The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXIX. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 39)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the nine and thirtith Booke.

MArcus AEmylius the Consull after he had subdued the Ligurians, made the street or high way from Plaisance to Ariminum, untill it met with the way Flaminia. In this booke are recoun∣ted the beginnings of roiotous and dissolute life brought in by the Asian armie. All the Li∣gurians on this side Apennine are tamed and brought under. The Bacchanales (a Greekish feast and celebrated in the night season, the very seminarie and nource-garden of all wicked∣nesse, being growne to this enormitie, that therein was contrived a conspiracie and complot of a mightie multitude) were now visited and searched into by the Consull, and put downe with the punishment of many persons. L. Iuintius Flamininus, the brother of T. Quintius, was deprived of his Senatour's dignitie by the Censors, to wit, L. Valerius Flaccus, and Mar. Pacius Cato, a right excellent man, as wel for seats of arms as peace. The cause was this, for that whiles he was Consul and governor in Gaule, at the request of one Philippus Poenus, a notorious wanton Ganymede whom he loved, he slew a certain Gaule with his own hand: or, as some have written, because at the entreatie of an harlot, upon whom he was enamoured, he beheaded one of them that were condemned. The in vective Oration of M. Cato against him is extant. Scipio departed this life at Liternum, and (as if Fortune would have his funerall accompanied with the death at the same time of two most re∣nowned and great personages) Anniball poisoned himselfe, by occasion that Prusias king of Bithynia (unto whom hee was fled for succour after the defeature of king Antiochus) would have yeelded him into the hands of the Romans; who had sent of purpose T. Quintius Flamininus to demaund him. Likewise Philopamen the Generall of the Achaens, an excellent man, was poisoned by the Messenians, who tooke him prisoner in warre. Colonies were sent to Pollentia, Pisaurum, Mutina, and Parma. Over and besides, this booke containeth the prosperous affaires against the Celtiberians: also the beginning & cause of the Macedonian warre, whereof the originall spring arcss from Philip, much discontented, that his kingdome was em∣paired by the Romanes, in regard that he was forced by them to withdraw his garisons out of Thrace and other parts.

DVring the time that these affaires passed at Rome (if this were the yeere where∣in they happened) both Consuls made warre against the Ligurians, a nation borne as it were to maintaine the militarie discipline of the Romanes, and to find them occupied in all times of respite and rest from greater warres; neither was there any other province that gave a sharper edge to the valour of the sol∣dior. For Asia with the beautie of their cities, the abundance of all commodi∣ties as well by sea as land, the effeminate tendernesse of the enemies, and the roialtie of the kings riches, had made their armies more wealthie than valiant: and especially under the go∣vernment of Cneus Manlius, nusled they were in much loosenesse and negligence. And therup∣on it was, that finding the way in Thrace a little more rough and difficult than ordinarie to travell in, and an enemie better practised and exercised to deale withall, they received a great foile and losse among them. Now in Liguria, they met with all thingsthat might rouse and awake sleepie souldiours: the countrey rough and full of mountaines, that much adoe they had themselves to seize the same, and as great a labour they found to disseize the enemies, that were before posses∣sed [unspec F] of them: the waies, sleepie up-hill, narrow, and daungerous for ambushes: the enemie, light, swift, nimble, and suddainely setting upon them, giving no time of rest, no place of re∣pose and securitie. Driven they were of necessitie to assault strong and fortified castles, with great difficultie and daunger both: the countrey poore and needie, which caused the soldiors to spare and live hardly, and affourded them no foison of preys and prizes: and therefore no victualers,

scullions, souldiors boyes and lackies, followed the camp; neither the labouring beasts for carri∣age, [unspec G] tooke up a length their march: nothing there, but armour and men, reposing all hope in their armes, and nothing else. And never wanted they some matter of quarrell, and some occa∣sion or other to make war: for by reason of their barenesse and penurie, they made rodes into the lands of their neighbors, but so, as they never ventured all at once, nor put the main chance in hazard.

C. Flaminius the Consull having fought sundrie times with the Friniat Ligurians, and in ma∣ny battailes gotten the better hand over them, even at home in their owne countrey, brought the whole nation by composition under obedience, and disarmed them: but because in the de∣liverie of their armour, they dealt not soundly and faithfully, and should have beene chastised therfore, they abandoned their villages, and fled to the mountain Auginus; whither, the Consul [unspec H] pursued them hard at heeles: howbeit, being disbanded and scattered againe, and most of them disarmed, they fled into the valley through places where no wayes led, and over broken and cragged steep rocks, whereas the enemies could not possibly follow after, and so passed the other side of Apennine. But as many as kept still within their hold, were beset round about and over∣throwne. Then were the legions led to the further side of Apenninus, where the enemies for a small while, defended themselves by the height of the place, but an on they yeelded. Then was their armour sought up with more care and diligence than before, and they were disfurnished and stript out of all. After this, was the warre diverted and turned wholly upon the Apuan Ligu∣rians, who had so over-run the territories of Pisae and Bolonia, that they could not be manured and tilled. The Consull having subdued them also, graunted peace unto the borderers: and now [unspec I] that he had brought the province into quietnes and rest; to the end, that his souldiors should not be idle and doe nothing, he made a causey or street-way from Bononia to Arretium.

The other Consull M. AEmylius, set on fire the villages and wasted the lands of the Ligurians, as well in the champaine fields as the valleys, when the inhabitants themselves were retired into the two mountaines Balista and Suismontium, which they held. Afterwards, hee assailed them also who had taken the hills aforesaid; and first wearied them with lights skirmishes; afterwards, he forced them to descend into the plaine, and there in a set battaile vanquished them: in which conflict the vowed a temple to Diana. Thus having subdued all on this side Apennine, hee then set upon those that dwelt beyond the mountaine; among whom were the Frisinat Ligurians, (so farre as to whome C. Flaminius went not:) all those, AEmylius subdued, despoiled them of their [unspec K] armour, and forced the multitude of them to forsake the mountaines and come downe into the plaines. After he had quieted the Ligurians, he led his armie into the country of the Gauls, and made an high way from Placentia to Ariminum, so as it met with the causey Flaminia: and in the last battell wherein hee fought with banners displayed against the Ligurians, he vowed a temple to queene Iuno. And these were the exploits for that yeere, in Liguria.

M. Furius the Pretour in Gaule, seeking in time of peace for some pretence and colour of warre, had taken from the Cenomans their armour, notwithstanding they were innocent and did no harme. The Cenomanes made complaint hereof at Rome to the Senate, and were put over to the Consull AEmylius, unto whome the Senat had directed a commission of oier and de∣terminer. After great debate with the Pretor, they overthrew him in the action, and had their ar∣mour [unspec L] delivered unto them againe: and so the Pretour was commaunded to give over his go∣vernment and depart out of the province.

After this, the Embassadours of the Latin nation, who assembled and resorted in great num∣ber out of all parts of Latium, had audience given them in the Senat. These complained, that a great multitude of their own naturall citizens, were removed and gon to inhabit in Rome, and there were enrolled: whereupon a commission was graunted to Q.Terentius Culleo the Pretour, to make search for such: and looke how many of them those Latine allies could proove to have been enrolled (either themselves or their fathers) in any citie or corporation of theirs, either at the time that C. Claudius and M. Livius were Censors, or after their Censorship, to force those to returne thither againe, where they had beene entred or matriculated. By vertue of this inqui∣sition, [unspec M] to the number of twelve thousand Latines returned home againe into their owne coun∣trey: for now the citie of Rome was overcharged and pestered with a multitude of straungers and forreiners.

Before that the Consuls repaired to Rome, M. Fulvius the Proconsull returned out of AE∣tolia:

[unspec A] who, after he had discoursed of his exploits perfourmed in AEtolia and Cephalenia, be∣fore the Senate assembled in the temple of Apollo, requested of the LL. to judge it meet and requisite, and accordingly to graunt and ordeine, that praise and thanksgiving might be rende∣red unto the immortall gods, and himselfe allowed to triumph, for that he had so well and hap∣pily managed the affaires of the Common-weale. Then stept forth M. Aburius a Tribune of the Commons, and declared openly, That in case they went about to passe any decree in that behalfe, before the comming of M. AEmylius the Consull, he would crosse it: for that the Con∣sull himselfe was minded to contradict that proceeding, and had given streight charge unto him, at what time as he tooke his journey to the province, that the consultation of this matter should be reserved wholly untill his returne home. And Fulvius (quoth he) shall loose so much [unspec B] time: and when the Consull himselfe is present in place to assist, then might the Senate moove what decree it pleased them. Then answered M. Fulvius and said: If men were ignorant either of the grudge and quarrell betweene me and M. AEmylius, or with what outragious spirit and king like choller and indignation hee pursued the said enmitie and variance, yet it were not a to∣lerable thing and to be endured, that the absence of the Consull should both impeach the ho∣nour due unto the immortall gods, and also hinder and stay the triumph which I have so justly deserved: that a Generall (I say) who had so worthily atchieved his service, and an armie so vi∣ctorious, should stay and give attendance without the citie gates, untill it pleased the Consull to returne home; who no doubt of very purpose and for the nones, upon this occasion would make slow hast and take his leisure. But now considering that the enmitie and heart-burning that the [unspec C] Consull beareth to me is so notorious as it is, What indifferencie and reasonable dealing may a man looke for at his hands? who taking the advantage of the time when a small number of Se∣natours were assembled, caused an act of the Senat to passe by stealth, and entred it in the trea∣surehouse, conteining thus much in effect, That Ambracia should not be reputed as a towne forced by assault, notwithstanding it were assailed with mantilers and platformes: where we were driven to erect new fabrickes, and plant other engines and ordinance of warre after the former were consumed with fire: where we mainteined fight about the walls, as well under the ground as above, for the space of fifteene dayes togither: where, after that the souldiours had scaled and gained the walls, the conflict endured notwithstanding a long time doubtfull, from morning to night; and where were slaine above 3000 enemies. Now as touching the sacriledge committed [unspec D] (after the citie was forced) in spoiling the churches of the immortall gods, what a slander think yee, hath hee raised of me? what a matter hath he made thereof? and how hath hee enformed the Pontifies and Bishops? Vnlesse a man would say, that lawfull it was for the citie of Rome to be garnished and beautified with the ornaments of Syracusa and other cities woon by force; but the law of warre extended not to this onely citie of Ambracia? I beseech therefore the LL. of the Senat, yea and I request the Tribunes, not to suffer me to be mocked and abused by a most insolent & proud adversarie. Then on all hands they dealt with the Tribune, some intreated him, other rebuked and blamed him: but the speech of Tib. Gracchus (one of his colleagues) moo∣ved him most of all others; who shewed, That it was no good precedent and example, that men should maintaine and follow their owne privat quarrels in time of magistracie and publick go∣vernment; [unspec E] but a shamefull matter and a soule indignitie it was, and much unbeseeming the Tri∣bunes of the Commons and their sacred lawes, that a Tribune should be a proctor to other men and prosecute their actions and enmities. Men ought (qd.he) according to their own discretion and judgement, either to love or hate the persons, to like or dislike the causes; not to depend and hang upon the countenance and becke of others, nor to be caried too and fro with the will, plea∣sure, and appetites of other men. As for the Tribune of the Commons here, he accordeth and taketh part with a chollericke and restie Consull, and remembreth well what M. Aemilius left with him in private charge; but forgetteth altogether that the Tribuneship was committed un∣to to him by the people of Rome: committed I say, and put into his hands for to assist privat per∣sons, and to mainteine their liberties, and not to uphold the kinglike rule and roialtie of a Con∣sull. [unspec F] Never seeth he thus much before him, that it will be written another day in the Animals and yeerly Chronicles, That of two Commoner Tribunes in the same fellowship and societie, one for the love of the Common-weale renounced and gave over his owne private displeasure and enmitie to a particular person, and the other tooke charge as it were by way of Commission, to pursue the quarell of another man. The Tribune could endure no longer these rebukes and

checks, and therewith departed out of the temple: then the Pretour Scr. Sulpitius propounded [unspec G] the bill the second time, and so a triumph was graunted to M. Fulvius. Who after he had ren∣dred great thanks to the LL. of the Senate, added moreover and said, That the very day wherein he forced the citie Ambracia, he had by vow promised, to the honor of Iupiter Opt. Max. for to exhibit the great and solemne Romane games. And to that effect the cities of Greece had con∣tributed toward the charges, a hundred pound weight of gold: his petition was therefore, that the Senate would ordeine that out of that masse of money which he was to cary and shew in triumph, and ment to bestow and lay up in the city Treasurie, the foresaid summe of gold might be sequestred and reserved apart for the proper use above named. The Senate commaunded, that the Colledge of the Prelates and Priests in this case should be consulted with, and their ad∣vise demaunded, whether they thought it necessarie that so much gold should be spent and [unspec H] consumed in the charges of the said Games? The Prelates made answere againe, that it was not materiall to religion and to the service of the gods, to how great a reckning soever the charges of the games should arise & amount. Whereupon the Senate permitted Fulvius to deffray what he would himselfe, so as hee exceeded not the summe of 80000 [Asses.] Hee had purposed to triumph in the moneth of Iannarie, but hearing that Aemilius the Consull (who was advertised by letters, that Aburius the Tribune of the Commons had renounced and let fall his opposition which hee commensed) was comming in proper person to Rome, onely for to hinder the tri∣umph, and stayed by the way sicke; hee prevented the day, for feare hee should have had more anger and trouble in his triumph, than during his warre. So upon the 22 day of December he triumphed over the AEtolians and Cephalenia. Before his chariot there were borne a hundred [unspec I] crownes of gold, weighing twelve pound a peece: of silver 83000 pound weight: of gold 243 pound weight: of Attick Tetradraches 118000: of Philip peeces of gold coyne 12422: ima∣ges of brasse 285: of marble 230. Likewise of armour, as well defensive as offensive, and other spoile of the enemies, an huge deale: besides Catapults, Balists, and other engins and peeces of batterie. Moreover there went before him 27 captaines either AEtolians and Cephalenes, or els under king Antiochus, left by him in those parts. The same day before that he entred into the citie, he bestowed in the cirque Flaminius many militarie gifts and presents upon many colonels, captaines, horsemen and centurions, as well Romanes as allies. Generally to all the footemen he gave out of the pillage 25 Denarij apeece: twise as much to the centurions, and threefold to the horsemen. [unspec K]

Now approched the time of the solemne assembly for the election of Coss. and because M. Atemilius whose lot it was to be president thereof, could not be present at the day, C. Flaminius came of purpose to Rome. By whom were created Consuls sp. Posthumius Albinus, and Q.Mar∣tius Philippus. After that were Pretours elected, to wit, T. Moenius, P. Cornelius Sulla, C. Calpur∣nius Piso, M. Licinius Lucullus, C. Aurelius Scaurus, and L. Iuintius Crispinus. In the end of the said yeere, after the Magistrates were thus created, Cn. Manlius Volso, the third day before the Nones of March, triumphed over the Gaules who inhabit Asia. The cause why he trium∣phed so late, was this, for that he would avoid making his answere (according to the act of Peti∣lius) whiles Q.Terentius Calleo was Pretour: fearing he should burne in the flame of the same sentence and judgement, whereby L. Scipio had bene condemned: or least the flame of another [unspec L] mans judgement, I meane the sentence whereby L. Scipio had bene condemned, would have bene too hote for him, and caught hold of him likewise: considering that the jurie and enquest were more incensed and provoked against him than Scipio; for that he succeeding after him, had spoiled and marred with all kind of licentious loosenes, the militarie discipline, which Scipio had observed most precisely and severely. Neither was he noted and touched in name for those things only which by bare heeresay were reported to have bene done in the province, farre re∣mote from the view of men, but also of those particular instances to be seene daily in the de∣meanour of his soldiours. For verily the forein excesse and strange superstuities tooke begin∣ning from the Asian armie, who brought all with them into the citie. They were the first within Rome that tooke up the use of brasen tables, of rich counterpoints, carpets, cupbourd-clothes, [unspec M] hangings and curteins of sundry kinds of tyssew. Likewise of one footed standing tables, buf∣fotes, and cupbourds, which in those dayes were counted magnificent and stately moveables. Then came up the manner of having at bankets singing miniken wenches, and such as could play upon the dulcimers and other instruments of musick, with dauncers, jesters, and other pastimes

[unspec A] and delight some pleasures and fits of mirth at the table. Then began the bourd to be furnished and set out with more exquisit and deintie viands, and of greater expense. Then Cooks who in old time were reputed the most contemptible slaves as well for calling and estimation as for the use they were put unto, came to be in great request and price: and that which before time was a mechanicall kind of manuall service, grew now to be accoumpted a science of deepe skill and understanding. And yet all these things that then bare so great a shew, were scarce so much as small seeds and slips, to the excessive superfluities that were to ensue.

'Well, C. Manlius caried in triumph two hundred crownes of massie beaten gold, weighing twelve pound a peece: of silver 220000 pound weight: of gold 2103 pound weight: of Attick Tetradrachmes 127000: of Cistophores 250000: of Philip golden peeces 16320. Also much [unspec B] armour there was, and spoiles of Gaules caried in shew upon wagons: and 52 captaines of ene∣mies were led before his owne chariot. Amongst the souldiours hee gave a donative of two and fortie denarij apeece, he doubled the same to every centurion. Also to every footman hee gave duple pay, and to every horseman triple. Many there were of all States and degrees, whom he re∣warded with militarie presents for especiall service, and those followed next after his chariot. The souldiours chaunted such songs and sonnets, as a man might easily see they were composed to feed the humor of a Generall desirous of glorie, and one that made much of his souldiours espe∣cially; whereby his triumph was more honored with the affectionate favourof them, than other∣wise recommended and celebrated with the heartie love of the people. Howbeit, the friends of Manlius served him in good sleed to win the good will of them also, through whose solliciting [unspec C] and earnest endeavour, there passed an act of the Senate, that out of that money which had been shewed in triumph, there should be repaired unto the people that subsidie which had bene levied among them for souldiers pay, and not yet contented back againe. So the Treasurers of the citie made true and faithfull paiment with all diligence of 25 asses and d. in every thousand [for the loane.]

About the same time two Colonels came out of both provinces of Spaine, with letters from C. Catinius and L. Manlius the governours there: by which letters intelligence was given, that the Celtiberians and Lusitanes were in armes, wasting & spoiling the lands of the Rom. confede∣rates. The Senate referred the entier consultation of this matter to the new Magistrates. During the time of the Roman games that yeere which P. Cornelius Ceihegus, and Aulus Posthumius Albi∣nus [unspec D] represented, a certeine mast or high pole which stood not fast in the shew place called Cir∣cus maximus, fell downe upon the image of Pollentia, and overthrew it to the ground. The LL. hereupon made some scruple in conscience, and ordeined, that the solemnitie of those games should continue one day longer, and caused two images to be set up for that one, and that the new should be all gilt. Likewise the Plebeian plaies were renewed one day more, by the AEdiles C. Sempronius Blaesus, and M. Furius Luscus. The yeere following averted the Consuls Sp. Post∣humius Albinus, and Q.Martius Philippus from the armie, from the regard I say of warres and government of provinces abroad, to the punishment of a certeine intestine conspiracie at home. The Pretours cast lots for their provinces. T. Menius had the jurisdiction of the citizens, and M. Licinius Lucullus betweene citizens and strangers. Vnto C. Aurelius Scaurus sell the gover∣nance [unspec E] of Sardinia, and to P. Cornelius Sulla of Sicilie: L. Iuintius Crispinus was assigned to the hither Spaine, and P. Galpurnius Piso to the farther. Both Consuls were enjoined to make inqui∣sition into secret conspiracies within the citie.

