antiochus, which had bene concluded with his father. As for the tribute, the treasurers of the citie received it: and the Censors tooke all the golden vessels aforesaid, who had the charge to bestow the same in what temples they thought good. Vnto the chiefe embassadour was sent a present in money, amounting to the summe of one hundred thousand Asses: who also was alow∣ed an house to lodge in at his pleasure of free-cost: and all his charges were defraied by the citie, during the time that he made abode in Italie. The embassadours who had bene in Syria, gave this report of him, That he was a man in great favour and highly honoured with the king: and [unspec D] besides, singularly well affected to the people of Rome. Now concerning the affaires of the pro∣vinces for that yeere, thus much as followeth.

C. Cicercius the Pretour fought in raunged battaile with the enemies in Corsica, wherin seven thousand of the Ilanders were slaine: and 1700 and better taken prisoners. In that conflict the Pretour had vowed to build the chappell of Iuno Moneta. After this, was peace granted to the Corsians at their owne suit and seeking: but they were compelled to pay two hundred thousand pound weight of waxe. Cicerius having thus subdued Corsica, passed from thence over into Sardinia. A field also was fought in Liguria, within the territorie of the Statellates, neere the towne Caristus: for thither assembled a great armie of the Ligurians. At first upon the ar∣rivall [unspec E] of M. Popilius the Consull, they kept close within the walles: but afterwards seeing the Romanes at the point to give assault and to lay batterie to the wals, they issued forth of the gates and embattailed themselves. The Consull for his part for slowed not to come to hand-fight, the onely thing he sought for in threatning to give assault. The medley continued above 3 houres, and the hope of victorie hung in equall ballance: which when the Cos. perceived, namely, how the Ligurian ensignes removed not and gave no ground; hee commaunded his Cavallerie to mount on horsebacke, and to charge with all their force and violence upon their enemies in three severall places: many of these horsemen pierced quite through the middest of the bat∣taile, and passed so farre, that they charged the enemies upon the backe as they fought, Whereupon the Ligurians were much terrified, and began to flie from all parts: very few reti∣red [unspec F] back into the citie, by reason that the horsemen made head against them that way most: be∣sides, many of the Ligurians wer left dead in the place, such was their resolute persistance in fight: killed also they were every where as they fled. Ten thousand (by report) fell upon the edge of the sword, above seven hundred taken prisoners in one place or other, and 82 militarie ensigns were caried away. And yet was not this victorie without effusion of Romane blood: for there died of

them not so few as three thousand souldiours, by reason that the formost of both sides fought so [unspec G] manfully in the forefront, and while they would not give ground one to the other, were stric∣ken downe and slaine without mercie. After this battaile, the Ligurians rallied themselves into one place, out of all parts where they were scattered in the rout; and seeing that more of their men were lost than left behind (for in all they were not above ten thousand) they yeelded sim∣ply without any composition: howbeit in good hope they were, that the Consull would not deale worse by them nor in more rigorous manner than other Generals before him. But he dis∣armed them all, rased their towne, sold their bodies and all that they had, and sent letters to the Senat of these exploits of his. Which when A. Attilius the Pretour had read in the Senat, (for the other Consull Posthumius was absent, by occasion that he was employed in the survey and visiting of the lands in Campania) they thought it a verie hard and cruell course, that the Sta∣tellates, who onely of all the Ligurians had not borne armes against the Romanes, who were [unspec H] then assailed first when as they began not of their owne accord to make war, who also put them∣selves into the protection of the Romanes, should be thus rigorously intreated, thus some, dis∣membred and consumed in most cruell maner: that so many thousand of franke condition, in∣nocent persons, and imploring the mercie of the Romanes, should be thus sold out-right, (a most daungerous example, that never hereafter any one will venture to submit himselfe again:) and finally, that they should be distracted and carried away into all parts, to live in slaverie un∣der them, who having been sometimes prosessed enemies of the Romans, now enjoy peace and repose. In regard hereof, there passed and arest or act of the Senat, that M. Popilius the Consull should pay backe the price unto the buyers, and restore the Ligurians to their former libertie; to take order also that their goods (as much as possibly might be recovered) should be rendred [unspec I] unto them: also that armour should be made in that nation with all speed possible, and that the Consull so soone as he had reestablished the Ligurians (upon their submission) in their former estate, should depart out of the province; for as much as the honour of victorie consisted not in exercising crueltie upon the poore and afflicted, but in vanquishing the obstinate. But the Consull, as he bare himselfe proud and cruell against the Ligurians, so he shewed as great frow∣ardnesse and disobedience to the Senat. And having sent away the legions to winter in Pisae, he returned to Rome, carrying a sell and angrie stomacke against the LL. and as spightfull and ma∣licious a mind to the Pretour: where immediatly he assembled the Senat in the temple of Bello∣na, and ratled up the Pretour in broad and grosse tearmes. For that he, whose part it had been to [unspec K] have mooved the Senat for thankesgiving to the immortall gods, in regard of the happie at∣chievement of the wars, instead ther of passed and act of the Senat against him and in favor of the enemies, for to put him by his victorie and to give it away from him to the Ligurians; and finally being no better than a Pretour, would have had the Consull yeelded in manner up into their hands. Whereupon he said that he would be so bold as set a fine on his head: and withall, he re∣quired the LL. of the Senat to command and ordeine, That the arest devised against him might be reversed; and to give order, that the processions which in his absence they ought to have de∣creed (upon his letters sent of his good successe) might now be holden; in consideration first of the honour due to the immortall gods, and then respectively in some measure for his owne desert. But after hee was checked by some of the Senatours to his face, and that in no milder tearmes than he had been rebuked in his absence, he went his waies into his province again, and [unspec L] obtained neither the one suit nor the other.

The other Consull Posthumius having spent the whole summer in surveying the lands onely, and never so much as seene his owne province, returned to Rome against the generall assembly for election, and created Consuls C. Popilius Laenas. Consequently were Pretors elected, to wit, C. Licinius Crassus, M. Iunius Paenus, Sp. Lucretius, Sp. Cluvius, Cn. Sicinius, and C. Memius, the second time. In that yeere was holden a review of the citie and the number taken of citizens, (when as Q.Fulvius Flaccus and L. Posthumius Albinus were Censors:) wherein were found and enrolled of Romane citizens 269015. The number was somewhat the lesse, by reason that L. Posthumius the Consull had proclaimed in a publick audience, That no person of those Latin al∣lies [unspec M] who were to returne into their own citties (by vertue of an edict made when C. Claudius was Consull) should be enrolled into the subsidie booke at Rome, but every man in his severall cit∣tie. This Censorship was administred with concord and unitie, yea and to the good and profit of the common-weale. What Senatours soever they deposed from their place and dignitie, and

[unspec A] so many gentlemen of Rome as they tooke their horses from, they made them all no better than contributaries to pay all skot and lot, yea and displaced them out of their tribes. And looke whomsoever the one of them noted with disgrace and ignominie, he was not relieved nor allow∣ed againe by the other. This Fulvius dedicated the temple of* 1.1Fortuha equeslris, now six yeers after he had vowed the same in a battaile which he fought with the Celtiberians, at what time as he was Proconsull in Spaine: likewise the exhibited the stage-plaies for foure daies togither, and one day in the cirque or shew-place. Corn. Lentulus (a Decemvir for the holy rites and sacrifices) that yeer died; in whose roume was substituted A. Posthumius Albinus. There were such mightie drifts and clouds as it were of locusts, brought sodainly at once by a wind from the sea into A∣pulia, that with their swarmes they overspread all the field farre and neere. For the riddance of which noisome vermine consuming the fruits of the earth, Cn. Sicinius, Pretour elect, was sent [unspec B] with his full commission of commaund into Apulia, who assembled a mightie number of peo∣ple for to gather them up, and emploied a great time thereabout.

In the beginning of the yeere ensuing, wherein C. Popilius and P. Aelius were Consuls, the remnant of the debates which arose the yeere before, was set on foot againe. The LL. of the Senat would have had the matter proposed & debated again as touching the Ligurians, and the ordinance of the Senat in that behalfe renewed. But, as Aelius the one Consul put up a bill ther∣of, so Popilius the other was an earnest suiter, and besought both his collegue and also the Senat in the behalfe of his brother; nay he proceeded so far, that he gave the house to understand, in case they went about any such decree prejudicial unto him, he would crosse & revoke the same: [unspec C] by which countenance of his he affrighted his colleague; but the LL. were offended so much the more and stormed against both the Consuls, yea and persisted still in their enterprise. And therfore when it was debated in counsell as concerning the provinces, albeit the Coss. made meanes to be sent into Macedonie (because the war of Perseus was so neere at hand) yet Liguria was assigned to both of them: for the LL. protested and said, That they would not passe a decree for the government of Macedonie, unlesse the case of Popilius were propounded, and an act therof entred. Afterwards, when they demanded a warrant to enroll new armies, or at least-wise to levie a supply for making up the old, both the one motion and the other was denied. The Pretors also, who required to have a supplement with them into Spain, had a nay: and namely, M. Tinius into the hither province, and P. Lucretius into the fatther. As for C. Licinius Crassus, to him [unspec D] there fell by lot the jurisdiction within the citie over citizens, and to Cn. Sicinius that other over forreiners, C. Memmius was alloted to Sicilie, and Sp. Cluvius to Sardinia. The Consuls for these causes being highly offended and angrie with the Senate, caused the Latine feasts and ho∣lidaies to be published against the very first day that possibly they might, with an intimation that they would goe straight into their province, and not attend the managing of any affaires tou∣ching the State, but onely that which directly pertained to their government.

Valerius Antias writeth, that in these Consuls yeere, Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes came in embassage to Rome, to enforme criminous matter against Perseus, and to give the particu∣lars of the preparation that he made for warre. But the Annales of many other writers (more worthie of credit than he) deliver unto us, that K. Eumenes presented himselfe in proper person: [unspec F] where he was received with such honour, as the people of Rome thought not onely meet and agreeable for his deserts, but also fit and surable to their owne favours and benefits, which they had in ample manner conferred and in great number heaped upon him.

And then he had audi∣ence given him in the Senate, where he shewed the cause of his comming to Rome what it was; namely,* 1.2(besides and servent desire that he had to see those gods and men, by whose grace and fa∣vour he enjoyed so good estate, as better hee durst not wish:) because hee gladly would advertise the Senat by word of mouth, to prevent and withstand the designes of Perseus. And beginning his speech with the platformes and enterprises of Philip, hee recounted withall, how it cost his soone Demetrius his life, for that he stood against the warre with the Romanes: moreover, how he had caused the whole nation of the Bastarians to quit their owne countrey where they were [unspec F] born and bred, to the end, that by their aid he might passe over into Italie: but whiles (quoth he) these matters he projected and cast in his head, his time was come, and arrested he was by death: but he left his kingdome to him, whom he knew to be the most despiteous enemie that the Ro∣manes had. And therfore Perseus having received this war (as a man would say) by way of inheri∣tance left him by his father even together with the crown & scepter, from the very first day of his

raigne, doth nought els but entertaine, foster, and promote the same, by all the meanes and de∣vises [unspec G] that possibly he can. Mightie and puissant he is besides in number of young, lustie, and able men for service, who during the time of long peace have sprung up and multiplied exceedingly. In wealth and riches a great potentate he is, and besides in his flourishing years and the best time of his age which as it is accompanied with the very strength and vigor of his bodie, so his spirit and mind is inured and hardened with skilfull experience and long practise of martiall seats. For from his very infancie nuzzled hath he been in the field and campe, conversing ordinarily with∣in the roiall tent and pavillion of his father, acquainted with the warres, not onely waged against neighbour nations, but also against the Romans; and that which more is, emploied by his father in many and sundrie expeditions and executions of service. But since that himselfe entered upon the kingdome, and swaied the regall scepter in his owne hand, hee hath exploited and accompli∣shed [unspec H] many things with mervellous felicitie and successe, which his father Philip before him could never compasse and effect, notwithstanding he tried and assaied all means, as well of open force as secret sraud. To augment this greatnesse of his, he hath purchased alreadie that authoritie and reputation in the world, which others hardly in continuance of long time, and by many favors and ample benefits attaine unto: and namely, throughout the States of Greece and Asia, all men reverence his majestie. For what good turns, for what pleasures done, for what bountie of his they should thus doe and honour him so much, neither see I, neither can I say for certaintie; whether it happen by a speciall gift and fortune that hee hath of his owne, or that (which I am myselfe afraid to speake) it be the deepe malice and hatred which he hath conceived against the Romans, which is the cause that he is of that countenance and so gracious among them. Nay, with the ve∣ry [unspec I] kings and princes of other nations he is highly esteemed & of passing authoritie. The daugh∣ter of Seleucus he hath taken to wife, without any suit of his owne, but being earnestly wooed and requested thereunto. And to Prusias he hath given his owne sister in mariage, after much seeking and instant intreatie. These two weddings were solemnized with the exceeding joy and innumera∣ble presents of infinite embassages: and whould be present to celebrate the Auspices and complements, yea, and give those spouses in marriage, but the noblest and most renowmed States that were? The Baeotian nation had been much sollicited by Philip, yet could never bee in∣duced to draw or pen any covenants of accord and amitie with him: but now there is to be seene a league engrossed, yea, and engraven in three severall conspicuous places, the one in Thebes, a second at Sidenum, within a most holy, sacred and renowmed temple, and the third at Delphi. [unspec K] What should I speake of the generall counsell of the Achaeans? wherein, had not the dessigne beene dashed by some there in place, who intimated and alleadged hard the seignorie and em∣pire of the Romanes, it would have gone very hard, but that he should have serfoot even within Achaea. But contrariwise, I assure you, my due and deserved honors (unto whom it is hard to say, whether they bee more bounden and obligued for private pleasures or publicke benefites) are either forlet through rechlesse difuse and negligence, or els annulled and abolished of wilfull malice and hostile hatred. As for the Aetolians, who knoweth not, that in their civile broiles and feditions, they sought to Perseus for releefe and succour, and not to the Romanes? Being thus up∣held with societies and amities, he hath provided such furniture of his own, and made that prepa∣ration for war at home, as he needs none from abroad. Of himselfe he is thirtie thousand strong [unspec L] in foot, and five thousand in horse. For ten yeares he is stored with corne aforehand, so as for that kind of purveiance he may spare his owne territories, and also forbeare his enemies. As for mony in readie coine, he hath such abundance, that over and above the forces of naturall Macedoni∣ans, hee wageth ten thousand mercenarie souldiours, and hath wherewith to make due pay for as many yeeres, besides the yearely customes and profites that atise out of the kings mines. Now for armour, he hath gathered together into his arcenals and armories, sufficient to furnish three such armies. What should I speake of the youth and serviceable men for warre? Set the case that Macedonie failed him and were not able to find ynough; all Thrace is subject unto him, from whence he may serve his turne as out of an ever-running fountaine and lively spring. The rest of his speech he knit up with an exhortation in this manner. I relate not these things (quoth he) my [unspec M] LL. of Rome, as blowne abroad and vented by headlesse hearsay and doubtfuli rumors; neither have I ben so readie to beleeve them, as a man desirous that such criminous imputations should be verified upon my enemie; but as undoubted and certaine reports upon mine own knowledge, as if I had been sent by you of speciall purpose to be aspie: and declared that and no more, which

[unspec A] I had seene with mine eies and not otherwise. Neither would I have left mine owne realme, wher∣in (by your means & goodnes) in glorious and magnificent State I sit warme ynough, for to saile over so large a sea as I have done, & to carrie vain tales and untruths to you, thereby to crack my credite with you for ever hereafter. But I tell you, these eies of mine have seene the most renow∣med and noblest cities of Asia and Greece, discovering more and more from day to day, what they intend and what their meaning is: who, if they bee let alone and permitted to run on as they begin, would be engaged so far, as they might not possibly returne againe and save them∣selves by any repentance. Beheld I have Perseus (I say) how hee containeth not within the realme of Macedonie, but one while seizeth upon this by force of armes, anotherwhile gaineth and get∣teth that by favour and good will, which with violence hee could never have conquered. I per∣ceived [unspec B] and considered well how unequall the match and condition is, whiles hee upon you pre∣pareth warre, and you againe performe to him securitie of peace. Although in my conceit, and so farre as I could see into it, hee made no more any preparation thereof, but was alreadie upon action and execution. For he chased Abrupolis, a confederate prince and friend of yours, forth of his kingdome. And Arietarus the Illyrian, another of your associates and allies, he killed outright, because hee found that he had written some letters unto you. As for Eversa and Caellicrates, both Thebanes, and two principal States of that citie, for no other reason, but because in a parliament of the Baeotians, they had spoken their mind against him too franckely, and avowed that they would repeat unto you what things had passed, hee caused to be made away and murdered. The Bizantines hee succoured against the order taken in the accord: upon Dolopia hee levied warre: [unspec C] Thessalie and Doris both hee invaded and overran with his armie, to the end, that in some inte∣stine and civile war, by the help of the worse part he might afflict and plague the better. He shuf∣fled all together, and made a very confusion of the State in Thessalie and Perrhaebia, upon the hope of cancelling all bonds and crossing out all debt bookes; that thus by a power and multi∣tude of bankrupts, such as were over-deeply engaged, and whom he had obligued and bound to himselfe, hee might depresse and oppresse the great men and principall personages. Having wrought these practise uncontrolled, whiles you sit still looking on and suffring all, he seeing you to let him doe with Greece what he list, maketh full account, that no man will put on armes and make head against him, before he bee passed over into Italie. How safe this may bee for you, nay how this can stand with credite and honestie, see you to that and bee advised. For my selfe, I as∣sure [unspec D] you, I thought it a meere shame and very villanie, that Perseus your enemie should enter in∣to Italie to make war upon you, before that I, your friend and allie, came to give you warning for to take heed and stand upon your guard. Now since I have in this manner performed my devoire, done that office which I was bound unto of necessitie, and in some measure acquit my selfe and discharged my bounden dutie and obligation of fidelitie; what remaineth more behind for mee to doe, but to be your beadsman to all the gods and goddesses, to vouchsafe you that grace, that you may provide both for your own Commonweale; and also for us your friends and allies, who depend wholly and only upon you? In this last speech he came neere unto the LL. of the Senat, and touched them to the quick.

But for the present no man might know any thing, but only that the king had been in the Senat, so silent were they all, and kept the counsel-house close shut with [unspec E] secrefie. But after the warre was brought to an end, then came abroad, both what the king spake, and what answere was returned to him againe.

Some few daies after, the Senate sat to give audience unto the embassadours of king Per∣scus: but having their minds and eares both, possessed aforehand by king Eu••nenes, all the defence that the embassadours made, and all the entreatie they used, was rejected. Besides, the stoutnes used by Harpalus (the principall person of the embassie) moved their patience and exasperated their stomackes.

For he said, that indeed the kings desire and endevour, to bee credited and beleeved in his Apologie and defence, That he neither had said nor done any thing founding to hostilitie: mary, in case he perceived and saw, that they came upon him thus, and would needs picke quarrels and give occasions of warrre, he would stand upon his guard, and defend himselfe [unspec F] with a resolute and valiant courage. For the hazard of the field was common, and the issue of warre uncertaine. Now, all the cities of Greece and Asia both, would rather than their lives have knowne what the embassadours of Perseus, and what Eumenes had done in the Senate: for in re∣gard of his comming, most of the states (supposing verify that hee would stirre coales and make lome worke) had sent their embassadours to Rome, pretending colourably other matters in sem∣blance

but indeed to listen after news: and among the rest, was the embassage of the Rhodians, [unspec G] and the chiefe thereof was one Satyres, who made no question nor doubt, but that Eumenes had done their errand, and put their cittie and Perseus together in all the criminall matters laid to his charge.

