The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XLI. BOOKE OF THE [unspec G] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. [unspec H] (Book 41)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the one and fortith Booke.

THe fire in the temple of Vesta went out. Tib. Sempromus Gracchus the Proconsull, vanqui∣shed the Celtiberians, and received their submission, and for a memoriall of the worthie deeds by him atchieved, he built a towne in Spaine called Gracchmis. Psoileumius Albi∣nus the Proconsull, subdued the Vacceans and Lusitanes: and both of them triumphed. Anticcbus, the sonne of king Antiochus, whome his father had given in hostage to the Ro∣manes, [unspec I] after the death of his brother Seleucus, who succeeded his father late deceased, was sent from Rome into the realme of Syria. The Censors held a review and numbering of the citizens, and solemnly purged the citie. There were enrolled in their bookes, of Romane citi∣zens 273244. Q. Veconius Saxa, a Tribune of the Commons, published a law, That no man should make a woman to be his full bei••. M. Cato was the man that persuaded and spoke for this law, and his Oratum is extant. Moreover, this booke conteineth the warres and exploits of many captaines against the Ligurians, Istrians, Sax∣dians, and Celtiberians: also the occasions and causes of the Macedonian warre, which Perseus the sonne of Philip be∣gan: for he had sent an embassage to the Carthagenians, which they gave audience unto in the night season. Other states also and cities of Greece he sollicited. This Perseus, setting religion aside (for many stately and magnificent temples bee built in divers places, and namely at Athens, to Iupiter Olympius: and at Antiochia, to Inp. Capitolinus) was other∣wise a king of most base demeanour and carriage.

[unspec K]

THe beginning of this booke, and the greater part thereof immediatly ensuing, is lost. Im∣primis, As touching the disposition of the provinces by lot, as well of Consuls as Pretors; and namely, how the government of Gaule sell to A. Manlius, and of Liguria to M. Iunius: and how of the Pretours, M. Titinius was assigned to the hither province of Spaine, and T. Fon∣teius to the farther; Nero to Etruria, T. Ebutius to Sardinia, Item, as concerning the fire of Vesis, the exploits of Tib. Gracchus and L. Albinus in* 1.1 Biskai and* 1.2 Portugall: the survey and taxing of the cittie of Rome holden by the Censors; the law Voconia, as touching the inheritance of women, mentioned in Cicero, in S. Augustine de civitate Dei, and others: finally, of the acts at∣chieved [unspec L] by M. Iunius about Genoway. And thus it sheweth a praerupt and broken front as ye see.

To have armed the same, which in peace he had received of his father: and for that cause it is said, That hee was passing well beloved of the youth and lustie gallants, who desired nothing more than to spoile and raise booties.

Now when the Consull was in deliberation with his councell, as touching warre in Istria, some were of opinion, to proceed thereunto incontinently, before that the enemies could as∣semble their forces; others advised, to consult first with the Senate: but their counsell imported, who were for speedie expedition. So the Consull dislodged from Aquileia, and encamped neer [unspec M] the lake Timavus, which lyeth hard by the sea. Thither came Caius Furius (one of the navall Duumvirs) with ten ships: for two such Duumvirs or wardens had been chosen, to make head against the Illyrian fleet: who with twentie ships in all, keeping the upper sea, were to guard the

[unspec A] sea-coasts so, as they had Ancona (as it were) the middle centre betweene: for L. Cornelius tooke the charge of all that lay on the right hand thereof, as farre as to Tarentum; and C. Furius of the left, unto Aquileia. These ten vessels (I say) were sent to the next port, against the marches of Istria, with other ships of burden fraughted with store of victuals and provision. The Consull followed after with his legions, and pitched his campe five miles from the sea. And within a short time, there was a good and frequent market kept in the port, from whence there was con∣veighted all manner of provision into the campe. And to the end that this might hold in more securitie, good guards were set about the camp on every side. Toward* 1.3 Istria there was one stan∣ding frontier garrison, consisting of a cohort of Placentines, levied on a sodaine, opposed and lodged betweene the sea and the campe. And to the end the same might serve for a guard to de∣fend [unspec B] them that watered at the river, M. Ebutius (a colonell of the two legions) was commaun∣ded to adjoyne two squadrons of souldiours out of the second legion. T. and C. both Aely, (co∣lonels likewise) had led the third legion, by the way that goeth to Aquileia, which should guard the forragers and sewellers. From which quarter about a mile distant was the camp of the French. And a certaine pettie king there was among them, one Carmelus, having the conduct of three thousand armed souldiors, or somewhat more. So soones as the Romanes were approched, the lake,* 1.4 Timavus with their campe, the Istrians set them downe secretly in a close place behind a little hill; and from thence followed the Romane armie as it marched, by crosse and crooked waies, espying and lying for all advantages that might be presented: for intelligence they had of all that was done either at sea or by land. And when they perceived upon a time the corps de [unspec C] guard before the campe feeble and weake and that there was a great number of unarmed mer∣chants betweene the campe and the sea, without any defense at all either from land or water, they ran at once upon the two foresaid guards, to wit, the Placentine cohort, and also the squa∣drons of the second legion. Now their enterprise at the beginning was covered and hidden by occasion of a morning mist, which at the first warmth of the sunne brake and scattered away, and then began somewhat to appeare through it: but the light was not yet cleere and come to the full; by reason whereof everything (as commonly in such a case) shewed farre bigger than it was. And this at that time mightily deceived the Romans, causing the armie of the enemies to seeme the greater by many degrees. At which sight, the souldiours of the one guard as well as the other being affrighted, fled into the campe with a great tumult and alarme, and there cau∣sed [unspec D] far more feare than they brought with them: for neither were they able to tell why they fled thus as they did, nor give a readie answer to those that asked them the question. Over & besides, a great noise they heard from the campe gates, as where there was no sufficient guard to sustaine the first assault. Besides, their running thus huddle togither in the darke, while one tumbled up∣on another, made such a confusion, that they knew not whither the enemies was within the ram∣pier or no. No other crie was heard but this; To sea, To sea. For by occasion that one souldiour at adventure began to set up that note, all the campe presently rung againe therewith, from one end to the other. Whereupon at first, (as if they had beene commaunded so to doe) to the sea they ran, some few armed, but the most part without any armour or weapons: afterwards more, and consequently at last in manner all; yea and the Consull himselfe, seeing that he laboured in [unspec E] vaine to reclaime them, backe he fled, and could prevaile neither by commaund no r authori∣tie, ne yet with praiers in the end; onely M. Licinius Strabo (a Tribune or Colonell of the third legion, abandoned of his owned legion) remained behind with three ensignes and no more. The Istrians finding him alone, (for no man else was seene in armes to make resistance) entred joyntly into the campe, ran upon him (and as he was embattailing his souldiors and encouraging them in the quarter about the Pretour his lodging) surprised, and with numbers over-charged him. The skirmish and fight was more cruell, than for proportion of so few defendants; and not en∣ded, before that the Tribune himselfe and those about him, were slaine every man. The Generall his pavilion and all about it, was overthrowne; which when the enemie had ransacked and rifled of all that was there, they went as farre as the treasurers lodging, the market place, and to the [unspec F] gate,* 1.5 Quintana: where they found abundance of all things set out readie for their hands, and within the treasurers pavilion the tables spred and covered with good cares & meat upon them. Then their chiefe lord and leader (the pettie king aforesaid) made no more adoe but fate him downe, fell to his victuals and made good cheere; and anon all the rest following his example, did the semblable, and never once thought of armes or of enemies; and like to those who

were not wont to fa••e so well and feed liberally, they greedily overcharged their bellies with [unspec G] wine and viands: but the Romanes all the while stood in farre other tearms. They trembled, they went hastily to their businesse both on land and sea. Downe went the shipmen and sailers with their titls and boothes; and looke what provision of victuals or other things were set foorth to s••••le upon the strand and shore, they harried and hurried a shipbord: the souldiours all affrighted ran amaine to the sea side, for to be embarked. The marriners fearing least their vessels should bee overcharged, some put backe the prease and withstood them for comming in, others shove off from the wharfe, and launched into the deep. Hereupon began a braule and broile, and from that they fell together by the eares, souldiours and mariners, one with another: some went away with knockes and wounds, and others left their lives behind them; untill at length, by the Con∣sull his commaundement, the fleet was retired farre from the land. Which done, hee began to [unspec H] sort the armed and unarmed apart. And hardly were there (of so great a multitude) twelve hun∣dred found with armour about them, and very few horsemen that had brought their horses with them. All the rest were a confused and disordered companie, resembling the rascall sort of camp-followers, as victuallers, launders, skullions and lackies: who had beene a readie bootie to have preied upon, in case the enemies could have thought upon any feats of armes. Then at last came a messenger to recall the third legion, and to surprise the guard of the Gaules; and with that, from all parts they began to returne againe toward their owne campe, for to recover it, and wipe away and fordoe the shamefull blot and dishonour which they had received. The Co∣lonels of the third legion commaunded the souldiours to throw down upon the ground their forrage and fewell, they charged the Centurions to set the elder and unweldie souldiours two [unspec I] and two upon the horses and labouring beasts which they had discharged of their load; & wil∣led the horsemen to take up behind them every one a young lustie footman; shewing what an honor it would be to the third legion, for to regaine by their valor the camp, which had been lost by the cowardise and fear of those in the second: and easily (say they) may it be woon againe, if the Barbarians, whiles they are encombred with the pillage, might bee surprised at unwares, and bee taken themselves, like as they overtooke others before. This exhortation was received with great alacritie and contentment of the souldiours. A lost were the ensignes born and advaunced apace, neither slaid the port-ensignes one whit for the souldiours. Howbeit the Consull and those companies which were brought from the sea, came first to the rampier. L. Atius a principall Centurion of the second legion, not onely encouraged the souldiours, but made remonstrance [unspec K] unto them, That if the Istrians these victorers, had ever meant to guard and keepe the campe with the same force of armes by which they had woon it, they would at the first have pursued the enemies to the sea, so soone as they had turned them out of their tents; and afterwards have set a good corps de guard, at leastwise before the rampier and the avenues therof: but like ynough it is (saith hee) that with guzzelling wine they were dead asleep like beasts. And herewith he com∣maunded A. Baculenius his owne ensign-bearer, a man of approved valor and singular prowes, to advaunced his banner forward. Marry, that I shall (quoth he) full soone, if you will follow me alone that the thing may bee done more quickely. With that he forced his whole strength, and having flung the ensigned over the trench into the campe, hee was the first himselfe that entered at the campe gate. On another part likewise T. & C. both Aelij, and colonels of the third legion, were [unspec L] come with their Cavallerie: then presently followed those also whom they had horsed two by two upon the labouring jades and garrons for cariage, and after them the Consull with his whole ar∣mie. But of the Istrians some few there were (such as were not stark drunk) whose wits and memo∣rie served them to run away; the rest were dead asleepe indeed, and never awoke again. So the Ro∣manes recovered all their goods, save only the wine and victuals which was devoured and consu∣med. The Romane souldiours who were crasie and sicke, and had beene left in the campe, af∣ter they perceived their owne fellowes within the rampier, found their hands againe, caught up weapons, and made a great carnage and execution. But above all others C. Popilius, surnamed Sabellus, a gentlemen and cavallier of Rome, bare himselfe most bravely that day, who being left in the campe (because hee was hurt and maimed in one of his fleet) flew the greatest number of [unspec M] the enemies, by farre. Eight thousand Istrians fell upon the edge of the sword, and not one taken prisoner alive: for the choler and despiteous indignation of the souldiours was such, as they had no mind at all of prises and booties. Howbeit, the king of the Istrians, drunke as hee was, had so good fortune as to bee taken from the very bourd where hee sat, and hastily mounted on horse∣backe