There was a certeine Grecian of base degree and condition, who came first into Hernaria; a man not endued with any of those artes, whereof that nation (of all others most learned) hath brought many unto us, as well for the erudition of our minds, as the trimming of our bodies: but a sacrificing priest he was, and a divining wisard withall. Neither was he one that made out∣ward prosession of teaching men, and thereby getting a living openly, and so by an ouvert shew of religion possessed their heads and minds with feare and horror; but the knowledge he had forsooth of certeine hidden and secret sacrifices. These mysteries of his at first he taught but un∣to [unspec F] a few, howbeit afterwards they began to be communicated and divulged as well to men as women: and to this religion were added pleasures and delights of wine and good cheere, to the end that more customers might be allured and enticed for to have a liking thereof. Now when as wine had drowned and droused the understanding: when the night seasn, when the en∣termingling of men and women together one with another (and namely, they of young

and tender yeeres, with those of elder age) had cleane put out & extinguished all respect and re∣gard [unspec G] of shame fast honestie: there began first to be practised all sorts of corruption, for every one had all pleasures readie at commaundement, and his choise of those whereto by nature he was more prone and given to lust after. Neither was there wickednes committed here, of one sort, namely, the abusing of mankind & womankind one with another without distinction: but out of this shop and workhouse proceeded false witnesses, forging of seales, depositions, & testimonies; and more than so, wrong and untrue informations. From hence came the divelish cast of poiso∣ning, & privie murders of the neerest of kindred in one house; and the same so secret, that other∣whiles the bodies would not be found for to be committed to the earth. Many sinfull parts were there played by way of fraud, guile, and cunning cousenage; but more by apert force. As for vio∣lence, it was kept close & hidden, byreason that with the hideous noises, with the sound and rin∣ging [unspec H] of tymbrels, tabours and cymbals, there could no voice nor word be heard of such as cried our, when either they were forced to vilanie & abuse, or beaten and wounded to death. The infe∣ction of this catching poison out of Hetruria, spred as far as Rome, like a contagious maladie. At the first the spatious capacitie of the citie, having bin used to wink & beate with such enormities, concealed all: at length revealed it was & detected to the Cos. Posthumius, much after this maner.

P. Ebutius (whose father had served in the warres in qualitie of a gentleman of Rome with a citie horse) left an orphane,* 1.1 after that is guardians were likewise deceased, became ward to his mother Duronia and his father in law (her second husband) T. Sempronius Rutilius, under whom he had his bringing up. Now as his mother was wholly devoted and obsequious unto her husband, so his father in law had so handled the matter in his guardianship, that he could [unspec I] make no good accoumpt thereof, and therefore his desire was, that either the infant his ward should be made away, or else obliged and enthralled unto him. The only way to compasse and bring this about, was the corruption and abuse of the Bacchanales. The mother therefore upon a time called her sonne unto her, and told him, that she had made a vow for him when he was sick, that so soone as ever he should recover and be well againe, she would present him to the priests of Bacchus to be consecrated and prosessed in their mysteries: and now quoth she seeing that by the goodnes of the gods thou art amended, and I thereby obliged by the bond of that vow, I will acquit my selfe thereof, and performe it accordingly. She bare him in hand there∣fore, that he must for ten dayes live chat, and not touch a woman, and at the tenth dayes end after he had taken his supper, and was well washed and purified after the manner, she would [unspec K] bring him into the holy place of those sacred mysteries. Now there was a famous strumpet, by condition a bondwoman enfranchised, named Hispala Fessenia, too good ywis for that oc∣cupation which she used while she was a young wench and a bondservant: but yet still after that she was manumised and in franke state of a freed denizen, she mainteined her selfe by the same trade and manner of living. Growen she was into familiar acquaintance with the foresaid young Ebutius, by reason they were neere neighbours, and dwelt not farre asunder: yet so, as she endamaged not the youth one jot either in charging his purse, or touching his credit. For she it was that first was inamored upon him, and him she woed: and for as much as he had but short allowance every way from his mother and father in law, and by them kept hardly, he was main∣teined well by the bounteous liberalitie of this loving harlot. Nay, more than that, in continu∣ance [unspec L] of time she was so deepely ingaged in him, that when her owne patron was dead, and herselfe at the disposition of none, she sued unto the Tribunes and the Pretour for another tutor, because she ment to make her last will and testament, wherein she declared Ebutius her onely heire in remainder to all that she had. There passing thus betweene them these gages and pledges of love, and they using to empart the one unto the other the secrets of their hearts, the young youth by way of mery and pleasant talke, willed her one day not to marvell or thinke any thing in it, if for certeine nights he lay away and parted beds with her: for that upon a reli∣gious zeale and devotion that he had, he was minded to be prosessed and consecrated by the priests of Bacchus, and all to be assoiled from a vow made in regard of his health. The woman hearing him say so, and troubled in spirit, Many god forsend, quoth she, and I would not that [unspec M] for all the good in the world. And better it were for me and you too to dye both at once, than so to do: and with that she threatned, she cursed and banned, wishing all mischiefe and plague to light upon them that had put such a thing into his head. The youth wondered much to heare her words, and to see her so to fare and take on beyond all reason and order, beseeching her of

[unspec A] all loves to be content, and to forbeare those cursed speeches, and said withall it was his owne mother, by the consent of his father in law, that had enjoyned him so to do. And is it that fa∣ther in law of yours, quoth she, (for peradventure I should not do well to blame your mother) that hasteneth you by this action of yours, to make shipwrack of your honestie and chastitie, of your credit and good name, of your hope another day, and lastly, to hazard your very life? Here at the young man marveiled much more than before, and desired earnestly to know the depth of all this matter. Then after she had prayed all gods and goddesses to pardon her, if for tender love and affection that she bare unto him, she could neither will nor chuse but reveale those secrets that in deed were to be concealed, she set tale on end and said, That she herselfe once entred into that chappell, when as she waited upon her mistresse, but since that she was [unspec B] made free and at her own libertie, shenever setsoote within the dore. And upon my knowledge (ad.she) it is the very shop and workhouse of all wickednes that can be devised. And now for cer∣teine these two yeares last past, there is not one prosessed and admitted to those mysteries there, who is above 20 yeeres of age. So soone as any one is inducted and brought in thither, she or he is delivered to the priests as a very sacrifice to be killed: for they lead them to a place which resoundeth with yelling and crying, with singing of divers consorts, with jangling noyse of cym∣bals, with thumping and beating of tabers, to the end that the voice of any one that crieth and complaineth of force and violence done to the abuse of his or her bodie, might not be heard. Now I beseech you therefore and all loves I pray you, that in any case by one meanes or other ye avoid this, howsoever ye do: and plunge not your selfe headlong thither, where first you shall [unspec C] be sure to endure and suffer, and afterwards to perpetrate & commit all abhominable wickednes not to be named. And never would she let the youth go from her, untill he had made her faith∣full promise to absteine and forbeare such mysteries and ceremonies. When hee was come home, and that his mother was in hand with him, telling him what hee must do this day and that day, and so forth; he flatly denied and said plainly he would do neither the one nor the other, and at one word, prosessed and consecrated he would not be, whatsoever came of it. His father in law was present & at one end of this resolute speech of his. His mother straightwaies cried out and said, that he could not find in his hart to lie apart from Hispala one ten daies, and that he was so far bewitched and envenomed with the charmes & poisoned allurements & baits of that false serpent & perilous Hydra, that he had no respective regard either of his mother, or mothers hus∣band, [unspec D] no not any reverent feare of the immortal gods. The mother rated him of one side, the fa∣ther baited & coursed him on another, till in the end they hunted him out of dores with 4 bond∣slaves besides. The young man betooke himselfe to Ebutia, an aunt that he had by his fathers side, and shewed her the whole matter, why his mother had thrust him out of her house by the head and shoulders: which done, by her advise and counsell the next day he opened and declared the same in great secret, without the hearing of any earthly creature, to the Consull Posthumius. The Consul commanded him to repaire again unto him three dayes after, & so for that time dismis∣sed him. Then the Consull in the meane while enquired of his wives mother Sulpitia, a grave and sober matron, whether she knew an old wise called Ebutia dwelling in the Aventine? Yes that I do qd.she, and I know her to be an honest dame, and a woman of the old world, and sew her like now [unspec E] adayes. I must needs speake with her (qd.he) and therefore I would have you send a messenger unto her, for to will her to come hither. Ebutia at the first sending came unto Sulpitia; and the Consul within a while sorted (as it were by chance) into their companie, and began to find some talke of her brothers sonne Ebutius: with that, the womans eyes stood full of water, and with teares she began to bewaile the case and mishap of the young man; who being spoiled of all his goods and patrimonie (by those who of all others should least, have done it) was now at home in her house, chased and driven out of doores by his owne mother: for that the honest good youth (God blesse us all and be mercifull unto us) was unwilling to be consecrated and admit∣ted to certaine filthie and detestable sacrifices (if all be true that is reported thereof.) The Con∣sull had enough now, and was fully persuaded of Ebutius that he had told him no lie. Then hee [unspec F] gave Ebutia leave to goe her waies home, and requested his mother in law Sulpitia aforesaid, to send likewise for Hispala from thence out of the Aventine to come unto her; a woman (qd.hee) affranchised and well enough knowen to all the neighbours of that street: for that I have some∣what also to say to her. Hispala was somewhat disquieted at this message, to think that she should be sent for to so noble and honourable a dame, and knew no cause wherefore. But after that she

saw the Lictours before the entrie of the dore, the troupe and traine also belonging to the Con∣sull, [unspec G] and withall, the Consull himselfe in person, shee was astonied and (in manner) halfe dead. The Consull taking with him his wives mother, had the woman into an inward roume of the house, and said unto her, That shee need not to bee affraid, if so be she could find in her heart to tell the truth: and for assurance thereof, she should have the faithfull word and promise either of Sulpitia (a ladie of so good credit and reputation) or of himselfe, if need were. Only he would have her to urter and declare what was ordinarily done at the grove of Similla in the Bacchanals, where they used to sacrifice in the night season. The woman had no sooner heard that word, but she fell into such a feare, trembling and quaking all over her bodie, that for a good while she was not able to open her lips and speake a word: but after shee was come to herselfe againe out of this traunce, and by them heartened and encouraged, she said, That when she was a very young [unspec H] wench and a bond-maiden, shee, togither with her mistresse, was there prosessed and consecra∣ted: but for certaine yeeres of late, and namely since that she was affranchised and made free, shee was not acquainted with the place, nor wist not what worke was there. I con thee thanke for this yet (quoth the Consull) that thou deniest now how thou wert there entred into that proses∣sion; but say on and tell out the rest as truly and faithfully. Shee answered againe, that she knew no more than shee had alreadie disclosed. The Consull replyed upon her and said, That in case shee were taken in a trip, and that another came forth to her face and reprooved her, she should neither find the same pardon nor have the like favour at his hands, as otherwise shee might if of herselfe shee confessed the thing, for as much as hee who had all from your owne mouth, hath alreadie discovered the whole. The woman knew where he was then, and was persuaded verily (as it was indeed) that Ebatius was a blab of his tongue, and had revealed this secret: whereupon shee fell downe at the feet of Sulpitia; and first began in most humble manner to beseech her, that she would not suffer, that words of course passed betweene her an enfranchised woman and her paramout, should turne not onely to earnest and importance, but also to a capitoll matter, to touch her as much as her life was worth: for what I said (quoth shee) was but to fright him, and not for what I knew any such thing. Posthumius here at was chased, and fell into a sit of chol∣ler: What? (quoth hee) thou thinkest belike that thou are jesting and cogging with thy lover E∣butius, and forgettest how thou art in the house of a right worshipfull ladie, and in communica∣tion with a Consull. But Sulpitia on the other side, willed her to stand up, (affrighted as she was) and withall, both exhorted her to be of good cheere, and also appeased the wrath of her sonne [unspec K] in law. In the end, after she had taken a better heart unto her, she greatly blamed and sound fault with the disloyaltie and falsehood of Ebutius for serving her so, and requiting her full badly again for so singular a good turne that shee had done him; and then said, That shee stood in great awe of the gods, whose secrets shee should reveale and divulge; but in greater feare of men, who no doubt for be wraying these matters, would be readie to teare her in pieces with their very hands. And therefore she besought Sulpitia, and entreated the Consull to take some order for her, and to send her into some place out of Italy, where she might passe the rest of her daies in safetie yet of her life. Be of good cheere woman (quoth the Consull) let me alone for that, I will provide well enough, that thou shalt live at Rome, and that without all daunger. Then declared Hispala the originall and first commencements of these sacrifices and solemnities. At the beginning [unspec L] (qd.shee) it was apriviledged place and consecrated for women onely, and they alone medled with those mysteries; neither was in the custome and manner, that a man should enter in among them; and three set holidayes they had in the yeere, during which time, the priests of Bacchus performed their ceremonies in the day time, and folke were admitted by them, to their religion and prosession; and women they were all (and those matrons) who were created priests for that purpose, in their time and turne one after another. But Paculla Minia (a Campane woman) when she was the priest, changed all, as being advertised and admonished by the gods so to doe: for shee was the first that sacred and admitted men, to wit, her owne sonnes Minius and Herennius the Cerrinians: shee altered the solemnitie from the day to the night; and for three dayes in the whole yeere, shee ordeined five in every moneth, to serve for the attendance and ministerie of M these mysteries. Since which time that these sacrifices and ceremonies were thus divulged, and men and women intermingled togither, and the licentious liberty of the night time also to help all forward, there is no act so wicked, no fact so filthie, but there it is committed: and more sin∣full and unnaturall abuse there is, of mankind one with another, than there is of women. If any

[unspec A] are either unwilling to suffer this soule silthinesse, or bestirte themselves more dully in the beast∣ly action and performance of that villanie, such presently are to be killed and sacrificed as beasts. And this is supposed amongst them, the principall point and summe of their religion, To hold and beleeve that nothing is unlawfull whatsoever. The men shaking & wagging their bodies too and fro after a fanaticall fashion, as if they were bestaught and out of their right wits, seeme to divine and tell things to come. The women, attired like the shee-priests of Bacchus, with their heads unbound and their haire hanging loose about their eares, runne downe with flaming tor∣ches to the river Tyber; where they dip their torches into the water, and take them out againe light burning still, because they are made with sulphur vise and quicke time: and they say, that certaine men are by the gods carried away from among them, no man knoweth whither; such [unspec B] as they bind fast to a certaine engine or frame, and harrie them out of sight into certain hidden caves: and those be such, as either would not sweare to be of their conspiracie, or be parteners with them in all their mischievous designments, or endure against kind to be abused. The num∣ber and multitude there assembled, is exceeding great, and growne now to be another bodie of a people: and among them are some noble persons, as well men as women. But now for these two yeeres last past, ordeined it is, That none should be there prosessed and sacred above twentie yeeres old; for such ages they lay for, to serve their turne, as are soonest seduced and drawen to errour, or most subject to be forced to suffer abuse and villanie. When shee had thus finished her information and discovered all, shee fell downe upon her knees againe, and lay at their feet, and repeated her former supplication the second time, to wit, That he would send her away out [unspec C] of the countrey. Then the Consull intreated his mother in law to spare some void corner of her house, where unto Hispala might retire herselfe, and there make her abode. So she allowed her an upper lodging in her house, and the staires that led toward the street were stopped up, and the entrance turned into the house. Then presently were all the moveable goods and houshold stuffe of Fessenia remooved, and her family sent for thither, and there entertained. Likewise Ebu∣tius was commaunded to goe and lodge with a tenant or client belonging to the Consull. Thus when both the informers were forth-comming and under Posthumius his hand, he declared the whole matter to the Senate. And after hee had laid every thing abroad in order, namely, what was reported to him first, and what he had learned afterwards by enquitie, the LL. of the Senat were surprized with exceeding great feare, as well in regard generally of the commonweale, least [unspec D] those conspiracies, nightly meetings and conventicles, might import some secret complot of mischiefe and daunger: as also for doubt in particular, that some of their owne friends of fa∣milie should bee accessarie and culpable. The Senate yet were of this mind, that the Consull was highly to be praised and thanked, for that hee had found out and brought to light such a matter as this, both with so singular care and diligence, and also without any tumult and uprore. Then they tooke order and ordained, Imprimis, That the Consuls should have an extraordina∣rie commission to make search and inquisition into these Bacchanales & night-sacrifices. Item, That Ebutius and Fessenis that informers thereof, should not bee prejudiced thereby, nor come to harme for it, yea, and that a recompence and reward should bee propounded to others that could give light and reveale the same. Item, That the priests belonging to these religions, bee [unspec E] they men or women, should bee sought out not onely at Rome, but in all other market townes, faires and places of frequent resort, and convented before the Consuls to be and remain at their disposition. Item, That proclamation be made at Rome, and edicts sent out throughout all Italie, that no person whatsoever, who had beene sacred and prosessed religious by the priests of Bac∣chus, resort any more into assembly or conventicle for those sacrifices, ne yet doe ought pertai∣ning to such divine service. And above all things, that information and presentment he made of all those that had frequented such meetings or conventicles, to commit whoredome or any such filthinesse and wickednesse. And these were the ordinances of the Senate. The Consuls then graunted their warrants out to the AEdiles Curule, to make diligent search and enquitie for those priests of that religion, and upon apprehension to keep them in free ward and large prison-forth∣comming [unspec F] comming for to be examined: also to the AEdiles of the Commons to looke well, that no service of the gods be celebrated in secret. Moreover, the Triumvirs capitall were streightlycharged to set good watch and ward throughout the citie, and see to meetings by night, for feare that no skate-fire caught hold of any place. To those three Commissaries or Triumvirs were five: other Quinquevirs adjoined assistants, who every one should watch well and take keepe of all

