The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXVI. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 36)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the sixe and thirtith Booke.

MArcus Acilius Glabrio the Consull, with the aid of king Philip, vanquished king Antiochus, neere to [unspec L] Thermopyle, & drave him out of Greece. He also subdued the Aetolians. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica the Consull (reputed and iudged by the Senate, the best man in the citie) dedicated the temple of the mother of the gods, whom himselfe had brought into the Palatium. He also when he had overcome the Boians, tooke them upon surrender to his protection, and triumphed over them. Over and besides, here are set downe the prosperous battailes fought at sea, against the admirals and captaines of king Antiochus.

SO soone as P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cneus, and M. Acilius Glabrio, the two Consuls, were entred into their magistracie, the LL. of the Senate enjoined them (before any speech and question moved as touching the provinces) to sa∣crifice greater beasts in all those temples, wherin the custome was for the more [unspec M] part of the yeare to celebrate the solemnitie of Lectisternes, and to make their praiers in this manner, That where as the Senate intended a new war, the gods would vouchsafe to blesse and happily conduct the same to the good and publicke weale of the Senat and the people of Rome. All those sacrifices prooved good and as they ought to bee: even

[unspec A] the very first beasts that were slain, prognosticated fortunat successe, and shewed apparent signes that the gods were pacified and well pleased. And thus the soothsaiers and bowel-priers out of their learning, answered, It was evident, that by this warre the bounds and limits of the Romane empire should be extended, and that both victorie and triumph was foresignified. These answers being reported, and mens minds settled, and their cousciences resolved of all scruples as concer∣ning the gods, then the LL. of the Senate graunted out an order, that a bill should bee preferred solemnly unto the people in this forme, PLEASETH IT YOU, AND IS IT YOUR VVIL, THAT VVAR SHOULD BE ENTERPRISED AGAINST ANTIOCHUS, AND ALL THAT TAKE HIS PART? AND IF THIS BILL PASSE AND BE GRAUNTED, ARE YEE PLEASED, THAT THE CONSULS, IF THEY THINKE SO GOOD, REFERRE THE VVHOLE MATTER UNTO THE [unspec B] SENAT TO TAKE ORDER FOR THE MANAOING THEREOF ACCORDINGLY? P. Corne∣lius propounded this bill, and the people acceptedthereof.Whereupon the Senate set downe a decree, that the Consuls should cast lots for the government of Italie and Greece: and that he whose hap it was to governe Greece, should (over and above that number of souldiours, which L. Quintius by authoritie and commission from the Senat had for that province either enrolled or levied) receive that armie also which M. Baebius the Pretour caused to passe over the yeere be∣fore into Macedonie, by vertue of an order by the Senat, in that behalfe enacted. And license he had, if need so required, to take up aid-souldiours from among the allies without Italie, so as hee exceeded not the number of five thousand. Also agreed it was, that L. Quintius the Consull of the yeare before, should be deputed lord Generall for that warre. As for the other Consull, unto [unspec C] whome had beene allotted the charge of Italie, he was commaunded to levie warre against the Boians, and to have his choise, whether armie he had leisser have o f those two which the former Consuls conducted: & when he had received one, to send the other to Rome, that those legions of citizens should be in readinesse for to bee sent whither it pleased the Senate. This order being taken in the Senate, as touching the appointment and assignation of those provinces, then it was thought good, that the new Consuls should cast lots for their governments. To Acilius besel Greece, and Italie to Cornelius. After this, by a speciall lot there passed an act of the Senate, That whereas the people of Rome had ordained to wage war at that time against king Antiochus, and those that were under his dominion, the Consuls should cause a procession to bee solemnised. Also, that the Consull M. Acilius should conceive and make a vow to Iupiter, for to celebrate the [unspec D] great Games in his honour, and to bring offerings to every altar. This vow was by him pronoun∣ced in this forme of words, according as P. Licinius the Arch-priest endited and prompted unto him. IF THAT VVARRE VVHICH THE PEOPLE HATH DETERMINED TO BE ENTERPRI∣SED AND MADE AGAINST KING ANTIOCHUS, SHALL BE PERFORMED ACCORDING TO THE MIND AND CONTENTMENT OF THE SENAT AND PEOPLE OF ROME, THEN SHALL THE PEOPLE OF ROME CELEBRATE UNTO THY HONOUR, ó IUPITER, THE GREAT GAMES FOR THE SPACE OF TEN DAIES TOGETHER, AND OBLATIONS SHALL BE BROUGHT TO EVERY ALTAR, OF THAT PRICE, AND AMOUNTING TO THAT SUMME VVHICH THE SENATE SHALL ORDAINE AND SET DOVVNE. AND VVHAT MAGISTRATS [unspec E] SOEVER SHALL EXHIBITE THOSE GAMES, OR IN VVHAT PLACE, YEA, AND AT VVHAT TIME SOEVER THEY SHALL BE REPRESENTED, THE SAID GAMES SHAL BE HELD FOR GOOD, AND REPUTED AS VVEL DONE, YEA, AND THE OFFRINGS ACCEPTED AS RIGHT∣LY PRESENTED. After this there was published & proclaimed by both Coss. a supplication for the space of 2 daies. When the Coss. had cast lots for the parting of their governments, the Pre∣tors likewise went presently about the same for their provinces. To M. Iunius Brutus fell both the jurisdictions, as wel of citizens as aliens. A. Cornel. Mammula had the charge of the Brutij, M. Ae∣mylius Lepidus of Sicilie, and L. Oppius Salinator of Sardinia. C. Livius Salinatur was L. Admirall of the navie, and L. Aemylius Paulus governor of the nether Spaine. And in this manner follo∣wing, were the armies and forces distributed and appointed. Vnto A. Cornelius were assigned the new souldiours which the former yeere L. Quintius the Consull, by vertue of an Act of the Se∣nate, [unspec F] had enrolled. And his commission was to defend and keepe in order all that tract and coast about Tarentum and Brundusium. As for L. Aemylius Paulus, who was to take a voyage into the farther Spaine, he was allowed (besides the armie which he was to receive of M. Fulvius the Pro∣pretour) to have the conduct of three thousand new souldiours sootemen, and three hundred horse: so that of them, two third parts should consist of allies of the Latin nation, and one third

of Romane citizens. The like supply was sent unto C. Flaminius into the higher Spaine, whose [unspec G] commission was renewed for to have the commaund there still. M. Aemylius Lepidus had com∣maundement to receive the government of the province, and withall, the conduct of the armie, at the hands of L. Valerius, whom he was to succeede; and if he thought so good, to keepe with him in the province L. Valerius, in qualitie and place of a Viz-pretour: and so to divide the province, that the one part should reach from Agrigentum to Pachinus; the other halfe from Pachinus to Tyndarium: also, that L. Valerius should defend the sea coasts and the river with a fleete of twentie Gallies. The same Pretour aforesaid was to levie and gather a double tenth of corne, and to take order for the convoy thereof to the sea, and so to be embarked and transported into Greece. The like commission had L. Opimius, to exact and take another tenth in Sardinia; but that graine was to be brought to Rome, &not to be caried over into Greece. C. Livius the [unspec H] Pretour, & admirall of the navie, was appointed with 30 saile readie rigged and trimmed, to saile into Greece with all speede, and to receive the ships that Acilius had: likewise to repaire, rigge and furnish the old vessels that rid in the harbours, or lay atone side up in docks. M. Iunius the Pretor his charge was, to levie mariners and rowers from among the libertines, for to serve that Armada. And there were sent Embassadors into Africk to Carthage, and into Numidia, three into either part, for to seeke and purvey corne to be sent into Greece, for which the people of Rome would make present payment. And so wholly imployed was the citie, to prepare and take order for this warre, that P. Cornelius the Consul published an Edict, that no Senatours, nor any that had authoritie to give their opinion in the Senate, neither any inferior magistrates, should take any journey out of thecitie, farther than they might make returne againe the same day: [unspec I] Item, that there should not be five Senatours absent at once from Rome.

C. Livius the Pretour, whiles he used all diligence and care to prepare and provide his fleete, was impeached and hindered a time, by occasion of a debate and contention that arose be∣tweene him and the Coloners of the sea side. For when they should be gathered and sent to sea, they appealed to the Tribunes of the Com. from whom they were put over and referred to the Senate: and the Senate with one voyce and accord pronounced and determined, that these Coloners were not exempted from sea-service. The Colonies that contended with the Pretour about their immunitie were these, Hostia, Fregena, Castrum novum, Pyrgi, Antium, Tarracina, Minturnae and Sinuessa.

This done, the Consull Acilius by order from the Senate, consulted with the colledge of the [unspec K] Feciales or Heraults at Armes, and demaunded their advise, Whether the warre should be pro∣claimed and defiance geven to Antiochus himselfe in person; or it were sufficient, to intimate and denounce the same to some one of his garisons? Also, whether they would advise to pro∣claime warre against the Aetolians apart by themselves; or whether it were not meete and con∣venient first to disclame and renounce their societie and friendship, and then to proclaime and denounce hostility? The Fecials answered, that heretofore they had determined and cleered this point, at what time as their opinion was asked as touching Philip, to wit, That it was all one, and made no matter, whether the defiance were given him to his face, or only intimated to some garison of his. And as for the Aetolians, this was their mind, that they had quit alreadie their amitie, and abandoned all societie, in that when our embassadors so oftentimes had redemaun∣ded [unspec L] amends for wrongs done, they never thought good to make restitution or satisfaction. Moreover, the Aetolians had themselves sent defiance first and proclaimed warre against the Romanes, when as by force they seized Demetrias a citie of our allies, and advaunced before Chalcis, to assaile it both by land and sea: and lastly, in that they had sollicited king Antiochus and brought him into Europe for to levie warre against the Romanes. All things now being sufficiently provided, M. Acilius the Consull published an Edict and proclaimed, That all those souldiours whom L. Quintius had enrolled, likewise all those whom he had levied of the allies of the Latine nation, who were to go with him into his province, likewise all the Colonels and Marshals of the second and third legion, should render themselves, and be readie altogether at Brundusium upon the* 1.1 Ides of May following. Himself upon the* 1.2 fifth day before the Nones of [unspec M] the same moneth, departed forth of the citie clad in his rich cote of armes. And at the same time the Pretors also tooke their journeys into their severall provinces.

Much about that time there arrived at Rome embassadors from two kings, to wit, Philip of Macedonie, and Ptolomae king of Aegypt; promising their aid of men, money, and corne

[unspec A] for that warre. And besides from Ptolomaeus there was brought* 1.3 1000 pound weight in gold, and the weight of* 1.4 2000 pound in silver: howbeit, nothing was received, but much thanks rendered to both the kings. And whereas both of them offred to come with all their power into Aetolia, and to be there in person, Ptolomae was discharged of that offer of his, but the Embas∣sadors of Philip received this answere, That he should highly please and content the people of Rome, in case he would not faile the Consull M. Atilius. In like manner there came Embassa∣dours from the Carthaginians and Masanissa. The Carthaginians made promise of a* 1.5 thou∣sand Modij of Wheate, and of Barley five hundred thousand for the armie, and likewise to bring halfe so much to Rome; praying the Romanes to accept the same at their hands as a free gift and gratuitie: adding moreover, that they would man our a fleete at their owne charges, [unspec B] and were readie also to make one entire payment of the tribute behind, which they were of dutie to pay by sundry termes of many yeeres. The Embassadors of Masanissa, promised in the be∣halfe of their king, to send five hundred thousand Modij of wheate, and 300000 thousand of barley into Greece to the armie, besides 500 men of armes and twentie Elephants, unto M. Aci∣lius the Cos. As touching the corne, this answere was returned unto them, that they were con∣tent to accept thereof, so that they would take money therefore to the worth. As to the fleete aforesaid, which the Carthaginians made offer of, they acquit them cleane, save as many ships as they were to find & provide according to the tenure of the accord and composition between them. Last of all, concerning the tribute money, none would they receive before the day.

Whiles the affaires passed thus at Rome, Antiochus being at Chalcis, because he would not [unspec C] sit still and do nothing, all a winter time, partly himselfe sollicited (by sending his embassadors) the minds of the States, and partly also there came unto him embassadors from thence of their owne accord: and namely among others, the Epirots presented themselves by the common consent of their whole nation, and the Eleans also came out of Peloponnesus. They of Elis cra∣ved aid against the Achaeans, who (they verily thought) would first take armes against their citie, because war was denounced against Antiochus nothing to their will and good liking. Vnto them were sent 1000 footemen under the leading of Euphanes the Cretensian. The embassage of the Epirotes plaid with both hands, meaning to deale roundly & simply with no side, but to go be∣tween the bark & the tree.

Gladly they would make court to the king and curry favor with him, but so, as they stood in good termes still with the Romanes, whom they were loth to offend. For [unspec D] their request to him was, that he would not draw them without great and important cause into the quarell, considering that they for the defense of all Greece lay open & exposed to Italy, and were sure before others to feele the Romanes fingers, and receive their first assaults. But in case he were able of himselfe with his forces by land and sea to defend Epirus, and furnish it with gari∣sons sufficient, they would with hart and good will accept of him and his into their cities & port∣townes: but if so be he could not effect that, they besought him not to offer them, naked and unarmed men, to the violence of the Romane warres. Their drift was in this their embassie (as it appeered) that if the king and his forces came not into Epirus (as they rather thought nay then yea) they might reserve themselves and all they had, safe, entier, and at their owne libertie for the Romane armies, and win withall the kings good grace, in that they seemed to make [unspec E] an offer to receive him: or if hee came indeed, yet they might conceive good hope to find favour, and have pardon at the Romanes hands, in that they had not expected their succors being so farre off, but rather yeelded to the forces of Antiochus being present there in person.

