The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

[unspec I] THE XXXVII. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 37)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the seven and thirtith Booke.

LVcius Cornelius Scipio the Consull, having for his lieutenant P. Scipio Africanus (according as hee had promised, that he would be lieutenant to his brother, if Greece and Asia were ordained to bee [unspec K] his province, whereas it was thought, that C. Lalius, for the great credite that hee was in with the Senate, should have had that province given him) tooke his voiage for to warre against Antio∣chus, and was the first Romane that ever sailed over into Asia, as captaine and commaunder of an armie. Aemylius Regillus sought fortunately with the aid of the Rhodians before My 〈◊〉〈◊〉, against the voiall navie of Antiochus. The sonne of Africanus taken prisoner by Antiochus, was first home to his father. M. Acilius Glabrio triumphed over Antiochus, whome hee had driven out of Greece, as also over the Rhodians. Afterwards, when Antiochus was vanquished by L. Cornelius Scipio (with the assistance of king Eumenes, the sonne of Attalus king of Pergamus) hee had peace graunted unto him, upon condition, that hee should quit and forgoe all the provinces on this side the mount Taurus. And Eumenes, by whose helpe Antiochus was overcome had his king∣dome enlarged. To the Rhodians also, for their helping hand, certaine citties were given and graunted. One Colonie was planted, called Bononia. Aemylius Regillus, who vanquished the captaines of Antiochus in a navall battell, obtained also [unspec L] a navall triumph. L. Cornelius Scipio, who finished the warre with Antiochus, had the like surname given him as his bro∣ther, and was called after Asiaticus.

WHen L. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius were Consuls, after order taken for the ser∣vice of the gods, there was no matter treated of in the Senate, before the suite of the Aetolians. And as their embassadours were instant and earnest, because the tearme of their truce was but short, so T. Quintius, who then was returned out of Greece to Rome, seconded them. The Aetolians, relying more upon the mercie of the Senate, than the justice of their cause, and ballancing their old [unspec M] good turnes done to the Romanes, to the late harmes and trespasses committed, used humble supplication. But so long as they were in presence before the Senatours, they were wearied with their interrogatories of all hands, who sought rather to fetch & wring from them confession of a fault, than any other answere; and when they were bidden to void out of the Senat house, they

[unspec A] caused much debate within. For in the handling of their matter it was seen that anger bare more sway than pitie, because they were not so much offended with them, for being enemies, as they blamed them for an unruly, untamed, and unsociable nation. And after much hard hold for cer∣taine daies together, they resolved at length, neither to graunt nor denie them peace. Two con∣ditions were tendered and presented unto them, either to referre themselves wholy to the plea∣sure and disposition of the Senate, or els to deliver a thousand talents: and withall to hold those for friends or foes, whomsoever the Romanes reputed theirs. And when they were desirous to draw from the Senatours thus much, as to know in what points, and how farre forth, they should submit themselves to the discretion of the Senate; they could have no certaine answere to build upon. And thus without any peace obtained, they were dismissed, with expresse commaundement [unspec B] to void the citie that very day, and to be gone out of Italie within fifteene daies following. Then they fell to consultation in the Senate about the government of the Consular provinces. Both Consuls desired to have the charge of Greece. And Laelius was a great man with the Senat. Now when the house was minded that the Consuls should either cast lots or agree betweene them∣selves for their provinces, hee rose up and said, That it was more decent and besitting to put the matter to the judgement of that honourable court, than to the blind hazard of lots. To this Sci∣pio for the present made answer, that he would consider better of it: and after he had conferred se∣cretly with his brother apart (who advised him to be bold & put it to the Senat) he gave Lalius to understand, that he was content to do as he would have him. When this strange course and man∣ner of proceeding (either new & unheard of before, or els after so long disuse of the practise ther∣of, [unspec C] forgotten and taken up again) caused the Se nat to arme themselves against a great strife and contention, then P. Scipio Africanus said, That if they would ordaine his brother L. Scipio to have the province of Greece, he would accompanie him in that voiage, in qualitie of his Lieutenant. This one word of his (accepted of them all with a generall consent) stained all debate: for a great mind they had to make a triall, whether Anniball beeing vanquished could aid king Antiochus more, than Africanus the conquerour assist the Consull and the Romane legions. And all in a manner assigned Greece to Scipio, and Italie to Laelius. But the Pretours had their provinces set out to them by lot; L. Aurunculeius obtained the civill jurisdiction of citizens, and L. Fulvius of forainers: L. Aemylius Regillus was L. Admirall of the armada, P. Iunius governed Tuscane, M. Tuccius Apulia and the Brutij, and L. Atinius Sicilie. Moreover that Consull, who was to bee [unspec D] employed in Greece, had a commission graunted, besides that armie which he should receive of M. Acilius (and those were two legions) to furnish himselfe with a supply of three thousand footmen, and one hundred horsmen of Roman citizens; also of five thousand foot and two hun∣dred horse of allies that were Latines: and besides, graunted it was in the same commission, that when hee was arrived into his province, hee should passe over with his armie into Asia, if hee thought it so expedient for the Common-weale.

Vnto the other Consull was allowed an entier whole armie of new souldiours, consisting of two Romane legions, and fifteene thousand foot and sixe hundred horse of the Latine allies. Q.Minutius had direction (by reason that hee wrate how he had performed in his province all that there was to be done, and that the whole nation of the Ligurians had yeelded subjection) to [unspec E] translate his forces out of Liguria into the Boians countrey, and to deliver the same to P. Corne∣lius the Proconsull. Out of that territorie which hee had taken away from them after they were vanquished, those citie legions were withdrawen, which had beene levied and enrolled they yeere before; and committed they were to the charge of M. Tuccius the Pretour, besides 15000 foot and sixe thousand horse of Latine allies: and all these forces were to be emploied for to defend and keepe in obedience, Apulia and the Brutians countrey. As for A. Cornelius the Pretour of the former yeere, (who with an armie had the government of the Brutij) he was commaunded to deliver unto M. Acilius (if the Consull thought so good) the legions transported over into Ae∣tolia, if he would remaine there still: but if Acilius would rather returne to Rome, then A. Cor∣nelius with that armie, was to remaine in Aetolia. Thought good it was, that C. Atinius Labeo [unspec F] should receive of M. Aemylius, the government of Sicilie and his armie: and if it pleased him, to take up and enroll out of that verie province 2000 foot and 100 horse, for to supplie and ful∣fill the broken companies. P. Iunius Brutus had commaundement to levie a new armie for the goverment of Tuscane, to wit, one Romane legion, and 10000 foot of Latine allies, and 400 horse. Also L. Aemilius the Admirall, was to receive of M. Iunius the Pretour of the former

yeere, twentie gallies, and the mariners and ores thereto belonging; and besides, to levie him∣selfe [unspec G] 1000 mariners more, and 2000 footmen: and with those ships and souldiours to saile into Asia, and to receive the fleet of C. Livius. As for them that were alreadie in the government of both the provinces of Spaine and of Sardinia, they were to continue there still for one yeere longer, and to have the same armies at commaund. This yeere were two tenths of corne levied of Sicilie and Sardinia: and order was given for all the Sicilian corne to be sent into Aetolia to the armie: but out of Sardinia, that one part should be brought to Rome, and the other trans∣ported over into Aetolia, even to the same place that the other of Sicilie aforesaid.

Before the Consuls set forward into their provinces, it was thought nicer, that the Pontifies should giue order for the expiation of certaine prodigies: for at Rome the temple of Iuno Lu∣cina was smitten with lightning; so as both the lanterne, yea and the leaved dores thereof, were [unspec H] foully disfigured. Likewise at Puteoli, the towne walles in many places, and one gate, was blasted with lightning, and two men besides were strucken dead therewith. At Nursia it was for certaine knowne, that the day being faire and cleere, there arose a stormie tempest, wherein also two free men lost their lives. The Tusculanes reported, that with them it rained earth. And the men of Reate brought word, that within their territorie a female mule foled. These prodigies (I say) were expiated: and the Latine festivall holydaies were celebrated anew, for that the dole of flesh was not given unto the Laurentines, which of duty should have been delivered. Moreover, a solemne supplication was ordeined, in regard of all errours and faults escaped in divine service and religi∣ous observances. Also out of the bookes of Sibylla, the Decemvirs declared and shewed, to what gods, sacrifice should be made: and ten young springals free borne, & ten virgins likewise, whose [unspec I] fathers and mothers yet lived, were employed about the ministery of those sacrifices. The De∣cemvirs also by night sacrificed young sucklings. And P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, before hee tooke his journey, erected an arch in the Capitoll (over-against the high street that leadeth thi∣ther) with 7 gilded statues and 2 horses: and before that arch, he set up two cesternes or lavers of marble. About this time, 43 principall persons of Aetolia, (among whom were Democritus and his brother) were conveighed to Rome, by two squadrons or cohorts sent of purpose from M. A∣cilius; and there were laid up fast in the prison called* 1.1 The stone quarries: which done, the co∣horts aforesaid were commaunded by L. Cornelius the Consull, to make returne to the armie. From Ptolomeus and Cleopatra (king and queene of Aegypt) there came embassadors, testifying their joy which they conceived in the behalfe of the Romanes, in these termes, That M. Acilius [unspec K] the Consull had chased king Antiochus out of Greece: exhorting also the Romans to transport an armie into Asia: for that not in Asia only but likewise in Syria, all men were smitten with fear and amazed. As for the KK. of Aegypt, they would be ready to doe for their parts, whatsoever the Senat should set downe. Thankes were returned to the K. and Q. aforesaid, and order was ta∣ken, that to the embassadors for a reward should be given 4000 brasen Asses apeece.

L. Cornelius the Consull, having accomplished all things to be done at Rome, published an Edict in a generall assembly, That aswell those soldiors whom himselfe had enrolled for supply, as they who wer with A. Cornelius in the Brutians country, should all meet at Brundusium upon the Ides of* 1.2 Quintilis. Moreover he nominated three lieutenants, Sex. Digitius, L. Apussius, and C. Fabricius Luscinus, for to gather ships togither out of all the sea coasts into Brundusium. And [unspec L] when hee had prepared and set all things in good order, hee departed from the citie, clad in his rich coat of armes. There presented unto the Consull as he went forth, to the number of 5000 voluntaries, Romanes and allies togither, who had served their full yeeres in the wars under the conduct of P. Africanus, and now wer exempt from solderie, who all offered to go with him and to be enrolled as prest souldiours. Much at the time that the Consull tooke his journey (during the festivall Apollinare games in the honour of Apollo, upon the fift day before the Ides of Iuly) it chaunced, that in the day time when the aire was cleere and faire, there arose a suddaine darke∣nesse during the eclipse of the sunne, by reason that the body of the moone was directly under the circle and roundle of the sunne. L. Aemylius Regillus also admirall of the warre, at the same time went to sea. L. Aurunculeius was charged by order from the Senat, to build thirtie galeaces [unspec M] with five bankes of ores, and twentie gallies with three bankes, because a bruit was blowne and blazed abroad, that Antiochus upon the late battaile at sea, was about to prepare a much grea∣ter armada.

The Aetolians, after their embassadors were returned from Rome and had made relation, that

[unspec A] there was no hope of peace, albeit all their sea coasts (especially toward Peloponnesus) were spoi∣led and wasted by the Achaeans, yet minding more their perill like to ensue, than remembering their losse received, seized the mountaine Corax, intending to impeach and stop the passage of the Romanes. For they made no question nor doubt, but that the next spring they would returne to besiege and assault Naupactum. Acilius, who wist well what they expected, thought it bet∣ter to goo in hand with an enterprise unlooked for, and namely to assaile Lamia: for thus hee thought, That seeing they had beene alreadie brought to a great under and extremitie by king Philip, now they might be taken sodainly and surprised at unawates, because they stood in feare of nothing lesse. Whereupon, remooving from Elatia, he encamped first in the country of his enemies neere to the river Sperchius: from whence by night he dislodged, and advanced forth∣with [unspec B] his ensignes. and by the day breake had invested their walles round about. Great feare and hurley there was, as in an accident unlooked for: yet all that day they defended the city more resolutely, than a man would have beleeved and thought they could have done in so sodaine a daunger: whiles men stood at defence upon the wals, women set up ladders in many places, and brought the men weapons and darts of all sorts, yea and stories up to the walls unto them. Aci∣lius, after he had sounded the retreat, brought backe his men into the campe about noone: and after they had there refreshed their bodies with meat and rest, he gave them warning (before he dismissed the Praetorium) that ere day-light the next morning they should be ready in armes: for that he would not come backe againe with them into the campe, before they were masters of the towne. At the same time as the day before, hee gave assault in many places: and for as [unspec C] much as the townesmens strength decaied, their darts and weapons failed, and abo ve all, their hearts fainted, within few houres hee wanne the citie. After hee had made a riddaunce of the pillage, sold some part, and given away the rest, hee fell to take counsell what to doe afterwards. There was not one man of opinion to go against Naupactum, considering that the Aetolians held and kept the pase of Corax. Howbeit Acilius, to the end that he would not keepe the field in sommer without doing some exploit, and that the Aetolians might not enjoy that peace by the slackness of the Romane souldiours, which obteine they could not at the Senates hand, he purposed to besiege Amphissa: and so the armie was conducted thither from Heraclea, by the mountaine Oeta. When he had encamped himselfe under the towne walls, he began not to invest it round with men as he did Lamia, but with ordinance and engins to batter it. In many [unspec D] places at once he ran with the ramme against the walls: and albeit they were shaken, the townes∣men went not about either to make redie, or to devise and invent any meanes of defence against that instrument or engin. All their hope was in trusty armour and hardie valour. And so often they sallied forth, that they disordred and troubled not only the guards of the enemies, but also those that attended about the fabricks and artillerie. Howbeit, in many places the wall was battred and breaches made: and even at that very instant newes came unto him, that his succes∣sor had landed his armie at Apollonia, and was comming by the way of Epirus and Thessalie. Now came the Consull with a power of 13000 foote, and five hundred horse. And by this time was he passed as far as to the vale and levell of Malea: and having sent certein afore to summon the citie Hypata, and received answere againe, that they would do nothing but by a publick de∣cree [unspec E] of the Aetolians; because the siege of Hypata should not stay him, and Amphissa not yet woon, he led his forces against it, and sent his brother Africanus before. Ere they came, the Op∣pidanes had quit the towne, for by this time the wall in many places lay open and naked, and were all fled armed and unarmed into a castle which they had, imprenable. The Consull pitched his tents sixe miles from the towne.

Thither arrived the Athenian embassadors, and first they repaired to P. Scipio, who, as we have said, was gone before the maine armie, and afterwards to the Consull, intreating for the Aeto∣lians. Of the twaine they received a gentler answere at the hands of Africanus, who seeking some honest occasion to leave the Aetolian warre, set his heart and eye wholly upon Asia and king Antiochus: and to this purpose he willed the Atheniens to persuade not only with the Romanes, [unspec F] but also with the Aetolians, to preferre peace before warre. And speedily, through the motion and persuasion of the Atheniens there was a solemne embassage of the Aetolians dispatched from Hypata.

Induced they were the rather to hope for peace by the speech of Africanus (for to him they came first) who discoursed unto them, how that many nations and cities in Spaine first, and afterwards in Africke, had put themselves under his protection, and in them all hee had left

greater testimonies of his clemencie and bountie, than of his warlike valour and martiall pro∣wesse. [unspec G] Thus they had brought the matter (as they thought) to a good passe, and made it sure: but when they came before the Consull, they had the same answere of him, with which they were sent away from the Senate, and commaunded to avoid.

The Aetolians wounded therewith anew, seeing they could win nothing neither by the mediation of the Athenien embassage, nor the gracious answere of Africanus, said they would make report thereof unto their States and coun∣trymen. So, they returned from thence to Hypata, where they were to seeke what to do, and could not resolve: for neither had they whereof to raise a thousand talents: and againe if they should absolutely put themselves into their hands, they feared to feele the smart thereof in their bodies. Therefore they commaunded the same embassadors to go againe to the Consull and to Africanus, and to exhibit a petition, that if they were minded indeed and veritie to graunt them [unspec H] peace, and not by vaine shew and semblance only to frustrate and delude the hope of poore suppliants, they would either rebate them a quantitie of that grand summe of money, or else ac∣cept so of their absolute surrender, that no free citizens might be touched thereby in his person. But nothing could be gotten at the Consuls hands, for to alter or relent any jote: thus was this embassage also sent away as it came, and nothing done. The Atheniens came after them in place, the principall man of whose embassage, Echedemus, seeing the Aetolians wearied with so many repulses, and lamentably to no purpose bewailing the miserable estate of their countrie; put them still in some new hope, and gave them counsell to crave truce for sixe moneths, that they might addresse their Embassadors to Rome, and receive and answere from thence: shewing unto them, that this delay could not augment their present calamitie, which could not worse be; [unspec I] but contrarywise, time and space comming betweene, might affoord many accidents whereby their present miserie might be mitigated and alayed. So by the advise of Echedemus, the same men were sent once againe, who had communed before with P. Scipio, and by his meanes obtei∣ned of the Consull a truce for that terme; which was the thing they craved. The siege being ray∣sed before Amphissa, M. Acilius after he had delivered up his armie into the hands of the Consull, resigned his government, and departed out of the province: and the Consull likewise from Amphissa returned into Thessalie, intending through Macedonie and Thracia to conduct his armie into Asia.

Then Africanus entred into speech with his brother, and said: The journey which you en∣terprise L. Scipio, I for my part approve and thinke well of, but all resteth in the will and pleasure [unspec K] of Philip: who if he be fast and faithfull to the state and empire of Rome, he will graunt us pas∣sage, he will affoord us victuals, he will furnish us with all things, which in so long a voyage are necessarie to the help and sustenance of our armie: but if he faile and forsake us once, you must make accompt of no safetie and securitie throughout all Thracia: therefore I am of advise that the kings affection be first sounded. And that will best be done, if the messenger who shall be dis∣patched unto him, may come upon him on a sodaine, and take him unprovided, and having no time to put any presented plot in practise.

T. Sempronius Gracchus, a most nimble and active yong gentleman, was at that time chosen for the furest person to performe this action: who ta∣king fresh post horses all the way as he rode, with incredible celeritie made such speede, that from Amphissa (for thence he had his dispatch) in three dayes space, he arrived at Pella. The king was at a feast or banket when he came, and wine he had taken full liberally. And finding him thus disposed to solace and recreate his spirits, he had no reason to suspect that he was min∣ded and inclined to any change or alteration: and so for that time this guest was bidden wel∣come, and had good cheere made him. The morrow after, he saw the provision of victuals in great store readie for the armies, he beheld the bridges made over the rivers, and the high waies mended and prepared, where passage was difficult. With these intelligences he returned to the Consull, with as great speed as he went, and met him at Thaumaci. From whence, the armie in much joy, and with greater and more assured hope, entred into Macedonie; where all was provi∣ded to their hands. The king at their comming received t hem right stately, and at their depar∣ture conducted them on the way as royally. Very willing, redie and courteous he shewed him∣selfe: [unspec M] which Africanus much liked and highly commended, being a man, as in all other things singular, so in allowing of elegancie and humanitie, if it were without superfluitie and excesse, nothing nice and streight-laced. Thus they held on their journey unto Hellespontus, passing through Macedonie and Thrace, and Philip still accompanied them, and provided all things

[unspec A] for their use afore-hand.