the houses of his quarter within Tyberis. Then the Consuls having set them about these their se∣verall [unspec G] charges, mounted up the Rostra or place of publicke audience. And when the people were assembled together, then the Consull after he had pronounced the solemne praier which magi∣strates are wont to use as a preamble, before they make speech unto the people, began his Oration unto them in this wise.* 1.2 Never in any of your assemblies, ô Quirites, was this solemne praier unto the gods, either so meet and convenient, or so requisite and needfull as in this, to ad∣vertise and put you in mind, that those be the true gods indeed whom your auncestors ordained, that you should honour, serve, worship and pray unto, and not these here who pricke & provoke (as it were) with goads of furies, your spirits and minds transported and caried away with false and straunge religions, to commit allwickednesse, mischeefe, and filthie lust. Certes, for mine owne part I wot not either what I were best to conceale, or how sarre forth to speake out and utter my [unspec H] mind. If you know not all, I doubt I should give you occasion to bee negligent; againe, if I disco∣ver all, I feare me that I shall affright and terrifie you too much. But what and how muchsoever I shall say, be yee sure it will bee farre lesse than the greatnes and enormitie of the thing requireth. Yet endevour will we so much to deliver, as may suffice to give you a warning and watchword to take heed. This am I well assured of, that you understand not onely by heare say and bare report, but also by the ringing noises and yelling cries in the night season, that the Bacchanales have been a long time kept over all Italie, yea and in many places throughout the cittie of Rome, which resoundeth againe there with. But what manner of thing it is, I am verily persuaded there is not one of you that knoweth. Some beleeve that it is a certaine worship and service of the gods; others suppose it is some foolerie and wanton pastime tollerated and winked at. But bee [unspec I] what it will be, they thinke there are but a few interessed and emploied therein. As touching the number and multitude of them, if I should tell you that they were many thousands, you cannot chuse but suddainely bee afraid, unlesse I also presently shew, who they bee and of what qualitie. Know yee therefore first and formost, that the most part of them are women (and from thence is sprung the source of all this mischeefe.) Then are there men indeed, but such as for all the world resemble women, so effeminate they are: such I say, as have abandoned themselves as well to bee abused as to abuse others: fanaticall persons and bestraught of their wits by reason of excessive watching, past sence and even astonied with bibbing of wine without measure, with houting, hol∣laing and crying all night without intermission. This conventicle of conspiratours is yet of no great force, howbeit it gathereth much strength, in regard that they multiplie still, & their num∣ber [unspec K] is every day more than other. Your auncestors in times past would in no wise admit that yee should assemble together at a venture and without important and just occasion, unlesse it were either by rearing a standerd or banner upon the fortresse for to levie an armie; or to gather the people togither to give their voices in elections of magistrates; or that the Tribunes proclai∣med a generall congregation of the common people; or some of the magistrates summoned them to an open audience for to heare an Oration: and wheresoever a multitude were thus met togither, there they ordained and thought meet to have a lawfull governour and overseer of them. But what kind of night conventicles thinke ye first these might be, and namely, where men and women are met and jumbled together pell mell one with another? In faith, if yee wist at what age they of the male sexe are prosessed and made novices, yee would not onely pitie them, [unspec L] but also be ashamed and dismaied. Thinke yee my masters Quirites, that young men thus proses∣sed and having taken this oth, are meet to make souldiours of? and that yee are to put weapons into the hands of such as are taken out of that stinking and detestable chappell? Shall these, thus stained, polluted, and overwhelmed with filthie uncleannesse, as well of their owne kind as others, fight for the pure chastitie, for the honestie I say of your wives and children? Lesse harme had it beene, if they could have rested so, and become onely effeminate by their owne unchast impuritie (for that had redounded most to their proper shame and dishonour) and not have abu∣sed their hands to practise mischeefe, and busied their braines to contrive fraud and deceit. But never was there in Commonweale either so great and daungerous a maladie, or touching more persons, or reaching to farther matters of greater consequence. For wot yee well this, that all the [unspec M] sinfull parts committed for these late yeers, were it filthie lust, craftie cousening, or any wickednes whatsoever, proceeded and sprung out of this one ungracious chappell and place of counterfet holinesse, and no other. Yet have they not put in practise all their mischeefes, which they have most cursedly complotted and sworne to execute. Hetherto their impious and detestable con∣spiracie

[unspec A] hath broken out, and passed no further than to particular and privat mischeefs, be∣cause they have not gathered force and strength ynough to invade and oppresse the Common∣weale. Howbeit the evill encreaseth, and the maladie spreadeth further daily, and by this time is growne so much, as it will not containe within the private fortune and condition of particular persons, but threateneth the very maine State of the Commonweale. And unlesse (Quirites) ye take order to prevent it, these night-congregations may soone bee as frequent and great as this present assembly, summoned by order of law and commaundement of the Consull, in the open day time. Now are they (singled by themselves apart) afraid of you, when they see you thus all as∣sembled together; but so soone as you are retired either to your houses within the citie, or farmes in the countrey, and by that meanes severed as under, they will surely meet together; devise they [unspec B] will and consult both to save themselves, and also to ruinate and destroy you at once. Then take heed to your selves: then shall you (singled one from another) bee in dread and daunger of them all in generall. It behooveth therefore every one of you to desire and with, that all they who be∣long any way unto your charge, be wise and well given. Then, if either fleshly lust or furious rage, have drawne and haled any one of them headlong into that gulfe and sinke of sinne, to hold such a person to be of their crue, with whom he hath thus sworne and devoted himselfe to all sinne and abhominable wickednesse, and not reckon him of your owne retinue & traine any more. More∣over, carelesse I am not of your owne persons in this behalfe, that none of you should be seduced and led away with error. For nothing is there in the world, that deceiveth more under faire sem∣blance, than false religion. For when the name and majestie of the gods is pretended to cover [unspec C] and colour naughtinesse, suddainely there entereth into our mind a scrupulous awe, which doth captivate andpossesse our conscience, for feare least in chastising and punishing humane trespas∣ses, we violate and offend some divine right and power therwith. But of this scrupulositie dischar∣ged yee are, by an infinite number of Pontificall decrees, acts of Senate, yea, and answeres of di∣vine Sages and Soothfaiers. For how many a time and often in the daies of our fathers and grand∣fathers, hath commission beene graunted to the Magistrates, To restraine and forbid expressely all forraine sacrifices and straunge liturges? To chase and banish all odde hedge-priests, wizards, tellers of fortunes, and Magicians out of the common place, out of the shew place and theatre, yea, and quite out of the cittie? To search out all their bookes of Magicke and prophesies, and to set a fire on them? Lastly, to abolish all other order and manner of sacrificing, but according [unspec D] to the Cannon, forme, and order of Rome? For they judged (wise men as they were, and deepely seene in all divine and humane lawes) nothing so forcible to ruinate and overthrow religion, as when divine service is celebrated after some straunge and forraine fashion, and not according to the auncient custome of the place. Thus much I thought good by way of caveat to foretell you of, to the end, that no superstitious opinion should trouble your spirits when you shall see us to demolish and overthrow the Bacchanales, and scatter these unlawfull assemblies. For all this will we doe with the good leave, favour and grace of the gods. Who being highly offended to see their divinitie and godhead thus polluted with wicked and abhominable filthinesse, have disco∣vered the same, lying hidden in darkenesse, and brought it to light: neither in their wisdome and providence, was it their will & pleasure, that such enormities thus detected, should remain unpu∣nished, [unspec E] but be suppressed and extinguished for ever. Now hath the Senate directed out unto me and my colleague, an extra ordinarie commission and warrant to make due inquisition here into: by vertuewhereof, wee for our parts will accomplish our charge accordingly with all diligence and expedition. As for the night-watch throughout the citie, wee have given order alreadie to the inferior magistrates to looke unto it. Semblably, meet and reason it is, that every one of you according to his place and calling, quit himselfe well in whatsoever shall bee imposed and laid upon him: and especially to endevour and prevent, that no daunger or mutinie arise by the maliciousnesse of those that are culpable and offenders. Then the Consuls commaunded the acts of the Senate in this behalfe to be read openly: they propounded and promised also rewards to all informers, that either convented and brought before them any such persons, or presented [unspec F] their names, if they were absent and out of the way. And looke whosoever were thus nominated and fled upon it, they would assigne him a certaine day to make his appearance: upon which day, if he answered not to his name when he were called, he should be condemned notwithstan∣ding his absence. And if any of their names were presented, who happened at the time of the information to be without the land of Italie, he should have a longer tearme set downe, to come

in and make his answere. After this, they published an edict, forbidding (least any one should be [unspec G] desirous to sell or buy ought tending to flight and departure) to receive, conceale, aid or main∣teine by any meanes those that were about to slie. After the assemblie of the people dismis∣sed, great feare there was over all the citie: neither was it conteined within the walls, liberties, and territorie only of Rome, but in all parts of Italie they began to quake and tremble for feare; and namely after that letters came from their friends and acquaintance, touching the ordinance of the Senate, the solemne assembly of the people, and the Edict of the Consuls aforesaid. The night next following that day (wherein this matter was thus declared openly in audience before the people) many would gladly have started aside and bene gone, but apprehended they were and brought back againe by the Triumvers, who had set a good watch at every gate. Many pre∣sentments were made, and certeine persons thus presented, as well men as women, killed them∣selves. [unspec H] It is reported that there were found in this conspiracie of both sexes one with another above seven thousand. The principall heads were knowne for certeine to be M. and L. Catinius, Romanes both, and by calling * 1.3 not so good as Senatours: L. Opitermius of Falerij, and Mintus Cerrinius a Campane. These were the ringleaders of the rest, from them arose all mischiefe and villanie whatsoever: these were the chiefe priests (surreverence) and the founders for sooth of this religion. To apprehend these persons with all speed, no possible meanes were neglected. And when they were brought before the Consuls, they confessed all, and for any let in them, they might presently have bene condemned. But such a number there was of them who fled out of the citie, that because the actions and goods of many men hereby were in danger to be lost and perish, the Pretours T. Menius and M. Licinius were constreined by the Senate to geve thirtie [unspec I] dayes respit and delay for the pleas, untill such time as the Consuls went through with their inquisition. By occasion of the same infrequencie (for that they whose names were presented, neither made answere not could be found) the Consuls were enforced to ride their circuit about market townes and places of resort, and there to hold Assise and Sessions for to make inquisiti∣on, and judicially to proceed in sentence against the offenders. As many as they found to be only entred, and to have taken orders, namely such as according to a certeine forme of words endited and prompted by the priest, had made their prayers saying after him (in which was con∣teined a detestable sacrament and oth that they tooke, to commit all wicked acts and beastly filthines, and yet notwithstanding had offred and done no such act either in their owne persons or in others, to which they were obliged by oth) those I say they left still in prison and durance. [unspec K] But such as were defiled with filthines of lust, polluted with bloudie murders, such as were atteint and steined, with bearing false witnesse, with forging and foisting of wills and restaments, with counterfeiting of seales, and other such cousening casts, those they executed with losse of life, and the number of them that thus were put to death surmounted those other that suffred only imprisonment. But a wonderous multitude there was of both sorts the one and the other, and those as well women as men. As many of the women as were condemned, they committed over to their next kinsfolke, or to those guardians under whose tuition and subjection they were, that they might themselves privatly at home punish them accordingly. But if there were none to be found meete to do the execution, then they suffred publickly abroad in the face of the world. After this, a commission was graunted to the Consuls, for to overthrow and pull downe first at [unspec L] Rome, and then throughout Italie, all the places of theseBacchanales, unlesse in any of them there stood some old aulter or image consecrated. And for the time to come by an act of the Senate a prohibition went out, that there should be no Bacchanales any more either in Rome, or in all Italie. Moreover, if any person made some conscience of this religion, and held it for a devout, solemne and necessarie institution, and withall protested before the Pretour of the citie, that he could not lay away the same without prick, remorse, and clogge of conscience: then the said Pretour was to put the cause in question before the Senate, and if the Senate (assembled in no lesse frequencie than one hundred) would allow and permit the same, then might the partie solemnize that devotion and divine service provided alwayes, that there were not above five persons present thereat, to assist him, nor any common silver to be used in the ministerie, [unspec M] nor Offer-master, nor Priest. Over and besides, another act of the Senate there was joyned unto this, and the same moved bythe Consull Q.Martius, That as touching those persons whom the Consull had for the enformers and revealers of this matter, the full authoritie in disposing of them, should be wholly referred to the Senat, so soone as Sp. Posthumius had finished his inqui∣sition,

[unspec A] and was returned to Rome. As for Cerrinius the Campane, they ordeined that he should be sent to Ardea, there to lye in prison, and that the magistrates of Ardea should have a charge geven them beforehand to looke to their prisoner more streightly, that neither hee brake prison and made an escape, nor yet might have meanes and opportunitie to make himselfe away. After a certeine time Sp. Posthumius came to Rome againe, and when he put to question before the Senate, concerning the reward of P. Ebutius, and Hispala Fessenia, for that by their meanes the Bacchanales were disclosed, there passed an act and decree, That the Treasurers of the citie should deliver unto them out of the citie chamber 100000 asses a peece. Also that the Consuls should deale with the Tribunes of the Commons for to preferre a bill unto the people, as soone as possibly they might, that P. Ebutius for ever after might be exempt from souldierie, and have [unspec B] his pension and fee, as if he had accomplished his terme of service by law required, so as he nei∣ther were compelled to go to warfare against his will, nor the Censors should assigne unto him a publick horse of service. Moreover, that Fessenia Hispala might have the libertie and power to make a deed of gift or alienation of her goods unto whom she pleased, yea and spend the same, and do there with what she thought good. Item, that she might be wedded out of her owne fa∣milie into what house she would her selfe, and make choise of her tutor and patron to her owne liking and contentment, as if her husband by his will and testament had so ordeined & set down. Item, that she might be wedded to one of franke condition or freeborne, and that he who had espoused and maried her, should not there by susteine discredit or receive damage. Finally, that not only the Cos. and Pretors now in place, but also those here after to come, should provide and [unspec C] take order that no wrong be done to that woman, but secure her from all harme. This the Senat judged meet and requisit to be done. All these things were likewise propounded unto the Com. and executed according to the ordinance of the Senat. Finally, as touching both the impunitie and also the recompense of other the enformers, it was referred to the discretion of the Consuls.

By this time Q.Martius also having finished the inquisition in his circuit and quarter, made preparation to go into his province of Liguria, after he had received for to supply and make up his legions 3000 foot, and 150 horsemen Romanes, besides 5000 footemen and 200 horse of Latines. The same province with the like number as well of horse as foote, was decreed likewise unto his companion in government. Those armies they tooke charge of which the former yere C. Flaminius and M. Aemylius the Consuls had: moreover by an act of the Senat, enjoyned they [unspec D] were to enroll two new legions besides: and withall they levied of the Latine allies 20000 foot, and 3000 horse; 3000 footmen also, and 200 horsemen Romanes. All these forces (setting aside the legions) it was thought good to be led to furnish out the armie in Spaine. And therefore the Consuls whiles they were themselves in person occupied about the foresaid inquisitions, gave commission to T. Menius for to takethe musters. And when those enquests were performed and done as is before said, Q.Martius tooke his journey first of the twaine towards the Apuans in Li∣guria. But whiles in eger pursuit of them hee engaged himselfe into the secret and blind pas∣ses, wherein at all times they had their lurking retraits and places of safe receit: within those streights and passages which the enemies had seized before, hee was environed by them in a place of great disadvantage: where he lost foure thousand souldiours, with three ensignes of [unspec E] the second legion, and eleven banners of the Latine allies, which were all taken by the enemies. Also, much armour and many weapons were throwne away here and there, by reason that they were encumbred therewith as they fled through the woodie paths of the forest: neither did the Ligurians give over their chase, before that the Romanes ended their flight. The Consull, so soon as he was escaped out of the enemies territorie, sent his armie away into divers parts of the peaceable countrey, to the end, that it might not be seene, how much his forces were empaired, yet could not he for all that suppresse and smudder the bruit that was blowne abroad of his un∣fortunate journey, nor cancell the remembrance of the overthrow: for ever after, the forest out of which the Ligurians hunted him, was called The streights of Martius. A little before the newes of the affaires in Liguria, the letters out of Spaine were read, conteining sorrow mixed [unspec F] with joy; to wit, That C. Catinius (who two yeere before went as Pretour into that province) sought a field with the Lusitanes in the territorie of Asta; where, sixe thousand enemies fell up∣on the sword; and the rest were discomfited, put to flight, and driven out of their campe. After∣wards, hee conducted his legions to the assault of the towne Asta, which he forced and woon, with no greater adoe than before hee gained their campe. But as he approched neere the walles

and tooke no good heed to himselfe, hee was wounded, and of his hurt within few dayes died. [unspec G] Vpon the reading of these letters (importing the death of the Propretour;) the Senat was of ad∣vise to dispatch a messenger (to overtake the Pretor C. Calpurnius) as farre as the port of Luna, and give him to understand from the Senat, that their advise was, he should make all the hast he could in his journey, to the end, that the province might not be without a governour there to commaund. The courrier which was sent, within foure daies arrived at Luna: and but few daies before, Calpurnius was departed and had put himselfe in his journey.

Moreover, L. Manlius Acidinus (who was gone into his province at the same time that C. Ca∣tinius went) strucke a battaile likewise with the Celtiberians in the hither province of Spaine. But they departed on both sides out of the field with doubtfull victorie, save onely that the Celtibe∣rians the next night following, dislodged and removed from thence: whereby the Romans had [unspec H] libertie and time both to interre their dead, and to gather up the spoiles of their enemies. And within few daies after, the same Celtiberians having raised a more puissant armie, of themselves gave the Romanes battaile neere the citie Calagurris. It is not set downe in the historie, what should be the cause why they were the weaker, considering their number was reenforced: but soi∣led they were in fight and had the overthrow. Of the enemies there died upon 12000, and not so few as 2000 taken prisoners: and the Romanes likewise were masters of the camp. And had not Manlius beene empeached and restreined in this traine of victorie (which hee hotly fol∣lowed) by the comming of Calpurnius his successour in government, the Celtiberians had been utterly subdued. The new Pretours withdrew both armies to their wintering harbours.

At the same time that these newes came out of Spaine, the playes called Taurilia were exhi∣bited two dayes togither, in the honour of the gods. And after them, M. Fulvius set out (with great furniture in sumptuous manner for the space of ten daies) his plaies which hee had vowed in the Aetolian war. And for to doe him honor, and grace this solemnitie, many cunning actors and players came out of Greece. This was the first time that there was represented at Rome, the shew of champions and wrastlers for the best game: then also was exhibited the pastime of hun∣ting and baiting lyons and panthers: and in one word, these sports were celebrated with as great magnificence and varietie almost as the moderne pastimes and games in these daies. After all this, was holden a Novendiall feast; during which, there was much sacrificing, and all by occa∣sion that for three dayes it rained stones in the Picene countrey: and because it was reported, that the lightning in divers places and in sundry sorts, had blasted and lightly sindged the gar∣ments [unspec K] especially, of many folke. To the said feast, there was adjoyned a supplication of one day, ordained by a decree of the Pontifies, for that the chappell of the goddesse Ops (standing in the Capitoll) was smitten with a thunderbolt. In regard of these prodigies, the Consuls procured explation by sacrificing greater beasts, and so they purged and hallowed the citie. At the same time word was brought out of Vmbria, that there was an Hermaphrodite or Skrat found, almost twelve yeers old. This was held for a detestable and abominable monster; and therefore order was given, that it should be kept out of the territorie of Rome, and killed out of hand.

The same yeere, certaine Gaules from beyond the Alpes passed into the territorie of Venice, without forraying, spoiling, and using any manner of hostilitie; and not farre from the place where as now Aquileia standeth, they seized upon a plot of ground to build a citie in. Certaine [unspec L] Romane Embassadours were sent about this matter, beyond the Alpes; where they received this intelligence and answere from the inhabitants of the countrey, That neither those Gaules took that voiage and expedition by authoritie and warrant from the whole nation, neither knew they what they did in Italie.