In such sort they caried themselves in their embassage so perplexed and intricate, that the king knew not well how to answere them redily: but said, that he would send his owne embassadors unto them for to parle and treat of all affaires perteining in common as well to them as to him. Then went he himselfe into Baeotia, which countrey in colour and shew pretended these causes of anger and spight against the Romanes, that before I have mentioned, to wit, the murder of Barcillas, & the armies by Quintius levied against Coronea, occasioned by a massacre commit∣ted upon Roman souldiers: but in very truth this was the reason, The singular discipline & order [unspec F] of that nation in old time, was going downeward and endlong many yeeres and ages alreadie, and the popular government of many, growne to decay and ruine, which can not possibly continue long without some chaunge and alteration of State. Well, to Thebes hee came, where all the principall and chiefe States of Baeotia came flocking from all parts to meet him: Where, in the generall Diet and Councell of that Nation (notwithstanding hee had

founded the battaile and began the fray already by giving the first blow, in that hee had forced [unspec G] the Romane garison neere Delium and Chalcis, which were no small signes nor doubfull over∣tures of warre, yet hee began with the same kind of speech which hee first used in the parle and conference at Chalcis, and which his embassadors had followed in the generall assembly of the Achaeans, namely, demaunding that they would enter into amitie with him, without prosessing themselves enemies to the Romans, or pretending hostilitie against them. But there was no man there but soone found him, and saw him well enough: howbeit there passed an act and decree in favour of the king against the Romanes, under a vaine and slight pretext and colourable shew of words. Having gained this nation also, he returned to Chalcis, from whence he sent out his letters before to the States of the Aetolians, that they should meet him at Demetrias, where hee would conferre and consult with them of all their affaires tobe managed; and thither came he [unspec H] by sea at the day appointed. Aminander also was sent for our of Athamania to this consultation, yea and Anniball the Carthaginian (whose counsell was not required a long time) was present at this frequent Diet and assembly. Much parle and great opining there was as touching the nation of the Thessaliaus; and all there in place were of opinion, that they should be founded how they stood affected: but about the manner and some circumstance there of, they were of divers minds, whiles some advised it to be done and executed out of hand: others thought good to put it off from winter season (considering now they were in the mids thereof) unto the prime and begin∣ning of spring: others againe said, that embassadors onely should be sent: and some hot-spurres there were, that gave councell to goe against them with all their forces, yea and to fright and terrifie them if they made slow hast. Now when all the knot and difficultie of th is deliberation [unspec I] consisted in this one point, Anniball was requested by name to deliver his mind and speake to the cause in question: who turned the king and all that were present from other wandring cogi∣tations, and induced them to the entier consideration of the totall warre; and to that effect fra∣med his speech in this wise.* 1.6

If since the time that we passed over into Greece, my hap had bene to be called to any counsell, when as some question was touching Eubaea, the Achaeans and the Baeotians, I would have delivered that advise then, which now I purpose to utter this day in the question concerning the Thessalians. Above all things my counsell is, that Philip and the Mace∣donians may by all meanes possible be wrought to this our association in the warre. For as tou∣ching Eubaea, the Baeotians and the Thessalians, who doubtethe, but that they (as nations that [unspec K] stand not upon their owne bottoms and are of no force by themselves) will alwaies flatter them that are present in place, and be readie to crave pardon upon the same feare that they ever shew when they are to take counsell & resolve? who doubteth (I say) but so soone as they shall see the Roman armie in Greece, they wil turne to their accustomed obedience? and that it will be impu∣ted to them no fault at all, that when the Romanes were so far off, they were not willing to try the force of you (a puissant prince in person among them) or of your armies? How much rather ought we then, nay how much better & more important would it be, to joyn Philip unto us than these? For if he once enter into the cause and be seen in action, he can not possibly start from us nor draw his head out of the collar: and moreover, he bringeth that power with him, which is not to be help for a simple succor & addition to mend our forces, but such as lately of it selfe without the help of others, was able to make head against the Roman puissance. Let me have this prince [unspec L] on my side, and (be it spoken without offence of any man here) what need I doubt of the sequele and issue? especially when those, by whose meanes and assistance the Romans prevailed against Philip, I see now ready to enter the field against them? The Aetolians (I say) who as all the world knoweth vanquished Philip, shall now togither with Phi lip, enter into armes and fight against them. Over and besides, Aminander and the whole nation of the Athamanes (whose service in that warre, next to the Aetolians, stood the Romans in best stead) shall be of our side. Philip at that time (ô king Antiochus) susteined the weight and burden of the whole warre, when you sate still and stirred not: now both of you togither, two most mightie monarchs, with the puissance of all Asia and Europe, shall wage warre against one citie and people, which (to speake nothing of mine owne fortune good or bad) certainly in our fathers daies was not able to make their part [unspec M] good with one only king of the Epirotes; how hardie soever they will be when they shall be mat∣ched with you both togither. But what mooveth me to think, yea & assureth me, that Philip may be woon unto us to joyne in this action? One thing is this, a common good and benefit, even the greatest bond that is of societie: and yet there is another besides it, namely, an inducement pro∣ceeding

[unspec A] from you that be here of Aetolia: for Thoas your embassador (who is present in place) among other matters that he was wont to alledge for to animate & move Antiochus to come into Greece, evermore assured him of this principally, & avowed that Philip grumbled, bit the lip, and fretted, That under the colour and shew of peace, there were imposed upon him hard conditions of servitude and slaverie. And he verily, I mean Thoas, set out the fell anger of the king, and in all his words compared it to the wood rage of a wild beast bound with chaines, or beeing enclo∣sed in some cage, would willingly breake the grates and barres thereof. Now, if hee be disposed thus, and of that courage, let us burst his bonds asunder, let us (I say) force open his yron cage, that his rage pent up so long may now break out upon the common enemies. And suppose that our embassage effect nothing at his hands, yet may we provide and take order, that if we cannot [unspec B] work and win him to side with our selves, yet that he shal not combine & band with our enemies. Your sonne Seleucus is now at Lysimachia, who shall not so soone with those forces which hee hath about him, begin to invade and wast (by the way of Thracia) the confines of Macedonie, but he shall withdraw and turne Philip cleane away (from giving succour to the Romanes) to the defence especially of his owne. Thus have you heard mine advise as touching Philip: now, for the whole course and managing of the warre what mine opinion was, you have not beene igno∣rant from the first beginning. If then, I might have had mine owne waies, and my counsell had ben taken, the Romans should not have received newes & intelligences of the taking of Chalcis in Eubaea, nor of the forcing & winning of a litle pile upon Euripus; but they had heard by this, that all Tuscan, that all the coast of the Ligurians & of the* 1.7 Cisalpine Gauls was up in arms and [unspec C] on a light fire of war; and (which would have feared & frighted them most) that Anniball was in Italy. And now (things standing as they do) my advise is, that you send for all your forces both by land and sea. Let your carricks and hulks with victuals & provision follow after your armada and ships of warre. For in this place, like as wee are too few to performe any martiall exploits, so wee are too many, considering our small store of victuals. And when you have rallied and united all your forces together, devide your navie in two parts: the one you shall keepe in the rode of Cor∣cyra, to impeach the Romanes, that they shall not passe in safetie and securitie, the other you shall cause to saile unto that coast of Italie which looketh toward Sardinia and Affricke. Your selfe in proper person, with all your land-armie shall march onward into the territorie of the Byl∣liones: thence shall you have good means for the defence of Greece, as making the Romanes [unspec D] beleeve, that you are upon the point to passe the seas, yea, and being readie indeed to crosse over, if need should require. This generally is my counsell; mine, I say, who as I will not take upon me a singular skill in all kinds of war, so me thinks I should know how to war with the Romans, as ha∣ving learned my skill thereby, as well to my cost as advauntage, and as much with my good as harme. And looke whatsoever designements I have projected unto you, I promise and protest, that I will be faithfull and forward in the execution thereof: and the gods approove & blesse that course, which your selfe shall thinke the best. To this effect, in a manner, was the Oration of An∣niball directed; which all that were in place & heard it, rather praised for the present, than put in practise and effected afterwards.

For no one thing was done of all that hee had said, save onely that Antiochus sent Polyxenidas for a navie & armie out of Asia; yes there were embassadors also [unspec E] dispatched to the generall Di ets of the Thessalians. And a day was appointed for the Aetolians and Aminander to meet the armie at Pherae, whether king Antiochus came streight after with his power. And whiles he staied there, expecting Aminander and the Aetolians, he sent out one Philip a Megapolitane, with two thousand men to gather up the bones and reliques of the Macedoni∣ans about Cynoscephalae, where the warre with Philip was determined, and the quarrell decided by a famous battell: were it that therein he followed his own head and tooke a conceit, therby to wind himselfe into grace and favour with the Macedonian nation, and to bring the king into obloquie and disgrace, because he had left his souldiours unburied; or that, as it is the vaine (or vanitie rather) engraffed in kings by kind, he set his mind and busied his spirits in matters, for ap∣parence gay and goodly, but in effect fond and foolish. There he made a mount (as it were) of a [unspec F] number of bones gathered together into one place, that lay scattering and strewed here & there: a thing (no doubt) that the Macedonians conned him no thanke for, and which Philip (you may bee sure) tooke in soule scorne and despiteous disdaine. And therefore Philip, who at that time minded to take counsell of Fortune, and to bee directed by her, as shee enclined now, sent to Marcus Baebius the Viz-pretour, and advertised him, how Antiochus invaded Thessalie, and if

it pleased him to stirre out of his winter harbour, he would meet him, that they might conferre [unspec G] both together what were best to be done.

While Antiochus lay now encamped before Pherae, where Aminander and the Aetolians had joined with him, there came embassadors from Larissa, expostulating, Wherein the Thessalians had so offended either by deed or word, that he should molest and trouble them with warre? and with all beseeching him to retire and withdraw his forces, and debate the matter (if he had ought against them) by his embassadours. At the same time they sent five hundred men in armes, well appointed, under the governance of Hippolochus, to lie there in garrison, who because they could not passe thither, by reason that all the avenues were seized and kept by the kings forces, returned to Scotusa. As for the embassadours of the Larissaeans, the king made them a gracious answere, and said, That he was entred into Thessalie, not by way of hostilitie to distresse them, but [unspec H] in friendly manner to maintaine and establish the freedome of the Thessalians. Likewise he sent an embassadour to Pherae, to signifie so much to them and in the same tearmes. But the Pherae∣ans giving him no answere againe, dispatched unto the king an embassadour of their owne, one Pausanias, a principall man of their citie. Who after he had pleaded the semblable remonstran∣ces to those, that had beene in the like case allcadged and laid foorth in the behalfe and name of the Chalcidians, in that Counsell holden neere the streights of Euripus, and besides, uttered something else with more boldnesse and courage; the king dismissed him, after hee had willed them to consider more of the matter, and be well advised, that they tooke not that counsel which anone they would repent, whiles they sought to bee too warie, provident, and forecasting for the future time. When this embassage was related at Pherae, the citizens tooke no long time to deli∣berate, [unspec I] but soone resolved in the maintenance of their faith and loialtie to the Romanes, for to undergoe whatsoever hazard the fortune of warre should present unto them. Whereupon, both they addressed themselves to defend the citie with all their might, and also the king began to as∣sault and batter the walls on all parts at once. And knowing well ynough (as in truth there was no doubt) that in the issue of the siege of that cittie which hee first enterprised, lay the whole impor∣tance and consequence of all, either to make him despised ever after, or feared and dread of the Thessalians; therefore he terrified the besieged inhabitants, on every side, and by all meanes pos∣sible that he could devise. The first assault they sustained stoutly and manfully; but afterwards, see∣ing many of the defendants were either overturned and slaine, or greevously butt and wounded, their hearts began to quaile: yet reclaimed by the rebukes and chastisements of their captaines [unspec K] and leaders, and animated by their effectual exhortations, to persist still in their purpose and re∣solution, they quit the utmost compasse of their wall (seeing at what default they were for want of men) and retired themselves more inward into the citie, into one part thereof, which was strong∣ly fortified with a mure of lesse circuite & cloisture than the other. At the length overcome with travaile and calamities, and fearing, That if they were forced and taken by assault, they should find no mercie nor pardon with the conquerour, they yeelded themselves. The king following the traine of victorie, delaied no time, but whiles the fright was fresh, sent foure thousand armed men presently to Scotusa, where the townesmen made no stay, but rendered the towne & them∣selves incontinently, having before their eies the fresh bleeding example of the Pheraeans, who tamed by fine force of wofull miseries, were compelled to doe that at last which they obstinately [unspec L] refused at the first. Together with the citie itselfe was surrendered also Hippolochus and the Laris∣saean garison under his hand. All of them the king sent away without any hurt or violenc e offred unto their persons: for he thought thereby to win the hearts and love of the Larissaeans. Having accomplished these exploits within ten daies after his first comming to Pherae, hee marched to∣ward Crano with all his armie, and at his first comming woon it. Then hee regained and seized Cypaera and Metropolis, and the borroughes and forts about them: so as now all those quarters were subdued and put under his subjection, except Atrax and Gyrto. Then he determined to as∣saile Larissa, supposing, that either upon the fearefull terrour of other cities forced, or in regard of his demerite in dismissing the garrison so courteously, or by the present example of so many cit∣ties yeelding unto him, they would not long persist in their obstinacie. And for to terrific them [unspec M] the more, he commaunded the elephants to march in the forefront of the vaward, and appro∣ched himselfe in a square battell, with foure sides, in such sort, as the hearts of many of the Laris∣saeans waved in doubtfull suspence, betweene forced feare of present enemies, and kind regard of absent friends.

