The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXV. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS [unspec K] of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 35)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the five and thirtith Booke.

PYblius Scipio Africanus being sent embassador unto Antiochus, talked at Ephesus with An∣niball (who had sided with Antiochus) to this end, that he might rid him of that feare which he [unspec L] had conceived of the people of Rome, as touching the taking away of his life. Among other mat∣ters passed betweene them, when he demaunded of Anniball, whom he iudged to have been the noblest and greatest warriour that ever was, hee answered, that it was Alexander king of the Macedonians: set that he with a small power had discomfited and defeated an infinite number of armies, and withall, passed through those farre dissite and remote parts of the world, unto which a man would not beleeve, that it were possible for any person to go and see them. When he asked again of him whom he deemed for the second: Who but Pyrrhus (quoth he?) because he taught the maner how to pitch a campe, and besides, no man had the cast to gaine places and holds for advauntage, nor could set his corps de guard, or plant garisons better than he. And when he proceeded still to know whom he tooke to be the third, Anniball named his owne goodselfe. At which answere Scipio fell a laughing: And what would you have said then (quoth he) if your hap had been to have vanquished me? Marrie then (saith he) I would have set my selfe before Alexander, before Pyrrhus, and before all [unspec M] other. Among other prodigious sights, whereof there were reported very many, it is said, that in the yeare wherein Cn. De∣mitius was Consull, an exe spake, and said these words, ROME, LOOKE TO THY SELFE. The Romanes prepare to warre with Antiochus. Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, provoked by the Aetolians, who solli∣cited both Philip and also Antiochus to wage warre against the people of Rome, revolted from the Romanes, and after hee had levied warre against Philopamen, Pretour of the Achaans, was by the Aetolians slaine. The Aetolians likewise aban∣doned

[unspec A] the friendship of the people of Rome, with whom Antiochus king of Syria banded: who warred upon Greece, and sur∣prised many cities, and namely Chalcis and Euboea among the rest. Besides, this booke contameth the martiall affaires in Liguria, and the preparation of Antiochus for the warres.

IN the beginning of that yeere wherein these affaires thus passed, Sext. Di∣gitius Pretor in high Spain, fought battels (rather ordinarie, and for number many, than otherwise memorable and worth the speaking) against those States, whereof after the departure of Cato a great sort had rebelled. And those battels for the most part were so unfortunat, that hardly he could de∣liver up to his successour the one halfe of those souldiours which he had re∣ceived. [unspec B] And doubtlesse all Spaine would have taken heart againe, if the other Pretour P. Cornelius Scipio, the sonne of Cneus, had not sped better in many of his conflicts be∣yond Iberus. Vpon which terrour, no fewer than fiftie good townes revolted unto him. And these exploits performed Scipio, as Pretour. Who also in qualitie of Propretour, encountred the Lusi∣tanes upon the way, as they returned homeward charged with a mightie great bootie raised out of the base Spaine, which they had utterly pilled and spoiled: where hee fought from the third houre of the * 1.1 day unto the eight, with doubtfull event. For number of soldiours he was inferiour to his enemies, but for all things else he had the vauntage, and went beyond them. For his bat∣taillons were wel appointed and close compacted of armed men, and so he charged upon the ene∣mies marching in a long traine, and the same encombred with a deale of cattell: besides, his soul∣diours [unspec C] were fresh and in heart, whereas the other were wearied with long travell. For the enemies set forth at the third watch, and besides their night journey, they had marched three houres also of the day, and without any repose or rest at all, they came to a conflict presently upon their tra∣vell on the way. And therefore at the beginning of the battell, so long as they were in any heart, and their strength served, they troubled and disordered the Romanes with the first charge they gave; but afterwards for a while they came to be equall in fight. In which hazard of doubtfull is∣sue the Propretour vowed to set forth certaine solemne games to the honour of Iupiter, in case he might discomfit the enemies, and kill them in chase. At the length the Romanes advaunced forward more hotely, and the Lusitanes reculed, yea, and anone turned their backes quite. And when as in this traine of victorie the Romanes pursued them hard in the tout, there were of the [unspec D] enemies slaine upon twelve thousand, five hundred and fortie taken prisoners, all in manner horsemen; and of militarie ensignes they caried away one hundred thirtie and foure. Of the Ro∣mane armie seventie and three onely were lost. This battell was fought not far from the citie Ili∣pa. And thither brought P. Cornelius his victorious armie, enriched with prey & pillage. Which was laid all abroad before the towne, and everyman had leave giuen to challenge and claim his owne. All the rest was given to the Treasurer for to be sold, and the monie raised therof, was par∣ted among the souldiours.