L. Scipio likewise about the same time, set out his playes for ten daies togither; for which hee said, that he had made a vow during the time of the warre against Antiochus, and he deffraied the charges there of with the mony contributed unto him by divers KK. and States for that purpose. Valerius Antias writeth, that after he was condemned, and his goods confiscate and sold, he was sent embassage into Asia, for to take up certaine controversies and differences betweene the two kings Antiochus and Eumenes: and then it was (saith he) that the said contribution was made, [unspec M] and many skilfull artificers and players gathered unto him out of all Asia; and in the end, after this Embassage he moved the Senate for these games, because hee had made no mention not words at all of them after the said warre: by occasion whereof (by Valerius his saying) he vowed them.

[unspec A] The yeere beeing now at an end, Q.Martius in his absence was to leave his magistracie: and Q.Posthumius having sitten upon the inquisition aforesaid, and with all fidelitie and carefull diligence that might be, brought it to an end, held the solemne assembly for election of magi∣strates: wherein were chosen Consuls, Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius Tuditanus. And the morrow after were elected for Pretors, P. Cornelius Cethegus, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Asra∣nius Stellio, C. Attilius Serranus, L. Posthumius Tempsanus, and M. Claudius Marcellus. At the yeeres end, upon the relation of Sp. Posthumius the Consull, that in his visitation about the en∣quests aforesaid, as he rode along the sea coasts of Italie on both sides, he found certaine colo∣nies dispeopled and desolate, to wit, Sipontum upon the Adriaticke sea, and Buxentum upon the Tuscane. T. Manius the citie Pretour (by vertue of an act of the Senate in that behalfe) [unspec B] created three commissaries called Triumvirs, for to enroll and plant new inhabitants there, namely, L. Scribonius Libo, M. Tuccius, and Cn. Babius Tamphilus.

The warre against king Perseus and the Macedonians, which now was a breeding, arose not upon that cause and occasion which most men imagine, ne yet from Perseus himselfe: for the first ground-worke thereof was laid by Philip, who if hee had lived longer, would have beene seene in open action. One thing there was above the rest which stung him, at what time as the Romanes imposed conditions upon him after he was vanquished, to wit, That the Senat laid a barre for to be revenged of those Macedonians who had revolted from him: which he despai∣red not but it had ben possible to have obtained at their hands, considering that Quintius in the capitulations of peace, reserved that point entire and excepted not against it. Now afterwards, [unspec C] when Antiochus was defeated in the battaile of Thermopylae, and that both Philip and the Con∣sull entred upon severall exploits; Acilius went in hand to assault Heraclea, and Philip at the same time the citie of Lamia. Heraclea was no sooner forced, but Philip had commandement to levie his siege before Lamia, and the towne was yeelded to the Romanes: and this hee tooke to the heart. Howbeit, the Consull appeased his choller for the time, in that making hast in per∣son to Naupactum (unto which town the Aetolians after their rout were retired) he suffered Phi∣lip to warre upon Athamania and Aminander; to adjoyne also and lay unto his kingdome those cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians. Now had Philip chased Aminander out of Athamania, and woon certaine cities without any great adoe. Demetrias also (a strong citie of great importance, and very commodious for all things) together with the nation of the [unspec D] Magnetes, he brought under his obedience. After this, he forced certain townes in Asia, which were troubled with the seditious variance of their principall and great personages, by reason that they knew not how to use their new libertie, wherewith they had not bene acquainted: hee woon these cities (I say) by taking part with those, who in this civile dissention were the weaker, and otherwise would have gone to the walles. By these meanes the wrath of the king against the Romanes was well allaied for the present: neverthelesse, hee ceased not all the time of peace to bethinke how hee might gather more strength, and be able to warre againe, whensoever any good occasion should bee presented unto him. Hee encreased therefore the revenues of the crowne, not onely by raising taxes out of all the fruits of the earth, and setting impost and cu∣stoms upon all merchandise brought into his realme by sea from forrein parts; but also revived [unspec E] the rents & issues of the old mines which had discontinued, yea & in many places ordained new. Moreover, to replenish his countrey, which by many calamities following war, was dispeopled, he not onely tooke order that his subjects should multiplie by forcing them to get, breed, and bringup children, but also translated a great multitude of Thracians into Macedonie; and for a good time wherin he was in repose and rest from the war, he bent his whole mind, and emploied all his studie how to make himselfe great, and augment the puissance of his kingdome. Then old matters and quarrels were renued, which might whet his stomacke, and kindle his anger against the Romanes. For the complaints which the Thessalians and the Perrhoebians made for that their cities were by him possessed, likewise those greevances which the embassadours of king Eumenes laid abroad touching the Thracian townes, which hee seized and held by force, [unspec F] were heard by the Romanes; so as it evidently appeared, that they neglected them not. But that which moyed the Senate most, was this, That they had intelligence how hee entended to be lord of Aenus and Maronea: as for the Thessalians, they tooke lesse regard of them. More∣over, there came the embassadours of Athamania, who complained not for the losse of somepart of their territorie, nor that hee encroched upon their frontiers, but that all Athamania

full and whole, was reduced under the subjection and jurisdiction of the king. The banished per∣sons [unspec G] also of Maronea, who had beene chased out of the citie by the kings garison (for that they stood in defence and maintenance of libertie) made relation, that not onely Maronea was in the hands of Philip, but the cittie of Aenus also. Likewise there came embassadours from Philip, to purge him of all these matters laid to his charge, who averred, That their king and maister had done nothing but by commission and warrant from the Romane Generall. They pleaded and al∣ledged, that the case of the Thessalian, Perrhoebian, and Magnesian cities, yea, and the whole na∣tion of Athamania together with Aminander, was all one with the Aetolians: namely, That after Antiochus the king was chased and expelled, the Consull himselfe being emploied and occupi∣ed in besieging the cities of Aetolia, sent Philip for to recover the States abovenamed, which be∣ing vanquished inwarre, were now subject unto him. Hereupon the Senate, because they would [unspec H] not determine and set downe any thing in the absence of the king, sent three delegates or Com∣missioners, to decide these controversies, to wit, Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Boebius Tamphilus, and T. Sempronius. Vpon whose arrivall, there was published a generall Diet of all those States that were at difference with the king, to bee holden at Tempe in Thessalie. When they were all set there in counsell, the Romane legates, as umpiers and judges, the Thessalians, Perrhoebians, and Athamanes as plaintifes and accusers, and Philip as defendant to heare and receive the chalen∣ges and accusations against him; the cheefe embassadours from the said cities, pleaded against Philip, bitterly or mildly, more or lesse, according to the severall disposition of their natures, and the proportion either of affectionate favour or malicious hatred which they bare to him. Now all the question and debate touching Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae, and other [unspec I] townes about them was this, Whether those peeces, considering the Aetolians woon and held them by force (and wel known it was, that Philip had taken them from the Aetolians) belonged in right to the Thessalians, or appertained of old time to the Aetolians? For Acilius had graunted them unto the king upon these conditions, namely, if they were any of the appertenances of the Aetolians, and if they combined and took part with the Aetolians willingly of their own accord, and not by constraint & force of arms. Vpon like tearms stood the controversie of the Perrhaebi∣an and Magnesian townes. For the Aetolians had brought a confusion in all their tenures, by rea∣son that they held and possessed those citties, by taking their vauntage upon divers occasions. Besides these substantiall points properly to be decided, the Thessalians came in with their com∣plaints also: for that those townes (in case they were out of handdelivered unto them yet) hee [unspec K] should render them spoiled, naked and desolate. For over and besides those who miscarried by casualtie of warre, Philip had carried away into Macedonie 500, even the principall floure of their youth, and abused them like slaves, in putting them to base ministeries & servile drudgeries, and looke whatsoever by compulsion he redelivered to the Thessalians, he had taken order afore that they should be good for nothing. As for example (say they) Thebes in Phthia, the only mari∣time citie for much trafficke and merchandise, was in times past gainefull and commodious to the Thessalians, and brought them great revenues and profites. But Philip had turned the staple and all the trade and negotiation by sea from thence to Demetrias, and having gotten hulkes and hoyes, caused them to baulke and passe by Thebes, and direct their course for Demetrias. Nay he could not so much as hold his hands from evill entreating their embassadours who by [unspec L] law ofnations are inviolable. For hee forlaied them in ambush, as they were in their journey to T. Quintius. By which meanes the Thessalians all in generall were so over-awed by him, and put in such feares, that there is not a man amongst them dare open his mouth, either in their owne citties, or in any of the Diets and Councels of the whole nation. For why? their pa∣trones of whome they hold their libertie are farre off, but an imperious lord they have that sit∣teth ever on their skirts, and pricketh them continually in the sides, and will not suffer them to use and enjoy the benefites graunted them by the people of Rome. For take away from them the libertie of speech once, what freedome have they left? And even at this present, for all the assurance and confidence they have in the priviledge of embassadours, they rather sigh and grone out their words, than speake franckly, and parley with libertie. And unlesse the Romanes [unspec M] provide better in some good sort, that both the Greekes remaining inMacedonie, may bee void of fear, and Philip also curbed and kept short for being so bold, it will be to no purpose at all, that either he was vanquished, or they enfranchised. He is therefore to be held in with a rougher and harder bit in his mouth, like an headstrong and frampold horse, that will not be ruled with a gen∣tle

[unspec A] snaffle. In this sharpe and eager manner dealt the last, whereas the former had used faire lan∣guage to appease and molifie his anger, beseeching his grace to pardon them in case they spake their minds for their libertie, to lay downe the rigour of a lord and maister, to beare himselfe like a kind allie and loving friend, and to take example of the Romanes, and them to imitate, who chose rather to gaine associates by love, than constraine them by feare. After audience gi∣ven to the Thessalians, the Perrhaebians came in place, and alledged, that Gonnocondylus (a cit∣tie which Philip named Olympias) belonged in right to Perrhaebia: and earnest they were, that it might be restored unto them. They demaunded also to have Mallaea and Ericinium again. Then the Athamanes put in, and spake for their libertie, and to have the forts of Athenaeum and Poet∣neum rendered unto them. Philip because hee would seeme more like a plaintife than a defen∣dant, [unspec B] & to accuse rather than tobe accused, began himselfe also with complaints. He found him∣selfe greeved, that the Thessalians had woon by force of armes the cittie Menelais in Dolopia, part of the appertenances belonging to his kingdome. Item, That the same Thessalians and the Perrhaebians together had forced Petra in Pieria. As for Xyniae (an Aetolian towne without all question) they had indeed laid it unto his seignorie, but Parachelois, which should bee under A∣thamania, by no right in the world was annexed to the Thessalians, and comprised within their charter. For as touching the matters (quoth he) charged upon me so odiously, namely of laying await for the embassadors, of frequenting these port-townes or abandoning those: the one is a meer mockerie & ridiculous thing: namely for me to give account what havens, merchants, and marriners saile unto or arrive at; the other is clean adverse & contrarie to my nature, & that which [unspec C] I never could abide to practise. For this many yeeres (quoth hee) embassadours have never cea∣sed and given over, to informe greevous matters against me to the Romane Generals, and to the Senate at Rome: and which of them ever to this day hath had so much as a foule word given againe unto him from me? Supposed and objected it is, that once they were forlaied by the way as they were going to Quintius, but it is not said withall what happened unto them. This manner of dealing and accusation savoureth of quarrellers that saine would have somewhat to say, bee it never so false, when they can find no matter of truth to charge a man withall. These Thessalians beyond all meane and measure abuse the kindnesse and indulgence of the people of Rome, and faring as men who had endured a long drought and thirst, they drinke over-greedily, pouring in sheere libertie, and nothing els to it, and know not when to make an end, and to breake their [unspec D] draught: Like, for all the world to bondslaves sodainly set at freedome beyond their hope and expectation, whose manner is to breake out into broad tearmes and licentious language, and can not containe but revile and raile at their very maisters. And at last, in a furious fit of choler he burst forth into these words, That the sun was not set and gone to bed for ever, but would one day rise again. This minatorie speech of his not only the Thessalians took to themselves, but the Romanes also construed as a glaunce at them. Vpon these words arose some bruit and murmu∣ring in the assemblie, but being in the end appeased and stilled, hee answered the agents for the Perrhaebians and Athamanes in this wise, That the case and condition of those cities for which they stood, was one & the same, namely, that the Consull Acilius and the Romans passed them unto him by a deed of gift, as having aforetime belonged to their enemies. Now if they who [unspec E] have given, will also take away the same, then (qd. he) I must needs quit my hold, and leese them: but in so doing, they shall to gratifie their fickle, inconstant, & vaine allies, men of no regard, and good for nothing, do meer and manifest wrong to a far better and more faithfull friend For no∣thing is there in the world more thanklesse and lesse while accepted than libertie, especially with them who know not how to use it, and by abuse thereof will soone spill the grace of such a be∣nefit. Then the Romane Delegates, having heard the reasons and allegations of both parties pronounced sentence, That the Macedonian garisons should quit the cities abovesaid, and the realme of Macedonie be confined within the auncient bounds and limits. As touching the inju∣ries which they complained to have bene reciprocally offred from one to another, there was a forme and course of law to be set downe, which should conteine a processe and manner, how the [unspec F] matters betweene the Macedonians and the other nations might be reformed and composed. Hereat the king was highly offended and displeased, but the Delegates went their wayes toward Thessalonica, to visit likewise the cities of Thrace, and to heare their causes; where the embassa∣dors of king Eumenes made a speech to this effect.

If the pleasure of the Romanes be, that the two cities Aenus and Maronea shall be free, it is

not for us in modestie to say any more, but advertise and admonish them to leave the same in [unspec G] reall and not in verball libertie, and not suffer a guift by them graunted to be impeached or in∣tercepted by another. But if they have lesse care and consideration of the cities and states planted in Thracia, yet more meete and reason it is, that those places which sometimes were subject to Antiochus, should fall to Eumenes rather than to Philip; by way of recompence for war-service, in regard as well of the merits of his father Attalus during the warre against Philip, as of his owne deserts, who during the warre with Antiochus, was personally present in all travailes and daungers both by sea and land. And to this effect, hee hath besides an award of the ten Delegates passed alreadie before-hand, who in the graunt and donation of Cherso∣nesus and Lysimachia, have no doubt geven Maronea and Aenus likewise to be as dependan∣ces and parcels of a greater gift, considering the neerevicinitie and neighbourhood of those [unspec H] other cities. For, as concerning Philip, what hath he deserved at the hands of the people of Rome? what right of seignorie can he pretend, why he should plant garisons in these cities so farre remote and distant as they be, from the marches and frontiers of Macedonie? I wish yee would call for the Maronites, and heare what they can say, who are able to enforme you more fully and certainely in all respects of the whole state of these cities. Then were the embassadors of the Maronites called in: who affirmed, That the king had a garison not in one place onely of their citie (as he had in other cities besides) but in many quarters thereof at one time; so as Maronea was pestered full with Macedonians. And therefore (say they) the kings favorites and flatterers are they that rule all and beare the sway: they and none but they, may bee allowed to speake both in Senat at the counsell table, and in generall assemblies before the people: they go [unspec I] away with all honors and dignities, and either are invested therin themselves, or els confer them upon whom they please. The best men, who stand either for defence of freedome, or in main∣tenance of the lawes, either are driven their country and banished, or sit a cold and blow their nailes, for any advancement they come unto; and being subject and thrall to persons of no worth, stand still like cyphtes and hold their peace. Somewhat they said moreover in briefe as tou∣ching the right of their limits, to wit, That Q. Fabius Labeo, at what time as he was in those parts, confined Philip within the bounds of the old kings-street or high way, which directly leadeth to Paroreia in Thrace, and in no place turneth and declineth toward the sea: but Phi∣lip afterwards had made a new causey, and drawne it with a compasse about, within which he empaled and tooke in the cities and territories also of the Maronites. To these chalenges [unspec K] Philip began farre otherwise, than he did of late against the Thessalians and Perrhoebeans, and in this wise he spake.* 1.4 I have quoth he no matter to debate either with the Maronites or Eu∣menes; but now at this present I am to contest even with you (my maisters of Rome) at whose hands I have seene thus long that I can obteine no reason and equitie. I thought it meete and right, that the Macedonian cities which had revolted from me during the time of truce, should be rendred againe unto me: not for any great increase of seigniorie that therby should have ac∣crewed unto my kingdome (for small towns they are god wot, and situate upon the utmost fron∣tiers) but because their precedent and example might have imported much, to reteine the rest of the Macedonians in their dutie and alleageance. In no wise it would bee graunted. During the Aetolian warre, I was enjoyned by the Consull Acilius to besiege and assault the citie La∣mia: [unspec L] and after I had beene toiled out and wearied with maintaining skirmishes, raising fa∣brickes, planting ordenance and engines against it, even when I was at the very point to skale the walls and force the cittie, the Consull reclaimed and called mee away, yea, and compelled me to levie the siege, and withdraw my forces from thence. And for to make mee some part of amends for this wrong done, permitted I was to winne againe and conquer certaine small piles and forts, rather than citties of Thessalie, Perrhoebia, and Athamania. And even those also, I may say unto you Q. Caecilius, yee have taken from mee within these few daies. And now forsooth of late, the embassadours of Eumenes also (and God will) have presumed upon this as a thing graunted and without all question, That more reason it is for Eumenes to have and enjoy that which belonged to Antiochus, than for me. But my judgement is farre other∣wise. [unspec M] And why? Eumenes could never have continued in his realme, unlesse the Romanes, I will not say, had vanquished king Antiochus, but surely if they had not waged warre against him. And therefore is hee endebted unto you, and you no waies beholden unto him. As for my kingdome, so farre was it off, that any part or quarter of it should bee in hazard and

[unspec A] jeopardie; that when Antiochus of his owne meere motion offered to buy my societie with three thousand talents, and fiftie covered shippes of warre, together with all those citties in Greece which I held in possession aforetime; I refused all, and disdained his alliance, yea, and I prosessed openly, even before that M. Acilius came over with his armie into Greece, that I was his enemie, and together with that Consull, was emploied in what part soever of the warre, which hee charged and laid upon mee. Also when L. Scipio the Consull his successor, determined to lead his armie by land to Hellespont, I not only gave him leave to passe peace∣ably through my realme, but also caused the high waies to bee paved and gravelled, brid∣ges to bee made against his comming, yea, and furnished him with provision of victuals. And this did I, not in Macedonie alone, but also throughout all Thrace, where among other [unspec B] matters, this was not of least importance and consequence, to restrainethose barbarous na∣tions there, from running upon them, and to keepe them in peace and quietnesse. In consi∣deration now of this kind affection of mine (if I may not call it a good desert) unto you, whether ought yee Romanes in reason to give mee somewhat to that I have, to augment and encrease my dominion by your largesse and munificence, or, to take from mee (as you doe) that which I have either in mine owne right, or by gift from you? The Macedonian citties, which you confesse to have been parcels of my kingdome, are not restored unto mee. Eumenes on the other side, he comes to make spoile of me, as if I were Antiochus, and (marke I pray you the devise of it) he pretendeth a decree of the ten delegates to colour his most shamelesse, im∣pudent, and cautelous falshood; even that by which himselfe may bee most refuted and convi∣cted. [unspec C] For in very expresse and plaine tearmes it is thus written, That Chersonnesus and Lysima∣chia are given to Eumenes. Where I pray you, and in what corner of the instrument and patent stand Aenus, Maronea, and the citties of Thrace? Shall hee obtaine that at your hands, and by your meanes, as given and graunted from those ten Delegates, which hee never durst so much as once demaund and require of them? Tell mee (if the thing bee worth so much) in what place yee would raunge and reckon me? If your purpose bee to persecute mee as an enemie and mor∣tall soe, spare not, but goe on still as yee have begun: but if you respect mee as a king, as your allie and friend, I beseech you, repute me not worthie of so notorious and manifest a wrong. This Oration of the king in some measure mooved the Commissioners, and therefore by fra∣ming a meane and indifferent answere, they held the matter still in suspence undecided. If (say [unspec D] they) the citties in question were given to Eumenes, by vertue of a decree set downe by the tenne Delegates, wee will not chaunge nor alter any thing therein. But in case Philip acqui∣ted them by conquest and force of armes, hee should have held them as the guerdon of his victorie. If neither, wee are of opinion, That the hearing and decision of this difference shall bee referred over to the Senate: and to the end, that all may remaine entire, the garrisons in those citties shall bee withdrawne and depart. These, I say, were the causes that principally estraunged the affection of Philip from the Romanes, and wrought discontentment in his heart; insomuch, as evident it is, that the warre was not enterprised by his sonne Perseus upon any new quarrels and fresh occasion, but upon these motives let unto him by his father to bee pursued.