[unspec A] In this time Aminander, with the whole youth and manhood of the Athamanes, became master of Pelineum. Menippus also with three thousand Aetolian footmen & two hundred horse went to Perrhoebia, woon Mallaea and Cyretiae by assault, and wasted the territorie of Tripolis. Having perfourmed these exploits with great expedition and celeritie, they returned to Larissa unto the king, and arrived even then when as the king was in consultation what to doe with La∣rissa: for the councell was divided into diverse opinions. Some thought it good to proceed forcibly, and not to deferre but assaile the cittie walls with fabrickes and engines of batterie on all sides at once: alledging that the towne being situate in a plaine toward the champaine field side, might be approached unto with ease and invested every way. Others againe inferred one while, that there was no comparison between the strength of this citie and of Pherae: otherwhile, [unspec B] that it was now winter time, and a season of the yeere far unfit for warlike executions, and most of all others for the siege and assault of cities. As the king thus hung in the equall ballance of hope and despaire, the embassadours of Pharsalus arrived, who as good hap was, being come to surrender up their towne, revived his spirits and mightily comforted his heart.

M. Baebius in this meane while having parlied and confered with Philip in the Dassaretians countrey, sent Appius Claudius by the common advise of them both, to the succour and defence of Larissa; who passed through Macedonie, and by long journies came to the top of those hills that commaund Gonni. Now this Gonni is a towne twentie miles distant from Larissa, feared just in the very streights of that forest and pase called Tempe; who having taken up a larger cir∣cuit of ground to encampe in, than was proportionable to his number, and made more fires in [unspec C] shew than need was for that companie, gave semblance unto the enemie (which was the thing he aimed at) that all the Romane forces were there, togither with king Philip. King Antiochus therefore pretending unto his armie, that the unseasonable winter time approached, after he had stayed one onely day before Larissa, dislodged, and from thence departed, and so returned to Demetrias. The Aetolians likewise and the Athamanians repaired to their owne countries.

Appius, albeit hee saw that the siege was levied (which was the only cause of his comming) yet downe he went to Larissa to encourage and confirme the harts of the allies against the time to come. And a two-fold joy there was, both because the enemies were gone and had quit their countrey, and also for that they saw the Romane garison within their walls. King Antiochus de∣parted from Demetrias to Chalcis, where he fell in fancie and love with a damsell of that citie, [unspec D] daughter of Cleoptolemus a Chalcidian. Now after he had made meanes to the maidens father first by intercession of messengers and mediatours, and after by importuning him in his owne person with earnest requests by word of mouth (who was very loth and unwilling to entangle and tie himselfe, in matching her so high above his own calling) at length so overcame the man, that he obtained his desire: and as if it had been a time of settled and confirmed peace, he proceeded to consummate and celebrate the mariage. And forgetting cleane, how at one time he had un∣dertaken the charge of two affaires so important, to wit, the warre with the Romanes, and the de∣liverance of Greece, he passed away the rest of the winter in feasts and bankets, and in those de∣lights and pleasures, which ordinarily (you wote well) follow upon the liberall drinking of wine; yea, and when he had thereby rather wearied his bodie than fulfilled his appetite, hee gave him∣selfe [unspec E] to sleepe without compasse. The like roiot and loosenesse of life tooke hold of the rest of the kings captaines, by his example in all places, but in Baeotia especially, such as commaunded the garisons. Nay the very souldiours were let loose and given over to take voluptuous waies, and not one of them would put on armour, keepe the watch, attend the guard, or doe any thing per∣taining to the dutie and charge of a souldiour. And therfore at the beginning of the spring, when he was come by Phocis and Cheronea, to the Rendez-vous, w here hee had appointed from all parts his forces to meet, hee soone perceived that the souldiours had spent the winter as licenti∣ously as their leaders, and kept no better order and streighter discipline. Then he commaunded Alexander the Acarnanian, and Menippus the Macedonian, to lead the armie to Stratus, a town in Aetolia. Himselfe having done sacrifice at Delphi to the honor of Apollo, went forward to Natu∣pactum. [unspec F] And after the Diet holden of all the States of Aetolia, in the way which leader to Stra∣tus, along by Chalcis and Lysimachia, hee encountered his owne forces aforesaid, that came by the gulfe of Malea. Where Mnesilochus, a principall Acarnanian, but wrought and bought with many gifts and presents, not only himselfe woon that nation to take part, & to side with the king, but also had drawne to his owne mind and affection Clytus their Pretour, who at that time had

the soveraigne rule there, and might do all in all. He seeing that the Leucadians (who are the [unspec G] chiefe of all the Acarnanians) could not be easily induced nor brought to revolt, for the awe wherein they stood of the Romane fleete, which either was with Attihus, or about Cephalenia, went cunningly to worke with them. For having delivered his opinion in their generall Coun∣sell, That the inland parts of Acarnania were to be well guarded and defended; and that as many as were able to beare armes should go forth to Medio and Tyrrheum, for feare those places should be seized by Antiochus and the Aetolians: there were againe some who made answere and said, how there was no such neede that all should be raised and levied so tumultuosly in hast; for a garison of five hundred men was sufficient. And when he had obteined that number of young and able men, he placed three hundred of them in garison at Medio, and two hundred at Tyrrheum: his reach and drift was to have them put into the kings hands for hostages. And [unspec H] even at that time arrived the kings embassadors at Medio. Whose embassage being heard, they laid their heads together and consulted in the publick assembly what answere to returne unto the king. Some were of opinion to continue still in the Romane societie: others were of advise againe, that the kings offer of amitie was not to be rejected. The counsell of Clytus was meane and in different between both, and therefore accepted: to wit, that they should addresse their embassadors to the king, to intreat him that he would permit them to take a day of delibe∣ration upon a matter of such consequence, in a full Diet of the Acarnanians. In this embas∣sage Mnesilochus, and those of his faction were employed of set purpose: who having dispatched messengers covertly to the king, to advertise him to approch the towne with his forces, trifled out the time themselves, and made no hast to set forward in their embassie. Whereupon these [unspec I] emb assadors were scarcely gone forth of the citie, when Antiochus was entred the borders, and anon shewed himselfe hard at the gates. And whiles they that wist nothing of this treason were affrighted, and in great trouble and turmoile called the youth hastily to arme, he was by Clytus and Mnesilochus let into the citie. Some willingly of themselves came running about the king: those also that were of the adverse part, for very feare joyned with him. Whom he seeing to be afraid and terrified, he enterteined with gracious words, and so gently handled them, that in hope of his clemencie so much divulged and spoken of abroad, certeine States of Acamania revolted & turned unto him. Then from Medio he went to Tyrrheum, unto which place he had sent Mnesilochus and his embassadors aforehand. But the treacherie and faiterie at Medio being [unspec K] discovered, made the Tyrrheans more warie and carefull than otherwise fearefull: who made him this plaine direct answere without any double ambiguitie, that they would admit of no new alliance, without the advise and authoritie of the Romane Generals: so, they shut their gates, and disposed armed men upon their walls. Now it fell out very fitly and happily for confirming and encouraging the harts of the Acarnanians, that Cn. Octavius sent by Iuintius, having re∣ceived a garison and some few ships of A. Posthumius, who by A••ilius the Lieutenant had bene appointed Governour of Cephalenia, was come to Leucas, and much comforted the Allies, and put them in good hope: who also gave them to understand, that M. Acilius the Consull had alreadie passed the seas with his legions, and the Romanes were encamped in Thessalie. And for as much as this bruit carried a great likelyhood of truth, by reason that the season of the yeere served now for navigation, the king after he had planted a garison at Medio and in other [unspec L] townes of Acamania, departed from Tyrrheum, and passing through the cities of Aetolia and P hocis, returned to Chalcis.

Much about this time M. Baebius and king Philip, who had communed and devised toge∣ther before (during the winter) in the Dassaretians countrey, having sent Appius Claudius into Thessalie, for to raise the siege before Larissa: and because the season then was unmeet and too soone for execution of any exploit, were retired to their wintering harbours, now in the begin∣ning of the Spring joyned all their forces together, & came downe into Thessalie. (Now at that time was Antiochus in Acarmania.) And at their first comming, Philip began to lay siege unto Mallaea, and Babius to Phacium: which when he had forced in manner at the first assault, he wan Phestius also with like expedition. From whence having retired himselfe to Atrax, he tooke [unspec M] Chyretias, and so consequently surprised Eritium, and after he had planted garisons in these townes that he had thus recovered, he joyned with Philip againe, lying in siege before Mallaea. Vpon the very comming of the Romane armie, when the townes-men had yeelded themselves either for feare of forces, or for hope of pardon, they marched jointly together with one armie,

[unspec A] to recover those townes where of the Athamanes were seized: to wit, Aeginium, Ericinium, Gomphi, Silana, Tricca, Melibaea, & Pholoria: After this, they invested Pellineum, where Philip the Megapolitane lay in garison with five hundred foote, and fortie horse: but before they gave the assault, they sent a trumpet to Philip to give him warning, that he should not adventure to try the utmost hazard. But he returned this answere againe right stoutly unto them, that he would be content to commit himselfe to the Romanes or the Thessalians, he passed not whe∣ther, but put his life and estate into the hands of king Philip he never would. Now when it ap∣peered that they were to proceed by force, and for that it seemed that Limnaea also at the same time might be assaulted, it was thought expedient that the king should go to Limnaea, and Bae∣bius stayed still to batter and force the towne of Pellinaeum.

[unspec B] It fortuned at the sametime that M. Acilius the Cos. having passed the seas with a power of ten thousand foote and two thousand horse, and fifteene Elephants, commaunded certeine chosen Colonels of footmen to conduct all the infanterie to Larissa, whiles himselfe with the Cavallerie came to king Philip before Limnaea. At the comming of the Consul, the towne was yeelded incontinently: the kings garison was delivered, and the Athamanians withall. Then the Consull went from Limnaea to Pellinaeum, where the Athamanes yeelded first: and after∣wards Philip also the Megapolitane rendred himselfe. And as he came downe from the fort, Philip the king chaunced to meete with him, and in skorne and derision commaunded his men to s••lute him with the style of King, and himselfe also by way of mockage, came close unto him, and greeted him by the name of Brother Philip, skoffing & jesting in broad termes, far unfitting [unspec C] ywis his royall majestie. Then was he brought before the Consull, and put in ward, and not long after sent bound to Rome. All the multitude besides of the Athamanians, as also of king An∣••••chus his souldiours, which were within the garisons of those townes that were surrendred a∣bout that time, were delivered unto Philip, who amounted to the number of three thousand. The Consull departed toward Larissa, to consult and take advise for the generall course of the whole warre. And in his way there met him embassadours from Pieria and Metropolis, for to render their cities. Philip having courteously and lovingly intreated above all other the priso∣ners of the Athamanians, that by their meanes he might win the grace and favour of that na∣tion, and conceived some hope to conquer Athamania, led his armie thither, and sent his captives aforehand into their severall cities. Now they were of great accoumpt and reputation [unspec D] among their country men, and with all made report of the king his clemencie toward them, and how lib erally and bountifully besides he had used them: And Aminander verily, whose presence and majestie had kept some of them in allegeance, fearing least he should be delivered into the hands of Philip (who long time had bene his mortall enemie;) and unto the Romanes, whom he knew to have just cause at that time to be offended with him for his revolt, departed out of his owne realme with his wife and children, and retired himselfe to Ambracia. Thus all Athama∣nia became subject to king Philip, and at his pleasure.

The Consull sojourned certaine daies at Larissa, especially for to refresh his beasts, which first had beene sea sicke, and afterwards were tired with long travaile; and thus when he had renewed as it were, and repaired his armie with a litle rest and repose, he marched to Crato. At his com∣ming [unspec E] thither, these townes, to wit, Pharsalus, Scotussa, and Pherae, togither with king Antio∣chus his garrisons that lay there, were yeelded up unto him. And having put unto their choice, either to be gone or tarie still with him: as many of them as he saw willing (and those were about a thousand) he delivered unto king Philip; the rest he sent backe disarmed, to Demetrias. Then he regained Proerna and the fortresses and piles there, about it. Then began he to conduct for∣ward his armie toward the gulfe of Mallea: and when he approched the streights, upon which the towne Thaumaci is situate, all the flower of the youth in their armour, quit the citie, and put themselves in ambush about the woods and passages, and from the higher ground charged up∣on the Romanes in their march. The Consull at the first sent certaine unto them, to parle neere at hand with them, and to see if they could skare them from such desperate outrage: but percei∣ving [unspec F] that they persisted still as they began, hee commaunded a Colonell with two ensignes of souldiours to fetch a compasse about, in such sort, that he gat betweene those armed men and the towne, and kept them from entrance; whereby he possessed himselfe of the citie, being void of defendants. Then they that lay in the forest in ambush, hearing an outcrie behind their backs of the town taken, fled backward out of all parts of the wood, & fell upon the sword. The Consul

then departed from Thaumaci, and the second day came as far as the river Sperchius, and so for∣ward [unspec G] unto the territorie of the Hypataeans, which he spoiled.

During the time of these occurrents, Antiochus lay at Chalcis, who by this time seeing that he had gotten in Greece, but the pleasure of one wintering, spent so deliciously in Chalcis, and a dishonourable marriage; began to blame the Aetolians for their vaine promises, and especi∣ally Thoas; but Anniball he had in great admiration, reputing him not onely for a sage and pru∣dent man, but also for a true Prophet, who foretold him of all things that then were come to passe: howbeit for feare that his cold slacknesse might not overthrow that quite, which his rash follie had begun and enterprised, he sent out his courriers into Aetolia, to give them warning to levie all their youth and assemble them togither; and himselfe for his owne part had brought thither almost ten thousand footmen, who were made up full and furnished by them that after [unspec H] came out of Asia, and five hundred horsemen besides. To this place, perceiving that there re∣paired smaller numbers by many degrees than ever at any time before, and that they were but the Nobles onely and some few of their vassals, (who protested, that they had done their endea∣vour to levie out of their cities as many as possibly they could: but neither by authoritie, nor for love and favour, ne yet with absolute commaund, were they able to prevaile or doe any good with them that refused warfare:) and seeing himselfe thus forsaken on all sides, as well of his owne subjects who dragged behind in Asia, as of his allies who performed not those matters, in the hope whereof they had called him to assist them, hee withdrew himselfe within the streights of Thermopylae.