After the battaile fought at sea neere Corycum, Antiochus having had all the winter time free without any empeachment to furnish himselfe with forces both for land and sea, above all things studied and devised how to repaire his fleete, for feare hee should bee quite disseized and dispossed of the sea. And evermore this ran in his mind, that he had an over∣throw, and yet the Rhodians fleete was away. For thus he cast with himselfe, that if they also should be present at the next conflict (and surely the Rhodians, thought he, will not for any thing be behind againe) hee then should have need of a mightie number of ships, to match the enemies Armada as well in greatnes as goodnesse. And therefore he had both sent Anniball into Syria for to take up the ships of the Phaenicians, and also commaunded Polyxenidas to [unspec B] repaire those vessels which he had alreadie, and to make and rig others, with so much more dili∣gence as his fight afore was lesse fortunate. Himselfe passed the winter in Phrygia, and seeking for aid out of all places, he sent out as farre as into Gallograecia. The people there at that time were great warriours; keeping still the courages of Gaules, for that the race of that nation was not yet extinct and worne out. His sonne Seleucus he had left in Aeolis with an armie to keepe the maritime cities in obedience, which Eumenes from Pergamus of one side, and the Romanes from Phocaea and Erythrae on the other side, sollicited to rebellion. The Romane fleete, as I said before, wintered at Canae. Thither in the mids almost of winter came Eumenes with two thousand foote, and a hundred horse. Who having given out unto Livius, that great prizes might be raised out of the enemies territorie about Thyatira, had so persuaded and wrought [unspec C] with him, that he sent with him five thousand souldiours: who being setforth to this rode and expedition, in few dayes drove away a mightie bootie. Amid these matters, there hapned a mu∣tinie i n Phocaea, by occasion of some that would have withdrawne and turned away the hearts of the multitude unto king Antiochus. The wintering of the fleete was chargeable to that ci∣tie. The imposition of a tribute was heavie, in regard that they were put to the finding of five hundred side cassockes, and as many coates for liveries: the scarcitie of corne also was grie∣vous unto them; for which default the ships and the Romane garrison abandoned the place and departed: whereupon that faction which in all their speeches and assemblies drew the com∣mon people to side with Antiochus, was rid of all feare. The Senate and the principall citizens of Phocaea were of opinion to continue to the last, in the association of the Romans: but the per∣suaders [unspec D] and counsellers of a revolt were of more credit with the multitude.

The Rhodians were not so flow the summer past, but they were as forward now in the spring: for before mid-March, they sent out the same Pausistratus admirall of a fleet of six & thirtie saile. And by this time Livius loosed from Canae, and sailed toward Hellespontus, with thirtie ships, and seven gallies of foure bankes of oapes, which king Eumenes had brought with him, to the end that he might prepare things necessarie for the passage of the armie, which hee supposed would come by land. And first he sel with the bay or port which they cal, The rode of the* 1.3 Achaeans, from whence he went up to Ilium, where, after he had sacrificed to Minerva, hee gave gracious audi∣ence to the embassages of the neighbors bordering, which came from Eleus, Dardanus, & Rhoe∣tium, who committed their cities unto his protection. From thence he directed his course to the streights of Hellespontus, and leaving ten ships in the rode overagainst Abydus, with the rest of [unspec E] the fleet he passed over into Europe, to assault Sestos. As the armed souldiours approched their wals, the frantike priests of Cybele called Galli, bestraught of their wits, presented themselves first unto them before their gates, in their solemn habit and vestiments, saying, That they being the servaunts and ministers of Dame Cybele the mother of the gods, were come by the instinct and commandement of that goddesse to beseech the Roman Generall to spare the wals and the citie. And not one of them had any harme done unto them. Anon, the whole bodie of the Senat with the magistrates came forth to yeeld the towne. From thence they crossed over to Abydus, where (after many parlies, in which they had sounded their minds, and could have no answere tending to peace) they addressed themselves to lay siege to the citie, and to assault it.

[unspec F] Whiles these things stood thus about Hellespont, Polyxenidas a Rhodian borne, but banished his countrey, and a captaine for king Antiochus, hearing that a Rhodian fleet was gone to sea, and that Pausistratus their admirall, had in open audience given out certaine prowd and disdainefull speeches against him, entred into a privat quarell with him, tossing & devising in his mindnight and day nothing els, but how he might by some effectuall and worthie deedes, checke and con∣sute

those brave and glorious words of his. He dispatched therefore unto him as a messenger, [unspec G] a man well knowne unto him, with credence and instructions to give him to understand, that himselfe would (if he might) stand both Pausistratus and his countrie in good steed: and that Pausistratus (if it pleased him) had meanes to restore him againe into his native countrie. When Pausistratus mervailed hereat, and was very inquisitive to know how this mought be effected; and gave him his faithfull promise (at his request) either to joyne with him in the action, or els to conceale all and keepe counsell: then the messenger declared, that Polyxenidas would make over unto him the kings navie either entier, or the greater part thereof: and in consideration and recompense of this so great demerit, he desired no more but that he might returne into his country. The importance of this matter was so great, that he neither beleeved his words, nor yet neglected and despised the same. So he went to Panormus, a place in the land [unspec H] of Samos, and there he abode to view & see the thing that was offred unto him. Courriers there ran betweene, and never would Pausistratus geve credit to the partie, untill Polyxenidas wrote a letter with his owne hand in the presence of his said messenger, that he would performe what∣soever he had promised, yea and sent the same letters sealed with his owne signe Manuell. By this sure pledge or gage, Pausistratus made full account that he had the traitour surely bound and obliged unto him. For thus he thought, that Polyxenidas living as a subject under the king, would never hazard the danger of such pregnant matter to appeere against himselfe, testified un∣der his owne hand-writing: so from that time forward the meanes of this pretended and coun∣terfeit treason was devised and agreed upon. Polyxenidas gave him to understand, that he would of purpose lay aside and neglect preparation of all furniture, that he would ne ither have rowers nor other mariners in any number about his fleete: moreover, under a coulor of calking and [unspec I] calfretting he would lay up some ships on dry land: others he would send away into the havens neere at hand, and keepe some few riding at anker before Ephesus in the haven, and those (if he were forced to battaile) he would set out to fight. The same negligence that Pausistratus heard say Polyxenidas would use in his fleete, the same himselfe presently shewed in his owne. For some of his ships he sent to Halicarnassus for victuals, and other to Samos the citie, to the end that he might be in redinesse when the traitor gave the signall of assault. Polyxenidas still by false sem∣blance encreased the errors and vaine imaginations of Pausistratus: for some ships indeed he drew aland and laid up dry: and as if he ment to hale up more, he repaired and amendeth the docks. Oremen and mariners he sent not for out of their winter harboroughs to go to Ephesus, [unspec K] but secretly assembled them to Magnesia. Now it fortuned that a certeine souldier serving un∣der king Antiochus, who was come to Samos about some private affaires of his owne, was appre∣hended there for a spy, and brought to Panormus before the Admirall Pausistratus. Who, being demaunded what they did at Ephesus; I know not whether for feare, or upon small loyaltie that he bare to his prince and countrey, discovered all: namely, that the fleete rid in the haven rig∣ged, decked and trimmed in redinesse: Item, that all the rowers and mariners were sent to Si∣pylus in Magnesia: Item, that some vessels, and those very few, were drawne up to land, and the docks and harbours were shut up close: and lastly, that never at any time before, the navie was so carefully looked unto, nor sea affaires so well managed. But the mind of Pausistratus was so pos∣sessed before, with foolish conceits and vaine hopes, that he would not beleeve these informa∣tions [unspec L] and intelligence s for true. Polyxenidas having set all things forward and in good readinesse, by night sent for the rowers and mariners from Magnesia: and having in great hast shot to sea and set aflote those vessels which lay at one side upon the land, after he had spent the whole day, not so much in making provision, as trifling out the time for the nonce, because he would not have the fleete to be seene when it set forth, weighed ankar and losed after the sunne was gone downe: and with 70 saile of covered ships, because he had a contrary wind, entred the Bay of Pygala before day, where resting all the livelong day for the same purpose as before, the next night he sailed to the neerest coasts of Samos. From whence he gave commaundement to one Nicander an Archpirate, to set saile for Palinurus, with five close covered ships, there to land; and from thence to march with his armed souldiers over the fields the neerest way to Panormus, and [unspec M] to come upon the back of the enemies: himselfe in the meane while divided his fleete into two parts, and made way to Panormus, there to keepe the entrie and mouth of the haven on both sides. Pausistratus at first was troubled for a while at this unexpected occurrent: but afterwards, as one that was an old beaten souldiour, he quickly tooke hart againe, and calling his wits together,

[unspec A] supposed that he might more easily repulse the enemies by land than by sea; and led his soul∣diours in two squadrons unto the promontories which bearing out into the sea like two hornes, to force the haven: from which two capes or heads he supposed that he might easily set back and put by the enemies with shooting darts from both sides. But Nicander who was sent by land, impeached this disseine of his, so that he was forced sodainly to change his mind and alter that course, and therefore commaunded all his men to go a shipboord and away. Hereupon excee∣ding feare there was both among the souldiours and also the mariners, as if they were to take their flight by sea and not to fight, seeing themselves invironed at once both by land and sea. Pausistratus supposing the only way to escape and save themselves, was to make way through the mouth of the haven, and so to recover sea-roome; after he had seene all his men embarked, com∣maunded [unspec B] the rest to follow, and himselfe first plying and labouring hard with ores, skudded amaine with his ship to the entrance of the haven. Now when she was once past the streight and come into the open sea, Polyxenidas was there to welcome him with three Galeaces of five banks of ores, and so beset him. The poore ship was wounded with the yron pikes bearing out in the beake heads of the galeaces, and so bouged and sunke withall. The defendants upon the hatches were overwhelmed with shot of darts, and among the rest, Pausistratus himselfe manfully fighting lost his life. The rest of the ships were bourded and taken, some before the haven, others within: and some there were that by Nicander were seized as they laboured to lose from the land, and to launch forth. Five ships only of Rhodes, and two of Cous, escaped cleere and fled, which made themselves way even among the thickest of their enemies, by the meanes of a [unspec C] fearefull burning flame of fire that they had with them. For they set me two long per ches or poles bearing forward at the prow, like two sprit sailes, in every ship, carying yron pots and pans afore them full of light fire. The Gallies of Erythrea, meeting the Rhodian ships not farre from Samos as they fled, the which were comming to help them, turned their course backward into Hellespontus, unto the Romanes. About the same time Seleucus gained the citie of Phocaea by treason, entring in at a gate which the warders set open of purpose for him. And for feare, Cymae and other townes of that coast revolted unto him.

Whiles these things thus passed in Aeolis, and that Abydus had endured the siege for certein dayes by the defence of the kings garison that manned the walls: now that all were overtoiled and wearied, the magistrates of the citie (by the permission of Philotas captaine of the garison) [unspec D] articled with Livius upon conditions to render the towne. The only point whereupon they stood, and which stayed the conclusion, was this, for that they could not agree whether the kings souldiours should be sent away armed or disarmed. And whiles they debated hereabout, newes came of the Rhodians defeature, and so the oportunitie of gaining the towne slipt out of their hands. For Livius fearing, least Polyxenidas pussed up with the successe of so great an exploit, would surprize the fleere that rid at Canae, leaving presently the siege before Abydus, and the garding of Hellespont, put to sea afresh those ships that lay dry at Canae. And Eumenes came to Elea; But Livius went to Phocaea with all his fleete, to which he had adjoyned two trireme gal∣lies of Mitylenae. But when he heard say it was kept with a strong garison of the kings, and that Seleucus was encamped not far off, after he had pilled the sea coast, and charged hastily his ships [unspec E] with a good bootie, and those were prizes of men especially, he stayed no longer there than untill Eumenes might overtake him with his fleete, but directed his course streight to Samos. The Rhodians upon the first newes of this their overthrow, feared much, and withall mightilie forrowed: for besides the losse of their sea-soldiours and ships, they lost also the very floure and strength of their youth: for as much as many yong gentlemen of their nobilitie, accompanied Pausistratus, among other motives, in regard of his authoritie, which was right great and for good desert among his countrymen: But afterwards considering how treacherously they were over-raught, and namely, by one of their owne citizens , borne among them, their melancholie turned into choler, and their sorrow into anger. Whereupon they sent forth ten ships imme∣diatly, and few dayes after other ten, under the conduct of Eudamus the Admirall over them all: [unspec F] who albeit he were not for other feates of armes and martiall skill equall to Pausistratus, yet they supposed verily he would be a leader so much the more warie and circumspect, as he was the lesse hardie and courageous. The Romanes and king Eumenes first fell with the Iland Erythraea, where they stayed one night, and the morrow after gained the point of Corycus, a promontorie of the Teians. From whence when they purposed to crosse over to the neerest parts of Samos, not wai∣ting

for the sunne-rising, by which the Pilots might observe the disposition of the weather, they [unspec G] hoised up sailes against a very doubtfull and dangerous tempest: for the wind turned from North-east to full North, as they were in the mids of their course, whereby they began to be mightily tossed among the surging billows of the rough & angry sea. Polyxenidas supposing that the enemies would take their course directly to Samos, there to joyne with the Rhodian fleete, deparred from Ephesus, and first ankered at Myonesus: from thence he failed to an Iland called Macris, to the end that as the enemies fleet sailed by, he might take advantage to set upon either some ships singled & severed from the bodie of the fleet, or play upon the rail and reregard ther∣of. After that he perceived the whol fleet to be dispersed by force of the tempest, he thought first to take that occasion to fall upon them: but the wind rising still more and more, and raising greater waves, because he saw he could not possibly come neere to bourd them, he cut over to [unspec H] the Iland Ethalia, minding the next day to assaile the ships in the maine sea as they passed to Samos. Some small number of the Romane ships in the beginning of the night put into the haven of Samia, which they found void and emptie: the rest of the fleete after they had bene tossed and tormented all the night long in the deepe, at length light upon the same harborough. Where being advertised by the pesants of the country, that the enemies ships lay in the rode of Athalia, they fell to consult, whether presently to bid battaile & put it to the hazard, or expect the arrivall of the Rhodian fleet. Deferring therefore that enterprise (for so upon advertisement they were agreed) they traversed to Coricus, from whence they came. Polyxenidas likewise, having staid at anket in vain, returned to Ephesus: & then the Roman ships, while the seas were thus cleere of enemies, sailed over the Samos. Thither also arrive d the Rhodian fleet few daies after: and that it [unspec I] might appeare how long looked for it was, they all presently set saile for Ephesus, with purpose ei∣ther to trie an issue by a battell at sea, or else if the enemie refused the triall, to expresse and wring from him a plaine confession of cowardise: which was a materiall point and of great importance to moove the minds of the other neighbour-cities. Being arrived to the very haven mouth, they embattailed their ships & stood directly affront opposed unto it. And when they saw none make saile not set out against them, the one part thereof rode aflote at ancre still in the very haven mouth; the other discharged the souldiors & set them a land. Vpon whom (as they were driving a mightie bootie which they had raised by harrying all the country over) Andronicus a Macedo∣nian, who lay in garison at Ephesus, sallied forth, even as they approched the walles of the citie; and having eased them of a great part of their prey aforesaid, he chased themselves to the sea un∣to [unspec K] their ships. The morrow after, the Romans having bestowed an ambush about the mid-way between, marched in order of battaile against the citie, to see if peradventure they could traine forth the Macedonian again without the walles: but perceiving that no man durst come abroad for suspicion & feare of an await, they returned to their ships again; and when they saw their ene∣mies would not abide them neither at sea nor on land, in the end the fleet sailed againe to Samos from whence it came. Thence the Pretour made out two gallies of Italian confederates, and as many Rhodians under the conduct of Epicrates the Rhodian Admirall, to defend and keepe the streights of Cephalenia, which Hibristas the Lacedaemonian togither with the youth of the Cephalenes, infested with his roving and robbing, in so much as there could no ships passe by sea to and fro with victuals betweene-Italie and that coast. At Pyraeeum Epicrates met w ith L. At∣milius [unspec L] Regillus comming to succeed in the Admiraltie: who hearing of the deffeiture of the Rhodians, and having himselfe but two Quinquereme galleaces, brought Epicrates backe with him into Asia with foure ships. There accompanied them also the open ships of the Atheni∣ans. And he passed over by the sea* 1.4 Aegeum. Thither also arrived Timasicrates the Rhodian in the dead of the night with two Quadrireme gallies from Samos. Who being brought unto Ae∣mylius, declared how he was sent to quiet and defend that sea coast, which the kings roving ships and men of warre by their often excursions from Hellespontus and Abydus, had made too hot for the hulkes and other ships of burden which used to passe that way. As Aemylius sailed from Chios to Samos, two Rhodian Quadrireme gallies were sent by Livius to meet him: and king Eumenes also with two Quinquereme galleaces presented himselfe unto him. Being all arrived [unspec M] at Samos, Aemylius after he had received the navie of Livius, and sacrificed orderly as the ma∣ner was, called a counsell.

At which C. Livius (for his opinion was asked first) spake and said, That no man giveth more found and faithfull counsell than hee, who persuadeth another man to that which himselfe would doe in the same case. As for mee, my intent and purpose was, to

[unspec A] goe against Ephesus with the whole armada, and thither to bring with me the vessels of burden charged with the heavie ballace of gravell and sand, and to sinke them in the verie haven mouth, for to choke it up. And to make this barre against the haven, it was a matter (said hee) of lesse diffi∣cultie, for that the mouth and gullet of the haven, was in manner of a river, long, narrow, and full of shelfes and shallowes. By which meane I should have cut off the benefite of the sea from the enemie, and make him loose the use altogither of his navie. But no man there besides him∣selfe thought well of this devise.

King Eumenes demaunded, what they would doe then after this choking up and stoppage of the haven passage, by sinking the ships? whether they would depart from thence with their owne navie at libertie, to helpe their allies and terrifie and affright their enemies; or never the later still, keepe the haven (as it were) in siege with the whole fleet? For if [unspec B] they departed, who could make doubt but that the enemie would plucke up those dammes and barres that there lay drowned; yea, and with lesse adoe and trouble, open the haven againe, than it was stopped? and if they meant to carie there neverthelesse, to what purpose then was the ha∣ven shut up? But contrariwise, they within Ephesus (quoth hee) being in surety for any daunger from their haven, and having a most rich and wealthie citie of their owne, furnished with all things out of Asia, would passe the sommer season in rest and repose; whiles the Romanes flo∣ting in the open wide sea, exposed to the violence of waves and lying at the mercy of tempests, should be driven to keepe a continuall guard, disfurnished of all things, and rather tied up and debarred themselves, for being able to effect those things that were needfull to be done, than in case to empeach and shut up their enemies. Then Eudamus the admirall of the Rhodian fleet, [unspec C] opined for his part, and spake to the question, saying, That he rather disliked of that course, than knew himselfe a better, or could advise what was to be done. Epicrates the Rhodian was of mind, to leave Ephesus for the present, and to send part of his ships into Lycia, for to associate unto them Patara, the capitall cittie of that nation: shewing two things of great consequence, that hereby would accrue. For both the Rhodians assured of peace, and secured from all danger of those quarters that lie about their Island, might thereby attend wholly, and employ all their for∣ces upon the regard of this onely warre against Antiochus: and also the Armada which was prepared in Lycia might be stopped & empeached, forver joining with Polyxenidas. This opi∣nion imported, & prevailed most. Howbeit, thought good it was and agreed upon, that Regillus should present himselfe before Ephesus, with the whole fleet, to strike a terror into the enemies. [unspec D] And C. Livius was sent with foure Rhodian quandrireme gallies, and two Smyrnean open ships into Lycia, with direction to take Rhodes in the way, and with them there to communicate all his counsels. The cities which he passed by, namely,* 1.5 Miletus,* 1.6 Myndus,* 1.7 Halicarnassus,* 1.8 Cni∣dus and Cous, performed willingly whatsoever was enjoined and imposed upon them. Being ar∣rived at Rhodes, hee declared unto the Rhodians the effect of his commission, and withall requi∣red their advise. They all approved the designe, and when hee had taken of them to the fleet that he had of his own, three quadrireme gallies more, he sailed to* 1.9 Patara. At the first he had a mer∣rie gale of wind, that set them forward directly toward the cittie, and good hope they had with their suddaine terrour to doe some good with the inhabitants: but afterwards, the wind being come about, the sea rose, and the surging waves began to make it troublesome and daungero us; [unspec E] howbeit they laboured so with oares that they gat to the shore side. But neither was there about the citie any safe bay to ride in, neither were they able to keepe the sea with anker without the ha∣ven mouth of the enemies citie, the sea was so rough, and the night so neere. So passing along by the wall side of the citie, they sailed to the port of Phaenicus, lesse than two miles distant from thence, which was a safe rode for their ships from all daunger of sea, but high cliffes and rockes there were over their heads which commanded them, & those the townsmen quickly seized, with the assistance of the kings souldiours whom they had in garrison. Against whom Livius sent out the aid-soldiers of the Isseans, and the nimblest and most deliver young men of the Smyrneans, notwithstanding the landing places were very difficult and untoward. These sustained the fight at first, so long as they shot darts, and made pettie excursions and profers rather of skirmishes, [unspec F] than a direct battell, as being but few in number. But after that they ran out of the cittie in great numbers, and that the whole multitude was issued forth, Livius feared least not onely those auxi∣liars should be environned and enclosed, but also the ships distressed and endaungered from the land: so he brought forth to fight, not the souldiours onely, but all the rable of the marriners also and the rowers, armed and furnished with whatsoever weapons they could find. And even then

also there was a doubtfull and daungerous conflict, wherein besides certaine souldiours. L. Apu∣slius [unspec G] died in the medley of this suddaine and tumultuarie skirmish. Yet in the end, the Lycians were discomsired, put to flight, and chased into their citie. The Romanes likewise retired to their ships, carrying away with them no bloudlesse victorie for their part. From thence they shaped their course to the gulfe or narrow streight of Telmessus (which of one side touchest Caria, & Ly∣cia on the other) laying aside all hope to assaile Patara any more; and so the Rhodians were dis∣charged and sent home. Livius after he had coasted along Asia crossed over into Greece, to the end, that having communed and conferred with the Scipios (who then abode about Thessalie) he might saile directly into Italie.