[unspec E] No suspition was there at Rome of a Macedonian warre. L. Manlius the Pro-consull was returned out of Spaine: and when he demaunded a triumph of the Senate, assembled in the temple of Bellona, the same in regard of his noble and worthie exploits might have beene ob∣tained, but for example sake it was not graunted. For an order it was in Rome, by auncient cu∣stome of their forefathers, that no man might triumph, who brought not his armie backe with him, unlesse hee left unto his successour the province fully subdued and settled in peace. How∣beit, Manlius was allowed an indifferent honour, namely, to enter into the citie by way of Ova∣tion. In which solemnitie he had borne before him in a pompeous pageant two & fiftie coronets of gold. Moreover in gold a hundred thirtie two pound weight, and in silver sixe thousand three hundred. Also he pronounced aloud in the Senate, that Q. Fabius the Questour was comming, [unspec F] and brought with him ten thousand pound weight more of silver, and eightie of gold, which he meant likewise to bring into the chamber of the citie.

That yeere a great commotion and insurrection there was of bondslaves in Apulia. L. Post∣humius the Pretour had the government of Tarentum, and he sat in inquisition upon a damned crew of certaine herdmen and grasiers, who had conspired together, and used to rob by the

high way side, and in the common pastures belonging to the citie; which commission he follo∣wed [unspec G] with such severitie and rigor, that he condemned seven thousand of them. Many escaped and fled, but many were executed and suffred death. As for the Consuls, long were they kept in the citie of Rome, about the levie of souldiers, but at length they went into their provinces.

The same yeere, C. Calpurnius and L. Quintius the Pretours in Spaine, having in the begin∣ning of the Spring led forth their armies out of their wintering holds, and joyned their forces togither in Beturia, advaunced forward into Carpetaine, (where the enemies were encamped) with a resolution to manage and conduct the warre with one joynt mind and common councell together. Not farre from the cities Hippon and Toletum, there began a skirmish betweene the foragers of both parts, that were gone forth to make provision: seconded they were from the one campe and the other, by meanes whereof, the whole armies of both sides by litle and litle, [unspec H] came forth into the field to strike a full battell. In this tumultuarie medley, the enemies had the vantage, as well of the ground wherein they were embattailed, as of the manner of fight and service. By reason whereof, both the Roman armies were discomfited and driven back into their campe; but the enemies pressed not upon them, notwithstanding they were put in great fright and much disordered. The Romane Pretors doubting least their camp the morrow after should be assailed, dislodged in the night betwene, in great secret & silence, without any found of trum∣pet, and departed. In the morning by breake of day, the Spaniards in ordinance of battaile ap∣proched the trench and rampier: and beeing entred within the campe (which they found void and emptie beyond their hope and expectation) they rifled and ransacked all that the Romanes left behind them, whiles they made hast away in the night season: from whence the enemies re∣turned [unspec I] to their owne campe, and there for certaine dayes abode in standing leaguer and stirred not. In that battell and in the chase together, there were slaine of Romans and allies 5000: and with the spoiles of their bodies, the enemies armed themselves: from thence they marched to the river Tagus. The Romane Pretours in the meane season employed all that time to levie and assemble new forces out of the consederate cities of Spaine, and in comforting and encoura∣ging the hearts of their own souldiors after their fright, upon this adverse conflict and unluckie soyle. Now when they had gathered (as they thought) a sufficient power, and tooke themselves strong enough, and that the souldiors also desired to be doing with the enemie, for to rase out and cancell the former ignomie and disgrace, they encamped twelve miles from the river Ta∣gus aforesaid: and about the third watch of the night advanced their standards, and marching [unspec K] in a foure square barrell, by day-light they were come to the banke of the river (now were the enemies lodged upon a litle mount beyond the water:) and incontinently in two places (where the river shewed a fourd) they waded through with their armes, Calpurnius on the right hand and Quintius on the left. All this while the enemies continued quiet and mooved not: but in the meane time, while as they wondred at their sodaine comming, and devised how to trouble and disorder the souldiors as they should make hast to passe the river, the Romans had transpor∣ted over themselves, and their bagge and baggage also; yea and brought all together into one place. And because they perceived by this time the enemie to stirre and remoove, and had no time to fortifie their campe, they put themselves in battell array. In the mids, stood the fifth le∣gion of Calpurnius, and the eight of Quintius, which was the very slower and strength of the [unspec L] whole armie. Now they had a faire open plain all the way betwene them and the enemies camp, so as there was no cause to feare any ambush. The Spaniards so soon as they espyed two armies of their enemies upon that side of the banke which was next to them, all at once issued out of their campe, and ran to battell; to the end, that they might surprise and empeach them, before they could joyne and raunge themselves togither. The fight was sharpe and hote in the begin∣ning: for the Spaniards of the one side were puffed up withthe conceit and pride of their late victorie: and the Romanes of the other, were galled and incensed for anger of a dishonour re∣ceived, which they were not used unto. The battaile in the mids (consisting of two most valiant and hardie legions) fought right courageously: which the enemies, seeing that they could not otherwise force to recule and give ground, began to charge upon them with a battailon in coin∣fashion close togither; and still they pressed hard upon them in the mids more & more in num∣ber, and ever thicker raunged. Calpurnius the Pretour seeing this battell distressed and in daun∣ger, sent with all speed L. Quintilius Varus and L. Iuventius Talva, two lieutenants, to either of the legions severally, to encourage and exhort them to sticke to it like men, and to make remon∣strance

[unspec A] & relation, That in them alone consisted all the hope of conquering & keeping Spaine: if they never so little yeelded backe and lost their ground, there was not one of the whole armie that should ever see Italie againe, no not so much as the farther banke of Tagus. As for himselfe, he tooke with him the Cavallerie of two legions, and when he had wheeled a litle about and set a compasse with them, he charged hotly upon the flanke of the foresaid strong battaillon of the enemies, which assailed and urged still the maine battaile. Quintius also with his Cavallerie flanked the enemies on the other side: but the horsemen of Calpurnius fought more fiercely by ods than the other, & the Pretor himselfe in person was formost of them all; for he was the first that drew bloud of an enemie, & so far engaged himselfe within them, that hardly a man could know of which side he fought: by his singular valiance, the horsemen were mightily animated: [unspec B] and by the valour of the Cavallerie on horsebacke, the Infanterie also were enkindled to fight on foot. The principall Centurions were abashed and ashamed to see the Pretour in person a∣mong the pikes and swords of his enemies: and therefore every man for his part did his best, put forward the port-ensigns, willing them to advaunce their banners, to the end, that the soldiours might follow hard after. Then began they on all hands to set up a fresh and lustie shout; they tooke their biere and charged upon them as from the vantage of an higher ground: by reason whereof, they disarrayed them first, and like a forcible streame they bare them downe before them, so as they could not stand upon their feet and susteine this violence of theirs, but fell one upon another. As many as fled toward the campe, the horsemen pursued, and so entermingled themselves among the rout of the enemies, that they entred peil-mell with them into their [unspec C] hold; where, they that were left for the guard thereof, renued the fight, so that the Roman hors∣men were forced to light from their horses: and whiles they maintained the medley, the fist le∣gion came to second them, and consequently more and more succours as they possibly could, ran to them: downe went the Spaniards, and were massacred in all parts of the campe; and not above 4000 of them all, fled away and saved themselves: of which number, about three thou∣sand (who still kept their armour) seized upon a hill neere adjoyning: the other thousand, being for the most part armed by the halfes, were scattered all over the fields. The enemies were at first above five and thirtie thousand, but after this battaile see how few of them were left: and from them were woon 133 ensignes. Of Romanes and allies, there died few above sixe hundred; of auxiliarie souldiors from out of the province, about 150. Five martiall Tribunes were lost, and [unspec D] certaine Romane gentlemen, whose death espècially, made it seeme a bloudie victory. After which, the armie abode within the enemies campe, for that themselves had no time to fortifie their owne. The next morrow C. Calpurnius in an open audience, highly praised the horsemen, and rewarded them with rich harnish and trappings, declaring aloud, That by meanes of their good service principally, the enemies were discomfited and their campe forced. As for Quintius the other Pretour, he bestowed upon his men of armes, small chaines and buttons of gold. The Centurions likewise of both armies received gifts at their hands, and namely those who sought in the maine battaile.

The Consuls having finished the levie of souldiours, and accomplished all things requisite to be done in Rome, led the armie into their province of Liguria. Sempronius departed from [unspec E] Pisa, and made a journey against the Apuan Ligurians; where, by wasting their territories and burning their townes and fortresses, he made way into the forrest and opened the passages as far as to the river Macra and the port of Luna. The enemies tooke a certaine mount (an auncient hold) where their auncestors sometimes had seated themselves: but from thence they were by force disseized, by reason that the Romanes overcame the difficulties of the avenues thereto. Ap. Claudius likewise for his part, was equall in valiance and good fortune to his colleague, as having fought certaine prosperous battailes with the Ligurian Inguames. He forced besides six townes of theirs, and tooke many thousands of prisoners within them. Of the chiefe authors of that rebellion, he caused three and fortie to loose their heads.

Now approched the time of the solemne assembly for election of Magistrates at Rome: and [unspec F] albeit Sempronius his lot it was to hold the said assembly, yet Claudius returned first to Rome, be∣cause P. Claudius his brother made suite to be Consull. He had for his competitours, L. Aemy∣lius, I. Fabius Labeo, and Servius Sulpitius Galba, all foure of the nobilitie. Old suiters they were all, and because they had suffered the repulse aforetime, they renued the suite for this dignitie, as being so much the rather due, because it had beene once denied them. And this was the cause

that these foure followed and pressed the harder for to obtaine the same, because it was not lawful [unspec G] for any more than one of the Patrisij at once to bee created Consull. There were also of Com∣moners certain persons well beloved and of good reputation that stood in election for the place, to wit, L. Porcius, I. Terentius Culleo, and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus: they also had taken repulse be∣fore time, and were put off still in hope one day yet to obtaine that honourable dignitie. Claudius of them all was onely the new Competitor. Now men thought verily without any doubt and question, yea, and destined in their conceits Q.Fabius Labeo, and L. Porcius Licinius to be Con∣suls. But Claudius the Consull together with his brother bestirred himselfe, and without his hui∣shers attending upon him, travelled and laboured hard in all parts of the common place: not∣withstanding the adversaries, yea & the most of the Senators cried out upon him and said, That he ought to consider and remember rather that he was the Consull of the people of Rome, than [unspec H] brother to P. Claudius; why then sat he not still in the Tribunall either as president and judge of the court assembled, or els as a beholder and spectatour only, without saying any word himselfe? Howbeit, he could not possibly bee reclaimed from this disordinate affection of his which hee shewed in labouring for his brother. This election was divers times also troubled with the great debates and contentions caused by the Tribunes of the Commons: whiles some of them spake against the Consull; others againe maintained his suite, and tooke part with him. But in the end, Fabius tooke the soile, and Appius went away with the game, for his brother. So P. Claudius Pulcher was created Consull beyond his owne hope, and more than others looked for. L. Porcius Lictnius held his owne, and obtained the second place in his course; for that the Commoners went moderately to worke, and shewed not so much affection and forcible meanes as Claudius [unspec I] did. After this, was holden the election of Pretours. And chosen there were, C. Decimius Flavus, P. Sempronius Longus, P. Cornelius Cethegus, I. Naevius Matho, C. Sempronius Blaesus, and A. Te∣rentius Varro. Thus much concerning the acts atcheeved both at home in the citie, and abroad in the warre, that yeere wherein App. Claudius and M. Sempronius were Consuls.

In the beginning of the next yeere, in which P. Claudius and L. Porcius bare the Consulship, when as Q.Caecilius, M. Baebius and T. Sempronius (who had ben sent to heare and decide the con∣troversies betweene the two kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the States of Thessalie) had made re∣port of their embassages; they permitted likewise the embassadours of the said princes and cities, to enter into the Senate. Who related the selfesame things againe, which had beene alleadged before in the presence of the foresaid Legates in Greece. After this, the LL. of the Senat addres∣sed [unspec K] another new embassage into Macedonie and Greece, whereof App. Claudius was the cheefe, for to visite and see, whether the cities adjudged and assigned to the Rhodians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians were delivered unto them accordingly. They also had in charge to cause the garri∣sons to quit Aenus and Maronea, and to looke that all the sea coast of Thracia, were freed from the subjection of Philip and the Macedonians. They were enjoined moreover to goe into Pelo∣ponnesus, from whence the former embassie was departed in more doubtfull teaimes than if they had never gone thither. For over and besides other things they were sent away without any answere for their dispatch: and albeit they requested the Achaeans for to assemble their ge∣nerall Diet, they mought not obtaine it. For which, when as Q.Cacilius found himselfe discon∣tented and greevously complained, & the Lacedaemonians withall made piteous mone, that the [unspec L] walls of their citie were demolished and rased, their common people lead away in captivitie into Achaea, and there sold, and the lawes of Lycurgus taken from them, under which their cittie and Commonweale untill that day had been mainteined and governed: the Achaeans excused them∣selves most of all for the imputation of refusing to hold a Councell; and to that purpose they re∣hearsed a law and ordinance, whereby they were forbidden expressely to call and publish a Diet unlesse it were in the case of levying warre and contracting of peace, upon occasion that any embassadours came directly unto them from the Senate of Rome with letters, or commission in writing. But for that this manner of excuse should not serve their turne againe afterwards, the Senate gave them plainely to understand, that they ought to take care and order that the Ro∣mane embassadours might at all times have meanes of free accesse to their Councels, like as [unspec M] they also reciprocally should have a Senate held for their sakes, as often as they would them∣selves.

After these embassages were departed, Philip was advertised by his embassadours, that there was no remedie but he must abandon those cities, and withdraw his garrisons: and herewith be∣ing

[unspec A] mightily offended and angered against all, yet he discharged his choler onely upon the Ma∣ronites. Vnto Onomastus, warden of the ports and sea-coasts, hee gave commaundement to kill the cheese of the adverse part. And he by the meanes of Cassander, one of the kings supports and favorites, who a long time had dwelt in Maronea, procured certaine Thracians to bee let into the towne by night, and there he committed murder and massacre, as if it had beene a citie woon by force of armes. And when the Romane embassadors made complaint to him, namely, of such outrages committed so cruelly against the guiltlesse Maronites, and so proudly and insolently against the people of Rome; in that they should bee killed and cut in peeces as enemies, unto whom the Senate had ordained restitution of their freedome, hee made answere and said, that neither himselfe, not any of those who belonged unto him, could doe withall: but it was long of [unspec B] themselves and their variance one with another; whiles some of the citizens drew to him, and others enclined to king Eumenes. Which ye may (qd. he) soone know to be a truth, if ye will but aske the Maronites themselves: for this account he made, that whiles they were all terrified with so late and fresh a massacre, there durst not one of them open his mouth against him. Appius re∣plied againe and said, That they were not to make an enquirie in this so evident and notorious a fact, as if it were in any respect doubtfull: but if hee would discharge and cleare himselfe as inno∣cent of the action, hee should send to Rome Onomastus and Cassander, who were named to have committed the outrage, that the Senate might examine them upon interrogatories. This word at the first so troubled and dashed the king, that his colour went & came in his face, & he knew not how to keep his countenance. But after he was come again to himselfe, he made answer, That (if [unspec C] they needs would) he cared not much to send Cassander, for that he had dwelt and continued in Maronea; but as for Onomastus, who neither was at Maronea, nor so much as in any quarter neer unto it, how possibly could he be charged or touched with the matter? Now as he spared Ono∣mastus the rather of the twaine, and was loth to have him come in question, as being his more deere and honourable friend: so hee feared him much more than the other, least hee should bewray and disclose the thing; for that himselfe had conferred with him thereabout; and be∣sides, he had served his turne divers times as a minister to execute, and been privie unto him as a complice to plot such like designements. Cassander also, as it is verily thought, was poysoned and made away, by certaine that were sent of purpose to accompanie him through Epirus to the sea side; and all because the villanie should not bee detected and come to light. Thus the [unspec D] Legates departed from the parley and conference with Philip, as shewing in their counte∣nance, that they were nothing well pleased: and Philip on the other side went his wayes as reso∣lute to levie warre againe: but for as much as his forces as yet were not sufficient to doe any ex∣ploit, and because he would delay the time betweene, he determined to send his younger sonne Demetrius to Rome, both to purge his father of those matters wherewith hee was charged, and also by humble request to appease the anger of the Senate; supposing, that this young gentle∣man, who had beene left as an hostage at Rome, and there had shewed a good testimonie of a princely nature and royall disposition, might much availe in the cause. In the meane while him∣selfe under colour of aiding the Bizantines, but in very truth to strike some terrour into the princes of Thrace, made an expedition against them: and when he had in one battaile discom∣fited [unspec E] them, and taken prisoner their cheefe captaine Amadorus, hee returned into Macedonie, having sent certaine messengers to sollicite the barbarous nations, inhabiting neere the river Ister, for to enter and invade Italie. In Peloponnesus also the comming of the Romane Le∣gates was expected, who by this commission were enjoined to passe out of Macedonie into A∣chaea: against whom because the Achaeans would not be to seeke what to say, Lycortas their Pre∣tour summoned a publicke counsell aforehand. In which there was parley as touching the Lace∣daemonians, namely, how that of enemies they were become enformers and accusers, and daun∣ger it was, least when they were vanquished they would be more to be feared, than al the time that they waged war. For during the warres, the Achaeans found the Romans to be their good associ∣ats, but now the same Romans are more friendly to the Lacedaemonians, than to the Achaens, [unspec F] seeing that Areus & Alcibiades (banished persons both out of Lacedaemon, and by the meanes of the Achaens restored againe to their place) had undertaken to goe in embassage to Rome, against the Achaean nation, which had so well deserved at their hands; and there gave so hard lan∣guage against them, as if they had been chased and driven out of their countrey, and not resto∣red thereunto by them. Hereupon arose a great outcrie from all parts of the assembly, for to put