Now had not C. Flaminius the Pretour as yet taken his leave of Rome, when these things fell out in Spaine, and therefore both he and his friends talked and discoursed much upon these oc∣currents both good and bad: and forasmuch as a great warre in his province was broken out to [unspec E] a light fire, and himselfe was to receive from Sext. Digitius but a small remnant of an armie, and the same timorous still & full of fright, as not wel recovered of their former flight, he had assaied to bring about, that the Senate would assigne unto him one of the citie-legions; to the end that when he had joined thereto those souldiors which himselfe had enrolled according to an order set downe by the Senate, he might out of all that number chuse forth sixe thousand and five hun∣dred footmen, and three hundred horsemen. With which legion (for in the armie of Sext. Digi∣tius he reposed small confidence) he minded to make warre. The auncient Senatours denied and said, That acts of the Senate were not to bee made upon every flying tale and report set abroad and blased by some particular persons in favor of magistrates. Neither would they hold anything for certaine, but that which either the Pretours themselves wrote out of the provinces, or em∣bassadours [unspec F] sent of purpose, related. And if there were any such commotion & trouble in Spain, they were of advise, that the Pretour should levie in hast without Italie, such tumultuarie soul∣diors, as in that case were usually taken up. The intent and mind of the Senat was, that soldiers should in that sort be prest out in Spaine. Valerius Antias writeth, that C. Flaminius both sai∣led into Sicilie to levie and muster men, and also as he made saile from Sicilie toward Spain, was

by wind and tempest put with the shore of Africk: where he found certeine souldiers dispersed [unspec G] over the countrey, remaining of the armie of P. Africanus: of whom he tooke a militarie oth to serve him in his warres: and that to these levies raised in two provinces, he joyned also a third in Spaine.

The warre of the Ligurians likewise grew as fast: for they had alreadie besieged and invested Pisae with fortie thousand men: and thither resorted and flocked dayly unto them great multi∣tudes as well for hope of pillage, as upon the bruit and rumor that went of the warre. Minutius the Consull came at the day appointed to Arretium, which was the Rendezvous where he had commaunded all his souldiours to meete him: from whence he marched with a fouresquare Battailon toward Pisae. And when the enemies had removed their camp a mile from the citie on the other side of the river, the Consull entred the towne, which no doubt by his comming he [unspec H] preserved. The next day himselfe also encamped on the other side of the river, almost halfe a mile from the enemies, from which place he made light skirmishes with them and saved the territorie of his allies from the excursions and robberies of the enemies. Hee durst not as yet try a battaile in pitched field, as having but raw and new souldiours, and those gathered out of many kinds of men, and not so well knowne among themselves, that one might surely trust another. The Ligurians bearing themselves bold of their numbers, not only came forth into the field readie to bid battaile, and hazard all upon a throw: but having multitudes at com∣maundement and to spare, sent out into all parts sundrie companies to spoile and raise booties as farre as to the marches and frontiers of the countrey. And when they had gathered together much cattaile and great store of pillage, they had a strong place of defence readie at hand, well [unspec I] manned and garded, by meanes whereof all was convoyed into their burroughs and townes.