Aemylius when he had intelligence, that the designement intended in Lycia was given over, and that Livius was departed into Italie, being himselfe also returned to Samos (for that he was [unspec H] by violence of tempest repulsed from Ephesus, without effect of his enterprise) thought it was a shame and dishonour, that the adventure was given upon Patara in vaine, and therfore determi∣ned in proper person to make a voiage thither with his whole fleet, and to assault the cittie with all the force he could possible. And having passed along Miletus, and all that coast of the associ∣ates, they disbarked from the gulfe or creke of Bargillae, and came a land neere Iassus. The cittie was held by a garison of the kings: and the Romanes wasted by the way of hostilitie, the territorie about it. Then Aemylius sent certaine to parle with the cheefe citizens and the magistrates, to found them how they were disposed, & also to sollicite them to revolt: but being answered again that it lay not in their owne power to doe as they would, hee marched forward to give an assault to the citie. Now there were certaine Iassians, banished persons, in companie with the Romanes, [unspec I] who in great number besought and importuned the Rhodians, not to suffer a cittie, so neere a neighbour and linked in bloud unto them, for to perish and come to ruine, especially having no way offended: alleadging, that the onely cause of their banishment was their loialtie unto the Romanes, and by the same violence of the kings garrison souldiours, were they also held in awe who remained in the citie, by which themselves had been expelled. For all the Iassians in generall were of one mind, most willing and desirous to avoid and shake off the servitude under the king. The Rhodians were moved in compassion with their praiers, and joining unto them king Eume∣nes also, partly by shewing the consanguinitie and kindred betweene them, and partly by pitying and lamenting the distressed state of the citie (besieged, as it were, alreadie by the kings garrison) they prevailed so much, that they forbare to assaile it. So they departed from thence, & because [unspec K] all other parts were peaceable, they sailed along the coast of Asia, untill they arrived* 1.10 Loryma, a port or haven towne even against Rhodes. There in the Principia began first a secret whispering among the Colonels (which afterwards came to the ears of Aemylius himselfe) namely, That the navie was led away farre ynough off from Ephesus, where by right and of dutie hee was to warre; to the end, that the enemie being left at libertie behind their backes, might attempt to do what he lift without controulment, against so many cities and States of the Romane allies, neere unto him. Aemylius was mooved herewith, and calling unto him the Rhodians, demaunded of them, Whether the whole armada might ride conveniently within the haven of Patara? And when they answered No, he tooke that occasion to passe no further, but to give over the voiage, and so brought backe his ships to Samos. [unspec L]

In this same time Seleucus the sonne of Antiochus, after he had kept his armie all winter time in Aeolis, employing it partly in succouring his associates, and partly in sacking and pilling those whom he could not draw into association, intended to invade the confines of king Eumenes his realme, whiles he (together with the Romanes) was busied farre from home, in assailing the ma∣ritime parts of Lycia. And first hee approched Elaea in countenance of an enemie, with banner displaied; but afterwards, leaving to besiege the cittie, after spoile made in hostile manner of the territorie, he marched forward to besiege and assault the head citie and capitall strength of all his kingdome* 1.11 Pergamus. Attalus at the beginning seemed rather to brave and provoke him unto fight with his strong guards that hee had placed without the cittie, and excursions with his horse∣men and light armour, than to stand upon his guard and defence, and to receive the forces of his [unspec M] enemie: but at length, seeing by these light skirmishes that hee was in no respectable to match Seleucus, hee retired himselfe within his walls, and so the citie began to bee besieged. And much about the same time, Antiochus also being departed from Apamea, first lay encamped at Sardis, and afterwards, not farre from the campe of Selencus, neere to the head or source of the river

[unspec A] * 1.12 Caicus, with a mightie armie composed of diverse and sundrie nations. The greatest shew of terror in this armie was a redoubled regiment of Gaules, to the number of foure thousand, hired for wages, whome with some few other among them, hee sent out to wast and destroy all parts of the territorie about Pergamus. When newes here of came to Samos, Eumenes at the first, being called away by this warre, (begun at home, even at his very dores) made hast with his fleet to Elaea; where finding in readinesse certaine horsemen and footmen both lightly appointed by their sure convoy and safe conduct, hee came to Pergamus before the enemies had knowledge thereof, or enterprised any thing. Where once againe they began to make light skirmishes by way of excursions, for in truth Eumenes lay off, and was not willing to hazard the maine chaunce upon a throw. Few daies after, both the Romane and Rhodian fleet came from Samos and [unspec B] were arrived at Elaea for to aid the king Eumenes. When Antiochus was advertised that they had landed their forces at Elaea, and that so many armadaes were met together in that one haven, and hearing with all about the same time, that the Consull was alreadie with a power in Macedo∣nie making preparation of all things for his passage over Hellespont: hee supposed now it was high time (before that he were pressed at once both by land and sea) to treat for peace, & there∣fore hee seized a certaine hill over against Elaea, to fortifie and encampe in. Where, leaving his whole power of Infanterie, he descended into the plaine, under the very walls of Elaea, with all his Cavallerie, to the number of sixe thousand horse. And sending an herauld to Aemylius, hee gave him to understand, that hee was desirous to have a treatie of peace. Aemylius sent for Eumenes from Pergamus, and they both, together with the Rhodians, debated in counsell what to do. The [unspec C] Rhodians refused not the offer. But Eu menes said it was neither honourable to parle of peace at that time, ne yet possible to conclude thereof, if they went about it.

For being as wee are (quoth hee) pinned up within our walls and besieged, how can wee receive from another, conditions of peace, saving our credite and honour? and who will hold that for a firme and assured peace, which we shall contract without the presence of the Consull, without the authoritie of the Senate, and without the graunt of the people of Rome? For I demaund of you, when yee have made a peace, whether you will return presently into Italie or no? whether you will withdraw your fleet & armie? or rather wait and expect to know the Consull his mind and advise, the Senats pleasure and orde∣nance, and the generall assent of the people in that behalfe? It remaineth then after that is done, that you stay still in Asia, and that your forces being brought backe againe into their wintering [unspec D] harbours, (after they have done with warfare) fall to consume and eat out our allies, by charging them with provision of victuals: and afterwards, if it shall so please the higher powers, & those that are in authoritie so to ordaine, we must begin that war anew, which now we are able (if we slacke not the time, nor stop the forward course wherein we are) before winter come, with the favor and power of the gods, to finish and bring to a finall end. This advise tooke place; ad answere was re∣turned unto Antiuchus, that there could be no treatie of peace before the Consull his comming.

Antiochus having thus in vaine fought for peace, when he had first sorraied and wasted the terri∣torie of Elaea, and afterwards of Pergamus, left his sonne Seleucus there, and went himselfe in person to* 1.13 Adramytteum, pilling and spoiling all the way as he journeyed, in all kind of hostilitie. Now this territorie is a rich country, called, The champaine plaines of Thebe: much renoumed [unspec E] by the Poet Homer in his poeme; and in no one place besides of all Asia got the kings souldiers a greater bootie and more pillage. Thithe r arrived also to Adramytteum both Aemythus and Eu∣menes (having set a compasse by sea) for the defense of the said citie. During this time, they sent for a thousand foote, and a hundred horse out of Achaea to come unto Elaea: all which forces were commaunded by captaine Diophanes. So soone as they were disbarked and landed, there were readie to receive them certeine men sent from Attalus of purpose to meete them, who by night conducted them to Pergamus. They were all old souldiours, and well experienced in feares of warre: and their leader Diophanes had bene brought up & trained under Philepaemenes, the greatest warrior in those days of all the Greekes, who tooke but two dayes for to rest his horse and men, and to take view of the enemies gards, namely, in what places and at what time [unspec F] they used customably either to come forward, or to retire. The kings souldiours were approched almost to the very foote of the hill, where the citie is situate. By meanes whereof they might forage behind at their will, and there was not one issued out of the citie so much as to launce a dart aloufe against the corps de gard of the enemies. After they were once so neere driven for feare, that they were faine to keepe themselves close within the walls, the kings soldiers without,

began first to contemne, and afterwards to neglect them. Many of them had not their horses [unspec G] so much as sadled and bridled, and some few were left in armes and in ordinance of battaile: the rest were gone aside and spred over all parts of the champaine: some went to play and tooke themselves to youthfull sports and wanton riot: others fell to feeding, pampering their bellies, and making good cheere under couvert shade, and many were laid along asleepe. Diophanes beheld all the manner hereof aloft from an high turret of the citie Pergamus, and presently gave commaundement to his souldiers to take armes and to be readie at the gate. Himselfe went to Attalus, and told him, that he purposed to assaile the enemies corps de gard. Attalus (although he were very loth) gave him leave; for he saw full well, that he was so fight with one hundred horse against three hundred: and one thousand foote against four thousand. Being out of the gate, he sat him downe not far from the enemies corps deard, waiting when some good opportunitie [unspec H] and occasion would offer it selfe. Both they within Pergamus of one side, deemed this to be sollie rather than hardinese; and also the enemies on the other side making towards them for a while, and perceiving them not to stirre, altered nothing of their usuall negligence, and that which more was, made a mockery and skorne of their small number. Diophanes kept his men still a good time, as if he had brought them forth only for a shew, to see and to be seene: but after he perceived once the enemies to be disbanded out of their ranks and raunges, he commaunded the footmen to make all the hast they could after, whiles himselfe leading the way first among his horsemen; ran with his whole troupe upon the spurre as hard as ever he could, and setting up a shout and cry alowd on all hands, as well with foote as horse, charged sodainly upon the enemies gards, ere they were ware of them. Man and horse both were greatly skared: and the [unspec I] horses especially having broken their collers and halters where with they stood tied, made foule worke and much trouble among their owne partie. Some few of the horses kept their standing still unaffrighted, and even those they had much ado to saddle, to bridle, and to mount upon; with so great a terrour came the Achaeans, and with much more than so small a number could be thought to make. And as for the footmen in order arranged and well provided, they fell vpon those that were negligently dispersed abroad, ere they looked for them, and in manner halfe asleepe. Great execution and butcherie was committed upon them all the fields over, and they fled amaine. Diophanes having followed the chase as they ran away in skattering wise, so farre as he might well with safetie of himselfe, returned to the guard and defence of the citie, having won great honor to the nation of the Achaeans by this exploit: for not only the men, but women also [unspec K] beheld this service, and looked on him from the walls of Pergamus. The next day after, the kings Corps de gards were better ordered and kept closer together, yea and retired halfe a mile farther from the citie, where they encamped themselves. The Achaeans likewise much about the same time advanced to the very same place. Many houres together they looked one upon another who would begin first, expecting every minute when the charge should be given. But after the sonne was neere going downe, and that it was time to returne into the camp, they of the kings part began to ruffle their ensignes and guidons together, and set forward with their bands, ordred in manner of a march for the way, more like than marshalled for to fight a battaile. Diophanes sat still so long as they were within fight: but then he charged upon their rereward, with as great violence and furie, as the day before, and put them againe into so great affright and trouble, that [unspec L] they gave them leave to wound them on their backs, an d not one would stay to make head and resist, but trembling for feare, and hardly keeping the order of a march, they were beaten into their camp. This boldness of the Achaeans forced Seleucus to dislodge and remove out of the territorie of Pergamus.

Antiochus after he heard say that the Romanes and Eumenes were come to the defence of Adramytteum, medled no more with the towne itselfe, but after he had laid the fields wast, de∣parted from thence, and forced Peraea, a Colonie of the Mitylenaeans. As for Cotton and Cory∣lenus, Aphrodisias and Pryene, they were won at the first assault, and so he returned to Sardis by * 1.14 Thiatira. Seleucus remaining still upon the sea coasts, as he affrighted some, so he defended others. The Romane fleete together with Eumenes and the Rhodians sailed first to* 1.15 Mitylene, [unspec M] and back againe from thence, returned to Elaea from whence she came. So they held on their course to Phocaea and sel with an island called Bacchius, situate above the citie of the Phocaeans: and after they had pilled and rifled by way of hostilitie the temples, which heretofore they had foreborne, and taken away the images (for the island was magnificently adorned and beautified

[unspec A] therewith) they crossed over to the citie it selfe, which they assaulted in divers quarters, according as they had divided their forces into three parts: but seeing that it might not be woon with bare skaling and strength of armes, without planting engins of batterie and other fabricks; and besides, that three thousand armed men sent from Antiochus for defense, were entred into the citie, presently they gave over the siege: and the fleete retired to the Ilands, having done no other exploit, but only pilled the territorie about the citie.

This done, it was thought good that Eumenes should have licence to depart into his owne kingdome, that he might provide for the Consull and the armie, all necessaries toward the pas∣sage over Hellespontus: also that the Romane and Rhodian fleets should returne to Samos, and there remaine in gard, and have an eye unto Polyxenidas, least he removed from Ephesus and [unspec B] made some attempt that way. So, the king returned to Elea, the Romanes and Rhodians to Sa∣mos, where M. Aemylius the Pretor his brother deparred this life. The Rhodians, after his fune∣rall obsequies performed, sailed to Rhodes with thirteene ships of their owne, one quinquereme galeace of Cous, and one other of Gnidos, there to lye in rode, readie to make head against the fleete, which as the bruit blazed, was aflote and comming out of Syria. Two dayes before that Eudamus losed from Samos with the Armada, thirteene ships sent from Rhodes under the con∣duct of Admirall Pamphilidas to encounter the said Syriak fleete, taking with them foure other ships, which were for the gard of Caria, delivered from siege Daedala, and other petie forts which the kings souldiers assailed. Then it was advised that Endamus should incontinently set forward on his voyage. And to that fleete which he had under his charge, he adjoyned also foure open [unspec C] ships. Being departed, he made saile in all hast that he possibly could, and arrived at the port called Megiste: where he overtooke those that were gone before; from whence they came in one band and traine jointlie together unto Phaselis, and then they judged it the best way, in that place to attend the comming of the enemie. This Phaselis standeth upon the confines betweene Lycia and Pamphylia. It lieth farre within the sea, and is the first land that sheweth itselfe, to them that saile from Cilicia to Rhodes; and from thence a man may ken and dis∣cover ships under sayle a farre off: for which cause especially, this was chosen for a sit and con∣venient place, wherein they might encounter the enemies fleete. But by reason the aire was un∣holsome, and the season of the yeere unhealthfull (for it was midsommer) and the smels and stin∣king savours such, as they had not bene acquainted with; many contagious diseases and maladies [unspec D] which they foresaw not, began to spread commonly abroad, and especially among the mariners: for feare of which plague & mortalitie, they departed from thence, and passed beyond the gulph of Pamphylium: and being arrived in the river Eurymedon, they received advertisement from the Aspendians, that the enemies were already before Sida. Those of the kings side had sailed but slowly in regard of the adverse season of the winds named* 1.16 Etesiae, which keepe their set and certein time, like as those do which they call* 1.17 Favonij. Now of the Rhodians there were 32 qua∣dtireme Gallies, and 4 other triremes besides. The kings fleet consisted of 37, and those of grea∣ter burden and wastie: among which were three mightie Galleaces of* 1.18 7 banks of ores on a side, and four of* 1.19 6, besides 10 ordinary trireme gallies. There were others also that knew by a sen∣tinell or watch-towre standing on a certein high place, how the enemies were at hand. The next [unspec E] morning by breake of day both these fleets set forth of the haven, as if they would have fought that very day. And after that the Rhodians had passed the cape, which from Sida hangeth over into the sea, then presently were they discovered of the enemies, & the enemies likewise descried by them. The left-wing of the kings fleet, flanked with them maine sea, was commaunded by Anni∣ball: and Apolionius one of his gallants and courtiers led the right: so as now they had managed their ships broad in a front-ranke. The Rhodians advanced forward ordred in length, & casting their battaile into files. In the vaward the Admirall ship of Eudamus was formost; Caryeitus go∣verned the reregard; and Pamphilidas had the conduct of the middle ward. Eudamus seeing the enemies battaile arraunged & redy for conflict, put forth into the open sea, commanding those that followed after in order to keepe their array, and so directly to affront the enemie: which [unspec F] at the first caused some trouble, for he was not so farre advanced into the deepe, that all the ships could be set in array along the landside: and besides, himselfe making too much hast, with five ships only encountred Anniball, for the rest followed not after him, because they were bidden to raunge afront. Now the reereward had no roume left them toward the land: and thus whiles they hastily were jumbled together, the sight by that time was begun in the right wing

against Anniball. But at one instant the Rhodians cast off all feare, as well in regard of the good∣nes [unspec G] of their ships, as of their owne experience and usuall practise in service at sea. For their ships with great quicknesse and agilitie making saile into the maine sea, made roume for every one that came after along the land side: and withall, if any one hapned to run upon a ship of the enemies with her piked beake head, either it rent the prow, or wiped away the ores, or passing cleere through, betweene the ranks and files turned againe and charged upon the poupe. But the thing which terrified the enemie most was this, That a great galeace of the kings which had seven bankes of ores on a side, was bouged and tooke a leake with one onely knocke, that it received by a Rhodian ship farre lesse: whereupon the right wing of the enemie doubtlesse en∣clined to flye away. But Anniball pressed Eudamus very much in the open sea, most of all with multitude of ships: for otherwise in all respects Eudamus had the ods and better hand of him by [unspec H] farre: and certeinly he had compassed and enclosed Eudamus round, but that a flag was put out of the admirall, (by which signall the dispersed ships are woont to rally themselves togither): whereupon all those that had gotten the better of the enemy in the right wing, made hast to joyn in one for to succour their fellowes. Then Anniball also and the ships about him, tooke their flight: but the Rhodians were not able to make way after them and to mainteine the chase, by reason that their rowers many of them were sicke, and therefore the sooner weary. Whereupon they cast ancre in the maine sea, and stayed to eat and take some refection for to strengthen their bodies. And in this while Eudamus espyed and beheld the enemies how they haled and towed by ropes at the taile of the open ships (that went only with ores) certaine other which were lame, maimed, sore brused and cracked: and might see 20 others not much sounder than they, to leave [unspec I] the rest and depart: wherupon causing an Oyez and silence to be made from an high turret in the fore-castle of the admirall, Arise my hearts (saith hee) and see a pleasant sight yonder and a goodly spectacle. So they all arose at once and beheld how the enemies were afraid, and what poore shift they made in hast to flie, and with one voice they all in a manner cryed out to follow after & pursue them. Now Eudamus his owne ship was shaken in many places and sore brused; whereupon he commaunded Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to make way after them, so farre forth as they thought they might without danger. And for a good time they held them in chace: but seeing Anniball approching neere the shore, and fearing least the wind would locke them with∣in the enemies coast, they returned toward Eudamus, and drew along with them the great galle∣are which they tooke, and which at the first encounter was peirced, and with much adoe trained [unspec K] it to Phaselis. From thence they retired themselves to Rhodes, not so joyous for this victorie, as blaming one another that they had not either sunke or taken the whole fleete of the enemies, having so good meanes as they had to doe it. Anniball daunted with this one infortunate battell, durst not even then passe along the river of Lycia, but desired to joyne unto the old fleet of the kings as soone as possibly hee could. To impeach him for effecting that, the Rhodians set out Chariclitus and twenty war ships with piked stems, toward Patara and the port of Megiste; and commaunded Eudmus to returne unto the Romanes to Samos with seven of the tallest ships in all that fleet whereof he had the commaund: to the end, that hee might induce the Romanes with his counsell and advise, yea and with all the countenance and authoritie that he had, force them to lay siege unto Patara and to assault it. The Romanes tooke great joy and contentment, [unspec L] first at the news and report of this victory, and afterwards at the returne of the Rhodians. And it seemed, if that one city stood not in their way to stay them, and that they were once rid of that care, they would without any let and empeachment, make all the sea coasts sure enough for any daunger and domage from those quarters. But because Antiochus was departed from Sar∣dis, the Romanes held them backe, and would not suffer them to abandon the guard and de∣fence of Aeolis and Ionia, for feare least the cities upon the sea side might be surprised. And so they sent Pamphilidas with four covered ships, to the fleet that lay about Patara.