by his men, and so fled away and escaped. Of the winners there perished in all two hun∣dred thirtie seven souldiours: and of them, more died in their morning flight than in the recove∣rie of their campe. Now it chaunced to, that Cn. and L. both named Gavily, new coloners and in∣habitants of Aquileia, as they came with victuals, had like to have stumbled ignorantly upon the campe, when it was taken and possessed by the Istrians. They being retired backed in great hast to Aquileia, leaving their cariage behind them, set all on a fright and uprore, not onely at Aquileia but also at Rome within few daies after: for thither was the rumour run, That not only the campe was forced by the enemies, and (which was true indeed) the Romans put to flight, but that all was lost, and the armie utterly defeated. Whereupon, as the manner was in all suddaine tumults and alarmes, writs went forth for musters and levies of souldiours extraordinarily, not in the cittie [unspec B] onely, but also throughout all Italie. Two legions of Romane citizens were enrolled, and the La∣tine allies were commaunded to set out ten thousand foot with three hundred horse. M. Iunius the Consull had commaundement to passe over into Gallia, and to levie of the citties & States of that province, as many as they were able to make and furnish. It was ordained withall, that T. Claudius the Pretour should make proclamation, that the souldiours of the fourth legion, and of the Latine allies five thousand foot and two hundred and fiftie horse, should meet together at Pisae; and that in the absence of the Consull he should defend that province: also that M. Ti••i∣nius the Pretour should appoint the Rendez-vous at Ariminum; that the first legion, and the like number of allies, as well foot as horse, should there assemble. Then Nero tooke his journey, clad in his rich coat of arms, toward Pisae his province. And Titinius having to Ariminum Caius [unspec C] Cassius a Colonell, to take the conduct of the legion there, tooke musters at Rome. M. Iunius the Consull passed out of Liguria into Gaule, and arrived at Aquileia, having levied aid-soldiors as he went, of all the cities of Gaul & the Colonies, to be in readinesse out of hand. There he was certified that the armie was safe and found: whereupon hee dispatched his letters to Rome to ad∣vertise them that they should not trouble themselves any more with this false alarme, and him∣selfe after he had discharged the Gaules of those aids which hee had imposed upon them, went to his companion in government. Great was the joy at Rome, comming thus as it did unlooked for. The musters were laid aside, the souldiors discharged who were enrolled and had taken their militarie oth, and the armie visited with the plague at Ariminum was dismissed and sent home. The Istrians albeit they were encamped with a great strength of armed men, not farre from the [unspec D] Consull his campe, after they heard once that the Consull was come with a new armie, disban∣ded and slipt every man away on all sides to their several cities, and the Consuls retired with their legions to Aquileia, there to winter.

When these troubles of Istria were thus at length appeased, there went forth an act of the Se∣nat, That the Consuls should agree betweene themselves, whether of them twaine was to return to Rome for to hold the assembly for election of magistrates. At what time as A. Licinius Ner∣va, and C. Papirius Turdus, two Tribunes of the Commons, in all their Orations to the people, inveighed bitterly against Manlius in his absence, and promulgated a law to this effect, That after the Ides of March (for the Consuls had their governements alreadie prorogued for one whole yeare) he should continue no longer in place, to the end, that so soone as he was out of his office, [unspec E] he might presently be called to his answere judicially. Quintus Aelius; one of their Colleagues, withstood this bill by them proposed, and after much debate and contention prevailed so much, that it passed not.

About the same time Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, and L. Posthumius Albinus, being returned out of Spaine to Rome, had audience given them by the Pretour M. Titinius in the temple of Bellona, there to discourse of the acts by them atcheeved, to demaund their deserved honours, to the end that praise and thankesgiving also should be rendred to the immortall gods. Moreover, at the very same time intelligence was given by letters from T. Ebutius the Pretor, which his son brought and shewed to the Senat, of great troubles in Sardinia: Namely, that the Ilians, joining unto them the strength of the Balari, had invaded the province standing in peaceable tearmes: [unspec F] neither was hee able to make head against them with so feeble an armie as hee had, and the same wasted and consumed much with the pestilence. The same newes related the embassadours like∣wise of the Sardinians, making humble suite to the Senate, to releeve and succour their citties at leastwise, for that their villages & countrey townes were alreadie past helpe.

This embassage, with all other matters concerning Sardinia, put over to the new magistrates; as pittifull an embas∣sage

also was presented unto them from the Lycians, who complained greevously of the Rho∣dians, [unspec G] unto whom they had been annexed and made subjects by L. Cornelius Scipio: Indeed (say they) we lived somtime under the signorie of K. Antiochus, but that servitude of ours under the king, compared to this present state and condition wherein wee now are, seemed unto us an excellent libertie: for not onely are we now yoked and kept under publicke authoritie in ge∣nerall, by taxes, levies, and impositions, but every one in particular endureth meere bon∣dage and slaverie. Our selves are abused, yea and our wives and children suffer villanies before our eies: upon our bodies, our backes and sides they worke upon and discharge their humour of crueltie: in our good name (an indignitie unsupportable) we are desteined, depraved, and defamed: yea openly in the face of the world, they cease not to commit outrages against us, even to usurpe & extend their authoritie over us, and to trie maisteries upon us with extremi∣tie: [unspec H] to the end that we Lycians might bee put out of all doubt, that there is no difference be∣tween us and slaves bought and sold for silver in ouvert market.

The Senate mooved with these remonstrances by the Lycians, addressed their letters to the Rhodians to this effect, that it was no part of their meaning and intent, that the Lycians should be slaves to the Rhodians: or that any other borne free, should be enthralled by any person but their will was, that the Lycians should in such tearmes live under the governement and protection of the Rhodians, that both states, the one as well as the other, might range and frame themselves like good asso∣ciates under the dominion and empire of Rome.

After this followed two triumphs over Spaine, one immediatly upon another: first, Sempro∣nius Gracchus over the Celtiberians: & the morrow after, L. Posthumius [Albinus] over the Lusi∣tanians [unspec I] and other Spaniards of those parts. Tib. Gracchus carried in shew 40000 pound weight of silver: and Albinus twentie thousand. Both of them divided among their souldiers twentie five Denarija peece, to ech Centurion the same duple, and triple to every horseman. Thus did they also by allies as well as by Romanes.

It fortuned about that time, that M. Innuis the Consul, came out of Istria to Rome, by occa∣sion of the election which was to be holden: and when the two Tribunes of the commons, Pa∣pyrius and Licinius, had in the presence of the Senate baited and wearied him with interrogato∣ties, as touching the affaires passed in Istria, they brought him foorth also before the bodie of the people. To which questions, after that the Consull had answered, how hee had not beene above 11 daies in the Province: & as for the things that hapned in his absense, he knew no o∣therwise [unspec K] than they did, only by the common bruit & report: then, they went on urging him stil, & asking how it came to passe, that A. Manlius rather came not to Rome, to give account unto the State, why he passed out of Gaule (which was his allotted province) into Istria: & to shew, when it was that either the Senat decreed, or the people of Rome granted by their voices to enterprise that war? But haply it may be said (qd. he) that albeit the war was undertaken onely upon his own head alone: yet no doubt, executed it was right worthily with policie and valour. Nay ywis, but farre contrariwise: & hard it is to say, whether it were begun more Iewdly, than managed incon∣sideratly. Two entier corps, de guards were on a sodaine at unawares surprised by the Istrians: the Romane camp was forced and taken, with all the strength of horse and foot that was therin: the rest scattered without armes, and the Consull himselfe was the formost man that ran away to the [unspec L] sea side unto the ships: and surely hee should render an account of all these matters, when he is a private person againe, since that he would not do it being Consull.

This storme past, the ge∣nerall assembly for the magistrates election was holden: wherein were created Consuls, C. Clau∣dius Pulcher, and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. The next day following were the Pretors chosen: to wit, P. Aeli us Tubero the second time, C. Quintius Flamininus, C. Numisius, C. Mummius, Cn. Cor∣nelius Scipio, and C. Valerius Laevinus. The civile jurisdiction of the cittie fell to Tubero, the forreine to Quintius. The government of Sicilie was allotted to Numisius: of Sardinia to Man∣mius. Howbeit this province by reason of the great warre therein became the charge of a Con∣sull. And by lot it fell to Gracchus: but Istria to Claudius his collegue. Gaule was divided into two provinces; where of Scipio by lot obtained one, and Laevinus the other.