Thus while the Ligurians warre was settled about Pisae, the other Consull L. Cornelius Me∣rula entred with his armie by the utmost consines of the Ligurians into the territorie of the Boians: where the warre was managed farre otherwise than with the Ligurians. For the Consull entred the field in battaile array, but the enemies fell off, and would not fight. In so much as the Romanes seeing none to come forth and present themselves, ran abroad into all parts to speed their hands with pillage. And the Boians chose rather to suffer their goods to be ransaked, ma∣king no resistance, than to save the same with the hazard of a battaile. The Consull when he had wrought his pleasure, and consumed all with fire and sword, departed out of the territorie of [unspec K] the enemies, and marched toward * 1.2 Mutina securely without any regard of himselfe, as through a peaceable country of his friends. The Boij perceiving once that they were gone out of their limits, followed after with a still and silent march, seeking some convenient place for to lay an ambush. And having in the night season passe beyond the Romane camp, they seised them∣selves of a streight passage within a fastnesse, through which of necessitie the Romanes must passe, and there they forlayed them. This was not so closely caried, but the Consull had an yokling thereof: and therefore whereas his manner was to set out in his march early in the morning, long before day light, now for feare least the darkenes of the night should increase the terror of a tumultuarie skirmish, he waited for the day. And albeit the sunne was up before he removed and set forward, yet he sent out a troup of horsemen to scoure and discover the quar∣ters. And after he was advertised by these espials what number there was of enemies, and in [unspec L] what place they were, he commaunded that all the baggage and cariage of the whole armie should be bestowed in the mids, and that the Triarij should stake and pale it all about, whiles he with the rest of his forces marched in order of battaile, and approched the enemie. The like also did the French, after they once saw that their ambush and traines were detected, and that they must of necessitie fight a set pitched battaile, where downe-right blowes, cleane strength, and pure valour, was to carry away the victorie. Thus about the second houre of the day they affron∣ted one another. The left wing of the horsemen of the allies and the extraordinaries fought in the vantgard, under the conduct of two Lieutenants that had bene Consuls, to wit, M. Marcel∣lus, and T. Sempronius, Consull the yeere before. The new Consull one while was in the front of the battaile, another while at the taile to keepe in the legions, least for egre desire of fight [unspec M] they should advance forward to the conflict before that the signall was geven. As for the men of armes belonging to the legions, he commaunded Quintius and P. Minutius, Marshals on Co∣lonels, to bring them forth, and conduct them without the battaile into a large plaine, from whence out of the open ground they should on a sodaine charge the enemies, when he gave

[unspec A] them a signall by sound of Trumpet. Thus as he was marshalling and directing his men, there came a messenger from T. Sempronius Longus with a report, that the loose Extraordinarie soul∣diers aforesaid were not able to abide the violence of the Gaules: that very many of them were slaine, and those that remained, partly for weerinesse of travade, and partly for fearefull cowar∣dise began to quaile their heate of fight: and therefore if he thought so good, he should send one of the two legions to succour, before they had received farther dishonor. Whereupon the second legion was sent, and the Extraordinaries retired themselves out of the battaile. Then be∣gan the conflict anew, by reason that the souldiours came in fresh and in heart, and the legion besides was complet and fully furnished with all her companies: the left wing of horsemen afore∣said was retired out of the battaile, and in lieu thereof, the right wing advanced into the fore∣front. [unspec B] By this time the sunne with extreme skorching heate, rosted and fried the bodies of the Frenchmen, which of all things can least abide heat: howbeit, standing with their ranks thicke and close together, one while they leaned one upon another: other whiles they rested and bare themselves upon their targets, and susteined the violence of the Romanes. Which when the Consull perceived, he commaunded C. Livius Salinator who had the conduct of the light horse in the wings, to send in the quickest horse in all his companie, with full carriere to breake their ranks: and gave charge that the legionarie horsemen should abide behind in the reregard. This tempest and storme of Cavallerie first shuffled and put in dissaray the battaile of the Gaules, and afterwards brake their ranks and files cleane, yet not so, that they turned their backs: for why, their captaines and leaders would not suffer them, laying about with their truncheons [unspec C] upon the backs of them that so trembled for feare, and forced them againe into their ranks: but the light horsemen aforesaid riding among them would not permit them to stand to it, and keepe their place. The Consull for his part encouraged and exhorted his souldiers to stick to it a while, for the victorie was in their hands; and to charge still upon them, so long as they saw them dis∣ordred and affrighted: for if they suffered their ranks to close againe, they should abide another conflict, and the same perhaps doubtfull and dangerous. The Ensigne-bearers he commaun∣ded to advaunce their banners: and thus at length with putting all their power and good will to∣gether, they discomfited the enemie, and put him to flight. After they shewed their backs once and tooke them to their heeles, running away on all sides, then the legionarie horsemen were sent out after to follow the chase: fourteene thousand Boians that day were slaine, a thou∣sand [unspec D] and nine hundred taken prisoners alive: 221 horsemen: three of their leaders: and of en∣signes were woon 212, and chariots 63. The Romanes likewise woon not this victorie so cleere, but it cost them some bloud. For of their owne souldiours and allies together, there died above five thousand: 23 Centurions, besides foure Colonels of Allies, and two Marshals of the se∣cond legion, to wit, M. Genutius, and M. Martius.