Antiochus gathered together not only the garrisons and aids of all the cities that were about him, but also addressed his embassadours with letters to Prusias the king of Birthynia, wherein he gave out hard words of the Romanes for their passage into Asia: namely, That their comming [unspec M] only was for this, to demolish, put downe, and overthrew all kingdoms, & to set up the only Ro∣mane Empire, that none els might stand in the whole world. That Philip and Nabu already were subdued and deposed, and now himselfe was to make the third, against whome they were come. Neither would they make an end there but goe on still, like a continuall fire that burneth for∣ward,

[unspec A] and take all afore them, and ever as they vanquished one, proceed to another that is next. And no doubt, they would make a bridge of him to passe onward into Bithynia, now that Eume∣nus hath gently taken upon his necke the yoke of voluntary servitude. Prusias was somewhat touched with these letters, but when there came others written from Scipio the Consull and his brother Africanus especially, he was wholly averted from enterteining any such suspition.

For A∣fricanus besides the continuall custome that the people of Rome had, to advaunce and amplifie the majesty of KK. their allies and consederates, with all kind of honour; alledged for his part, the domesticall examples of his owne house and family: inducing Prusias thereby to enter into a desire to-win his love and friendship. For he discoursed and said, That those princes and pettie KK. in Spaine, whome he had received into his protection, he left behind him when hee went a∣way, [unspec B] mightie monarkes: also, that he not only had placed and established Masanissa in his fa∣thers realme and throne, but setled him in the kingdome also of Syphax, who before had chased and expelled him: so as now he was not only the richest potentate and most wealthy king of all Affricke, but also for majestie & puissant forces a paragon, equall to any other king in the whole world. As for Philip and Nabis, enemies they were and vanquished by T. Quintius, howbeit they remained kings afterwards within their owne realmes. And Philip verify the yeere that is past, had his tribute forgiven him and his sonne an hostage delivered unto him: yea and some cities without the dominion of Macedonie, have received him as their king; and the Romane Gene∣rals have winked thereat and beene contented. And surely Nabis had beene likewise graced and honoured, but for his owne peevish folly first, and the faiterous falshood afterwards of the Aeto∣lians, [unspec C] which was his utter undoing and overthrow. But the chief thing of all that most confir∣med the mind of King Prusias, was the comming of Livius vnto him in embassage from Rome, he, who aforetime in qualitie of Pretour, had been Admirall of the navie. Who shewed and de∣clared unto him, how the hope of victory was much more assured to the Romanes than to king Antiochus; and withall, how the Romanes would be the faster and surer friend of the twaine, yea and make more conscience of keeping amitie.

Antiochus being put besides all hope of the association with Prusias, departed to Ephesus from Sardis, to visite and see the fleet, which for certaine moneths had been rigged and in readi∣nesse: & this he did the rather, because he saw that hee could not hold out with the Romane ar∣mie and the two Scipioes the commaunders thereof, than for that his sea-service in itselfe at any [unspec D] time before sped well, or could assure him now of great & certaine successe. Yet some little dram he had of good hope for the present, in that his intelligence was, that a great part of the Rhodi∣an fleet was about Patara, and king Eumenes also with all his own ships departed into Hellespon∣tus, to meet with the Consull. Besides this, in some measure his spirit was puffed up with the re∣membrance, how the Rhodian Armada had beene defeated at Samos by a cautelous plot and practice contrived before hand. Having laid these conceits for a ground, he sent Polyxenidas away with the navie, to hazard the fortune of a battell in some fort or other (it made no matter how:) whiles himselfe in person led his whole armie to Notium (a towne of the Colophonians, seated upon the sea, and distant about two miles from the auncient citie Colophon.) The citie it selfe he had a good mind to conquer and bring in subjection unto him: for, being so neer unto Ephe∣sus [unspec E] as it was, there could not any thing bee done either by sea or land, but it was within the eie of the Colophonians, and by their meanes notified streightwaies to the Romanes. Now hee made full account that they would remoove their fleet from Samos to succour that a associate citie of theirs, and so Polyxenidas might thereby take his time and good opportunitie to execute some notable exploit. Wherupon he went in hand to plant Fabrickes against Colophon, and having raised his rampiers, and cast trenches on both sides alike, even to the every sea, he approached with mantellets & terraces, as well the one part as the other, close unto the walls, and under the* 1.20 rouf∣workes, plaied upon them with the push and peise of the ram. The Colophians much troubled and affrighted with these daungers and distresses, sent their Oratours to Samos unto L. Aemy∣lius, to crave in humble manner the aid and succour of the Pretour and people of Rome. Aemy∣lius [unspec F] was much discontented and offended in his heart, that he had made so long abode at Samos and performed no service. Nothing lesse thought he than that Polyxenidas, whom twise alreadie in vain he had chalenged and bidden battel, would now offer to fight. He reputed it also for a dis∣grace and shamefull indignitie unto him, that Eumenes his fleet assisted the Consull to wast over the legions into Asia, and himselfe was assigned and enjoined to succour and aid the citie of Co∣lophon

besieged, the issue whereof would be so doubtfull and uncertaine. Eudamus the Rhodian, [unspec G] who was the man than had deteined and kept him still at Samos, when hee was desirous to passe over into Hellespont, yea, and all the rest were instant with him, shewing & declaring how much better it was, either to deliver his allies from siege, or to defeat the fleet againe, which had beene once vanquished, and so to put the enemie quite besides the possession of the sea; than with the abandoning of his confederates, and betraying Asia both sea and land into the hands of Antio∣chus, to depart into Hellespont (where Eumenes with his fleet was sufficient to hold him play) and to quit that part of the warre which was committed to his charge. Well, they losed from Samos to provide victuals, for that all their owne provision was spent, and shaped themselves to crosse over unto Chios. That was the garner and storehouse of the Romanes, and the very place unto which all the ships of burden, and the hulkes sent out of Italie, used to set saile and direct their [unspec H] course. So they set a compasse about, toward the coast of the Island that lay farthest off from the citie, opposite to the Northeast, in regard of Chios and Erythraea. And as they were about to passe over thither, the Pretour was certified by letters, that great store of corne was come out of Italie to Chios: that the ships which were charged with wine, were kept backe by contrarie and crossewinds. Likewise, reported it was, that the Teians had furnished king Antiochus his fleet with victuals plenteously and liberally, and had promised also unto him five thousand vessels of wine. Whereupon he shifted saile suddainely in the middest of his direct course, and made head for Teios, intending either with their good wils to serve himselfe of the provision prepared for the enemie, or else to hold them for no better than enemies. Having directed the prows of their ships toward the land, they might deserie as it were, a fifteene ships neer unto Myonesus. Which [unspec I] the Pretour supposing at the first to bee of the kings fleet, resolved to make way after them: but afterwards it appeared, they were brigantines or pinnaces, and certaine small barkes of rovers and men of warre. These rovers having harried and spoiled all the maritime coasts of the Chians, were upon their returne with great store of prises and pillage: but when they discovered a fleet in the deepe sea a farre off, they made all the saile they could, and fled. Yare of fleerage they were and good of saile, by reason that their vessels were more light, and made of purpose to tidway, and besides neerer they were to land. And therefore they had recovered Myonesus, before the fleet could come any thing neere unto them. The Pretor thinking verily to force them out of the haven, made after without direction of a skillfull pilot, & knowledge of the place. Now this Myo∣nesus is a promontorie or cape betweene Teos and Samos, a very mountaine made in fashion [unspec K] of a steeple, broad ynough at the foot, but rising narrower full, and runneth up to the top sharpe pointed. On the maine or land side it hath one advenue by a streight and narrow path. From the sea it is founded upon rockes, beaten and eaten with the continuall surging waves of the sea, in∣somuch, as in some places the cliffes that hang over, bear more into the sea than the vessels that he under in the harbour, take up of the sea. The Pretor with his ships durst approach neer unto those crags, for feare of being within the shot of the pirates, who were perched upon the top of those steepe rockes, and so they spent that day and lay off. At the last, a little before night, they gave over that vaine enterprise without effect, and the morrow after arrived at Teios; and having lodged their ships within the harbour, which themselves call Geraisticus (and it lyeth out at the backeside of the cittie) the Pretour set ashore, and sent out his souldiours to forray the territorie [unspec L] about the citie. The Teians seeing how their lands were spoiled even under their very noses, ad∣dressed certaine Oratours to the Romane Admirall, arraied all in white, after the manner of hum∣ble suppliants. And as they would have seemed to excuse their cittie, for having done or said anything against the Romanes rending to hostilitie; hee both charged them directly, that they had releeved the fleet of his enemies with victuals, and also told them what quantitie of wine moreover, they had promised to Polyxenidas. But and if they could be content to doe the like by the Romane fleet, he would recall his souldiours from pillage, otherwise hee would repute them for his enemies. The embassadours aforesaid made relation of this heavie answere. Whereupon the magistrates of the cittie assembled the people together, for to consult and conclude about this matter what they were best to doe. Thither as it happened, was Polyxenidas arrived with the [unspec M] kings armada; who having losed from Colophon, when hee heard that the Romanes were depar∣ted from Samos, that they had chased the Pirates as far as Myonesus, & were now wasting & har∣rying the lands of the Teians, also that their ships ankered in the rode Geraisticus, himselfe also cast anker over against Myonesus, hard by an Island which the sailers and marriners call Macris, in

[unspec A] a secret bay hard by, escouting and espying from this neere harbour, what the enemies did and intended. And at the first in good hope he was to discomfite and defeat the Romane fleet, like as hee had before time the Rhodian armada neere unto Samos, by seizing the mouth of the haven, and empeaching their issue forth. For this bay was in all respects like unto the other, lying just betweene two capes, which meet so neere, and in manner enclose the mouth thereof, that hardly two ships at once can goe forth together. And to this purpose Polyxenidas intended in the night season to take possession, and make himselfe sure of the said streights, there to place ten gallies un∣der either cape, which standing there at the vauntage, should from both points flanke the broad sides of his enemies ships in their going forth; and withall out of his other vessels to disbarke and land armed souldiours, like as he had done at Panormus, and so at once to assaile them both by [unspec B] sea and land, and make an end of them for all. Which designement of his no doubt had taken ef∣fect, but that the Romanes, after that the Teians had promised them to doe whatsoever they should commaund, thought it more commodious for the receiving of their provision of victu∣als, to passe with their ships unto the other harbour which was before the cittie, to the open sea. Some say that Eudamus the Rhodian, shewed the inconvenience and discommoditie of the other harbour, by occasion that two gallies fortuned in that streight to bee so entangled, that they brake one anothers oares with justeling together. And among other motives the Pre∣tour was induced to chaunge the harbour, because from the land side there, hee should lie within daunger, considering that Antiochus himselfe was not encamped farre off. Thus the fleet being brought about close to the cittie side, the souldiours and marriners (without the [unspec C] knowledge of any commaunders) were disbarked, for to dispose and dispense the victuals and wine especially, to every ship. But about noon-tide a certaine peasant of the countrey chaunced to bee brought before the Pretour, who have intelligence, That there was a fleet of ships which two dayes already rode at anker under the island Macris; and that but a while agoe, certain ves∣sels of them were seene to weigh anker, as if they would hoise up saile and bee gone. The Pre∣tour mooved at this sodaine occurrent, commaunded the trumpets to sound the alarme, and to give knowledge and warning, that in case any were stragling abroad in the fields, they should re∣tire. The Colonels he sent into the citie to gather the souldiors togither and the mariners, that they might repaire to ship-board. This alarme caused as great a trouble and confusion, as usu∣ally is seene in a sodaine skarefire, or when a citie is surprised by the enemies. Here was skudding [unspec D] into the city to recall their fellowes; there was running out of the citie to recover their shippes; not knowing who commaunded, by reason of the dissonant noise of men and sound of trum∣pet: howbeit as hap was, at length they ran all toward the ships, but in such a hurlyburly and dis∣order, that they scarcely knew their own vessels; or if they did, they could hardly for the croud and prease, get thither and embarke themselves. Neither had this affright passed cleere without daunger both by sea and land, but that Aemylius gave direction to every one what to do, and put out of the haven first himselfe with the Admirall ship into the open sea, and there received eve∣ry vessel as they followed one after another in their order, and raunged them all affront: and if Eudamus also with the Rhodian fleet had not staied at the shore to see good order, that the sol∣diers might be set aboard without hurrying in fearefull hast, and every ship goe foorth as it was [unspec E] fitted and made ready. By this meanes both the foremost of the vaward were arraunged in the fight of the Pretor, and the Rhodians also kept their order in the reregard in such sort, as they put themselves into the open sea in as good array, as if they had seene the kings fleet under saile. But they were betweene the two promontories, Myonesus and Corycus, before they descried the enemie. The kings armada came forward in long files, two and two in a ranke, who displaied and spred themselves also affront towards the wing in such wise, that they might be able to compasse and enclose the right wing of the enemie. Which Eudamus the arriere-admirall perceiving, and seeing withall that the Romans could not possibly make head alike and extend themselves as broad as the enemie, and were at the point already in the right wing to be environed, made hast with his omne vessels (for the Rhodian barkes were of all other in the whole fleet swifrest by [unspec F] farre) and after he had fronted equally and matched wing for wing, he made head with his owne ship against the very admirall of the enemies, wherein Polyxenidas himselfe was abourd. By this time the battell began between both the maine fleets, all at once from every part. Of the Romans side there sought fourescore in all, where of two and twentie were Rhodians. The enemies arma∣da consisted of fourescore and nine, all ships of the greatest wastie and making, and had among

them three galeaces of fixe banks of ores on a side, and two of seven. For goodnes and strength [unspec G] of ships, as also for valiancie of souldiours, the Romanes farre surpassed the Rhodians. But for agilitie and nimblenes of their vessels, for skilfull knowledge of pilots, and expert cunning and redinesse of mariners, the Rhodians were as much beyond them. And those above all the rest that caried fire before them in their noses, troubled and skared the enemies most: and that stra∣tageme and devise which had bene their only help and meanes of safetie, when they were sur∣prised and beset at Panormus, was now the thing that stood them in best steed to win the victorie. For the kings ships fearing the fire that threatned their very faces, turned aside, because they would not run afront with their proes: so as, they neither could themselves smite & hurt the e∣nemies with their brasen pikes in the beake head, ne yet avoid them, but expose their own broad sides open to receive all pushes and violence from them. If any one fortuned to encounter and [unspec H] run upon them, she was sure to be paid and sped with fire that was flung and cast into her: and more running there was to quench the same, than otherwise to fight. Howbeit, the resolute va∣lour of the Romane souldiours (which ever in warre prevaileth most) was it that did the deede. For after the Romanes by fine force had broken and cloven the maine battailon of the enemie in the very middest, they turned about againe, and presented themselves behind, and plaid upon the backs of the kings ships whiles they fought afront and made head against the Rhodians: and thus at one instant the battailon in the mids, and the ships in the left wing that served king Antiochus, were beset round about, and sunke to the botome of the sea. The right wing as yet entier and sound, was more terrified at the losse and overthrow of their fellowes, than for any proper danger of their owne. Howbeit, after they saw the other inserted, and the Admirall her [unspec I] selfe with Polyxenidas in her, to abandon her companions and to halfe up sailes, they likewise in hast set up all their cloth and small trinquet sailes (for a good forewind they had for Ephe∣sus) and fled as fast away as they could. Two and fortie ships they lost in this fight: of which thir∣teene were bourded and taken for the use of the Romanes, the rest were either consumed with fire, or devoured of the sea. Two Romane ships were shattered and broken to fitters, and some other hurt, bruised and cracked. One Rhodian chaunced to be taken by a notable and memo∣rable adventure. For having with her piked beake head stricken a Sidonian ship, with the vio∣lence of the blow she shooke out her owne anker, which by one of the floukes tooke fast hold as if it had bene a grapling hooke by the pro of the other ship. The Rhodians much troubled here∣with, gave over rowing streight, as willing and desirous to be loose and parted from the ene∣mie: [unspec K] and whiles they were busie thereabout, the gable which the anker drew with it caught a∣mong the ores of her owne ship, and swoopt them cleane away, and so left one side of it naked, whereby the ship being much weakened and enseebled, was taken by the other that was smitten and tied fast unto her. Much after this manner was the battaile fought at sea neere Myonesus. Whereupon Antiochus was sore affrighted: for being thus dispossed of the sea, he distrusted himselfe that he should not be able to hold and defend the places farther off: and therefore commaunded the garison to retire from Lysimachia, for feare it should be surprised there by the Romanes. But this was but a bad peece of counsell, as the sequell and issue proved afterwards. For it had bene an easie matter not only to defend Lysimachia against the first assault of the Romanes, but also to hold out the siege all winter: yea and by drawing out the time on length, [unspec L] to bring the very assailants themselves lying in leaguer, to extreme necessitie and want of all things: during which space they might have taken some occasion and opportunitie, to find a meane and make way for peace. Neither did he only quit Lysimachia and leave it for the ene∣mies after this unfortunate battaile, but also raised his siege before Colophon and dislodged, yea and retired himselfe to Sardis: from whence he sent into Cappadocia to Ariarates for aid, and to all other places where he could, to gather more forces: and now was he set upon no deseign els, but to geve battaile, and to hazard all upon the fortune of the field.

After this Navall victorie, Regillus Aemylius sailed directly to Ephesus, where he embattai∣led his ships in array even before the haven, and when by this bravado he had at last wrong again from the enemies a plaine and evident confession that they had abandoned the sea unto him, [unspec M] he set saile for Chius, unto which he had intended to shape his course from Samos before the late battaile upon the sea. There he repaired and calked his ships which were shaken & cracked in the foresaid fight: which done, he sent L. Aemylius Scaurus with thirtie saile toward Helle∣spontus to transport the armie. And when he had rewarded the Rhodian ships with part of the

[unspec A] pillage, and honored them with the navall spoiles, he gave them the renvoie, and sent them home. But the Rhodians lustily out-sailed Scaurus, and prevented his ships to set over the forces of the Consull: and after they had performed that service also, then they returned to Rhodes.

