The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXVIII. BOOKE OF THE [unspec H] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 38)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the eight and thirtith Booke.

Marcus Fulvius the Consull besieged the Ambracians in Epirus, and received them upon com∣posuion [unspec I] to mercie. He subdued Cephalenia, vanquished & brought under his subicction the Aetolians, and made peace with them. The Consull Cn. Manlius his colleague, overcame the Gallogreekes, the Tolistobogians, the Tectosages, and the Trocmians, who were pas∣sed overinto Asia under the conduct of Brennus: the only people that within the mountaine Taurus yeelded not obedience to the Romanes. Their first beginning and rising is set down: also the time when as they seized first of those places which they hold. Here is recounted also the example of the rare valour and chastitie of a woman, who being the wise of a certaine king of the Gallogreekes, chaunced to be taken prisoner: and when a Centurion had faced and abused her body, shee killed him with her owne hands. The Censors held a sissing of the citie: in which by computa∣tion were numbred 258328 pols of Romane citizens. Amitie was contracted with Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. Cn. [unspec K] Manlius triumphed over the Gallogreekes, not withstanding the contradiction of those ten Commissioners, by whose ad∣vise and assistance he had articled and engrossed the accord and alliances with Antiochus, and pleaded his owne cause 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Senate against them. Scipio africanus was indicted as some say, by Quintus Petilius Acteus a Tribune of the Commoners: as others, by Navius, For that he had defrauded the citie chamber of some part of the pillage which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Antiochus. When the day was come that he should make his answere, hee was called up to the publicke pulpit and place of audience, and with a loud voice said unto the people: My masters, you that are citizens of Rome, This very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 h•••••• I w••m Carthage: and with that hee ascended up into the Capitoll, and the people accompanied him thither: and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thence, because hee would avoid these hard and iniurious courses of the Tribunes, and be no more tormented with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he retired himselfe to Lito••um, as it were into voluntary exile: and whether be ended his dayes there or at Rome, it is not well known: for his ••••mbe and monument was to be scene in both places. L. Scipio Asiaticus (the brother of A∣••••••••••us) was accused of the same crime of embezeling the publicke treasure and robbing the common-weale, and thereof [unspec L] condemned: but as he was led to prison, and should have beene laid up in bonds and yrons, Tib. Sempronius Grachus a Tribune of the Commons (who before-time had beene an adversarie and enemie unto the Scipioes) interposed himselfe and rescued him: and for that pleasure done, he tooke to wife the daughter of Africanus. When the Pretour sent the trea∣surers of the citie to seize upon all his goods for the use of the citie, so fare off they were from finding any remnant or to∣•••••• of the kings riches and money, that they could not meet with as much as would satisfie the fine wherein hee was con∣demned. And when his kinsfolke and friends had contributed and raised an infinite masse of money for him, he would not receive the same: and as much onely was redeemed and bought againe, as might serve for his necessities to find and main∣taine him.

DVring the time of the warres in Asia, the affaires also in Aetolia were in small rest and quietnes: which troubles arose first from the Athamanians, who af∣ter that Aminander was dispossessed of his kingdome, were held in obedi∣ence [unspec M] by garrisons under the captaines of king Philip; and they bare them∣selves so proud, insolent, and outragious in their government, that the Atha∣manians found a great misse of Aminander, and were desirous of him againe. Now remained hee at that time as a banished person in Aetolia; and upon letters received from

[unspec A] his own nation (conteining the state wherein Arhamania then stood) he conceived some hope to recover his crown again: wherupon he sent the messengers back to Argithea (the chiefe city of Athamania) unto the principall men of the countrey, with this credence, That if he might be assured of the affection & love of the people, he would procure the aid of the Aetolians & come into Athamania, accompanied with the elect personages (and those are the counsel of that nati∣on) and Nicander the Pretor. When he understood and perceived that they were prest and redy to doe him all service, he advertised them estsoones upon what day he would enter with his ar∣mie into Athamania. At the first there were but foure persons that conspired against the Mace∣donian garrison, and these tooke every one sixe more unto them for to be assistant in the exe∣cution of their complot. But afterwards, trusting but little in this small number of their adhe∣rents [unspec B] and complices (who indeed wer fitter tokeep counsell and conceale a matter secretly, than to performe any action valiantly) they adjoyned unto them the like number unto the other: so as now they were two and fiftie in all; and they devided themselves into foure companies. One crew of them went to Heraclea; another to Tetraphylia, where as the kings treasure was usually kept; a third sort tooke their way to Theudoria; and the fourth to Argithea. But they all agreed upon this course; to hold themselves quiet and peaceable at their first comming, and to con∣verse in the market place of these cities, as if they were come about some particular negotiation of their own: and upon a certain day appointed, to set to it at once, and raise the whole multi∣tude for to expell the Macedonian garisons out of their fortresses. Now when the day was come and Aminander ready upon the frontiers with his forces of a thousand Aetolians, the garrisons [unspec C] of the Macedonians were at one instant chased out of those foure citie s aforesaid, like as it was complotted beforehand: and letters were dispatched from all parts into other cities, advising them to deliver and free themselves from the tyrannie of Philip, and to restore Aminander into his lawfull kingdome and throne of his father. Thus the Macedonians were expelled in every quarter: only the town Theium made resistance and held out some few daies against the siege, by occasion that Zeno (captaine of the garrison there) had intercepted the letters, and they that sided with Philip were possessed of the castle. But in the end surrendred it was likewise unto Ami∣nander, and all Athamania reduced unto his obedience, excepting only the fort of Athenaeum, situate upon the marches of Macedonie.

Philip advertised of the revolt of Athamania, accompanied with a power of sixe thousand [unspec D] fighting men, put himselfe in his journey, and with exceeding expedition, marched as farre as Gomphi. Where he left the greater part of his forces, (for they had not been able to endure so long a journey) and with two thousand came to Athenaeum, the onely place held by his gar∣rison to his use. And from thence, after hee had founded the next neighbours, and soone found that there was nothing but hostilitie among them, he retired to Gomphi, and jointly with all his forces together returned into Athamania. Then hee sent Zeno before with a thousand footmen, and gave him in charge to seize upon Aethopia, a place that directly for his purpose comman∣deth Argithea: and seeing that his men were possessed thereof, himselfe sat him downe, and pit∣ched his tents about a certaine temple dedicated to the name of Iupiter. There hee was forced by reason of the foule and stormie weather to stay one whole day, and the morrow after hee went [unspec E] forward with his armie to Argithea. As they marched, behold they discovered the Athamani∣ans, running from divers parts to the hil top, which stood over the way along. They had no soo∣ner espied them, but the formost ensignes made stay, and all that regiment of the vaward was surprised with feare and fright. Every man began for his part to cast many doubts, and think with himselfe what should become of them, in case their companies were entered once into the val∣lies, so checked by those rockes abovesaid. This tumult and trouble caused the king perforce to call backe those in the foreward, and to retire the same way that hee came, notwithstanding hee was very desirous (if they would have seconded him) to have made quickspeed, & gotten through those streights. The Athamanians at first followed after them aloose quietly ynough: but when they had once joined with the Aetolians, leaving them behind to come upon the taile of the e ne∣mie, [unspec F] they spread themselves all about, and flanked them on the sides: some of them also got afore their head by the next waies which they were acquainted with, and beset the passages; insomuch, as the Macedonians were so greatly troubled, that forced they were (more like men that fled in disarray, than marched in good order) to leave much of their armour, and many of their men be∣hind, to passe over the river; and there the chase ended. From thence the Macedonians returned

safely to Gomphi, and so forth into Macedonie.

The Athamanians and Aetolians assembled from all parts to Ethopia for to surprise and de∣feat [unspec G] Zeno & that regiment of a thousand Macedonians which was with him. But the Macedoni∣ans reposing no great trust in that place, retired from Ethopia, to an hill much higher & stee∣per on all sides, and therefore lesse accessible. The Athamanians having found out diverse ave∣nues unto it, enforced them to forgoe that hold also. And when they were dispersed among the blind rockes, and to them unknowne, and could not readily find the way out, some of them were taken prisoners, and others slaine. Many for feare tumbled down headlong from the pitch of the cliffes, and brake their neckes, and very few escaped with Zeno to the king. The next day after they obtained truce, untill they had committed their dead to earth.

Aminander having thus repossessed his realme, sent embassadours to Rome unto the Senate; [unspec H] likewise unto the Scipioes in Asia (who after the great battell with Antiochus, sojourned in Ephe∣sus.) He craved peace and pardon, he excused himselfe in that he had recovered his fathers king∣dome, by the meanes and helpe of the Aetolians, and withall laid great fault and blame upon king Philip. As for the Aetolians, they departed out of Athamania, and made an expedition a∣gainst the Amphilochians, and by consent of the greater part, reduced the whole nation under their puissance and subjection. Having thus regained Amphilochia (for in times past it apper∣tained to their siegnorie) upon the same hope they passed over into Aperantia, which yeelded also for a great part thereof, and came under their obedience. As for the Dolopians, they never belonged to the Aetolians, but unto Philip. And at the first they assembled together in arms, but understanding once thatthe Amphilochians tooke part with the Aetolians, that Philip was fled [unspec I] out of Athamania, and that his garrison there was put to the sword, they revolted likewise from Philip, and turned to the Aetolians. Who making now full account that they were sure ynough on al sides from the Macedonians, by reason of so many nations which environned them about, they tooke knowledge (by the common bruit) of the defeature of Antiochus by the Romanes in Asia: and not long after their owne embassadours returned from Rome without hope of peace, relating withall, that Fulvius the Consull had passed the seas alreadie with an armie. Vpon these newes, they were much troubled and afraid: and in this perplexitie, they induced and procured first the Rhodian and then the Athenian embassages, to the end, that by the credite and counte∣nance of these two States, their praiers lately rejected, might have more easie accesse to the Se∣nate: and with them they sent to Rome once againe the principall per sonages of their nation, [unspec K] to trie their last hope of obtaining peace; and never forecast to prevent warre, before the enemie was come welneere within their sight. Now had M. Fulvius transported his forces to Apollo∣nia, and devised with the princes and States of the Epirotes, where to begin warre. The Epirotes advised him to assaile Ambracia, which as then was united to the Aetolians. And why? it either the Aetolians should come to the defence of the place, they had a goodly large and open plaine all about to bid them battell; or if they refused the field, and would not fight, they should find no great difficultie to assault and force the towne. For not onely there was at hand store ynough of umber and other matter to raise mounts, mantelets, and other fabrickes; but also Arethon a river navigable, very commodious to transport all necessaries unto them, runneth under the walls of the citie; and besides, the summer was a fit season for warre-service. With these reasons they per∣suaded [unspec L] the Consull to conduct his armie through Epirus. But when the Consull was come be∣fore Ambracia, hee found it was no easie peece of worke to besiege and assault the towne. This Ambracia is situate under a stonie & craggie hill, which the inhabitants call Perranthae. The citie it selfe looketh into the West, what way as the wall reacheth toward the fields and the river: the sort and castle thereof standeth upon the hil, and regardeth the East. The river Arethon running out of Acarnania, dischargeth it selfe into an arme of the sea, which beareth the name of the ci∣tie neere adjoining, and is called Ambracia. This towne, besides that it is well guarded with the river of one side, and defended with hils on the other, is fortified also with a strong wall, in circuit somwhat more than three mile about. Fulvius encamped strongly on the fields side, in two holds of a prettie distance asunder, and raised one skonce upon an high ground, opposite against the [unspec M] fortresse of the towne. All these places he determined to enclose within the compasse of a trench and rampier, to the end, that they who were shut up within the towne, might have no egresse, and that from without forth there should bee no ingresse, for any aid and succour whatsoever. The Aetolians were assembled alreadie at Stratus by an edict from the Pretor Nicander, incontinently

[unspec A] upon the rumour that ran of the siege of Ambracia, intending fully at first to march from thence with all their forces. But afterwards, when they perceived that a great part of the citie was streightly beleaguered alreadie, and blocked with trench and rampier; and withall, that the Epi∣rotes were encamped upon a plaine on the other side of the river, they were of advise to devide their forces in two parts. Eupolemus accompanied with a regiment of a thousand men lightly appointed, passed through the fortifications of the enemies, before they were joined and united together, and entered Ambracia. Nicander with the rest of the forces purposed at the first, by night to assaile the campe of the Epirotes, considering that the Romanes could not easily suc∣cour them, by reason of the river running betweene. But afterwards upon better advise, supposing this to be a daungerous enterprise (for feare least the Romans should discover their march, and so [unspec B] intercept them that they might not retire againe in safetie) he altered his mind, & turned to the spoiling and wasting of Acarnania. Now when the Consull had made an end of all his fabrickes devised for to invest and enclose the citie, and finished his engines wherewith he meant to shake the wall, hee approached neere and gave assault in five places at once. Three batteries hee plan∣ted in equall distance asunder, and where the easiest advenue and accesse was from the plaine, full upon that place of the citie which they call Pyrrhaeum: one overagainst the temple of Aescu∣lipius; and another opposite to the castle. With rams hee shooke the walls, with long poles and hookes he fetcht off and plucked downe the battlements of the walls. The oppidanes at the first were afraid to see these strange engines, and quaked to heare so terrible a noise of their walls bat∣tered: but afterwards, seeing that the wals stood uprightly beyond their expectation, they pluc∣ked [unspec C] up their hearts again, and with swipes weighed up either great counterpoises and weights of lead, or huge stones, then with a swinge they let them fall againe upon the rams of the enemies, or els tumbled mightie big logs of timber aloft, and so either brake them apeeces, or bare them downe. And as for their hookes aforesaid, they caught hold of them with yron floucks like anchors, and so drew them over the walls to the other side with a witnesse, and brake both them and their poles. Moreover they sallied out in the night upon the watch that attended their en∣gines, issued forth of themselves in the day time, assailed the corps de guard, and put them in great teare. As things stood in these tearmes before Ambracia, the Aetolians by this time were returned to Stratus from their rodes which they made into Acarnania. And then Nicander the Pretour conceiving some hope to levie the siege by some audacious and hardie adventure, devi∣sed [unspec D] that one Nicodamus should put himselfe within the towne of Ambracia with five hundred Aetolians; and appointed one certain night, and an houre also of the same night, when both they from out of the towne should assaile the fabrickes and engines of the enemie planted against Pyrrhaeum, and also himselfe charge upon the campe of the Romanes at the same time, and put them in fright: supposing by this twofold alarme (especially in the night which maketh every thing more fearefull) there might be some notable act and memorable exploit done. And Nico∣damus verily for his part, in the dead time of the night, having passed unseene and not descried by some of the sentinels, & by resolute force broken through the rest of the watches, passed over an arme of the river and recovered the citie, and in some measure by this meanes hartened the besieged inhabitants to adventure any thing, & put them in better hope to accomplish all. And [unspec E] when the night appointed was come, all on a sodaine he set upon the engines, as it was before ac∣corded betweene them . The adventure of this enterprise was much more than the effect, be∣cause there were no forces without to joyne with him; were it that the Pretour of the Aetolians was afraid to be too bould, or that he thought it was a better peece of service to aid the Am∣philochians newly recovered, whom Perseus king Philip his sonne, sent from his father to recon∣quer Dolopia and Amphilochia, assailed with great force and violence. The Romanes had plan∣ted their ordenance and artillerie, as is abovesaid, in three places against Pyrrhaeum, which the Aetolians charged all at one time, but not with like preparation of means, nor with the same vio∣lence. For some came with burning & flaming firebrands, others caried tow & hurds with pitch, and faggots of drie stickes, & other like matter easie to be kindled, in such sort as all their com∣panies [unspec F] shone againe with a light fire. Many of the warders they killed at the first onset, but when the alarme and tumult was heard within the campe, and the signall given by the Consull, they took armes, and ran apace out of all the gates for to rescue and defend them. In one quarter the Aetolians did their deed, and fought with fire and sword: but in the other two places after they had given the attempt, rather than began any skirmish, they retired and went their wayes. The

heate of the medly inclined wholly to one quarter, where the two captaines Eupolemus and Ni∣codamus, [unspec G] encouraged their men as they fought from two divers parts, and intertained them with an assured hope, that Nicander according to agreement would be there and charge upon the back of the enemies. This for a good while maintained the courages of the souldiours: but perceiving there was no signe appeared of their countrymen, and that they kept not touch with them, and seeing withall how the number of the enemies encreased, and themselves dis∣appointed and destitute, they flaked their fight, and were not so eagre upon the enemie, and in the end gave over: and having much ado to retire in safetie, were chased into the citie, after they had burnt some of the Romane engines, and slaine a few more of their enemies than there died of themselves. And surely if the service had bene followed in execution according as it was com∣plotted and agreed, those devised engins no doubt mighthave benedestroyed, if not wholly, [unspec H] yet in ••ne part at leastwise, and that with great murder and carnage of the enemies. The Am∣bracians, bracians, together with those Aetolians which were within the citie, not only gave over that nights enterprise, but ever after shewed more coldnes to hazard themselves againe, as if they had bene betrayed by their owne fellowes. Not a man would fallie forth upon the ward and watch of the enemies, but they all from their walls and turrets stood upon their guard only, and with the vantage of the place defended themselves in safetie.

Perseus advertised that the Aetolians approached Amphilochia, quit the siege of the citie which he was about to assault: and after he had only haried and wasted the territorie about it, retired from those quarters and returned into Macedonie. The Aetolians likewise were enfor∣ced to depart from thence, by reason that their sea coasts were spoiled and overrun: for Pleura∣tus [unspec I] the king of the Illyrians, was entred into the river of Corinth with a fleete of 60 barks, and with the help of the Achaean ships that lay in the rode of Patrae, invested the maritine tract of Aetolia. Against whom were sent a thousand Aetolians, who waited upon this fleete at every tu••ne as they doubled any reaches, and with the vantage of the short wayes and next advenues by the land, were readie to welcome them on the bankes and make head against them.

The Romanes lying still in siege before Ambracia, by battring and shaking the walls in many places, had dismanteled a great part of the citie, and laid it open: howbeit, they could not enter within it. For at every breach where the wall was broken downe, they were readie to make a new countermure, and the souldiours standing upon the very ruines, served in steed of a bulwarke. The Consull seeing he could not prevaile by open force, determined to undermine [unspec K] and make a secret way in the ground into the citie; but first he covered the place where they wrought, with mantilets. For a good while the pioners were not perceived by the enemies, not∣withstanding they wrought both night and day, not only digging under the earth, but also ca∣sting up the mould as they went. But an huge heape of earth bearing up aloft from the rest, was discovered, and gave them within the towne to understand, what the enemies were about: and seating least they had wrought so farre alreadie as under their walls, and that they were at the point to make a way into the towne, they within began likewise to strike another trench just a∣gainst the place covered with mantilets aforesaid: and when they had digged to that depth as the botome might be of the enemies mine, they made no words within, but in great silence laid their care too in divers places close to the earth, herkening if haply they might heare any noise [unspec L] of the pioners: and when they once had gotten an eare of them, they countermined directly against them. And long they were not about it: for anon they came as farre as to the void holow ground whereas the foundation of the wall stood upon staies and props, which the ene∣mies had set to beare it up. Now when their works were met together, and that there was a con∣tinued passage out of this trench into the mine, the pioners first fell to it and skuffled with their spades, shovels and mattocks, and such other tooles that they had used to worke withall: but soone after, armed souldiours entred and encountred within the vault, and closely skirmished under ground. But within a while that manner of dealing grew more cold and slack by reason that they stopped up the mine betweene when they list, one while with sacks and hairecloth, otherwhiles with dotes and such trash as they could come by in hast and stood next hand. One [unspec M] new invention above the rest was devised against those within the mine, and the same but a slight matter, and made without any great trouble, and this it was, The townesmen tooke a great tunne or dryfat with a hole bored in the botome, of that capacitie, as might receive a pretie pipe like a faucet within it; and withall they made a pipe indeed of yron to fit it, and an yron lid like∣wise

[unspec A] to cover the other end or mouth thereof, but the same had many holes in divers places of it. Now this vessell they stuffed full of downe and soft fethers, and then set it with the head for∣ward against the very mine. From the lid or cover aforesaid there stood proking out long sharp pikes, which the Macedonians call Sariffae, for to keepe off the enemies. Within the fethers they put a cole or sparke of fire, and then with a paire of smithes bellowes (the nose whereof went into the pipe aforesaid) they blowed the cole and set it on a smuddering fire within the fe∣thers. By which meanes there arose not only a mightie deale of smoke, but also it caried with it a stinking savour, by reason of the fethers burning within; and so filled all the mine underneath, that skarce durst any man abide within for feare of being choked.

During these affaires about Ambracia, Phaneas and Demoteles two embassadors sent from [unspec B] the Aetolians by a generall decree of the whole nation, came with a full and plenarie commis∣sion unto the Consull. For their Pretour (seeing of the one side Ambracia besieged, and on the other side the sea coast endammaged with the enemies ships, and in a third quarter the Am∣philochians and all Dolopia piteously wasted by the Macedonians; and that the Aetolians were not able to oppose themselves and make head at once against three warres in divers parts) had assembled a generall Diet for to consult with the chiefe of the Aetolians what was to be done in this case.