Atone and the selfe same time in manner, both the Consuls letters were brought to Rome. Cornelius his letters, touching the battaile fought at Mutina with the Boians: but the other of Q. Minutius from Pisae, were written to this effect, That whereas by lot it belonged to him to hold the assembly for the election of new magistrates, yet considering in how doubtfull tearms of hazard his affaires stood in Liguria, that he might not possibly depart from thence without [unspec E] the utter ruine of the allies, and hinderance of the weale publicke: therefore if it might seeme so good unto the LL. of the Senat, he would advise them to send unto his brother Consull, That he, who had finished his warre, might returne to Rome for to hold the foresaid generall assem∣bly for the election: but in case he should thinke much thereof, because this charge properly appertaineth not to him; hee promised them, that himselfe would doe whatsoever the Senate should thinke good. But he requested them to consider and be well advised, Whether it were not more expedient for the common-weale to proceed rather to an interreigne, than that he should leave the province in that state of jeopardie.

The Senat hereupon gave in charge to C. Scribo∣nius for to send two embassadours both of Senators calling, unto L. Cornelius the Consull, who should carrie also with them unto him the letters of his colleague written and sent unto the Se∣nate: [unspec F] and withall, to let him understand, that unlesse he would come himselfe to Rome for the election of new magistrates to succeed, the Senat would suffer an interreigne rather than call a∣way Q. Minutius from the warre unfinished, and wherein he was wholly employed. The Embas∣sadours that were sent, brought word backe, That L. Cornelius would repaire to Rome himselfe for the chusing of new magistrates.

As touching the letters of L. Cornelius, wherein he did them

to understand, what happie issue and successe he had in the battaile with the Boians; there was [unspec G] some reasoning and debate in the Senat house: for M. Claudius his lieutenant had written other letters privately to most of the Senatours, to this effect; That they were much beholden and bound to give thankes unto the good fortune of the people of Rome, and the valour of the sol∣diours, in that they sped so well as they did: for by meanes of the Consull, not only there were a good number of men lost, but also the armie of the enemies was escaped out of their hands, when they had fit opportunitie presented unto them, of a finall diffeiture and overthrow thereof: and that by this occasion there was a greater number of the souldiours miscarried; for that they who should have rescued and succoured those that were distressed, came too late out of the rere∣gard: and the reason why the enemies got away and escaped was this, because the legionarie horsemen had not the signall soone enough sounded unto them, and could not possibly pursue [unspec H] them in the chase. Therefore as concerning that point, they would not determine any thing rashly and hand over head, but the matter was referred and put over to a more frequent assem∣bly of Senatours.

A greater object there was to trouble their heads; for the citie was much oppressed with usu∣rie: and albeit the avarice and covetousnesse of men had beene well gaged and bridled by ma∣ny lawes concerning usurie, yet there was a cautelous devise and shift found out, to avoid all sta∣tures in that behalfe: to wit, that all obligations should passe in the names of allies, and be sea∣led unto them, who were not tied and bound to observe the lawes aforesaid. By which meanes the creditors enwrapped their debtors in what bonds they list, and forced them to pay extreame interest as they would themselves, without stint. For to see into this disorder and enormitie, and [unspec H] to redresse the same, it was thought good and order taken, to set downe and limit a certain day, namely, upon which the usurers were last restrained. From which day all those allies should come in and declare and prosesse, what mony they had put forth upon usurie to any citizens of Rome; and that the creditour should have right to recover those monies put forth from that time, according to such conditions as the debtour would himselfe. Hereupon, after there were discovered great summes of money and debts contracted by this fraudulent practise, M. Sem∣pronius a Tribune of the Commons, by advise of the Senate propounded a law, and the Com∣mons alowed it, That the same course of putting out money practised betweene citizen and citizen of Rome, should likewise be in force among the allies of the Latine nation. In this sort went matters in Italie, both within the citie of Rome, and also in the warres abroad.