[unspec M]

Vpon the Ides of March, on which day Sempronius and Claudius entred their Consulship, mooved it was onely in the Senate, as touching Sardinia and Istria, and the enemies to both those provinces, who there had levied warre. But the morrow after, the embassadours of the Sardinians being referred over to the new magistrates, & L. Minutius Thermus who had bene

[unspec A] lieutenant to the Consull Manlius in Istria, entred into the Senat-house. By them the Senate was enformed how daungerous the warres were in those provinces. Mooved likewise were the Senatours by the embassies of the Latine allies, who in the end were admitted into the Se∣nate, after they had importuned the Censors and Consuls of the former yeere: the summe of their complaints was this, That their owne citizens being once enrolled at Rome, were most of them departed and remooved thither to dwell: which if it might be suffred, within few re∣views and sessings it would come to passe, that their citties should be dispeopled and desolar, their villages and fields desart and wast, and able to set out no souldiours for the warres. Sem∣blably the Samnites and Pelignians complained, that foure thousand housholds were gone from them, and retired to Fregellae: and yet neither the one nation or the other, were set at a [unspec B] lesse proportion of souldiours in all their levies. Two cautelous meanes and devises there were brought up, whereby men chaunged thus their cities at pleasure. The law graunted this indul∣gence to the allies of the Latine nation, as many as left yssue of their rase behind them in their house, That they should be reputed citizens of Rome. By abusing this law, some did injurie to their allies, other wronged the people of Rome: for, both they that were to leave such yssue at home, gave their children as it were in villenage to some Romane citizen or other whom they liked of; with condition to manumise and make them free, that they might be tribes or enfran∣chised citizens. And they also who wanted yssue to leave behind them, were held as citizens of Rome. But in processe of time without any of these colorable pretenses of right, without regard of law and respect of yssue, they crept in and had the benefit of the Burgeosie and freedome of [unspec C] Rome, by their transmigration thither to inhabite, by enrolment in the reviews. To meet with thes e practices, the embassadours craved a remedie for the time to come: as also that they would petemptorily commaund all their allies to repaire againe to their own citties: with an expresse inhibition, that no man should receive any other to be his vassaile and villaine, and so to alie∣nate him, with intention by that meanes to chaunge the cittie wherein he lived: and that who∣soever became cittizens of Rome after that maner, should not be counted for a cittizen. These petitions were graunted by the Senate. Then were decrees passed for those provinces of Istria and Sardinia which were in armes, to wit, for the enrolling of two legions into Sardinia, having either of them five thousand and two hundred foot, and three hundred horse, besides twelve thousand footmen, and 600 horsemen of the Latine allies; and ten quinquiremes or galea∣ces, [unspec D] with five banks of ores, in case the Generall would warpe them out of the arcenall. The like number as well of the Infanterie as Cauallerie, was assigned for Istria. The Consuls also were enjoyned to send to M. Titinius in Spaine, one legion with 300 horse, besides 5000 footmen of allies, and 250 horsemen.

Before that the Coss. cast lots for their provinces, certaine prodigies were reported. Name∣ly, that in the territorie of Crustumium, there fell from heaven a stone into the lake of Mars: That in the territorie of Rome, there was an infant born like a very stumpe, without head, feet, or hands: and a snake or serpent seene four footed. That in the market place of Capua, many houses were smitten with thunderbolts and lightning. Also at Puteoli two ships were set on fire by lightning, and burnt. Whiles these prodigious wonders were by others related, there was [unspec E] seene a wolfe also in the day time at Rome, which having entred at the gate Collina, after much coursing and hunting, with much adoe and noise of them that followed the chase, escaped away from them all, and passed through the Esquiline gate. In regard of these strange tokens, the Consuls killed greater beasts for sacrifice: and for one whole day, a solemne supplication and praiers were made at all the shrines and altars of the gods. These sacrifices done and past, accordingly as it appertained, the Consuls cast lots for their provinces: and to Claudius be∣fell Istria, to Sempronius Sardinia.

After this, C. Claudius published a law by vertue of an ordinance of the Senate, in favour of allies; and proclaimed, That those allies, & namely of the Latine nation, who either themselves or their ancestors, had ben enrolled among the Latine allies, during the Censorship of Marcus [unspec F] Claudius, and Titus Quintius, or any time afterwards, should make returned every man into his owne cittie, before the first day of November next ensuing. And Lucius Mummius the Pretour had in commission to enquire and search for those that returned not accordingly. To this lawe and edict abovesaid of the Consull, an Act also of the Senate was adjoy∣ned, That the Dictatour, Consull, Interregent, Censour, and lord cheese justice in the com∣mon

pleas for the time being, should endevour and take order, that whosoever were manumised [unspec G] and made free, should take an oth, That he who manumised or enfranchised him, did it not with any intent, for to exchange the citie wherein he was: and looke who would not thus sweare, him they thought not worthie to be manumised. But his charge and jurisdiction was afterwards com∣mitted to C. Claudius the Consull.

Whiles these affaires passed at Rome, M. Iunius and A. Manlius, who had been Consuls the yeere before, having wintered in Aquileia, in the beginning of the Spring entered with an armie into the frontiers of Istria. Where, as they made wast and spoile farre and neere as they went, the Istrians entred into a commotion and tooke armes, rather upon greese of heart and indignation to see their goods thus pilled and ransacked, than for any assured hope they had of their suffi∣cience to make head against two armies. Having therefore raised a concurse of their able youth [unspec H] from all their cities and States, they assembled in hast a suddaine and tumultuarie armie, which at the first gave battell, and fought more in heat of courage, than with persistance of resolution. In conflict there were slaine of them to the number of foure thousand; the rest abandoned all warre, and fled here and there into their cities. From thence they sent embassadors first into the Romane campe to crave peace, and then the hostages which were demaunded. After intelli∣gence given at Rome of these newes by the letters of the Proconsuls, C. Claudius the Consull fearing least this occurrence might put him by the government of his province and the con∣duct of the armie, without solemne praiers and vowes made, without his Lictors clad in their coats of armes, departed sodainly in great hast (all of the head) by night toward his province, and made no man privie thereto, but onely his colleague. His voyage thither was not so rash and inconsiderate, but his carriage there, was more foolish and undiscreet: for beeing thi∣ther [unspec I] come, he assembled a generall audience; where, after hee had very unseasonably reproa∣ched Manlius for his running away out of the campe, (to the great discontentment of the sol∣diours, who were the first that fled;) and with opprobrious tearmes shaken up M. Iunius also for taking part in this dishonour with his companion: in the end hee commaunded them both to a∣void out of the province. Whereupon the souldiours made answer againe, and said, That they would then obey the Consuls commaundement, when (according to the auncient custome of their fore-fathers) he had made his solemne vowes within the Capitoll; and then taken his leave and departed out of the citie, accompanied with his Huishers in their rich cotes of armes, war∣like. Hereat he was so farre entraged with anger, that he called upon the treasurers deputie belon∣ging [unspec K] to Manlius, for chaines and gyves, and menaced to send Iunius and Manlius both bound to Rome. But the deputie likewise made as little reckoning of the Consuls commaundement: and the more animated hee was to disobey the Consull, by reason that he was backed by the whole hoast round about him; who as they supported the cause of their captaines and leaders, so they hated the Consull at the heart. In conclusion, the Consull beeing loden and wearied with the contumelious and railing behaviour of every one in particular, and with the frumps and taunts of the multitude in generall (for they stuck not over and besides to mocke him and make a laugh∣ing stocke of him) he went his waies againe to Aquileia, in the same ship wherein he came. From thence he wrate unto his colleague by an edict, to charge those new souldiours who were enrol∣led for Istria, to meet at Aquileia: to the end, that no businesse should keepe him at Rome, but [unspec L] that with all speed he might depart from the citie in his coat of armes, and after he had concei∣ved and pronounced his vowes accordingly. His companion in office was well content, and did all these things requisite full willingly: and a short day was assigned for the assembling of the sol∣diours at the Rendez vous above-named. But Claudius was at Rome well-neere as soone as his letters; where, at his first comming, he made an oration in the publicke audience of the people, as touching the demeanor of Manlius and Iunius: and having staied no longer than three daies at Rome, he set out with his Lictors formally in their cote-armour, when he had made his vowes solemnly in the Capitol, and so departed into his province again with as much celeritie and hast (if not more) as he came from thence.

Some few daies before, Iunius and Manlius began to assault by all forcible means the town [unspec M] Nesatium, into which the principall persons of the Istrians, and Aepulo their king, were retired. Claudius, with his two new legions, presented himselfe before the towne; and alter hee had dis∣charged the old armies and their commaunders, laid siege unto it, and intended to force it with mantilets and engins of batterie. The course also of the river which ran along beside the walles,

[unspec A] and not onely empeached the assailants but yeelded water unto the besieged, hee diverted into another new channell, and bestowed many daies worke thereabout. This mightily affrighted the barbarous people, to see how they wet cut off from water. Howbeit, they never thought of peace for all this, but fell in hand to kill their wives and children; and when they had so done (because they would present to the vieu of their enemies, so horrible a fact and fearefull spectacle) they massacred them upon the walles openly in their sight, and then threw them headlong downe. Whiles the sillie women and poore infants (amid their piteous and lamentable cries) were thus cruelly murdered, the Romane souldiors mounted over their walles and entred into the citie. Their king when he once perceived (by the fearefull outcries of those who fled) that the towne was lost; for feare he should be taken alive, stabbed himselfe with his dagger to the heart. All the [unspec B] rest were either taken prisoners or killed. After this, two other townes, Mutila and Faveria, were woon by assault and rased. The pillage was greater than a man would have looked for in so poor a nation: which was bestowed every whit upon the souldiours. Five thousand sixe hundred and two and thirtie persons were sold out-right in port-sale under the guirland. The chieftains of this war were first scouraged with rods, and then beheaded. Thus Istria, by the ruine of three towns and the death of their king, was appeased: and all the cities and states therof from every quarter, came in with their hostages, made submission, and did fealtie and homage to the Romanes.

The Istrians war was no sooner ended, but the Ligurians began to complot for to take armes and enter into rebellion. T. Claudius the Proconsull (who the former yeere had been Pretor) was governour and commaunder at that time of Pisae, with a garrison of one legion. The Senat be∣ing [unspec C] advertised thereof by his letters, thought good to send the very same letters to C. Claudius (for the other Consull was alreadie passed over into Sardinia:) and withall, a decree was graun∣ted out to this effect, That considering he had performed his commission in Istria, so as there re∣mained no more for him to doe there, he should (if he thought so good) transport his armie in∣to Liguria. Moreover, upon the Consull his letters, wherein he wrate what exploits hee had at∣chieved in Istria, there was ordained a solemne procession for two daies togither. Semblably, the other Consull Tib. Sempronius, managed his affaires as happily in Sardinia: he entred with an armie into the countrey of the Sardinian Ilians. Great aids were come from the Balarans to relieve and succour those Ilians: with both these nations hee fought a battaile in pitched field. The enemies were discomfited and put to flight, turned out of their campe, and twelve thousand [unspec D] armed men slaine. The morrow after, the Consull commaunded all their armour and weapons to be gathered togither and laid on an heape; and this he burned as a sacrifice to the honour of Vulcan. Which done, he retired with his victorious armie into the associate cities, there to passe the winter.

C. Claudius likewise, upon receit of the letters of T. Claudius, and the commission directed from the Senate, marched with his legions out of Istria into Liguria: where, the enemies were come downe into the plaines, and lay encamped neere the river Scultenna. In which place there was a battaile fought: fifteene thousand of them were put to the sword, and not so few as seven hun∣dred taken prisoners, either in the conflict or within the campe; for that also was forced & woon: besides, one and fiftie ensignes they lost. The Ligurians, as many as escaped the execution, fled [unspec E] on all sides to the mountains for refuge; and notwithstanding that the Consull spoiled and wa∣sted their champain country, there was not one man made shew of arms. Thus Claudius having in one yeere vanquished and subdued two nations, and in one Consulship (a rare felicitie in any other man) reduced other two provinces into quietnesse and peace, returned to Rome.