This mountaine divideth Greece in the verie middle, like as Italie is parted in twaine by the [unspec I] ridge of the Apennine. On the fore-part of this streight and forest of Thermopylae toward the North, lyeth Epirus and Perrhaebia, Magnesia and Thessalie, also the Phthiotae of Achaea, and the gulie Mallea: but within-foorth Southward, is discovered the greater part of Aetolia and A∣carnania, Phocis, Locris, and Baeotia, togither with the Iland Euboea joyning close thereto: be∣hind it, is situate the country of Attica, running into the sea like a promontorie, and besides it Peloponnesus. This mountain taking his beginning at Leucas and the Ponant or Westerne sea, reacheth through Aetolia to the Levant or Easterly Ocean, and is so full of rocks & rough crags betweene, that no whole armies, no nor so much as single travailers lightly appointed, can find but hardly and with much adoe the waies and paths to passe through: the utmost browes and the hils of this mountain bending toward the East, they call Oeta; and the highest pitch & knap ther∣of, [unspec K] is called Callidromos; at the foot whereof, lyeth the vally leading toward the gulfe of Mallea, wherein the plaine is not above threescore paces broad. And this is the only high and port-way by which an armie may march, if it be not otherwise empeached. And hereupon it is,* 1.8that the passage is called *Pylae:* 1.9 and of some (because there are found therein certaine naturall hote wa∣ters of baines) Thermopylae: even that verie place which is so famous and renowmed for the memorable death of the Lacedaemonians, more than for any worthie battaile against the Per∣sians. Here lay encamped Antiochus at this present (carrying nothing that mind nor resolution as those Lacedaemonians did) within the gates as it were of the streights, where he enclosed and stopped the passage besides, with strong defences: And when he had cast a double rampire and trench, yea and raised a mure and wall where need was (which to doe the place affoorded him [unspec L] great plentie of stone lying every where) and had made all sure: presuming confidently that the Romane armie would never venture nor be able to breake through those barricadoes that way: he sent of those four thousand Aetolians (for so many were met togither) some to keepe a garri∣son in Heraclea, situate even before the very gullet and streight; and others to Hypata: for that he made no doubt, but the Consull would assaile Heraclea, and many posts brought word, that all about Hypata was alreadie wasted.

Now the Consull having spoiled the territorie of Hypata first, and then of Heraclea, (where the Aetolian aids did no good and served to no purpose in the one place or the other) pitched his campe over-against the king, even in the verie mouth of the gullet, neere the fountaines of the hot waters aforesaid: both those regiments abovenamed of the Aetolians wer gotten within [unspec M] the towne Heraclea, and there kept themselves sure. Antiochus, who before he saw his enemies, thought all was fast enough and sufficiently fensed, began then to feare least the Romane soul∣diours would find out some privie pathes and waies, wherby they might passe and get over those high hils that commaunded his campe: for a rumour ran, that the Lacedaemonians in times past

[unspec A] were so enclosed by the Persians, and of late daies also king Philip was likewise compassed and environed by these very same Romans. Whereupon he dispatched a messenger to the Aetolians in Heraclea, willing them to doe him thus much service yet in these his warres, as to seize the tops of those hills and to keepe them, that the Romanes might have no passage that way. Vpon this message received, there arose some dissention among the Aetolians. Some were of mind to obey the king his will and commaundement, and to goe accordingly; but others thought bet∣ter to tarrie Hill at Heraclea, to attend upon fortune, and see what would happen: to the end, that if the king should chaunce to be vanquished by the Consull, they might have in readinesse their forces fresh and in heart, to succour and aid their owne cities neere at hand; or if his lucke were to defeat the Consull, then they might follow the Romanes in chase, when they were disbanded [unspec B] and scattered asunder. Both parts, thus divided as they were, not onely persisted still in their seve∣rall designments, but also put the same in execution by themselves. For two thousand of them remained at Heraclea; the other two thousand parted themselves three waies, namely, to Calli∣dromus, to Rhoduntia, and Tichius, (these are the names of three principall high hills;) and each companie tooke and held one. The Consull when hee saw that the Aetolians were posses∣sed of these higher places, sent M. Porcius Cato and L. Valerius Flaccus, two of his lieutenants (who both had beene Consuls) with two thousand chosen men against these holds of the Ae∣tolians, to wit, Flaccus against Rhoduntia and Tichius, and Cato against Callidromus: himselfe before that hee advaunced his battaile against his enemies, made a briefe speech unto his soul∣diers in this manner:

My souldiours, I see that the most part of you, even of everie qualitie and [unspec C] degree, are they that in this very province somtime served under the conduct, charge, and gover∣nance of T. Iuintius in the Macedonian war. The streights of that passage then, neere the river Aous, were far more difficult to gaine and get over, than this is; for here are verie gates, yea and one naturall way (as it were) to passe through, as if all els were stopped up between two seas. There were more stronger defences and skonces against them at that time, and those planted in places more convenient and commodious. The armie of the enemies then, was both for number grea∣ter, & for men and soldiers much better; for therein were the Macedonians, the Thracians, and the Illyrians, all most fierce and warrelike nations: in this, are Syrians and Asiatike Greekes, or halfe Asians, the vainest kind of people of all others, & borne to serve. The king there,[namely Philip] a most noble warriour, exercised and inured ever from his youth in the neighbour-wars of the [unspec D] Thracians and Illyrians, and all the nations bordering upon him: but this Antiochus (to say no∣thing of all his life besides) is he, who being come out of Asia into Europe, for to make war up∣on the people of Rome, hath done all the long winter time nothing more memorable than this, That for to please his wanton lust hee hath taken to wife the daughter of a privat person; a man (I say) of low degree & base qualitie among other citizens: and this new married man, fed fat and franked (as I may so say) with daintie suppers and delicate bride bankets, is come forth (forsooth) to fight a battaile. His whole strength and all his hope hath beene in the Aetolians, a people of all others most vaine, unconstant, and unthankfull, as yee have tryed heretofore, and Antiochus findeth true at this present. For neither assembled they in great number, nor possible was it to [unspec E] keepe them togither in the campe: nay, which more is, they mutine among themselves, and ha∣ving demaunded and required the guard of Hypata and Heraclea, they have defended neither the one nor the other. Some of them are fled to the tops of the mountaines; others have shut themselves within Heraclea. The king himself hath confessed plainly, that he was never so hardie as to meet in plaine field and affront the enemie, no nor so much as to pitch his campe in open ground; in that abandoning all that countrie before him, which hee vaunted and bragged that hee had taken from us and Philip, hee hath hidden himselfe among the rockes. Hee hath not encamped before the entrance of the gullet and streights (as the same goeth of the Lace∣daemonians in times past) but pitched his tents farre within-foorth. And to bewray his cow∣ardly feare, What difference is there between so doing, and housing himselfe within the walles of some citie for to bee besieged? But neither shall those narrow streights save him, no [unspec F] more than those steepe hilles defend the Aetolians, which they have seized. This one thing hath beene forecast and provided for on all sides, that yee shall have nothing to make head a∣gainst, but your enemies. Now must yee resolve upon this point, That yee fight not onely for the libertie of Greece (and yet even this also were a brave and honourable title, to bee said for to deliver the same now out of the hands of Antiochus and the Aetolians, which before

you freed from king Philip) nor that yee shall have no other reward and recompence for your; [unspec G] paines, but that which we shall find now in the kings camp, but also that the great provision and furniture which daily is expected from Ephesus, shall be your prise and bootie, and that yee shall hereafter make a way for the Romane Empire into Asia, Syria, and all those most wealthie and rich realmes, even as farre as to the Levant sunne. And what shall let us then, but that from Gades to the red sea, wee bound and limit our State and dominion, even with the very Ocean that envi∣ronneth and compasseth the round globe of the earth? What shall hinder us, I say, but that all the nations of the world shall honour and worship the Romane name next unto the immortall gods? Prepare your hearts therefore and courages answereable to so high rewards, that with the leave and helpe of the gods we may to morrow fight a field.

After this speech the assembly brake up, and the souldiours being dismissed, made readie their armor and weapons, before they took [unspec H] repa•••• or repose. And in the morning, by dawning of the day, the Consull put out the signall of battell, and set his armie in array, with a narrow and pointed front, according to the nature and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the place. The king seeing the ensignes of his enemies, led forth his forces like∣wise. Part of his light armours he planted before the rampier and trench in the forefront, then he placed the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and strength of the Macedonians, whome they call Sarissophori, i. Pikemen, for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and safegard of his defences and fortifications. And to flanke these on the left side, he put the archers, the flingers of darts, and flingers of stones, hard upon the foot of the hill, that from the higher ground they might assaile and pelt the naked sides of the enemies. On the right ••lanke of these Macedonians, at the very edge and point of the mures and defenses, which as they were enclosed and mounded with those places which reach to the sea, and arcunpassable [unspec I] by reason of the bogs, muddie marishes, quavemires, and quicksands, hee set the elephants with their ordinarie and usuall guard. After them his horsemen and men of armes. Then leaving an indifferent space between, he raunged the rest of his forces in the second ward or middle battail∣ion. The Macedonians who were bestowed before the camp and the trench, at the first sustained the Romanes easily enough (who assaied on every side to make an entrie) for much helpe they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of them, who from the upper ground weighed bullets out of their slings, as thick as an haile 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who launched darts also, and shot arrowes besides. But when as afterwards greater num∣bers of enemies preased upon them, and charged them with such violence as possibly might not be endured, they gave ground, and retired within their fortifications, keeping yet their array and thei ranks whole. And then from the rampier they made (as it were) another pallisade with their [unspec K] long pikes that they held out afore them. Now the height of their campe-mure was so reasona∣ble, that as it affourded some rise and vauntage of ground for their owne men to fight upon it, to by reason of the length of their speares, they might reach the enemie under them. In so much as many of the Romanes approching rashly, and venturing to clamber up, were runne cleane through and either they had given over and done nothing, or els more of them had died for it, but that M. Porcius C••to having beaten from the top of Callidromus the Aetolians, and slaine a great part of them (for he surprised them suddainely at unwares, and most of them last asleepe) appeared upon the hill that commaundeth the campe. Flaccus sped not so well at Tichius and Rhodiuntia, who laboured to get up those cliffes and holds, but to no purpose. The Macedoni∣ans and the rest that were in the kings hoast and campe, at first, when they descried a farre off no∣thing [unspec L] but a multitu de and number marching, imagined verily, that they were the Aetolians, who having discovered the battell and fight a good way of, were comming to aid them. But so soone as they beheld and discerned neere at hand the ensignes and armour of the Romans, they tooke themselves in their owne errour, and were upon a suddaine strucken with such feare, that they all flung their weapons away, and sled. But both their fortifications and defences in the way, and also the narrownesse of the vale through which they were to bee pursued, hindered the Romanes in following the chase. And the elephants above all which were in the rereward, took up the ground so as that the footmen could hardly passe by them, and the horsemen by no meanes possible; so affrighted were the horses, and caused more trouble and disorder among themselves, than they did during the battell. Besides, the Romanes staied some time behind, whiles they rifled and ran∣sacked [unspec M] the campe. Howbeit, they had the enemie in chase that day as farre as Lylaeum, killing and taking in the very way, not onely many horses and men, but also slaying the elephants which they could not take alive; which done, they returned to their owne campe, which that day had beene assailed by the Aetolians, who were of the garrison of Heraclea: but that enterprise, as it

[unspec A] was exceeding bold and andacious, so it tooke no effect at all. The Consull having at the releese of the third watch the night ensuing, sent before his Cavallerie to pursue the enemie, advaunced likewise the ensignes of his legions forward by breake of day. The king by this time had woon some ground, and gotten a good way before; for hee never gave over galloping with bridle in horseneck, untill he had recovered Elatia. Where first he gathered together the broken ends of his armie thus dispersed in flight, and so having rallied a small and poore troupe of soldiours, and the same armed by the halfes, hee retired to Chalcis. The Romane Cavallerie was not able to overtake the king himselfe at Elatia, but overthrew and cut off a great part of his armie, which ei∣ther for wearinesse rested themselves dragging behind, or else were scattered one from the other, as missing their way in those unknowne quarters, going as they did without their guides: & set∣ting [unspec B] aside five hundred whichkept about the king, there was not one that escaped of the whole armie. Which was but a smal number, in proportion of 10000, (if they were no more) for so many (according to Polybius) we have written that the king conducted over with him for his part into Greece. What were they then to that great power, which (if we believe Valertus Antias) came with the king, for hee writeth that hee had in his hoast threescore thousand, and that fortie thousand were slaine of them, and above five thousand taken prisoners, with the losse of militarie ensignes two hundred and thirtie. Of Romanes there died in all a hundred and fiftie.

As the Consull marched with his armie through Phocis and Baeotia, the States and citties which were privie to the revolt, and partly culpable, stood without their gates with their infules and veiles in token of peace, and craved mercie, fearing they should have been pilled and ransac∣ted [unspec C] as enemies. But his hoast journeied every day as in a peaceable & friend countrey, doing no hurt or wrong to any earthly creature, until they were come into the territorie of Corona: where the Statue or image of Antiochus erected in the temple of Minervus Itonea kindled their choler, and the souldiours were permitted to spoile the country lying about that temple. But be thinking themselves, that (considering the said Statue was set up with the publicke consent of all Baeotia) it was an indignitie to deale so hardly with that territorie onely of Corona, the souldiours, were immediately called in and reclaimed, and so they ceased the wasting and spoiling thereof. The Baeotians onely had a checke and rebuke by words, for carrying so unthankefull hearts to the Romanes, of whom they had so lately received such high favours and benefites.