to question, what should bee determined expressely of them by name; and in this fit, where all [unspec G] went by choler, and nothing by counsell, condemned they were to die. Some few daies after came the Romane embassadours, for whose sake a Counsell was holden at Clitore, a citie in Ar∣cadia. But before any matter was treated on, the Achaeans were surprised with exceeding feare, considering and thinking how this deciding of matters was not like to be managed and carried with any indifferencie for their behoofe; for as much as they saw Areus and Alcibiades (condem∣ned by them in the last counsell) to bee in the companie of the said embassadours, and no man durst open his lips and speake a word. Appius declared, That the Senate was much displeased at those matters whereof the Lacedaemonians had made complaint, namely, That first in a tumul∣tuarie fray and conflict, they were murdered who had been called forth by Philopaemen, and came to plead and speake in their owne cause: Then, after they had exercised their crueltie thus against [unspec H] their persons, to the end, that in no part their inhumanitie should be wanting, they had rased the walls of a right noble and famous cittie, abolished their most auncient lawes, and put downe the discipline & government of Lycurgus, so renowmed throughout all nations. When Appius had made an end of his speech, then Lycortas, both in regard that hee was Pretour, and also because hee tooke part with the faction of Philopaemen (who was the motive and author of all that had been done at Lacedaemon) made answer in this wife. More hard it is for us now ô Appius to speak before you, than of late it was in the presence of the Senate. For then we were to answer the La∣cedaemonians, who accused us: but at this present we have you to be our accusers, before whom, as competent judges wee should plead in our owne defence. Howbeit wee have submitted our selves, and undergone this unequall and hard condition, presuming upon this hope, that you [unspec I] will lay aside that accusatorie heat which not long since you used, and put upon you the person of a judge to heare with indifference and equitie. For mine owne part, considering that you ere∣while have but related those matters which the Lacedaemonians both here in place before Q.Caecilius of late, and also at Rome afterwards complained of, I would thinke that I am to answer therefore not unto you, but unto them in your hearing. You charge us with the murdering of them, who being called out by the Pretor Philopaemen to plead their cause, were killed. This crime I hold that it ought not to be objected against us by you Romanes, no nor so much by any other in your audience. And why so? because it was expressely specified in your own treatie and accord of covenants, that the Lacedaemonians should have nothing to doe with the maritime cities. At what time as the Lacedaemonians took arms, & seased by force in the night ofthose cities, which [unspec K] they were precisely forbidden to meddle withall; if T. Quintius, if the Romane armie had been in * 1.5 Peloponnesus, as aforetime, no doubt we must needs thinke, that being thus surprised and evill entreated, they would have had recourse thither for succour. But since ye were so farre off, whe∣ther els should they flie and retire themselves, but to us your allies? whom they had seene before to helpe and succour Gyttheum, whom upon the like cause they knew to have assailed Lacedae∣mon together with you? It was in your quarrell therefore that wee enterprised a just and lawfull warre. Which being an act of ours, by others commended, and which ought not by the very La∣cedaemonians to be condemned, and considering that even the gods themselves have approo∣ved thereof, in that they gaveus victorie, how commeth it then to passe, that you bring those matters into question which are by right of law warranted? And yet a great part thereof in no [unspec L] respect toucheth and concernéth you. That wee caused them to come forth to answere their cause, who had raised a commotion of the multitude, who had forced the maritime cities, who had ransacked them, who also had massacred the principall citizens, we are to answer therefore, and to us that properly appertaineth. But that they were murdered in the way as they came into our campe, was nothing to us, but your deed ô Areus and Alcibiades, who now (forsooth) are be∣come our accusers. The banished Lacedaemonians (of which number those two also are, & who at that time were with us, for that they chose the coast townes to retire into for their habitations) supposing that their owne death was sought, and that there would have beene outrage com∣mitted upon them, they ran upon those, by whose meanes they were driven out of their coun∣trey; even upon an indignation, that they might not so much as passe their old age in banish∣ment [unspec M] with safetie. They were the Lacedaemonians then, and not the Achaeans that flew the La∣cedaemonians: whether justly or unjustly, that is not the question, neither skilleth it. But what say yee to this, ó Achaeans, how can ye denie but that ye are culpable, in that yee have abolished the lawes and the most auncient discipline of Lycurgus? and with all rased the walls of Lacedaemon?

[unspec A] And how is it possible that both these points should be objected unto us by the same men? con∣sidering that those walls were never built by Lycurgus, but contrariwise (and not many yeeres past) for to overthrow and anull the discipline instituted by Lycurgus? For the tyrants of late daies built them to serve as a fortresse and bulwarke for themselves, and not for a defence unto the citie. And if Lycurgus at this day should rise againe from death to life, hee would take joy in their ruines, and say that hee acknowledged now his owne native countrey and auncient Sparta indeed. You Lacedaemonians should not have expected Philopaemen nor the Achaeans, but your selves ought with your owne hands to have pulled downe and destroied, all the tokens and me∣morials of tyrannie. Those walls were the very markes, and as a man would say, the unseemely and deformed skarres of your thraldome and servitude. And you who without wals for the space [unspec B] almost of eight hundred yeeres had lived in freedome, yea, and for a certaine time also had ben maisters of Greece, became slaves during a hundred yeeres, enclosed and restrained within walls as if yee had beene settered by the feet. Now as touching the lawes, which yee pretend to have been taken away by us, I suppose verily that the tyrants they were, who deprived the Lacedaemo∣nians of their auncient lawes: and that we have not taken from them theirs (for none they had of their own) but rather have given them ours: neither have we done otherwise than well by them, but regarded much the good of their citie and Commonwealth, in that we have united them in out solemne court of parliament, and incorporated them unto us; to the end, that in all Pelopon∣nesus, there should be but one bodie, one State, and one Counsell. Then (I wote well) they might have justly complained to have been wronged, then they might have greeved and said they had [unspec C] not been well used, in case we our selves had lived under one kind of lawes, and putthem to bee ruled by others. I know full well, ô Appius, that all my speech hetherto is neither beseeming al∣lies to use unto their allies, not decent and meet for a nation that is free, but rather (to speake more truly) fit for slaves debating before their maisters. For if that found of the trumpet, if that voice of the publicke crier were not in vaine, whereby ye ordained and declared, That we Achae∣ans before all others should be free; if the consederation stand firme and stable; if our alliance and amitie bee enterteined and observed equally and indifferently; why demaund not I of you Romans what you did after the winning of Capua? Seeing you wil have us Achaeans, to make ac∣count unto you, what we did to the Lacedaemonians whom we conquered by warre? Set case that we caused some of them to be killed. What of that? Commaunded not you (I pray) that the Se∣natours [unspec D] of Capua should leese their heads? Wee have demolished the wals indeed, but yee have not only ruinated their wals, but wholly turned them out of citie and territorie. But (you will say) the consederation in behalfe of the Achaeans is equall and indifferent in outward apparence, and in truth and effect their libertie dependeth upon the good will and pleasure of the Romans, who indeed have the preeminence of the seignorie and dominion besides. I know it Appius, as well as you can tell me, yea, & (although it behoveth me not so to be) I am not overmuch offended and discontented therwith. But this I beseech you, let there be as great ods and difference as ye will betweene us Achaeans and you Romanes: provide this only, that your enemies and outs be not with you in as good regard & account, nay that they be not in a better degree & condition, than [unspec E] we graunted them our own laws, in that we admitted them to be incorporat in the generall Diet of the Achaean State and communaltie. But will yee have the truth? the conquered have not sufficient to content and satisfie the conquerours: enemies demaundmore than allies have and enjoy; and those things which are confirmed by oth, ratified and consecrated by monu∣ments and instruments of writings, cut and engraven in stone, for a perpetuall memorie to all posteritie, they would force and wrest from us even with our perjurie. True it is, ó Romanes, we honour and reverence you; yea and if you will needs have it so, wee dread and feare you also: but yet so, as we both honour and also feare the immortall gods more than you. Audience hee had with the accord and consent of the greater part: and all men judged, that hee had spoken like a magistrate indeed, and for the dignitie and majestie of his place: in such sort, as it was ea∣sily [unspec F] seene, that they were never able to hold their dignitie and mainteine their authoritie with the Romanes, in case they went coldly to worke and proceeded in mild tearmes with them. Then Appius answered and said, That he would gladly advise and persuade them, all that he possibly could, to be reconciled unto the Lacedaemonians, whiles they might doe it with full content∣ment; for fear least soone after they should be constrained and forced to seek unto them against

their wills and maugre their hearts. At this word they all sighed and groned againe; but affraid [unspec G] they were and durst not refuse to doe that which they were commaunded. This petition onely they made unto the Romanes, that as touching the Lacedaemonians they would chaunge and alter what they thought good; and not force the Achaeans to sinne against their conscience, in disanulling those things which they had established and ratified with a solemne oth. So the sen∣tence of condemnation onely (lately passed against Areus and Alcibiades) was reversed.

In the beginning of this yeere (when at Rome they had sitten in consultation about the pro∣vinces of Consuls and Pretours) Liguria was assigned unto the Consuls for their charge and go∣vernment, because there was no warre in any other place. Then the Pretours cast lots for theirs. To C. Decimius Flavus fell the jurisdiction of the citie: and to P. Cornelius Cethegus that other betweene citizens and forreiners: C. Sempronius had the government of Sicilie, and Q.Naevius [unspec H] Matho of Sardinia; with commission also to sit upon the inquisition in case of poysoning. A.Te∣rentius Varro was deputed L. governor of high Spain, and P. Sempronius Longus of the low. Out of those 2 provinces it fell out so, that there came much about the same time two lieutenants, L. Iuventius Talva and T. Quintilius Varus; who having related before the Senat how great a war was now dispatched and finished in Spaine, required withall, that there should be rendred praise and thanks to the immortall gods for the happie successe in the wars, & likewise that the Pretors might be permitted to bring away their armies. So ther was a solemn procession ordained to be holden two dayes: but as touching the reducing of the armies, they gave order to refer it whol∣ly to be debated, at what time as there should be question about the armies of Consuls and Pre∣tours togither. Some few dayes after, it was ordained, that the Consuls should have with them [unspec I] into Liguria, two legions apeece, which Ap. Claudius and M. Sempronius had the conduct of. As touching the Spanish forces, great contention there was betweene the new Pretours and the friends of Calpurnius and Quintius in their absence. Both sides had Tribunes and both had Con∣suls to take part with them. The Tribunes threatned to crosse the act of the Senat, if they ordai∣ned that the armies should be brought home. The Consuls againe protested, that if the Tri∣bunes thus opposed their negative, they would not suffer any other decree and ordinaunce to passe. In conclusion, the respect of those that were absent, was of lesse importance: and an act of the Senate was entred, That the Pretours should enroll 4000 footmen of Romanes, and foure hundred horsemen: likewise five thousand foot and as many horse of Latine allies, to conduct with them into Spaine. And when they had thus enrolled these foure full legions, looke what [unspec K] surplusage there remained over and above five thousand foot and three hundred horse in a le∣gion, they should give them their congie and dismisse them of souldierie; first as many as had served out their full time, and then those who had borne themselves most valiantly in the warre under Calpurnius and Quintius.

After this debate and variance was appeased, there arose another in the necke of it, occasio∣ned by the death of P. Decimius the Pretour. Cn. Licinius and L. Puppius (who had been Ae∣diles the last yeere before) likewise C. Valerius the Flamine of Iupiter, and Q.Fulvius Flaccus, laboured to be in his roume late deceased. As for the last of these rehearsed (because hee was Aedile Curule) he shewed not himselfe in his white robe; but he made more meanes and labou∣red above all the rest, having to his adversarie and concurrent the Flamine abovesaid. At the [unspec L] first he seemed equall only unto him in the suite, but afterwards when he began to have the bet∣ter of him, certaine Tribunes of the Commons stood upon this point, and alledged, That his name was not to be accepted as eligible; for that one and the selfesame person might neither take not exercise at one time, the function of two magistracies; and namely, both Curule or of State. Others againe said, that it was meet and reason that hee were dispensed with and exempt from the lawes in that behalfe, to the end, that the people might be at libertie to elect whome they would for Pretor. L. Porcius the Consull was first of this resolution, not to admit his name: and afterwards, because he would seeme to do by warrant and authoritie of the Senat, he assem∣bled the LL. togither, and said, that he propounded and put to question before them, That for as much as an Aedile elect, sued to be Pretour without all right, or any precedent tollerable in [unspec M] a free-state; for his owne part he was minded (unlesse they were of a contrarie opinion) to hold the generall assembly for the election, according to law. Then the LL. gave their advise, that L. Porcius the Consull, should commune and treat with Q.Fulvius, that hee would be no hinde∣rance, but that the assembly for the substitution of a Pretour in the roume of C. Decimius depar∣ted,

[unspec A] might be holden by order of law. As the Consull was thus in hand with him according to the act of the Senat, Flaccus made answer, That he would do nothing unsitting his own person. By this doubtfull and indifferent answer of his, he put those in good hope (who expounded and construed as they would have it) that he would accommodate and apply himselfe to the au∣thoritie of the LL. of the Senat: but at the time of the election he sued more earnestly than be∣fore; complaining of the Consull and Senat, That they wrung and wrested out of his hands the benefit of the people of Rome intended unto him; and to bring him into ill will and obloquie of the people, they made much ado about two offices & a double dignitie: as if all the world law not, that after he were declared & pronounced Pretor, he would incontinently resigne up the Ae∣dileship. The Consull perceiving both him fully resolute and set upon a pitch in the suite, & also [unspec B] the favor & affection of the people enclinedmore and more toward him, brake up the assembly aforesaid, and called a Senat: where, in a frequent session of Senators it was ordained, That for as much as Flaccus was little or nothing mooved with the authoritie of the LL. of that honoura∣ble court, he was to be dealt withall in a generall assembly before the bodie of the people. When the people were met togither at the summons of the Consull, hee proposed the matter unto him before them. Flaccus relented never a jote, but persisted still in his opinion, and gave the people of Rome thankes for their favour, in that they shewed themselves willing to elect him Pretour, so often as they had time and place wherein they might testifie and declare their love to him: which affectionate kindnesse of his fellow citizens, he never meant to reject and aban∣don. This constant and resolute speech of his, kindled and enflamed so great love and affection [unspec C] in them toward him, that past all peradventure he had been chosen Pretour out of hand, in case the Consull would have received his name. Much strife and debate there was amongst the Tri∣bunes, one against another; yea and between them and the Consull, untill at length the Con∣sull held a Senat, and there a decree passed in this wise, That forasmuch as the w••••••••ull stubborn∣nesse of Q.Flaccus of one side, and the inordinate affection of men on another side, was such, as the solemne assembly for subelecting of a Pretour in the place of the deceased, could not be holden according to the lawes, the Senat agreed and resolved, that there were alreadie Pre∣tours enough, and that P. Cornelius should administer and execute both jurisdictions in the ci∣tie, and exhibite the playes and games in the honour of Apollo.

After this troublesome debate about the election, was by the sage wisdome and valorous [unspec D] courage of the Senat suppressed, there arose another far greater, by how much the thing was of weightier importaunce, and the persons agents therin more in number, and for qualitie and place mightier. There stood in election to be Censors (and that with earnest endeavour and exceeding heat of contention) L. Valerius Flaccus, P. and L. both Scipions; Cn. Manlius Veljo, and L. Furius Purpureo, all Patritij. And of commoners, M. Porcius Cato, M. Fulvius Nobilior, T. and Marcus both Sempronij, the one surnamed Longus, the other Tuditanus. But M. Purcius over-went them all by many degrees, as well those of the Patricians as also of the commons, not∣withstanding they were come of most noble families. This man caried with him so vigorous a spirit and pregnant wit, that howsoever he were bornè and descended,* 1.6 it seemed he was able to make way of himselfe to advancement and honour. He wanted no Art and skill meet and requi∣site [unspec E] for the managing either of private busines of his owne, or publicke affaires of state: cun∣ning he was in country husbandrie, as wel as in civill pollicie. Some are advanced to the highest dignities and most honourable places, by their deepe knowledge in the law: others attaine to promotion by eloquence: and therefore be againe, who have risen and become great through mar∣tiall prowesse and feats of armes. But this man was by nature so trainable and pilant to all alike, that whatsoever he addicted and gave himselfe unto, a man would have said, he had bene borne and framed even from his mothers wombe to it and to nothing else. In war, a most hardie and valiant souldiour: and in many soughten fields highly renowmed. Being mounted once to high places of honorable calling, a right excellent commander he proved, & Generall of an armie. In peace again, for sound councell in the civill law, passing well learned: for pleading at the bar and [unspec F] making orations, most eloquent. Neither carried he himselfe so, that his tongue flourished only whiles hee lived, as leaving no monument behind him of his singular eloquence; but it liveth, nay it flowreth still, immortalized as it were & recommended to posteritie in all kind of writing. Orations of his there be extant many, which he penned & pronounced as well in his own cause as for the defence of his friends, yea & invectives also against others: for able he was to put down

and wearie his adversaries, not onely by declaiming and accusing them, but also by pleading [unspec G] his own cause. Factious quarels and enmities there were exceeding many, that tormented him; and he plagued others with as many: and hard it is to say or set downe, whether hee were urged and pressed upon by the nobilitie, or himselfe coursed and baited them more. Doubtlesse, by na∣ture he was austere and rigorous, his speech was sharpe, biting, and beyond measure plaine and free: but he carried a mind with him that stouped to no desires and lusts whatsoever: his life so severe and precise, as it was untouched and without all spot of blame: despising all fawning fa∣vours, and contemning earthly riches. In thrift and frugalitie, in sobrietie, in patience, in suffe∣rance of travaile and daunger, his bodie was steele to the verie backe. And as for his mind and courage, it was such, as verie age and time (which abateth and consumeth all things els) was not able to breake and daunt: when hee was fourescore yeeres old and sixe, hee pleaded at the batte [unspec H] for others: he made orations for his owne defence, and wrote bookes: and in the nintieth yeere of his age, he convented Sergius Galba before the people, to receive his judgement by them. As all his life time before, the nobilitie was set against him, so when hee stood now to be Cen∣sor, they pressed hard upon him: insomuch as all his competitours (excepting L. Flaccus, who had been his colleague in the Consulship) complotted togither, how they might give him the repulse and put him besides the quishion: not only for that their owne teeth watered, and they were desirous themselves rather of that honour; nor because they repined to see a new risen gentleman, & one of the first head to be a Censor: but also because they looked for no other but that his Censorship would be rigorous and prejudiciall to the name and reputation of divers men; considering how he had been crossed and hurt by very many, and was desirous himselfe to [unspec I] wait them a shreud turne, and be meet with them againe. For even then, whiles he laboured and sued for the place, hee used minatorie speeches, and gave out, that they onely were opposed against him, who feared they should have a Censorship sharply exercised without partiality and respect of persons. And herewith hee maintained and upheld the suite of L. Valerius with him, saying, that if hee had but him of all others to be his colleague, hee should be able to represse the wicked enormities newly come up and rise in the citie, and to bring in request againe the ancient manners and fashions of the old world. Men were much mooved in these respects and considerations; and so maugre the heads of the nobilitie, they not onely created him Censor, but also adjoyned unto him L. Valerius for his companion in that government.