The Romane Armada sailed from Chios to Phocaea. This citie is seated farre within the gulfe of the sea, builded so, as that it lieth out in length. The wall conteineth in compasse the space of two miles and an halfe: and from both sides it groweth narrow still, and meeteth in the mids, resembling the forme of a wedge or* 1.21 coin, which the inhabitants themselves call Lamp∣ter, in which place the citie is a mile broad and a quarter with the vantage. From which canton or corner there is a banke of firme land running a mile on end into the sea like a tongue, which devideth the haven just in the mids, marked out (as it were) just by a certeine line. [unspec B] Where it joyneth to the narrow streights it hath two most sure harbours of both sides, and those lying two contrarie wayes. That which looketh toward the South, is called according as it is in deed, Naustathmos [namely, a ship-rode, or harbour] for it is able to receive a great num∣ber of ships: the other haven is neere unto the very Lampter aforesaid. When the Romane sleete was once possessed of both these most sure and safe harbours, the Pretour thought good before he set in hand either to skale the walls, or to raise any fabricks and plant engins against the citie, to send certein of purpose to sound the minds and affections of the principall citizens and the magistrates within. But after he perceived they were obstinately bent, & would not come on, he began to lay batterie against it in two severall quarters. The one part was not much peopled, and had but few dwelling houses in it; and the temples of their gods tooke up a good space there∣of; [unspec C] and there began he first to approch with the ramme, and therewith to batter the walls, and shake the turrets: and by that time that the multitude ran thither in great numbers, and pre∣sented themselves readie to defend, the ramme was jurring also at the other part: So as now the wals were laid along in both places: and upon the fall therof whiles some of the Roman souldiers presently gave the assault at the very breach, mounting & marching upon the ruines of the stones that were falne: others also assaid to gaine the top of the upright wals with skaling ladders. But the townesmen withstood them so stiffely, & with such resolution, that it was wel seene they repo∣sed more hope of defense in armes and valor, than in the strength of their wals. Whereupon the Pretor seeing in what danger his souldiers stood, and fearing to expose & sacrifice them ere they were aware to the fury of these people so enraged like desperate and mad persons, commaunded [unspec D] to sound the retreat. And notwithstanding the assault ceased and was given over, yet betooke not the townesmen themselves to rest and repose, but ran from all parts every one, to raise countermures, fill up the breaches, and repaire the ruines where the wall was downe. As they were wholly employed about this businesse, Q. Antonius sent from the Pretour, came toward them: who, after hee had reprooved and rebuked their wilfull obstinacie, and made re∣monstrance unto them, that the Romanes had more care and regard than they themselves of the citie, that by continuall assaults and batteries it should not utterly be destroyed: and how if they would be reclaimed and forgoe their outragious folly, he would make them this offer, That they should yeeld under the same condition and in those very termes, as afore-time they had submitted to C. Livius when they came under his protection: At the hearing [unspec E] of that, they demaunded and had five dayes space to consider of the matter: during which time they made meanes to receive some aid from Antiochus; but after their embassadors whom they dispatched to the king, had made relation. That there was no succour to be expected from him; then they set open their gates, having articled and capitulated beforehand, that no out∣rage by way of hostilitie should be exercised & committed upon them. As the Rom. entred into the city with banners displayed, the Pretour declared with a loud voice, That his will and plea∣sure was they should be spared, for as much as they had yeelded. Whereat the souldiours on all hands set up a great cry, That it was an intollerable shame that the Phocaeans (who were never true and loyall confederates, but alwayes dogged and malicious enemies) should goe away so scotfree, and not suffer for their sinnes. At which word (as if the Pretour had given them a signall [unspec F] of ransacking) they ran into all parts of the citie to rifle and spoile. Aemylius at first stayed them what he could and reclaimed them againe, saying, That it was not the manner to sacke cities ren∣dred by composition, but such as were forced and woon by assault; and even those also were at the disposition of the Generall and not of the souldiours. But seeing that they in their angrie mood of revenge, and covetous desire of goods, were of more power than the respective reve∣rence

of his person, his qualitie and commaundement; hee sent out beadles and trumpetters [unspec G] throughout the city, charging all persons of free condition whatsoever, to repaire before him into the market place, to the end, that no vilany and outrage might be done upon their bodies. And so the Pretor did his best to perform his word and promise, in whatsoever lay in his power: for he restored unto them their city, their lands, & their own laws. And for that the winter appro∣ched, he made choise of the two harbors of Phocaea to bestow his ships therfor the winter time.

Neere about that time, the Consull having passed beyond the borders of the Adrians and Maronites, received newes, that the kings navie was defeated at Myonesus, and Lysunachia dis∣furnished of the garrison: and this latter tidings was more acceptable and pleasing unto him, than the other of the navall victory; and especially, when they came thither: where in very truth the city (plenteously stored with all sort of victuals, as if they had been provided of purpose a∣gainst [unspec H] the comming of the army) received them courteously; whereas they made no other ac∣count, but to endure extremity of want and painfull travell in besieging thereof. There they a∣bode some few daies as it were in campe, untill such time as their carriages and sickely persons of their traine might reach unto them; such as they had left behind in all the forts and castles of Thrace, wearyed with long journey and enfebled with divers infirmities. When all were come and well refreshed and recovered, they put themselves againe in their journey, and mat∣ching through Chersonesus, they came to Hellespont: where, finding all things in readines for their transporting (such was the industrious care and diligence of king Eumenes) they passed o∣ver without trouble and molestation into the peaceable coasts of their allies and friends, with∣out empeachment of any person, notwithstanding some ships arrived in one place, and some in [unspec I] another. And this was the thing that much contented the Romanes and mightily encouraged them, to see they had so free passage into Asia, which they made full reckoning would have ben a matter of great difficultie and trouble. After this, they encamped and made their abode a cer∣taine time neere Hellespont, by occasion of those daies which happened then to be, wherein the Salij used to daunce with their scutchions called Ancilia; during which time they made scruple of conscience to take any journey [untill those Ancilia were bestowed againe in the temple of Mars.] By reason of which daies, P. Scipio also withdrew himselfe apart from the armie upon a more strict regard of conscience and religion, which touched him neerer than other, because he was himselfe one of the Salij, and was the cause that the army stayed behind and came not forward to overtake the campe. [unspec K]

And even then there happened to come unto the camp from Antiochus, one Heraclides a Bi∣zantine, having in charge to treat as touching a peace: and good hope he conceived to obtein the same with ease, by reason of the long abode and stay of the Romanes in that one place: of whome hee had looked for no other, but that as soone as they had set foote in Asia, they would have marched apace straightwaies against the kings campe. Howbeit this course he tooke, not to goe directly unto the Consull before he had spoken and conferred with Scipio, (and in deed such direction and charge he had from the king himselfe) in whome he had reposed his greatest hope: for besides his magnanimitie and noble courage, as also the satietie of glory and honour, whereof already hee had his full, (great inducements unto the king that hee would bee easily wrought and made most pliable to hearken after peace) all the world knew full well how soberly [unspec L] he had carried himselfe in his victories, first in Spaine and afterwards in Africke: and more than all this, a sonne of his was captive in the said kings hands: But where, when, and by what chance he was taken prisoner, writers agree not no more than in many things els. Some say, that in the beginning of the warre, he was beset and enclosed round within the kings ships, at what time as hee sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. Others write, that after the Romane army was passed over into Asia, hee was sent out in espiall with a troupe of Fregellane horsemen to view and dis∣cover the kings campe: and when the kings Cavallerie made out to charge upon them, hee made hast to retire, and in that hurrie his horse fell with him, and so hee and two other men of armes with him, was surprised, taken, and brought to the king. But this one thing is for certeine knowne, that if there had beene sure and firme peace betweene the king and the Ro∣manes, [unspec M] nay if there had beene familiar acquaintance and hospitalitie betweene him and the Scipioes, this young gentleman could not possibly have had more friendly entertainment, not beene more kindly intreated, liberally used, yea and honorably regarded than he was. For these causes the Embassadour attended the comming of Scipio; and so soone as he was arrived, pre∣sented

[unspec A] himselfe unto the Consull, requesting that hee might deliver his message and be heard.

Whereupon in a frequent assembly he had audience given him, and thus hee spake: Whereas (quoth he) there have beene divers and sundry embaslages passed to and fro as touching peace, and no good as yet done; I lay this for a ground and assure my selfe now to speed, because the sonner embassadours hither to have effected and obteined nothing: for in all those treaties and disputations the question was about Smyrna, Lampsacus, Alexandria, Troas, and Lysimachia, which is in Europe. Of which cities, the king my master hath already quit Lysimachia, to the end you should not say, that he hath any one city at all within Europe: and as for those other in Asia, he is ready to surrender them also; yea and all the rest whatsoever, which the Romans would recover out of the kings hands and dominions, in regard they had somtime sided and taken part [unspec B] with him. And for the charges which the Romanes have defraied about this warre, the king will be willing to disburse and make good the one moitie unto them againe. And thus much spake he concerning the articles and conditions of the peace. The rest of his speech behind, was be∣stowed in advertising and putting them in mind of the alternative revolution of this world and the affaires thereof; that as they should use their owne good fortune and prosperity with mea∣sure and moderation, so they ought not to presse down others in their adversity; but hold them∣selves contented within the bounds and limits of Europe, and that was a dominion sufficient (a man would thinke) and exceeding great: considering this, that it is an easier matter to win one thing after another by way of conquest, than to hold and keepe them all togither when they are upon. To conclude, if the Romans were minded to dismember any part from Asia, so they would [unspec C] make an end once, and limit out the same within certaine precincts without any further doubt and difference, the king for the love of peace and concord, would suffer the Romanes in their unmeasurable desire and appetite, to surmount and outgoe his temperance and moderation.

But those matters which the Embassadour supposed were of great importance and effectuall to obtaine peace, the Romanes made a pish at it, and lightly regarded: for they judged it but meet and reason, that the king should discharge all the expences they had been at in this warre, con∣sidering through his default it first arose: also that he ought to withdraw his garrisons not only out of Ionia and Aeolis: but also, like as all Greece hath beene made free and delivered, so the Greeke cities likewise in Asia ought to be enfranchised and set at liberty: which possibly might not be unlesse Antiochus were disseized of the possession of all Asia on this side the mountaine [unspec D] Taurus. The Embassadour perceiving well, that there was no reason to be had in the assembly, assayed privatly to sound and to win the heart and good will of Scipio, according as hee had in charge from the king. And first this way he went to worke and said, That the king was minded to send him his sonne againe freely without ransome: then (ignorant as hee was both of Scipio his nature and the manner of Romanes) hee promised him a mighty masse of gold, yea and to be made equall companion in the government of the whole kingdome (the kings name and royall style onely reserved) in case he would be an instrument and meanes to effectuate peace.

To these motives and offers Scipio returned this answere, That you neither know the Romanes all in generall, nor my selfe in perticular unto whom you were sent, I lesse marvell, seeing you are altogether ignorant of the state of him who hath sent you hither. For if yee had meant to have [unspec E] sought for peace at our hands, as of men who were in care for the doubtfull event and issue of the warre, yee should have held and kept Lysimachia still, for to have empeached our entrance into Chersonnesus, or else ye should have made head against us in Hellespontus, and staied our passage into Asia: but now seeing yee have graunted passage into Asia, and suffered your selves not onely to be bridled and curbed, but also to bee yoked, and like beasts to beare and draw too; since I say there is no remedie but ye must endure to be under our subjection, what equall and in∣different meanes of treatie is there left for you? Now, as concerning my sonne, I will accept it as a great present, and beseeming the munificence and liberalitie of a king, in case hee send him to me againe. As for the other matters, I pray God I be never driven in regard of mine estate, to have that need: for surely I carrie a mind that will never find the misse and want thereof. And for [unspec F] these great offers that the king maketh unto mee, hee shall find me thankfull unto him, if it please him for any private benefit unto mee done, to require at my hands a private favour and pleasure againe: but as touching the State and publicke weale, he shall pardon me; I will neither receive ought from him, not bestow any thing upon him. And all that I can doe for him at this present, is to give him good and faithfull counsel. Goe your waies therefore and tell him from me, That

his best course is to abstaine from war, and not to refuse any condition of peace whatsoever.

But [unspec G] all this nothing moved the king, who made reckoning that any hazard and fortune of war would bee good and safe for him, since that there were lawes imposed upon him alreadie, as if hee had been quite vanquished and overcome. Whereupon, without any more parle of peace for this time, hee bent his whole mind and emploied his studie about provision and preparation for warre.

The Consull having given order for the execution of all his plots and designes, dislodged from thence, and marched first to Dardanum, and after to Rhoeteum: the inhabitants of both which citties came forth to meet him upon the way in great multitudes. From thence hee went forward to Ilium, and encamped in a plaine under the very walls: then hee entred into the towne, and ascended up into the castle, where he offered sacrifice unto Minerva, the patronesse of that [unspec H] cittie. The Ilians entertained them with all shew of honour, as well in deed as in word, acknow∣ledging that the Romanes were descended from them, and the Romanes againe were as joious and glad to see the place of their first originall and beginning. From thence they removed, and the sixt day after arrived at the head or spring of the river Caicus. Thither also Eumenes the king (who at first assaied to bring his fleet backe from Hellespontus, to winter before Elaea, and after∣wards, when he could not for certaine daies double the point of Lectos, by reason of the contrarie winds, went a land) because he would not faile but bee present at the beginning of these great af∣faires, made hast the next way with a small power to the campe of the Romanes. From the campe he was sent backe to Pergamus, to give order for purveiance and provision of victuals: and after he had delivered out corne to those whom the Consull had appointed to receive it, he returned [unspec I] againe to the same leaguer. The Consull his purpose and intent was to be provided aforehand of victuals sufficient for many daies, and together in one traine to go against the enemie, before the winter surprised them.

Now the kings campe lay about Thyatira: where Antiochus hearing that P. Scipio was car∣ried sick to Elaea, sent certain embassadors of purpose, to present and deliver his son againe unto him. At which present of his, he tooke not only great contentment in his spirit, as a father might doe for receiving his deere son, but much easement also and comfort to his sicke bodie.

After he had satisfied himselfe at length with much embracing of his son, Yee shall (saith he) recommend me unto the king your maister, and tell him from me, that I thanke him most heartily, and that I have no good thing at this time to send to him again, but only this, That I advise him to take heed [unspec K] that hee enter not into the field to give battell, before hee hath heard for certaine, that I my selfe am returned to the leaguer.

Vpon relation hereof, Antiochus albeit hee was in campe seventie thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse and above strong (which puissant power otherwhile animated, and fed him with the hope of good issue of battell) yet mooved with the authoritie of so great a personage as Scipio was, in whome hee reposed his whole refuge against all doubtfull events of the fortune in warre, hee retired backe, and passed over the riuer Phrygius, and pitched his campe about Magnesia neere unto Sypulum. And fearing, least (if he should bee minded to make long stay and abode there) the Romanes would assay to force his defences, he cast a trench, sixe cubites in depth, and twelve in bredth; and this trench hee environned with a double banke and course of strong stakes and pales, and upon the inward circuit and enclosure he opposed a [unspec L] mure with maine turrets, for the more easie empeachment of the enemie, when hee should passe over the trench. The Consull supposing the king to bee about Thyatira, marched continually, and upon the fift day came downe into the plaines of Hircania. And when hee understood, that the king was dislodged and departed thence, he followed him by the trackes, and on this side the river Phrygius encamped foure miles from the enemie. Where about a thousand horsemen shewed themselves (for the most part* 1.22 Gallogrecians, some Dacians, with certeine archers on horsebacke of other nations entermingled among them) who in great hast having passed ouer the river, charged upon the corps de guard of the Romanes. At the first they put the Ro∣manes manes to some trouble, finding them out of order and array: but as the skirmish grew hoter and continued longer, and the number of the Romanes soone encreased, (by reason their camp [unspec M] was so neere to yeeld them succours) they of the kings side being now wearied and not able to make their part good against so many of them, began to retire: and certain of them before they could take the river, were overtaken by those that followed the chase, and killed outright. For two daies after they stirred of no hand, for neither the one nor the other went over the river. The

[unspec A] third day after the Romanes all at once passed over, and encamped about a mile and an halfe from the enemies. But as they were pitching their tents, and busied about fortifications and de∣sences, three thousand chosen horsemen and foot together from the kings campe, came upon them with a great trouble and affray. The number of them that were in guard, was lesse a good deale; howbeit of themselves alone, without calling to helpe and aid the souldiours from their worke about the fortification and defence of the campe, they not onely at first received the charge with equall valour, but also afterwards, as the fight encreased, put the enemies to flight, when they had killed some hundred of them, and taken prisoners almost as many. For the space of foure daies next ensuing, both armies stood embattelled on either side before their campe. And upon the fist day the Romanes advaunced forth into the middle of the plaine. Antiochus [unspec B] came not forward with his ensignes, insomuch, as the hindmost were not an hundred foot off from the trench. The Consull perceiving that he fell off and would no battell, called a coun∣sell the next day, to bee advised and resolved what hee were best to doe, in case Antiochus would not be fought with all. For considering that the winter approched, the souldiours were either to lie in the field under their tents, or els if they minded for the winter season to retire unto their garison townes, the warre must be put off untill the next summer. Now the Romans never made so small reckoning of any enemie as of him. Whereupon, throughout the whole assembly they called upon the Cos. with one voice to lead forth to a battell out of hand, and take the soldiors whiles they were in this heart, readie if the enemies would not come out into the field, to passe over ditch and rampier, and breake into the campe amongst them; making account, that they [unspec C] were not to fight with so many thousands of enemies, but rather to make a slaughter and butche∣rie of so many beasts. Whereupon Cn. Domitius was sent to discover the way, and to view the place where was best entring upon the trench and rampier of the enemies. After he had brought certaine relation of all things, it was thought good the next morrow to approch neer unto their campe: and on the third day the ensignes were displaied forth into the middest of the plaine, and they began to raunge the armie in battell array. Antiochus likewise supposed it was not expedi∣ent to lie off and hast any longer, for feare least in refusing still to fight, hee should either abate the courage of his owne men, or encrease the hope of his enemies, and therefore came abroad with all his forces, and advaunced so farre forward from his campe, that it appeared well he meant to fight. The Romane armie stood embattelled in one manner of forme, as well for men, as mu∣nition [unspec D] and armour: for of Romanes there were two legions, and of Latine associats as many, and every legion consisted of five thousand foure hundred. The Romanes put themselves in the main battell, and the Latines kept both the points. The Hastati were placed with their ensignes formost in the vaward. After them the Principes in the middest, and the Triarij in the reregard. Without this complete battell thus marshalled, the Consull set to the right point the auxiliarie souldiors of Eumenes, mingled together with the targatiers of the Achaeans, to the number almost of three thousand, whom he raunged equally afront, and beyond them more outward he opposed about three thousand men of armes; where of eight hundred were sent from Eumenes, the rest were the Cavallerie of the Romanes. Without all these in the utmost place, he put the Trallians and Can∣diotes, who in all made up the number of five hundred. As for the left wing, it seemed to need no [unspec E] such succours, by reason it was flanked with the river and high steepe bankes, howbeit in that side there were planted foure troupes of horsemen. Thus you see all the forces that the Ro∣manes had besides two thousand Thracians and Macedonians medled and blended together, who followed as voluntaries, and were left for the guard of the campe, and sixteene Elephants, which they bestowed in the arreregard for the defence of the Triarij. For, over and besides that they were not like to hold out against the kings Elephants, which were in number fiftie and foure, you must consider that those of Africke are not able to match them of India, say they were in number equall: either because in bignesse the Indians exceede the other (as in truth they are much greater by ods) or surpasse them in courage and stomacke. But the kings armie was composed of divers nations, different as well in armes as in souldiours. Hee [unspec F] had of Macedonians sixteene thousand footemen, heavily armed after their manner, cal∣led Phalangitae; these made the maine battaile, and in the front stood divided in tenne squa∣drons, parted and severed one from the other by two Elephants placed betweene. Within∣forth behind the forefront, the battaile was displaied in two and thirtie rankes of souldi∣ours. This was the strength of the kings armie, and as in other respects, so especially in re∣gard