At the very time of the battell aforesaid, there rid at anker ten ships of the kings, in the gulfe [unspec D] of Malea neere to Thronium, under the charge and conduct of Isidorus. To which place Alexan∣der the Acarnanian, being fled from the conflict, fresh bleeding and full of greevous wounds, brought newes of the unfortunate fight. Whereupon the ships in great feare for this late terror, made hast and away to Ceneum in Eubaea, where Alexander died, and was interred. But three other ships which were come out of Asia, and lay in the same rode, upon the newes of the defea∣ture of the armie, returned to Ephesus. And Isidorus crossed the seas from Ceneum to Demetri∣as, if peradventure the king were fled thither. About that very time, A. Attilius the admirall of the Romane navie, intercepted and surprised great store of the kings provisions, which had passed alreadie the streights neere the Iland Andros. Some ships he sunke, others he bourded and tooke: as for those that came hinmost in the rereward, they turned saile, and shaped their course [unspec E] into Asia. Attilius being returned to Pyraeeum (from whence he came) with a fleete of ships taken from the enemies, devided great store of come both among the Atheniens, and other allies also of that countrie.

Antiochus somewhat before the Consull his comming, loosed from Chalcis, and first fell with the island Tenus, and afterwards sailed to Ephesus. Against the Consull his arrivall at Chal∣cis the gates were set open for him, and Aristotle the Captaine there for the king, quit the place upon the approchment of the Consull. In like manner other cities in Eubaea yeelded without resistance. And so within few dayes (when all troubles were appeased and set in quiet order with∣out the hurt and damage of any one citie) the armie was brought back to Thermopylae, and wan much more honor and commendation for the modestie used after victorie, than for the victo∣rie [unspec F] itselfe.

From thence the Consull dispatched M. Cato to Rome, by whose certeine and sure relation, the Senat and people might have full knowledge of all the affaires that had passed. Who taking sea at Creusa (a port towne of Merchandise standing within the inmost gulfe of Corinth) arri∣ved at Patrae, a citie in Achaea. From Patrae, he coasted along the rivers of Aetolia and Acar∣nania,

as far as Corphu, and so cut over to * 1.10Hydruntum in Italie, from whence he travailed by [unspec G] land and in exceeding great hast within five dayes came to Rome. Early in the morning before day light he entred the citie, and from the gate rode directly to M. Iunius the Pretour, who as∣sembled the Senate betimes by the breake of day: and thither, L. Cornelius Scipio (who some dayes before had bene dismissed & sent away from the camp by the Consull) hearing at his first comming that Cato was gotten before him, and in the Senate, repaired, even as he was relating the newes. Then these two Lieutenants by the commaundement of the Senate were presented in the generall assembly of the people, where they declared the same which they had done be∣fore in the Senate house, as touching the deeds atchieved in Aetolia. And ordeined it was, that a solemne procession for three dayes should be holden, and that the Pretour should sacrifice fortie head of greater beasts, in the honor of what gods he would himselfe: [unspec H]

And at the same time M. Fulvius Nobilior, who two yeeres before went as Pretour into the farther Spaine, entred the citie in pomp of an Ovation, or petie triumph. He caused to be borne before him of silver bigates 130000. And besides that silver in coine and readie monie, 12000 pound weight. Also in gold the weight of 127 pound. Acilius the Consull sent certeine mes∣sengers from Thermopylae to the Aetolians at Heraclea, to advertise them that before he came they would now at last be wiser and be thinke themselves (after such experience of the king his vanitie and insufficiencie) for to deliver up Heraclea, and crave pardon of the Senate, either for their wilfull folly, or their blind error. Who used these and such like motives and inducements unto them, namely, That other cities likewise of Greece (during this warre) abandoned the Ro∣manes and revolted from them, at whose hands they had received so many benefites: yet be∣cause [unspec I] that after the king was sled (upon whose assurance they had disloyally broken their alle∣geance) they stood not out still, nor persisted obstinately in their fault and folly, were received to mercie and protection. The Aetolians likewise albeit they followed not the king, but sent for him, and were rather conducters and leaders, than companions and associates in this warre, yet it they could take up in time and repent, they might be pardoned and saved. But no answere re∣turned they tending to peace: nay it appeered, that the matter would come to a triall by armes, and for all the king was vanquished, yet the Aetolian warre was behind as wholly and entier as before time. Whereupon the Consull dislodged from Thermopylae, and marched directly a∣gainst Heraclea: yea and the very same day he rode on horseback all about the walls to view the situation of the citie. This Heraclea is seated at the foote of the mountaine Oeta: and through [unspec K] the towne itselfe standeth in a plaine, yet a fortresse it hath built upon an high gr ound, which as it overlooketh the citie, so it is so steepe on every side, that it is altogether inaccessible. After he had diligently beheld all things that were to be marked and knowne, he determined to assault the towne in foure places at once. Vnto L. Valerius he gave in charge to plant his platformes and to batter that side where the river Asopus runneth, & where the publick place of exercise is built. T. Sempronius Longus had commission to assaile the castle, without the walls indeed, but yet better inhabited & more peopled (as a man would say) than the towne itselfe. On that side which standeth toward the gulph of Malea, which part yeelded the hardest accesse, he appointed M. Boe∣bius. And from another pretie river which they call * 1.11Melas, he set Appius Claudius opposite a∣gainst the temple of Diana. Through the great industrie and earnest labour of these foure gal∣lants, [unspec L] striving who could performe the best service, the worke went so well forward, that within few dayes the frames and platformes, the Rammes and all other engins of batterie meete for the assault of cities, were finished. For besides that the territorie about Heraclea, being a moorie ground and full of tall trees, affourded them plentie enough of timber to frame and performe all sorts of fabricks: the houses also in the entrie of the citie without in the Suburbs standing void, by reason that the Aetolians had put themselves within the walls, yeelded unto them not onely posts, beames, joists, planks and bourds, but brick and tile, plaster, morter, and stone of all sizes for divers and sundrie uses. So, the Romanes assaulted the towne rather with fabricks, ordinance and artillery, than by force of armes: but the Aetolians contrariwise defended them∣selves by maine strength and their weapons. For when as the walls should be shaken with the [unspec M] rammes, they caught not hold of them as the manner is with cords, and by plucking them aside, avoided their jurres; but armed in great number, they caried fire with them to sling upon the terraces and the fabricks. They had besides divers vaults and arches in the walls, at which they could redily and fitly sally out: and ever as themselves closed up the breaches of their walls, or

[unspec A] made new for the ruinate, they would remember to make more of those vaults still, that in many places at once they might breake forth upon their enemies. Thus for the first dayes, whiles they were fresh in heart, they issued forth oftentimes & many together, & quit themselves right lustily: but afterwards in fewer numbers, & more slackly every day than other. For being evermore em∣ployed about many things at once, nothing so much tamed and wearied then, as watching. For whereas the Romanes had a great number of souldiours, and one garded after another succes∣sively by turnes; the Aetolians being so few, were constreined without any change, to continue in uncessant labor night and day. Thus for the space of 24 dayes they had no rest nor respit, but day and night was all one unto them, mainteining fight still, and labouring without intermission against the enemies that assailed the citie in all foure quarters at once. When the Consull knew [unspec B] once that the Aetolians were weerieand overtoiled (partly by counting the time, and partly by that which he had learned of certeine fugitives) he used this pollicie & stratageme. About mid∣night he sounded the retreat, and having drawne all his souldiours at once from the assault, held them quiet in the camp untill the third houre of the day. After that, he began to give a fresh charge, and continued it unto midnight following, and so gave over againe until the same houre before noone. The Aetolians supposing verily that the cause why they furceased the assault, was for very wearinesse (like as themselves were tired out) so soone as the Romanes had the retrait sounded unto them, departed every man from his ward and quarter, as if they also by the same signal were called away, & shewed not themselves in armor upon the walls before the third hour of the next day. The Consull having at one time geven over the batterie aforesaid at midnight, [unspec C] began at the* 1.12 fourth watch a fresh assault again with all forcible means in three parts: and at one side, he gave commandement to T. Sempronius to keepe his men together, and intentively to ob∣serve and wait for the signall: assuring himselfe that in the alarme by night, the enemies would run to those places from whence they heard the noyse. The Aetolians, many of them being sound asleepe, had much to do to rouse themselves, & were loth to rise up from their sweet sleep, their bodies being so weary with toiling, moiling, and watching before. Some of them who were yet awake ran in the darke to the place where the assailants made a noise. Their enemies labou∣red to get into the towne, some by mounting over the ruines and breaches of the broken wall, o∣thers by skaling & climbing with ladders. And against them the Aetolians ran from al parts, redy to succor and help. One quarter, whereas there stood houses without the citie, was neither defen∣ded [unspec D] not assailed: but as there were some redy, & waited for the signall to give the assault, so there was not one of the other part for to resist and defend. Now began the day to peepe, when as the Consul put forth the signall, and the souldiers began to mount over into the citie, & found none to withstand them: some entred at the wals halfe broken downe, other skaled them with ladders where they stood whole & found. And the cry was not so soone heard that the citie was taken, but the Aetolians left their gards on all sides, & fled into the Castle. The souldiers that had woon the towne were permitted by the Consull to rifle and ransake it: which was not done so much upon anger & despite, as in this regard, that the souldiers who had ben kept short & fasting thus long (notwithstanding so many townes recovered out of the enemies hands) might once at length in some one place tast the fruit of victorie. The Consul having called from thence about noone, the [unspec E] souldiers unto him, divided them into two parts, w hereof he commaunded the one to cast about the foot of the hils unto a rock or cliffe, which being in height equall to the castle aforesaid, was notwithstanding divided from it by a valley betweene, seeming as if it had bene sometime a part thereof and cut from it. Now these two points of the hils shot up so neere together in the head, that from the top of the one, a man might launce a dart into the castle or fortresse. The Consull with the other halfe of his souldiours staid beneath, expecting a signe and token from them that wereto get up to the cliffe behind, redie therupon to mount up from the towne side into the sort. The Aetolians that were within the castle, could neither abide at the first the shout of those that had seized the cliffe, nor afterwards the assault of the Romans from the citie, both for that their hearts sailed them & were daunted alreadie, and also because they were unprovided of all neces∣saries [unspec F] for to endure any long siege & assault: considering that women & children & all the other impotent multitude unmeet to beate arms, wer gotten thither in so great numbers, that the place was hardly able to receive & conteine, much lesse to keepe & maintaine them: and therefore at the first assault, they cast downe their weapons, and yeelded. Among other principall persona∣ges of the Aetolians, Damocritus also was delivered; hee, who in the beginning of the war when

T. Iuintius desired to see a copie of the Decree of the Aetolians for the sending for Antiochus, [unspec G] answered, That he would shew it him in Italie, when the Aetolians lay there encamped. For this proud speech of his, the Romanes now conquerours, were the gladder that they had gotten him into their hands.

During the time that the Romanes assailed Heraclea, Philip also besieged and battered La∣mia, according as it was before agreed between them: for neere unto Thermopylae, at what time as the Consull returned out of Baeotia, he met with him, of purpose to signifie his joy in the be∣halfe of him and the people of Rome, for their atchieved victorie; and also to excuse himselfe by occasion of sicknes, that he was not present with him in person in the managing of the wars. From thence they patted asunder, and took divers waies, for to assault these two cities (as I said) both at once: and distant they were one from the other neere 7 miles. And for as much as Lamia [unspec H] was seated upon an hill, therfore the town discovered and overlooked all the country about; but especially on that side toward Heraclea, where, by reason that it seemeth a lesse compasse, it re∣presenteth a full prospect to the eye. When as the Romans and Macedonians laboring a vie and striving who could doe better, were day and night emploied either about their fabricks and pio∣ners worke, or else in skirmish and fight: the Macedonians found more difficultie than they, in this respect, that the Romans were busied in platforms, mantilers, & works all above ground; but the Macedonians were put to undermine: and oftentimes (as it falleth out in such stonie & crag∣gie ground) they met with hard flints & rags not minable, and such as no yron or steel-toole was able to touch and pierce. The king seeing little good done by this meanes, and his enterprise go∣ing but slowly forward, began to sound the townesmen, and to tempt them to render the citie, [unspec I] using the mediation therein of their chiefe citizens whome he parled withall: for this reckoning he made, that if Heraclea were forced before it, they within the citie would sooner yeeld unto the Romans than to him, and so the Consull should win all the thanke to himselfe for levying the siege. And nothing was he short of his count; for imme diately upon the winning of Hera∣clea, a messenger came unto him from the Consull, willing him to surcease the assault and the siege; alledging it was more reason, that the Romane souldiours who had fought in raunged battell with the Aetolians, should have the reward and recompence of the victorie. By this means Lamia was abandoned, and by the ruine of Heraclea her neighbour citie, avoided and escaped the like calamitie of her owne.

Some few daies before that Heraclea was woon, the Aetolians having assembled a Diet at [unspec K] Hypata, addressed Embassadours unto Antiochus, and Thoas among the rest, even hee, who aforetime had beene sent unto him. His commission and charge was, first, To request the king that once againe hee would rallie his forces as well by land as at sea, and in person passe over into Greece: secondly, If any other important affaires hindred him, yet that hee would send un∣to them both men and money. For as it touched his Highnesse, in honour, reputation and cre∣dit, not to see his allies abandoned; so it made for the safegard and securitie of his owne realme and royall estate, not to suffer the Romanes (after they had once deffeited the Aetolians) to saile over into Asia at their ease and pleasure, with all their forces. These were no seigned devises, but true remonstances indeed; and therefore prevailed the more with the king. Whereupon hee delivered money presently to the Embassadours, sufficient to destray the charges of the warre, [unspec L] and promised certeinly to send men to serve both by land and sea. Thoas alone of all the Em∣bassadours hee kept still with him, who was not himselfe unwilling to stay behind, because hee might be ever at hand to call upon the king for to persorme his word and behest. But the win∣ning of Heraclea killed the hearts cleane of the Aetolians in the end: and within few daies af∣ter that they had dispatched their Embassadours into Asia about the renewing of the warre and sending for the king, they laid apart all designments of armes, and addressed their Oratours unto the Romanes to crave peace. Who, as they began to make some speech, the Consull cut them off, and said, he had other matters of greater importance to thinke upon and to dispatch; and commaunded them to content themselves with a truce for ten daies, and to returne to Hypata; and with them he sent L. Valerius Flaccus, unto whom they should declare those things that they [unspec M] were about to deliver unto him, and whatsoever else they had to say. When they were arrived at Hypata, the chiefe and principall Aetolians assembled themselves in the lodging of Flaccus, consulting with him what course they were to take in their treatie with the Consull.