Certaine prodigious and monstrous sights were that yeere reported, to wit, in the territorie of Crustumium, a certeine foule called Sangualis, with her bill pierced into a sacred stone. In Campain a boeufe spake: at Syracusa a bull that straied out of the fields from the heard, lept the brasen cow there in the city & did his kind. In the territory of Crustumium, ther was a supplicati∣on & procession holden one day long in the very place of the foresaid prodigious sign. In Cam∣paine, the boeufe or cow aforesaid, was put out to be kept & fed at the charges of the citie. Last of [unspec F] all, the prodigie of Siracusa was expiat by a purgatory sacrifice, by direction from the soothsaiers to what gods, supplications and sacrifice should be made. That yeere died M. Claudius Marcellus the bishop, who had been Consull and Censor. In his stead M. Marcellus his sonne was conse∣crated bishop. Likewise in the same yeere, there was a colonie of two thousand citizens of Rome, planted at Luca. The Triumvirs or the commissioners who had the conduct and placing of

them, were P. Aelius, L. Egilius, and Cn. Sicinius: one and fiftie acres of land and an halfe was [unspec G] set out for them apeece to occupie, out of the territorie late conquered from the Ligurians, and which had been sometime the possession of the Tuscanes, before it was holden by the Li∣gurians.

Then came the Consull C. Claudius to the citie of Rome, where after he had discoursed before the Senate, as touching the prosperous execution of his affaires, as well in Istria as Liguria, and thereupon demaunded a triumph, hee soone obtained that honour; and during his magistracie triumphed at once over those two nations. In which solemnitie of his triumph, hee carried in shew 307000 Deniers, and * 1.6 85702 Victoriates. He gave to every common [Romane] souldiour fifteen Denarij apeece, a double proportion to the centurions, & thrice as much to every hors∣man. But upon the allies he bestowed lesse by the one moietie than to naturall citizens: and ther∣fore [unspec H] as they followed his chariot, they were silent & said never a word: a man that had seene them would have said they were malecontent.

During the time of this triumph, the Ligurians perceiving that not only the Consull his ar∣mie was brought home to Rome, but the legion also at Pisae discharged by T. Claudius: thin∣king now all feare past and overblowne, secretly levied a power; and having passed over the crosse frontiers, by traversing the wayes through the mountaines, descended into the downes, and wa∣sted the domaines of Modenna, and by sodaine assault surprised the verie colonie. The newes hereof was no sooner arrived at Rome, but the Senate commaunded C. Claudius the Consull to hold the high court for the solemne election, with all convenient speed: that so soon as new an∣nuall magistrates were created, hee might returne into his province, and perforce recover this [unspec I] colonie out of their hands. So according to the advise and ordinance of the Senate the said as∣sembly was holden: wherein were elected Consuls Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petilius Spurinus. Then were the Pretors afterwards chosen, to wit, M. Popilius Lenas, P. Licinius Crassus, M. Cornelius Scipio, L. Papyrius Maso, M. Alburius, and L. Aquilius Gallus. The Consull C. Clau∣dius had his patent sealed againe for one yeere longer, to continue in commaund of the ar∣mie, and government of the province Gallia. And for feare least the Istrians likewise should fol∣low the example of the Ligurians, he had commission to send those allies of the Latine nation, whom he had brought out of his province for to solemnise his triumph.

Vpon that very day, on which the Consuls, Cneus Cornelius and Quintus Petilius entered their magistracie, and sacrificed each of them an oxe as the manner was, in the honor of Iupiter: [unspec K] In that beast which Q. Petilius caused to be slaine, the liver was found head-lesse. When hee had reported this accident unto the Senat, he was enjoined to sacrifice another boeufe, for to appease the wrath of the gods. Moved then it was in the Senate house as concerning the provinces, and a decree passed, that both Consuls should bee sent to Pisae, and against the Ligurians: but order was given, that whether of them had the charge of Pisae allotted unto him, he should (when the time came) repaire to Rome against the election of yeerely magistrates. Moreover, there was another braunch of this decree, that either of them should enroll two new legions, and three hundred horsemen, and levie of the Latine allies ten thousand foot apeece, and sixe hundred horse. And T. Claudius continued still in full commaund, untill such time as the Consull was ar∣rived in his province. Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed in the Counsel house, [unspec L] Cn. Cornelius was called forth by a bailife or huisher. And within a while after hee was gone out of the temple, he returned thither againe with an heavie and dismaied countenance, and decla∣red unto the LL. of the Senate, that the liver of that oxe which he also had killed for sacrifice, a beast of sixe yeeres old and well liking, was consumed and come to nothing; and when he hard∣ly beleeved the minister attending upon the sacrifice, who told him hereof, that himselfe caused the water to be poured forth of the pot wherin the tripes and inwards were sodden, where he saw the rest of the tripes and entrals full and whole, but all the liver wasted away, after a wonderfull and miraculous manner, not to be spoken. The LL. were much terrified and amazed at this pro∣digious object: and the more perplexed were they, for that the other Consull likewise related un∣to them, how in regard that in his sacrifice the liver wanted an head, hee had killed three oxen [unspec M] more, one after another, and yet could not procure the favour and grace of the gods. Hereupon the Senate commaunded him still to sacrifice these greater beasts, untill such time as he had his desire and the gods were pleased againe. Now it is said, that all the other gods were well ynough contented, and their ire mitigated and appeased, onely the goddesse * 1.7 Salus, Petilius could not be

[unspec A] reconciled unto, for all that ever he might doe. Then the Consuls and Pretours committed the disposition of their provinces to the arbittement of the lots. Pisae fell to Cornelius, and Liguria to Pettlius. As for the Pretours, L. Papyrius Maso was lord cheese justice by lot appointed, within the citie of all citizens pleas, and M. Aburius had the jurisdiction over straungers: M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had the charge to govern the lower Spain, & L. Aquilius Gallus, Sicilie. The two Pretors behind, requested earnestly that they might not be sent into their provinces, & name∣ly M. Popilius into Sardinia: alledging, that Gracchus was able to quiet that Island; and the rather, for that T. Ebutius the Pretour was by the Senate adjoined to him for assistance: neither was it good to enterrupt courses begun, the continuitie whereof is the most effectuall meanes to ex∣ploit any great important affaires. For what with delivering up of the sword by the old L. Depu∣tie, [unspec B] and receiving it by the new successour (whome it were more meet first to bee trained up in knowledge of the State, than to bee put to the managing of State-matters) oftentimes the good opportunities of atcheeving brave enterprises passe by and are lost. This excuse of Popilius was held for good, & so approoved. Then comes P. Licinius Crassus, and he for his part made allega∣tions why he might not go into his province: namely, by occasion of the solemn sacrifice, that he was to give his attendance upon. Now the higher part of Spaine was allotted unt him. But com∣maunded was hee either to goe into his province, or els to take oth in a frequent and full assem∣blie of the people, that the solemne sacrifice (as he pretended) was the thing that hindered him, and nothing els. This order being set downe and thus passed in the behalfe of P. Licinius; then steps me up M. Cornelius, and required them to take an oth of him likewise, that hee might not [unspec C] goe into the nether province of Spaine. So both these Pretours were sworne according to one and the same forme of oth. Whereupon M. Titinius and T. Fontetus were commaunded to re∣maine in qualitie and place of Proconsuls within Spain, and retaine still the same authoritie and power of commaund: and order was graunted, that for to supplie their forces, there should bee sent unto them three thousand citizens of Rome with two hundred horse, and also five thousand Latine allies, and three hundred horsemen.

The solemnitie of the Latine holydaies began the * 1.8 third day before the Nones of May: wher∣in, because at the sacrificing of one beast the magistrate of Lanuvium in his praier left out these words [Populi Romani Qutritium] and praied not for the good estate of the people of Rome, and the Quirites, it bred a scruple. The matter was mooved in the Senate, and the Senate referred it [unspec D] over to the Colledge of the bishops and prelates of the church. And they pronounced this award, That for as much as those Latine feasts were not solemnized as they ought, they should begin againe a new: and that the cittizens of Lanuvium, by whose default they were thus to be renewed, should bee at the charges of all the beasts for sacrifice. Moreover, to breed more fearefull scrupulositie in mens minds, it fortuned that Cneus Cornelius the Consull as hee re∣turned from that solemnitie out of the Albane mountaine, fell downe in a sit of Apoplexie: which turned into an Hemiplegia or dead palsey all the one side of his bodie, and so hee was conveighed to the bath and hote waters at Cumes: where, by occasion that his disease grew upon him still, hee departed this life: from whence hee was brought to Rome, and there car∣ried forth in all magnificence of funerall obsequies, and right honourably enterred. Hee had [unspec E] bene Bishop also as well as Consull. Q. Petilius the other Consull, being commaunded to hold an assembly for the surrogation of a colleague unto him, (so soone as possibly hee might bee warranted by the auspices and approbation of the sacred birds) and withall, to proclaime and publish the Latine seasts and holydaies aforesaid; summoned the election against the* 1.9 third day before the Nones of Sextilis: and the Latine solemnitie, the third day likewise before the* 1.10 Ides of the same month.

Whiles mens minds were much possessed alreadie with religion and set upon their devo∣tions, word was brought moreover of certaine fearfull prodigies: to wit, that at Tusculum there was seene a burning flame in the skie: that at Gabes, the temple of Apollo, and many private mens houses: likewise at Graviscae the towne wall and one of the gates were smitten with thun∣derbolts. [unspec F] For the procuration where of, the LL. of the Senate ordained that the Bishops should give order according to their discretion.