And therefore hee made all the meanes that possibly hee could by the meditation of pa∣trons, friends, and acquaintance, to debate the matter with king Eumenes before the bodie of the Senate: which when he had obtained, his tongue walked at large, and overbold hee was and too round with the king, in broad invectives and intempe rate tearms: namely, that he had soli∣cited and stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians, & was an heavier friend un∣to Asia than Anttochus had bene. Which speech of his as it was palusible enough & pleasing to the States of Asia (for they likewise by this time inclined to affect and favour Perseus) so it was unsaverie altogether and odious to the Senate, and nothing profitable to themselves and their [unspec H] cittie, But contratriwise, this banding and conspiracie against Eumenes, wan him the more grace and favor among the Romanes; so as they did him all the honor they could, gave him most rich and costly presents, and endowed him with a curule chaire of estate, and a staffe or scepter, both of yvorie.

After these embassages had their dispatch and were dismissed, Harpalus returned into Mace∣donie in all speed and hast possible, relating unto the king, how hee had left the Romanes not preparing as yet for warre; but so farre out with him & so highly offended, that it appeared evi∣dently it would not belong are they began. And Perseus againe for his part, besides that he loo∣ked for no other, was well enough pleased therwith, presuming upon the floure & strength of his forces. But above all other he maliced Eumenes most: with whose bloud he laid the first founda∣tion [unspec I] of the warre: for the suborned one Evander a Candiot and captaine under him of certaine auxiliarie souldiours, and three Macedonians besides (whose service and ministrie he had used in the like feats) to murder the king. Hee gave them letters addressed to one Praxo an hostesse of his, a jollie, dame in Delphi, and of greatest credite and wealth among them. For assured hee was, that Eumenes minded to go up to Delphi, there to sacrifice unto Apollo. These traitors toge∣ther with Evander set forward; & to execute this their dessigned enterprise, they looked all about and sought for nothing but the opportunitie of some place or other. Now, as men ascend from Cirrha to the temple, before they come to any place much peopled and frequented with hou∣ses, there stood a mound or mud-wal on the left hand of the path or way, rising somewhat higher than the foundation and ground-worke; along which wall there was passage for one by one & no [unspec K] more: for on the right hand the earth was broken downe and fallen, and a breach made of some good depth. Behind that mound aforesaid, these traitors had hidden themselves, & raised some steps like staires; to the end that from above, as from the top of a wal, they might discharge their shot upon king Eumenes as he passed by. Before him their marched from the sea, at the first a sort of his friends and followers, together with his guard intermingled one with another; but after∣wards as the way grew more streight and narrow, the traine waxed thinner. But when they were once come to the place where they could not goe but by one at once, Pantaleon one of the States and princes of Aetolia, with whom the king had begun some communication, entred first into the narrow path aforesaid: with that, the knaves that lay in waite behind, rose up and rolled downe two huge stones, whereof the one smote the king upon the head, the other aslo∣nished [unspec L] his shoulder. And verily all the rest of his friends and followers, seeing him fall with the blow, fled some one way, some another: only Pantaleon staied behind all, fearlesse, to protect and guard the king. The murderous villaines might have fetched a short compasse about the wall, and soone runne to the king to make sure worke and dispatch him quite: but they supposing they had done the deed alreadie, fled to the fitch of the mount Pernaslus, and made such hast, that when one of their companie hindered and staied their running, because he dragged behind and could not keepe pace and follow them hard at heeles through those steepe and blind waies, they made no more adoe but killed him outright, for feare least if the were taken, hee should bewray and disclose the whole treason. The body of the king lay along on the ground: & first his friends came running about him, then his guard & houshold servants. When they reared him up, they [unspec M] found him astonied with the stroke and altogether senselesse in a traunce: howbeit by some heat remaining, and the beating of his heart, they perceiued there was some life, but little or no hope they had that he could escape and live. Some there were of his guard and pensioners about him, that made pursuite after these murderers by their tracts: and when they had held on their

[unspec A] chase as farre as to the crest of Pernassus, wearying themselves to no purpose, they gave over and returned as wise as they went. The Macedonians as they had begun an audacious enterprise in∣consideratly, so they left it undone as fearfully and without advise. Now by this time was the king come again to himself. And the morrow after, his friends conveied him to his ship; from thence to Corinth; and from Corinth along the streights of Isthmus they brought their vessels,& cros∣sed over to Aegina: where his cute was caried so close and secret, without admitting any person to come unto him, that the rumor ran into Asia how he was dead. And Attalus his brother (by your leave) gave good care therto, & beleeved the news sooner than was beseeming brotherly love and unitie. For he entred into such talke both with his brothers wife, and also with the captaine of the castle, as if he had bene the undoubted heire and assured inheritor of the crowne. All this Eume∣nes [unspec B] knew full well afterwards: who albeit he purposed to dissimule the matter, and to put it up, at leastwise with silence; yet at their first encounter and meeting together, he could not hold, but reproved and reproached his brother, for being so forward and over-hastie to court and woe his wife. The bruite also was blowne to Rome, and a blunder there was of the death of king Eu∣menes.

About the same time C. Valerius was returned out of Greece, who had bene sent thither as em∣bassadour to looke into the state of the countrie; to marke also and observe the plots and pro∣ceedings of king Perseus. He reported all things sutable and agreeable to the intelligences given by king Eumenes, and withall, brought with him from Delphi dame Proxo, in whose house those villanous traitours were lodged and harboured: also one L. Ramnius a Brundusian, who enfor∣med [unspec C] moreover and gave evidence as followeth. This Ramnius was one of the principall citizens of Brundusium, & used to lodge and entertaine in his house, not onely all the Romane captains when they came to towne, but also the embassadours of forreine nations, such as were of greatest marke, & principally those that were sent from any kings. By this means, acquainted he grew with Perseus, albeit they never had seene one anothers face. And being invited by the king his letters, wherein he was promised great hope of some nere and inward friendship above others, and con∣sequently of great preferments therby, he made a journie unto him. Within a short time he was wound into very familiar acquaintance with the king, and drawne into private conference & dis∣course of secrets, farther ywis, than himselfe was willing or well liked of. For the king dealt with him, yea and importuned him with instant praiers and large behests of rich rewards, that for as [unspec D] much as all the Romane captaines and embassadours used to take his house for their Inne, he would cause as many of them as he writ for, to be poisoned, Now for that hee knew it was a right difficult and dangerous matter to come by such a poison and compasse this project, especially if many were partie & privie to him: and besides, the event uncertaine, either in the effect of the drug it selfe to be strong, quicke, and forcible enough to doe the feate: or in the secret working thereof, lest it should be found and spied; he would therefore put into his hands such a poison, as neithier in the giving, nor after it was giuen, might be knowne by any signe whatsoever. Ram∣nius fearing least if hee refused and denied, hee should be the first man to take assay & make ex∣periment of the poison, promised so to doe, and then departed. But returne to Brundusium hee would not, before he had spoken with C. Valerius the Embassadour, who then sojorned (as hee [unspec F] heard say) about Chalcis. First unto him he revealed this plot, & by his commandement came along with him to Rome: where being brought into the Senate, after audience given, hee laid abroad in every point all that had passed. This new matter, over and besides those which Eume∣nes had reported, was the cause that Perseus was the sooner taken for an enemie, and so declared: the rather because they saw him not onely about to make open warre of a princely and royall mind, but also to practise and execute privilie all kind of mischiefe, by way of covert brigan∣dage, theevish stealth, and secret poison. The mannaging of this warre was put off and refer∣red to the new Consuls: howbeit for the present ordained it was, that Cn. Sicintus the Pretour, who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and staungers, should levie and enroll soldiours, who being conducted to Brundusium, should with all convenient speed commit to sea, and [unspec F] saile over to Apollonia in Epirus, for to seize upon the maritime citties: to the end that the Consull unto whom the province of Macedonia should be allotted, might arrive there with his vessells in safetie, and set his forces on land with ease.

Eumenes, after he had been kept a long while at Aegina, during the time of his hard and dan∣gerous cure, so soone as ever he might goe safely abroad, went to Pergamus; where, over and

besides the old hatred setled in his breast, being pricked also with this fresh and bleeding villa∣nie [unspec G] practised by Perseus, he prepared warre with all his power to the utterance: and thither repai∣red unto him embassadors from Rome, to testifie their joy for his evasion and escape out of so neere and great a daunger.

When the Macedonian warre was delaied and put off for one yeere, and the rest of the Pre∣tours gone alreadie into their provinces, M. Iunius and Sp. Lucretius (unto whome befell the go∣vernment of Spaine) after that they had importuned and wearied the Senate, in suing so long for one thing, obtained at the length a commission for a supply of soldiours to make up the ar∣mie; by vertue whereof they enrolled 3000 foot, and 150 horse for the Romane legions; and levied five thousand foot and three hundred horse for the armie of the allies. These forces were transported into Spaine with the new Pretours.

[unspec H]

The same yeere, after that a great part of the Campaine territorie, which privat persons here and there held in occupation without regard of lawfull title and tenur, was (upon diligent survey made by Posthumius the Consull) recovered againe for the publicke use of the citie of Rome; M. Lucretius a Tribune of the Commons preferred a law, That the Censors should let out to ferme, the said Campaine lands to tenants for yeerely rent. A thing that had not been done for many yeeres after the winning of Capua, namely, that particular men should be so greedie as to encroch thus beyond their bounds upon the common wast.

The Macedonian war being now concluded, but not as yet published and proclaimed, whiles the Senat was in doubtfull expectation what kings would friend them, and who would side with Perseus; there came to Rome embassadours from Ariarates, bringing with them the kings sonne, [unspec I] a verie child. The speech they made was to this purpose, That the king their master had sent his sonne to Rome, there to have his education; to the end that being there brought up, hee might from his first infancie be acquainted with their fashions, and converse with the people of Rome. His suit and request to them was, that they would vouchsafe unto him not onely the ordinarie entertaiment and protection that private persons affourd to their guests, but also to take the charge of publicke tuition, and as it were the guardianage of him.

This embassage of the king was well taken of the Senat and pleased them highly. Whereupon they ordained, that Cn, St∣nius the Pretour, should let out a mansion house with all the furniture, wherein the young prince and his traine might keepe their resiance.

The Thracian embassadours likewise presented themselves before the Senat, to debate their [unspec K] owne controvercies in their hearing, and withall desired their friendship and amitie. They ob∣tained their suite, and besides their was sent unto them by way of present, the summe of 2000 Asses apeece. Glad were the LL. of the Senate that these States were received into their socie∣tie, by reason that Thracia lyeth hard on the backe-side of Macedonie: but to the end that they might have perfit intelligence and notice, how all things went in Asia and the Ilands, they sent thither T. Claudius Nero, and M. Decimius in embassage: whome they commaunded also to visit Creete and Rhodes; and withall, both to renew the amitie, and also to spie and observe, whether the hearts of those allies had been sollicited and tempted by K. Perseus.

As the citie was thus in doubtfull suspence and expectation of the event of this new warre, behold, in a tempest that arose in the night, a certaine columne or pillar, garnished and set out [unspec L] with the beake-heads of warre ships, (which had been erected in the Capitoll during the first Pu∣nicke warre by M. Aemylius the Consull, who had for his companion in government Serg. Ful∣vius) was by a clap of thunder and lightning, rent and cloven from the very base to the chap∣ter. This was taken for a prodigious token, and report thereof was made to the Senat. The LL. gave order, that the Aruspices should be conferred with about it, and their advise taken: like∣wise they commaunded the Decemvirs to looke into their bookes of Sibylla. The Decemvirs for their part pronounced and declared, that the citie should be purged and hallowed, publicke supplications and prayers made unto the gods, and greater beasts killed for sacrifice, as well at Rome in the Capitoll, as in Campaine neere the promontorie of Minerva. Also that with all convenient speed, there should be plaies solemnly exhibited for ten daies togither, in the honor [unspec M] of most mightie and most gracious Iupiter. All this was done with diligence accordingly: but the soothsayers and Aruspices aforesaid, made answer out of their learning, That this prodigie portended good, and signified the advancement and enlarging of their owne territories: togi∣ther with the ruine and destruction of their enemies; for that those beak-heads which the storme

[unspec A] overthrew and cast downe, had been the spoiles of ships woon from the enemies. There happe∣ned other occurrents besides to encrease the scrupulous religion and devotion of men: for re∣ported it was, how at Saturnia within the towne it rained bloud three daies togither. Item, At Calatia an asse was soled with three feet; and a bull togither with five kine were strucken starke dead with one thunderbolt and flash of lightning: last of all, at Oximum there was a showre of very earth and nothing else. In regard of these woonders also, sacrifices were celebrated, sup∣plications made, and one day kept holiday and all shop-windowes shut.

Yet were not the Consuls departed into their provinces, because they neither would obey and condescend unto the Senate in proposing the matter as touching Popilius at the councell table; and the LL. were as resolute for their parts to let no decree passe, before that were done. [unspec B] The spight and heart-burning they bare against M. Popilius, grew the more by occasion of his owne letters, wherein hee wrate and gave them to understand, That being Proconsull, hee had now a second time fought with the Statellates in Liguria, and put ten thousand of them to the sword: by reason of which hard courses and extremities of warre, the other nations likewise of the Ligurians were entred into armes. At which newes not onely Popilius was blamed behind his backe, for making warre against all law and equitie upon them that had yeelded, and thereby provoking those who before were quiet, to goe out and put themselves in action of rebellion; but the Consuls also were checked to their faces in the Senate, because they set not forward to their charge and government. M. Martius Sermo and Quintius Martius Scylla, two Tribunes of the Commons, seeing the LL. of the Senat thus drawing all in a line, tooke heart unto them, [unspec C] and both menaced the Consuls to fine them, unlesse they made more hast unto their province; and also recited in the Senat a law which they had drawne and framed, and were upon the point to promulge, as touching the foresaid Ligurians who had submitted. The tenure whereof ran in this forme, THAT VVHAT PERSON SOEVER OF STATELLAE HAD YEELDED HIMSELFE, AND VVAS NOT RESTORED TO LI••RRTIE AND FREEDOME BEFORE THE CALENDS OF* 1.3 SEXTILIS NEXT ENSUING, THE SENAT UPON THEIR OTH SHOULD ORDAINE ONE SPECIAL COMMISSIONER TO MAKE INQUISITIONEY VVHOSE FRAUD, COVIN, AND NOTICE HEE VVAS IN VILLENAGE, AND PUNISH THE PARTIE ACCORDINGLY. Then by authoritie and approbation of the Senate, they published this for a law. Now before that the Consuls tooke their journey, the Senat assembled in the temple of Bellona in regard and [unspec D] favour of C.Cicereius the Pretor of the former yeere. Where audience was given him: and after he had declared what exploits he had performed in Corsica, there upon demaunded triumph: which when hee could not obtaine, he made no more adoe, but rode triumphant in the Albane hill; for now it was taken up and grown for a custome so to doe, and aske the authoritie and the State no leave.

The foresaid law proposed by the Martij, the Commons, with a generall consent by their voices graunted and enacted. By vertue of which act of the Commons,C. Licinius the Pretour put to question in the Senat, Whom they would have to sit upon the inquisition according to the forme of the said law. And the LL. ordained himselfe to be the inquisitor. Then at length and not asore, the Consuls put themselves in their way toward their province, & received the charge [unspec E] of the armie from M. Popilius. This Popilius durst not yet returne to Rome, for feare hee should be called in question and put to his answere before that Pretour and supreme judge, who had re∣quired the advise of the Senate as touching that enquest framed and drawne of purpose against him: knowing full well (as he did) how the Senate was not well affected to him, and the people much more maliciously bent and set against him. But the Tribunes of the Commons thought they would prevent and meet with this flinching of his and absenting himselfe, by intimation of another act and law provided in that behalfe, namely, That if he entred not into the citie of Rome before the * 1.4Ides of November immediately following, it should be lawfull for C. Licinius to proceed in judgement, and give sentence against him in his absence. This cord towed and ha∣led him to Rome with a witnesse: and when he was returned and entred into the Senat, they were [unspec F] upon his top, and gave him such a welcome thither, as testified their displeasure and hard con∣ceit of him. After hee had been well baited and shaken up among them, an act of Senate was en∣tred in this wise, That so many of the Ligurians as had not beene enemies, after the time that Q. Falvius and L. Manlius were Consuls, those the Pretours, C. Licinius and Cn. Sicinius, should restore and establish in their former state of freedom; and that the Consull C. Popilius should set

them out lands to occupie and possesse beyond the Po. By vertue of this arest, many a thousand [unspec G] were set free and enfranchised, who being transported over the river Po, had land assigned un∣to them accordingly. Now M. Popilius upon the law Martia (promulged by the two Marij, Tri∣bunes of the Commons) answered for himselfe judicially twise before C. Licinius. At the third time, the Pretour, overcome with a respective grace and favour to the Consull absent, & the ear∣nest praiers of the whole name & house of the Popilij, adjoiurned the defendant to make appea∣rance in the court upon the * 1.5Ides of March; on which day the new magisrates were to enter into their offices: and this hee did, because himselfe by that time should be a private person againe, and therefore not to sit upon the bench as judge to heare pleas and to determine. Thus the foresaid act as touching the Ligurians, finely shifted and cunningly avoided, came to just no∣thing.

At that time the Carthaginian embassadours were at Rome, with Gulussa the sonne of Masa∣nissa; [unspec H] betweene whome hard hold and much debating there was in the Senate. The Carthagi∣nians complained, that over and besides the lands (about which there had been sent commissio∣ners from Rome before-time, to view the place and to enquire into the cause). Masanissa within the last two yeeres had by force and armes possessed himselfe of more than threescore and ten townes and castles within the Carthaginian domaine and territorie. And an easie matter was it for him to doe, who made reckoning of nothing, nor had regard of any person; whereas the Carthaginians were so tyed and obliged by their capitulations to the good-abearing, that they held their peace: for, inhibited they were to beare armes without their owne countrey. And al∣beit they knew assuredly, that they should war within their owne confines, if they desseized the [unspec I] Numidians of those peeces, yet feared they that one expresse article of the accord, wherein they were debarred in plaine tearmes, to wage warre against the associates of the people of Rome. Howbeit, the Carthaginians could no longer endure his pride, crueltie, and avarice. Sent there∣fore they were unto the Senate as humble oratours, that to might please them to graunt one of these three requests; to wit, That either they might debate with indifferent audience before them (being allies to both alike) as touching the right of the one & the other: or that they would permit the Carthaginians to defend themselves by just and lawfull armes, against unjust and ungodly force: or else finally (if partiall favour swayed more with them than the truth of the cause) to set downe at once, what their pleasure was should be given away out of their owne, to Masanissa. For they yet, would have some gage of their hand, and know what they gave; whereas [unspec K] he himselfe had no stay, nor would ever see to make an end; so unsatiable was his lust and appe∣tite. But in case they might obtaine none of these points, and that there could be found any fault or trespasse of theirs, committed since the peace graunted unto them by Scipio; then, that they rather than any other would chastise them. For leifer they had to live in servitude under the siegnorie of Romanes with safetie, than enjoy such as libertie as should bee exposed to the injuries of Massanissa. And better were it for them to perish and die once for all, than to live and languish under the yoke of a most cruell and bloudie butcher. At which words the tears trickled downe their cheekes, and downe they fell at their feet. Lying thus prostrate upon the ground, as they moved pitie and compassion to themselves, so they procured despight and malice against the king. Then thought good it was to demannd of Gulussa, what hee had to answere as touching [unspec L] these matters? or els (if he had so rather himselfe) to declare before, for what cause & upon what occasion he was come to Rome. Gulussa made answere, That neither it was easie for him to deale in those points, wherof he had no commission from his father: nor for his father to give him any such charge, considering that the Carthaginians, shewed not unto him of what business they would treat, ne yet made him so much as privie of their comming to Rome. This only was known, that there was a close counsell holden for certaine nights, by the principall States of Carthage within the temple of Aesculapius, from whence embassadors were dispatched to Rome with hidden and secret messages. And this was the cause that his father had sent him to Rome, to beseech the Senat not to give credite to the slanderous accusations that should be preferred against him by those that were common enemies as well to them as him; who hated him; for no other cause, but [unspec M] for that he had continued so constant in his sealtie & allegeance to the people of Rome. The Se∣nat thus having heard what they could say of both sides, sat in counsell as touching the demands of the Carthaginians: and at length commaunded this aunswere to bee returned, How their advise and pleasure was, that Gulussa should presently depart and goe into Numidia, and give his

[unspec A] father to understand from them, that with all speed hee send his embassadours to the Senate, as concerning those complaints which the Carthaginians had made of him: also to give intimati∣on and knowledge unto the Carthaginians, that they repaire likewise thither to debate their contoverasies and differences betweene them. And if it lay in their power to effect ought for the honour of Masanissa, they would be as willing to doe it hereafter, as they had been readie hereto∣fore. Marie, to minister justice for savour and affection, that they would not doe in any wife. Wil∣ling they were that every man should know and hold his owne, and keepe him within compasse; neither minded they to set out new limits, but to observe the old bounds. Indeed they had gran∣ted to the Carthaginians, after they were conquered, both townes to inhabite, and territories to possesse; not to this end, that in time of peace they should plucke that away by wrong and out∣rage, [unspec B] which during the warres they could not take from them by martiall law and force of armes. Thus was the young prince together with the Carthaginians, dismissed. Presents were given both to the one and the other, according to the order, and other courtesies of hospitalitie were friendly observed.