All their opinions jumped in this one point, To seeke for peace (if it were possible) under equal & indifferent conditions: if not, yet in as tollerable termes as they might. In confidence and assurance (say they) of Antiochus, the warre began: and now that Antiochus is vanquished both by land and sea, yea and hunted as it were out of the compasse of the world [unspec C] into an angle beyond Taurus, what hope remaineth to mainteine and wage the warre any lon∣ger? and therefore Phaneas and Demoteles were to deale, as in such a case and time, as they thought best, according to their wisedome and fidelitie, and the common good of the Aetoli∣ans: for what other counsel remaineth, what course else can they take, or what choise beside hath fortune left them? With this so large and free commission I say, were these Embassadors sent: who besought the Consull to spare their citie, to have mercie and pitie of their nation sometime linked in amitie unto them, and forced through very calamitie and miserie (for loth they were to speake of any injuries and wrongs offred) to fall into such follies: neither have the Aetolians in this late warre of Antiochus deserved to suffer more harme than they were worthy to receive good for their service in the former warre against Philip: and as they were not largely rewarded [unspec D] and recompensed then, so they ought not to be punished and chastised extremely now. The Consull made answere againe, That the Aetolians had made a suing for peace many a time, but sincerely and truly at no time: and since they had sollicited and drawne Antiochus to warre, let them hardly follow his example in craving peace. Like as he therefore hath not quit and ren∣dred some few cities which were in question about their libertie and freedome, but parted with a rich and wealthie kingdome, even all Asia, betweene this and the mountaine Taurus: so un∣lesse the Aetolians will simply lay all armes aside, and come to treate for peace unarmed, hee would never give them audience. And to be short, if they will peace have, they must deliver up their armour and all their horses first, yea and make payment of a thousand talents of silver, and the one moitie thereof to pay downeright upon the naile before hand. Over and besides this [unspec E] braunch, I will annex unto the accord and covenant, That they shall hold for their friends and enemies, those whom the people of Rome reputeth to be theirs, and none other. To this answere the Embassadors said never a word, both for that they were very hard and grievous im∣positions, and also because they knew the natures and minds of their countrymen and neigh∣bors at home, how untractable they were and not to be removed if they once tooke a pitch: whereupon they returned unto them, without doing anything at all, to know the advise once a∣gaine of the Pretour and the principall States, what to resolve upon in every respect, whiles all stood whole and upright.

But they were welcomed with outcryes, and well shent for their labour, in that they had not dispatched and made an end, and so were sent away, and com∣maunded to bring back with them one peace or other. As they went againe toward Ambracia, [unspec F] they were forlayed and surprized in an ambush laid for them neere the high way side by the A∣camanians (with whom at that time they warred) and were had to Tyrrheum and there impriso∣ned. And by this occasion the peace was delayed.

Whiles the embassadors of Athens and Rhodes (who were come already to intreat for them) remained with the Consull, Aminander also (the king of the Athamanes) presented himselfe un∣der

safe-conduct in the Romane campe, and tooke more care for the citie of* 1.1 Ambracia (where [unspec G] he had sojourned the greater part of his exile) than in the behalfe of the Aetolians. By them, the Consull was certified of the hard hap of the Aetolian Embassadors; and then he gave comman∣dement, that they should be brought from Tyrrheum. When they were come, they began to treat of peace, Aminander in the meane while laboured what he could in that enterprise which he especially had undertaken, namely, to induce the Ambracians to submit unto the Romans: but when he saw he did but small good, for all his parling with the principall persons of the city from their walls: at length by the Consull his permission he entred into the towne; where, part∣ly by good counsell, and partly by prayer and entreatie, hee persuaded them in the end, to put themselves into the Romanes hands. Now as touching the Aetolians, they found much favour by the meanes of C. Valerius the sonne of that Levinus, who first contracted amity with that na∣tion; [unspec H] and was besides halfe brother unto the Consull by the same mother. And the Ambraci∣ans after capitulation made, that the Aetolians who came to aid them might goe forth without harme, set open their gates. Then articled it was with the Aetolians: Imprinus, To pay 500 Eu∣boike talents of silver; two hundred presently, and the other 300 at fixe paiments yeerely by even portions. Item, To render all Romane captives and fugitive traitors and rennegates that they had, into the hands of the Romanes. Item, To chalenge jurisdiction over no city, which since the time that T. Quintius passed over into Greece, was either forced by the Romans or en∣tred voluntarily into amity and society with them: provided alwaies, that the yle Cephalenia be not comprised within this capitulation. These articles, albeit they were somewhat easier than they looked for, yet the Aetolians requested, that they might ac quaint their counsell withall: and [unspec I] permitted they were so to doe. Some small variance and debate distracted and held them awhile as touching those cities, which having beene in times past within their seignorie and jurisdicti∣on, they hardly could abide to be dismembred (as it were) from their body. But in the end, there was not one but agreed to accept of the peace. The Ambracians gave unto the Consull for a present, a coronet of beaten gold weighing 150 pound. Their statues of brasse and marble, their painted tables (wherewith Ambracia was better stored and adorned, than all the other cities of that region, because it was the royall seat of king Pyrrhus where he kept his court and resiance) were all taken downe and carried away: nought else was touched, nor any hurt done besides.

The Consull dislodged then, and remooved from Ambracia into the higher and more in∣land parts of Aetolia, & encamped before the city called Argos Amphilochium, two and twen∣tie [unspec K] [unspec K] myles distant from Ambracia: and thither at length repaired the Aetolian embassadors unto him, who marveiled much at them, why they stayed so long. When hee understood by them that the generall counsell of the Aetolians had approoved of the peace, hee willed them to goe directly to Rome unto the Senat: and permitted also the Athenians and Rhodians (their media∣tors and advocates) to go with them and as orators to speake in their behalfe; and moreover he graunted, that his halfe brother C. Valerius should accompany them: which order when he had taken, himselfe crossed over the water to Cephalenia.

When they were arrived at Rome, they found both the cares and the hearts of the chiefe Senators wholly possessed beforehand, with many complaints and imputations that Philip had enformed against them: for hee by meanes of his embassadours and letters (complaining that [unspec L] the Aetolians had unjustly taken from him the Dolapians, the Amphilochians, and Athamania; and that his garisons, yea and last of all his sonne Perseus, were driven out of Amphilochia) had wholly averred the Senat from giving any eare at all to their requests and prayers: howbeit the Rhodians and Athenians had audience given them with patience and silence.

The Athenian Embassador Leon (by report) mooved and persuaded the Senat with his eloquent tongue: and by a familiar parable and similitude, hee compared the people of Aetolia to the nature of the sea: For like as it, being of itselfe calme, is troubled and made rough by the winds: even so (saith hee) the people of that nation, all the while they entertained friendship with the Romanes, and perfourmed their faithfull promise unto them, so long were in their right kind, and continued peaceable and quiet; but after that Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from out of Asia, as [unspec M] after that, Menetas and Damocritus blustred and puffed from the parts of Europe, then arose a storme and tempest, with the ghusts whereof driven they were to Antiochus, and cast (as a man would say) upon a rocke. Well, the Aetolians after they had beene much tossed a long time from post to pillar, in fine effected, that these articles of peace ensuing, were freely agreed upon.

Im∣primis,

[unspec A] The nation of Aetolia shall maintaine faithfully and truly the empire and seignorie of the people of Rome. Item, They shall suffer to passe through their countrey and confines no armie that shall bee conducted against their allies and friends; nor assist them with any aid or maintenance whatsoever. Item, They shall repute the enemies of the Romanes for their ene∣mies, and wage warre against them. Item, They shall deliver unto the Romanes and their con∣federates, all rennegates, all fugitives and prisoners that are among them, excepting such as ha∣ving beene once taken and returned home, chaunced to be caught againe the second time: or those, who being Romane enemies, were taken prisoners by them, at what time as the Aetolians served in garrison under the Romanes. As for the rest, as many as are forth-comming and may be found, shall be delivered (without fraud or covin) within 100 dayes next ensuing, to the ma∣gistrate [unspec B] of Corcyra: but those that appeare not within that time, shall bee likewise rendred whensoever their fortune is to be met withall. Item, They shall yeeled fortie hostages, such as the Romane Consull in his discretion will approove and like well of: provided, that none of these pledges be under twelve yeeres of age, not above fortie. Neither shall there be taken for hostage any Pretour or captaine over horsemen, not publicke Notarie or Secretarie to the state, not yet any one hath lien in hostage before-time. Provided also, that Cephalenia shall be ex∣empt from the articles of this accord. Item, As touching the summe of money which they are to pay, and the manner and tearmes of the paiment, there shall be nothing changed of that which hath beene concluded with the Consull: yet, if they had rather pay the same summe in gold than in silver, they may so doe; provided then, that they keepe the rate and proportion, [unspec C] of one for ten, to wit, that one golden peece of coine goe for ten times so much in weight of silve r, and no more. Item, What cities, what lands and territories, what persons soever, which having at any time heretofore held tenor of the Aetolians, were by the Consuls T. Quintius and Ca. Domitius, or any time since their Consulship, either subdued and conquered by force of armes, or otherwise of themselves came under the obeisance of the people of Rome, the Aeto∣lians shall make to claime not chalenge unto them. Finally, the Aeniades with their citie and territorie, shall appertaine to the Acarnanians. Vnder these conditions above-said, the accord was concluded with the Aetolians.

Not only in the same sommer, but also much about those very daies wherein these affaires were managed by M. Fulvius in Aetolia, Cn. Manlius the other Consull maintained warre in [unspec D] * 1.2 Gallogrecia, whereof at this present I will begin to write. This Consull in the beginning of the spring came to Ephesus; where, after he had received the armie of L. Scipio and taken a re∣vieu and survey thereof, he made an oration to his souldiours; wherein, first he praised their va∣lour and vertue, in that with one battell they had finished the warre against Antiochus: then hee exhorted them to enter into a new warre with those Gaules who had succoured king Antiochus with aid; and were beside of nature so untamed, that unlesse their puissance were abated & their courage taken downe, to little or no purpose it was that Antiochus was remooved beyond the mountaines of Taurus. Last of all, some discoursehe made of his owne person, which was no∣thing prolixe and long, implying neither vaine untruthes not excessive reports. The souldiors gave audience to the Consull with great joy and a generall applause, making this account, that [unspec E] since king Antiochus was vanquished, the Gaules alone (who were one part of his forces) would be of no puissance to withstand them. But the Consull supposed that it was much out of his way, that Eunienes should be absent (for then he was at Rome) who knew the countries, was ac∣quainted with the nature of the people, and whome it imported and concerned very much, that the power of the Gaules should be enseebled and abated. And therefore he sent for Attalus his brother, from Pergamus, and exhorted him to enter into action with him and take arms. And when Attalus had made promise to aid him both in his person and with all the power that he could make, he sent him into his country to levie soldiors. After some few dayes, when the Con∣sullwas departed from Ephesus, Attalus (accompanied with a regiment of a thousand foot and two hundred horse) met him at Magnesia; and had given order to his brother Athenaeus, to fol∣low [unspec F] after with the rest of the forces; having committed the guard and government of Pergamus and the kingdome to those, whom he knew to be fast and faithfull to his brother and himselfe. The Consull, after he had praised and commended the young gentleman, marched forward with his whole power as farre as* 1.3 Maeander, and there encamped, because it was not possible to passe the river at any fourd, and therefore boats and barges were to bee gotten together, for to

serrie and transport the armie. When they were set over the river, they went to Hiera Come, [unspec G] where there was a magnificent and stately temple of Apollo, and an Oracle in it. And by report the priests and prophets there, deliver the responds and answeres of the Oracle in verses, & those not rudely composed without rhithme & meeter. From hence they removed, & at two daies end arrived at the river Harpasus: and thither were embassadors come from the Alabandians, reque∣sting the Consull either by vertue of his authoritie, or by force of armes to compell one of their fortresses which lately had revolved from them & rebelled, to return against to their former obedi∣ence. And hither Atheneus also, brother to Eumenes and Attalus, was come together with Leusus the Candiot, and Corragus the Macedonian, bringing with them 1000 foot, and 300 horse, of di∣vers nations mingled together. The Consul sent one of his martiall Tribunes or Colonels with a mean companie, to summon thecastle or fortresse abovesaid, & after it was forced and recovered, [unspec H] he delivered it into the hands of the Alabandians. Himselfe kept one his direct way, and turned on no side, untill he came to Antiochia upon the river Maeander, where hee encamped. This river Maeander ariseth from Celaenae, where the first head & source thereof is to be seen. Now this Ce∣laenae had ben in times past the capitall citie of al Phrygia. But in processe of time this old Celae∣nae was abandoned by the inhabitants, & not farre from it they peopled a new citie called Apa∣mea, bearing the name of Apamea the sister of king Seleucus. The river Marsyas likewise springing not far from the foresaid sources of Maeander, dischargeth it selfe therinto. And as the common same goeth, at this Celaenae it was, where Marsyas the musician gave defiance to Apollo, & challen∣ged him to play upon the flute. This Maeander above named, issuing out of an high hil at Celaenae, runneth thr ough the mids of the citie, & first keeping his course along the country of the Carians, [unspec I] and afterwards of the Ionians, falleth at the last into an arm of the sea, between Priene & Miletus.

Whiles the Consull lay encamped about Antiochia, Seleucus the sonne of Antiochus, presen∣ted himself unto him with corn for his armie, according to the covenant contracted with Scipio. Some small variance & difference there was as touching the aid demanded of Antiochus: for Se∣leucus pleaded that Antiochus had capitulated only to find corn for the Roman soldiors. But this debate was soone at an end by reason of the stiffe resolution of the Consull, who sent a Colonell to warn and charge the soldiors to accept no corn, before the aid-soldiors of Antiochus were re∣ceived. From thence he marched to* 1.4 Gordiu-tichos (a citie so called) & so forward the third day to Tabae. This citie is seated upon the frontiers of the Pisidians, in that coast which boundeth up∣on the Pamphylian sea. This quarter was able to yeeld lustie men for war, when it had not ben any [unspec K] way endammaged, but remained entire & whole. For proofe whereof, even then also there issued out of the citie a corner of horsmen, who charged upon the Romans as they marched, and at the first onset troubled them not a little. But afterwards, seeing themselves neither for number, not yet for prowes comparable unto them, they were driven back into the town, & craved pardon for their trespasse, readie to surrender their citie into the Cos. his hands. The Consull imposed upon them a pairment of 25 talents of silver, and 10000 medimnes of wheat, and upon that compositi∣on their surrender was accepted. Three daies after, the Romans came to Chaus the river, & from thence to the citie Eriza, which at the first assault they woon. After this the armie marched as far as to a castle called Thabusion standing over the river* 1.5 Indus, so called of a certain Indian, whom an elephant threw and cast into it. Now they were not far from Cibyra, and yet no embassage ap∣peared [unspec L] from the tyrant of that countrey a nd State, Moagetes, a disloiall and trecherous man in all his dealings, and besides, extreame hard and unreasonable. Whereupon the Col. sent out before, C. Helvius, with 4000 foot and 500 horse, to sound his disposition and mind. As these companies entred into his frontiers, there encountered them his embassadours, giving them to understand that the tyrant their maister was readie to do whatsoever they would command: only his request was unto Helvius to passe peaceably through his country, & to restrain his soldiors from wasting and spoiling the territories, and fifteen talents they brought with them for to make a crown of gold. Helvius promised to save his lands for being spoiled and wasted, but he willed the embassa∣dors to goe to the Consull. Now when they had related the same unto him, he made them an∣swere in these tearmes, We cannot gather by any signe or token (quoth he) that the tyrant bea∣reth [unspec M] good will and affection to us Romanes: and againe, if hee be such a one as the world taketh him for, we are to thinke rather of his chastisement, than of admitting him into our amitie. The embassadors sore troubled at this word, requested him for that present no more, but to take the crowne of gold, and to permit that the tyrant himselfe might have accesse into his presence for

[unspec A] to parle with him and cleare himselfe. The morrow after, by permission of the Consull came the tyrant into the campe, bearing no port of a prince. For a private person and meane man of small wealth would have gone in better apparell, and caried a greater traine about him than he•• either went he so meanely, but he spake as lowly, hacking and hewing his words, as if hee had not been able to speake them out. He complained of his owne barenesse and want, and likewise of the po∣vertie of the cities under his seignorie (for besides Cybira, he held in possession Sylium, & that which is called Alimne) Yet he promised to see what he could doe, if haply by undoing himselfe, and spoiling his subjects, he might make up five & twentie talents. Mary he mistrusted greatly that he should never effect so much. Are you thereabout? (quoth the Consull) Now verily I can no longer endure this paltering and mockerie. Was it not ynough, that in your absence you bashed [unspec B] not to delude and disappoint us by your embassadours, but you must persist still in the same im∣pudencie now that you bee heare your selfe in person? And would you make us beleeve indeed, that the disbursing of five and twentie talents will begger you and your whole kingdome? Come on sir, I say; Bring me hether within these three daies, and lay me downe in readie mony five hun∣dred talents, or looke for no other favour, but your territorie to bee wasted, and your cittie besie∣ged. Greatly affrighted was he at these minatorie words, howbeit hee continued still obstinately, counterseiting and pretending his needinesse and povertie, and after much base hucking, and rising by little and little, one while hasting and wrangling, another while praying and entreating, (and that with whining & putting finger in the eie) he was fetcht over at length, and came off to pay a good hundred talents of silver, and to deliver 10000 medimnes of come besides. And all [unspec C] this was exacted of him to be performed in sixe daies. From Cibyra the Consull conducted the armie through the countrey of the Sindensians, and after he had passed over the river Calau••is, he there pitched downe his tents. The morow after they marched by the lake or meere Caralitis, and set them downe and rested upon the river Maeander. As they advaunced from thence toward L••gon the next citie, the inhabitants fled for feare: whereupon, the towne void of people, but replenished with abundance of all things was ransacked and risled. This done, they arrived at the head of spring of the river Lycus, and the next day marched toward the river Cobulatus. The Termessians at the same time having forced and woon the cittie of the Lyrians, were now upon the point to assault the castle. They who were within besieged, seeing no other hope of suc∣cour, sent their embassadours to the Consull, beseeching his helpe, and making pittifull more, [unspec D] how they with their wives and children were shut up within the fortresse, and looked every hour for death, either by famin or the sword. This fell out as the Cos.wished, namely, to have so good an occasion presented unto him, of turning his way into Pamphylia. At his first comming hee delivered the Lyrians from the siege. To Termesius he graunted peace, upon composition that he should receive first 30 talents. In like sort he dealt by the Aspendians & other States of Pamphy∣lia. In his returne from thence, the first day he encamped fast by a river called Taurus, & the next day following, near a town which they call Xyline-Come. From whence he marched & held on his journie continually, untill he came to the citie Cormasa. The next cittie unto it was Darsa, which he found abandoned by the inhabitants for feare, howbeit, full of all kind of goods. As he marched still along the marishes, there met him embassadors from Lysinia, who came to tender [unspec E] their citie into his hands. After this he entred into the territorie of Sagalassus, a fertile & plente∣ous quarte r, for all sorts of corn & fruits. The Pisidians inhabit those parts, who are the best war∣riors in all that countrey. In regard wherof, as also for that their territorie is fruitfull & well peo∣pled, and their citie strongly situate (as few like unto it) they were growne to be hardie and coura∣geous. The Consull seeing no embassage presented unto him in the entrance of the frontiers, sent out forraiers to fetch in booties. When they perceived once their goods harried and caried away before their faces, their stomacks came downe, and then they sent their embassadors, and upon composition to pay fiftie talents, twentie thousand medimnes of wheare, and as many of barley, they obteined peace. From thence he passed to the fountaines of Obrima, untill he came to a village which they name Aporidos-Come, and there he encamped. Thirter repaired [unspec F] the next day Seleucus from Apamea. And the same day, after he had sent away unto Apamea his sick folke and other baggage and pelse that he had (good for nothing) he tooke guides of Seleucus for the way, and entred into the plaines of Metropolis, and the next morrow marched as farre as Diniae in Phrygia. After this, he entred into Synada, where he found all the townes about abandoned for feare, and left desert. With the bootie and pillage whereof his armie was

so heavily charged, that hardly he could march five miles aday; and so he came at length to [unspec G] Bendos, named The old. From thence he passed to Anabura, and the next day to the source of Alander, and the third day pitched downe his tents neere Abassus. There he lay encamped many dayes together, because he was now arrived into the countrie of the Tolistobogians.