And when they went in hand to alledge the auncient rights of the leagues, and to lay abroad their good

[unspec A] demerits, and what they had done for the Romanes: Flaccus bad them lay a straw there, and speake no more of the priviledge of those covenants and accords which they themselves had broken; shewing unto them, that they should speed better and gaine more by a simple conses∣sion of their trespasse, and in recourse o••ely to praier and humble supplication; for as much as all the hope they might have of safetie, rested not in their owne desert and goodnesse of their cause, but in the meere clemencie and mercie of the people of Rome: promising for his part to assist them and second their petitions as well to the Consull as the Senate of Rome, since that thither also they must of necessitie send an embassage. This way seemed to them all, the best sim∣ply for their safetie, namely, to put themselves to the disposition and devotion of the Romanes: for they supposed by this meanes to drive the Romanes for very shame to have regard of them, [unspec B] and not to offer hurt or violent outrage to them, comming in the habit of poore suppliants: and yet withall, if any opportunitie of better fortune should in the meane time offer itselfe unto them, to be their owne masters neverthelesse and at their choise.

When they were come before the Consull, Phaneas the chiefe of that embassie, made a long Oration, couching and framing his words sundrie waies right artificially, to mitigate and assuage the wrath of the conquerour, which he knit up and concluded with this speech, saying, That the Aetolians committed them∣selves and all that they had to the mercie and protection of the people of Rome. When the Consull heard those words: See you doe so then indeed (quoth hee) ô yee Aetolians, and take heed I advise you that deale herein bona side. Then Phaneas brought forth and shewed a faire instrument of a Decree, wherein the same was engrossed in plaine termes. Since that (quoth he [unspec C] againe) you meane good earnest, and are at our disposition, I demaund that yee deliver unto me out of hand Dicaerchus a statesman of yours, and Menaetes of Epirus, (who beeing entred into Naupactum with a garrison, had compelled the citie to revolt) also Aminander and all the Nobles of the Athamanes, by whose counsell and suggestions yee fell from us and rebelled. Phantas interrupted the Consull before he had well made an end of his speech, Wee yeeld not ourselves (quoth he) to be your villaines and slaves, but as allies to be protected by you: and I am verily persuaded you know not what you do, to impose those things upon us against all the man∣ner and custome of the Greekes. The Consull replied againe; In good faith, I passe not (quoth he) greatly what the Aetolians deeme well or ill done according to the fashions of the Greekes; all the whiles that I, after the custome of the Romanes, have that power and commaund over [unspec D] them, who crewhile by vertue of their owne decree yeelded unto us, and heretofore by force of our armes have beene vanquished and subdued by us. And therefore, unless that bee executed which I commaund, yea and with speed, my will is, that presently here you bee bound hand and foot: and with that he commaunded chaines and gives to be brought forth, and the Lictours to come about them for to lay hold upon them. Then the stout courage both of Phaneas & the rest of the Aetolians, was well cooled and abated: and so at length they saw in what poore plight they were. And Phaneas made answere, That both himselfe and the Aetolians there present in place, knew well, that those things were to bee performed which were imposed upon them, but (quoth hee) there needs a Counsell of the Aetolians for to enact a decree thereof, and therefore hee re∣quested the Consull to allow a surcease of armes onely for tenne daies. Then Flaccas began to [unspec E] speake for the Aetolians, and at his request the said abstinence was graunted, and so they returned to Hypata. When Phantas had related in the privie counsell of those elect peeres of that nation calledApocleti, as well the demaunds that were commaunded, as what had like to have fallen upon themselves in person, the peeres sighed deepely and groned againe, to see their misera∣ble condition; howbeit they were all of opinion, that the victour must of necessitie bee obeied: and a generall parliament assembled of the Aetolian burgeoises out of all their townes and ci∣ties. When all that multitude was gathered together, and heard the same related againe, their hearts so sretted within them at the crueltie and indignitie of those lordly commaunds, that if they had been well settled in peace, yet such a fit of anger had been ynough to have put them in∣to armes. And to stirre the fume and choler the more, the difficultie of effecting the things de∣maunded, [unspec F] helped well: for how possibly could they compasse to deliver Aminander, being as hee was an absolute king? But even then there was presented unto them by chaunce a new hope, For Nicander at that very time, comming from king Antiochus, filled the peoples heads with this vaine expectation, namely that the king made wonderous provision for warre, as well by sea as land. This Nicander having accomplished his embassage, and made returne againe into Aeto∣lia,

within the compasse of twelve daies, after he was embarked, arrived at Phalera in the gulfe of [unspec G] Malea: from whence having brought the monies which hee had, downe to Lamia, whites him∣selfe with certain deliver men and lightly appointed, travelled toward Hypata in the evening, be∣tweene the Roman and Aetolian campe, through pathes that he well knew; he chaunced to stum∣ble ere he was aware, upon the corps de guard of the Macedonians, and was brought to the king before supper was done, the table taken up, and the king risen. When Philip was advertised ther∣of, he shewed no other countenance, than if a friend or guest, and not an enemie was come; hee bad him sit downe at the board, and eat his meat.

Afterwards hee kept him there with him still in the roume, and voided all the rest, willing him in no case to bee afraid. He blamed greatly the bad courses and designements of the Aetolians (which evermore lighted upon their own pates) who first had brought the Romanes, and then Antiochus into Greece. But for my part (quoth [unspec H] hee) since things done and past, may sooner bee blamed than amended, I am content to for∣get and put all ander my foot, and will never bee the man that will seeme to insult over them in their distresse and adversitie. And so should the Aetolians likewise take up in time, and lay aside all their rancour and mallice to me: and Nicander especially ought to remember this day, on which by me his life was preserved.

With that he sent him away with a good convoy, untill he was past all daunger: and this Nicander, as is beforesaid, came to Hypata, even as the Aetolians were in deepe consultation about peace with the Romanes.

M. Acilius having either sold outright or given away to the souldiors the bootie of the coun∣trey about Heraclea, and hearing that the counsell at Hypata nothing tended to peace, and that the Aetolians were run together to Naupactum, for to abide in that place the whole violence of [unspec I] the warre; sent Appius Claudius afore, with foure thousand souldiours to seize the tops of the mountaines, where as the passages were difficult; and himselfe ascended up to the hill Oeta, and sacrificed to Hercules in that very place which they call Pyra, by occasion that the mortall bodie of that god was there consumed with fire: from whence hee departed with his whole armie, and performed the rest of his journey well, and marched with ease. Being come to Corax (an excee∣ding high mountaine betweene Callipolis and Naupactum) he lost there many of his labouring beasts and sumpter horses, which together with their loades and fardels, as they went, tumbled downe headlong from the mountaine, and his men also were much troubled and encombered. Whereby it was soone seene, with how lazie and idle an enemie hee had to deale, who had not beter and kept with a guard that difficult passage, to empeach and shut up the thorowfare from [unspec K] the enemies. Howbeit, as much toiled and troubled as his armie was, hee descended to Naupa∣ctum. And having erected one fort against the castle, hee invested all the other parts of the citie, and devided his forces according to the situation of the walls. This siege hee found as toilesome and painefull, as that at Heraclea.

At the same time began the Achaeans to lay siege to Messene also in Peloponnesus, for that it refused to be of their counsell and association. For these two cities, Messene and Elis, were ex∣empt from the Achaean Diet, and accorded with the Aetolians. Howbeit, the Eleans, after that Antiochus was chased out of Greece, gave the embassadours of Achaea a more mild answere, to wit, That when they had discharged and sent away the kings garrison, they would consider of the matter what to do. But the Messenians having without any answer at all, sent the embassadors [unspec L] away, had levied warre; and fearing much their owne estate, seeing their territorie overspread with an armie, and every where burned, yea, and their enemies encamped neere unto their cittie, ad∣dressed unto Chalcis their embassadours to T. Iuintius (the very man who before had set them at libertie) to signifie unto him, That the Messenians were readie both to open their gates, & also to surrender their citie unto the Romanes, and not to the Achaeans. Iuintius so soone as he had heard their embassage, sent a messenger incontinently to Megalopolis, unto Diophanes, the Pre∣tour there of the Achaeans, to commaund him presently to retire his hoast from Messene, and to repaire unto him. Diophanes obeied his commaundement, and having raised his siege, marched himselfe lightly appointed for speed, before the rest of his armie, and about Andania, a small town between Megalopolis and Messene, encountred Iuintius. Vnto whom after he had shewed [unspec M] the causes of the siege, he received at his hands a gentle rebuke only, for that he had enterprised a matter of so great consequence without his authoritie; with an expresse commaundement also to casse and discharge his armie, and not to disturbe and trouble the peace, made for the good and benefit of all. The Messenians likewise he charged to call home their banished persons into

[unspec A] their citie, and to joine with the Achaeans in their generall Diet and assembly. And if they either had any matters to refuse, or would willingly provide for themselves against the future time, hee willed them to make their repaire unto him at Corinth, and enjoined Diophanes immediately to summon the Diet of the Achaeans for him, where personally himselfe would be. Where, after he had complained as touching the Island Zacynthus, that by fraud and trecherie they had come by and kept, he required that it should bee restored to the Romanes. Now this Isle had sometime appertained to Philip the king of the Macedonians, and he gave it unto Aminander, in conside∣ration, that he might conduct his armie into the higher parts of Aetolia, through Athamania: in which expeditions and exploits of his, the Aetolians hearts were so abated and quailed, that they were constrained to seek peace. Aminander made first Philip the Megapolitane, governor of this [unspec B] Island; but afterwards, in time of that war wherin he banded with Antiochus against the Romans, he called him away from thence to employ him in martiall affaires, and sent Hierocles the Agri∣gentine to succeed him in his place. This Hierocles, after the defeature and flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae, and the expulsion of Aminander out of Athamania by king Philip, dispat∣ched of his owne motion certaine messengers unto Diophanes, the Pretour of the Achaeans, and for a summe of money agreed upon between them, betraied the Island to the Achaeans. The Romanes thought it great reason, that this Island should bee theirs, in recompence for the warres which they had maintained; for as much as M. Acilius the Consull, & the Romane legions fought not at Thermopylae for Diophanes, ne yet for the Achaeans. Diophanes to these chalenges and de∣maunds sometime excused himselfe and the whole nation, otherwhiles stood to it, and avowed [unspec C] the action, and maintained the ca use by a plea of right. Some there were of the Achaeans there, that both protested, how from the beginning they utterly misliked the course, and also at this present much blamed the Pretour for his wilfull obstinacie. And by their advise and authoritie an act was set downe, that the whole matter should be referred and put to Iuintius, to determine what he pleased. Now had Iuintius this nature, if a man crossed and thwarted him, he was sierce and sell; if one yeelded and gave place, he was as gentle again, and pliable. And therfore, without shewing any signe of debate, either in language or countenance, thus he spake.

If I thought (qd. he) and were persuaded in my heart, that it were good & commodious for the Achaeans to hold and possesse this Island in question, I would advise the Senat and people of Rome to let you enjoy it. But like as a Tortoise, so long as she keepeth her selfe close within her shell (I see) is sure and [unspec D] safe enough, against all blowes and offence whatsoever; but when shee once putteth foorth any parts, looke whatsoever is discovered and naked, the same is weake and subject to injurie: even so you Achaeans, being enclosed round about with the sea, are able easily to adjoyne unto your selves whatsoever lyeth within the precinct of Peloponnesus, & to keep the same also when you have laid it to you: but so soone as for a greedie desire of having more and encroching further, you goe beyond those bonds, you lye open without, and are exposed to all hurt and domage. Thus Zacynthus was delivered to the Romans with the assent of al the Counsel there assembled, and Diophanes durst not say a word more to the contrarie.

At the same time, king Philip asked the Consull as he marched to Naupactum, Whether it was his pleasure, that he in the meane while should recover and regaine those cities which were [unspec E] revolted from the association of the Romanes? And having a graunt and warrant from him, hee led his forces against Demetrias, knowing well enough in what termes of troubles that city then stood. For being forlorne and in utter despaire, seeing Antiochus had forsaken them and no hope at all remaining in the Aetolians: they looked every day and night either for the comming of Philip their heavie friend; or else even the Romanes themselves a worse enemie, like as they had a more just cause of anger and indignation against them. A confused and disordered fort there were of king Antiochus his souldiours, who being a few at first left there to lie in garri∣son, grew after to be more, and most of them unarmed; such as after the field was lost [at Ther∣mopylae] thither chaunced to flie, and neither had strength nor heart enough to abide a siege. And therefore when Philip sent certaine messengers before unto them, to signifie, that there [unspec F] was some hope that they mought be pardoned: they made them this answere, That the gates were open for the king, and that hee might enter at his pleasure. At his first entrance, certaine cheefe men of marke quit the cittie and departed, and Eurylochus killed himselfe. The garrison souldiours of Antiochus (for so they had capitulated) were conducted to Lysimachia through Macedonie and Thrace, accompanied with a convoy of Macedonians, for feare that any man

should do them harme. There were some few ships also in the rode of Demetrias, under the [unspec G] commaund of Isidorus, which together with their leader and captaine were dismissed. After this, he regained Dolopia, Aperantia, and certeine cities of Perrhoebia.