of the Elephants surmounting aloft over all the souldiours, represented to the eye a feareful [unspec G] and terrible sight. For besides that they were high and loftie of themselves, their crested head∣stalls with plumes upon them, their turret upon their backs, and in every turrets foure men stan∣ding in glittering armour, besides the maister and governor himselfe, made the apparence and shew far greater. On the right wing, he placed close unto the Phalangites, a thousand and five hundred horsemen of the Gallogreeks: unto whom he adjoined three thousand launces in com∣plet armour, mounted upon bard horses, and those men of armes they themselves called Cataphracti. To these were added another wing of a thousand horsemen, which they named Agema. Medes they were, elect and chosen men, together with more horsemen of the same re∣gion, mingled of many nations one with another. Close unto them in the arrieregard was set a troupe of sixteene Elephants. On which side also in a wing somewhat farther drawne out stood [unspec H] the king his owne cohort, bearing the name of Argyraspides, by occasion of the silvered shields which they bare. After them followed 1200 Dacians,* 1.23 archers on horseback. Then, three thou∣sand footemen lightly armed, and composed partly of Candiots, and partly of Tralleans, in number almost equall, and 2500 Mysians attended upon the archers. And the utmost side and taile of that wing was guarded with foure thousand Cyrtean slingers and Elymean archers sorted together. On the left wing likewise there stood fast unto the Phalangites aforesaid 1500 horsemen Gallograecians: and two thousand Cappadocians armed after the same manner, sent from king Ariarathes. Then the Auxiliaries of all sorts 2700; besides three hundred launces in complet harnesse upon barbed horses armed at all pieces, and 1000 other horsemen. As for the Cornet of the kings, it was more lightly armed, as wel themselves as their horses: but their setting [unspec I] out and furniture otherwise, all one. And these were Syrians for the most part, with Phrygians and Lydians together. Before this cavallerie went the chariots of foure wheeles, and drawen by as many horses, armed with sharp and trenchant hookes like fith blades, and the camels called by them for their swiftnes Dromedaries. Vpon these were mounted the Arabian archers, who also were armed with keene swords foure cubits long, that sitting as they did so aloft, they might notwithstanding reach their enemie. Then after these were set another multitude equall to that in the right wing, whereof the formost were certeine horsemen called Tarentines, and after them 2500 Gallograecian horse. Likewise of Neocretians a thousand: and of Cari∣ans and Cilicians one with another 1500 armed alike. As many Trallians: and three thousand targuatiers. These were Pisidians, Pamphylians and Lycians: and last of all the succors in the [unspec K] arrieregard of Cirteans and Elymeans, in like number as they that were placed in the right wing, with sixteene Elephants also distant a prety way asunder. The king himself in person had the con∣duct of the right point of the battaile, and ordeined Seleucus his sonne and Antipater his bro∣thers sonne to commaund the left. The maine battaile in the mids was committed to the lea∣ding and governance of three captaines, to wit, Minio, Zeusis, and Philip the maister of the Ele∣phants. There was a certeine mist arose in the morning, and as it waxed farther day gathered a∣loft into thick clouds, and made the weather darke: besides by the South wind it resolved into a small drisling raine, which wet and drenched all. This did little harme to the Romanes: but con∣trariwise, was much hurtfull to the kings side. For, albeit the aire was dim and darke, yet by rea∣son that the Roman battailons tooke up no great compasse of ground, they could for all the aire [unspec L] was overcast, discerne from one end to the other: and the moisture that fell, dulled nothing at all (to speake of) either the swords or javelins of them that were heavily armed: whereas the kings armie being embattailed so broad, had much ado, and hardly could see from the middle of the maine battaile to the wings of each hand, and much lesse discerne from one skirt and flanke of the battailon to the other. Moreover, the dropping weather slugged their bowes, softned their slings and loups of their darts. Their sithed chariots also, wherewith Antiochus made full account to breake the arrayes of his enemies, turned to the disorder and fright of themselves. Now these chariots aforesaid were in this manner armed for the most part: certeine sharpe. pikes they had about the spire-pole, bearing forward from the spring-tree, ten cubits in length, like unto hornes, with which pointed pikes they would pierce through whatso∣ever [unspec M] they encountered. Also at each end of the said spring-tree there were two blades stood out, the one of just and even heigth with it, the other lower and bearing downeward to the ground: the former was devised to cut through whatsoever came neere the side therof, the other to reach and teare them that were fallen to the earth, or came under the chariot. Semblably

[unspec A] at both ends of the axeltree without the nave of the wheele there were two such like hookes fast∣ned and bended divers wayes. These chariots thus armed the king had placed in the front of the battaile as we said before, because if they had bene set either in the midle or the reregard, they should have bene driven through their owne battailons. Which Eumenes perceiving, one that knew well enough the manner of that kind of service, and how dangerous it was, in case a man rather frighted the horses than charged them directly by ordinary warlike force: hee com∣maunded the Candiot archers and slingers, with some other horsemen that launced darts, to runne forth not thick in troupes, but skattring as farre scsunder as they could, and at once from all parts to discharge their shot upon them. This forerunning tempest (as it were) so mad∣ded the horses partly by galling, wounding, and pelting them with darts, arrowes, and stones, [unspec B] discharged from all sides at them, and partly with the strange and uncouth noyse which they made, that sodainely as if they had bene unbridled and without their geeres, they flang out every way, and ran at randon: which violence of theirs the light armed souldiers, the nimble slingers, and swift running Candiots avoided easily with a trice. And the horsemen withall fol∣lowing the chase, redoubled the fright and hurrey amongst the horses, yea and the drome∣darie camels too; which likewise were unruly and set a madding: and this hurlyburley, the ma∣nifold cryes from the multitude all about, helped well forward. Thus were the chariots cha∣sed in the middle of the plaine betweene both armies: and when these vaine buggs were once rid out of the way, then the alarme and signall was geven on both parts, and they charged one another in battaile wise. But as foolish an occurrent as that was, it caused anon a discom••iture [unspec C] and overthrow indeede. For the auxiliaries and aids behind-forth which were placed next unto them, terrified with the feare and affright of the chariots, fled, and left all naked and dis∣furnished even to the bard horses. In such sort, that when the arriergard was put in disarray, the Romane Cavallerie entred upon the foresaid horse, and charged them so hotely, that part of them was not able to endure the first shock and encounter: some were put to flight, others were borne downe with the poise and waight of their harnesse and weapons. And pre∣sently thereupon the whole left wing of the battaile began to recule. And after that those suc∣cours were disbanded and in disaray which were betweene the Cavallerie and the heavie ar∣med sootemen called Phalangitae, the disorder and feare went as farre as to the mids of the maine battaile: where so soone as the ranks and files were broken and shuffled together, by [unspec D] reason of the entercourse of their owne fellowes among them, they had no use at all of their long pikes, which the Macedonians call Sariffae. Then the Romane legions advaunced their ensignes, and launced their darts against those disordred ranks hudled together. The very Elephants that were placed betweene, nothing troubled and affrighted the Romane souldi∣ours, as who had bene used in the Affricane warres, both to avoid the furious rage of those beasts, and also either with their javelins to flanck and hurt them overthwart, or else if they could come neere unto them, to hough them and cut their ham-strings with their swords. By this time now was the front of the maine battaile defaited and beaten downe: and the arriere∣gard behind environed and cut in peeces: when as the Romanes withall, might perceive their owne fellowes flying from the other part, and heare the crye of those that were affrighted, [unspec E] even almost as farre as to their campe. For Antiochus keeping the right wing, seeing in the left point of the Romanes no other defense (by reason that they trusted upon the river) but onely foure troupes of horsemen, and those also by drawing themselves close to their fellowes, to leave the banke side voyd and naked, charged that point with his Auxiliaries and laun∣ces upon bard horses, and not onely made head and pressed them afront, but from the river also set a compasse and enclosed them; and flanked that wing so long, untill the horse∣men were first discom••ited, and then the sootemen next unto them, were put to flight, so as they ranne amaine toward their campe. M. Aemylius a colonell, and sonne to M. Lepidus, who a few yeeres after was created the High-Priest, had the charge of the campe: he with his whole guard came foorth, and where as he saw them to flee, there he opposed himselfe, and [unspec F] first commaunded them to stand, and afterwards to returne to battaile, checking and re∣buking them for their beastly feare, and shamefull running away. Moreover, hee procee∣ded to minatorie words, saying, That in case they would not be ruled by his direction, they should runne headlong like blind beetles upon their owne mischiefe: and in the end, he gave a signe to his owne company, for to lay upon the foremost of them that thus fled, and caused

the multitude that followed, with dint of sword and drawing blood of them, to turne their face [unspec G] againe upon the enemies. Thus the greater feare overcame the lesse: for seeing daunger before and behind, first they staid their flight, and afterwards returned to the battell. Aemylius also with his owne regiment (which for the guard of the campe had 2000 tall and valiant men in it) with∣stood the king tight stoutly as hee followed hote in chase•• upon those that fled. Moreover, At∣talus (brother of king Eumenes) in the right point of the battaile, who at the first charge had dis∣comsited the lef•• wing of the enemies, perceiving that his fellowes fled in their left point, and hearing a great sturre about the campe, came to the rescue in good time with 200 horsemen.

Antioschus, when he saw them turne head againe whose backes ere-while were toward him, and begin to fight afresh, & perceived withall a number comming against him; both out of the camp and also from the battel, turned his horse head and took himselfe to flight. By this means the Ro∣mans [unspec H] obtained the victory of both the wings, & passed directly to the rifling of the kings camp over the dead bodies, which in the main battell most of all wer massacred & lay by heaps: where the strength and flowre of the hardiest men ranged close togither and the weight besides of their heavie armor, would not give them leave to flie away. The horsmen of Eumenes were the first of all others that pursued the enemies: after them, the rest of the Cavallery followed the chase all over the fields, and ever as they overtooke any of the hinmost, killed them out-right. But that which troubled and plagued them in their flight more than all besides; was their chariots, ele∣phants and camels, intermingled among them as they fled; forsomuch as being once disbanded and put out of their rankes, they tumbled one upon another like blind men, and were brused and crushed under the beasts feet which came running upon them. Great execution also there was [unspec I] committed in the campe, yea and more in manner than had beene in the medley: for the first that fled, and those that fought in the vaward, tooke their way most of them to the campe, and upon assured confidence of this multitude, the garrison within fought more valiantly, and held out longer in the defence of the hold. The Romans being thus stayed in the gates, and kept out of the rampier which they thought verily to have forced and won at their first assault, when they were once at length broken through and gotten in, made the more bloody carnage amongst them, for very anger and despight that they had kept them foorth so long. It is said, that there were slaine that day about fiftie thousand footmen and 4000 horsmen, 1400 taken pisoners, to∣gether with fifteene elephants with their governours. A number of the Romanes were hurt and wounded, but there dyed not iu the field above 300 footmen and 24 horsemen: and of the regi∣ment [unspec K] of king Eumenes not past five and twentie. And for that day verily, the conquerours after they had ransacked only the tents and pavillions of their enemies, returned to their owne camp with great plentie of pillage: but the next morrow they fell to spoiling the bodies of the dead and gathered their prisoners togither. And upon this victory, there came embassadours from Thyatira and Magnesia unto Sypilus, for to surrender and deliver up their cities.

Antiochus, who fled accompanied with some few, having gathered unto him many more in the way, who rallied themselves unto him, arrived at Sardis about midnight with a small power of armed men; and hearing that his sonne Selencus and some other of his friends were gone be∣fore to Apamea, himselfe also at the fourth watch departed thence with his wife and daughter toward Apamea; after hee had committed the charge of guarding the citie Sardis unto Ze∣no, [unspec L] and appointed Timon governour of Lydia. But the inhabitants of the said city and the gar∣rison souldiours within the castle, despised these governors, and by generall consent addressed embassadors unto the Consull.

Much about the same time also, there arrived embassadors from Tralles, and Magnesia (which standeth upon the river Maeander) and likewise from Ephesus, to yeeld up their cities. For Polyxe∣nidas (advertised of the issue of this battaile) had abandoned Ephesus; and having sailed with the fleet as farre as Patara in Lycia, for feare of the Rhodian ships which rid in guard within the harbour of Megiste, disbarked and put himselfe a shore, and with a small company marched by land into Syria. The cities of Asia were surrendred into the hands and protection of the Consull, and submitted to the people of Rome. By this time now was the Consull possessed of [unspec M] Sardis, and thither repaired unto him Scipio from Elaea, so soone as ever hee could endure the travell of journey.

At the same time there came an herald from Antiochus unto the Consull, who by the medi∣ation of Scipio, made request and obteined thus much, That the king might send his oratours

[unspec A] and embassadours unto him. And after few daies Zeusis (who had beene governour of Lydia) together with Antipater (Antiochus his nephew, or brothers sonne) arrived. Who first dealt with king Eumenes and communed with him, whome (by reason of old jarres and quarels) they sup∣posed verily to be the greatest enemy unto peace, and that he would never abide to heare ther∣of: but him they found more reasonable and enclining to peaceable tearmes, than either the king their master or themselves hoped & looked for. So by the means of Scipio & him togither, they had accesse unto the Consull; who at their earnest petition, graunted them a day of audi∣ence in a frequent assembly, there to declare their commission & what they had in charge.

Then (quoth Zeusis) we are not so much to speake and deliver ought of our owneselves, as to aske and be advised of you (Romanes) what course to take and by what meanes of satisfaction we might [unspec B] expiate and satisfie the trespasse of the king our master, and withall obteine grace and pardon at your hands who are the victours? Your manner alwayes hath beene of a magnanimous and hautie spirit, to forgive kings and nations by you vanquished: How much more then is it de∣cent and beseeming you to doe the like; yea, and with a greater mind and more generous and bountifull heart, in this victory and conquest, which hath made you LL. of the whole world? For now it behooveth you to lay downe all debate and quarrell with mortall men here upon earth, and rather like the immortall gods in heaven, to provide for the good and safety of mankind, and them to pardon and forgive. Now was it agreed upon before the comming of the Em∣bassadours, what answere to make unto them; and likewise thought good it was that Africanus should deliver the same, who spake by report in this wise: Wee Romanes, of all those things [unspec C] which are in the power of the immortall gods, have that measure which they vouchsafed to geve us: as for heart and courage which dependeth upon out owne will and mind, wee have borne (and ever will) the same without chaunge and alteration in all fortunes: neither hath prosperitie raysed and lift it up aloft, nor adversitie debased and put it downe. For proofe hereof, I might produce your friend Anniball as witnesse, to say nothing of others, but that I can report mee to your owne selves. For after wee had passed over Hellespont, even before wee saw the kings campe and armie, when the hazard of warre was indifferent, when the issue doubtfull and uncertaine, looke what conditions of peace wee then offered on even hand, and whiles we were equall one unto the other, and stood upon tearmes of advauntage, the same and no other wee present unto you at this time, now that wee are conquerours. For∣beare [unspec D] to meddle within Europe: depart wholly out of Asia, so much as in on this side Taurus. Moreover in regard of the expenses defraied in this warre, yee shall pay fifteene thousand Ta∣lents of silver, according to the computation of Euboea: five hundred in hand, two thousand and five hundred at the assurance & making of the peace, by the Senat and people of Rome; and a thousand talents yeerely for twelve yeeres next ensuing. Also yee shall make paiment unto Eu∣ments of foure hundred talents, and the remnant behind of the corne and graine which was due unto his father. And when wee have contracted and concluded these covenants, to the end that we may rest assured that ye will performe the same, we demaund for a gage and sufficient pawne that yee deliver into our hands twentie hostages, such as wee shall like well of and chuse. And for as much as wee can never bee persuaded that the people of Rome shall enjoy long peace [unspec E] there, where Anniball is, we demaund above all things to have him in our custodie. Also you shall deliver into our hands Thoas the Aetolian, the principall authour and firebrand of the war with the Aetolians, who caused you to take armes against us, upon assurance that he gave you of them; and likewise armed them upon the trust they had in you. Item, together with him you shall deliver Mnasimachus the Acarnanian, togither with Philo & Eubulidas the Chalcidians. The king shall now contract peace in worse estate than he was, by reason that he maketh it later than hee might have done. But in case he hold off still and delay, know he well thus much, That the roiall majesty and port of kings is with more difficultie abated and taken down from the highest pitch and degree unto the midst; than from that mean estate, cast downe headlong to the lowest. Now these embassadours were sent from the king with this charge, to accept of any articles of peace [unspec F] whatsoever.

And therefore it was decreed that embassadors should be directly sent to Rome. The Consull divided his armie into garisons for to winter, some in Magnesia upon the river Maean∣der, others in Tralleis & Ephesus. After few daies the hostages abovesaid, were brought to Ephe∣sus from the king, and embassadours also came who were to goe to Rome. Eumenes likewise went to Rome at the same time that the kings embassadours: and there followed embassages more∣over

over of all the States of Asia.

Whiles the affaires of Asia passed thus in these tearmes, there were two pro-consuls returned [unspec G] out of their severall provinces, both in manner at once, upon hope to obtaine triumph, to wit, Q. Minutius out of Liguria, and M. Acilius out of Aetolia. When the exploits were heard, as well of the one as the other; Minutius was flatly denied triumph, but Acilius had it graunted with great consent of all men: who rode into the cittie triumphant over king Antiochus and the Aetolians. In which triumph there were carried before him two hundred and thirtie ensignes, three thou∣sand pound weight of massie silver in bullion; of coine in Atticke Terradrachmes one hundred and thirteene thousand; in Cistophores two hundred and eight and fortie thousand. In plate ma∣ny vessels engraved and chased, of great weight. Hee carried also in pompe the implements of the kings house all of silver, with rich & sumptuous apparrell. Also crownes of gold five and for∣tie [unspec H] presented unto him by cities associate: besides all sorts of rich spoiles; and moreover hee led divers noblemen prisoners, and last of all sixe and thirtie captaines, as well Aetolians as those who served under the king. As for Democritus, a great commaunder of the Aetolians, who some few daies before had broken prison & escaped by night, he was by his keepers that made fresh suit after him, overtaken upon the banke of Tybris: but before he could be attached by them, he fell upon his owne sword, and ran himselfe through. Onely there wanted those that should have fol∣lowed after his charriot; otherwise the triumph had beene magnificent and stately, both for the pompous shew, and also for the honour and renoume of exploits atchieved. But the joy of this triumph was blemished with heavie tidings out of Spaine, of a losse and overthrow received of the Portugales, in the countrey of the Vascetanes, neere the towne Lyco, under the conduct of [unspec I] L. Aemylius: where sixe thousand and one hundred of the Romane armie were left dead in the place, and the rest discomfited and beaten backe into their campe; which they had much ado to defend and hold, and were forced to retire in manner of flight, and by long journies recovered the peaceable quarters of their friends. And this was the newes out of Spaine.

From out of Fraunce the embassadours of the Placentines and Cremonians, were brought by the Pretour L. Aurunculeius into the Senat: where they made much mone and complaint for default and want of inhabitants, whereof some were devoured by the edge of the sword in wars, others consumed by maladie and sickenesse, yea, and certaine of them departed out of their colo∣nies for wearinesse they had of the Gaules their neere neighbours. Whereupon the Senate or∣dained C. La••lius the Consull to enroll, if hee thought so good, sixe thousand families, for to bee [unspec K] distributed among those Colonies aforesaid: and L. Aurunculcius the Pretour to create three Commissaries called Triumvirs, for the conducting of the coloners and inhabitants aforesaid. And created there were, M. Attilius Serranus, L. Valerius Flaccus the sonne of Publius, and L. Va∣lerius Tappus the sonne of Caius.

Not long after, against the time of the Consuls election which approched neere, C. Laelius the Consull returned out of Fraunce to Rome, and he not onely by vertue of the act of the Senate made in his absence, enrolled certaine Coloners to supplie the want in Placentia and Cremona, but also proposed a bill, and according to it the LL. of the Senat ordained, That two new Colo∣nies should bee conducted into the land that appertained to the Boians. And at the very same time were letters brought from L. Aemylius the Pretour, as touching the battell at seasought [unspec L] neere to Myonesus: which letters also gave intelligence, that L. Scipio the Consull had transpor∣ted his armie into Asia. For joy of the said navall victorie, there was ordained a solemne processi∣on for one day: & in regard that the Romane armie was then first on foot in Affricke, the said procession continued another day with supplication to the gods, that this voiage might turne to the prosperitie and joy of the Commonweale. And the Consull was enjoined at each processi∣on and supplication, to sacrifice twentie head of greater beasts. After this ensued the solemne assembly for the chusing of Consuls, which was holden with great strife and contention. For M. Aemylias Lepidus stood to be Consull, a man growne into an ill name, and hardly spoken of among the people, in that hee had left his government and charge in Sicilie for this occasion and businesse onely, without making suite unto the Senate and craving leave so to do. Together [unspec M] with him were competitours in election, M. Fulvius Nobilsor, Cn. Manlius Volso, and M. Valerius Messala. But Fulvius was chosen alone, because the rest had not sufficient voices of the Centu∣ries, and he the morrow after nominated Cn. Manlius for his colleague, and gave the repulse un∣to Lepidus; for Messala kept silence and held his tongue. Which done, the Pretours were elected

[unspec A] namely, the two Quinti Fabij, the one surnamed Labeo, the other Pictor (who had been consecra∣ted that yeere for the Flamin Quirinall) M. Sempronius Tuditanus, Sp. Posthumius Albinus, Lucius Plautius Hypseus, and L. Baebius Dives.