Much about the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio, App. Claudius Cento, and T. Annius Lucius, em∣bassadours sent into Macedonie; for to demaund amends and restitution, and withall to disclaim and renounce the kings amitie, returned to Rome. Who having related in order what they had seene and heard, enflamed the Senate more againts Perseus, who were alreadie of themselves enkindled ynough.

They made report, That through all the cities of Macedonie they saw pre∣paration for warre in all sorcible manner; that when they came to the court, for many daies they [unspec C] could find no meanes of accesse to the speech of the king; and in the end, after they were de∣parted from thence homeward (as being past all hope of parley with him) then and not afore, they were called backe againe of their way, and so brought unto his presence: that the sum of their embassage and speech unto to him was this, namely, to put him in mind of the league first contracted with Philip, and afterwards renued with himselfe since the death of his father; wherein by expresse words he was inhibited to beare armes without his own frontiers, and likewise debar∣red to levie warre upon any confederate allies of the people of Rome: after this, that they had recounted and laid abroad from point to point those specialties, which they themselves had late∣ly heard king Eumenes to declare and discourse, which were all apparent truths, upon his owne assured knowledge. Moreover, that the king held a secret counsell for many daies together, with [unspec D] the embassages of the cities & States of Asia: in reagard of which injuries, that the Senat thought in reason and equitie that he should make satisfaction, yea, and restore back both to them and al∣so to their associates, whatsoever hee held contrarie to right, contained in the accord. That the king hereupon at the first fell into a fit of choler and indignation, and gave them hard tearms, re∣proching at every other word the Romanes for their covetousnesse and insolencie. And as for their embassadours that came unto him one after another, he said they were but, spies, to listen and see what he did or said; & no mervel, for they thought it meet that he should conforme and frame himselfe in all his words and deeds, according to their becke and commandement. At the last, when hee had in this wise discharged his choler with high words and broad speeches for a long time, that he commanded them to repaire againe unto him the next morrow, for that hee [unspec E] would give them their answer in writing: and then he delivered unto them a script to this effect as followeth. First, as touching the accord & covenant concluded with my father, that is nothing to me at all: if I suffred it to be renued, it was not for any liking or approbation therof; but because I being new come to the crown, and lately possessed of the kingdome, I was to bear and endure all things whatsoever. But in case they will enter into a new league with me, requisit it is that a trea∣tie and agreement passe first of the conditions. And if they could bee content that a covenant were drawne with equall and indifferent capitulations, yet I will sleepe upon it and bee well advi∣sed what to doe for the best, as I doubt not but they likewise will have a good regard to the pro∣fite of their Commonweale. And herewith, that he suddainely flung away from them, and wee all began to void out of the pallace. Whereupon wee proceeded according to our commissi∣on [unspec F] on the abandon and disavow his amitie and societie. At which words of ours, hee staied in great wroth and furie, and with a lowd and shrill voice, warned us upon our owne perill and hazard, to bee gone out of the marches of his realme within three daies: finally, in this manner wee departed and put our selves in our journey, and found neither friendly welcome at our first comming, nor any courteous entertainment while we were there, not yet a kind farewell at our

departure.

When they had once done, the Thessalian and Aetolian embassadours had au∣dience.

[unspec G]

The Senate, to the end that they might know out of hand, what captaines and commanders the commonweale was to employ, thought good to write unto the Co•••• that the one-or other of them (who first might) should repaire to Rome for the creation of new magistrates. And no great matter to speake of, as concerning the state, was that yeere done by the Consuls. But more expedient it was thought for the commonweale, to suppersse and appease the Ligurians, whose bloud was up and chased against them, considering that the Macedonian warre was in daily ex∣pectance.

Moreover the embassadors of Issa gave occasion, that Gentius also king of Illyricum was had in jealousie: who at one time both complained of him, that now twise he had given the wast to their [unspec H] countrie: and also made report, how the Macedonian and Illyrian kings were all one, & so great together, that with one consent & common counsell they prepared to warre upon the Romans: finally, that the Illyrians were now at Rome, in shew and semblance of embassage, but indeed and very truth, no better than spies, addressed of purpose by the motife and advise of Perseus, to hear∣ken & learne whereabout they went at Rome. These Illyrians were sent for into the Senat-house, and when they had said, that they were emploied in embassage from their king Gentius, to aun∣swere unto those accusations which it might be the Isseans framed against him: it was againe de∣maunded of them, How it hapned that they went not directly nor shewed themselves in such sort to the magistrate, that according to the manner & custome, they might have had their lodging provided and presents given them, with the ordinarie allowance of the cittie, meet for them du∣ring [unspec I] their abode; that thereby knowledge might have bene taken as well of their comming, as also of their businesse and errand? But being taken in atrip & found fumbling in their answere, they were commaunded to void out of the Counsel-chamber. For thought it was not meete, to give them their dispatch as embassadours, since they made no meanes to present themselves un∣to the Senate: but rather they were of advise, to dispatch embassadors of their owne to the king, to signifie unto him, which of his associates had complained unto the Senate, how hee had burnt their villages within their territorie: yea, and to tell him of it plainly, that it was not well don•• of him, that he could not forbeare but do wrong to his owne allies. In this embassie were sent, A. Terentius Varro, C. Pletorius, and C. Cicereius.

Likewise those embassadours, whose commission was to visit the associate kings, returned out [unspec K] of Asia, and reported, that in the said Asia they had communication with Eumenes; in Syria with Antiochus, and in Alexandria with Ptolomaeus: who all of them had beene sollicited by sundrie embassies of Perseus, howbeit they persisted firme and fast in their processed sealtie, and promised to performe whatsoever the people of the Rome would command them. Also that they went to the confederated states, whome they found true and loiall enough, excepting the Rhodians onely, whom they perceived to bee floting and wavering, as altogether infected and poisoned with the counsell of Perseus.

Now were the Rhodian embassadours come to answere those things which they knew were commonly bruited abroad touching their citie: howbeit the Senat was not of mind to give them audience, before the new Consuls entred into their office. But they were all of advise to delay no [unspec L] longer the preparation of warre. C. Litinius the Pretor had in charge, out of the old Quinque∣remes which were laid up in the dockes and harbours, to repaire as many as might serve at sea; to rig also & prepare a fleet of 50 saile. But if he could not come to make up that ful number, then to write unto his colleague C. Memmius in Sicilie, for to repaire, calke and trim those ships which were in Sicilie, that with all speed possible they might be sent to Brundusium. The said Pretour C. Licinius was commaunded to enroll of Romane citizens (& those, Libertines, such as of bond∣men borne had beene enfranchised) for marinners and sailers, as many as might serve five and twentie ships: & Cn. Licinius had commission to levie as many of Latine allies for the like num∣ber of ships: also the same Pretour was enjoyned to charge the Latine allies with eight thousand foot, and foure hundred horse. A. Atilius Serranus, who had beene Pretour the yeere before, [unspec M] was chosen to receive these forces at Brundusium, and to conduct them over into Macedonie: and Cn. Sicinius the Pretour was appointed to have the armie in readinesse for to be transported. As for C. Litinius the Pretour, he by authoritie from the Senat, wrate to C. Popilius the Consull, that he should commaund the second legion, which had beene longest emploied in Liguria, and

[unspec A] consulted of most experienced souldiours, together with foure thousand footmen and two hun∣dred horse of the Latine allies, to be readie at Brundusium upon the * 1.6With this fleet of ships and forces of souldiours, Cn. Sicinius was commaunded to keepe Macedonie, untill one were appointed to succeed him; and for this purpose his charge of command was con∣tinued for a yeere longer. All these directions of the Senate were put in execution with great di∣ligence and expedition. Eight and fortie Quinqueremes were set aflote out of their docks: and L. Percius Licintus was ordained to conduct them to Brundusium: the other twelve were sent out of Sicilie. Three embassadours were dispatched into Apulia and Calabria, to wit, Sex Digiti∣us, T. Iuventius, and M. Caecilius, for to buy corne to serve the fleet and the armie. Now when all things were provided and in readinesse, C. Sicinius the Pretor departed from the citie in his war∣like [unspec B] coate of armes, and arrived at Brundusium. About the end of the yeere C. Popilius the Con∣sull returned to Rome, somewhat later than the Senate had ordained; who was commanded to take the first time, and with all speed to create new magistrates, considering that so great a war approached so neere. And therefore when the Consull discoursed in the temple of Bellona, as tou∣ching his exploits in Liguria, the LL. of the Senate were nothing well pleased to heare him: but instead therof, they muttered every where, and asked him estsoones, Why he had not restored to libertie those Ligurians, who were oppressed through the wicked proceedings of his father? The election of the Consuls was holden upon the twelvth day before the Calends of March, accor∣ding to the writs that went out: wherein were created Consuls, Pub. Licinius Gracchus and Caius Cassius Longinus. The morrow following, the Pretours were elected, to wit, Caius Sulpitius Gal∣bs, [unspec C] L. Furtus Philus, L. Canilius Dives, C. Lucretius Gallus, C. Caninius Rebutius, and L. Villius Annalis. To these Pretours the provinces were assigned in this manner: That two of them should sit as LL. chiefe justices in Rome for civil jurisdiction: three other to have the government of Spaine, Sicilie, and Sardinia: so as the sixt onely should remaine not allotted to any place, for to be emploied wheresover the Senate would think good and ordained. The Consuls elect were commaunded by the Senate, upon the solemne day when they were to enter into their magi∣stracie, after they had sacrificed greatest beasts, as it appertained, to pray in this forme, That the gods would vouchsafe the warre which the people of Rome intended now to enterprise, to speed well and come to happie yssue. The same day the Senate decreed, that C. Popilius the Consull should set out plaies for ten daies together in the honour of Iup. Opt Max & that offrings should [unspec D] be made at all the shrines and altars, if so be the commonweale for ten yeeres, in the some good estate as now it stood. And as the Senat ordaines, the Consull vowed in the capitoll, that the said plaies should be exhibited, and offrings presented of as great valours as it pleased them to set downe. This vow was pronounced by the Consul in the presence of no fewer than 150 Senators, and according to that form of words which Lepidus the high-priest or soveraigne bishop indited. The yeere died certaine Prelates of State, to wit, L. Aemylius Pappus one of the Decemvirs or superintendents over the holy rites, and Q. Falvius a bishop, who the yeere before had bene Censor. This man had a soule end. It fortuned that news came unto him of his two sonnes, who then served in the wars of Illyricum, how the one was departed out of this life, and the other lay sicke of a greevous and dangerous maladie. The sorrow for the one, and [unspec E] the fear for the other, happening to just at one time, brake his heart and oppressed his spirits; in∣somuch as the next morning, when his servants entered betimes into his bed-chamber, they found him hanged by a cord, strangled. It was thought abroad, that he had never beene his owne man, since he was Censor, and commonly it was spoken, That Inno Lacinia in wrathfull displeasure against him for spoiling her temple, hereft him of his right wits. In the roume of Ae∣mylius, M. Valerius Messala was substituted Decemvir: and in steed of Fulvius, there was elected Archbishop, Cneus Domitius Aenobarbus, who to say a truth was very young to bee made a priest.

In that yeere wherein P. Licinius and C. Cassius were Consuls, not onely the cittie of Rome, and the whole land of Italie, but all the princes and States of Europe and Asia, were amused re∣spectively [unspec F] upon the warre betweene the Macedonians and the Romanes. Eumenes (〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Asia) not onely carried an old cankred malice against Philip, but also was pricked forward with new despite and anger upon a fresh occasion, in that by the wicked practise of Perseus, hee had like to have beene sacrificed at Delphi. Prusias king of Bithynia, was resolved not to enter into armes, but to attend the issue of the warre. For hee thought it not reason and

seemely for him to take armes in the defence of the Romanes against his wives brother; [unspec G] and this account hee made, that is Perseus happened to have the better he might soone ob∣taine pardon at his hands by the mediation of his sister. Ariarates king of the Cappado∣cians, over and besides that hee had promised aid to the Romanes in his owne name, ever since that hee was linked in affinitie to Eumenes, drew the same way which hee went, and joy∣ned with him in all his counsels both of warre and peace. As for Antiochus [king of Syria] his teeth watered verily at the kingdome of AEgypt, as he, who despised as well the childhood of the young king in his nonage, as the weaknesse and negligence of his guardians: and conside∣ring there was some controversie about the title of Coelesyria, he supposed that he should have good occasion to levie war, to manage also and exploit the same without empeachment, whiles the Romanes were busied in the Macedonian warre; howbeit as well by his owne embassadours sent unto the Senat, as also unto theirs addressed unto him, he promised stoutly to be for them. [unspec H] Prolomeus [the young king of AEgypt] beeing yet underage, was at the dispositions of others: his tutors and protectours, as they prepared to wage warre against Antiochus for the recoverie of Coelesyria, so they promised the Romanes withall to doe their devoirin the Macedonian warre. Masanissa [K. of the Numidians] was altogither for the Romans; he furnished them with coine, and intended to send his sonne Misagenes with aides both of men and elephants in that service. Howbeit hee so disposed of his designes, as might serve his turne which way soever the world went: for if the victorie fell to the Romanes, he ordered that his affaires should remaine still in the same state; and better hee was not to looke for, because the Romanes would not suf∣fer any violence to be offered unto the Carthaginians: but in case the Romans went downe and had the overthrow, (who then protected the Carthaginians) then hee made full reckoning of [unspec I] Asia to be his owne. Gentius [king of Illyricum] had so demeaned himselfe, that he was suspected of the Romanes; yet was hee not fully resolved which side to take unto: and it seemed hee would joyne to one or the orher, more upon a fit as it tooke him in the head, than with any discretion or advise. Cotys the Thracian, king of the Odrysians, tooke part evidently with the Macedoni∣ans. In these tearmes (I say) stood the KK. as touching this present warre. As for the free cities and States besides, the common people every where (as alwaies lightly it is seene) enclined to the worse part, and ran with the K. and the Macedonians: but the principall persons and men of qualitie, a man might perceive affected diversly. Some went with the Romans all upon the head, in so much as they greatly empaired their authoritie in excessive favour to them: few of them [unspec K] were induced by the just and upright government of the Romanes, but the most part were carried away with this strong conceit, That the more they emploied themselves for them, the greater men they should be at home in their owne citties. Another fort there were of the kings flattering favorites, who being deeply drenched in debt, and in despaire of bettering their for∣tune (if the present state held still) abandoned and gave themselves over to entertain all changes and innovations. And some there were besides, possessed with a vaine humour of their owne, because Perseus seemed to have more favor of the common people. At third fort there were (and those of the best and widest of all other) who is it had lyen in their hands to determine whome they would have to be the greater lord, wished to have been under the Romans rather than the K. Marie if they might have had their liberty to be chusers simply of their fortune, by their good [unspec L] will they would not have had the one part advaunced by the depression and subversion of the o∣ther: but that the forces and puissance of them both remaining entire and unfoiled, peace thereby might be entertained: and so betweene them both, the state of cities should continue in the best case, when as the one part might ever protect the weaker side from the injuries of the mightier. And those that stood affected thus, held them quiet and said not a word; but being safe them∣selves, beheld the behaviour and deportements of those that were the partakers and favourets of either side.