During the time that Philip was employed in these affaires, T. Iuintius having recovered the Iland Zacynthus, departed from the Diet of the Achaeans, and crossed the seas to Nau∣pactum, which had bin beleaguered alreadie two moneths, and was at the point to be forced and lost: which if it might have bin woon by assault, it was thought that the whole nation and name of the Aetolians there, would have perished for ever. And albeit he had good cause to be highly offended and displeased with the Aetolians, in remembrance that they only checked and im∣peached his glorie, at what time as he set Greece free: and that they were nothing stirred and moved with his authoritie, when he (forewarning them that those things would happen which [unspec H] afterwards fell out just so indeed) would have discounselled and skared them from foolish and furious dessignes: yet, supposing that it was a speciall part of his charge and worke, that no na∣tion of Greece (now freed by him) should utterly be subverted and destroyed, he began to walke up and downe along under the walls, to the end that he might be seene, and soone knowne of the Aetolians. And anon the very formost guards tooke notice of him, and noysed it was presently throughout all the ranks and companies that Iuintius was there. And thereupon they ran from all parts up to the walls, every man stretched forth his hands, and with one accord and con∣sonant voyce called by name unto Iuintius, beseeching him to help and save them.

And albeit he was moved at these their piteous cryes with commiseration, yet for that time he signified by the turning away of his head, that he refused & denied them: asking withall, What lay in him to [unspec I] do them any good? But afterwards, being come unto the Consull, Know you not (quoth he) ó M. Acilius whereabout we are, & what we have in hand? or if you be a man provident enough, esteeme you not that it mainly concerneth the common weale?

He set the Consull by these words a longing, and caused him to geve more attentive care what he would say, and withall, Why do you not speake forth (quoth the Consull) and utter your mind what the matter is?

Then quoth Iuintius: See you not that after you have vanquished Antiochus, you spend and loose much time here in the siege & assault of two cities, when as now the yeere of your government is welneere come about? And Philip in the meane time without seeing a battaile or the ensignes of his enemies displayed, hath gained and joyned to himselfe not cities only, but so many nati∣ons [unspec K] already, namely, Athamania, Perrhoebia, Aperantia and Dolopia? But it is nothing so good and expedient for us, nor standeth it us so much upon, to take downe the Aetolians and pare their nailes, as to looke unto Philip that he wax not too great: and (seeing you and your soul∣diours have not gotten yet two cities in reward and recompense of victorie) not to suffer him to go cleere away with so many nations of Greece.

The Consull accorded hereunto: but hee thought it a shame and dishonor for him to give over the siege and effect nothing: but afterwards, all the matter was put unto the disposition of Iuintius. Who went againe to that side of the wall, where as a little before the Aetolians called and cried aloud unto him. And when as they intreated him more earnestly and with greater affection to take pitie of the Aetolian people, he willed some of them to come forth unto him.

And immediatly, Phaneas himself with other principall persons of the Aetolians, went out unto him; unto whom lying prostrate and [unspec L] groveling at his feete: Your present fortune (quoth he) and hard estate wherein you are, causeth me both to temper my choler, and also to stay my tongue. Those things you now see are fallen out, which I foretold would come to passe. And not so much as this is left unto you, That the ca∣lamities falne upon your heads can be truly said to have light upon them that have not deserved as much. Howbeit, since it hath ben'allotted unto me as it were by destinie to be a foster-father (as I may so say) to nurce up Greece, I will not cease even to do you good, as thanklesse and un∣gratefull persons as you are. Send your Oratours to the Consull, to intreat him to graunt you a truce for so long, untill you may addresse your embassadors to Rome, by whome you shall wholly referre and submit your selves to the Senat: and I will not faile to be an intercessor & ad∣vocate to the Consull for you, & likewise unto the Senate.

And as Quintius counselled them, so [unspec M] did they. Neither rejected the Consull their embassie, but graunted them abstinence of war for such a terme as within which they might have an answer of their embassage to Rome: so he dis∣lodged, the siege was raised, and the armie sent into Phocis. The Consull together with Quintius passed over the sea to Aegium, unto the generall Counsaile of Achaea. There was much treatie

[unspec A] and parlle about the Eleans and the restoring of the Lacedaemonian exiles: but nothing was effected in the one or the other. As for the Lacedemonians, the Achaeans were desirous to re∣serve that for themselves, and to win thereby a thanke as proceeding from their speciall grace. And the Eleans, chose rather to come and be united to the Achaean Parlament of themselves, than by the mediation of the Romanes. The embassadours of the Epirots came unto the Con∣sull, who (it was well knowne) caried not themselves found and upright in the enterteining of the Romane amitie: howbeit, they had not levied a soldiour for Antiochus. Charged they were to have relieved him with monie; and denie themselves they could not but they had sent their embassadors unto the king. And when they put up a petition, that they might be accepted a∣gaine into the auncient band of amitie; this answere the Consull returned unto them, That he [unspec B] knew not yet whether to raunge them in the number of enemies, or peaceable friends, and there∣of the Senate should be judge; & therfore he referred their whole entier cause to Rome. And to that purpose a truce he graunted them of foureskore and ten dayes. The Epirotes thus sent to Rome, presented themselves before the Senate, and when they stood rather upon these termes in recounting those things wherein they had not shewed any open hostilitie, than in cleering themselves of those matters that were laid against them; they received such an answer, as wherby they might be thought rather to have obteined pardon, than to have made good and justified their cause. The embassadors also of king Philip about that time had audience geven them in the Senate, who came to congratulate with the Romanes, testifying their owne joy, and wishing theirs for their victorie: and upon their request, that they might sacrifice in the Capitoll, and [unspec C] offer an oblation and present of gold in the temple of Iup. Opt. Max. the Senat gave them good leav e. So, they presented and offred a crowne of gold weighing* 1.13one hundred pound. These embassadors had not only a friendly answere & gratious dispatch: but also Demetrius the sonne of king Philip, who had lien as an hostage at Rome, was delivered unto them, for to bring home againe unto his father. Thus was the warre archieved and brought to an end, which M. Aci∣••has the Consull waged against king Antiochus in Greece.

The other Consull P. Cornelius Scipio, whose lot was to governe the province of Gaule, be∣fore that he tooke his journey to that warre which he was to make against the Boians, demaun∣ded of the Senate, that money should be assigned unto him, for to perfume those plaies and games which he had promised by vow, as Viz-preotour in Spaine, when he was driven to a great [unspec D] extremitie in a battell. This seemed to be a strange & unreasonable demaund. Whereupon the LL. of the Senat ordained, That what plaies the Consull had vowed on his owne head without asking the advise and councell of the Senat, the same he should exhibit and set forth either with the issue of the spoiles gotten from the enemies, (if haply hee had reserved any money raised thereout to that purpose) or else defray the charges out of his owne purse. These plaies and games P. Cornelius represented for the space of ten daies. And neere about the same time, the temple of the great goddesse dame Cybele (or Idaea) was dedicated. This goddesse being brought out of Asia, in the time that P. Cornelius Scipio (surnamed afterwards Africanus) and P. Licintus were Consuls, was conveyed from the sea side into the mount Palatine. The temple was set out to be built at a price (according to an act of the Senat) by M. Livius and C. Claudius the Censors, [unspec E] when M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. Thirteene yeeres after the bargaine was made for the edifying therof, M. Iunius Brutus dedicated it: and for the honor of this dedication, were the first stage-plaies exhibited, (as Valerius Antias mine author saith) called thereupon Megalesia. In like manner, C. Licinius Lucullus (one of the two Duumvirs) dedicated the tem∣ple of the goddesse Iuventus, in the great Race called Circus maximus. The same had M. Livtus the Consull vowed sixteene yeeres before, even that very day in which hee deffeited Asdraball and his armie. The same Livins in his C ensorship, went through and bargained for the building thereof, whiles M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. And in the honour of dedicating this temple, the plaies were set forth: and all was done with more devotion, because there was a new warre intended against king Antiochus. In the beginning of this yeere in which these things [unspec F] passed, whiles P. Cornelius the Consull staied still behind at Rome, (for M. Acilius was gon forth alreadie to warre:) it is found in records, that two tame oxen climed up a ladder in the street Carinae, to the tyle-roofe of a certaine house there. And the soothsayers gave expresse order, that they should be burne quicke, and the ashes to be throwen into Tyber. Also it was reported, that at Tarracina and Amiternum, it rained stones sundrie times. Item, That in Minturnae the

temple of Iupiter and the shops about the market place, wer blasted and smitten with lightning; [unspec G] and in the verie mouth of the river Vulturnus, two ships caught fire from heaven, and were con∣sumed. In regard of these fearefull prodigies, the Decemvirs by order from the Senat, went to the bookes of Sibylla and perused them; and out of their learning pronounced, that a solemne fast should be now instituted in the honour of Ceres, and the same to be observed and holden every fift yeer: also that a novendiall sacrifice for nine daies togither should continue; and a sup∣plication for one day: and that they who went in this procession & supplication, should wear gar∣lands and wreathes of flowers upon their heads: lastly, That the Consull P. Cornelius should sa∣crifice to what gods, & with what beasts, the Decemvirs would appoint and pronounce. When the gods were pacified, as well by the accomplishment of the vowes accordingly, as by taking order for the expiation of those wonderous signes, the Consull tooke his journey into his pro∣vince: [unspec H] from whence hee commaunded Cneus Dominitius the Propretour (after hee had cassed his armie) to depart to Rome: and himselfe entred with his legions into the territorie of the Boians.

Within a little of that time, the Ligurians (by vertue of a sacred law that they had) levied and assembled an armie, and by night assailed the campe unawares to Quintius Minutius the Proconsull. Minutius kept his souldiours in order of battaile untill day within his hold, having an eye and circumspect regard, that the enemie should not mount over the trench and defences in any place. And at the day-breake he sallied forth at two gates at once: neither were the Liguri∣ans repulsed (as he hoped they should) at the first charge; for they sustained and held out the skirmish above two houres, with doubful event on both sides. At the last, when band after band [unspec I] issued out, and still fresh soldiers succeeded in the roume of the wearied, for to mainteine fight, the Ligurians in the end (besides other distresses, lost for want of sleepe also) turned their backs. Of the enemies were slaine above foure thousand; of Romanes and allies, under three hun∣dred. Two moneths after or somewhat lesse, P. Cornelius the Consull gave battell to the Boians and woon the day; slew 28000 enemies, (as Valerius Antias writeth) took 3400 prisoners, gained 124 militarie ensignes, 1230 horses, chariots 247: and of the winners (as hee saith) there died not above 1484. Where (by the way) how litle credit soever (as touching the number) we give unto this Writer, (for in that point there is none overreacheth more than he) yet apparant it is, that a right great victorie it was; both for that the campe was woon, and the Boians after that battell presently yeelded themselves; as also for that in regard of this victorie a joyfull proces∣sion [unspec K] was by order from the Senat holden, and greater beasts slaine for sacrifice.

Not much under or over this present time, M. Fulvius Nobilior returned out of the farther province of Spaine in pompe of an Ovation, and carried in shew 10000 pound weight of sil∣ver in bullion; of Bigates in silver coine 130000, and in gold 126 pound weight. P. Cornelius the Consull, having first taken hostages of the Boian nation, and disseized them of the one halfe of their countrey, to the inhabiting whereof the people of Rome, might if they would, send their Colonies; at his departure from thence toward Rome to an undoubted and assured triumph, licensed his armie, with commaundement to meet him there and give their attendance upon his triumph-day. The morrow after that he was come, the Senat had summons to assemble in the temple of Bellona; where, after he had discoursed of his actes and deeds atchieved, he required [unspec L] that he might be permitted to enter the citie riding in triumph.

P. Sempronius Blaesus a Tribune of the Commons for the time being, stopped forth & said, That his advise was that Scipio should not flatly be denied the honour of a triumph, but to put it off unto a farther day. And why? The warres (quoth he) of the Ligurians have alwaies beene joyned and linked with those of Gaule: which nations being so neere togither, use ever mutually one to succour another. If P. Scipio (af∣ter the Boians deffeited in battell) had followed the traine of victorie, and either himselfe in pro∣per person with his brave conquering army passed into the territory of the Ligurians, or but sent part of his forces to Q. Minutius, who now for three yeers (or fast upon) hath ben deteined within those quarters in a warre of doubtfull issue; we might have seene an end ere this of the Ligurian warre also. But now (forsooth) his souldiours are dismissed, and brought home to accompanie [unspec M] him and to solemnize his triumph; who might well have beene employed still and done good service to the Common-weale: yea and may doe yet (if the Senate be so disposed) by deferring the time of triumph, for to make amends and regaine that, which by over-hastinesse of triumph hath beene over-slipped. And therefore, in my opinion (quoth hee) they should doe well, to