Whiles the Consuls were thus staied, first both, by their owne scripulous holinesse; then one of them by the death of the other; & afterwards by occasion of the new election & the re∣newing of the Latine festivall solemnitie: C. Claudius in the meane time approched with his

armie to Modenna, which the Ligurians the yeere before had woon. Hee had not continued the [unspec G] siege full three daies, but he forced the colonie: and having thus recovered it from the enemies, he restored it againe to the former inhabitants. Eight thousand Ligurians died there within the wals upon the sword: and immediatly he dispatched his letters to Rome, wherein hee not onely declared the simple newes, but glorified himselfe and made his boast, That through his fortitude and fortune, both the Romans had not an enimie that durst shew his head on this side the Alpes; and that he had conquered so much land as might serve for to be divided by the poll, among many thousands. Tib. Sempronius likewise at the same time, fought many fortunate battailes in Sardinia, and utterly tamed and subdued the Ilanders: fifteene thousand enemies he there slew: all the States of that nation which had revolted, were reduced to obedience under the people of Rome: the old tributaries had an imposition and exactation laid upon them of a duple tribute, which they surely paid: the rest were put to a contribution of corne. After hee had set the pro∣vince [unspec H] in quietnesse, and received out of the whole Iland two hundred and thirtie hostages, hee sent certain lieutenants as messengers to make report at Rome of all his proceedings: who also in his behalfe should make suite unto the Senat, That in regard of the happie successe in those exploites, under the charge, conduct and fortune of Tib. Sempronius, first, due honour praise and thanksgiving might be rendred to the immortall gods; and then, that himselfe might bee allowed at his departure out of the province, to bring away his armie with him. The Senate gave audience to the messengers abovesaid within the temple of Apollo: and upon their relation or∣dained a general procession for two daies: commaunding the Coss. to sacrifice 40 head of grea∣ter beasts: & withal, enjoyned Tib. Sempronius the pro-Consull to continue that yere with his ar∣mie in that province. Then the election which had bin published against the * 1.11 third day before [unspec I] the Nones of Sextilis for the substitution of one of the Coss. was the same day accomplished. And Q. Petilius the Cos. created for his colleague, M. Valerius Lavinus, for to enter immediate∣ly into his magistracie. This Laevinus had bin a long time desirous to be emploied in some pro∣vince or other: and fitly it fell out for his longing desire, that letters came, importing how the Ligurians rebelled and were gone out againe in armes. So after hee once heard the contents of these letters, he made no longer stay, but upon the very * 1.12 Nones of Sextilis all goodly to be seene in his warriors coat of armes, he commanded the third legion (by occasion of this alarme) to go into France, to C. Claudius the Pro-consull: also the Duumvirs or two wardens for the ports and navie, to goe to sea, and with a fleet to make saile for Pisae, and from thence to coast about all Li∣guria, [unspec K] and thus by hovering upon the seas, to terrifie the enemies that way also. Q. Petilius like∣wise the Cos. had appointed a day for his armie to meet in the same place. Moreover C. Claudi∣us the Pro-consull, advertised of the Ligurians revolt, over and besides those forces which he had about him at Parma, levied in hast a strength of more souldiours; and so with his complet armie approached the borders of the Ligurians. The enemies upon the arrivall of C. Claudius, by whose conduct they well remembred how late they had bene discomfited and put to flight neere the ri∣ver Scultenna, minding to seeke for defence rather by the strength of advantageous places than force of armes, against that power of his which to their cost they had before tried, seized the two hils,* 1.13 Letus and Balista, about which they raised a mure also for their better safetie. But such as lag ged behind and quit the champaine plaines and lower grounds with the latest, were surpri∣sed [unspec L] and cut short, to the number of fifteene hundred. The rest kept within the mountaines: who albeit they were in feare and daunger of their owne parts, yet forgat not their inbred crueltie; but ran upon the booties and prises which they had taken at Modenna, their poore prisoners whom they held captive, they pitiously mangled and killed most villanously: as for the beastes in the temples every where, they rather hacked hewed and cut in peeces butcherlike, than sacrifi∣ced in decent seemely and religious manner. Thus beeing satisfied with the bloud and massa∣cre of living creatures, they tooke all their breathlesse things they had, and reared and stucke them upon the walls; and namely, implements of all sorts, made rather for use and necessitie than ornament and shew. Q. Petilius the Consull, for feare least the warre would bee ended in his absence, dispatched his letters to M. Claudius, to hast away with his armie to him into France, [unspec M] for he would attend his comming upon the plaines called Macri. Vpon the receit of which let∣ters, Claudius dislodged out of Liguria, & delivered unto the Consull his armie at the said plains called Macri. Fewe daies after came Caius Valerius the other Consull thither also. There they divided their forces, and before they departed one from the other, they both together made a

[unspec A] survey & review of their severall armies. This done, they cast losts into what quarters they should either of them goe, for that they held it not good pollicie to charge the enemie both of them joyntly in one part. Now certaine it is, that Valerius received his lot according to the auspices, in that hee was within the precint of the temple or prospect by the Augur assigned. But Petili∣us herein made default (as the Augurs pronounced afterwards) and namely the error was herein, because he being himselfe without the compasse aforesaid, had put the lot into the casket, which was carried afterwards within the circuite of the said temple. This done, they went into divers quarters: Petilius encamped affront that banke & rising of the hil between Balista & Letus, which by a continuall ridge uniteth and joyneth the one mountaine to the other. There, as he was ex∣horting his souldiours in open audience, he let fall (by report) an ominous word, presaging his [unspec B] owne death, never thinking of the ambiguitie & duple construction therof; saying that he would that very day * 1.14 capere Letum. In two severall places at once he began to mount up the hils. That regiment wherein he was himselfe, avaunced forward couragiously: but the other was repulsed and beaten backe by the enemies: whereupon the Consull iodofull gallop to helpe that side which went downe: and in every truth reclaime his men hee did from running away; but whiles without good regard of his own person he kept before the ensignes in the forefront, he chanced to be shot through with a dart, and so fell downe dead in the place. The enemies were not ware of the Generals death: but some few of his owne men who saw him fall, made haft (as knowing well that in it consisted now the main victorie) to cover his bodie. So the rest of the multitude, as well cavallerie as infanterie, captainelesse as they were, disseazed the enemies and were maisters [unspec C] of the mountaines. Of Ligurians there were slaine 3000: of the Romane armie not above two and fiftie. Now besides this evident yssue and event which fell out upon so heavie and deadly a presage by the* 1.15 osse aforesaid, the pulletier also was heard to say, that all was not well in the au∣spices of the birds; neither was the Consull himselfe ignorant thereof.

C. Valerius having heard [The great clerkes * 1.16 and deep divines, those also that were profoundly seene in the common law, gave it forth, That seeing the two ordinarie Consuls (Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petilius Spurinus) of that yeer, were both dead, the one by sicknes, the other by the sword, it was not lawlfull for the other Consul (C. Valerius Laevinus) subroged in the place of the deceassed, to hold the assembly general for the election of new Magistrats.] conducted. On this side the Apennine were the Garules, Lapirines, and Her catians: beyond [unspec E] the Apennine were the Briniates. Against them that had pilled and ransacked Pisae and Luna, Q. Mutius made war within the compasse of the river Audena: & when hee had brought them in subjection, he tooke from them their armes. For which exploits atcheeved in Fraunce and Ligu∣ria, under the conduct and happie fortune of the two Consuls, the Senate ordained that there should be publick procession for three daies, and commaunded to sacrifice fortie greater beasts. And thus verily the tumultuous warres of the French and the Ligurians, which arose in the beginning of the yeere, were in short time and without any great maistrie dashed and appea∣sed.

But now in lieu thereof, great care was taken for the Macedonian warre, by occasion that Perseus sowed the seeds of debate and quarrell betweene the Dardanians & the Bastarnians. Be∣sides, [unspec F] the Roman embassadors who were sent into Macedonie, to see in what tearms things there stood, were now returned to Rome, and had brought word, That in Dardania they were up in armes. With them there came also from, king Perseus certaine Oratours to make excuse in his behalfe, and to cleere him in the action, namely, that the Bastarnians neither were by him sent for, nor entered into any execution by his motife. The Senate would neither acquit the king as

unguiltie, nor yet directly accuse him as culpable in that point. Onely they required, that hee [unspec G] should bee advertised and admonished, to bee very well advised and carefull to keepe that league and accord inviolable, which he would seeme to entertaine with the Romanes.

The Dardanians seeing that the Bastarnae were so farre off from departing out of their coun∣trey (as they well hoped they would) that they endammaged and endaungered them still everie day more than other, as bearing themselves bold upon the succors of the Thracians neere neigh∣bours, and the Scordisci; thought it their best course in pollicie, to adventure upon some hardie enterprise, although it were rash and inconsiderate: whereupon they assembled all in arms, and from every quarter of their countrey shewed and advanced before the next towne, to the camp of the Bastarnians. Winter time it was, a season of the yeere which they made choise of, that the Thracians and the Scordisci might be retired home in to their owne countries: which when [unspec H] they were advertised of, and that there remained none but the Bastarnae alone, they devided their forces in two parts: with the one, to march directly forward and openly to make head a∣gainst them affront; with the other, to serch a compasse through by-waies and blind forrests, and so to charge upon their backs. But before they could wheele about the enemies camp, the battaile was begun: wherein the Dardanians had the overthrow, and were driven to put them∣selves within their citie, which was almost twelve miles distant from the campe of the Bastarnae. The conquerors followed the traine of victorie, and incontinently invested the towne, making full account, that the next day either the enemies would yeeld, or else they should be able to win the place by fine force. In the meane time, the other regiment above said of the Dardanians, which cast about, knowing nothing at all of their fellowes diffeature, began to assaile the campe [unspec I] of the Bastarnians, left without a sufficient guard for defence.