The Gaules in times past being a mightie people in number, were induced to take a voiage either for want of land to inhabit, or for hope of bootie and prises: and supposing withall, that they could not passe through any nation whatsoever, comparable to themselves in feates of armes, entred under the conduct of Brennus into the countrey of the Dardanians. Where, they began to mutine among themselves: by occasion whereof it hapned, that to the number of twentie thousand of them, following two of their princes Lomnorius and Lutarius, departed from Brennus, and tooke their way into Thracia: where partly by warring with them that made [unspec H] resistance, and partly by imposing tribute upon them that craved peace, they came at length as farre as to Bizantium: and after they had held tributarie a good time the coast of* 1.6 Propontis, they possessed themselves also of the good townes and cities of that quarter. After this, they had a mind and desire to invade Asia; for they heard say, being so neere, how fertile and plen∣teous the soile of that country was. And after they had surprized and woon Lysimachia by a wile, and by force of armes conquered all Chersonesus, they descended to Hellespont. Where seeing how they were devided from Asia but only by the streights, and that it was but a small cut thither, their desire was much more inflamed to passe over. And for this purpose they dispat∣ched certeine curriers to Antipater the governour of that coast, to demaund passage. But by reason that they effected not this so soone as they hoped, there arose another new sedition be∣tweene [unspec I] the princes themselves. Whereupon Lomnorius accompanied with the greater part, retired to Bizantium from whence he came. But Lutarius tooke from the Macedonians (who under colour of an embassage were sent from Antipater in espiall) two covered ships, and three brigandines. By meanes of these vessels, within few dayes he had set over all his armie, trans∣porting them one after another day and night continually. Not long after Lomnorius also pas∣sed over into Asia from Byzantium, by the aid of Nicomedes king of Birhynia. After this, the Gaules joined againe together in one, and succored Nicomedes in his warres against Zybaea, who held a part of Bithynia, and by their help and assistance especially, Zybaea was vanquished, and all Bithynia became subject to Nicomedes. Then they departed out of Bithynia into Asia. Now of twentie thousand there were not above ten thousand armed. Yet so great a terror they struck [unspec K] into all nations on this side the mountaine Taurus, that both they to whom they approched not neere, and also they whom they came unto, as well the farthest as the neerest, submitted them∣selves, and raunged under their obedience. In the end, being three nations of them, to wit, the Tolistobogians, the Trocmians, and the Tectosages, they divided Asia likewise into three parts, and parted them so equally among themselves, that each nation of them possessed a severall tract which paied them tribute. The coast of Hellespontus was given to the Trocmians: the To∣listobogians had for their share Aeolis and Ionia: and unto the Tectosages were allotted the in∣land parts of the maine continent of Asia. And in one word they demaunded tribute of all Asia on this side Taurus. But they planted and seated themselves about the river Halys. The bruit of their name was so fearefull and terrible, and especially after their issue was multiplied and in∣creased [unspec L] in great number, that the KK. also of Syria in the end, refused not to be their homagers and give them tribute. The first of al the inhabitants in Asia that denied them homage, was king Attalus the father of Eumenes: and fortune beyond the expectation of all men, favoured his hardie and courageous enterprise: for he vanquished them in battaile. Howbeit, he daunted not their harts so much, but still they upheld and maint eined their soveraigne seignorie, in such sort, as their puissance continued untill the warre betweene Antiochus and the Romanes. Yea and after that Antiochus was vanquished and chased out of part of his realme, they conceived great hope to hold their owne still; by reason they were so remote from the sea, and therefore thought that the Romane armie would never pierce so farre as to them. The Consull now, for as much as he was to warre with this nation, so terrible to all their neighbours in those quarters, [unspec M] assembled his souldiours to a publike audience, and in this manner made speech unto them.

I am not ignorant, my souldiours, that of all the people which inhabitate Asia, the Gaules are most renowmed for valiance in warre. And why? this fierce and cruell nation having runne over the world in a manner, and warred with all countries, chose them a place of abode, and to

[unspec A] settle themselves in the mids of a generation, of all other most mild & tractable. Big & tall they are of stature & personage: their hair they weare long in golden-crisped and shining locks: they carie bucklers of huge bignes, and handle swords of exceeding length. Besides, when they enter into battaile, they use to sing, to houp and daunce, and with clattering their rarguets & weapons together after the guise of their country, they make an horrible noiso, And all this is done of purpose by them to terrific their enemies. But such devises as these be, let the Greeks, the Phrygians and Carians be afraid of, who are not used and accustomed to heare and see such things as for the Romanes, acquainted with the Gaules sodaine and tumultuous warres, they can skill well enough of these their toyes and vanities also. Once in deed, and but once, at the first encounter they discomfited the Romanes at the river Allia: but since that time our Aun∣cestors [unspec B] for the space of two hundred yeeres have made havock of them, killed, put to flight, and driven them like sheepe before them: and ostner, I dare well say, have they triumphed of the Gaules, than of all the world besides. Thus much we know of them by experience, that if a man be able to stand out their first shock and violence (which upon a furious heate of their owne by nature, and in blind choler and anger they spend all at once) all the parts of their bodie run to sweate and become saint: their weapons are readie to fall out of their hands: their bodies are so tender, their courages so feeble (after their cholerick anger is once alayed and passed) that the very heate of the sunne, the dust and the drought is able without drawing sword, to overthrow them and lay them along. Prouse and tryall wee have had of them, not onely legions to legions, but man to man. T. Manlius and M. Valerius have shewed plainely [unspec C] how farre Romane vertue and prowesse surpasseth the furious rage of Gaules. Why? even Marcus Manlius one man alone, repulsed and beat downe the Gaules as they climbed up by numbers to the Capitoll cliffe. And those auncestours of ours before named, had then to deale, with naturall Gaules in deed, borne and bred in their owne country: where as these here, by this time now are a bastard sort of them and cleane degenerate; mingled they are with others, and in truth, as they be called, so are they Gallo-greeks. And it fareth with them as with plants, fruits, and living beasts, in which we see that the seed is not of that vertue, and so effectuall to keepe and reteine still the owne kind and nature, as the propertie of the soile and the aire where they are nourished, is to change the same. Thus the Macedonians who inhabit Alexandria in Aegypt, who dwell in Seleucia and Babilonia, and other Colonies dispersed over the earth, are growne [unspec D] out of their owne kind, and in manners become Syrians, Parthians, and Aegyptians. Massiita seated among the Gaules, hath drawne somewhat of the nature of the nations adjoyning and bordering upon them. And what have the Tarentines left in them of that seveare, rough, and hard discipline of the Spartanes? For, what soever is ingendred and bred in the owne pro∣per place, is ever more kindly, and reteineth it owne nature better; but looke what is trans∣planted into another soyle, doth soone degenerate, and grow into a basterd kind: for na∣ture transformeth her selfe, and changeth into that wherewith she is nourished. Be sure there∣fore, that like as ye have defeated these Phrygians (for no better they be) overcharged and loden with French armes in the battaile against Antiochus, even so being now conquerours, yee shall subdue and hew them in peeces once already vanquished. And I feare me more that ye shall win [unspec E] too small glory of them, than I doubt by fighting so little with them that ye shall have your hands too full of war against them. Why, even K. Attalus many a time and often hath discomfited and put them to flight. Neither would I have you to thinke, that savage beasts only newly taken, and keeping at the first their sell and wild nature, after a time that they have beene sed by mans hand, grow to be tame and gentle; but that the fiercenesse and crueltie of man, is likewise of the same nature to be dulced and made tractable. Are ye persuaded that these Gauls resemble their fathers & grandfires in conditions? Their forefathers long since left their native country for fault of ground and land to possesse; and being driven to passe through the most rough and difficult countrey of Illyricum, first came into Paeonia, and afterwardes traveiled all over Thracia, fighting ever as they went with most fierce and cruell nations, untill at length they seized upon [unspec F] these parts and setled there. After (I say) they had been hardened and made more fell by so ma∣ny travailes and daungerous adventures, they were received in the end within such a land, as through the aboundance of all good things, might feed & franke them up. All that fiercenes and savage nature of theirs, which they had when they first came thither, is (no doubt) mollified by the goodnes of a most fertile soile, by the sweetnes & pleasure of a most temperat aire, & last of all

by the gentle and debonair nature of the inhabitants their neighbours. And even you also (in [unspec G] good faith) are to looke unto it; (martiall men although you be, and the very off spring of Mars himselfe) yee are (I say) to take heed and beware of these delights of Asia, and betimes to get you forth from them. So forceable are these forreine pleasures and delicate entisements, to quench and corrupt the vigor of your spirits; so powerfull is the commerce and conversing with stran∣gers; so potent is the contagion (as it were) of their maners and discipline of neighbour inhabi∣tants. Yet this one good turn ye shall have, that as against you they have not that courage which in times past they had; so among the Greekes here, they are of as great name as ever they were in auncient time. So that amongst your allies, you shall win as great honour by your victorie, as if you should have conquered the Gaules, when they were at the height of their valour and prowesse. After the assembly dismissed, and Embassadors sent to Epossognatus (the onely prince [unspec H] in those parts who persisted in amitie with Eumenes, and had refused to aid Antiochus against the Romanes) the Consull marched forward. The first day hee came to the river Alander, and the morrow to a certaine village which they call Tyscon. Thither repaired unto him the Embas∣sadors of the Oroadians, craving to be accepted as friends; but they were enjoyned to pay two hundred talents: and when they requested leave to make relation and report hereof at home, they were permitted. From thence the Consull led his armie to Plitendum; and after that, hee encamped at Alyattos. Thither returned they who had been sent to Epossognatus, togither with the Embassadors of prince Compulsus, requesting the Romans not to war upon the Tectosages; for that both himselfe and Epossognatus also, would goe in person to them, and persuade the na∣tion to doe whatsoever they should be commaunded. The prince obtained his request; and so [unspec I] from thence the armie began to march through the land which they call* 1.7Axylos: and well it mought so be called, for it hath no wood at all in it, nor beareth so much as thorns, or any thing els to burne and maintaine fire: cow-dung is all their burning, for want of other sewell. Whiles the Romanes lay in campe before Cuballum, (a fortresse of Gallograecia) they discovered the Cavallerie of the enemies comming toward them with a great hurrey and tumult: and they charged so fiercely and sodainly upon the corps de guard of the Romans, that they not only trou∣bled and disordered them, but also killed some of them. The alarme beeing given within the campe, the Romane horsemen at once issued forth of all the gates, discomfited the Gaules, and flew certaine of them in the chase. The Consull perceiving now that hee was come into his ene∣mies countrey, marched not from thenceforth without sending out his espials before, and kept [unspec K] his armie togither in battatle array with great heed and carefulnesse. Thus hee held on his jour∣ney continually untill he came to the river Sangarius, where he purposed to make a bridge, be∣cause there was no passage over at any fourd. This Sangarius ariseth out of the mountaine A∣doreus, and running through Phrygia it joyneth with the river Thymbris neere unto Bithynia, and so growing bigger by receiving a double current, keepeth his course through Bithynia, and dischargeth himselfe into Propontis; a river, not so famous and noble for the greatnes therof, as because it yeeldeth fish abuudantly to all the nations bordering and dwelling therupon. When the bridge was finished and the armie passed over, as they marched along the banke side, the Galli or priests of Cybele (the great mother of the gods) were come from Pessinus, and with streamers, infules, and other ornaments, met them: and in their fanaticall verses (as men be∣straught [unspec L] and out of their wits) seemed to prophesie and foretell, that the goddesse vouch sa∣fed the Romanes a faire way to warre and victorie, yea and the conquest and seignorie of that countrey. Hereat the Consull said, That he accepted their words for a presage of good fortune, and thereupon in that very place he pitched his tents. The next day he went as far as Gordium: a towne verily it is none of the greatest, but more frequented and resorted unto for traffique and merchandise, than usually such drie townes are that stand farre within the land. Three seas there be triangle wise, of equall distance all from it. On the coast toward Sinope, it hath Hellespont and the shores of the other tract whereas the Cilicians inhabite by the sea side. Moreover, it bor∣dereth upon the confines of many great nations, who for their mutuall need and commoditie, have commerce of negotiation, and meet togither in that one place. This towne at that time [unspec M] they found altogither dispeopled, by reason that the inhabitants were fled for feare; but well sto∣red, & full of wares and goods of all sorts. Whiles the Romans lay there encamped, there came Embassadours from Epossognatus, reporting unto them, that hee had made a journey to the princes of the Gaules, but could obtaine no reason at their hands: also, that they were dislodged

[unspec A] out of the champaine countrey, had quit their villages and lands in great numbers, and togither with their wives and children drave before them and carried with them whatsoever they could, and were retired to the mount Olympus, from whence they purposed to defend themselves by force of armes and the strong situation of the place. The embassadours likewise of the O∣roandians, gave more certaine intelligence, to wit, That the whole people in generall of the Tolistobogians had seized the hill Olympus; that the Tectosages severally by themselves had taken another mountaine called Magana; that the Trocmians, had committed their wives and children to the guard of the Tectosages, minding with a maine armie to aid the To∣listobogians. Now at that time the princes of those three States were Orgiago, Combaloma∣rus, and Gaulotus. And the principall reason and meanes that these had to enterprise warre, [unspec B] was this, That being possessed of the highest hilles of that countrey, and having brought thi∣ther provision of all things to serve them for a long space, they supposed to wearie and weare out their enemies in processe of time. For this account they made, that they would never ven∣ture to march against them, through so hard, so difficult, and disadvantageous places; and if they assaied so to doc, they might be empeached, repulsed backe and beaten down with a small com∣panie again, if they would sit still in leaguer at the foot of those frosen mountaines and doe no∣thing, they were never able to endure the cold and the scarcitie which they should find there. And notwithstanding the very altitude and height of the places defended them, yet over and be∣sides they cast a trench, and made other defences round about the tops of the mountains which they held. Also for provision of darts and other shot, it was the least of all their care, supposing [unspec C] that the rough places would furnish them with sufficient store of stones to fling. The Consull forecasting in his mind that hee should not deale with these enemies close at hand-fight, but a far off when he was to assaile their holds, had made provision aforehand of great store of darts, light velitarie javelines, arrowes, bullets of lead, and small stones that might be levelled and sent out of slings. Thus being well appointed and furnished with such kind of shot, hee led his armie toward the mountaine Olympus, and about five miles off he encamped. The next day hee toge∣ther with Attalus advanced forward with 500 men of armes to view the nature & standing of the mountain, togither with the situation of the Gaules camp. But the enemies horsmen being dou∣ble in number to them, issued out of their camp, and put them to flight, slew a few of them in the rout, and hurt many. The third day hee set forward with all his forces to discover the places, and [unspec D] by reason that there came not one of them out of their defences and fortifications, hee rode round about the mountaine in safetie at his pleasure, and perceived that on the South side, there were certaine little hils, all of cleane earth without stones, and the same rising up with an easie ascent to a certaine place; but to the North were high rocks, and the same in maner steepe upright. And whereas all the rest were inaccessible, three onely waies and advenues hee found, the one directly toward the midst of the mountain (where those litle mounts of earth stood) the other two were difficult, the one lying Southeast, and the other Northwest. After hee had consi∣dered and viewed these places that day, hee pitched his campe at the very root and foot of the hill. The morrow after he sacrificed, and finding by the first beasts which hee killed, that the gods were pacified and favourable unto him, hee devided his armie into three battaillons, and so ad∣vaunced [unspec E] against the enemie, and himselfe in person with the greatest part of his forces, mounted up the hill, whereas it yeelded the easiest ascent. Hee commaunded his brother L. Manlius, from the Southwest to get up the hill, as the place would permit with safetie, giving him in charge that if he met with any daungerous places steepe and hard of ascent, that hee should not wrestle with the difficulties of the ground, nor strive against those things, which to force and overcome were unpossible; but rather to traverse the ground, and retire toward him, and so to join with his battaillon. As for C. Helvius, hee willed him with a third part of the forces, to wheele about by little and little, and fetch a compasse at the hill foot, and then from the Northwest to mount up. Likewise the aids of Attalus, he devided into three equall parts, and tooke order that the young prince himselfe in person should keepe with him. The Cavallerie and the elephants hee left in [unspec F] the next downes beneath the hils, and charged the captaines thereof to have a carefull eie and good regard to marke what was done in every place, yea, and to make hast to rescue and succour wheresoever need should be. The Gaules making full reckoning that on two sides they were sure inough, and the place that way to be inaccessible; because they would stop the other advenue by force of armes on the South side, sent forth about foure thousand armed men to seize upon a

certaine hill within a mile of their campe, which hill commaunded the way, supposing there, as [unspec G] from a skonce and fortresse to debarre them of passage. Which when the Romanes perceived, they put themselves in readinesse to fight. A pretty space before the ensignes, marched the skir∣mishers, together with the Candiote archers & slingers from Attalus; likewise the Triballians of Thrace. The ensigns of the footmen followed softly after (as well as they might) against the hill, bearing their targets before them so, as they seemed to cover themselves only to avoid the shot, and meant not to enter into any fight hand to hand. The fight at first was equall, performed with shot a good distance off: for as the Gaules gar the advauntage of the ground, so the Romans had the ods for varietie and store of darts. But as the skirmish continued and encreased, there was no more equalitie seene. For the shields of the Gaules being made long, and not broad ynough for their bodies, and withall flat and plaine without, hardly covered and defended them: [unspec H] and by this time all their shot was spent; and weapon had they none but their very swords, wher∣of there was no use at all, considering the enemie came not to close fight. The onely helpe they had was with stones, and those too big for their handling and not easie to weld, by reason they were not provided before, but such as in that hast came next to their hand without any choise. Moreover, being not used and exercised to flinging, they had neither the artificiall fleight, nor yet sufficient strength to helpe themselves withall: but contrariwise, from all parts were pelted with bullets of lead, and galled with arrowes and darts at unwares, which they could neither ward nor avoid; and for that with anger and fear together their wits and understandings were blinded, they wist not what to doe, seeing themselves surprised and overtaken in a kind of fight whereunto they were least of al fitted. For as in close conflict hand to hand, where blows are dealt, where raps [unspec I] are given and taken enterchangeably, choler kindleth courage: even so, when men are wounded aloofe with light darts, and from whence they know not, they wot not upon whom to run, and at whom to make in that blind fit of theirs, but they turne upon their owne fellowes without all rea∣son at a venture, like wild beasts galled with arrowes sticking in their sides. Now, they receive not a wound but it is seene, by reason that they fight naked, and their bodies are faire, slicke, and white, as being never bare but in battell: by which meanes greater store of bloud gushout of the wounds in their fleshly bodies, the gashes appeare greater, and their white skin much more stained with black bloud. But they passe not so much for broad and wide flashes (for otherwhiles when the skin is cut away, & the wound rather broad than deep, they take more pride therin, and think they fight with greater honor.) Mary, if it happen at any time, that an arrow head or a bullet [unspec K] sticking within the flesh all hidden, put them to paine and torment, notwithstanding the hurt be small in apparence, yet when they seeke to plucke out an arrow, and the head will not follow, then they take on & are starke mad, for shame that so final a prick should plague them so, and be readie to kill them, insomuch as they cast themselves on the ground, & lie wallowing along every where. Others there be of them that ran full upon their enemie, and those were sticked with arrowes and darts from all parts, and when they came neere to hand, were by the skirmishers killed and cut in peeces with their swords. These souldiours use to cover themselves with a shield of three foot long, carrying in their right hand certaine speares to use aloofe, and weare by their side a Spanish sword. Now in case they come to hand fight, they shift their speare out of the right hand into the left, and take them to their swords. By this time there were but few of these Gaules left alive; who [unspec L] perceiving that the light armed skirmishers of the enemies were too good for them, and seeing withall the ensignes of the legions to approch neere unto them, tooke them to their heeles on all hands, and began to flie amaine toward the campe; which now was full of feare and trouble, as where women and children and a multitude of feeble folke (not fit to beare armes) were thrum∣bled and jumbled together. The Romanes following the traine of their victorie, seized the hils abandoned by the enemies that were fled. About the same time L. Manlius and C. Helvius, ha∣ving mounted so farre as they could find way, traversing the sides of the hill, when they were come to an end, where they could see neither way nor path, they turned to that quarter of the hill which onely affourded a way, and both of them began to follow the Consuls battaillon, a prettie distance asunder, as if they had agreed beforehand so to doe: and that which at first [unspec M] had been simply the best thing to bee done, they were of necessitie forced at last to put in ex∣ecution. For in such difficulties and places of disadvauntage, succours behind in a rereward, have oftentimes served in right good steed: that if those in the vauntguard should chaunce to bee beaten backe, they in the second place might receive and protect them, and also

[unspec A] begin freshly a new fight. After that the formost ensignes of the legions, were come to those hils, which the light armour before had seized, the Consul•• commaunded the souldiors to rest them a while and breath themselves, and shewed them withall where the bodies of the Gaules lay dead along all over the mountaines. And if (qd.he) the light armed skirmisher, have made such a rid∣dance of them, what is to bee looked for at the hands of the legionarie soldiors, armed all over in complete harneis? what will they do that carie the hearts of most noble warriors? surely they must needs win the campe, into which the enemie is chased and driven by the light armed souldiours. Howbeit he commaunded the light armour to goe afore, who all the while that the legions re∣sted themselves, spent not the time in vaine, but emploied it in gathering together the darts and javelines that lay about the hils, to the end that they might have sufficient shot. Now the Romans [unspec B] marched forward and approchedthe campe. The Gaules likewise for their parts, searing least their defences would not be able to defend them, stood armed before their trench and rampier. But afterwards being overcharged with all sorts of darts, they were driven in the turning of an hand within their hold, (for the more they were in number, and the thicker they stood, the lesse lighted any dart in vaine) onely they left strong guards about the gates and entrance into the campe. Moreover, among the multitude which was driven into the hold, there was discharged at randon a mightie number of darts: and that many of them were hurt thereby, appeared by their crie mingled with the shrikes of women and children. Now against them that warded the gates, and took up to the avenues with their guards, the legionarie soldiors in the forefront let flie their ja∣velins. And albeit these were not wounded in their bodies, yet by reason that their shields & buc∣klers [unspec C] were pierced through, they were most of them entangled one within another, & stuck fast. Long they could not abide the violence of the Romanes, insomuch as before that the victours could enter into the campe, the Gaules fled forth at all the gates wide open, and ranne they wist not whither like blind men, as wel through places which had no way, as those that were passable. No rocks so steep with downfals, no cliffes so rough with crags, could stand in their way; and no∣thing feared they affront; their enemies only at their heels affrighted them. And therefore most of them either fell headlong downe a mightie height and brake their necks, or else for very feeble∣nesse lost their breath, were windlesse, and readie to die. The Consull after he had taken their campe, would not suffer it to be ransacked, but commaunded the souldiers every one to follow the chase hard; and whiles the enemies wer thus affraid, to affright them throughly. Then came [unspec D] the other regiment with L. Manlius, but the Consull would not suffer them to enter the camp, but sent them forthwith to pursue the enemies. Himself also in person anon after followed, when he had delivered the charge of keeping the prisoners, unto the militarie Tribunes of the armie: for this reckoning and resolution he made, that the warre was at a finall end, if in this tumultuous fright of theirs he might either kill or take prisoners a number of them. The Consull was no sooner departed, but C. Helvius came with his third regiment, but he could not hold his soul∣diours from the pillage of the camp, insomuch as the bootie and prizes were most unjustly dealt among them who were at no end of the skirmish. The Cavallerie stood all this while still and wist not of the fight, or that their fellowes had gotten the victorie: but afterwards they also espying the Gaules dispersed about the roote of the mountaines, made after them as well as [unspec E] their horses would mount against the hils: some they slue, and others they tooke prisoners. The just number of those that were slaine can not easily be counted, because they fled farre and neere among the cranks and windings of the mountaines, where they were killed in blind corners. Many of them besides, having engaged themselves to the craggs and rocks that had no way for∣ward, tumbled downe into the valleies of a monstrous depth underneath. Yea and some hap∣ned to be killed in the woods amid the greives and bushes. Claudius who writeth of two battailes sought upon the mount Olympus, reporteth that there died there fortie thousand enemies. But Valerius Antias, who otherwise is wont to overreach and exceede in number, hath recorded not above ten thousand. But without all question the prisoners amounted to fortie thousand full, because they went with a traine of all sorts and ages, more like men dislodging and removing [unspec F] out of one country unto another, than going to warre. The Consull after he had burned all the armour of his enemies in one heape, commaunded his souldiours to bring foorththe rest of the pillage and spoile into one place, and either sold and made mony of that which was to come into the publicke treasurie of the citie, or els parted it amongst the souldiours indifferently, with great regard, that every one should have a just and even portion. Moreover hee commaunded

them all in open audience, and rewarded every one besides with gifts according to their seve∣rall [unspec G] deserts. But above the rest, and with the generall accord of all, he both praised, and also re∣compensed Attalus. For surely that yong gentleman shewed not only singular valour and for∣wardnes in all travailes and dangers, but also a speciall modestie and rare sobrietie.