The Consuls that day wherein they entred their government, when they sacrificed (accor∣ding to the ordinance of the Senat) with greater beasts in all the temples and chappels, wherin (for most part of the yeere) the sacred beds and couches for the gods were prepared; and there [unspec M] by had presaged by good tokens, that their prayers were acceptable to the immortall gods, made report unto the Senat, That their sacrifices were as they ought to be, as also their praiers, which they conceived as touching the warre. The Bowell-priers likewise by their learning decla∣red, That if they went about any new enterprise, they should make speed; for why? all did prog∣nosticate

[unspec A] victorie, triumph, and enlargement of their seignorie. Whereupon the LL. of the Senat commaunded the Consuls to propose unto the people the first day of the generall assem∣bly of the Centuries in this manner: IN THE NAME OF GOD, AND TO THE WELFARE AND HAPPINES OF THE COMMONWEALTH: WHEREAS PERSEUS THE SONNE OF PHI∣LIP K. OF MACEDONIE, (AGAINST THE ACCORD AND COVENANT CONCLUDED WITH HIS FATHER FIRST, AND AFTER HIS DEATH RENEVVED VVITH HIM). HATH LEVIED VVARRE UPON THE ALLIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, VVASTED THEIR TERRITORIES, SEIZED THEIR CITIES, COMPLOTTED TO ENTER INTO ARMES A∣GAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND TO THAT END HATH PROVIDED ARMOUR, SOULDIORS, AND A FLEET: UNLESSE HE MAKE SATISFACTION, PLEASETH IT YOU [unspec B] THAT VVARRE BE ENTERPRISED AND VVAGED AGAINST HIM. This bill passed by all the suffrages of the people. Then was there an act of the Senat likewise entred, That the Con∣suls should either agree together, or else cast lots for the provinces of Italy and Macedonie; and looke whose lot sell to Macedonie, he should persecute with fire and sword K. Perseus, and all that sect and bend which tooke his part, unlesse they made amends to the people of Rome. It was concluded also, that four legions should be newly enrolled, for either Consull swaine: with this preheminence & vantage to the province of Macedonie, that wheras to the legions of the other Consull (according to the auncient custome) there went but five thousand foot and two hun∣dred horse apeece, there should be enrolled for Macedonie six thousand foot and three hundred horse equally to a legion. Also for the one of the Consuls in the armie of the allies, the number [unspec C] was augmented, so as besides those six hundred horsemen which Cn. Sictnius had conducted al∣readie, he should of those allies transport over into Macedonie, sixteen thousand footmen and eight hundred horse. As for Italie, twelve thousand footmen of allies and sixe hundred horse were thought sufficient. Moreover, this prerogative had the province of Macedonie, that for Centurions and souldiors the Consull might enroll of the elder sort whome he thought good, as many as were not above fiftie yeeres of age. In choosing of Tribunes militarie and colonels, the old manner was this yeere chaunged, in regard of the Macedonian warre; to wit, that the Consuls (by advise and authorities of the Senate) should moove unto the people, that the said Tribunes might not that yeer be elected by voices of the people, but that their elections should be referred to the judgement and discretion of the Consuls and Pretours. The charge com∣maund [unspec D] was thus divided among the Pretors as followeth. That Pretour whose lot sell to go whi∣ther it pleased the Senat to send, was assigned to take his journey to the sleet at Brandusion, and there to survey and revise the sea-servitours, and looke how many he thought not meet for ser∣vice, them to discharge, and to make up the number with chosen Libertines; and in any wise to order it so, that two third parts consisted of Romane naturall citizens, and the other third of al∣lies. Item, That provision of victuals for the navie and the armie, should be brought out of Si∣cilie and Sardinia. And the Pretours of those two provinces had in charge to exact a double tenth of the Sicilians and Sardinians, and this graine to be conveighed into Macedonie for the armie. Now Sicilie sell to C. Caninius Rebulus, Sardinia to L. Furius Philus, and Spaine to L. Ca∣naleius, C. Sulpitius Galba was L. chiefe Iustice for the citizens of Rome, and L. Iunius Annalis [unspec F] for the straungers: but C. Lucretius Gallus his lot was to goe where the Senate would employ him. Betweene the two Consuls there was some jarre and wrangling, rather than any great debate about there province. Cassius for his part said, That he was by right to warre in Macedo∣nie without any casting of lots for the matter, for as much as his colleague might nor enter in∣to lot with him, and save his oath. For hee being Pretour, had sworne solemnly in a frequent assembly of the people (because he would shift off and not goe into his province) that he had occasion to celebrate sacrifices in a certain place and upon set daies, which could not be per∣formed (as they ought) if hee were at sea. And the same (as I take it) cannot be well done during his absence now that hee is Consull no more than whiles hee was Pretour. Howbeit, if the Senate be of opinion and judge, that more consideration is to be had satisfie Caius [unspec F] Licinius his will now in his Consullship, then regard of the oth he tooke before in his Pretor∣ship, yet will I notwithstanding accommodate my selfe to the pleasure of the Senate. The LL. were consulted with hereabout, who judging that it were a proud part to denie him the governe∣ment of a province, unto whom the people of Rome had graunted the dignitie of a Consulship, commanded the Consuls to cast lots. Thus Macedonie sell to P. Licinius, and Italie to C. Cassius.

Then they put to lotterie also the conduct and emploiment of the legions: whereby the first and [unspec G] third were to be transported into Macedonie, the second and fourth to remaine in Italie. In the mustering and choise of souldiours, the Consuls went more neerely and streightly to worke by sarre, than customably they used at other times. As for Licinius, he enrolled the elder sort also, as well for souldiours as centurions; and many there were who voluntarily entred their names, be∣cause they saw how those thrived well and grew rich, who had served either in the former Mace∣donian warre, or against Antiochus in Asia. Now when as the marshal-Colonels called forth the centurions by name one after another, and the principall first, there happened to bee three and twentie centurions of them, who before time had * 1.7 in these verses. Inde pares centum denos iec, evit in or∣bes Romulus, Hastatos in••-tuitquedec••n•• Et totidem Princ••ps, toti∣dem Pilanus habebat Cor∣pora, legitimo quisque mere∣hat equo. And that is was the checsest place of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appea∣reth & Ligothi∣nus in his O••a∣tion s••icorring.Prinupilares, and led in the cheefest and best place, &c when they were cited, they called unto the Trib. of the Com. for to be releeved by their lawfull assistance. But two of that fellowship and societie of Tribunes, namely, M. Fulvius [unspec H] Nobiltor, &c M. Claudius Marcellus, referred them over to the Consuls, alledging, that by right, the knowledge of these matters pertained to those who had plenarie commission to take musters, and to manage the war-affaires. But all the rest of the Tribunes avowed that they would assume it into their owne hands, and determine of that for which they were called unto as competent judges; yea, and if injurie were offered to their fellow-citizens, they would not faile but helpe and succour them. All this was debated in the Tribunes-court. Thither was M. Popilius, a Consular man, called to the hearing of this matter, and thither repaired the centurions and the Con∣sull also.

And when the Consull required that the cafe should bee heard and decided in a gene∣rall assemblie, thereupon the people was summoned to meet in publicke together. In which solemne congregation M. Popilius, who had beene Consull two yeeres-before, spake in the be∣halfe [unspec I] of the centurions to this effect. These martial men (quoth he) have accomplished their full time of service required by law; they carie about them bodies as wel spent &c crasie for age, as bro∣ken by continuall travels: howebeit refuse they will nothing, but are readie to doe their devoir un∣to the Commonweale. This onely they humbly crave and request, that they may not bee assig∣ned to baser places of commaund, than wherein they have beene emploied alreadie when they bare armes.

Then P. Licinius the Consull commaunded the act of the Senat to be openly read: wherein it was ordained first, To levie warre upon Perseus; then, to enroll as many as they could of the old experienced Centurions for that warre; and last of all, to exempt none from soulderie, but such onely as were above fiftie yeeres of age. After this hee earnestly be sought them in this new warre so neere to Italie and against a prince so puissant, neither to binder the Colonels in [unspec K] levying souldiours, nor forbid the Consull but that hee might appoint to each man what place and degree was thought to stand most with the good of the Commonweale. And in case there arose any doubt and difficultie in this business, to submit the decision thereof to the Senat.

Af∣ter that the Consull had delivered his mind, Sp. Liguslinus one of them who had appealed to the Tribunes of the Commons, requested both the Consull and the Tribunes to give him leave for to speake a few words unto the people: who having libertie graunted with all their good wills made a speech unto them in this wife. My maisters, you Quirites, I Spurius Liguslinus of the tribe Croftumina,* 1.8 am descended from the Sabines.

My father left me an acre of land, and a lit∣tle cottage to it, wherein I was borne, bred, and brought up, and where upon at this day I dwell. So soone as I was come to mans estate, my father gave me to wife my cousin germane, his neece [unspec L] by the brother, who brought nothing with her for marriage-good, but freedome of birth honestie of life, and therewith fruitfulnesse of wommbe, as much (I may say to you) as a rich man of some wealthie house may well maintaine. Sixe sons God hath sent betweene us, and two daughters to them, both maidens mariageable. Foure of our sonnes are men growne, and have put on their mans robe; two are boies still in their pretexia, under seventeene yeeres old. I may selfe was prest to the warres, the yeere when P. Sulpisius and C. Aurelius were Consuls. In that ar∣mie which passed over sea into Macedonie, I served in qualitie of a common souldiour for the space of two yeeres against king Philip. In the third yeere T. Iuintius Flaminius, in regard of my forwardnesse assigned me the tenth place of leading among the Hastati in the vaward. After that Philip and the Macedonians were vanquished, and were brought over againe into Italie and [unspec M] discharged, I went immediately as a volunarie servitour into Spaine with M. Porcius the Con∣sull. And there is not a commaunder alive at this day, who saw farther into a souldior and could judge better of vertue and valour than hee: as they all know full well, who by long warfare have had experience both of him and also of other leaders. Hee being my captaine, reputed me wor∣thie

[unspec A] to have the first place and leading of the formost centurie of the Hastati. A third time I be∣came a voluntarie againe in the expedition against the AEtolians and king Antiochus; and M. Celius advaunced mee to the captaineship of the Principes, in the very first place of the for∣most centurie. When king Antiochus was chased, and the AEtolians subdued, we were brought backe again into Italie, and two yeers together I was in pay with the legions that received yeere∣ly wages and allowance. Twice after this I bare armes and served in Spaine, once under Q.Ful∣vius Flaccus, a second time under Tib. Sempronius Gracchus the Pretor. By Flaccus I was brought home among others, whom for their valiancie and prowesse he thought good to have in traine for the honour of this triumph: and at the request and entreatie of Tib. Gracchus I accompanied of him into his province. Where, within few yeeres space I had the leading of the first companie of [unspec B] the Pilani or Triatijin inthe rereward. Foure and thirtie times have I been rewarded with presents at my Generals hands, in token of vertue and prowesse. Sixe civicke coronets have I received: two and twentie yeeres full have I followed the warres, and more than fiftie yeeres old I am. Now if neither I had served out all the yeeres required by law, nor might plead exemption and immu∣nitie by mine age, yet seeing I am able to shew soure souldiours for one, my soure sonnes [I say, for my selfe alone] me thinkes it were reason, ô P. Licinius, that I were now freed and discharged. And all this I pray you take, as spoken for the behoofe of my cause. Now as touching my person thus much. So long as any man who hath authoritie to enroll souldiours, shall judge mee suffici∣ent and able to beare armes, I will not goe about to make excused and shift it off. And looke what place the Colonels and marshals that shall suppose me worthie of, it lieth in their good and pleasure [unspec C] to assigne me unto it but to performe that no one person in the whole armie surmount me in va∣lour, that shall be my owne endeavour; like as not only my captaines, but those also who have ser∣ved with me are able to testifie, That I ever have so caried my selfe and performed as much. And you likewise my fellow souldiours, albeit you practice and keepe in ure the priviledge and benefit of appealing to the Tribunes, yet meet and reason it is, since in your youthfull daies ye never did ought in any place against the authoritie of the Senat and the Consuls, yee now also in your de∣clining age bee at the disposition of the Senate and the Consuls; yea, and to esteeme all places worshipfull, wherein you shall defend and maintaine the Commonweale. When hee had thus said, the Consull highly commended him, and from before the people brought him into the Senate.

And there also by the advise and authoritie of that honourable house; thanked hee was; [unspec D] and the marshal-Colonels, in regard of his vertue, appointed him to be the principall centuri∣on of the Pilani in the first legion. So, the rest of the centurions renouncing their appeale to the Tribunes, yeelded obedience in the master and levie abovesaid.

To the end that the magistrates and great commaunders might goe more timely into their governments, the Latin feasts and holydaies were published to be holden upon the * 1.9 Calends of tune. Which solemnitie being finished, C. Lucretius the Pretour tooke his journey to Brondusi∣um, having sent before all necessarie furniture and provision for the fleet. Besides those armies which the Consuls levied, a commission was directed our to C. Sulpitisi Gala the Pretour, to en∣rolisoure legions of Romane citizens with the ordinarie full proportion of infanterie and caval∣lerie, and to chuse out of the bodie of the Senate soure Colonels for to commaund them. Also [unspec E] to levie of Latin allies fifteen thousand footmen and twelve hundred horse, and to take order that this armie should bee readie to goe whether soever the Senate thought good. P. Licinius the Consull at his owne instant request (that over and above the armies of citizens and allies, hee might have an addition of auxiliaries) obtained of Ligurians two thousand, of Candior archers an uncertaine number, namely, as many as the Candiors upon request would send. Moreover, certain Numidian horsemen and elephants: for which purpose L. Posthumius, Albrinus, I.T c∣rentius Culleo and C. Aburius were sent in embassager to Masanissa and the Carthaginians. Sembla∣bly it was thought good to send three embassadours into Crete, to wit, A. Posthumias Albinus, C. Decimius, and A. Litinius Nerva.

At the very same time there arived embassadours from king Perseus. But suffred they were not [unspec F] to enter into the cittie; considering that both the Senate had ordained, and the people assented alreadie, to make warre upon their king and the Macedonians. So, admitted they were into the temple of Bellona before the Senate, where they delivered their message in this manner: That king Perseus marvailed why there were armies transported over in Macedonie? And if the Senat might bee intreated so much, as to recall them home, the king would make satisfaction for the

wrongs done unto their allies, in such sort as the Senate in their discretion would appoint. Now [unspec G] there was in the Senat-house at that time Sp. Carvilius, sent backe for that very purpose out of Greece from Cn. Sitinius. Hee made report and remonstrance, how Perrhoebia was forced by armes, and certaine citties of Thessalie woon; with other exploits that king Perseus had either performed, or els was in hand to enterprise. To which chalenges the embassadors were comman∣ded to make answere. But after they were seene once to salter in their speech, saying, they had no further commission than that they had delivered alreadie; they were willed to relate unto the king their maister, That P. Licinius the Consull would shortly bee in Macedonie with an army, unto whom the king might addresse his embassadours, if he minded to do as he said & to make amends. As for sending any more to Rome, there was no need nor cause, for as much as they would not suffer any of them to passe through Italie. When they were dismissed with his short [unspec H] dispatch, P. Litinius the Cosull had in charge, to command them to depart out of Italie with∣in eleven daies, and to send Spurius Carvilius for to guard them all the way to the sea-side untill they were shipped. These occurrents passed in Rome before the Consuls were gone into their provinces.

Now by this time Cn. Sicinius (who ere that hee left his magistracie, was sent before as sarre as to Brundusium to the fleet and the armie) having put over into Epirus five thousand foot and three hundred horse, was encamped before. Nymphaeum in the territorie of the Apolloniares. From thence he sent certaine colonels with two thousand souldiours, to seize the sorts & castles of the Dassarerians and Illyrians, by occasion that they of their owne accord made meanes and sent for garrisons, to the end they might bee better guarded and secured from the violence and [unspec I] invasion of the Macedonians bordering upon their confines,

Some fewe daies after, Q.Martius, A. Aitilius, P. and Ser. both Cornely and Lentuli, toge∣ther with L. Decimius, who all had bin sent in embassie into Greece, brought with them to Cor∣cira one thousand footmen; where they both parted between themselves their severall quarters whither they would go, and also their souldiours. Decimius was sent to Gentius king of the Illy∣rians, with commaundement, If he saw him any waies comming on and enclined to entertaine amitie with the Romanes, to sound him and give the assay, yea and to drawe him into the asso∣ciation of this war. The two Lentuli were sent into Cephalenia, from thence to traverse & crosse over into Peloponnesus, and before winter to fetch about and compasse the coast of the West∣sea. Martius and Attilius were assigned to visit Epirus, AErolia and Thessalie. From thence they [unspec K] were enjoined to haue an eie into Baeotia and Eubaea, and so to saile over into Pelopnnesus, where they appointed to meet with the Lentuli. But before that they departed from Cotcyra, letters were brought from Perseus, wherein he demaunded what reason the Romanes had either to transport any forces into Greece, or to seize upon citties? Thought good it was to returned him no answere by writing, but onely by word of mouth thus much to say unto the messenger that brought the letters, That the Romanes did it for the defence and safeguard of the said townes. The Lentuli as they rode their circuit visiting the citties and townes of Peloponnesus, exhorting the States and communalties thereof indifferently one as well as another, To aide the Romans at this present against Perseus, with sembleable courage and like fidelitie as they had stood with them first in the warre against Philip, and afterwards in that with Antiochus; might beare in their, [unspec L] publicke assemblies much muttering and grumbling threat. The Acheans (who from the very beginning of the Macedonian warres had bene altogether for the Romanes, & during the war against Philip, enemies to the Macedonians) tooke it in great disdaine that they were reputed in the same range with the Messenians and Eleans, and no better than they who had borne armes against the people of Rome, for Antiochus their enemie; and who but the other day, beeing en∣rolled into the communaltie and counsell of the Archaeans, complained that they were deliuered unto the victorious Achaeans, as the recompence and guerdon of their conquest. Martius and Artilius as they went up to Gitana a towne of Epirus, ten myles from the sea, in a generall coun∣sell holden there of all the Epirotes, had audience with great contentment of them all. Foure hundred of their yong and able lustie men they sent into the Oristians countrie to lies in garison [unspec M] for defence of those Macedonians who by them were set at libertie. From thence they held on their progresse into AEtolia: & after they had sojourned there some few daies (whiles a new Pretor was elected in the roume of him that was deceased, and Lyciscius appointed the governor, a man knowne for certaine to favour the Romans) they passed over into Thessalie. Thither repaired the

[unspec A] ambassadours of the Acarnanians and the banished persons of Aetolia. The Acamanians were enjoined to utter and declare before them what they had committed & done against the people of Rome, being in veagled and deceived by the promises of the two kings Philip and Antiochius during the warres against the one and the other; since occasion was now presented u. to them, for to make amends and salve all that was amisse. For if upon their ill demerits toward the people of Rome, they had made triall and tasted of their clemencie, they might now by good deserts prove their bountie another while. As for the Boeotians, they were reprooved and upbraided for entring into association with Perseus: and when they seemed to lay the whole fault upon Isme∣nias a chiefetaine of one of the two factions, and certaine cities and States which being of a diffe∣rent opinion, were drawn to the side; Side ye so? (quoth Martius againe) and that shall soone ap∣peare, [unspec B] for we will permit every communaltie and citie to answere apart and severally for them∣selves the best they can.

Now was the Diet of the Thessalians holden at Larissa: where, as the Thessalians tooke good occasion & sound ample matter of thanksgiving to the Romanes, for the libertie which by their goodnes they had obtained: so the Romane legates had as copious an argument to render them thankes, for that first in the war with Philip, and afterwards of Antiochus, they had bin so migh∣tly aided by the Thessalian nation. Thus by this mutual rehearsall of pleasures and good turnes given and taken, the hearts of the multitude were enkindled with a servent zeale to decree & or∣daine whatsoever it pleased the Romanes to desire. After this counsell was dissolved, there came embassadours from king Perseus into Martius, upon a special assiance of the private friendship [unspec C] and hospitalitie which had passed between his father king Philip, and the said Martius [& his fa∣ther.] These embassadours began their speech with a commemoration of the said familiar and inward acquaintance, requesting him to permit the K. for to have accesse unto him, & to com∣mune together. Martius answered, that he also had heard his father speake of the limitie and mutual hospitalitie betweene him and king Philip: in regard and remembrance of which neere bond of familiarie he was the more willing to take upon him the charge of that embassage and commission. As to the parlie, he would not have differed it at all, if hee might commodiously have wroght it: & now for this present the promised (so soon as he possibly could) to send his cour∣riers before to advertise the king, that they might come to the river Peneus, wheras the passage lieth from Omolium over to Dium. And verily at that time, Perseus was retired from Dium into [unspec D] the inland quarters of his realme, and had gathered some pretrie gale of hope, in that Martius had given out, how for love of him he had undertaken this embasse. After some few daies they repaired to the place appointed. The king came accompanied with a great traine as well of his friends, as his courtiers and pensioners which guarded his person. The legates likewise were attended upon with no lesse a troupe, by reason as well of many that followed them from Latis∣sa, as also of divers embassages from the States which assembled at Larissa, and were desirous to carrie home with them certaine newes of the sequele, which they should heare with their owne cares. Every man had an inward desire setled in his heart to see the manner of the meeting of this nobel king, & these high commissioners from the soveraigne state and mightiest thieft people of the whole world. Being come to the enterview one of another, they stood still on eitherside of [unspec F] the river, which onely parted them asunder. For a while there passed entercourslers betweene, whiles they made it straunge on both parts, who should passe the river first for the Macedonians stood somewhat upon the roiall majestie of a king; and the Romanes were as respective to the reputation of the people of Rome, considering with all, that Perseus sought the means and made first motion for this parley. Whereupon, to end this controversie, Martius cast out a mery word, What needs all this (quoth he) let the younger come to the elder without more adoe, & the son to the father: this he spake for that himself also was surnamed Philip. The K. soone condescended thereunto. But then arose another doubt and difference, namely with what number he should passe over. The K. thought it meet & convenient to come with his whole traine: but the legates would have had him either to bring over with him 3 persons & no more; or else if he were minded [unspec F] to passe with so great a companie, to put in hostages for assurance, that during the time of the par∣ley no outrage should be committed. So Perseus sent as pledges, Hippias & Pentachus, the prin∣cipal & most especial friends that wer about him, whom also he had emploied in the embassage. Now were these hostages required, not so much for a gage and pawn of securitie, as that it might appeare unto the allies there present, that the K. in meeting and communing with The Romane

commissioners, should not keepe state comparable with them, but abate somewhat of the port [unspec G] and majestie which they carried. Their mutuall greeting and salutation was nothing strange, as betweene enemies; but kind and amiable, as among familiar friends. Which done, they sat them downe upon their chaires set readie for them.