During the time that M. Fulvius Nobilior and Cn. Manlius Volso were Consuls, Valerius Antias writeth, That there was a rise rumour raised at Rome, and held for certaine, that L. Scipio the Consull, together with P. Africanus, were called forth to a parley with king Antiochus, as tou∣ching the enlargement and deliverie of young Scipio the sonne of Africanus, and by that meanes were both of them arrested and taken prisoners: also that when these cheefe commaunders were under arrest, the kings armie incontinently advaunced against the Romane campe, the same was surprised and forced, and the whole power of the Romanes utterly defeated. By occasion [unspec B] whereof, it went currant also, that the Aetolians began to looke aloft, refused to obey, and shooke off their alleageance: also that their princes and cheefe States were gone into Macedonie, Dar∣danie, and Thrace, to levie & wage auxiliarie forces: moreover, that A. Terentius Varro, and Mar∣cu•• Claudius Lepidus were sent out of Aetolia, from A. Cornelius the Propretour, for to report these newes at Rome. Last of all, to make up the tale, he addeth and saith, that the Aetolian embassadors among other things, being examined in the Senate about this matter, and demaunded of whom they heard and understood that the Romane Generals were taken prisoners in Asia by king An∣tiochus, and the whole armie overthrowne? answered directly, That they had advertisement there∣of by their owne embassadours, who had beene with the Consull. But because I find no other authour besides him that maketh mention of this rumour, I dare not, for any thing that I can [unspec C] say of my selfe, report it for a-certaine truth, ne yet omit it as a meere fable or lowd lie.

The Aetolian Embassadours were permitted to come into the Senat house; and being indu∣ced (in regard of their owne cause and present condition) to confesse a truth, and as humble sup∣pliants to crave pardon and forgivenes either for their fault, or mesprision and errour; began with a bedroll of their favours and good turnes done unto the people of Rome, yea and in man∣ner to upbraid the Romans with the valour which they shewed in the warre against Philip. But with their arrogant and insolent language they offended the eares of the Senatours: and by rip∣ping up old matters done and past (time out of mind and utterly forgotten) they handled their owne cause so, & brought it to this passe, that the LL. of the Senat began to call 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mind much more harme and mischiefe contrived and practised by that nation, than kindnesses & courtesies [unspec D] received at their hands; insomuch as the Aetolians having need of their mercie, incurred their heavie displeasure, and provoked them to anger and hatred. Being asked this question by one of the Senators, Whether they would referre & submit themselves to the censure and judgement of the people of Rome? and likewise of another, If they could be content to hold them for their friends or enemies whome the Romans so accounted? they answered not a word: and thereup∣on immediatly were commaunded out of the Court: and presently all the Senat began to crie out with one voice, That the Aetolians were all still for king Antiochus, depending wholly & only upon that hope, and therefore they ought to war against them as undoubted enemies, and to take downe and tame these proud and fellonious hearts of their owne. Over and besides all this, another thing there was that incited and kindled the stomacks of the LL. against them, because [unspec E] at the very same instant when they seemed to require peace at the Romanes hands, they warred against Dolopia and Athamania. So there passed a decree of the Senat, (& the same was moved by M. Acilius, who had vanquished and subdued Antiochus and the Aetolians) That they should void that very day out of the citty of Rome; and within fifteene dayes next ensuing, out of all Italy. Au. Terentius Varro was sent to safe-conduct them on the way: and this warning they tooke with them, That if ever after there came any Embassadour from the Aetolians, without the war∣rant, license, and permission of the chiefe Generall who governed that province, or not accom∣panied with a Romane Legate, they should bee taken and reputed all of them for no better than enemies. In this manner were the Aetolians dismissed and sent away.

After this the Consuls proposed unto the Senat, as touching the government of the provin∣ces. [unspec F] And thought good it was, that they themselves should cast lots for Aestolia & Asia. Vnto him whose lot it should be to governe Asia, was appointed that armie which L. Scipio had. And for to furnish it fully out and make up the decaied bands, hee was allowed to have foure thousand foot∣men of Romanes with two hundred horsemen: of allies that were Latines, eight thousand foot, and foure thousand men of armes, and with these forces he was to make war against Antiochus.

The other Consull had assigned unto him that armie which was in Aetolia: and libertie he had [unspec G] for supplie of that broken armie, to levie the same number of citizens and allies that his com∣panion in government had enrolled. To the same Consull was graunted a commission likewise to set in order, furnish, and take with him those ships which the former yeere were prepared and rigged, and not only to make warre with the Aetolians, but also to saile over into the Isle Cepha∣lenia. And withall, the said Consull had in charge to returne home to Rome for the election of Magistrates, if he might so do conveniently with the good of the Common-weale. For besides the annuall Magistrates (who were to be chosen one under another) it was agreed upon, that Censors also should be created. But in case his affaires deteined him, that he might not returne in person, then he was to give advertisement, and signifie so much to the Senate, that he could not possibly be present at the time of the foresaid Election. So Aetolia fell by lot to M. Fulvius, [unspec H] and Asia to Cn. Manlius. Then the Pretours fell to draw lots for their provinces. Sp. Posthumius Albinus had the jurisdiction over citizens and forreiners both: M. Sempronius Tuditanus go∣verned Sicilie: and Q. Fabius Pictor the Quirinall Flamin, Sardinia: Q. Fabius Labeo was admi∣rall of the navie at sea: and L. Plautius Hypseus was allotted to the rule of high Spaine, and L. Baebius Dives of the lower. For Sicilie one legion was appointed, together with that fleete which was alreadie in that province. Also there was order given that the new Pretour should impose two tenthes of corne upon the Sicilians, and send the one into Asia, and the other into Aetolia. The like imposition was laid and exacted upon the Sardinians, and the said corne to be conveighed into the same armies that the Sicilian corne was. A supplie was graunted unto L. Baebius for Spaine of a thousand Rom. footmen, and fiftie horse: besides sixe thousand Latine [unspec I] foote, and two hundred horsemen. Vnto Plautius Hypseus for the higher Spaine were allowed a thousand Romane footmen: with two thousand Latine allies, and two hundred horse. Besides these supplements, both the provinces of Spaine were allowed each of them one legion. The magistrates and governours of the former yeere continued still in place of commaund for one other yeere, to wit, C. Lelius with his armie, and P. Iunius also the Propretor in Hetruria with those forces which were in the province. M. Tuccius likewise in the Brutians countrie and Apulia.

But before the Pretours went forth into their provinces, there happened a variance betweene P. Licinius the Arch-Pontisie or chiefe Prelate, and Qu. Fabius Pictor the Quirinall Flamin, like unto that which sometime fell out betweene L. Metellus and Posthumius Albinus. For at what time as Posthumius the Consull was upon his departure and journey to his fleete in Sicilie, [unspec K] together with C. Luctatius his colleague, Metellus the Archbishop for the time being, kept him back upon occasion of certeine sacrifices to be celebrated: semblably, when as Fabius the Pre∣tour would have gone into Sardinia, P. Licinius the high priest deteined him. Much strife and hard hold there was hereabout, as well in the Senate house, as before the people. Inhibitions passed to and fro. Cautions and pledges were distrained: fines they imposed one upon anothers head: the Tribunes were called unto on both sides for to interpose their authoritie, and they appealed both unto the people. In fine, religion, and the regard of holy rites tooke place, and caried it cleare, and the Flamin was enjoined to obey the chiefe priest: and by order and ex∣presse commaundement from the people, all fines were taken off and forgiven. And when the Pretour for very anger and spite that he was debarred from his province, would have surrendred [unspec L] and resigned up his government, the LL. of the Senat impeached and terrified him by their ab∣solute authoritie, and ordeined that he should minister justice, and exercise civill jurisdiction be∣tweene aliens. After that the musters were ended within few dayes (for many souldiours were not to be levied and enrolled) both Consuls and Pretours tooke their journey into their provinces. After this, there arose a bruit concerning the occurrents and affaires in Asia, blowen and spread abroad I wot not how, nor from what head and author it proceeded: but after few dayes, there came certeine messengers with letters from the Generals of the Romane armie, sent of purpose to the citie, which caused not so great joy presently ensuing upon the fresh feare aforesaid (for why, they were no more afraid of Aetolia by them already conquered) as dashed quite the same and opinion that went of Antiochus, whom in the beginning of this warre they supposed would [unspec M] have bene a dangerous enemie unto them, as well in regard of his owne puissance, as for that he had the direction and conduct of Anniball in the warre: howbeit, they thought good to alter nothing, either as touching the sending of the Consull into Asia, or diminishing his forces, for feare they should have warre with the French.

[unspec A] Not long after M. Aurelius Cotta, a lieutenant of Scipio, came to Rome with the embassadors of king Antiochus, and likewise king Eumenes and the Rhodians. Cotta reported & declared first in the Senat, and afterwards in a full assembly of the people (by order & commaundement from the LL. of the Counsell) what affaires had passed in Spaine. Whereupon ordeined it was, That there should be holden a solemne procession for 3 daies together: and order was given, that 40 head of greater cattaile should be killed for sacrifice.

This done, the Senat assembled for to give audience to king Eumenes, first above all other matters: who briefly in few words having rendred thanks to the LL. of the Senat, for that they had delivered him and his brother from siege, and protected his realme against the wrongs and outrages offred by Antiochus: also having testified his joy by way of gratulation for their prosperous & fortunat affaires archieved both by land and [unspec B] sea: namely, in that they had discomfited & put to flight K. Antiochus, and driven him out of his campe that he could not keepe the field; and withall disseized & dispossessed him first of Europe, and afterwards of all that part of Asia which lieth on this side the mountain Taurus: he conclu∣ded and knit up all with this, That as touching his owne demerits and employments about their affaires, he had leisser they tooke knowledge by their owne generals, captaines and lieutenants, than from his mouth. They all approved wel of this speech of his, and willed him to speak boldly without bashful modestie in that case, What he thought in equitie & reason the Senat & people of Rome was to yeeld unto him by way of just recompense: assuring him that the Senat would do it more willingly and liberally (if possibly they could) according to the worth of his desert.

The king answered thus again, That in case any other had made him that offer, & given him the [unspec C] choise of his own rewards, he would gladly have used the counsaile of that right honorable court of the Roman Senat (so he might have the meanes & libertie to aske their advise) to the end that he would not be thought, either to exceede measure in covetous desire, or passe the bounds of modestie in craving a recompense. But now considering they are themselves to give that reward, much more reason it is that their munificence & bountie to him and his brethren should be re∣ferred to their own arbitrement & discretion. The LL. of the Senat were nothing moved at this language of his, but urged him stil to speake himself in his own cause.

And after a certeine time that they had strived a-vie, the LL. in courtesie & kindnes, the king in modestie & shamefastnes, yelding one unto the other reciprocally, in such amiable and mutuall manner as hardly can be expressed, Eumenes departed out of the temple. The Senat persisted neverthelesse in their resolu∣tion, [unspec D] saying it was very absurd & undecent that the king should be ignorant upon what hopes he was come, and what he purposed to make suite and petition for: and himself must needs of all o∣thers know best what was meetest & most expedient for his own kingdome: yea, and was far better acquainted with the state and affaires of Asia than the Senate was. And therefore no remedie, but he must be called again, and compelled to declare and deliver what his will, desire and mind was to have. Hereupon the king was brought back into the temple by the Pretour, and ur∣ged to speake.

Then at last, My LL. (quoth he) I would have persisted still in silence,* 1.24 but that I knew that anon ye wil call the embassage of the Rhodians in place; and that after audience given unto them, I must neither will nor choose but make some speech of necessity: and verily with so much more difficultie shall I speake, because their demaunds will be such, as if they would seeme [unspec E] not only to require nothing prejudiciall and hurtfull unto me, but also (which more is) matters little or nothing pertinent to themselves. For plead they will and maintaine the cause of the ci∣ties in Greece, saying, They ought to be set free and at liberty: which being once obteined, who can make doubt, but ready they will be to withdraw from our obeisance, not only the cities which shall be freed, but also those which have beene homagers and tributaries unto us of old time? yea and will keepe them as subjects in very deed and wholly at their devotion, whome bee∣ing thus bound and obliged to them by so great a benefit, they call by the name of Associ∣ates, and would make the world beleeve they repute for no other? Yet forsooth (I wet well) in affecting and aspiring to this so great power and puissance, they will carry it so cleanly and make semblant, as though this in no wise touched and concerned them: but that it is befitting you a∣lone, [unspec F] correspondent and answerable to other former deeds of yours. But be yee well advised, and let not their glosing words deceive you; take you heed (I say) that yee goe not with an uneven hand nor beare your selves equally, whiles ye depresse and abase too much some of your allies, in promoting and advancing others beyond all measure; and aboue all, beware that they who haue lift up their speare and borne armes against you, be not more kindly intreated & in better

condition, than your loving friends and faithfull consederates. For mine owne part, in all other [unspec G] things I would gladly be thought of every man, rather to keepe within my compasse; yea and yeeld somewhat of my right whatsoever it is, than to strive too much in the maintenance and holding thereof: but in the question of your friendship, of my affection and love towards you, and of the honour which shall come from you, I cannot endure with patience that any one should out-goe and surmount my selfe. This I account the greatest inheritance left unto me by my father, the first (of all those that inhabit in Greece and Asia) who was entertained in your a∣mitie, and continued in the same alwaies most fast, most constant and sure even to his dying day: who not onely shewed sound affection and loyall heart unto you, but also was in person emploi∣ed in all your warres which yee made in Greece, as well on land as at sea; assisted and aided you with all kind of provisions, in such sort, as none of all your allies besides was any way compara∣ble [unspec H] or came neere unto him. And finally, as he earnestly exhorted the Boeotians to accept of your society, he sunk down, swouned in the very assembly, and not long after yeelded up his spi∣rit and dyed. His footsteps have I troden, and followed his good example. For affection verily and studious desire to honour you, I could not have more than he had (for I suppose it was im∣possible to surpasse him therein:) but in kind pleasures, effectuall services, offices, courtesies, and favours, to surmount and goe beyond him; the goodnes of fortune, the occasion of times, king Antiochus and the warre in Asia, have ministred ample and sufficient matter unto me. An∣tiochus (king of Asia and part of Europe) gave me his daughter in marriage, and with her en∣dowed me with the repossession of those cities which had revolted from us. Hee fed me moreo∣ver with great hopes of encreasing my dominion in time to come, if I would have sided with [unspec I] him against you. I will not glory and vaunt of this, that I have done nothing to offend and displease you: I will rather rehearse those pleasures and services which are beseeming the aun∣cient amity and friendship betweene our house and you. In forces as well for land as sea, I have friended and helped your Generals in such wise, as I forbid all your allies besides to doe the like: furnished them I have with victuals on the land, with provisions at sea. In all the battailes and conflicts by ships (which were many and in sundry places) I was present in person. I underwent all travailes, I adventured all perils, and no where favoured my selfe and thought much of my paines: nay, that which is the greatest calamitie and misery that followeth wars, I was besieged, and endured it: enclosed I was and shut up within Pergamus, to the utter hazard of my life and of my realme and royall dignity. And after I was delivered from that daunger and the siege rai∣sed, [unspec K] albeit Antiochus of one side and Seleucus on another, lay encamped about the principall fortresse of my kingdome, I quit mine owne affaires and laid all aside, to come with my whole fleet into Hellespont, and there to meet with L. Scipio your Consull, and to aid him in transpor∣ting and wasting his armie into Asia. And when your forces were passed over, I never afterwards departed from him: there was not a Romane souldiour more resiant ordinarily in your campe than my selfe and my brethren. No expeditions, no rodes, no exploit of horse service was there without me. In battaile have I stood on foot and guarded that quarter which the Consull hath appointed me to keepe. I will not say (my LL.) what one person there is that hath done so good service for you in this last warre as I my selfe, and who is any way comparable unto me: nay, I dare make comparison with all slates and princes whatsoever, whome you esteeme and honour [unspec L] so highly? Masanissa before he was your friend, was your professed enemie: hee came not to you with his aids in the time of his upright fortune, and whiles his kingdome flourished in good e∣state; but when he was banished, driven out of his kingdome, and turned out of all, he fled into your campe, accompanied onely with a small troupe and cornet of horsemen: Yet neverthe∣lesse, because he stood fast to you and bare himselfe in all loyaltie, and shewed his prowesse in your behalfe against Syphax and the Carthaginians in Affricke, you not onely restored him to his fathers kingdome, and placed him again in the royall throne, but you laid unto his dominion the richest part of the realme of Syphax, and made him the most puissant and greatest prince of all the kings in Affricke. What reward then, nay what honour are we worthy to have at your hands; wee (I say) who never were enemies, but ever friends? My father, my selfe, my brethren, [unspec M] have borne armes in your quarrell by land, by sea, not only in Asia but farre from our own home and native soile, in Peloponnesus, in Baeotia, in Aetolia, during the warres with Philip, with An∣tiochus, with the Aetolians. What recompence demaund you then? may some man say. Foras∣much as (my LL.) you will have it so, and it is your pleasure that I should speake my mind, good

[unspec A] reason it is that I obey. This shall stand for all; if you have dispossessed Antiochus of all on this side Taurus, with this intent, to hold those lands your owne selves; none better than you, and whome I would wish rather to bee my neighbours and to confine upon mee: neither can I be∣thinke me, of any meanes in the world more important to the safetie and strength of my king∣dome. But in case your purpose be to depart and to retire your forces from thence, I dare bee bold to say, That of your allies, (and put them all togither) there is not one more worthy than my selfe to have and hold that which you have woon by conquest. But an honourable deed it is and magnificent, to set free and deliver cities out of thraldome and servitude. True, and I my selfe am of the same opinion; provided alwayes, that they have attempted nought by way of ho∣stilitie against you. But in case they have taken part and sided with Antiochus; how much more [unspec B] standeth it with your wisdom, nay with equity & reason, to be respective of your allies who have so well deserved at your hands, than to regard your enemies. This oration of the king much pleased the LL. of the Senat, and soone it was seen by their countenance that they would deale bounteously and liberally with him, yea and gratifie him in what they might.

Then audience was given to a briefe embassage of the Smyrneans, who by occasion that some of the Rhodi∣ans were absent, came betweene and delivered their message. Highly were these Smyrneans commended, in that they chose rather to endure all extremities, than to yeeld themselves unto king Antiochus. Then the Rhodians entred in place: and the chiefe man of their embassie, after he had declared the first occasion and beginning of the amitie which they had with the people of Rome, and shewed withall the good deserts and services which the Rhodians had performed [unspec C] in the warres, first against Philip and then against Antiochus, went on and spake as followeth.