There remained yet entire and whole the warre with the Tectosages, against whome the Consull made an expedition, and upon the third day arrived at Ancyra, a noble citie in those parts, from whence the enemies were little more than ten miles distant. During the time that he lay there encamped, there hapned a memorable act, performed by a captine Lady. Among many more prisoners, there fortuned to be kept in ward, the wife of prince Orttagon, a woman of surpassing beautie. The Centurion who had her person in safe custodie, was leacherous and covetous withall, as many of these souldiours are. Her he sollicited and tempted first to commit [unspec H] folly: but seeing her altogether unwilling, and that she abhorred to prostitute herselfe unto him, he did violence upon that bodie of hers, which fortune had made bond & thrall unto him. But afterwards to mollifie and assuage the indignitie of this villanie, he put the woman in good hope, and promised that she should returne home againe to her friends: mary he would not do all for pure love alone and freely without ransome, for he bargained to have a certeine summe of gold besides. And to the end forsooth that no person belonging to him might take know∣ledge thereof, he permitted her to send one of the prisoners whom she would her selfe as mes∣senger to her friends & kinsfolke, & appointed a place neere unto a river, whether the next night following should repair two and no more (of the said captive ladies friends, with the gold above∣said) for to receive her at his hands. It fell out so that among the rest of the captives committed [unspec I] to his guard, there was a bondslave of her own: this messenger at the shutting in of the evening the Centurion conducted without the corps de guard. The morrow night after came accordingly to the place appointed, both the two friends aforesaid of the gentlewoman, and also the centu∣rion himselfe with his prisoner, where they shewed the gold, amounting to the full summe of one Attick talent (according as it was agreed betweene them) and with that the woman spake unto them in her language, and commaunded them to draw their swords, and kill outright the Cen∣turion as he was weighing the gold. Which done, she caused his head to be stricken off, and wrapped it her selfe within her garment, and so caried it home to her husband Ortiagon, who from Olympus had fled and escaped to his owne house. But before that she clipped and embra∣sed her husband, she threw downe the Centurion his head at his feete. And when he wondered [unspec K] what mans head it was, and what act this might be, far passing a womans deed, she confessed to her husband the injurie that her bodie had suffred, and likewise the revenge for the abuse of her chastitie by force and violence: and (as it is reported) the mainteined the honor of this marron∣like act ever after even to her dying day, in all sanctimonie of life and modest cariage of herselfe like a chast dame.

Whiles the camp lay at Ancyra, the Oratours of the Tectosages shewed themselves unto the Consull, requesting him not to dislodge and remove from thence before hee had parled with their lords and princes: saying withall, that they would accept any conditions of peace whatsoever, rather than warre. The time was set downe, even the next morrow, and a place like∣wise appointed, as just in the mid way (as it could be guessed) between the camp and Ancyra. The [unspec L] Consull thither came at the houre assigned, accompanied with a guard of five hundred horse: but perceiving no Gaule at all there, he returned into the camp. And thither repaired the same oratours unto him the second time, excusing the default, and saying that their princes could not come in person by occasion of some scruple of conscience that arose the while: howbeit, the chiefe personages besides of the whole nation, should appeare, by whome all matters might be composed as well as with themselves. The Consull made answere, that hee like∣wise would send Attalus in his steed. So they came to this emparling from both parts. Atta∣lus had three hundred men of armes about him for his guard: and certeine conditions of peace were drawne and propounded: but for as much as they might not grow to any finall conclu∣sion in the absence of their chiefe commaunders, accorded it was that the day following the [unspec M] Consull and their Princes aforesaid should meet in that place together. Now the drift of the Gauls in making these delaies and trifling off the time, was this, that first they might gaine some convenient space to transport over the river Halys all that ever they had (which they would not hazard with their owne persons, together with their wives and children) and afterwards to lay a

[unspec A] traine of an ambush for the Consull himselfe, who tooke small regard, and was not provided for to prevent their vilanie intended under the colour of that conference. For that purpose, they chose a thousand horsemen out of all their cavallerie, of especiall valor and approved hardines, for the execution of this treacherous designe. And surely this their fraud had taken effect, if fortune had not defended and mainteined the law of nations, which to breake and violate they had complotted. Certeine souldiers of the Romanes sent out to purvey forage and fewell, were directed to those very quarters whereas the parlie abovesaid should be kept. The Colonels thought it the surer place for them, because they were to have the Consuls guard also opposed for their defense against the enemie: howbeit, they set another Corps de guard of their owne, consisting of 600 horsemen neerer to the camp. Now by reason that Attalus assured the Con∣sull [unspec B] so certeinely, that their Princes would come, and that the matter might be soone knit up and dispatched, he departed out of the camp with the same guard of horsemen as before, and when he had marched almost five miles forward, and was not far short of the place appointed, he discovered all of a sodaine the Gaules riding full gallop against them in most furious maner as enemies; whereupon he staied the march and made a stand, commaunding the horsemen to make readie their weapons and resolve to fight. The first charge & shock he received right vali∣antly, & stepped not back one foot: but afterwards as the multitude preased stil upon him, he be∣gan to give ground & recule, but so as he brake not the ranks of his troups. But in the end, when they found more danger in longer stay, than commoditie and help in keeping their arraies, they all at once turned their horse heads & fled. When they were disarraied once, the Gaules pursued [unspec C] hard and killed them: and no doubt a great part of them had died for it, but that the forragers guard of 600 horse aforesaid came in to reskue them. For they hearing a far off the fearesull cry of their fellowes, made readie their armour & horses; and being fresh and in hart, entred upon the fight that was given over by their wearied and discomfited companions: whereupon fortune quickly changed, and the feare turned from the loosers to the winners; for at the first encounter the Gaules were put to flight: and withall, the said foragers & fewellers came running out of the fields, and from all parts made head & affronted the Gaules; in so much as they could neither flie readily nor escape surely, because the Romans with their fresh horses followed them in chase, and they themselves were alreadie tired: few therfore went away with life, & not one was taken priso∣ner, for the greater part by ods paid derely by the losse of their lives, for violating this their parly [unspec D] under the colour of truth and fidelitie. The Romanes whiles their stomacks were inflamed with anger, the very next day came against them with the puissance of all their forces. But the Con∣sull emploied two whole daies himselfe in viewing and discovering the situation & nature of the hill, because he would not be ignorant of anything requisit. Vpon the third day, after he had first taken the auspices & presages of the birds, and afterwards killed a sacrifice, he led forth his armie devided into 4 battailons. Two of them were to mount up the mids of the hill, and the other two he set in the sides to flanke the wings of the Gaules, and to march up against them. The Tectosa∣ges and Trocmians, who were the whole floure and strength of the enemies, made their maine battaile in the mids, consisting of 50000 men; and because ther was no use of horse among those rough & uneven rocks, the cavallerie alight on foot to the number of 10000, & those they put in [unspec E] the right wing. The Cappadocians with Ariarates, and the auxiliarie Morzians, who arose to the number almost of 4000 men, held the left. The Consull (like as before in the mount Olympus) marshalled his light armour for skirmish in the forefront of the vaward, and gave order to have ready at hand as great store of darts & other shot of al sorts as he had before. When they appro∣ched one another, all things answered both of the one side & the other, like as in the former con∣flict; saving that the courage of the victors increased in regard of their fortunat successe, and the harts of the enemies were much abated and daunted. For albeit themselves had not yet beene foiled and vanquished, yet they tooke the overthrow and loste of their countrymen for their owne. And therefore as the beginning of the battaile was sutable, so the issue was semblable. For the Gaules battaile was overspred and covered againe as it were with a cloud of light shot. [unspec F] And not one of them durst run forth out of his raunge, for feare he should discover his whole body and lay it open to take all that came: and keeping still together as they did, the thicker they stood, the fairer marke they were for the enemies to levell at, and the more wounds they recei∣ved. The Consull perceiving they were alreadie of themselves troubled, and supposing that if he set forward and presented unto them the ensignes of the legions, they would immediatly all of

them file, received the light armed loose shot, & the rest of the auxiliarie souldiers within his own [unspec G] ranks & siles, and then advanced his legions. The Gauls affrighted with the fresh remembrance of the late defeature & overthrow of the Tolistobogians, carying also about themselvs the darts sticking in their bodies, weary besides with long standing afoote, and overcharged likewise with many a wound, could not abide so much as the first onset and shout of the Roman legions. Then began they to take their heeles and flie toward their camp, but few of them recovered it, and gat within the rampier and other defences. The greater number fled here and there on both hands, and dispersed themselves into all parts as it tooke them in the head, and as every man in this confused fright caught a way by himselfe. The conquerors followed them still even hard to the very camp, and all the way charged upon their backs, and bear them downe. Which done, they staid and stuck still in the camp for desire of pillage, and there was not one that followed [unspec H] one foot after. The Gauls in the wingsstood to it longer, by reason that it was later ere they were set upon, but able they were not to abide the first charge and shot of the Romanes darts. The Consull, who could not possibly pluck those out of the camp that were once entred in, for gree∣dines of spoiling and rifling the tents, sent out those immediatly that were in the wings to follow the enemies in chase still forward. These pursued them a certeine space: howbeit in this flight (for in truth it was no fight at all) there were not above eight thousand that left their carkases behind them, all the rest recovered the other side of the river Halys. Many of the Romanes re∣mained that night within the enemies camp; the rest the Consull brought back againe to his owne. The next day he tooke accoumpt and survey of the prisoners and prizes, which was so great as a man would conceive that a nation of all others most gree die of pilling and spoiling, might [unspec I] possibly rake and heape together for so many yeeres, as they held all those parts within the mountaine Taurus by force of armes. The Gaules thus skattered in flight, rallied themselves in∣to one place, and being many of them hurt or disarmed, and stripped cleane out of all they had, sent their embassadors unto the Consull to treat for peace. The Consull willed them to give at∣tendance upon him at Ephesus: himselfe made hast to remoove out of those cold quarters, by reason that the mountain Taurus was so neer (for now it was the mids of Autumne) and led back his victorious armie to passe the winter neere the sea side.

Whiles the affaires thus passed in Asia, all was quiet in the rest of the provinces. At Rome the Censors T. Iuintius Flamininus and M. Claudius Marcellus made a new choice of Se∣nators: and P. Scipio Africanus was chosen the president of the Senat now the third time: four [unspec K] onely were left out and discadded; but not one of them had borne office of State, and had the honour to sit in the Curule chaire. The Censors shewed themselves likewise passing mild in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Cavallery and order of knighthood. They put out to framing the foundations and 〈◊〉〈◊〉-works upon the Aequimelium in the Capitoll: and likewise they bargained for to pave the street with hard flint or pebble, from the gate Capena to the temple of Mars. The Cam∣paines demaunded of the Senat, in what place they should be assessed and enrolled: and there∣upon a decreepassed for their enrolment at Rome. The rivers were out, and great deluges hap∣pened that yeer. The Tyber overflowed his bankes twelve times, and drowned Mars field and all the low parts of the cittie.

After that Cn. Manlius the Consull had brought the Gaules warre to an end in Asia, the other [unspec L] Consull M. Fulvius having utterly subdued the Aerolians, passed over into Cephalenia; and sent to all the cities about the yland certaine messengers, to found them whether they would ra∣ther yeeld themselves unto the Romanes, or hazard the fortune of warre? And so forcible was feare among them all, that there was not one person refused to surrender. And being enjoyned (according to the ability of the people who were but bare) to give hostages, the Nesiotes, Cra∣niens, Peleusians, and Sameans delivered twentie apeece. This peace no sooner shone upon the Cephalenians beyond all their expectation, but sodainly one city of the Sameans revolted, and upon what cause it is not knowen: themselves alledged and said, That forasmuch as their cittie was seated in a commodious place, they feared greatly to bee dispossessed and turned out of it by the Romanes. But whether they onely imagined this and put themselves in fright, and so [unspec M] chaunged their quiet repose for vaine and foolish feare: or whether there had beene question hereof among the Romanes, and upon much canvassing in mens mouthes the rumour of such a matter, ran unto them, it is not certainly knowen. Only thus much; after they had given their hostages, they shut their citie gates upon a sodaine; and desist they would not from their enter∣prise,

[unspec A] for all the entreatie and prayers that their owne hostages made, whome the Consull had sent (for the nones) even under their walls, to moove their countreymen and parents to pity and compassion. When as therefore they would make no answere tending unto peace, the Consull began to assault the citie: and all the ordenance of artillerie and engines of battery were under his hand, which had beene brought from the siege of Ambracia. And looke what workes and fabrickes were needfull besides to be made, the souldiours with great diligence and forwardnes performed. So in two places at once they planted rammes against the city and battered the wals. The Samaeans on the other side for their part omitted & neglected nothing, that might either annoy the enemie or impeach the workes. But two things there were principally wherewith they made resistance and withstood their violence: the one was, a countremure within the cittie, [unspec B] which they ever raised new instead of the old, and full as strong as it that was demolished and broken downe: the other was, their often sodaine sallies, one while upon the fortifications and fabrickes, other whiles upon the corps de guard of the enemies: and for the most part in these skirmishes they had the better hand. But one meane there was devised, and the same of small shew to speake of, to restraine and keepe them in from sallying forth. The Romanes sent to* 1.8Ae∣gium,* 1.9Patrae, and * 1.10Dimae, for an hundred flingers. These nations from their childhood used to exercise themselves (after the manner of the countrey) to discharge out of slings into the o∣pen sea certaine round stones, which commonly the shore is overspread with among the sands: by reason of which exercise, they have more skill both to sling farther from them, and also to strike more surely and give a smarter rappe and stroke than those of the Baleare Ilands: for their [unspec C] sling is not made with one onely cord as the Balearians are, and those of other nations; but it hath three leather thongs hardened and made stiffe with many futures and seames, least if the leathering were soft and gentle, the bullet and stone within should wagge too and fro and roll out in the delivery and hurling of it: but being setled and counterpoised (as it were) it went mer∣rily away, as sent and driven out of the noose of a stone-bow. And so well practised they were in this feate, that they could a great way off levell a bullet through garlands, rings, and hoopes of small compasse, and misse not: nay they would be sure to hit, not onely the head of an ene∣mie, but any part of the face that they aimed at, point blanke, and never faile. These slings (I say) made the Samaeans to plucke in their heads, that they durst not sally out neither so often nor so boldly as they did. Insomuch as from the walls; they requested the Achaeans for a while to goe [unspec D] aside and repose themselves, and see them how they skirmished with the corps de gard of the Romanes. Four moneths space the Samaeans endured the siege. Now when of that small num∣ber which they had, some or other daily dropt away, and wer either killed outright or wounded; and they that remained, were both tyred in bodie, and daunted in courage; the Romanes one night passed over the wall, by the fortresse which they call Cyatis (for the city where it boundeth upon the sea, lyeth toward the West) and entred so farre as the market place. After that the Sa∣maeans perceived, that one part of the citie was taken by the enemies, they fled with their wives and children into a greater fortresse, and the next day yeelded: the towne was ransacked, and they themselves were all sold in ouvert market, to who would give most.

The Consull having set the state of Cephalenia in good order, and put a garrison within Sa∣maea, [unspec E] passed into Peloponnesus, having beene called and sent for to come thither a long time, principally by the Aegians and Lacedaemonians. Time out of mind, and from the first begin∣ning of the Diets of Achaea, the whole nation used to assemble and meet at Aegium ordinarily, were it for to grace and honour the citie, or because the place was commodious therefore. This auncient custome Philopaemen that yeere began first to infringe, and went about to make a law and ordinance, That in all the cities of Achaea, their Counsels & Diets shall be holden in course and order at their times. And against the comming of the Consull, when the Demiurges of the free cities and states summoned the Diet to be kept at Aegium, Philopaemen (Pretor for that time) came with a countre-summons and proclaimed it to be held at Argos. And when it was evident to be seen, that they all in manner minded thither to resort; the Consull also (albeit in affection [unspec F] he favoured the Aegians) came to Argos: where, after much debate, seeing the matter growing the other way, he desisted from his dessigne and gave over the cause. After this, the Lacedaemo∣nians averted him from thence, and drew him away to the deciding of their controversies and dissentions. Certaine banished persons they were who most of all disquieted and troubled that state: and many of them had their abiding place in the castles coasting along the frontiers of

the Laconian territorie toward the sea, which was taken wholly from the citie. The Lacedaemo∣nians much discontented and offended hereat, entred one night a certaine borough called,* 1.11 Las, surprised it unawares to the inhabitants, & kept it to their use; to the end, that if need were at any time to send Embassadors to Rome or els whither, they might have some free accesse unto the sea: and withall, be served of a mart-towne for vent, and a place of receit for all forreine mer∣chandise from straungers to their necessarie uses. The townesmen within, as also the exiles afore∣said (there dwelling) were terrified at the first with this sodaine and unexpected occurrence: but afterward (before day-light) when they had once rallied themselves togither, with small adoe and skirmish chased forth the Lacedaemonian: howbeit, the feare spred over all the sea coast, so that in one generall accord, the castles and villages every one, yea and the exiled persons (as many as there inhabited) dispatched their Embassadors to the Achaeans. Philopaemen their Pre∣tour (who ever from the beginning friended the cause of the banished, and had alwaies advised and counselled the Achaeans to abate and take downe the puissance and reputation of the La∣cedaemonians) graunted them at their suite and seeking, a Diet. In which (upon a motion by him made) there passed a decree in this forme: That whereas T. Quintius and the Romanes, had committed and delivered to the safeguard and protection of the Achaeans, the fortresses, bur∣roughes, and villages, situate along the sea coast of the Laconians, and(by vertue of a covenant and accord) the Lacedaemonians had nothing to doe therein, but ought to forbeare them; and yet notwithstanding, the towne Las was by them forced, and a great massacre there commit∣ted: therefore unlesse the principals and accessaries both of that outrage, were yeelded to the Achaeans, they deemed the covenant and accord in that behalfe provided, to be broken. H ere∣upon incontinently were ambassadours addressed to Lacedaemon, to challenge and demaund the parties abovesaid: but the Lacedaemonians tooke this for so proud a commaundement, and thought it such an indignitie, that without all doubt, if they had beene in as good estate then, as sometimes they were, they would immediatly have taken names. But nothing troubled and dis∣quieted their spirits so much as this, for feare least if once they receive the yoke of subjection upon their neckes, in yeelding obedience to their first hests, Philopaemen would effect and put in execution that which he long intended and went about; even to deliver the citie Lacedaemon into the hands of the banished aforesaid. Enraged therefore with choller and anger, they fell upon thirtie of that faction who were complotted in counsell with Philopaemen and the exiles, and slew them out-right; and withall made a decree, To renounce and reject, all societie with the Achaeans; and forthwith to send their Embassadors to Cephalenia, with commission, to deliver Lacedaemon unto M. Fulvius & the Romans; and to beseech him to take the pains to come into Peloponnesus, there to receive the citie Lacedaemon under the obeisance and protection of the people of Rome. When the Embassadors had made relation hereof to the Achaeans, presently war was proclaimed against the Lacedaemonians, by common consent of all the states of that assem∣bly and generall counsell: but the winter impeached them for entering into any action & present execution. Howbeit they made small rodes into their frontiers, and wasted the same not only by land, but also by sea, after the maner of robberie & piracie, rather than warlike hostilitie. These troubles drew the Cos. into Peloponnesus, and by his commandement a Diet was published to be holden at Elis; and thither were the Lacedaemonians sent for to argue and debate their cause. Where there was not only much reasoning and dispute, but also wrangling and altercation. The Co nsull who in other points bare himselfe nicely ynough, and answered in doubtfull tearmes, as one willing to entertaine both parts, determined and ended the controversie in one only word, warning them both to put up their swords, and lay armes aside, untill they had sent their embas∣sadours to the Senate of Rome. So there were embassages addressed both from the one and the other to Rome. In likewise the banished Lacedaemonians joined their cause and embassie with the Achaeans. Diophanes and Lycortas, both Megapolitanes, were the cheese in the embassage of the Achaeans, who as they jarred and disagreed in the managing of State-affaires, so they accor∣ded not but varied in the speeches that they delivered. Diophanes referred the decision of all matters unto the Senate, as who were best able to compose all controversies between the Achaea∣ans and Lacedaemonians. But Lycortas, instructed by Philopaemen, required that the Achaeans might do and execute whatsoever they had ordained; according to the covenant, & the conditi∣ons therein comprised; and that they would maintaine their full libertie without abridging and empairing the same, according as they had received it at their hands. The nation of the Achae∣ans