After they had thus sitten a while in silence and said nothing,* 1.10 Martius begun in this manner: You expect (I suppose quoth hee) that were should answere to your letters which you sent to Corcyra, wherin you demaund, Why wee are come in embassie and commission after this manner with armed souldiors, and plant garrisons as wee doe in every citie? To which question of yours not to answer at all, I feare me you would take it to be pride in me; and againe to answere a truth, I doubt it will be too harsh and unpleasant to your cares. But seeing that hee who breaketh a covenant must be chastised either by word or sword, (like as I had rather that any other but my selfe should have commission to make warre [unspec H] upon you;) so I will bee so bold (howsoever it fall out) to speake rough and tart unto you as to my friend: and herein will I follow the maner of Physicians, who for the health of their pacients, otherwhiles minister bitter medicines and apply stinging corrosives. Since time that you first attained unto the crowne, the Senat thinketh you have done but one onely thing of all that you ought to have done, namely, that you sent your embassadors to Rome for the renew the league; and yet they judge you had done better in not renewing it, than after it was renewed, to violate the same.

Chased you have out of the realme * 1.11 Abrupolis, a consederate and friend of the people of Rome. The murderers of Artetarus you have received and entertained, yea and given the world thereby to understand, that you were well pleased (to say no worse) with his death: and killed they have a prince most sast and faithfull to the Romanes, of all others in Illyricum. [unspec I]

Tho∣rough Thessalie and the territorie of Malia, you have marched with an armie against the tenor of the league, as far as to Delphi: and more than that, contrarie unto the said accord, sent you have aid and succor to the Bizantines. With our allies the Baeotians, you have entred into a se∣cret association, and bound the same with an oth, which by right you ought not to have done. Who it was the murdered the Thebane embassadors Eversa and Callicritus who came directly from us, I had leiser enquire than charge any man and declare. The civill warres in AEtolia, the massacres of their princes and States, unto whome may they be imuted in any likelihood, but to your people? As for the Dolopians, wasted they were by your selfe in person and by no other. It grieveth me the goeth to my heart, to speake who it is that king Eumenes challengeth and burdeneth with this, That in his returne from Rome into his owne kingdom, he was like to have [unspec K] been killed as a beast for sacrifice, and that at Delphi, in a sacred and hallowed place, even before the altars. As for the secret practices which your host of Brundusium hath disclosed and set a∣broad, I know right well, that not onely you have received letters thereof from Rome, but your owne embassadors also have told you all by word of mouth. You might have soone avoided all this, and heard nothing thereof from me, if you would have sorborne only to aske and demand, Wherefore out forces were transported over into Macedonie, and why we sent garrisons into our consederate cities? But since you would needs put out such a question, more pride it had beene in us to have held our peace, than to utter the plaine truth as wee have done. Verily for mine owne part, in regard of the hospitall and friendly courtesies that have passed between your father and us, I favour you and will gladly make the best of your cause: and would to God [unspec L] had some good occasion ministered from your selfe, to sollicite and further your suite before the Senate.

To these challenges and imputations,* 1.12 the king framed his answered in this wise: Content I am to plead my cause before you, the parties appellants and judges both, which would be found (I doubt not) good, if it were debated and handled in the presence of indifferent and equall ar∣bitrators. And first, as touching those matters which are objected against me, they are such as in part, I wot not well, whether I may not glory in them, or at least-wise nor blush in the confes∣sing and avowing thereof. As for the rest, as they are charged upon me in bare words, so plaine words may serve flatly and simply to denie them. For say, that this day I were subject unto your lawes and by them to have my triall, what can either that promoter of Brundusium, or king Eu∣menes [unspec M] enforme against me, but it will appeare, that they accuse me not so much with matter of truth, as exhibite onely slaunderous and reprochfull tearmes? A like matter ywis it is, that nei∣ther Eumenes had any other enemie but me, (he I say, who hath done such wrong and injuries to so many, both in common and also in particular:) nor I could find a sitter person to serve my

[unspec A] turne in the execution of my projects but this Rammius, a fellow that I never had seene before, nor was everlike to see againe hereafter. I must (forsooth) give account and answer for the The∣banes, who as it is well knowne, perished by shipwracke: as also for the murder of Archarus; and yet therein I am no deeper charged than thus, that the murderers of him lived in exile and were shadowed within my realme. Now surely, this hard conclusion and unreasonable condi∣tion I will not refuse to under-goe, in cafe you also will be content to take upon you and avow all those crimes and facts, for which they stand condemned, who as banished persons have sled ei∣ther to Rome or into Italie: but in case both you and all other nations will disavow and disclame that, I also will be one among the rest. And in good faith, to speake uprightly, to what end should any man be banished from one countrey, if hee may not find a place in another, and be permit∣ted [unspec B] there to live in exile? And yet (so soone as ever I found by advertisement from you that they were within Macedonie) I for my part, made diligent search untill I had them, and then I com∣maunded them to depart out of my kingdome, yea and expressely forbad them for ever setting foot againe within my dominions. And thus much verily concerning the criminal matters ob∣jected unto me as a defendant pleading at the barre. Now let us argue and debate the rest, enfor∣ced and laid against me in qualitie of a king, namely, which concerne and touch the accord contracted between me and you. For it the words run in this sort and are thus written in the fore∣said covenants of accord, That I may not be suffered to defend my selfe and my realme, no not if any enemie of mine levie warre against me; than I must confesse indeed, that the league I have broken, in that I stood upon my guard and defence by force of armes against Abrupolis, an asso∣ciate [unspec C] of the people of Rome. But is it were lawfull for me so to doe by warrant of the accord, and allowed also by the law of nations, by force to repell force; what should I lesse, nay what could I else have done I pray you? when Abrupolis had laid wast the frontiers of my kingdome even as sarre as to Amphipolis, led into captivitie many persons free-borne, carried away a mightie number of slaves, and driven before him many thousand head of cattraile; should I have sitten still and suffered him untill he had come armed to Pella, even unto my royall pallace? But some man may haply say, You did well indeed and justly, in making, head and pursuing him by force of arms; mary, vanquished he should not have been, neither ought he to have suffered those ca∣lamities which follow men vanquished. Why? if I have endured the hazard and fortune therof, provoked as I was to warre, how can he justly complaine of rasting the like, beeing himselfe the [unspec D] cause and first motive of all? I will not use the same maner of defence (ô Romans) to this, that by force of arms I have bridled and repressed the Dolopians: for if I have not done by them accor∣ding to their demerits, yet I am sure I have delt by the vertue of the right I have over them, being as they are of mine own kingdom, under my obeisance, & made subjects to my father even by a decree of your own drawing. And yet, were I to render a reason of my proceedings against them, I say, not unto you nor unto my allies, but even to those who like not of any hard and cruel com∣mand so much as over bondslaves; can I be thought to have exercised more rigour against them, than equitie and reason would beare? For, Euphranor, whom I deputed governor over them, they killed in such sort, that death is too good for them, and the least punishment of all others that they have deserved. And as I marched forward in my progresse from thence to visite the cities of [unspec E] Larissa, Antron & Pylleon, I ascended up to Delphi, there for to sacrifice, to the end that I might discharge my conscience and pay those vowes which I had of long time owed. Now, to aggra∣vate matter in this also against mee, it is said moreover, that I was there with my armie, and in∣tended (no doubt) for to seize cities into my hands, and put garrisons into fortresses; for which at this present I complaine of you. Call the States and citties of Greece together to a generall as∣sembly, through which I passed. Let any one man come forth and make complaint of the least harme and wrong done by any of my souldiours; then will I not refuse to bee reputed and censu∣red for one who under presence and colour of divine sacrifice, went about another thing. Wee sent indeed garisons to the AEtolians and Bizantines, yea, and with the Baeotians wee contracted amitie. But these things, in what sort and for what purpose they were don, my embassadors have [unspec F] not only declared, but also excused oftentimes before your Senat: where I found some umpires to heare and decide my cause, although not so indifferent and favourable to mee ward, as your selfe are, ô Martius, my fathers old friend and familiar. For as yet Eumenes my accuser was not come to Rome, who by false furnises and suggestions, wresting at his pleasures every thing to the worst, to make all suspicious and odious unto you, went about to make you beleeve, that Greece

could not possibly be restored to freedome, and enjoy the fruit of your gracious benesire, so long [unspec G] as the kingdome of Macedonie stood entier and upright. Well, the world, you shall see, will ruin about; and anone one or other wil be here, to make remonstrance and prove, That to no purpose Antiochus is removed and confined beyond the mountaines of Taurus; that Eumenes is become much more greevous & unsupportable to all Asia than Antiochus ever was; and that your allies cannot be at rest nor live in quiet, so long as hee keepeth his roiall court in Pergamus, a citadell (as it were) overlooking and commaunding all the neighbour cities bordering thereupon. Right well I know, ô Q.Martius & your A. Attilius, that whatsoever either you have objected against me, or I answered for my defence & purgation, is such as the cares and affections are of the hea∣rers; neither what I have done, nor what mind and intension I have carried in mine actions will bee so much regarded, ashow you take every thing either done or intended. Mine owne consci∣ence beareth med witnesse, that witting and willing I have non; how, if for want to know∣ledge [unspec H] and for sight I have beene overseene and done somewhat amisse, it may been corrected and amended by this present rebuke and chassiment. This I am sure, my trespasse is not incurable; neither have I committed ought; that you should deeme worth to bee pursued by warre and force of armes. And if yee doe; then surely it is fore sought, that there goeth this name abroad throughout all nations of your elemencies and gravitie both, if I say for so slight occasions which hardly are worth the complaint & the reasoning about, you be readie to enter into armes & levie warre upon your consederate princes.

Martius for that time accorded to his speech, and moved him to addresse embassadors to Rome, being of advise and opinion himselfe to the all meanes to the very last point, and to let slip nothing whereof some hope of good might arise. It remai∣ned [unspec I] only to be debated in counsel, how embassadors might passe in safetie. And to this purpose, when it was necessarie for the K. to request a suitecase of arms, albert Martius himselfe was willing and desirous thereof (for that his drift was to nothing else by all this conference and parley) yet he seemed to make a hard matter and difficultie of it, and to doe a speciall favour and pleasure unto Perseus in graunting his petition. The truth was, the Romanes yet were not readie, nor through∣ly appointed at this present for the warre; they had neither armie puissant ynough, nor captains sufficient wheras Perseus (but that he was blinded in al his counsels with a vain hope of peace) had all things prepared and in readinesse, and might then have begun to wage war, as in the best and most opportune season for himselfe, so the worst and unfittest of al other times for his enemies.

After this parley and the abstinence of warre assured faithfully on both parts, the Romane [unspec K] commissioners were appointed and resolved to go into Baeotia, where there was begun alreadie some trouble and commotion, by reason that certaine States of the Baeotians were departed from the societie of the common Councell, eversince it was reported backe, how the Romane Legates made answere that it should appeare and bee seene, what citties they were indeed which tooke no pleasure to have any association with the king. And first, the embassadours from Cheronea; afterwards, from Thebes encountered them upon the way, who assured them, that they were not present in that Diet and Counsell, where this association was concluded. To these embassages no answer for this time was made, but willed they were onely to give their attendance and follow them to Chalcis.

At These great variance there was, which arose by occasion of another strife and [unspec L] debate. In their solemne assembly for the election of the Pretour of the Baeotians, that part which had the repulse, in revenge of that injurie and disgrace, assembled the multitude and made a decree at Thebes, That the Baeotarches should not bee received within their cit∣ties: in such sort, as like banished men they retired to Thespium; from whence (for recei∣ved there they were incontinently without any stay) being called againe to Thebes upon better advisement and chaunge of mind, they made an ordinance; That is to the number of twelve private persons held any converticle or publicke meeting together, they should bee condemned to exile. After this, Ismanias the new Pretour, a noble personage and of great puissance, by vertue of a decree adjudged them In their absence for to loose other lives. To Chalcis they were fled, and from thence to the Romanes at Larissa they went: where they [unspec M] declared that Ismenias was the cause of their association with king Perseus. Vpon that foresaid difference, they grew to hote contention, yet embassadours from both parts came to the Romanes, as well the banished persons and accuses of Ismenias, as also Ismenias himselfe. But so soone as the Romane Legates were come to Chalcies; the States and heads of other

[unspec A] cities (who every one by a speciall decree of their owne had renounced association with king Person) joined with the Romanes; whereat they tooke exceeding great contentment and joy. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought it meet and reason that the Baeotian nation should be committed to the pro∣tection of the Romanes. Whereupon arose a tomulations sray, and but that he sled into the Tri∣bunall of the Legates to save himselfe, he had escaped narrowly from being killed by the said ex∣iled persons, with the helpe of their supports and favorits.

Also the very citie of Thebes, which is the capital place of State within Baeotia, was in great trouble and uprore; whiles some drew to the king, others enclined to the Romanes. Beside, there was a multitude of Coronaeans and Haliartians gathered together to maintaine the ordinance and decree as touching the association with the king. But such was the resolute persistance of [unspec B] the principall and cheese men, who shewed by the late calamities of Philip and Antiochus, how great the forces, and how happie the fortune was of the Romane empires, that the same multi∣tude relented, & being overruled, passed a new decree, to reverse and cancile the former confede∣racie with the king; sent those that were the motifes and persuaders of contracting that amitie to Chalcis for to satisfie & content the Roman. Legates; yea, & to conclude, were of advise to re∣commend the citie to the faithful patronage of the said commissioners. Martius and Attilus took great pleasure to heart the Thebanes sing this note, they persuaded with them severally apart, and gave them counsell to sell embassadours to Rome for the renewing of this amitie: but before all things they tooke order for the restoring of the banished persons: as for the authors of the con∣federacie contracted with the king, they by their owne decree condemned. Having thus by this [unspec C] meanes infringed and made frustrate the Diet of the Baeotians (the thing which above all they most desired) they tooke their journey to Peloponnesus, together with Ser. Cornelius, whom they had sent for to Chalcis. For their sakes a counsell was holden at Argos, where they demaunded nothing else of the Achaean nation, but onely to furnish them with a thousand soldiors. This gar∣rison was sent to the defense of Chalcis, untill the Romane armie were transported into Greece. Martius and Attilius having thus dispatched all the affaires that they had to doe in Greece, in the beginning of winter returned to Rome .

Then was there sent from thence about the same time an honourable embassie to the Isles in Asia. These embassadors or Legates were three in number, to wit, T. Claudius; P. Posthumius, and M. Iunius. They in their circuit & visitation exhorted all their allies to take armes against Perseus, [unspec D] for the Romans. And the mightier & more wealthie any citie was, the more earnestly travailed they there; because the inferiour states were like to frame and sort themselves suitable to the ex∣ample and authoritie of the greater and superiour. Now of all others the Rhodians were repu∣ted of most import and consequence everie way, for that they were able not onely to favour with their countenance, but also maintaine and aid with their forces this warre: and by the per∣suation of Hergesilus they had gotten togither a fleet of fortie saile.

The Hergesilus their sove∣raigne magistrate (whome they call Pyrtanis) had by many reasons prevailed with the Rhodi∣ans, to abandon the hope they had by entertaining these KK. (which they had found by often experience how vaine it was) and to hold themselves to the societie and alliance of the Romans; the surest hold of all others at that time in the worlds, as well for strength of forces as trustie assu∣rance [unspec E] and fidelitie. There is intended war by them (qd.hd) against Perseus, and no doubt the Ro∣mans will require of us the same provision and furniture of ships and sea forces, which they have seene in their warre lately against Antiochus, and before that, against king Philip: and then you will be to seeke, and forced in great hast to provide a fleet, when in were more time it should be set out and sent forth, unlesse ye begin be times to repaire and rig your ships, unlesse, I say, you set in hand to furnish the same with saults and mariners. And with so much more endeavour ought yee thus to doe, that by your deed and effectuall emploiment, you may refuse and disproove the false imputations where with Eumenes hath charged you. By these remonstrances induced they were, in so much as at the arrivall of the Roman legats a foresaid, they were able to shew unto them an armanda of 40 ships readie rigged and well appointed, that they might know & see, they [unspec F] looked not for to be exhorted thereunto.

And this embassage was of great moment and impor∣tance also to gain the hearts of the States in Asia. Only Decimius returned to Rome without any effect of his errand and commission, nay hee ran into an ill name and obloquie, upon suspition that he had received certaine bribes of the princes in Illyricum.

Perseus upon the conference and communication had with the Romanes, retired into Mace∣donie

and sent his embassadours to Rome, to treat about the conditions of peace begun alrea∣die [unspec G] with Martius: to other embassadours also of his he gave his letters to carrie to Bizantium and Rhodes: the tenor of which letters was one and the same directed to them all: namely, That he had communed with the Romane legates, but he had so placed and couched as well what he heard as what he spake, that it might seem he gave not one foot unto them but gained the better hand in that dispute and debating with them.

These embassadors added moreover and said unto the Rhodians, that they hoped assuredly there would be a peace, for that they by the motion & advise of Martius & Attilius were addressed in embassie to Home. Now if the Romans, say they, against the covenants of accord proceeded to levie warre, then the Rhodians were to endeavour with all the credite and power they have, to reunite the peace againe; but if with all their praier and intreatie they might not prevaile, then they were to looke about and labour this one point, [unspec H] That the might and puissance of the whole world were not devolved into the hands of that one people. And as this imported and concerned all the rest, so the Rhodians especially, who fur∣mounted other States in dignitie and wealth, both which should be obnoxious and enthralled, if there were regard and respect made of none but the Romanes.

The letters of the king and words of the embassadors, were entertained with friendly, audience, other effect they tooke none to change their setled minds: for now the authoritie of the better part began also to carrie the greater sway. But this answere was returned to them, & that by way of decree, That the Rhodians withed peace with all their hearts: but if it should come to warre, their king and maister was nei∣ther to expect nor yet to exact any thing at their hands, to disjoine the ancient amity which they held with the Romanes, and which they had acquired by many and great deserts, as well in warre [unspec I] as in peace. In their returne from Rhodes, they went to the cities of Baeotia, and namely to Thebes, Coronea & Haliartus, from whom it seemed a thing extorted forcibly against their will, that they were disbanded from the king and clave to the Romans. The Thebans stood firm & im∣mooveable, although they were somewhat discontented with the Romanes, both for condem∣ning their cheife and principall citizens, and also for restoring the banished persons. But the Coronean & Haliartians upon an in-bred & setled favor by kind unto the kings, sent embassa∣dours into Macedonia, requesting a garrison for their defence against the excessive pride of the Thebanes. To this embassage the king thus aunswered, That a garrison hee might not sent, by reason of the truce made with the Romans: howbeit he advertised them to maintaine and guard themselves against the injuries of the Thebanes all that ever they could: but yet so, as they gave [unspec K] the Romanes no cause to be their heavie friends, and so to proceed in rigor against them.