After the election of Censors was ended, the Consuls and Pretours tooke their journies into [unspec K] their severall provinces, all save Q.Naevius; who before that hee could goe into Sardinia, was staied behind no lesse than foure moneths, about certein inquisitions of poysoning: whereof, he fate upon many without the citie of Rome, in corporate burroughes, market townes and places of great resort, for that he thought that manner of proceeding more convenient. And if wee list to beleeve Val. Antias, he condemned two thousand persons.

Semblably, L. Posthumius the Pretour, (unto whome the government of Tarentum by lot fell) did good justice upon great conspiracies made by certain grasiers; and with great care and diligence followed the enquest of the Bacchanals, and dispatched the reliques thereof quite [unspec I] and cleane. Many of them who were adjourned and made not appearance, but gave the slip and left in the lurch their sureties bound bodie and goods for them, and lurked in that quarter of Ita∣ly; [unspec L] he either judged and condemned as guiltie and convicted, or caused them to be apprehended and sent to Rome unto the Senate; who were all cast in prison by P. Cornelius.

In the farther part of Spaine all was quiet, by reason that the Lusitanes were in the last warre subdued: but in the hither part, A. Terentius forced Corbio a towne of the Suessetanes, which he assaulted with mantilets and other fabricks of warre, and sold all the prisoners: which done, he passed the winter peaceably in that higher part of Spain also.

The old Pretours, C. Calpurnius Piso and L. Quintius returned to Rome; and both of them were with great accord and consent of the LL. of the Senat allowed to triumph. And first C. Cal∣purnius triumphed over the Portugals and Celtiberians. In which triumph, hee carried in shew 83 coronets of gold, and 12000 pound of silver. Within few dayes after, L. Quintius triumphed [unspec M] over the same Portugals and Celtiberians. In which solemnitie, there was represented in shew, as much gold and silver as in the former.

The Censors, M. Porcius and L. Valerius, whiles men hung in suspence betweene feare and hope what they would doe, held a review and a new choise of the Senate. Seven Senatours they

[unspec A] displaced and deposed from that dignitie: amongst whome, there was one of marke, for his no∣bilitie of birth and honorable offices which he had borne, namely L. Quintius Flamthinus who had been Consull. An auncient order (they say) it was intime of our forefathers, That when the Censors had put any out of the Senate, they should note them directly for those faults which they had committed: and at this day, extant there be divers sharpe orations of Cato, against them whome either he cassed and displaced out of Senate, or from whome he tooke away hor∣ses of service: but of all others, the fourest and bitterest is that of his, against this L. Quintius; which if he had pronounced as an accuser before he had noted him with that disgrace, and not as Censor after the said note, his very owne brother T. Quintius (if he had been then Censor) could not possibly have kept L. Quintius in the state of a Senator. Among other grievous mat∣ters, [unspec B] hee articledagainst him, That hee had trained with him from Rome into his province of Fraunce (in hope of many great rewards) one * 1.7 Philippus Paenus, a notorious and costly Gany∣mede. This boy, as he was fooling & playing the wanton with the said Quintius then Consul, used to upbraid him with this, That he was had away from Rome, against the very time that the shew of sword-players at utterance was to bee exhibited: and this hee said, to shew how readie hee was to satisfie the pleasure of him his lover. Now it chaunced as they were making good cheere togither, and having taken their wine liberally were well heat therewith, newes came and repor∣ted it was in the banket time, That a certain noble man of the Boians was arrived, with his chil∣dren, as a renegate from the adverse part; and was desirous to speake with the Consull, for to have assurance from his mouth of safe-conduct: who being brought into the pavilion, began to par∣lie [unspec C] with the Consull by a truchman or interpreter. And in the mids of his speech; How saith thou (quoth Quintius to that wanton deintie, his Catamite) because thou hast missed & lost the sight of those sword-players at Rome, wilt thou fee presently here this Frenchman die in the place be∣fore thee? He made not any great semblance unto him in good earnest of his desire that way: but the Consull at the first beck of that beastly filth & baggage, caught the naked sword which hung over his head, and first gave the poore Gaule a wound in his sconce as he was speaking unto him, & afterwards as he made shift to flie from him and called upon the protection of the peo∣ple of Rome and the assistance of those that were present, Quintius ran him quite through the sides. Valerius Antias, who never had read the oration of Cato, but gave credit to a flying fable on∣ly, without any head or author, telleth the tale with some other circumstance, howbeit much like [unspec D] in substance of matter, as touching his lecherous lust & bloudie crueltie. He writeth, that Quin∣tius whiles he abode at Plaisance, sent for a famous courtisan (upon whom he was enamored) to a banket; and as he courted and made love to this strumpet, vaunting himselfe unto her, among other discourses he recounted with what rigor he had followed certein inquisitions; what a num∣ber of prisoners he had in yrons condemned to death; and how many of their heads hee min∣ded to chop off. Then this harlotry sitting next beneth him, said, That she had never in al her life seen any man to cut ones head of, & it was a sight that of al other she would sainest see. Wherup∣on, this kind amorous knight, to gratifie the quean, caused one of those poor soules condemned to die, to be set out of prison into the banketting roume, and presently to be beheaded before her face. A cruell fact it was and inhumane, whether it were committed as Cato hath objected in his [unspec E] Oration, or as Valerius hath written in his storie, that any human creature should be thus mas∣sacred like a sacrifice, and the table bespreint with his bloud, amid the cups standing full of wine and the dishes furnished with viands, where and when the manner and custome was to tast and take the first sey in the honour of the gods, and that devoutly with grace and good praiers; and alto content and feed the eie of a wanton and shamelesse callor, lying in the bosome of the Con∣sull. In the end of Cato his Oration, this condition was offered unto Quintius, That if hee would plead unguiltie, and denie this fact and others which he charged him with, then hee should put in a reall caution, and stand to his defence and triall: but if he confessed himselfe guiltie, then he willed him to consider whether he thought any man would greeve and be sorrie at the ignominie which he was to receive, who being transported & caried beside his understanding with wine and [unspec F] women, made but a sport & pastime to shed mens bloud at a very banket. In taking a review of the Cavallerie or gentlemen of Rome, L. Scipio Asiaticus had his great horse of service taken from him. This Censureship was likewise executed with severitie and rigor to all sorts and degrees, and namely in the prising and valuation of their goods. For Cato commanded the sergeants to take a note of all the ornaments, jewels, & apparrell of women, also of their chariots and coaches

if they amounted to the sum of 15000 asses, & to enroll the same in the Censors booke. Item, all [unspec G] bondslaves under twentie years of age, sold after the last tax of assessment for ten thousand asses or upward, that they should bee valued at an higher price by ten fold than they were esteemed worth: and that for all these thinges they should pay and contribute to the citie chamber after three in the thousand. These Censors cut off all water either running out of any common stream into a priuat house, or derived into particular fields and grounds. And all hovses either built by privat persons upon common ground, or any waies encroching and leaning to publike places they caused to be demolished and pulled downe within thirtie dayes. After this they set out di∣vers peeces of worke to be wrought at a price, of that money which was ordeyned to that pur∣pose, namely to pave certaine pooles with stone, to skoure and clense the draughts and sinks wher need was: and in the mount Aventine and other parts where none were alredy to make new. And [unspec H] particularly of themselves Flaccus caused the causey or wharse to bee made against the waters called Neptuniae, that the people might passe too and fro that way: and also a street way through Formianum. And Cato for his part built two galleries, Moenium & Titium, in the Mineries; and bought foure shops for the citie: he built there also the stately hall or pallace called Porcia. As for the citie revenues, they did set and let them foorth to fermers, at an exceeding racked rent: but al the city works they put out to undertakers by the great, at as low a reckoning as they could. These leases and bargains aforesaid being once cancelled by order from the Senate, and new made at the importunat suit and that with outcries and teares of the Publicanes, as well farmers as vndertakers: then the Censors by proclamation commaunded those to avoid farre from the subhastation, who had disanulled the former leases and bargains, and with some little abatement [unspec I] and easing of the former rents, they demised the same profits and revenues again to others. This was a censureship of great note, full of repine, ill will, and heartburning, which troubled and mo∣lested M. Porcius as long as he had a day to live, for that he was reputed and held to bee the au∣thor of that severitie and rigor exercised therein.

The same yeare two Colonies were erected and inhabitants sent from Rome, to wit Pollentia into the Picene territorie, and Pisaurum into the Gauls countrie. Six acres of land were assigned to every one of the coloners. And the same Triumvirs, namely Q.Fabius Labio, M. Fulvius Flac∣cus, and Q.Fulvius Nobilior, were they that both parted the sayd lands, and also had the leading and planting of the foresaid Colonies.

The Consuls that yeare atchieved no memorable exploit at all, neither at home in citie nor [unspec K] abroad in warre. Against the yeare following they created Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and Q.Falius, who upon the fifteenth of March, on which day they entred into their government, put to question as concerning the provinces, as well their own as the Pretours. For there had ben chosen Pretours C. Valerius the Flamin of Iupiter (who also the yeare before was in election for the place) Sp. Posthumius Albinus, and P. Cornelius Sisenna, also L. Puppius, L. Iulius, and Cn. Sui∣nius. Vnto the Consuls was assigned the province Liguria, togither with the charge of the same armies which P. Claudius and M. Porcius had conducted. As for both the provinces in Spaine [as well beyond as on this side Iberus] they were reserved with their ordinarie forces, for the Pre∣tours of the former yeare by speciall commission without casting any lots at all therefore. The new Pretours were enjoyned for to dispose and part their governments, that C. Valerius the Fla∣mine [unspec L] of Iupiter might exercise one of the jurisdictions of Rome. So he was L. chiefe justice for the forreiners, and Sisenna Cornelius over the citizens. Vnto Sp. Posthumius fell Sicilie, to L. Puppius Apulia, to L. Iulius Gallia, and to Cn. Sicinius Sardinia. As for L. Iulius hee was enjoined to make hast and set forward on his journey: for the Transalpine Gauls (beyond the mountains) had pas∣sed over by the streights of the forrests and waies unknowne before time, into Italie, as hath bene beforesaid, and were building them a towne in that territorie, which at this day is called Aquili∣ensis. This Pretour had in charge to impeach them in that enterprise, so far foorth as hee might possibly without warre and force of arms: and if there were no other remedie but that they must of necessitie use violence, then to certifie the Consuls thereof: for agreed it was that one of them should lead the Legions against the Gauls. In the end of the former yeare there was a generall [unspec M] assemblie holden for the chusing of an Augur: wherin Sp. Posthumius Albinus was created in the joume of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus late deceased. But in the beginning of this present yeare P. Lici∣nius Crassus the arch-Pontifie departed our of this world, in whose place M. Sempronius Tudua∣nu, was invested for the bishop. But C. Seruilius Ceminus was created the archprelat or high priest

[unspec A] aforesaid. In the honor of P. Licinius at his funerals, there was given a dole of flesh; and a shew exhibited of 120 sword-fensers fighting at sharp: likewise there were represented funerall plaies and games, which continned three dayes: and after that solemnitie, a least was holden; during which, when the tables were set and spred accordingly all over the grand-place of the cittie, so∣dainly there arose a tempest with great stormes, which forced most men to erect tents & booths there: but after a while when the weather was faire againe, they were taken down and had away: and men commonly gave out and said, That whereas the prophets and wisards had foretold among other their fatall presages, that they should be forced to quarter and pitch tents in the market place of Rome; now that prophesie was fulfilled, and they were freed and excused from farther danger. And no sooner were they eased and delivered of that scruple, but they were [unspec B] troubled with another; for that it had rained blood two daies in the court-yard of Vulcane: and the Decemvirs published a solemne supplication for the expiation of that prodigious signe.

Before that the Consuls departed into their provinces, they brought into the Senate for to have audience, the embassages come from beyond sea. And never before that day were so ma∣ny men of those forrein parts seene at Rome. For from the time that the bruit was blown abroad amongst the nations bordering upon Macedonie, that the Romanes gave no dease eare to the complaints and accusations commensed against Philip, and that many had sped well by com∣plaining; every citie and State in their owne behalfe, yea and many privat persons in particular (for an ill neighbour he was to them all) repaired to Rome, in hope either to be righted and ea∣sed of their wrongs, or to discharge their stomacks and be moned and comforted for their mi∣serie. [unspec C] Likewise from king Eumenes there arrived an embassage accompanied with his owne bro∣ther Athenaeus to make complaint, as finding themselves grieved that the garrisons were not with drawen out of Thracia: as also to enforme that Philip had sent certein aids into Bithynia to Prusias who made war upon Eumenes. Now Demetrius (Philip his sonne) at that time a very yong gentleman, was to answer to all these challenges: and an easie peece of worke it was not, either to beare in mind all the matters objected, or to thinke upon the points of every answer accordingly. For over and besides, that the articles were many in number, most of them were of very small consequence and importance; namely, strife about limits and land-marks, about carying away men and ravishing women; of driving of cattell, of ministring justice partially & with affection, or els of none ministred at all: of sentences given & judgements passed in causes either by force [unspec D] or for favour. The Senat perceiving that neither Demetrius could speak to these points and give them good evidence, nor themselves be wel enformed and cleerly instructed by him; being mo∣ved also and grieved to see the youth so raw a scholler in these affairs, & therwith much troubled in spirit, gave order to enquire and demand of him, Whether he had received any notes in wri∣ting from his father, as touching the premisses? And when hee answered and said, Yea, they thought the first and principall thing for them to do was, to see and heare what were the answers of the king to every specialtie and particular. And therupon they presently called for that booke of his fathers, and then permitted him to read the contents thereof. Now therein were set downe certein briefe abstracts of pleas and defenses, to ech severall point; shewing, Imprimis, that some things he had done according to the decrees and awards of the Roman Delegates and commis∣sioners. [unspec E] Item, Whereas hee had left somwhat undone, the default was not in him, but in the very parties that accused him. Hee had interlaced between, certeine grievances and complaints, as touching the iniquitie and hard penning of those decrees; and how matters were not scannedand debated before Caecilius with that indifferencie and equitie as was meet and requisite: and namely, that without desert of his part, all men were set against him & insulted over him. The Se∣nat collected hereby good arguments, how the hart of Philip was wounded & galled against the Romans. But when the yong prince excused some of these matters, & for the rest promised and undertooke, that all should be done to the uttermost as it pleased the Senat to order & set down; then it was thought good to deliver this answer unto him, That his father had in nothing done better, nor more to the contentment of the Senat, than that he seemed willing (howsoever mat∣ters [unspec F] were passed already) to make satisfation to the Romans by the means of his son Demetrius. As for the Senate, they could dissimule, forget, put up and endure many things done and past; yea and were persuaded verily in their hearts, that they might beleeve and trust Demetrius; as knowing assuredly, that although they sent his body again to his father Philip, yet they had his heart and affection with them still, as a sure pledge and hostage: and that hee was a friend

to the people of Rome, so farre forth as his reverent dutie to his father would permit and give [unspec G] him leave: letting him withall to understand, that for to doe him honour, they would send em∣bassadours into Macedonie; to the end, that if ought had not beene so fully effectuated as it should have beene, it might be done yet in good time, without imputation of fault and blame, or poenall satisfaction to be made for any thing hitherto omitted: yea and desirous they were, that Philip should understand, that by the mediation of Demetrius and for his sake, he stood yet in good tearmes of peace and friendship with the people of Rome. These things intended and done for the increase of credit and reputation, presently turned to the displeasure of the young gentleman, and in the end to his utter ruine and overthrow.

Then were the Lacedaemonians admitted to audience in the Senate. They mooved many pettie matters and trifling controversies; but those that principally touched the maine point [unspec H] were these; to wit, Whether they should be restored againe whome the Achaeans had condem∣ned, or no? Item, Whether they were justly or unjustly killed, whome they murdered? Moreo∣ver, they put to question, Whether the Lacedaemonians were to be comprised within the gene∣rall assembly and counsell of Achaea; or, that this State (as before-time) should have their rights and franchises apart by themselves from all others in Peloponnesus? The Senate ordai∣ned and awarded; Imprimis, That they should be restored. Item, That the sentences pronoun∣ced against them, should be reversed. Item, That Lacedaemon should doe service to that high court and publicke Diet of Achaea: and finally, that this accord and award should be engros∣sed, subscribed, and signed as well by the Lacedaemonians as Achaeans.