in those daies was in great credite and reputation at Rome, howbeit the Senate thought it not good to make any chaunge and alteration in the State of the Lacedaemonians. In conclusi∣on, they returned such an intricate and doubtfull answere, that both the Achaeans might con∣strue it, as if they had permission and free libertie to doe what they would with Lacedaemon, and the Lacedaemonians againe tooke it, as thought they had not so large a scope and absolute power allowed them, as to doe their pleasure in everything. But this authoritie and libertie whatsoever it was, more or lesse, the Achaeans stretched beyond all measure and compasse, and used it too proudly and insolently. Philopaemen continued still in place of soveraine government, and levi∣ed a power to be readie in the beginning of the spring, and so encamped upon the frontiers of the Lacedaemonians. This done, hee sent his embassadours to demaund the deliverie of them into his hands, who were the authours of the revolt; promising withall, that if they would so doe, their citie should remaine in peace without any molestation, and they suffer and sustain no harm, before they had answered for themselves in open audience. All the rest for feare kept silence and said not a word, only they whom he had challenged by name, made offer of them selves to go, un∣dersafe conduct received from the embassadours, and faithfull promise that no violence should be done upon their persons, untill they had pleaded their answer. Accompanied they were with divers noble personages of great marke and name, both as advocates unto them in their particu∣lar quarrels, and also in regard of the Commonweale, as farre as their private cause any way tou∣ched and concerned it. Never had the Achaeans before time brought the Lacedaemonians exiles with them into the confines of Lacedaemon, because they supposed that nothing might so much alienate and estrange the hearts of the whole citie as that. But then the whole head, as it were, of the vaward, were no other but those banished persons. And as the Lacedaemonians abovesaid were comming, who should meet and affront them arraunged in order of battell at the very gate of the campe, but they? At the first they welcommed them with chiding and railing, after that they fell to bitter words and brauiles, and their bloud was up on both sides, insomuch as those of the banished crew who were of hotest spirit and sharpest mettall, made no more adoe but ran upon the Lacedaemonians: whereupon they called the gods to witnesse, and cried to the embassadours for protection; who together with the Pretour himselfe came between, voided the prease, and the safeguarded the persons of the Lacedaemonians, empeaching and staying some of their hands who were alreadie about to bind them and make them sure. But the tumult still encreased, and the multitude was all up on a hurrey. The Achaeans ran first to see onely what the matter was, and to be lookers on. But afterwards, when the exiles began with a loud voice to crie out, and report what wrongs and injuries they had sustained, beseeching them of their helpe, and avouching withall right confidently, that if they let slip this opportunitie, they should never have the like againe, alleadging moreover, That the league first made in the Capitoll, after re∣nued at Olympia, and last of all confirmed by a sacred oth in the castle of Athens, had ben bro∣ken and disannulled by them, and therefore the guiltie and culpable parties were to be punished accordingly, before they entreed into any bond of new accord. At these words the multitude was incensed, and by occasion of one mans voice, who cried to strike and knocke them downe, fell to flinging stones at them. And by this meanes seventeene of them, who during the garboile chaunced to be tied in bonds, were stoned to death. The rest, to the number of sixe and thirtie, were the next morrow apprehended, whom the Pretour had sheelded and protected from vio∣lence, not for any desire hee had to save their lives, but because hee would not have them miscarie and perish before they were heard. These were presented and exposed as a prey to the unruly and angrie multitude: & when they had made some small speech unto them, from which they turned away their eares, they were all condemned and delivered over to bee led to execution. When the Lacedaemonians were once put in this feare, then they were commaunded, Imprimis To demolish and breake downe their walls. Item, That all forraine auxiliarie souldiours, who were waged and served for pay under the tyrants, should avoid out of the Laconian countrey. Item, That all the slaves whom those tyrants had set free(and of such there was a great number) should depart before a certaine day; and that it might be lawfull for the Achaeans to attach the bodies, to sell and carrie away as many as staied and remained behind. Item, That they should abo∣lish the lawes ordinances and customes of Lycurgus, and frame themselves to live after the fashions and manners of the Achaeans, for so they should be incorporate into one civile bodie, and better accord and sort together in all things. They condesended to none of all these condi∣tions

more willingly and sooner, than to the raising of their walls, and nothing troubled them so much and vexed their heart, as the restoring of the banished persons. Howbeit there passed an act at Tegea for their restitution in a generall Counsell of all the Achaeans there held. In which assembly, upon a report and mention made, that the mercenarie straungers above speci∣fied, and the new enrolled Lacedaemonians called Ascripti (for so they tearmed them, who by the tyrants were enfranchised and endued with freedome) had abandoned the citie, and were de∣parted sundry waies into the countrey, it was thought good before the armie was dissolved and called, that the Pretor should go with a companie lightly armed and appointed, to lay hold upon all that sort of people, and make sale of them, as of a prize and bootie gained from the enemies. Many of them were apprehended and sold. And with the money raised of them, that porch or gallerie at Megalopolis, which had been ruinate by the Lacedaemonians, was by the permission [unspec H] unjustly held in the possession, was laid againe to that citie, according to an old decree of the Achae∣ans, which was made during the reigne of king Philip, sonne of Amyntas. The citie of the Lace∣daemonians by this meanes much enseebled, continued a long time in subjection and thral∣dome under the Achaeans. But their State received dammaged by no one thing so much, as by the abolishing of the discipline of Lycurgus, to which they had beene used and accustomed for the space of seven hundred yeares.

Presently after the holding of this Diet, wherein the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians debated their causes before the Consull, M. Fulvius repaired to Rome(for that the yeare was almost ex∣pired) against the solemne election of new magistrates; wherein he created for Consuls, M. Vale∣rius [unspec I] Messala, and C. Livius Salinator, and gave the repulse to M. Aemylius Lepidus his enemie, who that yeere made suite also to be Consull. This done, there were Pretours also chosen, to wit, Q. Martius Philippus, M. Claundius Marcellus, C. Stertinius, C. Catinius, P. Claudius Pulcher, and Lo. Manlius Acidinius. When this election was ended, at was thought expedient that M. Ful∣vius should returned into his former province to the armie there: and not only he, but his col∣league also Cn. Manlius, had their commission revived, and they continued in government ano∣ther yeere. The same yeere according to the direction of the Decemvirs, there was brought into the temple of Hercules the statue of the same god: and within the Capitoll were set up by Cn. Cornelius sixe steeds in gold drawing a chariot with this inscription, That he being Consull, gave that present. Also P. Claudius and Serv. Sulpitius Galbe, AEdiles Curule, hung up twelve [unspec K] brasen shields, made of the fines that certeine commudgins paid, for hourding up and keeping in their graine. Moreover Q. Fulvius Flaccus an AEdile of the Commons, erected two golden images raised of the monie that one guilty person was condemned in (for they commensed their actions severally by themselves.) As for A. Cecilius his companion, he condemned none. The Romane great games were set forth all throughout, thrice: and the Plebeian plaies exhibi∣ted likewise full and whole, five times.

After this, M. Valerius Messala and C. Livius Salinator, entred their Consulship upon the ,* 1.12 15. day of March, and proposed before the Senat as concerning the affaires of the State, tou∣ching their provinces also, and the armies. As for AEtolia and Asia, there was no change at all. The Consull, by a decree of the Senat had the charge, one of Pisae, togither with the Ligurians; [unspec L] and the other of Gaule: and they were commaunded either to agree between themselves, or to cast lots for their provinces. They were enjoyned also to levie new armies, and each of them to enroll two legions, and either of them to charge the allies of the Latine nation with 15000 foot, & 1200 horsemen. Vnto Messala fell the government of Liguria: and to Salinator of Gaule. After this, the Pretors likewise cast lots for their provinces: the jurisdiction within Rome of ci∣tizens was allotted to M. Claudius, and of forainers to P. Claudius. Sicilie to Q. Martius, Sardinia to C. Stertinius, high Spaine to L. Manlius, and the low to C. Atinius. As for the armies, ordei∣ned it was, that the legions under the conduct of C. Laelius should be withdrawne out of Gaule, and made over to M. Tuccius the Propretour for to serve in the Brutians countrie. Item, That the forces which were in Sicilie should be discharged: and that M. Sempronius the Vizpretor there, [unspec M] should bring from thence the fleete to Rome. Ordeined likewise served there; and that both the of Spaine should have one legion, which at that time served there; and that both the Pretors should for supplie levie of the allies three thousand foote and two hundred horsemen apeece, and transport the same over with them. Now before that these new governors went

[unspec A] to their provinces, by order from the whole colledge & societie of the Decemvirs, ther was pub∣lished a generall procession and supplication to be holden for 3 dayes in all the quarrefours or crosse streets of the citie: for that in the day time between the third hour & the fourth, ther arose a generall darknes which continued almost all that while. Moreover, a Novendiall sacrifice was published to be celebrated for 9 days together, because on the Aventine hil it had rained stones.

The Companes, when as the Censors (by vertue of an act of Senat which passed the former veere) compelled them to be enrolled at Rome, (for aforetime they knew not where to be enrol∣led): made petition now that they might contract mariages and take Romane citizens to their wives; and that whosoever had wedded any of them before, might keep them still; and what children forever they had borne before that day, should be reputed legitimate and their right∣full [unspec B] heires. Both suites were graunted. As concerning the free burgesses of Formiae, Fundi, and Arpinum, C. Valerius Tappo a Tribune of the Com. preferred a bill, that they might be privi∣ledged to give their voyces in Rome: for before that time, citizens in deed they were of Rome, (and that was all) for libertie of suffrages they had none. This bill was crossed and nipped by foure other Tribunes, because it was propounded without the warrant and approbation of the Senate. But being afterwards better advised and enformed, that it apperteined to the people and not to the Senat to geve their voyces where it pleased them, they gave over their enterprise, and opposed themselves no more hinder the proceeding thereof. So it passed; and enacted it was, That the Formians and Fundans should give their voyces in the tribe AEmylia; and the Arpinates in Cornelia: so in these tribes then first and never before, were they enrolled by an [unspec C] act of the same Valerius. M. Claudius Marcellus the Censor tooke a survey of the citie, and by lot obteined the preeminence thereof before his colleague T. Quintius. In which there were numbred 258308 polles of Romane citizens. This review being accomplished, the Consuls tooke their journeys into their severall provinces.

During that winter season whiles these things thus passed at Rome, there resorted embassa∣ges from all States, cities and nations which inhabit on this side Taurus, unto Cn. Manlius first Consul, and afterwards Proconsull, whiles he kept his winter in Asia. And as the victorie atchie∣ved over Antiochus was more honorable & glorious to the Romans, than that over the Gauls, so the conquest of the Gaules was more joyous and pleasing to the Romane allies, than that other of Antiochus. For the servitude in which the king held them was more tolerable, than the crueltie [unspec D] of these savage and in humane barbarians, and the doubtful feare and fright wherein they stood every day; as not knowing how farforth they would proceede, caried so (as it were) in a tempest to walt & spoile them cleane. And therefore as nations who by the defeature of Antiochus recove∣red libertie, & by the subduing of the Gaules enjoyed peace, they presented themselves not only to givethanks and shew their contentment in that behalfe, but also brought with them certeine coronets of gold, every one according to their abilitie. Likewise there came embassadors from Antiochus, as also from the very Gaules, to have conditions of peace ministred unto them: yea and from Ariarates king of the Cappadocians, who craved pardon, and offerd to buy out his trespasse for mony, in that he had given aid unto Antiochus: and fined he was to pay 200 talents of silver. The Gauls had this answere returned unto them, That K.Eumenes when he came should [unspec E] render them article of peace. The embassages of the other states and cities were dismissed with gracious answers, and went away better pleased and contented, Than they were at their com∣ming. The embassadors of Antiochus were commaunded to bring the monie into Pamphylia, and come likewise, according to the covenant made with L. Scipio: for thither the Consull purposed himselfe to come with his armie. After this, having t aken a review and survey of his forces, he set forward in the beginning of spring, and within 8 daies arrived at Apamea. There he sojourned in camp for three daies: from thence he removed, and at the third daies end came to Pamphy∣lia, thither he had given order to the kings embassadors to convey their mony & corne. There he received 1500 talents of silver which were transported unto Apamea. The corne was devided in the armie. From thence he marched to Perga, which was the only country in those parts held [unspec F] with a garison. When he approached, the captain of the garison met him on the way, requesting XXX daies space, in which time he might know the pleasure of K. Antiochus as touching the ren∣dring of that citie. The time was granted, & within that day the garison quit the place & depar∣ted. From Perga he sent his brother L. Manlius with 400 souldiers to Oroanda, for to demaund the rest of the money which by promise was due: and himselfe because he was advertised that

K. Eumenes and the deputies or commissioners were come from Rome to Ephesus, retired with [unspec G] his armie also to Ephesus, and commanded the embassadors of Antiochus to follow him thither. There, by the advise of the ten commissioners, a small league was concluded, and comprised in these of such like tearmes: There shall be armitie and friendship betweene king Antiochus and the people of Rome, under these conditions ensuing. Imprimis, The king shall not suffer to passe through any part of his realme, or their countries that are under his dominion, any armie that intendeth to make warre against the people of Rome or their associates, nor aid them with vi∣rtuals or any other succour whatsoever. Item, The Romanes and their allies shall doe the like by Antiochus, and all those that are under his subjection. Item, It shall not be lawfull for Antio∣chus either to make warre with those that inhabit the Ilands, or to passe over into Europe. Item, He shall quit all cities, lands, villages, and fortresses on this side the mountaine Taurus unto the [unspec H] river Tanais; and moreover from the foot and the valley under the said hill, unto that ridge thereof which bendeth toward Lycaonia. Item, Out of those townes, territories, and castles which he is to void, he shall carrie away no armour: and if he have conveighed from thence any alreadie, he shall duly restore the same to everie place accordingly. Item, He shall receive neither souldiour nor any other person out of the kingdom of Eumenes. Item, If any citizens belonging to those cities which are dismembred and cut off from his realme, chaunce to remaine now with him, they shall returne all to Apamea within a certaine day. Item, As many as appertaine to the king∣dome of Antiochus, and are now with the Romanes or their allies, may depart home ortary still at their pleasure. Item, All slaves, whether they be fugitives or taken captive in warre; likewise all other persons free o f conditions before, and afterwards either taken prisoners or revolted, he [unspec I] shall deliver againe to the Romanes and their allies. Item, He shall make deliverie of all his ele∣phants, and shall provide himselfe of no more hereafter. Item, He shall yeeled up all his gallies of warre, with the tackling to them belonging: neither shall hee keepe above ten small vessels, and none of them shall have more than thirtie ores to guide and row them; nor so much as one ,* 1.13 galley with a single banke of ores, to serve in any warre that himselfe shall first begin. Item, Hee shall not saile within the promontories of Calycadnum & Sarpedon, unles haply there be some ship that bringeth mony, embassadors, or hostages. Item, It shall not be lawfull for king Anti∣chus to levie and wage any souldiours out of those nations which are subject to the people of Rome; no nor to entertaine so much as voluntaries from thence. Item, What houses and edifi∣ces belonging to the Rhodians and their allies, are now within the precincts of the realme of [unspec K] Antiochus, shall returne to the said Rhodians and their associates, in as good estate and tenour as they were before the warre began. And if any money or debts be to them due, they may de∣maund and recover the same. Item, If ought have been taken from them, they shall have good law and right to search, owne, demaund, and challenge it againe. Item, If any of those cities which ought to be rendred, be held by those unto whome Antiochus hath committed them, he shall withdraw the garrisons from thence, and take order that they be surrendred accordingly. Item, Hee shall pay within twelve yeeres by even portions, 12000 Atticke talents of good and lawfull silver: provided, that every talent weigh no lesse than eightie pound after Roman poise; besides 540000 modij of wheate. Item, Hee shall pay unto king Eumenes 350 talents within five yeeres; and for corne according to the rate and propo rtion 127 talents. Item, He shall send [unspec L] unto the Romanes 20 hostages, and change them for others every three yeeres: provided, that they be not under 18 yeere of age, nor above 45. Item, If any allies of the people of Rome, be∣gin of their owne motion to make warre upon king Antichus, it shall be lawfull for him to re∣venge himselfe, and used forcible meanes to withstand their violence: yet so, as he hold no citie in right of warre, nor receive any into amitie: and all controversies which shall arise betweene them, shall be decided by law and justice; or if both parties be so pleased, they shall trie the issue by force of armes. Item, it was comprised also within the covenants of this accord. That hee should deliver into the Romans hands, Anniball the Carthaginian, Theas the AEtolian, Mnasi∣machus the Acarnanian, Eubulus likewise and Philo the Chalcidians. Finally, if ought hereafter happened to be added moreover, or chaunged otherwise, the same in no case to prejudice any [unspec M] thing conteined within the covenants aforesaid. To this accord the Consull sware; & to receive the kings oth likewise, there went unto him Q. Minutius Thermus and L. Manlius, he who fortu∣ned at that time to returne from the Oroadians. And the Cos. wrote his letters to Q.Fab. Lebeo admirall of the fleet, presently to come to Patara, and what ships soever of the kings were there,

[unspec A] to hew them in pieces, and make a light fire of them. So he departed from Ephesus, and either brake into fitters or burnt, 50 covered ships belonging to the king. In the same voyage & exploit he surprised and woon Telmessus, by reason that the townesmen were so affrighted at the sodaine comming of the fleete. Then forthwith hee departed out of Lycia, and having given order to those that were left behind at Ephesus to follow after, he crossed the seas (betweene the Ilands) over into Greece. After he had sojourned some few daies at Athens, until the ships from Ephe∣sus were entred into the harbour of Pyraeum: from thence he brought backe his whole armada to Italie. Cn. Manlius having received (among other things which were to be yeelded up of Anti∣ochus) the elephants also, and bestowed them all freely upon Eumenes; gave audience to the controversies of many cities and states, amongst whome (during these changes and alterations) [unspec B] there arose sundry troubles and much variance. And Ariarates the king, who by the means and mediation of Eumenes (unto whom about that time he had affianced his daughter in marriage) was discharged and had acquittance for the one moitie of the mony imposed upon him, entred into amitie with the people of Rome. When the differences of the cities aforesaid were debated and known, The ten Commissioners set down an order between them, respectively to their condi∣tion. To as many as had beene tributaries to king Antiochus, and yet sided with the people of Rome in affection, they graunted franchise and immunitie: but as many as tooke part with An∣tiochus, or were tributaries unto king Attalus, those were commaunded to pay their customes and duties to king Eumenes. Moreover, they freed and exempted from all taske and tallage (ex∣pressely by name) the Colophomans inhabiting Notium, together with the Cymeans and the [unspec C] Milesians Vnto the Clazonemians (over and besides the same freedome) they ga ve the Iland Drymusa. To the Mislesians also the territorie called Sacer: to the Ilians, they annexed Rhaeteum and Gergithus, not so much for any fresh and late deserts, as in memoriall of their auncient be∣ginning and foundation; which was the cause also that they set Dardanus free. Semblably the Chians, Smyrneans, and Erythraeans, for their singular loyaltie and devoir which they shewed in that warre, they not only indued with faire lands and territories, but also graced with all kind of honour and reputation above the rest. Moreover, the Phocaeans had both their owne lands restored unto them which they enioyed before the war, and also libertie to live under their aun∣cient lawes. As for the Rhodians, they had those things now confirmed and established unto them, which by a former decree were granted and to better their estate, Lycia, and Caria were [unspec D] bestowed upon them, as farre as the river Maeander, all save the citie Telmessus. Vnto the domi∣nion of king Eumenes, they laid Chersonesus in Europe; and Lysimachia, with all the castles; villages, and lands thereto belonging, in as large tearmes and ample manner as Antiochus held the same: also within Asia, the one and the other Phrygia, as well that which consineth upon Hellespont, as the other which they call the Greater. Moreover, they restored unto him Mysia, which king Prusias had taken from him: over and besides, Lycaonia, Mylias, and Lydia; toge∣ther with these cities by special name, Tralleis, Ephesus, and Telmessus. As touching Pamphy∣lia, some debate there was betweene the agents of Eumenes and the Embassadors for Antiochus, because one part thereof is situate on this side the mount Taurus, and the other lyeth beyond. The decision of this controversie was wholly referred to the arbitrement of the Senate. Man∣lius [unspec E] having set downe these covenants and decrees, departed with the ten Legates and all his armie toward Hellespont; and when he had caused the princes of the Gau les thither to repaire before him, he declared unto them in what tearmes, & under what conditions they should enter∣taine peace with Eumenes: and therwith he gave them warning, to leave their manner of roding and roving in hostile wise by force of armes, and to containe themselves within the precints and bounds of their owne territories. After this, having gathered into one-place all the vessels from the sea coasts, together with the entire flore of king Eumenes, which by his brother Achae∣neus was brought from Elea, he transported all his forces into Europe. From whence hee mar∣ched through Chersonnesus by short and easie journies, because his armie was heavily charged with prises and booties of all sorts; and encamped at Lysimachia, purposing there to rest a while, [unspec F] to the end that his travelling beast of draught and cariage, might be fresh and in good heart to passe through Thracia, which was a voiage and journey commonly feared and abhorred. The same day that he dislodged from Lysimachia, he came to the river which they cal Melas, & from thence the next day to Cypsela. When they were past Cypsela, they had for ten miles almost no other way, but through wild woods, narrow streights, and those rough withall and uneven un∣derfoot