[unspec A] commaund the Consull to goe his waies back againe, and take his armie with him into his pro∣vince, and to doe his best and utmost devoir to subdue the Ligurians also. For unlesse they be brought under and made subject unto the people of Rome, the Boians by yee sure, will not long be quiet: either we must have peace of warre at once, in both places. And so P. Cornelius in qua∣litie of Proconsull (as many others before him, who in their full magistracie triumphed not) may after some few months have his triumph. To this the Consull answered again and said, That nei∣ther the Province of the Ligurians was any part of his charge by lot, neither warred he at all with the Ligurians, ne yet demaunded to triumph over them. As for Q. Minutius (quoth hee) I hope that shortly after he hath subdued them, he both will require his due triumph, and shall likewise obtaine the same. For mine owne part, I seek no more but to triumph over the Boians in Gaule, [unspec B] whome I have vanquished in plaine battell, beaten out of the field and campe; whose whole na∣tion within two daies after the fight and their generall discomfiture, yeelded and rendred them∣selves into my hands; & from whome I have caried away hostages for assured pledge of future peace: nay, that which is much more than all this, I have had the killing of so many Gaules in open battell, and fought with so many thousands of Boians, as no Generall ever did before me: the better halfe of 50000 men are fallen upon the edge of the sword, & many a thousand taken prisoners; so as the Boians have none left, but old folke and young children. Can any man make a woonder then, why a victorius armie, leaving no enemie behind in the province, is come to Rome to honour the triumph of their Consull? Whose emploiment, if the Senat be disposed to use in any other service and province, Whether of these two waies thinke they, will make them [unspec C] more willing and readie, to put themselves into new daungers, and enter into other fresh labour and travell; either to pay them without delay & content them with the due and deserued hire of their former peril and pain, or to send them away with bare hope only, in stead of the substance, for to expect still without effect: since they have beene once alreadie put by and disappointed of their first hope and expectation? Now for mine owne part. I obtained honour ynough that day, on which the Senat sent me (deemed & declared the best man in all the city) to receive that great goddesse & dame of Ida. This title alone, without any other addition of triumph, shall be sufficient to recommend to all posteritie for honestly and honor both, the image of P. Scipio Na∣sica. This said, not only the whole Senat themselves condescended generally to graunt him tri∣umph.

but also with their countenance and authoritie compelled the Tribunes of the Com∣mons [unspec D] to give over their hold, & surcease their interposition of a negative voice. So P. Cornelius the Consull triumphed over the Boians. In which triumph he caused to bee carried for shew in French chariots, armor, ensigns, & spoils of all sorts: also French vessels of brasse & copper. He commaunded likewise to be led in pomp a number of horses taken, together with noblemen and gentlemen captives. Of chains of gold he made a shew of 1470. Besides, there was born in pomp, of gold 245 pound weight: of silver unwrought and wrougth into plate, not unworkmanly after their maner (& namely in sundry French vessels) 2340 pound weight: lastly of bigats in coin 234. To his soldiors that followed his triumphant chariot he gave 225 Asses a peece, double as much to a Centurion, & triple to an horsman. The next day after he called the people to a generall as∣sembly, where after he had discoursed again of his exploits, & complained of the wrongs that the [unspec E] Tribune had offered unto him, in that he would have tied him to the war of another, with intent to defraud himselfe of the fruit of his own victorie, he cassed his soldiors, & discharged them quite.

Whiles these affaires thus went in Italie, Antiochus remaining at Ephesus, rested very se∣cure and carelesse of the Romane warre, as if the Romanes had no purpose nor intention to passe over into Asia. This securitie of his was occasioned by many of his friends, who part∣ly upon ignorance, and partly upon flatterie persuaded him so.

Onely Anniball, who at that time was of greatest credite, and might doe most with the king, said unto him, That hee rather marvelled much why the Romanes were not alreadie in Asia, than doubted of their comming. For a neerer cut (quoth he) it is by sea out of Greece into Asia, than out of Italy into Greece; and a greater motive to warre is Antiochus than the Aetolians. And as for their valour and power, as [unspec F] hardie they are and mightie at sea, as on land; and their fleet hath hovered a good while alrea∣die about Malea. Moreover, I heard say of late, that new ships be arrived, and a new Generall come out of Italie, to follow and performe this warre. And therefore, let Antiochus seede no longer upon a vaine hope, and promise himselfe a permanent peace: for shortly hee must make account to fight with the Romanes in Asia, yea, and for Asia, both by sea, and land; and no mean

there is, but that either himselfe must loose his kingdome, or take from them their soveraigne [unspec G] siegnorie, who affect and pretend to be LL. of the whole world. He was the only man thought to forecast, & truly to foretell what would ensue.

Whereupon the king himselfe in person, with those ships which he had readie rigged & furnished, failed to Chersonnesus, with intent to strengthen those places with good garrisons, if happily the Romanes should come by land. The rest of the navie he commaunded Polyxenidas to prepare and put to sea. And all about the Island hee sent about his pinnaces and brigantines as espials to discover the coasts. C. Livius the Admirall of the Romane navie, was arrived at Naples from Rome with fiftie covered ships. At which place he gave commaundement, That the open vessels, which by covenant were due to bee sent from the allies of all that tract, should meet. From whence he sailed to Sicilie, and passed the streights by Messana. And when he had received sixe Carthaginian ships sent to aid him, and called upon [unspec H] the Rhegines and Locrines, and other associates comprised in the same league & holding by the same tenure, for that shipping which of dutie they were to find, when he had also taken a survey of all his armada at Lacinium, he weighed anker, and put to the maine sea. Being arived at Cor∣cyra, which was the first cittie of all Greece that he came unto, hee enquired in what tearmes the warre affaires stood? (for as yet all was not thoroughly quiet in Greece) and where the Romane fleet was? After he heard that the Romane Consull and king Philip, were about the pase of Ther∣mopylae, and there lay in guard; that the fleet rid at anker in the pott and harbour of Pyraeeum; he thought it good to use expedition, and to make speed for all occasions whatsoever, and inconti∣nently determined to saile forward to Peloponnesus. And having at one instant wasted Samos and Zacynthus as hee went, because they chose r ather to band with the Aetolians, he set saile for [unspec I] Malea, and having a good wind, within few daies hee arrived at Pyraeeum, where the old fleet an∣kered. At Scyllaeum king Eumenes met him with three ships: who had been a long time at Aegi∣na, unresolved in himselfe, whether he should returne to defend his owne kingdome (for he heard that Antiochus made preparation at Ephesus for warre, as well by sea as land) or not to depart a foot from the Romanes, upon whose fortune depended his whole state. Aulus Attilius, so soone as he had delivered to his successor five and twentie close ships of war, losed from Pyraeeum, and came to Rome. So Livius with a fleet of eightie one ships, armed at their beakeheads with bra∣sen pikes, besides many other smaller vessels, (which open as they were, had brasen heads, as is aforesaid; or if they were without such pikes, served for espials) sailed to Delos. Much about that time the Consull Acilius assailed Naupactum. At Delos, Livius for certaine daies was staied by [unspec K] contrarie winds (for that quarter among the Cyclades is exceeding windie, by reason that these Islands are devided asunder, some with broader gulfes, some with narrower.)

Polexenidas being certified by the post-ships (set in diverse places to discover) that the Romane armada rid at anker neere Delos, dispatched messengers to the king, who leaving all matters which he enterprised in Hellespontus, returned to Ephesus, as fast as ever hee could make saile with his ships of warre, pi∣ked at the head: and presently called a counsell, where it was debated, whether hee were best to hazard a battell at sea or no? Polyxenidas was of opinion, That he should not slacke the time, but in any wise give battell and trie a fight, before that the fleet of Eumenes and the Rhodian ships were joined with the Romanes: for so in number they should not bee much overmatched, & for all other things have the better, as well for nimblenesse and agilitie of ships, as for varietie of aid∣souldiours. [unspec L] For the Romane ships, as being unworkmanly built, they are heavie of steerage and unweldie, loaden they are and fraught besides with provision of victuals, as they are commonly that come into the enemies countrey. But as for your ships (seeing they leave all about them peaceable and quiet) they shall be charged with nothing but with men and munition. Besides, the skill of these seas and lands, & of the winds in these quarters, will be a great helpe unto you, wher∣as the enemies must needs be much troubled, for want of knowledge in them all.

The deviser of this counsell had credite given unto him on all parts, and the rather, for that hee was the man himselfe to put in execution the same counsell. Two daies they made stay to set all things in or∣der and readinesse, the third day they set forward with a fleet of a hundred saile, whereofleventie were covered, the rest open, and all of the smaller making; and for Phocaea they shaped their [unspec M] course. The king hearing that the Romane armada approched, departed from thence (for that he was not to bee present in person at the conflict upon the sea) and went to Magnesia neer e Si∣pylus, for to levie land-forces. But his navie made saile to Cyffus, a port of the Erythraeans, to at∣tend the comming of the enemie there, as in a place more commodious. The Romanes, when

[unspec A] the Northren winds were once laid (for they were alost for certaine daies, and locked them in) sal∣led from Delos to Phanae, a haven towne of the Chians, bearing toward the Aegean sea. From thence they cast about with their ships to the citie, and there having victualled themselves, they crossed over to Phocaea. Eumenes who was gone to Elaea toward his fleet, within few daies af∣ter, with soure and twentie covered ships, and more uncovered, returned to the Romanes; whom hee found preparing and marshalling themselves (a little short of Phocaea) for a battell at sea. Then set they all forward with a hundred and fiftie close covered ships, and more open and with∣out hatches: and being with side Northeren winds, at the first driven to the sea shore, they were forced to saile single in ranke one after another. But afterwards, as the violence of the wind be∣gan to be allaied, they assaied to crosse over to the haven Corycus, which is above Cyssus. Poly∣xenidas, [unspec B] as soone as he heard that the enemies were at hand, rejoiced that hee had occasion pre∣sented unto him of a navall battell: and himselfe stretched forth the left point of his fleet embat∣telled farre into the sea, willing the captaines of the ships to display the right wing broad, toward the land: and so with an even front, he advaunced forward to the fight. Which the Romane Ad∣mirall seeing, strucke saile, tooke down the masts, and laying together all the tackling of the ships in one place; attended their comming that followed after. By which time there were thirtie in a ranke afront, with which, because he would make them equall to the left wing of the enemie, hee set up the trinkets or small sailes, meaning to make way into the deepe, commanding them that followed still, to make head, and direct their prows against the right wing neere the land. Eu∣menes was the rere-admirall, and kept the rereward close together: but so soone as they began [unspec C] to bee troubled with taking down e their tackling, he set forward with all speed and hast that hee could make: and by this time were they in view one of the other: Two Carthaginian ships led before the Romane navie, which were encountred with three of the kings ships. And conside∣ring the ods of the number, two of the kings came about one. And first they wiped away the oares on both sides, then they shewed themselves alost with their weapons, and bourded her, and after they had either overturned or killed the defendants, they were masters of that ship. The other that was in single fight, and assailed but by one, seeing the other ship taken by the enemies, fled backe into the maine fleet, before shee was environned by the three enemies. Livius cha∣sing hereat, and angrie at the heart, advaunced forward with the Admirall ship afront the ene∣mie: against her, those other two which had enclosed the Carthaginian ship aforesaid, hoping to [unspec D] doe the like by this, came onward; which Livius perceiving, commaunded the rowers to let their oares hang in the water on both sides, for the more stay and steadinesse of the ship, and likewise to cast their yron hookes fashioned like hands, for to grapple the enemies ships, as they appro∣ched and came neere unto them; and when they were come to close fight in manner of land-ser∣vice, then to remember the valour of the Romanes, and not to hold the kings slaves for men of any worth. And with much more facilitie and ease, than the two ships before conquered one, this one for that gained two. By this time the maine fleet on both sides encountred on all sides, and fought pell mell. Eumenes who being in the rereward, came last in place, after the conflict was be∣gun, perceiving that Livius had disordered the left wing of the enemies, made head against the right, where he saw them fighting on even hand, not long after the left wing began to flie. For Po∣lyxenidas, [unspec E] so soone as he saw himselfe without all question overmatched in valor of the soldiors, caused the trinquets and all the cloth he had to be set up, and purposed to flie amaine. Those like∣wise that were toward the land, and fought with Eumenes, within a while did no lesse. The Romans and Eumenes, so long as the marriners were able to plie their oares, and so long as they were in hope to annoy the taile of the enemies, followed the chase lustily ynough: but after that they per∣ceived their owne ships (charged & heavily loaden with victuals) follow after to no purpose, & to lag behind, nor like to overtake them which were the swifter, because they were the lighter; staied at length their pursuit, after they had taken 13 ships both with their soldiors & mariners, & sunke∣ten. Of the Romane Armada there perished but one Carthaginian, which at the first encounter was beset with two ships. Polyxenidas never gave over flight, but made way stil, until he had recove∣red [unspec F] the haven of Ephesus. The Romans abode that day in the place from whence the kings arma∣da came, purposing on the morrow to make fresh saile after the enemie. And in the mids of their course they met with those 35 Rhodian ships covered, conducted by Pisistratus their admirall; and taking those also with them, they followed the enemie even as far as Ephesus, where in the mouth of the haven, they rid in order of battel: by which bravado, having wroong as it were from the ene∣mies

a plaine confession that they were vanquished, the Rhodians and Eumenes were sent home. [unspec G] The Romanes setting their course for Chius, first sailed by Phoenicus, an haven towne of Ery∣thraea, and having cast anker that night, the next day they weighed, and arived within the Island, close to the citie it selfe, where having sojourned some few daies, especially to refresh their row∣ers, they passed forward to Phocaea. Where leaving source quinquereme galeaces, the fleet arri∣ved at Canae, and because the Winter approched, the ships were laid up in their dockes on drie land, and for their safetie were trenched and paled about. In the yeeres end the Generall assem∣blie for election of magistrates was holden at Rome, wherein were created Consuls, L. Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius. For now all men had an eie to the finishing of the warre against Antiochus The next morrow were the Pretours also chosen, namely, M. Tuccius, L. Aurunculeius, Cneus Fulvius, L. Aemylius, P. Iunius, and C. Atinius Labeo. [unspec H]

Notes

• * 1.1

  15 May.
• * 1.2

  5 May.
• * 1.3

  36000 pound sterling, after angell touch.
• * 1.4

  60000 pound sierl.
• * 1.5

  I suppose that here wanteth the multiplicān num∣ber, VIZ, 1••0. For it is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s••••rable to the proportion of the rest that follow∣eth, nor to the magnificence of so great estate, to send some thirtie quarters of wheat who here∣tofore allowed a hundred times as much, and yet, the same proportion of bailey which now at this present is set downe.
• * 1.6

  The speech of Anniball.
• * 1.7

  Lombardis.
• * 1.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.10

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.11

  Black water.
• * 1.12

  Three of the clock in the morning.
• * 1.13

  3600 pound 〈◊〉〈◊〉.