Martius and Attilius being come to Rome, made report of their embassie within the Capi∣toll, in such manner, as in nothing they gloried more, than in deluding and deceiving the king, by meanes of a cessation from armes, and a pretended hope of peace. For so well appointed was hee and furnished with all provision for warre, and they contrariwise so unprovided every way, that hee mought easily have possesed himselfe of all places of opportunitie and advantage, before that their armie could passe over into Greece. But now having this respite & time of the truce, as the king would come nothing better provided, so the Romanes might begin the war, more fully furnished with all things convenient. Moreover they related how they by their com∣ming distracted & set a jar in the generall counsell of the Baetians, so as by no means anymore [unspec L] hereafter they can be rejoined to the Macedonians by consent and accord.

The greater part of the Senate approved this service of theirs as performed with singular discretion and dexteritie: But the old Senators and those that held in remembrance the ancient maner and custome of the Romanes, said plainly, That in all the course of that embassie, they could see no Romane pra∣ctise and dealing at all. Our ancestors (say they) were wont to war not by wait-laying and secret ambushes, not by skirmishes in the night season, ne yet by false semblant of running away and suddaine turning their face againe at unawares upon their unprovided enemies; neither fought they to glorifie themselves by subril flights more than by true vertue and valour: Their use and manner was, to intimate and publish was before they made any: yea and to denounce and pro∣claime the same; otherwhiles also to assigne and appoint the very place where they went to strike [unspec M] a battaile. According to this plaine and faithfull dealing, they detected and disclosed unto king Pyrrhus, the physician that would by poison have taken away his life: by the same they delivered bound unto the Faliscians the vilanous traitour that would have betraied the children of their K. These are the Roman fashions (say they) not to use the cunning casts and slie shifts of the Car∣thaginians,

[unspec A] nor the crasrie pollicies of Grecians, who ever reputed it more glorious and hono∣rable by fraud to compasse, than by force to surpasse the enemie. Indeed otherwhiles for the pre∣sent time, more good is done & greater matters are effected by guile & pollicie, than by valour and vertue: but to say a truth, the courage of that enemie is for ever conquered, who is forced to contesse that he was vanquished not by cunning, not by venture, but in just and lawfull warre by maine strength and close fight at handie gripes. Thus spake the auncients, who had no great li∣king to the new-found devises of these politicians.

Howbeit that side of the Senate which made more reckoning of profit than of honestie, carried it away and imported so much, that not one∣ly the first embassie of Martius was approved, as well performed, but also himselfe was sent back againe with certaine Quinqueremes, with a mandate also & commission to deal in the rest accor∣ding [unspec B] as he should thinke to stand with the good of the common weale. They dispatched likewise Aul. Attilus to seize Larissa in Thessalie; for feare least if the terme of truce were expired, Per∣sius should send a garrison thither, and hold in his hand the capitall citie of Thessalie. The said Attilus had a warrant to receive two thousand footmen of Cn. Sicinius for to effectuate that en∣terprise. Also P. Lentulus lately returned out of Achaea was allowed the conduct of 300 soul∣diours of the Italian nation, to the end that at Thebes he should endevour to bring all Baeotia under the obedience of the Romanes. When all things were set in this forwardnes, albeit they were at a point and fully resolved to make warre, yet thought good it was to give audience unto the embassadours of Perseus in the Senat; who rehearsed and related in manner the same reasons which were delivered by the king in the late conference and parlie. Much ado they made and la∣boured [unspec C] hard, to acquit the king of the imputation laid to his charge, for seeking the death of Eu∣menes; but with final probabilitie or none at all: for the thing was too apparant. In the end they fell to praier and intreatie: howbeit no eare was given unto them, with any such mind and heart, as could bee either instructed or inclined. In stead thereof, warned streightly they were to depart immediately foorth of the liberties of Rome, and within thirtie daies out of Italie.

After this, P. Licinius the Cos. who was charged with the province of Spain had commande∣ment given him to assigne unto the armie the soonest day that he could, for to meet in one cer∣taine place. C. Lucretius the Pretour who had the conduct of the fleet, tooke his leave of the citie with 40 Quinqueremes: for advised it was, that the rest of the ships which had beene repaired, [unspec D] should be staied at home for to be emploied otherwise about the citie. And the Pretour sent his brother Lucretius, before with one Galeace or Quinquereme, and commission to receive of the allies that shipping which by covenant they were to find; and with them neere the Iland Cepha∣lenia, to joine with the rest of the armada: to wit, from the Rhegines one trireme gallie, from the Locrians twaine, from the Vrites four. With which he coasted along Italie, and having doubled the utmost point of Calabria within the* 1.13 Ionian sea, he arived at Dyrrhachium. There he found ten gallions or barkes of the Dyrrhachians, twelve of the Issaeans, and fiftie foure belonging to king Gentius, which he tooke all with him along, making semblance that he supposed they were provided of purpose for the service of the Romanes: with this fleet by the third day hee fell with the Ile Corphu: and so forward he made saile and arrived at Cephalenia. C. Lucretius the Pretor, [unspec E] having losed to sea from Naples, crossed the strengths of Sicilie, and on the fiftieth day cut over likewise to Cephalenia. Then the fleete strucke anchor, expecting as well the arrivall of the land forces, as also that the hulkes and vessels of carriage which were scattered upon the seas from the rest of their companie, might overtake them.

It happened about this time, that Pub. Licinius the Consull having conceived and solemnly made his vowes within the Capitoll, departed in his coat of armes from the citie. A solemnitie at all times verily this is, done with much dignitie and majestie: but especially with exceeding great pleasure and contentment of the beholders; when the Consull is accompanied with a stately traine at his first setting forth, to encounter some great and famous enemie, renowned as well for vertue, as qualitie and fortune: for at such a time men assemble and gather together, [unspec F] not onely in regard of dutie to acquit themselves of their devoir, but also upon a desire they have of the verie shew and fight presented unto their eies; namely, to see their captaine to whose con∣duct and counsell they have committed the managing and defense of the common-weale. More∣over, they take occasion thereby to thinke of the hazard of warre, how adventurous is the event and how doubtfull the issue of battaile in the field. They call to mind the alternative course of

good fortune and bad; and namely, how by the blind ignorance or the unadvised rashnesse of [unspec G] leaders, many soiles and overthrowes have happened; and contrariwise by politicke wisdom and hardie courage, great matters have been effected and happy victories atchieved. And what mor∣tall man is he that knoweth, of what mind and cariage good or bad, how fortunate or unluckie the Consull is, whom they send forth to war: whether he be like soon to be seen again, in trium∣phant wise with his victorious armie mounting up the Capitoll unto those gods, of whom now he taketh his leave: or shall give occasion to the enemies in the same manner to rejoyce? As for Perseus the king, (against whome this expedition and journey is taken) a prince hee is highly renowmed both by the Macedonian nation (so famous for fears of armes,) and also by his fa∣ther Philip, who among other fortunate archievements of his, was ennobled by his war against the Romans. Moreover, the verie name of Persius himselfe (since time that first the diadenie was [unspec H] set upon his head) was in every mans mouth, and no talke continually but of him and the ex∣pectation of this warre. With these and such like cogitations (I say) a mightie number of men of all sorts and degrees attended and accompanied the Consull at his departure. With him were sent two Colonels or knight-marshals above the rest, who had been Consuls, namely, C. Claudius and Q. Mutius: also three brave and lustie young gallants, to wit, P. Lentulus and the two Manlij, both surnamed Acidini, the one sonne to* 1.14 M. Manlius and the other to L. Manlius. The Consull thus accompanied, first went to Brundusium to the armie, and from thence pas∣sed the seas to Nymphaeum, and so encamped in the territorie of Apollonia.

Perseus some few daies before, upon the returne of his embassadours from Rome, who had cleane put him out of all hope of peace, held a councell; wherein for a good while the matter [unspec I] was debated with great varietie of sundrie opinions. Some were of mind, that in case the Ro∣mans enjoined them either to yeeld a tribute, or to forgoe some of their lands; yea if they im∣posed upon them some fine by way of amends and satisfaction: in briefe, whatsoever else they set downe and ordained, to doe and suffer all for to redeeme their peace, and not to refuse any condition were it never so hard, but to take heed and provide in any wise, that Perseus put not himselfe not the realme upon the dangerous hazard of so great a jeopardie. For if hee held still the maine point and continued in quiet possession of his kingdome, in time and space much good might happen; by meanes whereof he should be able not onely to licke himselfe whole and recover his losses, but also become hereafter dread and terrible even unto those of whome now he standeth in feare.

But the farre greater part caried with them a more courageous spirit [unspec K] and gave advise accordingly. For they affirmed, That if Perseus parted with ought and yeelded never so little, he must make account with all to quit the free-hold of his whole kingdome soone after. For tis neither money not land (say they) that the Romanes want; but this they wore full well, That as all things els in the world, so especially great monarchies and empires are subject to many accidents and casualties: right well they know also, how they have quelled and bruised the puissance of the Carthaginians, and for to yoke their necks and hold them downe, have set up a mightieking to be their neighbour and to commaund them; yea and that Antiochus and all his race is remooved and chased beyond the mountaine Taurus. There remaineth only now the realme of Macedonie, which is both seated in a neere region, and also (if the fortune of the people of Rome should happen to saile) seemeth able to give heart and courage to her kings at [unspec L] this day, answerable to that of their noble progenitors in former times. And therefore whiles the state standeth entire and unfoiled, Perseus ought to resolve, whether he had leiser by forgoing one thing after another, strip himselfe in the end of all his goods and lands, and so turned cleane out of his kingdom, be driven to request at the Romans hand either Samothracia or some other such petie Isle, where, in qualitie of a private person he may survive his roiall estate and live to old age in base contempt and needie povertie: or els, to take arms in the defence and maintenance of his royall place and dignitie, like a prince of valor and courage; and either abide all hazards whatsoever the fortune of the field shall plunge him into; or after victorie atchieved deliver the whole world from the dominion & imperious seignorie of the Romans. And no greater wonder and miracle is it to hunt the Romans out of Greece, than it was to chase Anniball out of Italie: [unspec M] neither see wee in good faith (say they) how by any reason it can well stand, that he who resisted with all his might and maine his owne brother, that would have made himselfe king against all right and law, should now to straungers and aliens render the possession thereof, which hee came so well and truly by, and wherein he is so rightfully inversted? Finally, in war and peace how∣soever,

[unspec A] men make questions, disputing and arguing too and fro; yet this conclusion they all graunt and agree upon, That as there is nothing more shameful and dishonest, than to abandon and loose a kingdome without battaile, so there is nothing more glorious and honourable than for the maintenance of princely dignitie and regall majestie, to hazard all fortune whatsoever.

This counsell was holden at Pella, the auncient pallace wherein the Macedonian KK. kept their royall court. Why then (quoth hee) on Gods name, since you are of that mind and resolu∣tion, let us take armes and to the field: whereupon he sent his letters into all parts to his gallants and captaines, and assembled and drew all his forces to Citium a towne of Macedonie. Himselfe in person after he had perfourmed a magnificent sacrifice (like a king) of an hundred head of beasts to the honour of Minerva, surnamed Alcida, he departed accompanied with a number [unspec B] of his courtiers, pensioners, and yeoman of the guard to Citium. To which place were gathe∣red alreadie all his forces, as well Macedonians as auxiliarie strangers. Hee pitched his campe before the towne, and embattailed all his armed men in the plaine. Hee was in all fortie thou∣sand strong; whereof one halfe well-neere consisted of those whome they call Phalangiae, and those were commaunded by one Hippias of Berrhaea. Besides, there were two choice compa∣nies (for the flower of age and strength of Bodie) selected out of the whole number of targuet∣tiers, called Cetrati. This regiment, themselves called by the name of The legion; and the same was under the conduct of Leonatus and Thrasippus both* 1.15 Eulyestanes. The rest of the targuet∣tiers to the number of three thousand or verie neere, were led by Antiphilus of Edessa. The Pae∣onians, those also of Pacoria and Pastrymonia (places subject unto the Thracian) and the Agri∣ans, [unspec C] togither with some inhabitants of Thracia entermingled among them, amounted also to the number of three thousand. Didas of Paeonia had levied and armed them, even the man that murdered young Demetrius. There were besides, two thousand Frenchmen in armes under the leading of captaine Asclepiodorus. From Heraclea likewise out of the Sintians country, there were three thousand Thracians free-men borne, under a leader of their own. The like number well-neere of Cretensians followed their commaunders, Susus of Phalasarna, and Syllus of Gno∣sos: also Leonides the Lacedemonian, had the charge of five hundred out of Greece, but a mixt companie they were of divers nations. This Leonides was said to have bene of the bloud roiall, a banished person, condemned in a frequent assembly and counsell of the Achaeans, for certaine letters which he sent to Perseus, and were entercepted. The Aetolians and Boeotians who in all [unspec D] made not above five hundred, were conducted by Lyco an Achaean. These auxiliaries or aid-sol∣diours of so many states and nations mixt and blended together, grew fast upon the number of twelve thousand armed men. As for the cavallery, he had levied out of all Macedonie three thou∣sand horse or thereabout. Colys king of the Odrysians, the sonne of Scathes, was thither come with a thousand choosen men of armes, and almost as many footmen. In summe, the whole ar∣mie arose to the number of 39000 foot and foure thousand horsemen. And this was held for certain, that the like army was never raised by any king of Macedonie, unlesse it were that again, with which Alexander the great passed over into Asia. Twentie yeeres now and sixe werecome and gone, since time that peace was graunted unto Philip at his owne suite and request: during which space betweene, Macedonie being in rest and quietnes, had brought sooth a goodly frie [unspec F] of fresh youth: a great part where of was of sufficient age to beare armes; and by the continuall skirmishes which they maintained with the Thracians their neighbours, were rather whetned than weakened, and more enured than wearied; and in one word lived ever in practise of martiall fears: wherby it came to passe, that all things were prest and in readinesse for the war, which Phi∣lip first, and Perseus afterwards projected to wage against the Romans.

This armie stirred and advaunced a little, not in manner of a full march as to a present bat∣taile; but onely for this, that they would not be seene to have stood still in their armies: and thus armed as the souldiors were, Perseus called them to an audience, intending to make an oration unto them. Being mounted up to his Tribunall, he stood there with his two sonnes about him, one of either hand, whereof the elder (named Philip) he adopted to be his child, whereas indeed [unspec F] by nature he was his brother; but the younger (whom they called Alexander) was his owne na∣turall sonne. Then and there he exhorted his souldiors to fight manfully, and laid before them what wrongs and injuries the people of Rome had done both to his father and also to himselfe.

As for my father (quoth he) forced he was by all kind of indignities to enter into armes and begin warre againe;* 1.16 but in the very preparation therof, he was suddenly surprised and strucken

with death. To my selfe at one time were embassadors from them sent to treat of peace, & armed [unspec G] souldiours also for to seize upon the cities of Greece. Afterwards, by a deceitfull shew of a parley, under colour of reconciliation and peace making, we were born in hand and drawn out a whole winter, to the end that they might gaine time to prepare for warre. And now is the Consull com∣ming with two Roman legions having either of them some three hundred horse besides, and with a proportionable number (and that is the most) of allies, as well foot as horse. And say that the KK. both Eumenes and Masanissa joine with their aidforces, yet can they not amount above the num∣ber of seven thousand. Now that yee have heard what the strength is of the enemies, regard and compare your own armie, namely, how far both in number, as also in goodnesse and qualitie of souldiours, you surpasse them; being your selves from your childhood and infancie warriours trained in practise of armes & warfare, wrought, framed and hardened in so many battels: where [unspec H] as they be new & raw souldiers taken up in hast & enrolled now the first time against this present service. As for the auxiliaries of the Romans, what are they but Lydians, Phrygians, and Numidi∣ans? but we to set against them, have to aid us Thracians and Gauls, the most courageous nations under heaven. For harnish and weapons, they have no other than such as every poore souldior is able to provide for himselfe: but the Macedonians are furnished out of the kings roiall armorie and arcenal with such armors of proofe, as my father in many yeers caused to be made with great care, and to his no small expence. The Romans be far from their provisions, & the same exposed to all the casualties of the sea: but we, besides the revenues and issues out of the mines of metall, have laid by both coine and corne sufficient to serve for ten years. The Macedonians have store and soison in great abundance heape-full of all things necessarie, and bee provided as well by [unspec I] the gracious favour of the gods, as the carefull diligence of a king. It remaineth now that ye car∣rie that mind and courage with you, which your noble progenitors bare before you, those I say, who after they had conquered and subdued all Europe, passed into Asia, and by force of armes made way and discovered that part of the world that was never heard of before, and gave not over to win ground still and make more conquests, untill they were barred by the red sea, and could find no more land to conquer. But now beleeve me, fortune hath denouced a triall by warre, not for the purchase of the utmost bounds and marches of India, but for our free hold and posses∣sion, for our inheritance even of Macedonie. These Romanes, when they warred against my fa∣ther, pretended a goodly title, and made a glorious shew to the world, as though they would de∣liver Greece, and establish it in freedome: but now in open and plaine tearmes they shoot at Ma∣cedonie, [unspec K] intending to bring it into servitude; to the end there might be no king neere neighbor to the Romane seignorie, not any nation renowmed for martiall prowesse, permitted to beare armes and have weapon in hand. For, these things and no lesse, forced shall yee bee to part with, and deliver up unto these prowd LL. together with king and kingdome, in case yee surcease war; and to doe whatsoever they will commaund you.