For the difficultie of which passage, the armie was devided into two parts. The one hee [unspec G] commaunded to march before, the other to come behind in the rereward a great distance after, and in the middest betweene, he bestowed the carriages with bag and baggage, & amongst them were waggons and waines, loden with the publicke treasure, and other pillage of great price. As he thus marched through the streight passe, there were about ten thousand and not above, raised out of foure nations of Asia, to wit, the Astians, Caenians, Maduarenes, and Coeleres, who be set the streights to debarre them of passage. It was supposed that king Philip of Macedonie his hand was herein, and that they entred not into this action without his privitie and fraudulent practise; who as he knew that the Romanes could returne no other way but by Thracia, so he was ware and wist well ynough what a masse of money they carried with them. The Romane Generall himselfe was in the vaward, careful only & troubled aboutthe difficultie of the way. All this while the Thra∣cians [unspec H] sat still and stirred not, until the armed souldiours were passed by. But when they perceived once, that the vauntguard was gotten out of the streights, and that the rereward was farre ynough behind, they fel in hand with the packes and coffers of the carriages; and after they had killed the guards, some of them ransacked and risted that which was in the waggons, others led away the packe horses and other sumpter beasts with their lode and burden on their backes. Hereupon arose a crie and alarme, and was first heard of those that followed, but afterwards of them also in the foreward, and so from both ends they ran to the middest, and at one time in diverse places, skirmished without all order confusedly. The Thracians heavily charged and encombered with pillage, and most of them without any weapon at all, because they might have the use of their hands more nimble and deliver to snatch and catch unto them their prises, were by this meanes [unspec I] more exposed to receive hurt, and soone killed. The Romanes againe were much distressed and annoied through the disadvantage of the ground and the waies; which the barbarous people were well ynough acquainted with, and out of them would issue forth to encounter, and other∣whiles lurke within hollow blind caves, and not bee seene. The very packes likewise and the wag∣gons, standing and lying untowardly in the way, sometime of one, and sometime of other (as it happened) troubled and hindered their much in their fight. So as here in one place lay the theese dead, there in another the true man that pursued him. And according as the plot of ground was good or bad, as well for the one sort as the other, as their hearts and courages ser∣ved or failed them, and as the number was more or lesse, so the medley and fight was variable: and in one word, of both sides many a man lay in the dust and lost his life. By which time the [unspec K] might approched, and the Thracians departed out of the conflict, not so much to avoid wounds and for feare of death, as for that they had sped themselves sufficiently of prizes. The Romance vaward encamped without the forrest, in the open ground about the temple of ,* 1.14 Bendis. The rereward remained still behind in the middlest of the woods to guard their carriage, fortified within a double pallisado of strong stakes. The morrow after, when they had well discovered by their espials the way before them, they joined themselves with the vauntguard. In this battell (over and besides a great part of their pillage lost, and a number of camp-followers and lac∣kies slaine, with some souldiours also, for that there was skirmishing every where throughout the chase) there died Q. Minutius Thermus: and a right great losle there was of him, for he was a man of much valour and execution. That day the armie marched as farre as to the river [unspec L] Herbus. From whence they passed through the confines of the AEnians, neere unto the temple of Apollo, whome the inhabitants name Zerynthius. And there they met with another streight passage about a place called Tempyra, as rough and combersome under foot as the former. But for as much as there were no woods about it, it yeelded no good place for ambushes. Howbeit the Thrausians (a people likewise of Thrace) assembled together, hoping also to light upon the like bootie. But by reason that the vallies lay naked and open, so as if any beset the narrow waies they might be discovered a farre off, the Romans were lesse afraid and troubled. For say that they were to fight in some place of disadvauntage, yet they might arraunge themselves in battell ray in open field, and joined in close fight hand to hand. Being therefore embarrelled in squadrons thicke and strong, they charged the enemie with a great shout and crie, and at the first shocke [unspec M] forced them to recule and lose ground, and afterwards to turne back and flie. And in the rout they were beaten downe and killed; for even their owne streights which they seized for their van∣tage, empeached and hindered themselves. The Romanes having gotten the victorie, encamped neere a village of the Maronites, called Sare. The next day they marched through the champian

[unspec A] open countrey Priaticus, where they sojourned three daies to take in come, partly from out of the fields of the Maronites, which willingly of themselves they conferred upon them, and partly out of their owne ships, which followed after, well furnished with all kind of provision. From this giste they made but one daies journey to Appolonia, and so passing through the territorie of the Abderites, they came to Naples. All this way they journeied peaceably through the Colonies of the Greeks. But the rest behind, if it were not daungerous unto them for any hostilitie, yet sus∣pected still it was, all the whiles that they passed night and day through the middest of the Thra∣cians, untill at length they came into Macedonie. The same armie conducted sometime before by Scipio that very way, found the Thracians more gentle and tractable, for no other cause, but that they had lesse store of pillage and bootie with them to set their teeth on water, and fingers [unspec B] on itching. And yet even thenalso (as Claudius writeth) there were a fifteene thousand Thracians that encountered Mutines the Numidian, as hee marched before the avauntguard to discover the coasts; and hee saith, that he had in his companie foure hundred Numidian horsemen, and some few elephants: also that his sonne, with an elect wing of a hundred and fiftie horse, brake through the middest of the enemies, who also within a while after, (when his father Mutines ha∣ving placed the elephants in the middest, and the horsemen in the flankes, joined in battell with his enemies, charged them upon the backes, and put them in great feare) by meanes of which slorme and tempest (as it were) of the Cavallerie, they never came so farre, as to deale with the barrell of the footmen. Cn. Manlius led his armie through Macedonie into Thessalie, and mar∣ching on by the way of Epirus, arrived at Apollonia, where hee abode all winter. For hee made [unspec C] not to light a matter of winter sailing, that hee durst take the sea, and hazard the passage at that time of the yeere.

The yeere almost expired, M. Valerius the Consull returned out of Liguria to Rome, for the creation of new magistrates, having atchieved no such memorable exploit in his province during the time of his government, as might have yeelded any colourable reason of his long slay, in that he came more tardie (than the usuall manner was) to the assembly for an election of Consuls: (for holden it was upon the,* 1.15 12 calends of March) wherein were created, Mar. Aemylius Lepidus and C. Flaminius. The next day after, these Pretors were elected; namely, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Ser. Sulpitius Galba, Q. Terentius Culleo, L. Terentius Massaliota, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, and M. Furius Crassipes. After the election of magistrates, the Consull proposed to the [unspec D] Senate as touching the provinces and governments of the Pretors. And the LL. decreed, that two of them should remaine at Rome, to minister lawes and execute justice: other two should bee employed out of Italie, in Sicilie and Sardinia: two in Italie, to wit, at Tarentum and in Gaule. Immediatly before they entered into office, they were enjoyned to cast lots: and Ser. Sul∣pitius had the jurisdiction of the citizens, and Q. Terentius of strangers and aliens: L. Terentius took the charge of Sicilie, Q. Fulvius of Sardinia, Ap. Claudius was to govern Tarentum, & M. Fu∣rius to rule Gallia. It fortuned the same yeere, that L. Minutius Mytilus and L. Manlius were de∣livered to the Carthaginian Embassadors, by the hands of the Faeciall heralds at the comman∣dement of M. Claudius Pretor of the citie for the time being, and transported over to Carthage, for that the voice and speech went, That they had beaten the said embassadours. A bruit and ru∣mour [unspec E] there was of a great Senate ordained to both the new Consuls the province of Liguria, that day on which they propounded unto the Senate to Consult about the provinces and the affaires of the Commonweale. But Lepidus the Consull opposed himselfe against this their act and or∣dinance, alleadging That it was a shameful indignitie, that both the Consuls should be shut up and enclosed within the vallies of Liguria; whereas for two yeers alreadie M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had raigned like kings, the one in Europe, the other in Asia, in steed of Philip and An∣tiochus. And if (quoth he) it bee the pleasure of the Senate that there should bee armies maintai∣ned in those parts, more meet ywis it were, that Consuls should have the command & conduct thereof, than those privat persons. As for them, they raunge about those nations, terrifying them [unspec F] with threats of warre, against whome there hath beene none proclaimed; making merchandise and selling peace among them for summes of money. Now if it bee requisite and needfull to keepe two armies for the government and defence of those provinces, like as M. Fulvius and Cn. Manlius Consuls, succeeded M. Atilius and L. Scipio Consuls: so C. Livius and M. Valerius the Consuls ought to have entred in place of Falvius and Manlius. At leastwise now, when the AEto∣lian

warre is finished and brought to an end, Asia recovered and conquered from Antiochus, and [unspec G] the Gaules vanquished and subdued, either ought Consuls to bee sent unto their armies, or else the legions to be brought back from thence, and at length delivered to the Commonweale.

The Senate notwithstanding they gave him the hearing, persisted still in their resolution, that both Consuls should be imploied in the province of Liguria. Yet thought good it was, that Manlius and Fulvius should leave their provinces, withdraw their forces from thence, and re∣turne to Rome. And old grudge there was and a cankred enmitie between the said M. Fulvius, and M. Aemylius the Consull: and among other matters of discontentment, Aeymylius gave out, that by the meanse of Fulvius, himselfe was created Consull two yeeres later than otherwise he should have bene. And therefore to worke him despight and make him odious to the world, he caused the embassadors of Ambracia (whom he had suborned and set on for to lay matters to [unspec H] his charge) to enter into the Senate house. These being in place, complained that M. Fulvius had warred upon them, at what time as they were in peace, performed all that other Consuls be∣fore had imposed upon them, and were also readie in all dutie and allegance to do the same unto him. First our land and territories say they, were piteously spoiled & wasted: then were we terrified with the sacking of our citie, and threatned with the killing of our people, that for very feare we were forced to shut out gates. Afterwards we were beleaguered and assaulted, and a∣gainst us all kinds of hostilitie practised, by sword, by fire, by ruinating and ransaking our citie. Our wives, our children, have bene led and haled into captivitie and bondage; our goods vio∣lently taken from us (and that which above all went neerest to our heart) our temples through∣out the whole citie despoiled and robbed of their goodly ornaments: the images of our gods, [unspec I] and finally our gods themselves plucked out of their shrines and places and so caried away; yea, the very walls and pillers-left bare and naked, so as the Ambracians have no gods remaining amongst them to adore, and to whome they might make their prayers and supplications. As they poured out their complaints, the Consull of a mind to aggravate and heape more matter upon his adversarie, ceased not to propose unto them many interrogatories (as it was complot∣ted betweene them before) and drew them on to speake many things, as if with their good will they would not have uttered them. VVhen the rest of the LL. were moved herewith, then the other Consull C. Flaminius undertooke the apologie and defence of M. Fulvius, saying, that the Ambracians trod in an old beaten way, and did no otherwise than some before them had done. For even so was M. Marcellus accused by the Syracusians, so was Q. Fulvius charged by [unspec K] the Capuans. And why by the same meanes suffred they not T. Quintius to be charged by king Philip, M. Acilius and L. Scipio by Antiochus, Cn. Manlius by the Gaules, and the same Fulvius himselfe by the AEtolians and people of Cephalenia? That Ambracia was assaulted, battred, and forced in the end; that images and ornaments were taken from thence; that other acts were done and committed, which usually follow upon the winning of townes, thinke yee my LL. that either I in the behalfe of Fulvius will denie, or Fulvius himselfe will disavow? who, in regard of these worthie exploits and noble acts, is minded to demaund at your hands the honor of a Triumph, who purposeth to carie before his triumphant chariot the portraiture of Am∣bracia as it was taken, the images which they accuse him to have caried away, and other spoiles of that citie; yea and to set them upon the posts of his house for a memoriall to posteritie? No [unspec L] reason there is that the Ambracians should sever themselves from the AEtolians, and do more than they, for their case and condition is all one. And therefore let my colleague shew his ran∣chor and malice, and bewray a festered enmitie in some other cause: or if he will needs follow and pursue this forward, let him interteine and keep still his Ambracians unto the comming of M. Fulvius. And for mine owne part, I will suffer no act to passe either of the Ambracians or the AEtolians, so long as M. Fulvius is absent. Aemylius accused his enemie for having a craftie head of his owne, and for his suttle fetches, as being notorious and well knowne to all men for no bet∣ter; saying, that full cunningly he would trifle out the time, and make delaies all the yeere long, that he might not come to Rome so long as his adversarie was Consull. Thus in this debate be∣tweene the two Consuls two dayes were spent, and nothing else done. And it appeered evidently [unspec M] that so long as Flaminius was in place and presence, nothing could be concluded and determini∣ned. VVhereupon a time was spied out when Flaminius chanced to be sick, and by that occasion was away. Then upon a motion made by Aemylius there passed an act of the Senate, That the Ambracians should have all their goods restored unto them againe; that they should enjoy

[unspec A] their freedome and franchises, and live under their owne lawes: and finally might take what cu∣stomes, toll and imposts they would for portage, as well by land as sea: provided alwayes that the Romanes, and their allies the Latines, should be exempted and free therefrom. As for the images and other ornaments which they complained were taken out of their sacred temples, the Senate ordeined that when M. Fulvius was returned to Rome, the colledge of the Pontifies should have the hearing and deciding thereof, and looke what they awarded and set downe, it should stand and be performed accordingly. And the Consull not content with all this, tooke the vantage when there were but few Senatours in the house, and procured an other act of Senate in this forme, That they judged Ambracia not to be reputed a citie forced by assault. This done, there was by vertue of an order from the Decemvirs a solemne supplication holden [unspec B] three dayes for the helth of the people, in regard of a grievous pestilence that dispeopled both citie and countrey. After that, the Latine feasts and holidaies were celebrated. VVhen the Con∣suls had accomplished these devotions, and rid their consciences of scruple, and withall made a full and complet levie to furnish their legions (for both of them were desirous to have new soul∣diours) they departed into their provinces, and cassed all the old.

After the Consul were set forward on their journey, the Proconsull Cn. Manlius returned home to Rome. For those sake the Pretour Servius Sulpitius assembled the Senat in the temple of Bellona. VVhere after relation made of his deeds atchieved, he demaunded that in conside∣ration thereof, due honor and thanksgeving should be rendered to the immortall gods, and withall, that himselfe might ride triumphant into the citie. The most part of the Legates and [unspec C] Commissioners, who had bene with him gainsayed and denied the same, and above all the rest L. Furius Purpurio, and L. Aemilius Paulus, who stepped forth, and enformed against him in these termes: That they had bene sent in commission to assist Cn. Manlius, for the making of a peace with Antiochus, and finishing of that accord and those covenants and conditions, which were commensed and begun betweene him and L. Scipio. Yet Cn. Manlius say they, en∣devoured all that ever he could to trouble that peace, yea and to have surprised and entrapped Anticchus by traines of ambush, if he had ever come in his way, or within his reach. But the king being ware of the Consull his fraud and deceit, albeit there was made great meanes many a time to have caught him by coulor of parley and conference, yet avoided evermore not onely to have speech and communication with him, but also to come within his sight. And [unspec D] when Maulius would needs have passed over Taurus, hardly and with much ado could he be keptback, notwithstanding all the commissioners prayed and befought him to stay, and not to hazard himselfe and incurre the danger of a notable losse and overthrow, foretold by the verses and prophesies of Sibylla to light upon them that would passe beyond the bounds limited by the fatail destinies. All this notwith standing he advaunced forward and approched with his ar∣mie, yea and encamped neere the very pitch and top of the mountaine, where all the water that falleth from above, runneth contrary wayes into divers seas. And when he could find no quarrell there for which he might make war (because the kings people & subjects were still and quiet) he turned the armie about to the Gallogreeks, against which nation there was no warre intended, either by warrant and authoritie from Senat, or by graunt and commission from the people. [unspec E] And what man was ever so hardie and bold, as to warre upon his owne head? The wars against Antiochus, Philip, Anniball, and the Carthaginians, are most fresh in each mans remem∣brance: and of all these, the Senate was consulted with, and the people graunted their ordi∣nance. Embassadors many a time and often were addressed before: restitution & amends were by order demaunded: and last of all, heralds were sent, solemnly to denounce & proclaime war. Now tell me, Cn. Manlius, VVhich of all these things were done; that wee may call this by the name of a publicke warre, allowed by the State of the people of Rome, and not rather a privat brigandage & robberie of your own? But contented you your self with this, & did you no more? marched you directly forward, and tooke you nothing but that which was in your way; leading your armie agaisnt those onely whome you tooke to be your enemies? or rather at all turnings [unspec F] and quarrefours, nay at every sorked high way leading on both hands, when you were at a stand, followed not you like a mercenarie and waged Consull unto Attalus (king Eumenes his brother) with the Romane aremie, what hand soever he turned and marched? There was not a cranke and nouke but you visited; there was not a corner that you left unsearched, in all Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia. There was not a tyrant, prince not potentate, there was not a lord of any borough

or castle, how farre soever out of the way, but you had a saying to them to pill and poll them, and to picke with out of their purses. For what businesse had you with the Oroandians? What had you to doe with other nations, as innocent and guiltlesse as they? Now as concerning the warre, (in regard whereof you demaund a triumph) in what sort managed you it? Fought you a battaile either in place commodious, or time convenient? Cerres, I must needs say, great rea∣son you have and good cause, to require that honor and praise be given to the immortall gods; first, for that their gracious will and pleasure was, that the armie should not smart for the teme∣ritie and rashnesse of their chiefe leader, warring as hee did against the law of nations: then, in that they presented unto us, not men indeed for enemies, but very beasts and no better. For yee must not think, that it is the name only of the Gallogreeks, which is mingled and compounded; for long time before, both their bodies and minds have beene mixed and corrupted, and the men themselves bastard and degenerate from their first nature. Had they been the same Gaules with whome we have fought a thousand times in Italie, and with doubtfull issue, and lost as much as we woon, and every foot received as good as we brought, thinke yee there would have retur∣ned one messenger from thence, to bring us newes, for any good at least-wise that our Generall there did? Twise he came to conflict with them; twise he encountred them in place of disadvan∣tage; mounting with his armie against the hill, and raunged in the botome of the valley even under the enemies feet: in such sort, that if they had lanced no darts against us from the higher ground, but onely come upon us with their naked and disarmed bodies, they had beene able to have overcome us and gone over our bellies. And what happened hereupon? God-amercie the good fortune of the people of Rome: wee may thanke (I say) the great and terrible name of the Romanes. The fresh renow me of the late ruines and overthrowes of Anniball, Phi∣lip, and Antiochus, amased and astonished (as one would say) these men with their so corpulent and mightie bodies; with slings and arrow-shot onely were they discomfited and put to flight, so affrighted were they. There was not a sword once bloudied in all this Gaules war: at the first twang of the bow and singing of the arrow, they fled away, like swarms of bees with ringing of ba∣sens. And yet beleeve me, even we the same & no other (as if fortune would admonish and shew what had become of us if we had affronted an enemie indeed) in our returne, when we fortuned to light upon certaine pettie robbers and theeves of Thrace, were soundly beaten, killed, and put to flight, and spoiled and well stript of our bagge and baggage. Q. Minutius Thermus (by whose death we have susteined a farre greater losse, than if Cn. Manlius had miscaried, whose rashnesse was the cause of all this calamitie and misfortune) with many a tall and valiant man besides, lost his life in this skirmish. Our hoast, bringing away with them the spoile and pillage of king Antiochus, was dismembred and parted into three troupes: the vaward in oneplace, the rereguard in another, and the cariages in a third, were faine to take up their lodging one whole night amongst bushes, briars, and brambles, and lurke within the caves and dennes of wild beasts. Are these the brave and worthie exploits, for which you demaund a triumph? But say, that you had received in Thrace, neither domage nor dishonour; which be the enemies over whome you would needs triumph in all the hast? I trow they be those, whome the Senate and people of Rome destined and assigned to be your enemies: for so, was triumph graunted to this L. Scipio here in place: so likewise to that M. Acilius before him, over king Antiochus: so also erewhile to T. Quintius for the victorie of Philip: and so to conclude, unto P.Asricanus for sub∣duing Anniball, the Carthaginians, and king Syphax. And when the Senate had ordeined war, yet before they enterprised and began these high and hautie affaires, they made some doubt and pause in such pettie circumstances as these, to wit, unto whome they should send defiance and denounce the said warre: whether to the kings themselves in their owne person; or it were suffi∣cient to give intimation to one garison or other within their fortresses. And would ye now (my masters) that all these observations and ceremonies should be polluted and confounded, that the rights and lawes of the Feciales and heralds should be abolished, and that there shall be no more Feciall at all. But let religion and divine service (God forgive me if I seeme to bla••pheme) be troden under foot: suppose the gods were utterly forgotten of you, and their remembrance quite exiled out of your hearts: Is it your pleasure also, and thinke yee it meet, that the Senat be consulted no more for their advice in question of war? or that a bill be not propounded to the people, in this wise: Pleaseth it you or no, to ordeine that warre belevied against the Gaules? The other day, and no longer since, the Consuls were desirous and earnest to governe Greece