Right honourable,* 1.25 there is nothing more difficult and troublesome unto us in all the businesse that we have in hand than this one thing, that there is some variance and matter to be debated betweene us and Eumenes, the only K. of all others, with whom especially every one of us in pri∣vate, and (that which toucheth us more) our city in publicke, doth entertaine the bond of friend∣ship and mutuall hospitalitie. Howbeit no repugnancie is it in our affections (my LL.) but even the course of this world and nature it selfe (the mightiest thing of all) which disjoyneth us and causeth difference: this maketh us (being men free born) to defend and maintein the freedom also of others: this is it, that mooveth KK. to be desirous for to have all in servitude and subje∣ction under them, and at their commaund. But howsoever it is, our modestie and the reverent [unspec D] regard we have of the kings person hurreth us more, than either the debating of our cause with him is otherwise difficult unto us, or the deciding thereof like to be intricate and troublesome unto you. For in case it were so, that you could not honour and reward a king, your allie and friend, for his good service done in this warre (for recompence whereof yee now sit in consulta∣tion) by no other meanes, unlesse yee deliver free citties into his hands, to serve in bondage; then were it hard for you to resolve; for feare least either yee should send away a prince (your friend and confederate) without guerdon and honour; or seeme to chaunge that laudable en∣terprise of yours which you have begun, to staine and blemish your glory now (which you have acquired by the warre against Philip) with reducing so many citties and states into servitude. But your happie fortune easeth you right well of this difficultie and necessitie, that you need not [unspec E] feare either to empaire your credite and favour with your friends, or to endammage your reputa∣tion and honour among men. For (the gods be thanked therefore) you have atchieved a victory, no lesse rich than glorious, and sufficient (if I may so say) to discharge all your debts, and set you cleare with all the world. For Lycaonia, Phrygia both the great and the lesse, whole Pisidia, Cher∣sonesus, and in breeese, all the confines of Europe are under your dominion. Of all which pro∣vinces, if you lay but one by (which you will your selves) for king Eumenes, you shall mightily en∣large and amplifie his kingdome: but, give him all, you will make him egall to the greatest prin∣ces and monarchs that are. You see then by this, that you may recompence and enrich your al∣lies out of the conquests gotten by warre, and nathelesse hold on your good custome that you have begun, remembring alwaies what title you pretended first in your warre with Philip, and now [unspec F] lately with Antiochus: considering withall, what you did then after Philip was vanquished, and what is required and expected at your hands, now: not so much because you have used it alrea∣die, as for that it was meet and decent you should so doe. Many causes there hee (and those co∣lourably just & lawfull) to enter into arms: one pretendeth this, another that; some in right of lands and territories, others of villages; some lay claime to towns and cities, others chalenge the

possession of ports and havens, and one tract or other of the sea coasts. As for you, before you [unspec G] enjoied these things, you desired them not: since then yee have now compassed the whole earth, and are LL. of the world, you cannot possibly cover the same any more. Warred you have and fought for honour and glorie, in the sight of all the nations of the earth, who now this long time behold and regard your name and empire, no lesse than they doe the gods immortall. And I wot not well, whether those things which we hardly come by, be not with more difficultie holden and kept afterwards, than they were purchased. You undertooke to deliver and rid out of the servitude and oppression of kings, and to maintaine in libertie, a most auncient and noble State, renoumed for their worthie and famous acts, and right commendable for their singular learning and know∣ledge in all sciences. For your honour it is, having once received all this nation into your safegard and protection, to defend and preserve the same for ever. And thinke not, that those cities onely [unspec H] are more Greeke which are built and seated upon the auncient soile of Greece, than their colo∣nies which have beene drawne from them, and in times past went from thence into Asia: for the chaunge of aire and place hath wrought no alteration, either in the nature and complexion, or the manners and fashions of the people. As for us, endevoured we have to doe better and better, and each citie hath entred into an honest contention and religious emulation to outgo and sur∣mount their forefathers and first founders in all good arts and commendable vertues. There be many of you who have been in Greece, many have visited the cities of Asia, and setting aside this onely, That we are farther distant and remote from you; there is no difference and ods betweene us and them. The Massilians, whom (if possible it had beene, that an inbred temperature might be altered and overcome with the strength and nature, as it were, of the soile) so many wild, bar∣barous, [unspec I] and untamed nations, environning them round about, would have made cruell and sa∣vage long before this day; wee heare say and understand to bee in that request and estimation (by good right, and their desert) among you, as if they dwelt in the very middest and heart of Greece: for not onely they retaine still the very naturall language of their own, they keepe them to their old fashion of apparell and attire, and carrie the same port in their gesture and countenance, but also above all things they have kept and observed their customes, their manners, their lawes and naturall disposition pure and entire, notwithstanding the frequent commerce with those, in the middest of whom they converse and inhabite. Well, the mountaine Taurus at this day is the limit of your empire and siegnorie one way: and therefore whatsoever lieth betweene you and that bound, you must not thinke it remote, but looke how farre your armes have reached, so farre let [unspec K] your lawes and jurisdiction extend. Let Barbarians, who know no other lawes than lords hests, have their kings, since they take such pleasure in them, and much good may they do their hearts: as for the Greekes, they must doe as they may, and are not (wee confesse) in so good case as you, howbeit they carrie with them as brave a mind as your selves: and the day hath been, when they were monarchs, when they conquered by their owne sword a mightie dominion, and held the same when they had it. Now they are content with that empire where it now is, nay, they wish it may remaine and continue there for evermore, where it is settled at this present. They shall bee well apaied, and thinke they are well, to maintaine their libertie by your force of armes, since they have no meanes of their owne to defend the same. But (will some man say) there be certaine cities that held a side and banded with Antiochus: answere again, So were others before that took part [unspec L] with Philip, so there were that combined with Pyrrhus, as for example the Tarentines: and to say nothing of other States, which I could name and rehearse, even Carthage it selfe enjoieth freedome, and is governed by her owne lawes. Consider then my LL. what a precedent therein yee have set downe to your owne selves, and how yee ought to confirme and uphold so good an example. You must resolve to denie that unto the covetous desire of Eumenes, which you would not graunt to your owne ire against the Carthaginians, which they had most justly deserved. And as for us Rhodians, with what valour and loialtie wee have served and aided you, as well in this warre, as in all others which yee have had in those parts and quarters, wee report us to your owne selves, and leave it to your judgement. And now in time of peace, wee here present unto you that counsell, which if you will accept and approove, all the world will beleeve and [unspec M] say, That you have borne your selves more honourable in the usage, than in the atchievance of your victorie. This Oration seemed to fit well the greatnesse and majestie of the Romanes.

When the Rhodians had done, the embassadours of Antiochus were called in. Who after the usuall and stale manner of those that crave pardon, confessed the king was in fault, and humbly

[unspec A] besought the LL. of the Senate to have more regard of their own accustomed gracious clemen∣cie, than remember the kings trespasse, who had paied sufficiently for it alreadie: and finally, that they would ratifie and confirme by their authoritie, the peace graunted by L. Scipio their L. Ge∣nerall, according to those conditions, which by him were capitulated and set downe. So both the Senate thought good to admit of that peace, and also within few daies after the people gave their assent and established the same. And this accord was solemnely confirmed in the Capi∣toll, with the kings Procurator or agent, to wit, Antipater, the cheefe of the embassage, who also was Antiochus his brothers sonne. This done, the other embassages of Asia had audience, & were all dispatched with this one answere, That the Senate would send ten deputies or commissio∣ners, according to the auncient custome of their auncestours, to heare, decide, and compose all [unspec B] the affaires of Asia. But the finall conclusion of all should be this, That whatsoever pertained to the dominion of Antiochus on this side the mountaine Taurus, should be assigned to king Eu∣menes, excepting the countries of Lycia and Caria, so farre as the river Maeander, all which must lie to the signorie of the Rhodians. As touching the other cities of Asia, which had been tributa∣ries to Attalus, those also were to pay tribute to Eumenes: but such as were sometime homagers to Antiochus, those should bee enfranchised and remaine free. The ten Commissioners whome they appointed were these, to wit, Q. Minutius Rufus, L. Furius Purpureo, Q. Minutius Thernius, App. Claudius Nero, Cn. Cornelius Merula, M. Iuntus Brutus, L. Aurunculeius, L. Aemylius Paulus, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Aelius Tubero. These men had plenarie power and full commission to take order and determine as they thought good, in all the occurrents that were presented in [unspec C] these affaires. But they had direction from the Senate, as touching the principall points: Impri∣mis, That all Lycaonia and Phrygia, both the more and the lesse, that Mysia, with the kings cha∣ses and forrests, that the cities of Lydia and Ionia, except those that were free at the day of the battell fought with Antiochus, and expressely by name Magnesia neer Sipylus, together with Ca∣ria, which is called Hydrela, and all the territorie of Hydrela lying toward Phrygia; moreover, Telmessus and the forts of the Telmessians, reserving only that territorie which belonged to Pto∣lomeus the Telmessian: that all these countries, I say, and cities above written, should bee given and graunted to king Eumenes. Item, That the Rhodians should bee ense offed in Lycia, without the foresaid Telmessus, the sorts and territorie, appertaining sometime to Ptolomeus Telmessius: which parcels, I say, were reserved as well from Eumenes, as the Rhodians. Item, To the Rhodi∣ans [unspec D] was graunted that part of Caria, which lieth beyond the river Maeander, neere unto the isle Rhodes, together with the townes, villages, fortresses, and lands bounding upon Pisidia; except those townes which were free the day before the battell with king Antiochus in Asia. The Rhodi∣ans, when they had given thankes to the Senate for these gratuities, were in hand with them for the citie Soli in Cilicia: they alleadged, that they likewise as well as themselves, were descen∣ded from Argos; by occasion of which confraternitie and neere alliance, they loved together as brethren by nature in regard whereof, they made petition, that over and besides other donati∣on, they would doe them this extraordinarie favour, as to exempt that cittie also from the servi∣tude and subjection of king Antiochus. Then were the embassadours of king Antiochus called for, and treated with all about this matter, but to no effect. For Antipater stood stoutly upon this [unspec E] point, and pleaded hard, That the accord was past alreadie, and might not be revoked or altered: and that against the tenour of the articles and covenants therein comprised, it was not the citie Soli, but all Cilicia that the Rhodians demaunded; and never would they rest till they were got∣ten over the mountaine Taurus. Then were the Rhodians called back againe into the Senate, unto whom the LL. of the Senat, after they had made relation how earnest the kings embassador was with them upon the point, added thus much more over & said, That it the Rhodians deemed in very deed that the matter concerned the honor of their citie and State, the Senat would worke all possible meanes to cause the kings embassadors to relent, how stiffe and obstinate soever they stood. For this courtesie, the Rhodians thanked them much more hartily than for all the rest be∣fore, and said withall, that they would yeeld and give place to the arrogant spirit of Antiochus, ra∣ther [unspec F] than seeme to give any cause or occasion of troubling the peace. And so as touching the citie Soli, there was no alteration made.

Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed, the embassadors of the Massilians brought intelligence, that L. Baebius the Pretour, being in his journey towards his province of Spaine, was entrapped and enclosed by the Ligurians, and many of his traine killed outright in

the place, that himselfe mortally wounded fled without his lictours and sergeants into Massilia, [unspec G] and within three dayes left this life. The Senate upon this advertisement ordeined P. Iunius Bru∣tus the Propretour in Hetruria, to go in person into the farther Spaine, and governe the same as his owne province: but first to leave Hetruria and the armie there unto one of his Lieutenants whom he pleased to make choise of. This decree of the Senat, together with letters from Spurtus Posthumius the Pretour of the citie, was sent into Hetruria: and so P. Iunius departed as Propre∣tour into Spaine. In which province L. Aemylius Paulus (who afterwards wan a right glorious victorie of king Persius) having the former yeere fought unfortunately, now a little before the arrivall of this successor gave battaile to the Lusitanians with an armie rallied and assembled in half, in which the enemies were put to the worse and driven to flie. One thousand eight hundred of them well armed were left dead in the field, three thousand three hundred taken prisoners, [unspec H] and their camp forced and ransaked. The bruit that went of this victorie set all matters of Spaine in greater quietnes.

The same yeere, upon the* 1.26 third day before the Calends of Ianuarie, L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Attilius Serranus, and L. Valerius Tappo, the three Triumvirs, by order from the Senate, plan∣ted a Latine Colonie at Bolonia; and three thousand people were thither sent to dwell. Every gentleman by calling that served on horseback had 70 acres of ground set out unto him, and the rest of the coloners fiftie apeece. The land divided thus among them had bene conquered from the Boians in Gaule: and those Gaules first had dispossessed the Tuskanes of the same.

This yeere there were many men of marke and name that sued to be Censors: and this competition as if it had not bene of sufficient importance it selfe to move matter of debate, [unspec I] was the occasion of a contention and variance much greater. The competitours were these, T. Quintius Flamininus, P. Cornel. Scipio, the sonne of Cneus: L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Porcius Cato, M. Claudius Marcellu, and M. Acilius Glabrio, even he who had vanquished Antiochus and the Aetolians at Thermopylae. To this man last rehersed the peoples favour and affection most incli∣ned, by reason of many congiaries and largesses which he had given amongst them in publick, by meanes whereof many a man was obliged and bound unto him. The rest, being so many and nobly descended withall, tooke it to the heart, and could not endure that such a person as hee newly risen and come up, and a gentleman of the first head, should be preferred before them: whereupon P. Sempronius Gracchus, & C. Sempronius Rutilius, two Tribunes of the comminaltie, commensed action against him to answere at a day, laying to his charge, that there remained a [unspec K] surplusage of the kings monie and other pillage gotten in the camp of Antiochus, over and a∣bove all that which he either caried and shewed in triumph, or brought in accompt into the citie chamber. Many and sundrie depositions there were to prove this endirement, as well of lieutenants as of colonels. But M. Cato above all other witnesses was most noted: whose great au∣thoritie acquired in the whole course of his life (which he had passed hetherto in all upright con∣versation & constant gravitie) was much empaired and discredited now, with his white robe that he bare on his back. He being produced as a witnes, deposed & gave evidence, that he had seene certeine plate as well gold as silver, among the rest of the pillage found in the kings camp, which he never could set eye on in all the triumph abovesaid. In the end, Gl abrio because he would bring some displeasure particularly, and most of all upon Cato, said he would give over his suite [unspec L] for the Censourship, since that there was another competitour as newly come up as himselfe, (whereat the Nobles indeed tooke indignation inwardly, although they said nothing) who pursued the cause so against him, even with incredible and inestimable perjurie. Well, a fine was set upon his head of a hundred thousand asses. And twise was the matter traversed, whether the mulct should be taken off or paid. But when the third day was come, and the partie in trouble (Acilius) had quite surceased to sue for the dignitie, the people would not give their voy∣ces as touching the paiment of the fine aforesaid, and the Tribunes also themselves let fall their action. So T. Quintius Flamininus, and M. Claudius Marcellus were created Censors.

About the same time the Senate fate without the citie in the temple of Apollo, in regard of L. Aemylius Regillus, who had vanquished the Admirall of king Antiochus in a battaile at sea; [unspec M] where he had audience given. And when he had declared what exploits he had done, namely, against how puissant Armadaes of the enemies he had fought, and how many ships of theirs he had either sunke or taken; the LL. of the Counsell with one generall consent and accord, graunted unto him a navall triumph. And hee triumphed upon the Calends of February.

[unspec A] In which triumph, there were borne in shew fiftie crownes save one, of beaten gold: but nothing that store of coine as such a royall triumph required, onely there were caried in pompe 34700 Attick tetradrachmes, and 132300 cistophores. After this (by decree of the Senate) there were processions celebrated in considerations that L. Aemylius Paulus had brought his affaires in Spaine to happie issue.

Not long after L. Scipio came also into the citie, who because he would not be inferiour to his brother in the honorable addition of his name, caused himselfe to be surnamed Asiati∣cus. He discoursed before the Senate, and in the publick audience of the people, as touching his worthie acts. Divers there were who construed the thing thus and said, That the warre was greater in name than difficult unto him in the managing: for with fighting one onely me∣morable [unspec B] battaile, the matter was atchieved and ended, but the glorie indeed of that victo∣rie was begun unto him and prepared for his hand at Thermopylae. But if a man should judge hereof aright, and according to a truth, the battaile at Thermopylae may rather be accoumpted an exploit against the Aetolians than king Antiochus. For what great forces I pray you had king Antiochus there in field of his owne? But in the last battaile smitten in Asia, the whole power and puissance that he had in all Asia, stood there to be seene, yea and all the aids and succours which he could levie out of the nations as farre as to the utmost parts of the East. Great cause therefore they had both to render much praise and thanksgeving to the immortall gods, in as ample manner as possibly they could devise (for vouchsafing unto them so brave a victorie as it was, and the same with such ease and expedition) and also to graunt a [unspec C] triumph to the Generall. He triumphed upon the last of Februarie, even the very day that maketh the leape yeere. This triumph of his was much greater than that other of his brothers, in regard of the magnificent pomp and shew represented to the eye: but if one call to mind the substance of the things themselves, and compare the dangers, the conflicts and difficul∣ties of the one warre with the other; there is no more equalitie betweene them, than if a man should in comparison of captaine with captaine, set Antiochus to match with Anniball. He shewed in triumph two hundreth th irtie foure field ensignes and standerds: hee caried before him the portraicts of two hundreth thirtie foure townes and cities: a hundreth thirtie four teeth of yvorie: two hundreth thirtie foure crownes of gold: 237300 pounds weight of silver: 234000 Attick tetradrachmes: 331070 cistophores: 140000 Philip-peeces of gold: of silver plate, [unspec D] and that was all graven and chased, a thousand foure hundred twentie foure pound weight: of golden plate as much as weighed 1024 pound. Moreover there were led before his chariot thirtie two great commaunders; either gouernors of provinces under the king, or attendant in his court. Every souldier serving on foot, had given unto him * 1.27 25 deniers: every centurion had double so much; and the gentlemen or knights triple. After the triumph done, the soul∣diours had their pay double in money, yea and the portion of corne likewise was doubled. He had moreover geven them alreadie a double proportion in Asia, presently upon the end of the battaile. A yeere it was almost after his Consulship expired ere he triumphed.

And much about one and the same time, both Cn. Manlius the Consull entred into Asia, and Q. Fabius Labeo the Pretour repaired to the fleet. Moreover the Consull had worke enough and [unspec E] wanted not matter of warre within Fraunce. The seas were quiet after that Antiochus was defea∣ted and subdued: Fabius therefore studied which way to take, and how to employ himselfe and his forces at sea, because he would not be thought and reputed idle in his province: so hee re∣solved at length to put over with his fleet into Crete. Now they of Cydon warred at that time a∣gainst the Gortynians and the Guosians: and the voice went that there was a great number of Romanes and Italians, captives, living in slaverie and bondage in every quarter of that yland. Hee loosed therefore from Ephesus and set saile for Candie, and so soone as he was arrived and set a land, hee sent his messengers about to the cities, willing them to abandon their armour and surcease from warre, and to search and seeke up throughout all their cities and territories those captives and prisoners aforesaid, and to bring them to him: and moreover, to send their [unspec F] embassadours or agents, with whome hee would treat concerning the affaires that in common touched as well the Candiots as the Romanes. The ylanders made small regard of these his messages: and unlesse it were the Gortynians, there was not one that delivered the captives. Va∣lerius Antias hath recorded, That out of the whole yland there were rendered to the number of foure thousand; because the inhabitants were frighted with threats of warre. And that this was

the cause why Fabius although he performed no other exploit, obteined of the Senat a navall [unspec G] triumph. From Crete, Fabius returned to Ephesus; from whence hee set forth three ships to the coast of Thracia, and commaunded that the garrisons of Antiochus should quit Aenus and Ma∣rona, to the end, that those cities likewise might be set free and enfranchised.

Notes

• * 1.1

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.2

  15 of Ju••e.
• * 1.3

  Where they lay sometimes against Troy.
• * 1.4

  Archipelago
• * 1.5

  Melaxo.
• * 1.6

  S. Pietro.
• * 1.7

  Casiello S. Pe∣dro.
• * 1.8

  Cabo Crio.
• * 1.9

  Patoa.
• * 1.10

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.11

  Pagamo or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.13

  Leudrimus.
• * 1.14

  Tire.
• * 1.15

  Mirylin.
• * 1.16

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.17

  Westerne winds in the spring, or March-winds.
• * 1.18

  Hepteres.
• * 1.19

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.20

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.21

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.22

  People of Ga∣latia, now called Gelis.
• * 1.23

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.24

  The Oration of king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Senate of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.25

  The oration of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.26

  29 December.
• * 1.27

  15 shil. 7 d. ob.