All the while that he delivered this speech, there might be heard secret succlamations oftentimes, sufficiently testifying the generall assent of them all: but at these last words they lift up their voices and cried out aloud, part for anger and indignation menacing the enemie, part for courage and resolution exhorting the king to be of good cheare and take a good heart; in so much as hee was constrained to give over, and make an end of his Oration: onely he commaunded them to bee readie for the remove, and to put them∣selves [unspec L] in the journey against the enemie: for by this time advertised he was that the Romans were dislodged from Nymphaeum. After this assembly was dismissed, he gave audience to the embas∣sages from the States of Macedonie: for, come they were to make promise and offer both of money and graine to maintaine this warre, every one according to their abilitie. Thanked they were each one, and released of all that charge, with this answere, that the kings provision was suf∣ficient. Onely hee commaunded them to find waines and carts for carriages of the peeces of or∣dinance, the engines of batterie, the darts, quarrels, and other shot, whereof a mightie deale hee had provided; and in summe, all the instruments and furniture of warre. Then he set forward with his whole armie marching toward Eordea, and neere unto the lake which they call Begarites, he encamped. The next morrow he advanced to Elimea upon the river Haliacmon. After this [unspec M] having passed over the mountaines named Cambunij through a streight and narrow passage, hee descended to those that inhabite Azorus, Pythous and Doliche, which quarter is called Tri∣polis. These three townes staied somewhile in suspence, by reason that they had given their ho∣stages to the Larissaeans: but in the end, overcome with the fear presented before their eies, were

[unspec A] content to yeeld themselves into his hands. Perseus used gracious words to this people, making this account, that the Perrhaebians would doe the like: and in very deed he entred upon the cit∣tie (which surrendred at his first arrivall) without any doubt or stay at all made by the inhabitants within. As for the town Cyretiae, he assaied to batter it, and the first day he was repulsed in a sharp skirmish at the very gates made by the townesmen that put on armes, drew to an head, and made resistance. But the morrow after when he had assailed the citie with all his forces, they submitted all to his mercie before night. The inhabitants of the next towne to it, Mylae, presuming upon their fortifications, and standing upon this, That their citie was imprenable, were so prowd and lustie, that they could not be contented to shut the gates onely against the king, but most rude∣ly and malapertly spared not to cast out reprochfull taunts and gibing tearmes against his owne [unspec B] person and the Macedonians. Which manner of dealing, as it envenomed the enemies and ed∣ged them the rather to enforce & follow the assault, so it kindled themselves the more (upon dis∣paire of all pardon and mercie) to maintaine and make good their place, and stand more reso∣lutely in their owne defence. Whereupon for three daies together the towne was assailed by one part, and defended by the other with mightie courage right valiantly. The Macedonians were so many in number, that by turnes they releeved the assault without any difficultie, and entred one in the place of another. But the townesmen who evermore day & night guarded the walls, with∣out any chaunge and new supplie, were not onely overcharged with many wounds, but also wea∣ried and enfeebled with continuall travell and want of sleepe. The fourth day, when at one in∣stant the skaling ladders were reared against the walls in every quarter, and the gate assailed with [unspec C] greater force and violence than before, the inhabitants being driven from the courtaine & bat∣tlements, ran all to ward the gate, and made a suddaine fallie upon the enemies: which procee∣ding more upon inconsiderate and blind anger, than any true and assured confidence of their owne strength, caused them (few in number and wearied) to bee discomsited and put to flight by the enemies fresh and in heart, who entred pell mell with them into the said gate standing wide. open. Thus was this citie taken and ransacked. The bodies also of the free borne persons, as ma∣ny as remained after the bloudie execution, were sold in market. Perseus after hee had rased, rui∣ned and burned a great part of the towne, dislodged and departed from thence to Phalanna, and the next day following went onward, and marched to Gyrtone. But being advertised that T. Mi∣nutius Rufus and Hippias the Pretour of Thessalie were entred thither with a garrison, hee passed [unspec D] besides the towne and never made offer of any assault. But hee surprised Elatia and Gonnus, by reason that the townesmen were strucken with exceeding feare upon his suddaine arrivall. These two townes are situate upon the very streight which leadeth to Tempe, but Gonnus especially. And therefore hee left it guarded with a strong garrison both of foot and horse, as also fortified with a triple trench and rampier. Himselfe in person went onward stil to Sycurium, minding there to attend the comming of the enemie: and withall he commaunded his armie to forage and pur∣vey come every way all over the territorie of the enemies lying under him. For Cycurium is sea∣ted upon the hanging of an hill toward the very foot of the mountaine Ossa, having upon the South side the plaine champion of Thessalie under it, but behind on the backe Macedonie and Magnesia. Over and above these commodities, the place is very healthfull and plenteous of all [unspec E] good things, watered also with many quicke and runnings springs round about.

The Romane Consull having his armie on foot about that time marching toward Thessalie, at the first found good way and readie passage through Epirus: but afterwards when hee was passed over once into Athamania, he met with a rough countrey and rugged soile, and in maner insuperable: so as with exceeding great difficultie and by short journies hee had much adoe to reach unto Gomphi. And if at that time, whiles his men and horses were encombered and tain∣ted, the king had made head in battell arraunged, taking the vauntage of time and place against him, leading as he did an host composed but of rude and untrained novices, the Romanes them∣selves cannot: denie, but it would have gone very hard with them, and a great overthrow they must needs have received in that conflict. But when they were come once to Gomphi without [unspec F] any skirmish, besides the joy which they conceived, for that they had escaped and overcome that daungerous passage, they began also to contemne their enemies, for that they knew not their owne good, and were so ignorant of the opportunities which they had. The Consull after he had duly sacrificed (as it appertained) and distributed the allowance of corne among his souldiours, so journed there some few daies for the rest and repose both of man and beastwhere, hearing that

the Macedonians taunged and over-ran the countrey of Thessalie, wasting and spoiling the ter∣ritorie [unspec G] of the Romane allies, he led his souldiors now sufficiently refreshed unto Larissa. And ha∣ving marched from thence within three miles of Tripolis (which they call Scea) hee pitched his tents, and lodged upon the river Peneus.

At the same time Eumenes arrived by sea at Chalcis, together with two of his brethren, At∣taius and Athenas••s, leaving at Pergamus a third brother Phileterus, for the defence of his realm. From thence, accompanied with Attalus and a power of foure thousand foot and a thousand horse, hee came to the Consull, and left at Chalcis two thousand footmen, commaunded by Atheneus. Thether also repaired other aids which came into the Romanes from all the States of Greece, but most of the particulars were so small as now they are growne out of remembrance. The Appolloniates sent three hundred horsemen and a hundred footmen. From the Aetolians [unspec H] there came to the mountnance of one Cornet of horsemen, even the whole Cavallerie that the said nation could make. Likewise all the Cavallerie of the Thessalians which exceeded not the number of three hundred that served in the Romane campe, and quartered apart. The Achaeans sent one thousand men of their youth, armed for the most part after the Candiot maner. And much about this time C. Lucretius also the Pretour, who had the conduct of the ships that an∣chored in the rode of Cephalenia, after he had given charge to M. Lucretius his brother, to make saile with his fleet beyond the cape of Malea, and so to passe to Chalcis, himselfe went abourd unto a trireme galley, and sailed toward the gulfe of Corinth, for to be seized first of the countrie of Baeotia, and to prevent all matters there. Hee made way but slowly, because of the infirmitie and weaknes of his bodie. M. Lucretius being arrived at Chalcis, and advertised that P. Lentulus [unspec I] lay against the cittie of Haliartus, sent a messenger, commanding him in the name of the Pre∣tor to raise the siege and dislodge from thence. The leiutenant not withstanding he had set into that service with the help of the youth of that part of Boeotia which tooke part with the Romans, retired from before the wals. The levying of this siege gave occasion of a new enterprise: for in∣continently M. Lucretius besieged and invested Haliartus with his owne sea-forces to the number often thousand fighting men, together with two thousand souldiours from king Eumenes, wher∣of Athen••eus had the charge: and as they were now upon the point to give an assault, the Pretour came in unto them from Creusa. And very neere to that time, there arrived also at Chalcis cer∣taine ships from the allies, namely two Quinquereme galeaces of Carthage, two trireme gallies from Heraclea in Pontus, foure from Chalcedon, as many from Samos, and five quadrireme [unspec K] gallies of Rhodes. All these vessels the Pretour sent backe againe to the allies, and cased them of that charge, because there was no sea-service to bee performed in any place. Q. Martius also came by sea to Chalcis, after he had woon Halops and assaulted Larissa called Cremaste.

This was the state of Baeotia, when Perseus (as hath bene said before) lay encamped at Sycu∣rium: who after he had from every coast thereabout gotten together all the graine that he could come by, sent certaine companies to give the wast unto the territorie of the Phoceans, supposing the Romanes might be surprised, when they should be drawn farre from their owne campe to the succouring of their distressed associates. But perceiving that they stirred never the more for all that tumult: he dealt among his souldiours all the prey, but onely of men and women: now the bootie stood most upon cattaile, wherewith they made good cheere. After this, but neere about [unspec L] one & the same time, the Consull & king Perseus both, debated in their counsell, how and where they should begin the warre. The king had taken great heart and courage by occasion that the enemie suffered him to make such havocke and doe his pleasure in the Pheraeans territorie. And therefore his resolution was, to march directly against the Romane campe, without giving more time and making any farther delay. The Romanes likewise for their parts were of opinion, that all forslacking now would greatly prejudice their reputation among the consederates, who tooke it exceedingly to the heart, that they had not succoured the Pheraeans. As they fate consulting what to do, (now Eumenes and Attilius both were present at this counsell) there came a messen∣ger in post hast with newes that the enemie approached nere at hand with a mighty army. Wher∣upon the counsell breake up, and presently the signall was given to arme. And advised it was in the [unspec M] meane while, that there should goe forth a hundred horse, and as many darters and foot out of king Eumenes his companies.

Perseus about the fourth houre of the day, being come within a mile and somewhat more of the Romane leaguer, commanded the ensignes of the footmen to stand. Himselfe in person with

[unspec A] the men of armes and light armed souldiours advaunced forward, and so together with king Ce∣ty and the captaines of the other auxiliaries, they two marched before. Now when they were within halfe a mile from the campe, they might discover the horsemen of their enemies. Two corners they were, most part Gaules, under the conduct of Cassignatus; besides the loose and light armed forlorne hope, to the number wel-neere of a hundred and fiftie, and those were part∣ly Mysians and partly Cretensians. Here at the king made a stand, not knowing well the number of the enemies: and anone out of the regiment that hee had with him hee crew two wings of Thracian horse, & as many Macedonians; likewise two cohorts of Cretensian & as many Thra∣cian footmen. Hereupon ensued a skirmish: but for as much as they were matched even in num∣ber, and no succour came in to rescue from the one part of the other, it ended likewise in [unspec B] doubtfull ballance of victorie. Of Eumenes his part there died about thirtie: in which number Cassignatus the commander of the Gauls was slaine. So for that time Perseus retired his forces to Sycurium: but the next morrow the king marched with them againe to the selfe same place, and much about the foresaid houre. Certaine carts and waines laden with water followed after: and by reason that for a douzen mile space, all the way was water-lesse and full of dust withall, hardly bestead (as it should seeme) they had ben for very drought and thirst, in case they had been char∣ged & put to skirmish, at the time when they were first in fight. But considering that the Romans kept quiet, yea and had reduced their corps de guard within their rampier, Perseus likewise retired with his forces into his campe. This did the enemies for certain daies together, hoping ever that the Romane cavallerie would charge upon the taile of the arriere guard in their retreat: & when [unspec C] by that occasion the skirmish was once begun, and that they had trained and drawne them farre from their campe; then, they mought with ease wheresoever they were, turne upon them and make head, having the ods of them in horsemen and light armed souldiours. But the king seeing this would not speed, encamped neerer unto the Romanes, and fortified the compasse of halfe a mile. From whence betimes in the morning by the breake of day, after hee had embattailed his infanterie in the usuall place, he led all his cavallerie and light armed men toward the campe of his enemies. The Romanes seeing a greater dust raised by more in number, and the same neerer than ordinarie it had beene, were mightily afraid within their campe. But at the first they would hardly beleeve the messenger that brought the newes: for that continually all the former daies the enemie used not to be seene untill the fourth houre of the day, and now the sun was but new∣ly [unspec D] risen. Howbeit afterwards (I say) when about the gates there were thicker alarmes given, and more and more running from thence, and that now there was no doubt at all of the matter, there grew an exceeding trouble and hurliburly. The marshals, colonels, captaines, and centurians, betooke themselves into the quarter about the Pretours pavillion: and the souldiours ran every man to his owne tent. Perseus had embattailed his men lesse than halfe a mile from the rampier about a little hill which they call Calicinus. King Cotys had the charge of the left wing, with all those of his owne nation. The rankes of the cavallerie stood marshalled alunder one from the o∣ther, by reason that the light armed souldiours were bestowed betweene. In the right wing were placed the Macedonian horsemen, and the Cretensians likewise entermingled among them. Milon of Berrhaea led these light armed soldiours: but Meno of Antigonia commanded the horse∣men, [unspec F] and the whole regiment of that part. Next to those wings the cavallerie of king Perseus was arraunged together with the selected aid-souldiours of many and sundrie nations: and the same were conducted by Patrocles of Antigonia, and Didas the governour of Paeonia. In the middest of all was the king himselfe: having about him band called Agema, and certaine cor∣nets of horsemen named [the sacred wings.] Before him he planted the slingers & darters, who both together amounted to the number of 400: and over them he appointed for to be their lea∣der one Ion of Thessalonica, & Timanor the Dolopian. In this manner as is before said, stood the kings forces embattailed. The Cos. having put his infanterie in order of battaile, sent out his ca∣vallerie likewise with the light armed companies, who were set in array before the campe. C. Lici∣nius Crassius the Consuls brother had the leading of the right point, with all the Italian horse∣men [unspec F] and the footmen lightly appointed intermingled among them, M. Valerius Lavinus in the left, commanded the horsmen of the Greeke associats, together with the light armed soldiers of the same nation. Q. Matius conducted the battailon in the mids with certain extraordinary cho∣sen men of armes. Before their guidons, 200 horsemen of the Gaules stood in ordinance: & of the auxiliaries of king Eumenes, three hundred Cyrtians, & four hundred Thessalian horse. Not far

from thence were raunged, somewhat above the left point king Eumenes himselfe and his bro∣ther [unspec G] Attalus, with all their power were planted behind, even betweene the rereward and the trench. Thus stood both battailes much after this manner arraunged, and having of either side a like strength in manner of horsmen and light-armour, they encountred and charged one ano∣ther; and then the conflict was begun by the forlom hope of loose shot, to wit, the flingers and darters that went before. And first of all others the Thracians, faring like wild and savage beasts who had been long pent up within some grates and cages, with a mightie crie advaunced forth and ran upon the Italian horsemen in the right wing, to the end that they might trouble and a∣mase them; being otherwise a nation fearlesse, as well by nature as for long experience and pra∣ctice of warre *** The footmen with their swords assaied to cut off the heads of their pikes; and one whiles they bought their horses, and another whiles they ran them into their [unspec H] flankes. Perseus rode into the mids of the battaile, and at the first shocke forced the Greekes to turne aside and give way: and when the enemie pressed moreover hard upon them behind, be∣hold, the Thessalian horsmen who were placed in the rereguard for succour, and stood somewhat apart and severed from the left wing, who at first were beholders onely of the fight (as keeping without the daunger of the charge) afterwards stood them in verie good stead, even as they were the point to goe downe and have the worse. For as they retired leisurely without breaking their rankes, after that they once joyned with the aids of Eumenes, they both yeelded the oppor∣tunitie to their allies who were disbanded in the rout, to retire in safetie within their rankes: and also espying their owne vantage, when the enemies pursued not so thick in troupes, they adven∣tured to put themselves forward beyond, and so stated many of those their allies whome they [unspec I] encountred and received in their flight. Neither durst the kings men, being now also disarraied and dispearsed here and there in following the chase, come to hand-fight and joyne battaile with those, continuing so well in order as they did, and marching firme and strong together; whereas the matter had been dispatched and the warre brought to a finall end, in case the king who want the better in horse-fight, had never so little come in with helpe and succour. For as heo encouraged his souldiours to fight, there came in place very sidy and in passing good time, the * 1.17 Phalanx, which Hippias and Leonaius (because they would not be behind-hand in this hardie enterprise) brought of their owne accord in great hast so soon as ever they heard of the winning-hand of the Cavallerie.

And whiles the king wavered in doubtfull suspence, betweene hope and feare of this so great an adventure, Evander the Cretensian, whose service Perseus had used in [unspec K] the await laid for king Eumenes at Delphi, seeing, that main barrell marching heavily armed un∣der their ensignes, ran unto the king and earnestly advertised him to take hee, least that presu∣ming too much and bearing himselfe over confident of this good speed of his, he brought not unadvisedly the maine chaunce of all his estate, into a needlesse and unnecessarie hazard. For if (quoth he) you can be content with the happie fortune of this faire day and so rest, either you shall have the meanes to make and honourable peace, or else (if you had leiser prosecute the warre) to win exceeding many allies to beare armes with you in the field; who no doubt will follow the traine of your good fortune.

To this way stood the kings mind ever, and thither hee soone enclined. Therefore having commanded Evander for his good advise, hee com∣maunded the ensignes to retire, and the footmen to returne into the campe: likewise to [unspec L] sound the retreat unto the guidons of the men of armes. In this battaile 200 Romane horse∣men that day lost their lives, and no sewer than two thousand footmen, and fast upon two hun∣dred of the Cavallerie were taken prisoners. Of the kings side, there died not past 200 horsemen and fortie of the other.

After that the victorious enemies were upon their return into the camp, all were journd and glad in generall, but above the rest the Thracians shewed themselves in joy for this their victo∣rie, over insolent: for they returned singing full merily, and carried the heads of their enemies fixed upon their speare points. But the Romanes were not onely sad and heavie for this unfortu∣nate but fearfull also least the enemie should forthwith assaile their camp. Enmenes gave counsell to dislodge and remoove to the other side of the river Pencus, that it might serve them [unspec M] in stead of a defence and bulwarke, untill such time as the amated soldiours had recovered their spirits and taken heart againe. The Consull was ashamed and abashed to bewray his feare; how∣beit, over-ruled with reason, he set his armie over the river in the dead time of the night, and en∣camped on the farther banke. King Perseus the morrow after advaunced forward to bid the ene∣mies

[unspec A] battell, but perceiving they wer lodged beyond the river, he confessed that he had saulted indeed, for that he had not followed his victorie the day before but more overseen a good deale he was in lying still and taking repose that night; for without troubling any else of his own men, he might have sent out the light armed soldiors only to set upon the enemies as they passed over the river in hast and fright, and so defeated a great part of their forces. Now, the Romanes shook off their feare for the present, considering they were incamped in a sure place: but among other damages, the blot especially of their honor and name grieved and troubled them. And as they sate in councell before the Consull, everie man for his part laid all the blame upon the AEtolians, who first began to be afraid and runne away; and whose example of feare the other allies of the cities of Greece followed: for it was said, that five principall men of marke among [unspec B] the AEtolians, were seene and noted firstof all other to have turned their backes. But the Thessalians were praised in a full assembly of the whole armie; and their captaines for their venue and valorous service were honoured with presents. The spoiles of the enemies were brought before king Perseus; out of which hee bestowed freely upon some, brave and gorgeous armors; upon others, goodly great horses; and finally, certeine were rewarded with the prize of good prisoners. Targuets there were above a thousand and five hundred, cuiraces and corslets not so few as a thousand; besides, a farre greater proportion of murrions, swords, and shot of all sorts. Great matters these were, considered in themselves; but much more amplified and set out by the king himselfe with a speech that hee made in a frequent audience of his annie assembled togither, after this or the like manner.

You see alreadie by this (quoth he) what [unspec C] you may judge before-hand of the finall issue of this warre: discomsited yee have the bet∣ter part of your enemies, to wit the Romane Cavallerie, wherein they tooke themselves to be invincible. For their horsemen are the very gallants and bravest of their youth; their gentlemen of armes (I say) are the seminarie and nource-garden of their Senate. From them they chuse their nobles and peeres to make consuls of, yea, and Generals of the field another day. And the spoiles of these wee have erewhiles divided among us. Neitheris the victorie lesse which yee have gained of the Insanterie and legions, who although by night they made an escape from you, yet in hasting to passe over the river, they resembled a fort that had suffered shipwracke at sea, and in fearfull hast for their lives have swum and overspred the river every where with their bodies. Soo∣ner shall we and with greater case, I trow, get over Peneus, to chase them thus alreadie overcome, [unspec D] than they did, making such hast for feare: and being once set on the other side, wee shall out of hand assaile their campe, which we mought have forced and woon this day, but that they tooke them to their heeles and fled. But if they will come to a field and trie the quarrell by the swords points looke yee for no other issue of the conflict with footmen, than was before of the other with horsmen. These words, both the horsmen (who bare upon their own shoulders the spoils of their enemies lying slain before their eies in open view) heard with great pleasure and contentment, as measuring the hope of the future speed by the fortune passed; and also the footmen enflamed now with the glorie of others (and namely those that were of the Macedonian Phalanx) wished with all their hearts to have the like occasion offered unto them, wherein they might not onely shew their valiant service before the king, but also win semblable glorie of their enemies.