and Asia, yet when they perceived you to bee resolute and persist still in assigning unto them both, the province of Liguria, they were content and obeyed. Great reason shall they have therefore to demaund a triumph at your hands, after they have atchieved an happie victorie and finished that warre, which they first enterprised under your warrant and authoritie. After this manner as yee have heard, spake Furius and Aemylius. And Manlius againe, as we find in record, answered thus, or much to this effect, as followeth: Right honorable and my very good LL. the Tribunes of the Commons were ever woont afore-time, to repugne and croste them that demaunded triumph: and I take my selfe much beholden unto them for this favour, that either in their love to my selfe, or in regard of my great and notable exploits, they have not on∣ly by their silence given their consent for my honor, but also seeme readie and prest to propound the same unto the people, if need had beene. But now forsooth, whome haveI (and God will) for mine adversaries, but even some of my ten adjacents or suffraganes, whome our ancestors thought good to give unto their Generals in the war, as a counsell both to assist and aid them, and also to countenance and grace them in their victorie? L.Furius and L.Aemylius are the men and none but they, who inhibit and debarre me for mounting up into the triumphant chariot; they are ready to plucke from my head the glorious and honourable crown that I should weare: even those (I say) whome (If the Tribunes had hindred and empeached my triumph) I would have reported my selfe unto as witnesse of my worthie acts. Certes (my LL.) faire be it from me, that I should envie and repine at the honour of any man: but I remember well, that of late daies when certeine Tribunes of the Common state (men of great courage and action) went about to stay and forbid the triumph of Q. Fabius Labeo, yee by your authoritie diverted and shared them from that intended enterprise; and hee triumphed in the end, notwithstanding his adversaries gave out and said aloud, not that hee had fought a warre unjustly, but in reprochfull manner charged him, That he had not so much as set eye upon the enemie. And I, who have so often in ranged battell fought with an hundred thousand most fierce and warlike enemies, slain or taken prisoners more than 40000 of them, forced and woon two of their campes: and left all places on this side the ridge of the mountaine Taurus, more peaceable and quiet than is the land of Italie, am not only frustrate and put beside my triumph, but also stand here before your ho∣nours to defend my selfe against the challenge of these mine owne Counsell and Suffraganes. Which accusation of theirs, consisteth (as yee have heard my LL.) of two principall points: for objected they have, first, that I ought not at all to have made warre with the Gaules; and secondly, that I conducted and managed the same, rashly and without discretion. The Gaules (say they) were no enemies of ours; but being quiet in peace, and readie to do whatsoever they were charged, were by you abused and wronged. I will not require (my LL.) that yee should have the same hard conceit of the Gaules which inhabite in Asia, as touching their crueltie and mortall hatred against the Romane name, which yee know generally to be in the people of the Gaules: Doe but consider and judge of these Gaules as they bee in themselves simply without respect of the infamous name and odious opinion that goeth of the whole generation: ó that king Eumenes were here. Would to God that all the States of Asia were present in place, that yee might heare them rather what complaints they would make, than my selfe accusing of them. Send but your embassadors to all the cities of Asia, and enquire whether servitude were greater and more greevous, that which they were delivered from by the chasing of Antiochus beyond the mountain Taurus, or this whereof they are now eased by the subdu ing of the Gauls? Let them relate unto you, and make report how often their territories have ben wasted by them, how many booties have beene driven, and prises carried away out of them, and how they were brought to so low a passe, that they hardly could find meanes and make any shift to redeeme their prisoners by raunsome. Let them tell you what they heard there besides, how they killed men, yea and their children, to sacrifice, unto their gods. But know yee now from mee, that your allies yeelded tribute to the Gaules, yea, and should have paied still at this day, notwithstanding they were by you delivered from their subjection undertaking Antiochus, if I had not bestirred my selfe the better. For the farther that Antiochus was removed from them, the more proudly and outrageously would these Gaules have ruled like LL. over all Asia, and whatsoever lands had lien on this side the top of the mount Taurus, you should have laied to the seignorie of the Gaules and not annexed to your owne Empire and dominion. All this is true will some one say, & what of all that? These Gaules likewise once spoiled the temple at Delphos, reputed in times past the

common Oracle of the whole world, and situate in the very heart and middest of the earth, and yet the people of Rome neither denounced nor made warre for all that. Certes I alwaies would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought there had been some difference to be made betweene those daies, when as neither 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nor Asia was under your jurisdiction and obedience (that you should need to take care 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••gard of what was done in those parts) and this present time, in which ye have set the moun∣taine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be the bound and limit, whereunto your Empire extendeth; in which you give free∣〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 immunitie to cities; in which ye enlarge the confines of some, & take in the precincts 〈…〉〈…〉 these cities with forfeiture & losse of their territories, punishing those with taxes 〈…〉〈…〉 tributes: in which I say, you augment and diminish realmes, give and take away kingdomes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your good pleasure; and in one word, in which yee judge it a matter that concerneth you, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that there may be a generall peace both on land and sea. Were you of opinion indeed, that Asia might not be counted free, unless Antiochus had withdrawne his garisons, which kept quiet within their fortresses and castles, and stirred not forth? and thought you withall, that your 〈◊〉〈◊〉 graunted unto king Eumenes, might bee assured unto him, and the freedome likewise of the cities, established unto them, if whole armies of Gaules might raunge all about too and fro in those countries? But why stand I so much arguing and reasoning in this manner, as if I had not found the Gaules enemies, but rather caused them to be our enemies? O L. Scipio, I call you here to witnesse, into whose charge and government I succeeded, whose vertue and felicitie withall, I besought the immortal gods to vouchsafe unto me (and my praier was not in vain;) and you like∣wise, o Pab. Scipio, who with the Cos. your brother & in the whole armie, had the roume & place indeed of an adjoinct lieutenant & no more, but caried the majestie of a Collegue & joint com∣panion; speak frankly both of your upon your knowledge, whether whole legions of Gauls served norm in the armie of Antiochus? Tell us, whether you saw them not in the field, marshalled in both the points and flanks of the maine battell, as the very flower & strength of the whole puissance of Antiochus? Say directly, fought yee not with them, slew you them not, & caried away their spoils, as undoubted and lawfull enemies? And yet both Senate decreed and people ordained war with Antiochus by name, and not with the Gauls. But I trow (or els I am much deceived) within this de∣cree and ordenance, they included all those besides that came to aid and assist him. Of whom (ex∣cepting Antiochus himselfe, with whom Scipio had articled peace and alliance, and yee also had expressely given order therfore) they all were our enemies no doubt, who had born arms against us in the quarrell and behalfe of the said Antiochus. Now albeit the Gaules above all others were comprised in this number, together with some pettie kings and tyrants besides; yet I contracted accord and peace with others, (after I had forced them to suffer due punishment according to their trespasse) as same forth as I thought it expedient for the honour of your Empire: yea, and I aslaied also to gaine and win the hearts of the Gaules, if happily it had beene possible to have dulced and reclaimed them from their inbred fiercenesse and naturall crueltie. But when I per∣ceived that they were untractable, untamed, and implacable, then and not before I resolved, that it was high time to bridle and bring them into order by violence and force of armes. Now that I have cleered the former point of my accusation, as touching the enterprise of the war, it remai∣neth that I yeeld you an account of the conduct thereof. Wherein verily I would make no doubt to approve mine innocence, and justifie the goodnesse of my cause, if I were to plead, I say not, [unspec L] in the Senat of Rome, but even at the counsell table of Carthage; where (as men say) they make no more ado, but trusse up, hand, & crucie their Generals, if they proceed to execution of any service in war with bad advise and counsell, although the issue and event be never so good. But in that citie, which therefore useth the name of the gods both before they begin, & also when they proceed to the managing of all their affaires, (because no person should come to destract or de∣prave that malliciously, which the gods have once approved) and which citie in the grant and or∣dinance either of procession or triumph, useth this solemn forme of words: For that hee hath well and happily administred and managed the weale publicke; In this citie, I say, If I were unwilling, nay, if I reputed it an odious matter, and savouring too much of pride and arrogance, to vaunt my selfe and boast of mine owne prowesse; yet if in regard of the happie successe and felicitie of [unspec M] my selfe and mine armie, in that without any losse of souldiours, wee vanquished and subdued so great and mightie a nation, I demaunded first that due honour and thankesgiving should bee rendred unto the immortall gods, and then, that I might my selfe and mount up the Ca∣pitoll in triumph, from whence I descended to take my voiage, after I had conceived and pro∣nounced

[unspec A] my vowes, and made my praiers after the solemne and religious order; would ye denie both me and the immortall gods also? Yes marrie would you, and why? Forsooth I fought in a place of disadvauntage. But tell mee then, I pray you, in what ground I might have fought with better vauntage? considering the enemies were seized of the hill, and kept themselves within their strength and fort. I should have gone unto them, if I had been willing to have vanquished and overcome them. What? how if they had been there within a strong cittie? how if they had kept within the walls, and would not have issued forth? You must then have laid siege unto them and given the assault. Must I so indeed? And how I pray? Fought M. Acihus (I beseech you) at Thermopylae in a place of advauntage? Why? did not T. Quintius after this manner dispossesse Philip of the high mountaines, which hee held over the river Aous? In faith, I cannot yet devise [unspec B] what kind of enemies they either imagine to themselves they were, or would have you to take and esteemed them to be. If degenerate, if effeminate, if enervate with the delights and pleasures of Asia, what danger was it to march up the hill against them with all disadvantage? If redoubted and terrible for fierce courage and bodily strength, denie yee triumph for so noble a victorie? Envie (my good LL.) is blind, and can skil of nothing but to detract and desame vertues, to falsi∣fie and corrupt the honors and rewards due therto. Pardon me I beseech your HH. and hold me excused, if I have ben over long and tedious. It is not, I assure you, any delight and pleasure that I take to put forth and glorifie my selfe, but a necessitie imposed upon me (in mine own defence, to consute these crimes objected against mee) which hath driven mine Oration out in length. To proceed, was it possible also that in Thrace I could make the passes within the forrests large and [unspec C] wide, which naturally were streight & narrow? the ground plain & smooth, which by nature was uneven and rugged? Could I make levell downs of steep mounts?open champion & fair fields of woodland overgrown, & tough wylds. Lay it in me, to prevent those Thracian theeves that they should not hide themselves within their peakish holes & ordinarie covert musets; Was it in my power, to impeach them that they might snatch and carie away nothing of our baggage? Was I able to warrant that none of our laboring beast out of so great a number, should be driven & led away from their companie? that no person should bee hurt? and finally, that Q.Minusius a brave and hardie knight, should not die of his wound? My adversaries presse hard and stand much upon this misfortune, that it was our unluckie hap to loose so worthy a gentleman: but they never think that if they would say nothing but suppresse & conceale all, yet you should know (since the whole [unspec D] armie is here present to restifie that which I say) That althought the enemie assailed us in a narrow streight, in an inconvenient place of great disadvantage, yet both of our battallion at once, as wel the vantguard as rereward, compassed the armie of the Barbarians busie & occupied in rifling of our sardage, slew many thousands of them that very day, & within few daies after either killed or took prisoners a greater number of them by far. Well, if I had not drawne a sword in Asia, if I had not seen an enemie there, yet I Proconsull had deserved a triumph wel ynough for those two bat∣tels in Asia. But ynough hath ben said of these matters, and I am to request you rather (my Lords all) to forgive me for my boldnes, if I have held you longer than my will and desire was.

The accusation that day had prevailed more than his owne defense, but that they continued arguing and debating in the Counsell-house untill it was late in the evening. Then the Senate [unspec E] arose with this mind (as if should seeme) to denie him a triumph. The next morrow, the kins∣folke and friends of Cn. Manlius, laboured all that ever they could. Likewise the authoritie of the auncients stood him in great steed; who said plainly that the precedent could not be found in any histories, That a generall who had vanquished his enemies, accomplished the full time of government in his province, and brought his armie back, returned into the citie as a privat person, without the honor of the triumphant chariot and the laurell girlond. The very indigni∣tie and shame of this example, surmounted the malice of his adversaries, in so much as the Se∣natours in a frequent assembly graunted this triumph.

The remembrance and memorie of this debate, was afterwards drowned in a greater con∣tention, that arose with a farre mightier and more noble personage. For as Valerius Antius hath [unspec F] recorded, the two QQ. Petilij, called P. Scipio Africanus into question, and set him downe a day petemptorily to make his appearance, and answere for himselfe. This action divers men con∣strued diversly, according to their severall disposition and affection. Some blamed not so much the Tribunes of the Commons, as the whole citie in generall, for suffering such an abuse; dis∣coursing in this wise: That the two chiefest States and Commonwealths in the world were be∣come

come at one time unthankfull, but Rome more ungratefull of the twaine. For Carthage being [unspec G] subdued, had banished Anniball likewise vanquished: but Rome a victresse was about to ex∣pulse Africanus a conquerour. Others againe reasoned thus: that in no State there ought to be a citizen so preminent and high above the rest, that he might not be under law, and brought to answere unto interrogatories accordingly. And nothing preserveth isonomie in a citie, & main∣teineth equall libertie more, than to have the mightiest man to hold up his hand at the barre. For what may be safely committed to any man (and surely the soveraigne rule of the state least of all other things) if he be not to yeeld an accoumpt of the managing of his affaires? And verily, he that cannot abide to be equall unto others, to proceed against such a one by rigor and force, is no injustice at all. Thus men commonly talked pro & contra, untill the judiciall day came of his personall appearance, and answere to be made. Never was there man knowne before that [unspec H] day (no not Scipio himselfe when he was at the highest, either Consull or Censor) accompanied with a greater traine of men of all degrees and qualities, than he that day was conducted unto the common place and court of Pleas as an accused person, there to plead his cause. Being com∣maunded to speake in his owne defense, he began his oration without any mention at all of the imputations and matters with which he was charged, and entered into a discourse of the acts by him atchieved; and that with such a majestie and magnificence as it was well knowne and confessed, that never man was praised either better or more truly than hee. For with what courage and mind he atchieved those his brave exploits in deed, with the same spirit he deli∣vered them in words. And no man thought him tedious and was weery to heare his speech, be∣cause all that he related was for his owne defence in this his danger, and not upon vaineglorie [unspec I] and oftentation. The Tribunes of the Commons his adversaries, when they had laid open certeine supposed crimes committed of old, as touching his wastfull excess whiles he wintered in Syracusa; as also the riot and outrage of Pleminius which hapned at Locri; they procee∣ded to charge him by presumptions and suspitions, rather than by direct evidences and prouses, for embezzeling and averting to his proper use certeine treasure gotten from king Antiochus; and namely, that his sonne being taken prisoner, was rendred unto him without ransome; and that in all other things, Scipio was respected and regarded of Antiochus, as if he alone had caried the Romane peace and warre under his girdle. Also that he bare a strong hand over the Consull, more likeywis a Dictatour and absolute commaunder, than a Lieute∣nant and assistant unto him, all the while he was in the province. Neither aimed he and shot [unspec K] at any other marke, when he went that journey, but that the same, which long before was no∣toriously knowne to Spaine, Gaule, Sicilie and Affrick, might as evidently appeere to Greece, to Asia, and to all the kings and nations of the East parts, to wit, that hee was the onely man, hee was the chiefe, the head and piller of the Romane Empire; that under the shadow of Scipio his wing, that citie which is the ladie of the world, was couvert and protected; that a beck and nod of his head, was as good as all arests of Senat and hests of people. Thus when they could not touch him in life, nor fasten upon him any note of infamie, they charged him all that ever they could with matter to kindle envie. Thus with orations they spent the time untill night came, and the busines was put over to another day: which being come, the Tribunes onely be∣tunes in the morning were set in their pewes within the Rostra [or common pleading place.] [unspec L] The defendant was called; who garded with a great companie of his friends and followers, passed through the mids of the assembly, approched the Rostra, and stood just under it. Then after an oyez; and silence made: My maisters (quoth he) you that are Tribunes of the Com∣mons, and ye likewise Quirites, my neighbours and citizens of Rome, upon this very day of the moneth it was that I fought a pight battaile against Anniball and the Carthaginians, with right fortunate and happie successe; meete therefore and good reason since it is, that to day all pleas and actions surcease: I will go directly and immediatly from hence to the Capitoll, and present my selfe before Iup. Opt. Max. before Iuno, and Minerva, with all the rest of other gods and goddesses, presidents and patrons of that temple and fortresse, to performe my humble dutie unto them, to salute and thanke them, for that they have vouchsated me that [unspec M] resolute affection and powerfull meanes withall, both on such a day as this, and also many times besides, to performe my devoir well and truly unto the Common-weale. As many of you therefore (Quirites) as well may, go yee with me, and pray the gods to send you like go∣vernors to my selfe, and no worse. If I say (and not else) as you ever since I was seventeene

[unspec A] yeeres of age, even to these mine old dayes, you alwayes advaunced me to honours before the ordinarie time of mine age, so I againe devanced & prevented the said honors with good service and noble deeds. This said, he departed from the Rostra & ascended up to the Capitoll; where∣at the whole audience there assembled turned at once and followed Scipio: in so much as at last the scribes and notaries, yea and the very sergeant left the Tribunes there alone, without any to beare them companie but their owne bondservants and the common cryer, who still from the Rostra called and cited the defendant. Scipio not only visited the temples upon the Capitoll hill, but also made a perambulation with the people of Rome throughout the whole citie to all the churches and chappels of their gods and goddesses. This was in manner a more solemne day unto him in regard of the affectionat favour of men, and the estimation of his true grandeur [unspec B] in deed, than on which he rode into the citie in triumph over king Syphax & the Carthaginians. But it was the last faire day that ever he saw: and never shone the sunne againe pleasantly upon P.Scipio. For after this, foreseeing envie growing toward him, and what a life and how full of de∣bates he should have with those Tribunes, upon a longer day graunted for the processe of law a∣gainst him, he retired himself apart to Liternum, of set purpose to make default and not appeere to plead his cause any more. He caried a greater spirit with him, his heart was too big, and used he had bene to higher degree of port & honor, than to take knowledge what it was to be accu∣sed: he could not skill to vale bonet and stoup so low, and to abase himselfe to the abject condi∣tion of those that pleade for themselves at the barre. Now when the day was come, and that in his absence his name began to be called, L. Scipio answered for him, and alleadged sicknes to be [unspec C] the cause why he was away. But the Tribunes his accusers, would not admit of that excuse, reply∣ing & saying, That upon the same pride of heart, in which he avoided once before, his judiciall triall, and left the Tribune and the whole assembly, he now also would not appeare to make his answere. Even for triumphed he then over the people of Rome, when accompanied with those whom he led after him as prisoners (after he had once taken from them their power & libertie to give their censure and doome of him) he sequestred himselfe that day, by way of an insurrection from the Tribunes of the Commons, into the Capitoll. Well are ye now served therefore (say they) and justly punished for that dayes folly and rashnes. For lo, how he himselfe now abando∣neth you, who was your motive & leader then, to forsake us. See how everyday morethan other our courage is fallen and hart abated? And dare we not now send folke to fetch him (a privat [unspec D] person and no more) out of his ferme and house in the countrey, and make him to appeare and plead his answere; unto whom not past 17 yeeres ago, at what time as he was Generall of an ar∣mie on land, and Admirall of the Armada by sea, we were so bould as to send tribunes of the Com. and an Aedile, to arrest and bring him away with them to Rome? In the end, the rest of the tribunes of the Commons, being called earnestly unto by L. Scipio for their lawfull favour, set downe this order & conclusion, That if sicknes were alledged for his excuse, and that there were nothing else but it that occasioned his absence, it should be received for good and lawfull, and their colleagues should adjourne his triall to a farther day. It fortuned at that time that Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was one of the Tribunes, betweene whome and P. Scipio there was some quarrell and enmitie. He forbad expressely that his owne name should be subscribed to the in∣strument [unspec E] of the foresaid decree of his colleagues. And when every man looked to heare some heavier sentence denounced against Scipio, he awarded in this manner. For as much as L.Scipio excuseth the absence of his brother by sicknes, it is good and sufficient in my opinion. And more than that, I will not for my part suffer P. Scipio to be accused before he returne againe to Rome. Yea and then also, if he call for my helping hand, I will geve him assistance, and stop the course of processe against him. And as to the marine point of the cause, this is my resolution, That P.Scipio being advanced so highly (as he is) to that pitch of honor, by his noble & famous exploits, and by the dignities received at the hands of the people of Rome, as if both gods and men had consented to set him alost, for him to come downe now and stand pleading below at the barre beneath the Rostra, and there to have his eares glow and ring againe with the checks [unspec F] and taunts of certaine greene heads and busie youths, were a greater shame and disgrace to the people of Rome, than to himselfe. Nay, he staid not thus with this bare award, but sealed & set it on surely with word of indignation, testifying his discontentment for this course and manner of pro∣ceeding. And shall Scipio (quoth he, my masters Tribunes) that renowned conquerour of Affrick, stand under your feet at your devotion? Defeated he & put to flight in Spain 4 most brave & noble

Generals of the Carthaginians, with their soure entire armies, for this? Tooke hee Syphax [unspec G] prisoner, vanquished he Anniball, subdued he Carthage and made it tributarie unto us? Cha∣sed he Antiochus beyond the mountaine Taurus, (for it must be confessed, that in this glori∣ous conquest L. Scipio had his brother compartner with him) and all for this, to be troden un∣der foot of two Petilij? And that yee should seeke to triumph over P. Africanus? Will it never be better? Shall great personages (with all the good deserts of their owne, for all the dignities and honors by you upon them conferred) never reach and attaine to a strong fort and sure place of defence, wherein they may make account to be safe and past all daunger, and wherein their old age may rest and respose, if not with worship and honour, yet at least-wise in securitie, ex∣empt from abuse and violent outrage? The sentence it selfe of Gracchus (enforced with such a speech especially) mooved not others only, but also the very accusers themselves; who made [unspec H] no other rejoynder againe but thus, That they would consider better what they might by their place, and what they ought of dutie to doe. When the assembly of the people was broken up, the LL. of the Senate began to sit in counsell; where, the whole order of the Senators (but principally the auncients and as many as had been Consuls) highly commended and thanked Tib. Gracchus, for that he had preferred the weale-publicke, before privat grudges and particu∣lar quarrels. But the Petilij were well shent and baited with reprochfull checkes and bitter re∣bukes, in that they would seeme to rise by the fall of another, and to grace themselves with the disgrace of Africanus, and seeke to triumph over him and be enriched with his spoiles. Well, after that, there were no more words of Scipio Africanus. The rest of his life hee passed at Liter∣num, and never had mind to come to the citie: there ended he his daies in a countrey village; [unspec I] and (as they say) he charged his executors upon his death-bed, to interre him in that very place. And there, his tombe or monument was built, because he would not that so much as his funerall obsequies should be perfourmed at Rome, (his native countrey) so unthankfull as it was. A rare man he was, and worthy to be recommended to the memorie of all posteritie: howbeit, the for∣mer part of his life was more singular and memorable, as well for the conduct of martiall ex∣ploits in war, as the governance of civill affaires in peace, than his latter daies. For in his youth, he followed the warres continually; whereas in his old age, as his bodie decaied and faded, so whatsoever he did, lost much of the woonted beautie and lustre. Besides, there was no matter presented, to employ that wit and spirit of his. What ods was there between his former Con∣sulship and the second, although ye put his Censorship to it in the ballance? What comparison [unspec K] was there, and what semblable thing in that lieutenantcie of his in Asia? of so little or no emploi∣ment was it by reason of his owne sicklinesse; and blemished withall, by occasion of the misfor∣tune of his sonne. And afterward, his return home againe was no lesse unfortunate, for the hard choice whereunto hee was driven, forced of necessitie to abide the triall of a doubtfull issue in judgement, or in avoiding it by making default, to quit withall his native citie for ever. Howbeit he alone went away with the honour above all other, of finishing the Punicke war, as great and daungerous to the Romanes as any that ever they made.