As the manner of kings was,* 1.17 he sate in a stately throne of Ivorie, to heare pleas and decided of the finallest and most tristing matters. So transported was he and carried away with an humor of levitie and spirit of inconstancie, so distracted and wandering in all the course of his life, that he was never setled and well contented in any condition of state whatsoever: in such sort, as neither he knew his owne selfe, nor any man else wist well what to make of him. He would not seeme to speake unto his friends, and hardly was seene to laugh familiarly among those of his neerest acquaintance. Hee made a foole of himselfe, and mocked others likewise; such was his unordinate and irregular munificence. To men of honour standing highly upon their worth and reputation, his manner was to bestow childish trifies, as sugar-plums to eat or to play with∣all, [unspec K] toyes and gewgawes instead of great and pretious presents: others againe that looked for nothing, those he enriched. And therefore some deemed, that he knew not what hee did: others gave it out, that he did all in plaine mockage: and there were againe that let not to say, how he was out of his right wits, and cleane besides himselfe. Yet in two things, which were both great and laudable, he carried with him a princely and royall mind indeed; to wit, in adorning citties with stately gifts, and honouring the gods with divine worship. He promised the Megapolitans in Arcadia, to raise a wall about their citie; and in truth the better part of the money to destay the charges there of, he sent unto them. He went in hand to build a magnificent Theatre of mar∣ble at Tegaea: at Cizicum, he gave freely to the Prytaneum (a faire hall by it selfe in the heart of the citie, where, at the common charges, certaine had their diet of free-cost) by way of honou∣rable [unspec L] reward, a cupbord of golden plate sufficient for the furniture and service of one table. As for the Rhodians, I cannot say, what one speciall gift singular above the rest, hee bestowed upon them; so liberally minded was hee to them-ward, and his hand ever open to give them of all forts whatsoever they needed or required. Now, his magnificence in honouring the gods, what it was (if there were nothing else) the temple of Iupiter Olympius begun by him in Athens (so answerable every way to the majesty of that great god, that the like to it is not to be found again in the whole world) may testifie sufficiently. Moreover, hee beautified Delos with goodly sea∣ensigns, and with a great number of statues and images. Likewise he promised to edisie at Anti∣ochia, a stately temple in the honour of Iupiter Capitolinus; not onely arched above-head with a golden embowed rouse, but seeled all over the wall sides with plates of gold: besides many o∣ther [unspec M] things in divers places, which by reason that he, reigned but a very short time, he could not finish and performe. In magnificence also of playes, publicke shewes, and pageants of every sort, he over-went all the kings his progenitors before him, as well in regard of Grecian actors and gamesters, whereof hee had many about him, as of the rest who were acquainted with the fa∣shions

[unspec A] of his owne countrey. He represented the fight of sword-players at the sharpe with unre∣bated swords, after the custome of the Romans; with greater terror and feare at first, than plea∣sure and delight of men, who were not used to behold such sights: but afterwards by often ex∣hibiting the same, in such manner, as sometime they drewblood one of another, yea and other∣whiles gave not over so, but fought to the utterrence, even to death, hee made it a familiar exer∣cise and a pleasant spectacle to the eye; and thereby set an edge upon the courage of many yong gallants, and emboldened them to embrace chivalrie and follow feats of armes. So as in pro∣cesse of time, he that was wont at the beginning to send as farre as Rome for these sensers, and to hire them for great wages and reward, now with his owne L. Cornelius Scipio (had the jurisdiction) over forreiners. To M. Attilius the Pretour, the govern∣ment [unspec B] of Sardinia by lot was fallen, but he was enjoyned to passe over into Corsica with the new legion which the Consuls had enrolled, consisting of five thousand foot and three hundred horse, And during the time that he should be employed there in the warres, Cornelius had com∣mission to continue in his charge and place of commaund; within Sardinia. Vnto Cn. Servilius Caepio for low Spaine, and P. Furius Philus for the higher, were assigned three thousand Romane footmen and an hundred and fiftie horse; but of Latine allies, five thousand of the one and three hundred of the other. As for L. Claudius he was appointed to Sicilie without any supply at all. Moreover, the Consuls had commaundement to enroll two legions besides, with the full num∣ber as well of foot as horse, and to charge the [Latine] allies, with the setting out and mainte∣nance of a thousand foot men and six hundred horse. This levie and taking of musters, the Con∣suls [unspec C] went through with, in more difficultie, by reason of a great mortalitie, which beginning the y eere before with a morrein of kine and oxen, turned this yeere into pestilent epidemiall diseases of men. Looke who fell sicke once, lightly they died before the seventh day: and those that o∣verlived and escaped that crisis, lay long sicke by it, and commonly of the quartane ague. The most that went of this maladie were slaves, whose breathlesse carkasses lay ordinarily along eve∣rie street unburied: and more than that,* 1.18 men were not able to enterre so much as the dead bo∣dies of free persons, they died so thicke; in such sort, as they putrified and rotted above ground: for neither hungrie dog not greedie gripe, would once touch them. And for certaine it was knowen and noted, that neither all that yeere nor in the former, during the mortalitie of man and beast, there was not a vultur or grype any where to bee seene. Divers prelats and priests of [unspec D] State dropt away of this plague, and namely, Cn. Servilius Caepio a bishop, the father of the Pre∣tour: Tib. Sempronius Longus the sonne of Titus, one of the Decemvirs for sacrred rites and di∣vine service: P. Aelius Paetus the Augur: Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, C. Attchus Aemylius the chiefe superintendent of all the parish-priests, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus a bishop. These were substituted bishops in place of the dead, to wit, C. Sulpitius Galba in stead of Tuditanus.

For Augures were subordained, T. Veturius Crassus Sempronianus in the roume of Gracchus; Q. Aelius Paetus for P. Aelius. Decemvirs over holy rites was elected, Catus Sempronius Longus; and C. Scribonius, surnamed Curio, supplied the want of the grand superintendant aforesaid, Still continued the pestilence; where upon the Senate ordeined, That the Decemvirs should have recourse to the bookes of Sibylla: by whose order and direction, publicke supplications held for [unspec E] one day long: and after a devout manner, the people conceived and made a solemne vow in the common-place, according to that forme of words which Q. Martius Philippus endited & prom∣pted unto them, to this effect: That if this maladie and pestilent disease, were remooved out of the territorie of Rome, they would for two daies space solemnize a feast, goe in procession and poure out their prayers with all devotion. In the Vejentian countrey a main child was borne with two heads; and another at Sinuessa but with one hand. At Oximum a maid child came in∣to the world with teeth in the head: and over the temple of Saturne (standing in the market place of Rome) there was seene in the skie a bow full bent all the day long, if the aire were cleere and the weather faire: and at one time there shone out three sunnes. Also in one night, there evident∣ly appeared many flaming lights and fire-drakes shooting along in the aire. The men of Lanu∣vium [unspec F] and Caere affirmed plainely, That within their towne they saw a serpent with a crest and mane, yea and the same marked all over with yellow spots like gold: and it was held for certein, that in the territorie of Capua an oxe spake.

Now were the embassadours returned out of Affricke by the * 1.19 Nones of Iune, those I meane, who went to Carthage, after they had been with king Masanissa, and spoken with him. But bet∣ter

and more certaine intelligence they had by this king, than from the Carthaginlans them∣selves, [unspec G] as touching the affaires that had passed in Carthage. Howbeit, thus much they reported upon their assured knowledge, that embassadours came from king Perseus, and had audience in the Senate secretly by night within the temple of Aeseulapius. Also both the king affirmed flat∣ly, and the Carthaginians themselves but faintly denied, that embassadors likewise had been sent from Carthage into Macedonie. Whereupon the Senate was of advise and resolved to dispatch their embassadours also into Macedonie. And these three were sent, to wit, C. Laelius, M. Vale∣rius Messala, and Sext. Digitius.

During this time, Perseus, by occasion that certaine Dolopians obeied him not, and of some matters in controversie and difference referred the audience and decision to the Romanes, and refused the arbitrement of the king, led forth an armie against them, and reduced the whole nati∣on [unspec H] under his obedience and jurisdiction. From thence hee passed over the Oetaean mountaines, and upon certaine religions motions arising in his mind, he went up to Delphos, for to visite the Oracle. Being thus on a suddaine seene in the very heart and middest of Greece, he strucke a ter∣ror not onely into the cities next adjoining, but also the bruite of this tumultuous alarme was blowne as farre as to king Eumenes. After hee had staied at Delphi not above three daies, hee re∣turned turned into his owne realme, by the way of Phthiotis, Achaia and Thessalie, without any dam∣mage done or wrong offered to the territories through which he passed. Neither thought hee it sufficient thus onely to win the love and favour of those cities and states through which he was to journey, but hee addressed either embassadors or wrote his letters, praying them to beare no longer in mind the enmities which had beene betweene them and his father, for as much as [unspec I] they were not so bitter and deadly but they might well ynough, yea, and ought to end and die with him: as for himselfe, he saw no let or hinderance in the world to empeach them for entertai∣ning a faithfull amitie with him. But above all others hee sought meanes to be reconciled to the Achaeans, and to reenter into grace and favour with them. This nation alone of all Greece, toge∣ther with the citie of Athens, were growne into those tearmes of despight and malice against the Macedonians, that they debarred them from once setting foot within their confines. And here∣upon it came, that when certaine slaves fled out of Achaea, they retired into Macedonie for re∣fuge, and there remained: and because the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to come within their liberties, they durst not likewise for their parts enter into the marches & frontiers of his kingdome to recover their bondmen. Which when Perseus perceived, he caused al those fugi∣tive [unspec K] slaves to be apprehended, and he dispatched his letters unto the Achaeans, where in he wrote That he would right courteously send backe their slaves home againe, although they were runne away from them unto him; advertising and advising them to beware and looke well unto it, that there were no more any such escapes and runnings away of their bond-servants here after. When these letters were read by Xenarchus their Pretour, who sought to currey some favour and to wind himselfe into grace with the king, most of them that were present judged the letters to have been written right graciously and with great government and moderation, but principally those persons, who beyond their hope were to recover and receive their slaves whom they had lost.

But Callicrates one of them who were fully persuaded, that the safetie of their whole estate depended upon the loiall observance and inviolable maintenance of the accord contracted with the Ro∣manes, [unspec L] spake thus or to this effect following, It may seeme to some here (quoth he) my maisters of Achaea,* 1.20 that wee are in question at this present of a small matter and of meane importance: but I for my part am of opinion, that we are not now in hand to treat, but have alreadie debated, and after a sort concluded, one of the greatest affaires and of most consequence that wee know. For we who have interdicted the KK. of Macedonie and the Macedonians to come within our bor∣ders, and have decreed that this edict may stand firme and irrevocable, and that for this intent especially, Because wee would admit neither embassadors nor messengers from the KK. for feare least by entercourse of them, the hearts of some among us might bee sollicited and tempted to noveltie and alteration; wee now are content to heare the king, although absent in per∣son, preaching in some sort to us, yea, and more than that (God send us good lucke) approve [unspec M] and applaude his Oration. And whereas the very wild beasts refuse (for the mest part) the meat which is laid for a bait to deceive and hurt them, yea, and have the wit to shun and avoid the same; wee, blind beetels that we are, suffer ourselves to bee caught and fed with the vaine appa∣rence and colourable shew of a litle kindnesse, and for hope to recover some poore slaves (a mat∣ter