Thus [unspec E] the assembly was dissolved, and the morrow after the king marched forward and encamped upon Mopselus, which is an hill situate in the mid way betweene Tempe and Larissa. The Romanes re∣moved their campe into a place of more securities, howbeit not farre from the banke of Penens. Thither repaired Misagenes the Numidian, with a thousand horse, and as many foot, besides two and twentie elephants. Now as king Perseus during these daies, sat in counsell what course to take as touching the maine conduct of his affaires, when his courage was now well abated and not so lustie for his late victorie, some of his friends were so hardie as to advise him to use this good fortune of his for the obtaining and compassing of some honourable peace, rather than upon a vaine hope to carie his head a lost, and engaged himselfe and his whole state into some hazard and jeopardie, out of which hee should not bee able to recover and retire into safetie. For to keepe a [unspec F] meane and moderation in prosperitie, and not over-confidently to trust upon the present flatte∣ring fortune, is the part (say they) of a wise man indeed and truly happie. And therefore the best course is, to send certaine men of purpose unto the Consull, for to renew the league upon the same conditions, with which your father Philip had accepted peace here to sore of T. Quintius the conquerour. For neither (say they) can the watre be taken up with greater honour and reputa∣tion,

than after so memorable a battell; nor ever will there bee presented more firme and assured [unspec G] hope of a peace to continue for ever, than upon this occasion, which will worke and mollisie the Romanes as a man would have them, to come on and assient to any accord, considering they are well tamed with the infortunitie of this battell. But in case the Romanes upon an inbred pee∣vishnes and engrassed pertinacitie of theirs, should not hear reason, but refuse an indifferent end, then both God & man shal be witnesse, as wel of the moderation of Perseus, as of their pride and insolent frowardnes. The K. was willing enough to give eare to this, & indeed never misliked such discourses; & therfore the advise was approved by the assent of the most part: wherupon embassa∣dors were sent to the Cos. and in a frequent councell assembled, had audience given them. Peace they demaunded, and promised that Perseus should pay unto the Romans as great a tribute as Philip had covenanted for; and likewise quit-the same cities, pieces, and territories, which Phi∣lip [unspec H] had given up and surrendred. To this effect spake the embassadours; who being retired aside, the Romans debated in councell, and in the end, Romane constancie imported and had the up∣per hand: for in those daies the manner and use was, in time of adversitie to beare all out and set a good countenance, but in prosperitie to hold an even hand and to use governance. So a∣greed it was to returne this answer, That peace might be graunted with this condition, That K. Perseus should permit full and free power to the Senate of Rome, for to dispose both of his per∣son and the kingdome of Macedonie at their good pleasure. When the embassadors had made relation hereof, this constant resolution and invincible persistance of the Romanes made them to wonder againe, as being not acquainted with their manners and fashions: and most of them for bad to make mention anymore of peace, saying, That the Romanes would be glad shortly [unspec I] to seeke for that of their owne accord, which now at this present they loathed and rejected when it was offered. But Perseus mightily feared, that this arrogant spirit of theirs, proceeded from the confidence they had in their owne forces; in so much as he gave not over so, but assaied to tempt the Consull, if haply by augmenting the summe of mony, he might buy peace at any price and reckoning whatsoever. But seeing him nothing to come downe, not to alter one jote from the first answer; in despaire now of all peace, he returned to Sycurium from whence he came, pur∣posing once againe to trie the hazard of the field. Now the same of this late sight of cavalterie was flowne over all Greece, and discovered the minds and affections of men: for not onely they that tooke part with the Macedonians rejoyced to heare this newes, but also very many of them who were obliged & beholden unto the Romans for benefits and favors received at their hands, [unspec K] and some likewise who had tasted of their violence & proud government. And this they did for no other reason at al, but only upon a foolish & perverse affection, like to that wher with the com∣mon people ordinarily is carried away in the beholding of disports and triall of maisteries, even to favour evermore the weaker and him that taketh the foile.

At the same time Lucretius the Pretour had with most forcible meanes assaulted the citie of Haliartus in Baeotia: and albeit the besieged defendants within were releeved by no forraine aid, but onely the youth of the Coronaeans (who at the beginning of the siege entred the cittie) nor hoped for any to come; yet they stood out and made resistance with courage of heart more than with strength of hand: for they issued forth many times, and sallied upon the fabrickes & engines of the enemie, yea, and when the ram approched hard to the wall, they let fall therupon a migh∣tie [unspec L] weight and counterpoise of lead, and so depressed and drave it downe to the ground. And if haply the enemies who ran with the ramme against the wall, avoided that devise of theirs, laid batterie, and shooke it in some other place; the townesmen within, raised presently with great speed another mure, piling up hastily the stones one upon another, which they found lying among the very ruines of the breaches. The Consull seeing this manner of service by way of or∣denance and batterie, to become slow and tedious, commaunded to divide ladders amongst eve∣ry companie, and purposed to invest the citie round about with the Escalado; supposing that the number which he had would be sufficient to exploit this enterprise, because on that side where∣as the towne is enclosed with a marish, it was bootlesse (or rather unpossible) to assault it. Him∣selfe in person presented two thousand elect souldiours before that part, whereas two turrets, and [unspec M] all the wall betweene was beaten downe and overthrowne; to the end, that in the very instant, whiles he assaied to enter at the breaches, the townesmen should run all thither to repulse him, and in the meane while the walls void of defendants might in some part or other hee skaled and woon. But they within bestirred themselves lustily to give him the repulse. For having piled in the

[unspec A] very open breaches a mightie number of faggots made of drie vine cuttings and such small brush, they stood readie with flaming firebrands and burning linkes, threatening ever and anon to kindle the same and set all on fire, to the end, that being defended from the enemie by the meanes of fire betweene, they might have time to oppose an inner countermure against them. But by mischance this devise and enterprise of theirs was empeached. For there poured down on a suddaine such a mightie shower of raine, that the fewell would not easily take fire, and looke what was set a burning, it soone was quenched againe. By which meanes not onely the passage was made open betweene the smoking faggots drawne apart one from another here and there, but whiles they all intended wholly the defence of that one place, the walls were taken at one in∣stant by ladders reared up against many and sundrie parts thereof. In the first heat upon the win∣ning [unspec B] of the citie, old and young, such as channced to come in their way, without any respect at all of age were put to the sword. The armed souldiours fled into the castle, and the next day be∣ing past hope to make good the place, they yeelded and were all sold under the girl and in port∣sale, to them that would bid most, to the number of two thousand and five hundred men or very neere. The ornaments and beauties of the citie, as statues, images, painted tables and pictures, and whatsoever was found in the pillage to beare a better price, was caried to shipbord, and the towne it selfe rased from the very foundations, and laid even with the ground. From thence the armie was conducted to Thebes: which being woon without any resistance he put into the hands of the banished persons, and those that tooke part and sided with the Romanes; but those of the contrarie faction, such as favoured the king and the Macedonians, hee sold by whole families in [unspec C] ouvert market to the best chapmen. Having performed these exploits in Baeotia, he retired him∣selfe to the sea side to his ships.

Whiles these affaires passed thus in Baeotia, Perseus lodged for certaine daies in campe at Sycutium. Where being advertised, that the Romanes made great hast to inn the corne newly reaped downe, and to carie it from all parts of the fields unto the leaguer, and that every souldior before his tent cut & shred off the ears as they lay bound in sheaves, to the end they might thrash & drive out the cleaner corn, by which occasion they had made great heaps of straw throughout all parts of the camp, he supposed it was an easie matter to set all their tents and pavillions asire. Wherupon he commanded to provide torches, links & balls made of tow besmeared with pitch and tarre: thus provided & furnished, he set out at midnight, that by the dawning of the day, he [unspec D] might put this devise in execution without being descried before. But al came to nothing; for the formost corps de guard although they were surprised with this sodaine comming, by their trouble and affright awakened & raised all the rest, & immediatly the alarme was given; so as at one instant the souldiors were readie and well appointed at the gates, and upon the rampier bent and prest for to defend the campe. Perseus likewise incontinently turned about with his ensignes, putting his fardage and carriage before, and then commaunded the infanterie to march after: himselfe with the cavallerie and light-armours staied behind to fortisie and guard the rereward, supposing (as it fell out indeed) that the enemies would make after to charge upon the taile of the march. His light armed souldiers had some short skirmishing especially with the forlorne hope & loose avant courriers, but the horse & footmen both, retired without any impeachment into the camp. [unspec E] Thus when all the corne was cut downe about those quarters, the Romanes dislodged & remoo∣ved into the territorie of Crannon, which as yet was not endammaged. Whiles they lay encam∣ped in securitie and mistrusting nothing (because the enemies were so far off, and by reason that the way between Sycurium and Crannon was so difficult for want of water;) behold all on a sud∣daine early in the morning by day light, the kings cavallerie and light armed souldiours shewed themselves upon the hils that overlooked them from above, and put them into great trouble. Departed they were from Sycurium at noon the day before, and had left the infanterie behind, about the breake of day upon the plaine next thereto. For a while he stood upon those said hils, hoping that the Romans might bee trained forth to an horse-fight. But perceiving them not to stir at all, he sent one on horseback to commaund the footmen to retire again to Sycurium, and [unspec F] himselfe in person followed streight after. The Roman horsemen made after a pretie distance off, if haply they could spie any vauntage in one place or other to charge upon them, disbanded and straggling a sunder. But when they saw that in their dismarch they kept close together, fol∣lowing their guidons and keeping their rankes, they also returned into the campe. After this, the king wearie of making so long journies, dislodged and removed to Mopsium. The Romans

for their part likewise having mowed downe all the corne of Crannon, passed into the territorie [unspec G] of Phalanneum. The king having intelligence by a rennegate revolt, that the Romans were sca∣tered all over the fields, and reaping the standing corn without any guard of armed men, made a rode with one thousand horse, and two thousand Candiots and Thracians: who marching with as great hast as possibly they could, set upon the Romanes at unawares all unprovided; where he tooke a thousand carts or there abouts, together with their teemes, most of them laden, and upon 600 men besides. The guard and convoy of this bootie into the campe hee committed to the charge of three hundred Cretensians. Himselfe having rallied his cavallerie dispearsed here and there busie in execution, and reunited with all the rest of the footmen, led them to the next corps de guard or garrison of the enemies, supposing that with little a do they might bee sur∣prised and vanquished. L. Pompeius a Colonell had the commaund of them, who seeing his [unspec H] souldiours affrighted with this suddaine comming of the enemies, retired with them to an hill neere at hand, for to defend himselfe by the vantage and strength of the place, considering that otherwise in number and forces he was too weake. Where after he had cast his men into a ring, for to ward against the shot of arrowes and darts by a roufe and fence of targuets couched close together over their heads: Perseus having environned the hill round about with armed men, commaunded some to mount up and assay to win the place on all parts; if possibly they could, and then to fight close hand: to hand: others he charged to launce their darts and shoot their shafts thick at them a farre off. The Romans were be set with a double fear; for neither could they maintaine skirmish and fight close together, because of those who laboured to climbe the hill: and say they had broke any rankes with excursions and outrodes upon them, yet were they [unspec I] exposed and lay open to the shot of arrowes and darts. Most hurt they had by certaine weapons called Cestrosphendonae [sling-darts.] A new kind of dart this was and lately devised in the time of this very warre. It had a sharpe head of yron the length of two hands breadth, & the same set fast in a stele which was halfe a cubite long, and about the thicknes of a mans finger: for to flie direct and streight, three feathers it had about it in manner of a shaft: the sling from the middle part had two cords of an unequall size: now when as the slinger swong it about, as it lay even poi∣sed in the greater capacitie of the leather thong, our flew the dart and was driven with violence like a bullet. Many of the souldiers being very sore wounded as well with this weapon as all other sorts of shot, so as now for wearines they were scarce able to beare their owne armour: the king was earnestly in hand with them to yeeld and submit, assuring them upon his faithfull word their [unspec K] lives, yea and otherwhiles promised them rewards and recompences. But there was not a man whose heart enclined once thereto. Now as they stood thus stiffe and resolute to die, there shone upon them a little comfort & some hope of evasion beyond all their expectation. For certain of the forrages and corn purveiors, who hapned to flie for resuge unto the camp, brought word un∣to the Consull, that the corps de guard aforesaide was besieged round: whereupon being moved with the jeopardie wherein so many citizens stood (for about nine hundred they were, and all citizens of Rome) he went forth of the campe with the cauallerie and light armed souldiours, and unto them joyned certaine new succours of the Numidians as well horse as foot, together with the elephants: and gave commandement to the martiall colonels, that the ensignes of the legions should follow after. Himselfe in person marched before toward the hill aforesaid, taking [unspec L] with him a certeine number of skirmishers, for to strengthen the light armed auxiliaries. Eume∣nes, Attalus, & Misagenes also the king of the Numidians, flanked the Cos. on either side. When as the besieged Romanes had a sight once of the formost ensignes of their friends and fel∣lowes, they tooke comfort and courage againe upon their former extream dispaire. Perseus, who had purposed in the first place, not to spend any long time in laying siege to this corps de guard, but to content himselfe with the fortunate successe which at a venture hapned, in that he had ta∣ken and slain some of the sorragers: secondly (when he was in some sort entred into that action) to depart (whiles he had meanes thereof) without any dammage received, as knowing that hee had no strength, to speake of, about him: yet pussed up & caried as it were above the ground with the conceit of his late good hand, both staied in person to attend the enemies comming, & also [unspec M] sent out in all hast, for the [Macedonian] Phalanx. Which comming later than the present nece∣ssitie required (albeit in great hast they hurried) it fell out so, that they were to encounter (trou∣bled & disordred as they were in running) their enemies that were well appointed and provided aforehand. And the Cos. who had prevented them, presently welcommed them with battaile. At

[unspec A] the first, the Macedonians made resistance; but afterwards beeing in no respect equall unto the enemies, after they had lost three hundred footmen, with foure and twentie of the most forward and bravest horsmen out of that cornet which they call Sacra (amongst whom Antimachus also their leader died) they endevoured to retire & be gone. But the way by which they were to passe, was more troublesome to speake of, than the skirmish and battaile it selfe. The Phalanx beeing sent unto by a messenger in hast, and conducted as hastily, encountred affront in a certeine streight a troupe of prisoners, and likewise the waggons charged with come. Who being laid at to give way, thereupon arosea great trouble as well of the one part as the other; whiles no man tooke heed how to match in ordinance: but the armed souldiours cast down and overthrew the heapes of sardage and baggage, for otherwise there could no way bee made: and the draught∣beasts [unspec B] being pricked and provoked forward, raged & made soule worke in the prease & throng. Hardly and with much adoe were they dispestered and rid of this confused & disordered compa∣nie of captives, when they met with the king his companie and the horsemen discomfited. In which place, the noise which they made crying unto the Phalanx, Backe againe, Backe againe, made a fright among them, as if there had bene something readie to fall upon their heads: in such sort as if their enemies durst have entred into the streight and pursued farther after them, no doubt they had received a great overthrow. But the Consull contenting himselfe with a meane good hand, in that he had rescued and recovered his corps de guard from off the hill, retired with his forces into the campe. Some write that there was a great battaile sought that day, and how eight thousand enemies were slaine, and among them Sopater and Antipater two of the kings [unspec C] captaines. Also that there were taken prisoners about two thousand foure hundred: and mi∣litarie ensignes seven and twentie carried away. Neither was the victorie easily gotten but cost bloud, for not so few as foure thousand and three hundred were slaine of the Consull his armie, and five guidons of the left wing lost. This journey recomforted the Romanes, but daunted and quailed Perseus in such sort, as after he had staied a few daies at Mopselum, especially about en∣terring the bodies of his dead souldiours, and left a sufficient garrison at Gonnos, he retired his armie into Macedonie, leaving also at Phila one of his owne captaines named Timotheus, with some small forces, whom he commanded to assay the Magnesians and the borderers adjoyning. When he was come to Pella, he dismissed his armie out of the field, and sent them to their win∣tering harbours, but himselfe together with king Cotys went to Thessalonica.

[unspec D] Thither newes came, that Atlesbius a petie king of the Thracians, and Corragus a captaine un∣der king Eumenes, had invaded the marches of Cotys, and were maisters of the countrie which they call Marene. And therefore supposing that hee must needs discharge Cotys to looke to the defence of his owne realme, he bestowed rich presents upon him at his departure: and gave him 200 talents for sixe months wages of his cavallerie, whereas at the beginning he purposed to bee at the charge of a whole yeeres pay.

The Consull after he heard that Perseus was gone, approched with his armie neere to Gonnos, and there lodged; if haply he might force and gaine that also Situate it was over against Tempe, at the very mouth and gullet of the streights, and is the very frontier town, yeelding both a most assured defence and strength to all Macedonie, and also a commodious passage for the Mace∣donians [unspec E] to enter into Thessalie. And beeing a place imprenable, as well for the naturall site thereof, as the strong garrison therein planted, he gave over the enterprise. So turning and ben∣ding his way into Perrhaebia, after he had forced Mallaea at the first assault and put it to the ran∣sacke; and received Tripolis with the rest of Perrhaebia, yeelded by composition; he returned to Larissa. And then having sent Eumenes and Attalus home into their owne countrie, & bestowed Misagenes and the Numidians in diver citties of Thessalie neere at hand; to remain there for the winter time, and distributed part of his forces throughout all Thessalie, in such sort, that not on∣ly they had all commodious wintering, but also served in stead of garisons to the cities. Q. Muti∣us his lieutenant he sent with a regiment of two thousand men to guard. Ambracia and keepe it in obedience. All the consederates of the Greeke citties, save onely the Achaeans he licensed to [unspec F] depart. With one part of his armie he went into Thessalie in Phthia, where he rased down to the ground Preleum, abandoned of the inhabitants. But Antrona he woon with the good will of the townesmen. Then afterward hee approched before Larissa-with his forces. The cittie was lest de∣solate, for all the people were retired into the fortresse, the which hee began to assault: and first the kings garrison of Macedonians quit the place: of whom the townsmen being forsaken and

left to themselves, submitted incontinently. Then he stood in doubt whether he should assaile [unspec G] Demetrias first, or haue an eye and looke into the troubles and state of Boeotia. For the men of Thebes being grievously molested and annoied by those of Coronaea, had sent for him into Baeotia: at whose praiers, thither he conducted his armie; and besides, Baeotia was a country more commodious to winter in than Magnesia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The fortune of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.2

  The oration of Eumenes.
• * 1.3

  1 of August.
• * 1.4

  13 of Novem.
• * 1.5

  15 of March.
• * 1.6

  13 of Februa∣rie.
• * 1.7

  〈…〉〈…〉 Ovid 3 Fast.
• * 1.8

  The Oration of Sp. Ligusinus
• * 1.9

  1 day of Iune.
• * 1.10

  The oration of 〈…〉〈…〉 to Ling T••S••••••.
• * 1.11

  The K. of the Sapeans 〈…〉〈…〉 Pausanians in Achaecis.
• * 1.12

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of king Perseus.
• * 1.13

  Adriati••••e.
• * 1.14

  This M. Man∣lius seemeth to be, plebe•••• ge∣tis•••••• that there 〈…〉〈…〉 before, That no Manlius Patri∣rius ••ig•••• the ra∣me ••. Mar••••••••s. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••e M••ul•• 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 li••pi••.
• * 1.15

  Or, Elymiotti, according to Torneb, in Adversariis.
• * 1.16

  Perseus to his soldiors.
• * 1.17

  A strong bat∣tailion of foot∣men.