When Africanus was once dead and his head laid, his adversaries and enemies were aloft: of whome, M. Porcius Cato was the chiefe and principall: a man who was woont to barke (as it were) and raile against him during his life, in regard of his greatnes. And it is thought, that the [unspec L] Petilij were set on by him, and procured through his persuasion, both in the life of Africanus to have drawne out, and after his death to have preferred a bill in this forme and manner follow∣ing: May it please you to graunt and ordeine, that true search and diligent enquirie be made, what summes of mony were taken in prize, caried away, and levied of king Antiochus and those which were under his obedience and dominion; and that of as much thereof as came not into the publicke treasurie and chamber of the citie, Ser. Sulpitius (the Pretour of the citie) may pro∣pose unto the Senat, to know their advise and pleasure touching it: that whomsoever of all the Pretours for the time now being, it shall please the Senat to appoint, hee may sit in commission and inquisition thereof. This bill was first crossed by Q. and Lucius Mummius, who thought it meet and reason, that the Senat alone (as at all times heretofore) should make due enquirie of [unspec M] the monies so purloined and embezeled, as is aforesaid, & not brought into the common chest of the citie. The Petilij charged the Scipions for being over great and mightie, and as it were KK. in the Senat, to carrie all away before them. L. Furius Purpureo (a man that had been Consull, and one of the ten commissioners in Asia) was of opinion, that the foresaid enquest should be

[unspec A] graunted in more large and ample tearmes, namely, as touching the money not onely taken from Antiochus, but also from other kings and nations: covertly taxing herein Cn. Marlius his old enemy. L. Scipio on the other side stepped forth to dissuade this matter; albeit it was thought he would rather speake in defence of himselfe, than against the thing. Hee complained much and shewed his grievance, that such a bill as this should come forth now, and be set on foot af∣ter the death of his brother Africanus, the most valiant knight and noblest personage that ever was. As if it were not sufficient, that P. Africanus wanted the solemne Panegyrick oration at the Rostra after his death, but hee must be accused also. Why? the very Carthaginians are conten∣ted with the exile of Anniball, and seeke no more: but the people of Rome is not satisfied even with the death of Scipio, unlesse both his owne good name after hee is buried be wounded and [unspec B] angled, and his brother also (to fill up the measure of mens malice and hatred) be killed and sacrificed upon his tombe. M. Cato spake in the behalfe of the bill, and persuaded that it might passe. His oration as touching the treasure of king Antiochus, is extant to be seene: and by the majestie of his authoritie, he diverted the two Mummy Tribunes of the Commons, cleane a∣way, from interposing themselves any more. When they once had renounced and given over their negative, all the tribes in generall passed their voices affirmatively, Vitrogaslis. After this, Scr. Sulpitius proposed unto the Senat, Whome they would appoint for this enquest according to the act Petilia? and the LL. of the Senat deputed Q. Teretius Culleo. This Pretor was so great a friend to the house of the Cornelij, that some authors, namely those, who report how P. Scipio both died and also was carried forth to be enterred at Rome (for that bruit also runneth currant) [unspec C] have written, How he went at his funerals before the biere and the mourners, with a cap of liber∣tie on his head, like as hee had done before in his triumph, and gave sweet wine or mede to all those that attended the convoy, as farre as to the gate Capena. This honour he did Scipio at his death, for that among other prisoners in Affrick, he was by his meanes recovered out of the ene∣mies hand. But it should seeme rather, that hee was such an enemie to that familie, that for the cankred rancour and malice which he caried against that name, he was by the adverse faction of the Scipions, chosen especially of purpose to sit upon and execute this inquisition. But certein it is, before this Pretour (all in his extremities, who either in love and friendship, or in hatred and enmitie, kept no meane) information was given immediately against L. Scipio. Present∣ments were made likewise, and the names received of his lieutenants A. Hostilius and L. Hostilius [unspec D] both Catoes: & of his treasurer besides, C. Furius Aculeo. And to the end that it should appeare to the world, that they were all attaint of this crime of purloining and robbing the publick treasure of the common weale in one complot, there were two secretaries also and one of his sergeants called into question. But these three last mentioned, and L. Hostilius before-named, were found unguiltie and acquit, before Scipio had his judiciall triall: howbet Scipio and A. Hostilius his lieu∣tenant, together with C. Furius were condemned. Scipio, for that he (as Valerius Antias writeth) to make a more easie peace to the contentment of Antiochus, received 6000 pound weight of gold, and 480 pound weight of silver more than he brought into the citie chamber. A. Hosti∣lius, for that he likewise deteined eightie pound weight of gold, and 483 pound of silver: and Furius the Questor for keeping back to his own use 130 pound of gold, & two hundred of silver. [unspec E] These summes I set downe of gold and silver, as I find them gathered and registred by Valerius Antias in his Chronicle. As for the summes of gold and silver, which L. Scipio should embezele, I would rather thinke that the clerke or secretarie faulted with his pen in writing the copies, than the authour lied so lowd with his tongue in the first enditing of the Originall. For it is more like∣ly of the twaine, that the weight of the silver was more than of gold. As also that the fine where∣in he was condemned, should amount but to fortie thousand Sestertius, is the fourth part of a Romane denarius, 3 halfe∣pence farthing cue. Sesterces, than arise to two hun∣dred and fortie thousand. And the rather I am induced thus to calculate, because it is said, that P. Scipio himselfe was required in the Senate to give his account but of such a summe; and when he had bidden his brother L. to fetch him that booke of accounts, he tooke it of him, and there before the Senat, tare and rent it with his owne hands, with great indignation, that having [unspec F] brought into the Treasurie two millions of Sesterces, hee was called to his account for fortie thousand. In which confident boldnesse of spirite and courage', when the Questours durst not (against the order of law) take foorth money out of the Treasurie, hee called for the keies, and said he would bee so bold as to open the chists of the Treasurie, since hee was the cause that they were locked. Many things besides are diversly reported of Scipio, especially as touching the

latter end of his life, his trouble and accusation, his death, his funerals, and last of all, of his se∣pulchre [unspec G] and tombe, which distract mee so, that I wot not what report to cleave unto, nor which records to beleeve. For they accord not as concerning his accuser. Some write it was M. Nae∣vius, others againe say that they were the Petilians that called him to his answere. Neither agree they in the time when he was thus troubled, nor in the yeere, no nor the place wherein he died, ne yet where he was enterred. Some affirme he ended his daies and was buried at Rome, others at Liternum. And in both places there are monuments and Statues of his to be seene. For at Liter∣num there stood a tombe, and over the same tombe an image of his personage erected, which of late time we our selves saw overthrowne in a tempest. At Rome likewise without the gate Cape∣na, there be three statues upon the monument of the Scipioes, whereof two are said to be of Pub. and L. Scipio, and the third of Q. Ennius the Poet. And this difference among authours is not [unspec H] touching his acts and affaires onely, but also about the very Orations (if so be they were the Ora∣tions indeed of P. Scipio and Tiberius Gracchus, which are commonly so taken and caried about) which disagree so much as they doe. For the title of the Oration that goeth for P. Scipio, hath the name of M. Naevius, a Tribune of the Commons: but through the whole Oration it selfe there is no mention at all of that accuser. He tearmeth him one while Nebulo [Knave] and another while Nugator [Cousiner.] In like sort the Oration of Gracchus maketh no mention at all either of the Petilij, the accusers of Africanus, or of the day assigned unto him for his answere. And we must devise to tell the whole tale otherwise, if we would have it to agree with the Oration of Gracchus: and follow wee must those authours; who write, that when L. Scipio was accused and condemned for taking bribes of king Antiochus, his brother Africanus was embassador in Tuscane; and up∣on [unspec I] the newes of his brothers trouble and misfortune, left his embassage, & made hast to Rome. Where hee tooke his way directly from the gate to the common place (for that it was told him how his brother was going to prison) and thrust the seargeant from his bodie, yea, and when the Tribunes themselves would have restrained him, he used violence against them, and carried him∣selfe in this action so, as as he shewed more kindnesse and love to his brother, than manners and civilitie otherwise. For thus complaineth Gracchus in his Oration, That the Tribunes authoritie and power was infringed and broken by a private person. And in the latter end, when he promi∣sed to assist L. Scipio, hee knit up his speech with these words, That it was a thing more tollerable, that both the Tribunitian puissance and the Commonweale should seeme overcome and sur∣mounted by Tribunes themselves, than by a private man. But hee aggravated and enforced this [unspec K] one violence and excessive outrage against him, & made it odious in such sort, that in blaming him for so much overshutting himselfe and degenerating as it were from his owne nature, he re∣hearsed the commendable parts of his moderation and temperat cariage of himselfe aforetime, and that in so good tearmes and ample manner, that thereby he made him some part of amends for the sharpe reprehension he used for the present. For he said, that in times past he had rebuked and reproved the people, when they would have made him a perpetuall Consull and Dictatour; that he had forbidden expressely, that any of his Statues in triumphant habite, should bee set up and erected in the publicke places of assemblies, as in the Comitium and Curia, in the Capitoll and chappell of Iupiter Opt. Max. These commendable reports of him, if they were uttered in an Oration penned of purpose for his praise, must needs testifie and shew a wonderfull magna∣nimitie [unspec L] of his, in the moderate use of high honours according to a civile port; which an enemie by way of reproch and upbraiding him, acknowledgeth and confesseth. But all writers accord, that Gracchus tooke to wife the younger of his two daughters (for the elder without all question was affianced and given in marriage by her father unto P. Cornelius Nasica.) But it is not so cer∣tainely agreed upon, whether she was both betrothed & wedded also unto him, after her fathers death or no. As also, whether it be true (as it is reported) that when L. Scipio was a leading to prison, Gracchus, seeing none of his owne fellow Tribunes to succour and rescue him, sware a great oth and protested, that he was an enemie still to the Scipioes as much as ever hee was, and would not doe any thing to currie favour with them, or to come into their grace; yet could hee never en∣dure that he should be caried to that prison, into which he had seene his brother Africanus lead [unspec M] kings, great Generals and Commaunders of enemies, captive. Moreover, that the same day the Senate fortuned to be at supper together in the Capitoll, and arose up all at once, and reque∣sted Africanus to affiance his daughter to Gracchus, before the supper and banter was ended. Which espousals being performed with all due complements accordingly, during the time of

[unspec A] that solemne feast, Scipio when hee was returned home to his house, said unto his wife Aemylia, that he had fianced and bestowed his daughter upon an husband. Shee then, falling into a fit of choler like a woman, and chasing that he had not made her acquainted with the matter, and ta∣ken her advise touching the maiden, who was as much her child as his, brake out into these words withall, that if hee had given her in marriage to Tiberius Gracchus, yet good reason it was that the mother should have been at the making of the bargaine. Wherupon Scipio tooke great contentment and joy at this conformitie of judgment in the choise, and inferred streightwaies, that hee was the man to whome shee was espoused. Thus much I thought good to relate of this worthie and noble person, albeit there is great varietie of opinions, and diversitie of writings in that behalfe.

[unspec B] After the Pretor Q. Terentius, had finished the inquisition and whole processe thereof, Ho∣stilius and Furius, who were attaint and condemned, that very day put in sufficient fureties to be bound in recognisaunce to the treasurers of the citie, for the paiment of their fines. But Sci∣pio debating the matter still, & pleading that all the mony which he had received was in the citie chamber, & that he had purloined none of the publick treasure, was laid hold on to be had away and committed to prison. Then P. Scipio Nasica called unto the Tribunes for their help, & made a speech, full of true praises and commendations, not in generall only of the whole name & fa∣milie That himselfe and P. Africanus, together with L. Scipio (who now was going to prison) had to their fathers Cn. Scipio and P. Scipio, most noble and famous personages: those who for certain [unspec C] yeers in the land of Spain, advaunced the renoume and glorie of the Roman name, maugre the heads of many captains and armies, as well of Carthaginians as Spaniards; not only in martiall tears of war, but also in this especially, that they had given testimonie & proofe unto those nati∣ons, of the temperate government, and faithfull dealing of the Romanes; and in the end both of them spent their bloud and lost their lives in the quarrell of the people of Rome. And albeit it had ben sufficient for all their posteritie to maintain only and uphold the glorie from them re∣ceived, yet P. Africanus so farre surpassed the praise-worthie acts of his father, that it was verily beleeved he was not borne of humane bloud, but descended from some divine & heavenly race of the gods. As for L. Scipio, who now is in trouble (to say nothing of his worthie acts which he atchieved in Spaine and in Affricke, when hee was lieutenant there to his brother Consull) hee [unspec D] was both reputed by the Senate sufficient, without any casting of lots, to undertake the province of Asia and the warre against king Antiochus, and also esteemed by his brother Africanus so wor∣thie a person, that himselfe who had been Consull twice, Censor once, & had ridden in triumph, thought not scorne to accompanie him into Asia in qualitie of his lieutenant. In which pro∣vince (to the end that the greatnesse and resplendent glorie of the lieutenant should not dimme the brightnesse of the Consull, and drowne his vertues and good parts) it to fell out, that the ve∣ry same day, on which L. Scipio vanquished Antiochus neere Magnesia, P. Scipio lay sicke at Elaea, a citie distant certain daies journies. He defeated I say an armie there, nothing inferior to that of Annibal, with whom his brother had encountred before in Affrick. In which battel, among other great commaunders and captains under the king, Annibal was himselfe emploied in person, even [unspec E] he who had ben the grand-Generall in the Punick war. Which service was so well conducted and mannaged, that a man possibly could not find fault so much as with fortune, or any accident that happened there. And now, when the war is unblamable, there is picked matter of crimination in the peace: & it (they say) was bought and sold for mony. In which challenge the ten deputies and assistants in counsell, are also touched and noted with corruption, by whose advise the said peace was granted & concluded. Well, of those ten, there were some that stepped forth & accused Cn. Manlius: yet so far off was that accusation of theirs from being credited, that it did not so much as hinder & delay the very time of his triumph. But (beleeve me) in Scipio his case, the very con∣ditions of peace savour strongly of briberie and indirect dealing, for that they are advantageous, respective and favorable on the part of Antiochus. For, his kingdome is left entire and whole unto [unspec F] him; now that he is vanquished, he possesseth as much as before the war began; and Scipio having received from him a mightie masse of gold and silver, hath brought nothing into the common treasurie, but averted all from thence, and converted it to his proper use. Why? was there not ca∣ried in pomp at the triumph of L. Scipio (in the very sight of all men) as much gold and silver, as in ten triumphs before (and put them all together) could not be shewed. For what should I speak of

the confines and frontiers of his realme? Namely, that Antiochus beforetime held under his do∣minion all Asia, and the marches also of Europe adjoining? And how great a part of the world that is, which extendeth from the hill Taurus, and lyeth out so farre as the AEgean sea; how many not cities onely, but spacious countries and populous nations it containeth, all men know right well: as also that this countrey, bearing out in length more than thirtie daies journey, & in bredth betweene two seas ten daies journey, even as farre as to the top of the mountaine Taurus, is ta∣ken from Antiochus, and he driven into the utmost angle and corner of the globe of the earth? What could hee have been disseized of more, in case his peace had cost him never a pennie of money? When Philip was conquered, he had Macedonie left unto him; when Nabis was subdu∣ed he enjoied still Lacedaemon: and no man ever went about to call Iuintius in question for it. And why? mary hehad not to his brother Scipio Africanus, for whose sake, the envie & mallice of men hath defaced & hurt L. Scipio, whereas his brothers glorie ought to have graced and helped him; Would any man of sence, & reason judge, that so much gold & silver was brought into the house of L. Scipio, as may not possibly be raised if all the goods he hath were sold to the worth? What should become of all that gold of the kings? Where be those great purchases of lordships and inheritances that he hath made therwith? Certes it cannot be, but in that house which hath not exceeded in superfluous expense, there should be seen some heap & mount of this new trea∣surer: But what care his enemies for this? That which cannot be made of the substance & goods of L. Scipio, they will make good on his bodie and back; which they meane to torture (belike) and expose to all contumelic and villanie; to the end, that a man of the best mark & qualitie that ever was should be shut up in a dungeon among robbers by the high way side, amongst night theeves and cutpurses, and there in the hard stocks and balefull darkenes render his last breath; and when he is dead, to have his bodie cast out naked at the prison dore. But be it whensoever it shal, this wil be no greater blot to the house Cornelia, than a shamefull reproch for ever to the citie of Rome. Against all these remonstrances, the Pretour Terentius opposed and red the law Petilia, the de∣cree of the Senat, and the sentence given against L. Scipio. And he for his own part said, he could not doe withall, but if the summe wherein he was condemned, were not brought into the com∣mon Treasurehouse, hee knew no other remedie, nor what els to doe, but to commaund him (a condemned person) to be apprehended againe, and had away to prison. Then the Tribunes went apart to consult and lay their heads together. And within a while after C. Flaminius pronoun∣ced aloud, according to his owne advise and the opinion of all his Colleagues (excepting onely Gracchus) That the Tribunes would, not interpose themselves, but that the Pretour might do and execute his office and his authoritie to the full. But Tib. Gracchus set down his own decree in this forme, That as touching the summe wherein L. Scipio was condemned, he would not bee against it, not impeach the Pretour, but that hee might use his power according to his place, and take it out of his goods, as farre as they would stretch. But that L. Scipio, who hath subdued the mightiest and most puissant monarch in all the world, who hath set out and extended the bounds of the Romane empire, as farre as the farthest frontiers and ends of the earth, who hath obliged and bound king Eumenes, the Rhodians, and so many cities and States besides of Asia, & made them beholden to the people of Rome for favours and benefits bestowed upon them, finally, who hath himselfe laid up fast in prison many a Generall captaine over the enemies, after heeled them in triumph: that he I say, should lie in prison and yrons among the enemies of the people of Rome, hee would never suffer and therfore he commaunded him to be released and set at large. This de∣cree was heard with so great applause, and all men were so joious to see L. Scipio delivered, that hardly a man would have beleeved (unlesse he had seene it) that there had been such a judgement passed in the same citie. Then the Pretour sent the Questours or Treasurers, to enter and seize up∣on all the goods of L. Scipio, in the name and to the use of the citie: where of there was not to bee found, so much as any one token or mention of the kings money, no nor so great a sum could be raised, as the fine came to wherein he was condemned. The friends, kinsfolke, followers and well-willers of L. Scipio, made such a contribution of money for him, that if hee would have accep∣ted of it, he had been a richer man by ods, than he was before this crosse and calamitie fell upon him. But he tooke never a denier. His neerest kinsmen in bloud bought againe and redeemed as much of his owne goods, as served for his necessarie maintenance and no more. And the envie and hatred of men intended against the Scipioes, turned upon the heads of the Pretour and his counsell, together with the accusers themselves.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ambrachia, or A••••a.
• * 1.2

  otherwise na∣med, Galatia.
• * 1.3

  Madi••.
• * 1.4

  The same that 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.5

  Hijul, Nigro. Diul, Incolis.
• * 1.6

  Mar di Mar∣mora.
• * 1.7

  Woodl••••••••.
• * 1.8

  Victiza.
• * 1.9

  Paira. or ••••••. Inbactra.
• * 1.10

  Cla•• ensa: all th••••••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉: of Ac••••a.
• ,* 1.11

  Fachi
• ,* 1.12

  〈…〉〈…〉
• ,* 1.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• ,* 1.14

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• ,* 1.15

  18 of Februarie.