[unspec A] of small worth and reckoning) suffer our owne freedome to be undermined, and in daunger of subversion. For who seeth not, that the ouverture is made, and the way laid open for entrance into consederacie with the king, onely to violate and breake our association with the Romanes, wher∣in standeth all our weale and welfare? Vnlesse some man peradventure will make a question, whe∣ther the Romanes must levie warre against Perseus? and doubt thereof now after Philip is dead, which in his life time was expected, and by his death onely interrupted? Two sonnes, ye know full well, king Philip had, Demetrius and Perseus. For noblenesse of parentage by the mothers side, for vertue, for wit, for the love and affection of the Macedonians, Demetrius farre surpassed his brother. But for that the father intended ever and meant, that whether of his two sonnes hated the Romanes, he should have the crowne after him for recompence, he caused Demetrius to bee [unspec B] murdered; for no other crime in the world that could be laid to his charge, save onely that he was entred into amitie with the Romanes: but Perseus he made the king, whom he knew that the peo∣ple of Rome judged more worthie to suffer punishment than to inherite a kingdome. And this Perseus, what other thing hath hee done els after his fathers decease, but made preparation for warre? First and formost he procured the Bastarnians, to the terror of all the world, for to invade * 1.21 Dardania; who if they had settled there, Greece should have had more troublesome neighbors of them than Asia hath of the Galatians. And albeit hee was disappointed of this hope, yet hee gave not over to dessigne and plot for warre; nay, if we will speake a truth, he hath alreadie begun the war. Dolopia he hath subdued by force of annes, and could not abide to heare that the deter∣mination of certaine provinces which were debatable & litigious, should be referred to the award [unspec C] of the people of Rome. From thence having passed over the mountaine Octa, that all upon a seddaine he might shew himselfe in the very centre of Greece, hee ascended up to Delphi. And to what end, thinke ye, hath he taken this diswonted voiage and unaccustomed expedition? Af∣ter this he made his progresse all over Thessalie: And what if he annoied and hurt none of them all, whom he hated in his heart? I feare me so much the more this manner of dealing, and that it is a bait to catch them withall. Then, forsooth, he sendeth his letters unto us, with a goodly shew of a bon-present, and willeth us to thinke estsoones how to prevent from haeceforth, that we ne∣ver had need againe of the like bountie of his. What is that, but to annull and repeale that edict of ours, wherein the Macedonians are debarred from setting foot within * 1.22 Peloponnesus? and to bring about, that we may have againe the kings embassadours to come unto us, that we may en∣tertain [unspec D] mutuall hospitalitie betweene their princes and ours? and anon after, see the Macedonian armies, yea, and the king also in person to crosse from Delphi (for a finall arme of the sea lieth betweene) streight over into Peloponnesus? and finally, that we band and combine with the Ma∣cedonians, when they shall take armes against the Romanes? As for mee, this is mine advise, to make no new ordinance, but to let all alone in their entier, as they now stand, untill such time as wee are come to some certaine tearmes, Whether we have cause to be afraid, or feare onely our owne shaddowes? If the league shall continue firme and sure betweene the Romanes and the Macedonians, then may we have entercourse of friendship, of commerce and traffick with them. But for this present to thinke and consider hereof, in my simple judgment, is a nice and ticklish point, and besides, out of season, untimely, and somewhat with the soonest. When hee had thus [unspec E] said, Arco brother to Xenarchus the P retour discoursed in this manner following.

Callicrates (quoth he) hath caused both me and all of us besides,* 1.23 who are of contrarie opinion to him, for to find the more difficultie in speaking our minds to the cause in question.

For whiles in mainte∣nance of the association which we have with the Romanes, he saith that it is disturbed and trou∣bled, (albeit there bee no man about either to disturbe or trouble it) he hath wrought cunningly and contrived, that whosoever seemeth to gainsay him, may be thought to oppose & set himselfe against the Romans. In the first place, as if he had ben a man, not conversing here among us, but one come from the Senat of Rome, or some inward secretarie & of the privie counsell to the KK. he knoweth forsooth, and uttereth all that in great secrecie hath beene done. Nay, hee foretelleth like a wise man, what would have ensued, in case Philip had lived longer: & namely how it came [unspec F] about, that Perseus thus inherited the crowne: what the Macedonian designes are: and what the Romanes intend to doe. But we, who know neither for what cause, nor in what manner Deme∣trius came by his death, ne yet what Philip meant to have done if hee had lived still, must ac∣commodate and frame our counsell to those occurrents which have openly passed in the view of the world. Wee take knowledge, that Perseus after hee was invested in his throne and crowned

king, repaired to the Romane embassadours: and we know likewise that hee was intituled by the [unspec G] people of Rome with the style of (King Perseus.) We heare besides, that Romane embassadours came to the king, and were by him well received and graciously entertained. If I haveany judge∣ment these bee all signes of peace and not of warre, neither can the Romanes take offence, if, as wee followed them when they bare armes, so we follow them now likewise, as the authours of peace. And verily I see no reason why we alone of all other Greekes, should make so mortall and inexpiable warre against the realme of Macedonie. What! is it because we are so neere unto the Macedoninas, and by that vicinitie expossed to all dangers from thence? or that wee are the wea∣kest of all the rest, and like to the Dolopians, whom Perseus of late hath subdued? Nay ywis, it is farre otherwise & cleane contrarie. Sure enough we are for any harme they can do us, in regard either of our owne forces (which the gods of their goodnesse have vouchsafed us) or of the di∣stance of place so far remote. But set case we bee as much subject as the Thessalians & Aetolians: [unspec H] Say, we are of no more credite and authoritie among the Romans (albeit we have beene alwaies their associats & friends) than the Aetolians be, who were their open enemies but the other day: Then, what right, what priviledge and commerce, the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epitotes, and in one word, all Greece besides, have and use with the Macedonians, we also may have and hold the same. How is it then, that we alone like cursed and damned creatures, should thus pra∣ctise to abandon the common law of men, (and as it were) renounce all humane societie. Be it, that Philip (when time was) did somewhat, and gave us just cause, armed as he was and ever war∣ting upon us, to passe this decree and edict against him: what hath Perseus deserved? Perseus (I say) the new king, a harmlesse prince that never did us injurie; nay, who is willing and seeketh by courtesies and good turnes to cancell and rase out all former quarrels and enmities of his father:? [unspec I] why are we the onely enemies that he hath in the world? And yet, I might full well and truly say, that from the former kings of Macedonie we haue received so great favours and benefits, that in regard thereof, we should put up and forget the wrongs of Philip alone (if haply he have done us any) at leastwise now after he is dead and his head laid. Indeed, at what time as the Romane fleet rid in the harbor of Cenchreae, and the Consull lay encamped with his armie before Elatia, wee sat in counsell three daies together, debating & divising, Whether we should band with the Ro∣manes or side to Philip? And albeit the present feare of the Romanes before our eies, might have made us in our opinions to encline somewhat and leane toward them: yet there was something in it doubt lesse, that it was so long ere wee could resolve: and to say a trueth, it was the auncient ac∣quaintance and amitie that we had with the Macedonians, and the great benefits which in old [unspec K] time we had received from their kings. Why then, me thinkes, those selfe same regards should be of some force and efficacie, to moove us, if not to be their speciall & best friends, yet at least wise not to bee their principall and greatest enemies. Let us not, Callicrates, make semblance and shew of that, which we are not in hand withall, and is no point of this present question. There is no motive made of a newe societie; there is no person about to draw any capitu∣lations of a new alliance, wherein we should rashly enwrap and entangle ourselves, and betied to any inconvenience. Onely, let there be a mutuall commerce between us, and an alternative intercourse of yeelding and demaunding right to and fro, as appertaineth; let us not by interdicting and forbidding them to enter and trafficke within our countrie, debarre our selves likewise from all negotiation and dealing with them in their kingdome; that by this [unspec L] meanes our slaves may have no place of retreat and refuge to flie unto. And what prejudice is this to the Roman confederacie? Wherfore make we thus of a finall thing & evident, so great a matter and suspicious? Wherfore raise we such troubles of nothing? Wherfore seeke we to draw others into jelousie & hatred with the Romans, and all this, to find means of courting and flatte∣ring them? If there will be warre, Perseus (yee may be sure) maketh no doubt, but that we altoge∣ther will follow the Romans: yet so long as the peace holdeth, surcease & suspend we in some sort our malice and hatred for the while; it ended for ever it may not bee.

When the same men who had consented to the kings letters before gave their accord now also to this propose, the chiefe and principall persons among them tooke great indignation and disdaine, that Perseus should seeme to demaund and obtaine that by a few lines in writing, which he deemed was not worth the sending an embassage. Whereupon the time was deserved and no decree passed at this Session. Afterwards were embassadours addressed unto them from the king, at what time as a Diet was holden in Megalopolis: but the side which was for the Romanes, and feared to give them occa∣sion

[unspec A] of displeasure and offence, did what they could to debarre them of accesse and entrance in∣to the Counsell. And much about this time, by reason of these jarres, the Aetolians grew enra∣ged among themselves, and by discharging their mutuall furie in killing one another, had like to have brought the state to a finall ruine and desolation. But being wearie thereof, they in the end as well of the one side as the other, sent their Embassadours to Rome, and also laboured at home to have the quarrell taken up, and to be made friends and reconciled together. Howbeit this was crossed by a new mischiefe that came betweene, which also rubbed the former gauls and fretted the old sores. For whereas certaine Hypateans, exiled persons, & being of the faction of Proxenus, were promised libertie to returne home againe into their countrie, with safe conduct also granted by Eupolemus one of the chiefe & principall men of the citie: so it was, that fourscore [unspec B] of them, men of marke and qualitie (whome to meet upon the way as they returned, Eupolemus himselfe went out with the multitude) after they had bin friendly received with courteous gree∣tings, salutations, and shaking of hands, had no sooner entred within the gate of the cittie but they were massacred, notwithstanding they pleaded the faithfull promise of protection, and called the gods to witnesse, but all in vaine. By this occasion the civill war betweene them waxed much hotter than before, and turned in the end to a light fire. Now there arived C. Valerius Lae∣vinus, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. Memmius, M. Popilius, and L. Canuteius, as sent from the Senate of Rome. Before these commissioners, the embassadors from both factions appeared at Delphi, and debated the matter with great earnestnes and vehamiencie, where Proxenus seemed to have the better hand as well in right of the cause, as through his eloquent tongue: Proxenus (I say) who within few daies after, dranke a cup of poison of h is wives tempering, where of he died: and [unspec C] she condemned therefore, departed into exile. The like madnesse haunted the Candiots also and distracted them with intestine dissention. But upon the comming of Q.Mutius the lieutenant generall, who was sent accompanied with a fleet of ten saile, to appease their debates, they sell to some tearmes of peace and attonement. There had bene a truce also before of sixe monthes, but afterwards the warre flamed out much more terrible. The Lycians likewise at the same time, were infested and plagued with warre by the Rhodians. But my meaning is not, neither is it any part of my purpose, to describe the warres of sorreine nations, nor to discourse of the circumstances how they proceeded: for enough I have to do, and more than I can well discharge, to write the acts onely of the people of Rome.