Q.Martius was sent embassadour into Macedonie: who also had direction and order given [unspec I] him by the same commission, to visite the state of the allies in Peloponnesus: for there also re∣mained some troubles after the old quarrels and variance; yea and the Messenians refused to appeare at the generall councell of Achaea. Now if I would set in hand to record the causes and circumstances of that warte, I should forget my purpose in the beginning of my worke, wherein I resolved not to touch at all any discourse of forein histories, no farther than they wer linked to the Romane affaires. Howbeit one memorable occurrence there hapned, which I cannot passe by, namely, that albeit the Achaeans had the better hand in warre, yet it chaunced that Philopoe∣men their Pretour was taken prisoner by the Messenians, as he made an expedition to seize upon Corone by prevention, which the enemies were desirous to be masters of. Surprised hee was in a valley of great disadvantage, and some few horsmen with him. It is reported, that by the help [unspec K] of the Thracians and Candiots, he might have fled and escaped: but for very shame to abandon those men of armes, which were the noblest gentlemen of that nation, and whome hee lately had made choise of, he had not the power to doe otherwise, but stay to see the last. For whiles he came himselfe behind in the rereward, because he was desirous to make meanes for their evasion through the streights of that passe, and to that purpose valiantly received the charge of the e∣nemies, his horse fell and cast him at once; so as with his owne fall and his horse lying upon him, he had like to have gone away in a swoune: a man now threescore yeeres old and ten; and with∣all, newly crept abroad and recovered of a long and lingering disease, which had mightily wa∣sted and consumed the strength of his bodie. Well, thus lay he along, and the enemies ran over him; and so soone as they knew who he was, they reared him upon his feet from under his horse, [unspec L] no lesse respective than if he had been their owne Generall, in regard of a reverence they bare unto the man, and in remembrance of his noble exploits: they brought him again to himselfe, and forth of that by-valley standing out of the passe, they carried him into the high way: and were so farre possessed and overcome with joy so unexpected, that they could not well beleeve their owne eyes that they had gotten him. Some dispatched vaunt courriers to Messene with the newes hereof; namely, that the warre was brought to an end, considering that Philopoemen was taken & a comming as prisoner. At first the ridings seemed so incredible, that the formost mes∣senger was held not only for a vaine lyar, but also for one not well in his wits: but after that there came one after another, and all with one voice verefied and affirmed the same, at length it was beleeved. And then, see what they did! before they knew for certaine that he approached neere [unspec M] unto the citie, they all ran forth of the gates by heaps to see the man: all (I say) bond as well as free, women and children one with another. In so much, as the gates were choked up with the thrust and throng of the prease: for no man could beleeve assuredly it was true, the thing was so straunge, unlesse he might see him with his owne eyes. They that had the charge of bringing

[unspec A] him, found much adoe to put by the multitude whome they encountred, and to enter in at the gate: and so thicke they stood in the prease, that they tooke up all the wayes besides, so as hee could not be brought foorth to be seene. Now because the most part of the people might not possibly have a sight of him, they gat up all at once into the Theatre, which stood neere unto the way, and pestered it full; and with one voice they cryed aloud, That he might be brought thi∣ther and presented unto the vieu of the whole people. The magistrates and principall citizens, fearing least the compassion that mought arise in mens hearts upon the beholding of so wor∣thie a personage, would raise some trouble and commotion; whiles some comparing the reve∣rence of his former authoritie and majestie, with this present condition and calamitie: & others calling to remembrance his manifold deserts and passing good turnes, mought haply be tou∣ched [unspec B] with pitie; set him a far off in the open sight of them all, and then at once tooke him hastily out of their vieu: for their Pretor Dinocrates gave out openly and said, That the magistrats were to enquire and demaund certaine points of him as touching the maine summe of the totall warre. Then hee was brought into their councell-chamber, where their Senate assembled and began to consult about him. It was now well toward evening; and so far off they were from re∣solving in other matters, that they could not be thinke themselves and agree, in what place they might keepe him that one night in safeguard. Astonied they were and amased, to consider and thinke upon the greatnes of his estate past, and of his noble vertue and valour: and no man durst receive the charge and custodie of him in his owne house, nor trust any one besides with his keeping. At length some there were, that put them in mind of the publicke treasurie of the [unspec C] citie, vaulted under the ground like a dungeon, and walled al about with strong square stone. Into it was he let down bound as he was, and a mightie huge stone (being the cover of the vault) was by an engin laid over, to enclose him sure. Thus reposing more trust for his safe custodie in that place than in any person, they waited and attended the next morning. When morrow day was come, the whole entier multitude in generall, recommending the benefits and good turns done of old by him to their citie, were of mind to pardon and spare him, and by his meanes and me∣diation, to seeke for remedies and redresse of their present distresses and calamities. But those persons by whose motive and enducement the Messenians had revolted (and such were they as ruled all the common-weale) consulted apart in secret, and concluded with one consent to put him to death: only the doubt and question was, whether they should do the thing with speed, [unspec D] or by delay. But those prevailed in the end, who were more greedie of present revenge, & so they sent one unto him with a draught of poison. When he had taken the cup in his hand (by report) he gave not a word, but only asked, whether Lycortas (the other Generall of the Achaeans) were espaped alive, and the foresaid horsmen safe? When answer was made, that they were in safetie; That is happie, (quoth he) and therewith drunke off every drop in the cup right heartily, and a while after yeelded up his vitall breath. But long joyed they not of his death who were the blou∣die authors of this crueltie: for the citie of Messene being conquered by force of arms, among other capitulations, delivered these malefactors into the hands of the Achaens, who demaun∣ded presently to have them. The bones and reliques of Philopaemen were likewise rendred unto them, and interred he was by the generall councell of all Achaea, in such solemne wife, that in [unspec E] heaping upon him all honours that could be devised for an earthly man, they forbare not also to adore him as a god immortall. The Historiographers, as well Greeke as Latine, attribute so much unto this man, that some of them have recommended to posteritie (as a memorable thing of all others that happened this yeere:) to wit, that in this one yeere there dyed three re∣nowmed captaines, Philopaemen, Anniball, and P. Scipio. See how they have matched him in e∣qualitie with the greatest warriours and noblest Generals of the two most puissant nations in the whole world!

Then came T. Quintius Flamininus in embassage to king Prusias, whom the Romanes had in suspition and jelousie, both for that he had received Anniball after the flight of Antiochus, and al∣so because hee made warre upon Eumenes. Now, were it that among other matters Flamininus [unspec F] charged Prusias, that hee entertained in his court the most spightfull enemie of all men living, unto the people of Rome; who first sollicited his own native countrey to take armes against the Romanes, and after the force and power there of was abated and defeited, persuaded king An∣tiochus to doe the like: or rather that Prusias of his owne accord to gratifie Flamininus there present, and to doe the Romanes a pleasure, had a meaning and intent either to kill Anniball, or

to deliver him alive into their hands. I wot not how it came about, but upon the first communi∣cation [unspec G] and conference betweene them, there were souldiours sent incontinently to be set and guard his house. Anniball evermore forecast in mind some such issue and end of his life, see∣ing the deadly and inexpiable hatred that the Romanes bare unto him; reposing besides no confidence at all in the fidelitie of these kings, and having withall some experience alreadie of the inconstancie and levitie of king Prusias. Moreover, hee had in horrour this comming of Flamininus, as fatall unto him, and a meane to worke his finall destruction. To the end therefore hee might bee ever provided aforehand against those inconveniences and daun∣gers, wherewith on all sides hee was encombeted, and have a readie way of evasion to save himselfe, he had devised and caused to be made seven dores for egresse out of his house, whereof some were very privie and secret vaults, because they should not bee environned with guards. [unspec H] But kings commaundements are of that force, that whatsoever they would have to bee searched out and discovered, cannot lie long hidden. For the guards so compassed & enclosed the whole circuit of the house, that it was unpossible for any to get forth and make an escape. Anniball be∣ing advertised that the kings souldiours were at the gate, assaied to steale away at a postern, which stood furthest out of the way, and where of the conveiance was most secret, but perceiving that the souldiours had be set it too, and lay for to encounter and receive him that way, and that eve∣ry place was invested with a set guard, he called for the poison which he had of long time before readie prepared for all such occurrent occasions, and uttered these words withall,

Let us rid these Romanes of this their continuall feare and paine wherein they have been all this while, since that they thinke it so long to stay for the death of one old man. Flamininus shall obtain no great [unspec I] nor memorable victorie of me, disarmed thus as I am, and betraied into his hands. But this very day shall prove and testifie, how farre the people of Rome are degenerate and chaunged from their ancient manners. Their forefathers (qd. he) advertised king Pyrrhus their enemie armed in field, & lying with an hoast of men against them in Italie, they gave him warning I say to take heed of poison: but these living at this day, have sent their embassadour, even one that hath born the dignitie of a Consull, to advise and counsell Prusias wickedly to take the life away of his owne guest.

Then after he had cursed the person of Prusias and his whole realme, and called upon the gods, protectors of the law of hospitalitie, to beare witnesse how hee had violated his faith and broken promise with him, he set the cup of poyson to his mouth, and dranke it of. This was the end of Anniball. Polybius and Rutilius write, that Scipio also died this yeere. But I, accord neither [unspec K] with them not with Valerius. From them I square, because I find, that when M. Porcius and L. Vale∣rius were Censours, the same L. Valerius being Censor, was elected President of the Senat, wher∣as Affricanus had been President for ten yeeres space together, during the time of two reviewes by Censours next before. And so long as the said Affricanus lived, there would have beene no other chosen President in his roume, unlesse himselfe were to have beene cassed and deprived of the Senatours dignitie, of which disgrace and note of infamie, there is not one that maketh any mention. And as for Valerius Antias hee is sufficiently refuted by M. Naevius a Tribune of the Commons, against whom there is an Oration extant, and the same penned by P. Affricanus, and bearing his name. This Naevius is recorded in the rols and registers of magistrates, by the title of Tribune ofthe Commons, in that yeere when P. Clodius and L. Porcius were Consuls, but hee [unspec L] entred into his office during the Consulship of App. Claudius and M. Sempronius, the tenth of December. From which time to the fifteenth of March are three months, upon which day Pab. Clodius and L. Procius began their Consulship. So, it seemeth that he was living during the Tri∣buneship of Naevius, and that he might well commense an action against him, and call him to his answer, but he departed this life before that L. Cato and M. Porcius were Censors. But in my conceit the death of these three (the most renowmed personages each one of their owne nation) are not to be compared one with the other, in this regard, that they happened at just at one time, more than for this, that none of them at had an end correspondent and answerable to the portly state and glorious lustre of his life. For first and for most in this they all jumped together, that they neither died nor were enterred in their native countrey. Againe Anniball and Philopaemen were [unspec M] both poysoned. Anniball was banished and betraied by his owne friend and host, Philopamen was taken prisoner, and left his life in prison and yrons. As for Scipio, although hee was neither exiled not condemned, yet making default of apparance at the day assigned nnto him, and being cited to his answere in his absence, willingly banished not himselfe onely for his life time, but his

[unspec A] corps and funerals also after his death.

Whiles those affaires passed in Peloponnesus (from whence our pen hath a little di••••ted and digressed) the returne of Demetrius and the embassadors into Macedonie, diversly wrought in mens minds, & amused them some in one thing, & some in another. The common people of Macedonie, who were mightily afraid that the Romanes would make warre upon them, highly affected Demetrius, and cast a favourable aspect upon him as the authour of peace, and withall they destined him without all doubt to the kingdome, after the decease of his father. For albeit he were younger than his brother Perseus, yet men thought and spake, that hee was begotten in matrimonie by Philip of his lawfull wife, whereas hee had Perseus by a concubine, who caried no token and marke of a certaine father, as having to his mother a woman that was nought of her [unspec B] bodie and common. Whereas Demetrius resembled his father Philip, and was as like him as might be Moreover, men said, That the Romanes would place and establish Demetrius in the ro iall throne of his father, but Perseus was in no credit and reputation among them. Thus folke stucke not to give out abrod in their common talke. Whereupon not onely Perseus was in care and doubt, that the preeminence of age onely would little boot and advauntage him, conside∣ring in all respects els hee was inferiour to his brother, but Philip also himselfe, supposing verily that it would hardly lie in his power to leave the inheritance of the crowne to whom he pleased, thought that his younger sonne was a mote in his eie, and troubled him more than was for his ease. Offended otherwhiles he was, that the Macedonians resorted unto him so much as they did, and highly displeased that there should be any more toiall courts than one in his realme, during [unspec C] his life. And to speake a truth, the young prince himselfe returned from Rome more pussed up, no doubt, with pride, than was be seeming; as who presumed and grounted much upon the opi∣nion that the Senate had of him, perceiving that they had graunted those things to him which had been denied unto his father before: but looke how much favor and honour (in respect of the Romanes) he woon among the rest of the Macedonians, so much envie and ill will hee procured himselfe thereby not onely with his brother, but with his father also: and especially after that other Romane embassadours were arrived, and that Philip was forced to part with Thracia and withdraw his garrisons, and to doe other things either by vertue of the old award of the first commissioners, or by a new ordinance of the Senate. Well, he performed all, but with an heavie heart and many a deepe sigh and grone, and so much the rather, because hee observed and saw [unspec D] how his sonne Demetrius conversed more with the embassadours, and frequented their compa∣nie oftener than his. How be it he obeied, and did whatsoever was enjoined him by the Romans, because he would minister unto them no occasion of levying war against him our of hand. And supposing it was good pollicie to avert their minds from all suspition that hee minded any such designes tending that way, hee led his armie into the middest of Thracia against the Odrysians, Danthelets, and Bessians. He woon the citie Philippopolis, abandoned by the inhabitants who were sled, and had retired themselves with their whole families to the high mountaines next ad∣joining: and after hee had wasted the lands and territories of the Barbarians that inhabited the champaine countrey, hee received them under his subjection by composition. Afterwards, ha∣ving left a garrison at Philippopolis, which soone after was chased and expelled by the Odrysi∣ans, [unspec E] ,he determined to build a towne in Deuriopus, a region of Paeonia neerer the river Erigonus, which issueth out of Illyricum, and keeping his course through Paeonia, dischargeth it selfe, and falleth into the river Axius. Not farre from Stobae the old citie, he built a new, and caused it to be called Perseis, thereby to doe honour to his eldest sonne Persius.

During the traine of these affaires in Macedonie, the Consuls tooke their journey into their severall provinces. Marcellus sent a messenger before him to L. Porcius the Proconsull, to give him to understand that he should present his legions before the new towne of the Gaules. But at the first approach of the Consull, the Frenchmen yeelded the place. Twelve thousand they were that bare armes, and most of them had by force gotten their armour out of their countrie villa∣ges, which was taken from them maugre their hearts, with all things else, that either they had [unspec F] gotten out of the countrie by pilling and robbing, or brought with them of their owne. Where∣upon they addressed their Embassadours to Rome, for to make complaint of these abuses and wrongs: who having audience given in the Senat by C. Valerius the Pretour, declared, how by occasion that Gaule was surcharged with a multitude of people, they were constreined as wel for want of ground and possessions, as also for need and povertie, to passe over the Alpes and seeke

themselves some place of habitation. And where they saw any quarters for let, defart, and un∣peopled, [unspec G] there they had planted themselves, without offering injurie to any person: where also they had begun to build a towne, which might be a good proofe and argument, that they came not to doe violence upon any citie or countrie village. And now of late M. Claudius had sent un∣to them a message, that unlesse they submitted and yeelded, he would warre upon them: where∣upon they preferring certaine peace (although it were lesse honorable) before the doubtfull ha∣zards and adventures of warre, surrendred, rather to be in the protection and safeguard, than under the subjection of the people of Rome. But a fewe daies after, they were commaun∣ded to quit both cittie and countrie. And thereupon resolved in their mind to depart in silence and saying neuer a word, into what place soever they could, there to seeke their fortune: but then they were disarmed, yea and spoiled and stript of all that ever they had, and nothing left, that [unspec H] either they drave before them, or carried about them. In regard whereof, they were humble suppliants to the Senate and people of Rome, that they would not proceed in more rigour and crueltie against them, harmelesse persons as they were, and submitting themselves unto them, than against prosessed enemies. To this Oration of complaint the Senate caused this aunswere to be returned: That neither they had done well in comming into Italie, and presuming to build them a cittie upon other mens territories, without permission of the soveraigne Romane magistrate, who had the government of those parts: nor yet the Senate was well pleased, that they should be thus despoiled, considering they had yeelded. And therfore minded they were to send with them their Embassadours to the Consuls, to commaund them in their name, to see that all their owne goods should be restored againe unto them, so that they made returne thi∣ther [unspec I] from whence they came: who also should go forward immediatly over the Alpes, to give the States of France warning to keepe in their people with them, & hold them in their native countrie: for as much as the Alpes were the frontier limits standing in the mids to confine be∣tween them, & therfore those mountains neither ought nor might be passed of one side or the other: & to make account of this, that they should speed no better now in transgressing their bounds, than at what time as they first made a way and passage over them into Italie. The Em∣bassadours emploied about this businesse, were L. Furius Purpurio, I. Minutius, and L. Manlius Acidinus. Thus the French, after restitution made unto them of all that was their owne by good right, and without wrong of others, departed out of Italie. Now when these Romane Legates were come, they had good words and courteous answeres from the Transalpine nati∣ons. [unspec K] And those amongst them that were more auncient than the rest, blamed the people of Rome for their overmuch lenitie, in that they let those persons goe, who without warrant from the whole State, durst bee so bold as to take a voyage to settle upon any landes belonging to the Signorie of Rome, and were so hardy as thereon to builde a towne. For sure∣ly they deserved not lesse than to abide greevous smart for their rash demeanure. Moreover and besides, whereas the Romans have given them their owne goods againe, they feared much that so great indulgencie of theirs, would enduce and encouraged others to enterprise the like. So they friendly entertained and as kindly accompanied the embassadors, yea and liberally pre∣sented them with rewards.

M. Claudius the Consull having thus expelled the Gaules out of his province, began to lay [unspec L] the ground of the Istricke warre, and for this purpose wrate his letters unto the Senate, for a war∣rant and commission to passe with his legions into Istria. The Senat was therewith contented. But whereas they were in question and consultation about conducting a Colonie to inhabite Aquileia, they could not agree whom to send, whether Latines or Romane citizens. But in con∣clusion the LL. thought it better to plant there a Colonie of Latines. The Triumvirs for to ef∣fect this, were created P. Scipio Nasica, C. Flamininus, and L. Manlius Acidinus.

The same yeere were two Colonies of Romane citizens erected at Mutina and Parma: and two thousand persons were to either place translated out of the territorie which lately was occu∣pied by the Boians, and before time had bene in the tenour of the Tuscans. They of Parma were endued with eight acres of land, and those of Mutina with five a peece. The Triumvir-Com∣missioners [unspec M] who had the disposing and mannaging of this businesse, were M. Aemylius Lepidus, T. Ebutius Carus, and L. Quintius Crispinus. Likewise the colonie Saturnia consisting of Ro∣mane cittizens, was brought into the territorie of Caletra, by the conduct of Q.Fabius Labco, C. Asranius Stellio, and T. Sempronius Gracchus, deputed Triumvits therefore: who set out for

[unspec A] every man ten acres of ground.

The same yeere A. Terentius the Pro-pretour, not farre from the river Iberus in the Ausetanes countrie, fought fortunatly against the Celtiberians, and forced certaine townes which they had fortified. Base Spaine beyond Iberus was quiet this yeere, because both P. Sempronius the Pro∣pretour lay sicke of a long disease, and also the Lusitanians (as good hap was) rested still & quiet, as being by no man provoked to stirre. Neither was there any memorable exploit atchieved in Liguria by Q.Fabius the Consull. M. Marcellus was called home out of Istria: and after he had discharged his armie, returned to Rome for to hold the election of the magistrates. For Con∣suls he created Cn. Babius Tamphilus and L. Aemylius Paulus. This man had bene Aedile Curule together with M. Aemylius Lepidus, who was Consull five yeeres before; and yet the same Lepi∣dus [unspec B] suffered the repulse twise ere he was created Consull. Then were Pretours chosen, to wit, Q.Fulvius Flaccus, M. Valerius Laevinus, L. Manlius the second time, M. Ogulnius Gallus, L. Caci∣lius Denter, & C. Terentius Istra. In the very end of the yeere there was a solemne supplication holden by occasion of certain prodigies: for men beleeved verily that in the court-yard of the goddesse Concordia it rained bloud for the space of two daies: & reported it was not far from Si∣cilie, that a new Iland was discovered out of the sea, where never any was before seene. Valerius Antias writeth, that Anniball died this yeere: and that to compasse and worke his death, there were sent in embassage to Prusias, L. Scipio Asiatticus, & P. Scipio Nasica, besides T. Quintius Fla∣mininus, who in that action is named most.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Eacchanales detected.
• * 1.2

  The Oration of the Consull Post-huntius, for the overthrow of the Bacchanales.
• * 1.3

  de Pabe.
• * 1.4

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.5

  Morea.
• * 1.6

  The commenda∣tion of M. Porcius Cato.
• * 1.7

  This Philip I take to be no Car∣thaginian. The name soundeth not like others of that nation: but bothis and Pae∣nus are Romane proper names.