[unspec D] The Celtiberians in Spaine, who being subdued and tamed by force of armes, had submit∣ted to Tib. Gracchus, remained quiet all the time that M. Titmius the Pretour continued there in government. But immediatly upon the arrivall of Appius Claudius they revolted: and began to shew themselves in open action of rebellion, by giving a suddaine assault upon the Romane campe. It was about the breake of day, when the sentinels upon the rampiat and Corps de guard about the gates, might discover enemies comming a farre off, and so they gave the alarme. Ap∣pius Claudius having put out the signall of battaile; and in fewe words exhorted his souldiours to fight and play the men, led them forth at three gates at once. The Celtiberians made head and opposed their forces as they issued foorth. At the first the skirmish was equall on both parts: for that by reason of the streights of the passage, all the Romanes could not fight: but after that [unspec E] one had put forward another, and followed still apace, they were all at length gotten without the trench, so as they were able now to display their battaillons, & to confront their enemies from one point of their battaile to the other, where with before they were environned: and then they made so forcible a sallie upon them, that the Celtiberians were not able to endure their vio∣lence. For before the second houre of the day, they were discomfited and put backe: and fifteen thousand of them either died in the place, or yeelded their bodies prisoners: two and thirtie mi∣litarie ensignes they lost, and were turned out of the campe the same day: and heere an end of that warre. For as many as escaped the medley gat them home to their owne townes, and quiet∣ly afterwards bare the yoke of subjection.

That yeere were created Censors, Q.Fulvius Flaccus & A. Posthumius Albinus: who made [unspec F] a revieu of Senatours and chose new. For president of the Senat they elected M. Aemylius Lepi∣dus the Archbishop. Nine they put out of the Senate-house. The principall persons noted and disgraced, were these, M. Cornelius Maluginensis, who two yeers before had been Pretor in Spain; L. Cornelius Scipio, Pretor for the time being, and L. chiefe Iustice of the common pleas, as well among citizens as aliens; and L. Fulvius, who was whole brother to the Censor himselfe, and as

Valerius Antias reporteth, equall in degree of calling, and his fellow every way. The Consuls also [unspec G] after they had made their vowes within the Capitoll, went forth to their provinces. The one of them, (to wit, M. Aemylius) had in charge given him by the Senat, to appease the sedition of the Padoans in Venice, who as their embassadors made report, by factious siding and part-taking, were all on a fire with civill warre.

The embassadours who were gone into Aetolia for to pacifie the like troubles, brought word backe, That it was not possible to bridle and refraine the furious rage of that nation. But the comming of the Consull made all whole among the Padoans and cured the maladie: who ha∣ving nothing else to doe in the province, returned to Rome.

These Censors were the first that caused the streets of Rome to be paved with hard flint and pebble stone within the citie; and the high waies and causeys without to be raised with gravell, and the sides therof to be well banked and kept in reparations: also bridges to be made in divers [unspec H] places: a scaffold besides for the Aediles and Pretors to behold the games & plaies. Moreover, the barriers in the race, from whence the horses begin to run, & the [Ovales] to marke and skore up the number of courses *** Over and besides the goles, beyond *** the yron grates and cages *** and at the feasts in the mount Albane for the Consuls. They took order besides all this, for the paving with flint of the cliffe or descent from the Capitoll, and from the gallerie or porch before the temple of Saturne looking toward the Capitoll, unto the place called Senaculum, and the court Hostilia above it. Also the merchants hall or burse with∣out the gate Tergemina they paved with stone, and fenced it about with strong stakes and posts of wood. The gallerie also Aemylia they caused to be repaired; and made an ascent by staires from the Tyber to the burse or merchants hall aforesaid. Without the same gate also, they pa∣ved [unspec I] with pebble stone the gallerie or walking place into the Aventine *** from the temple of Venus. The same Censors bargained for the making of walls about Calatia and Oxy∣mum: and having made sale of some publicke edifices there, they employed the mony raised thereof, in making of shops and stalles round about both the market places. The one of them, that is to say, M. Fulvius, (for Posthumius said plainly, that unlesse it were by vertue either of an act of the Senate, or graunt of the people of Rome, hee would put forth no workes to be made with dispense of their money) agreed upon a price for the building of a temple to Iupiter at Pi∣saurum and at Fundi: also to make a conduit, for water to be conveighed to Pollentia; and at Pi∣saur um for a way to be paved, and Sinuessa *** In these colonies, hee caused also a sinke or vault to be made about them, to carry away all filthinesse into the river: also the market [unspec K] place to be enclosed with porches, galleries, and shops; and three stately halls called Iani, with quarrefours or foure throughfares, and as many fronts. For these workes, one of the Consuls dis∣bursed the money, and bargained with the Publicanes and undertakers. In which regard, the in∣habitants of those colonies above-named, gave his great thankes. These Censors were likewise severe and precise in exercising their office, for the redressing and reformation of mens maners: for many gentlemen had their horses of service taken from them, which were allowed them by the cittie.

A little before the yeeres end, there was a solemne procession holden one whole day for the happie atchievement of the affaires in Spaine, under the conduct and good fortune of Appius Claudius the Proconsull; and twentie head of great beasts were killed in sacrifice. And the mor∣row [unspec L] after they went in another procession with supplications, at the temples of Ceres, Liber, and Libera: for that there was reported from the Sabines countrey, a mightie earthquake, which over-turned many houses.

After that Appius Caludius was returned out of Spaine to Rome, the Senat ordiened, that hee should enter the citie with the pompe of an Ovation. And now approched the time for the ele∣ction of new Consuls. Much a doe there was and hard hold at this assembly, by reason of the multitude of competitors: but in the end, L. Posibumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas, were elected Consuls: which done, the Pretours also were created, to wit, Cn. Fabius Buteo, M. Ma∣tienus, C. Cicercius, M. Furius Crasipes, A. Attilius Serranus, and C. Cluvius Saxula, these three last rehearsed, the second time. [unspec M]

This businesse and solemnitie finished, Ap. Claudius Cento entring with Ovant pompe into the citie for his victorie of the Celtiberians, brought into the common treasurie 10000 pound weight of silver, and five thousand of gold. Cn. Cornelius was consecrated the Flamine of Iupiter.

[unspec A] The same yeere there was set up a painted table in the temple of the goddesse Matuta with this inscription, VNDER THE CONDUCT AND HAPPIE GOVERNEMENT OF TIE. SEM∣PRONIUS GRACCHUS, CONSULL, THE LEGION AND ARMIE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, SUBDUED SARDINIA. IN VVHICH PROVINCE, THERE VVERE SLAINE AND TAKEN PRISONERS EIGHTIE THOUSAND ENEMIES. WHICH GRACCHUS (AFTER HE HAD MANAGED THE AFFAIRES OF STATE MOST FORTUNATELY, DELIVERED MANY CAPTIVES OUT OF BONDAGE, AND RECOVERED THE TRIBUTES AND CU∣STOMES TO THE COMMON-VVEALE) BROUGHT HOME VVITH HIM. HIS ARMIE SAFE AND SOUND, CHARGED VVITH AN EXCEEDING RICH ECOTIE, AND REEN∣TERED THE CITTIE OF ROME, IN A SECOND TRIUMPH. IN MEMORIALL OF [unspec B] VVHICH EXPLOIT, HEE CAUSED THIS TABLE TO BE SET UP AS A PRESENT IN THE HONOUR OF IUPITER.

Now this table conteined the portraiture of the Iland Sardinia, and the picture also and resemblance of sundrie battailes. Moreover, in this yeere were represented to the people cer∣taine pastimes and shewes of sword-players, whereof some were small and of no account: but one above the rest, exhibited by T. Flaminius, surpassed. And this hee did in honour of his father deceased; with a dole of flesh among the people, a great publicke feast besides, and stage-playes for foure dayes togither. But the principall matter in this festivall solemnitie, was this, That in three daies space there fought at utterance with unrebated swords, threescore and fourteene champions. [unspec C]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Cei••iberis.
• * 1.2

  Lus••ania.
• * 1.3

  Selaveni••.
• * 1.4

  Tima••••o, or Larechia.
• * 1.5

  By that gate was the market served, and i•• led directly to it.
• * 1.6

  Victoriatus, the same that Qu••natius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉i Dena∣rius. It had the image of Victo∣rie stamped up∣on it.
• * 1.7

  Health.
• * 1.8

  Fifth of May.
• * 1.9

  3 of August.
• * 1.10

  11 of August.
• * 1.11

  The third of August.
• * 1.12

  5. of August.
• * 1.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pe∣legrino.
• * 1.14

  Capete Letū, thus written with a capitall L. signifieth. To gaine the hill Letus: but with the litle ••, (which Se care cannot im∣porteth. To take his death.
• * 1.15

  Valerius Ma∣ximius reporting the same storie, calleth this O∣m\̄e of his (which I commonly in∣terprete) [Osse] fortiutum vo∣usjactum; When a man casteth forth a word at a venture, and speaketh more truly than he is aware. For want of a proper tearme to expresse the Latine [Omen] all translators hi: herts, French, Italian, and English, have ben put is their shifts, and helpe themselves with [Praesage.] Which in mine opinion is nos appropriate to the thing, but common: as comprising other tokens; of birds, whether they be auguria of auspicia; of beasts inwards; of lightening and the rest: or rather implying 〈◊〉〈◊〉, i. the fore-deeming by those signes, yea, and extendeth to the fore-giving of the mind. Whereas that other word [Osse] is very significant, and in analogie aequivalent to [Omen.] I merveil much therefore, why it is thought either strange and new (seeing it is English, used no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commonly in times past, and at this day currant in the North-paris, where the people haply are more observant of such presages) rather than many other f••rraine words, brought into our language, and raunged with the English: or why it should be condemned as absonant and not pleasing to the ears, more than 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Greek, which commonly be tokeneth (a voice) and more properly in Plato (as) Budaeus hath wel observed) is taken for [Omen] like as f for omi∣na••i, [unspec D] and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [divinare] at Eustathius noteth upon Homer,I had, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 E. From whence, who seeth not that [Osse and Ostang both] are derived? The word then being not basely borne, but descended from the northe, of all learnin g, the Greeke tongue, and enfranchised in this Island time out of mind (howsoever it hath been confined into the North) would not bee exiled cleane, but rather reduced and received for a free denizen, quasi postliminio.
• * 1.16

  This within those mark•• [] The La∣tine copies have not, but is partly supplied out of Priscian in his 17 locke.
• * 1.17

  There wanteth 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 •••• king the •••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of king T••••••••••••.
• * 1.18

  Libitina non sufficiebat.
• * 1.19

  7 of Iune.
• * 1.20

  The Oration of Ca••••tates the Achaean.
• * 1.21

  Servia, as some thinke.
• * 1.22

  Morca.
• * 1.23

  The Oration of Archo.