[unspec K]

In Spaine the warre was nothing so much as the bruit that ran thereof. C. Flaminius in high Spaine, was Ilucia, a towne in the Oretans countrey: after which exploit, he laid up his soldiers in their winter harbour. And in winter time there passed certaine light skirmishes (not woorth the naming) against the excursions of brigands and theeves, I may rather say, than enemies: and yet the fortune was variable, and not without some losse of men. As for M. Fulvius he at∣chieved great matters: for hee fought in a raunged battaile with banner displaied against the Vacceans, the Vectones, and the Celtiberians, before the town Toletum; where hee discomsued and put to flight the armie of those nations, and tooke prisoner alive, their king Hilermus.

Whiles these things thus passed in Spaine, the day drew neere, of the solemne election of magistrates at Rome: and therefore L. Cornelius the Consull having left M. Claudius lieutenant [unspec L] in the armie, came to Rome: who, after he had discoursed in the Senate house of his owne ex∣ploits, and in what estate the province stood, he complained to the LL. of the Senat, that consi∣dering so great a warre was brought to an end, by one battaile so fortunately and happily fought, there was no solemnitie to the honour of the gods, performed in that behalfe. Over and besides, he demaunded, That they would decree a procession and triumph with all. But before the Sena∣tours were to deliver their opinions to this demaund, Q.Metellus, who had beene Consull and Dictator, rose up and said, That there had been letters brought at one and the same time; both from the Consull Cornelius to the Senate, and also from M. Marcellus to a great many of the Senatours, and those letter importing contrarieties: whereupon the consultation of that mat∣ter had beene deferred and put off, to the end that it might be argued and debated in the pre∣sence [unspec M] of them both, who wrate the letters: and therefore I ever looked (quoth he) that the Con∣sull (knowing especially that his lieutenant had written and enformed somewhat against him, and considering that himselfe was to repaire to Rome) would have brought him also with him; seeing that it had been more meet and besitting him to have delivered the armie to T. Sempro∣nius,

[unspec A] one that was in the commission and had a commaund, than to a lieutenant. But it should seeme now, that hee was left behind farre enough off of very purpose, for feare he would avow and justifie personally his hand-writing, and charge him face to face: and that if the Consull should make report of any untruth, he might be chalenged therefore, and the thing sisted and canvased, untill the truth appeared clearely and came to light: and therfore my opinion is (qd. hee) that nothing be determined at this present, as touching the demaunds of the Consull. But when as he persisted not with standing, and followed the suit still, namely that they would ordaine a solemne procession, and that himselfe might enter the citie, riding in triumph: then Marcus and C. Titinius, both Tribunes of the Commons, protested, that they would interpose their ne∣gative, and cancell the order of the Senate in that behalfe.

[unspec B] The Censors for that time, were Sex. Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cetbegus, created the yeare before. Cornelius tooke a revieu of the citie and numbred the people; and there were accounted by his survey 143704 polls of citizens. Great flouds arose that yeere, and Tyber over flowed all that flats and plaine places of the citie: and about the gate Flumentana certain houses and buil∣dings were overthrowen withall, and laid along. The gate Caelimontana besides, was stricken with lightning, & the wall about it was likewise blasted from heaven. At Aricia, Lanuvium, and in mount Aventine, it rained stones. And reported it was from Capua, that a great swarine of waspes came flying into the market place, and setled upon the temple of Mars; which beeing with great care taken up and gathered togither, were afterward consumed with fire. In regard of these prodigious tokens, order was given, that the Decemvirs should search and peruse the [unspec C] bookes of Sibylla; whereupon a novendiall sacrifice (to continue nine daies) was appointed, a publicke procession solemnized, and the citie was cleansed and hallowed. About the same time M. Porcius Cato, dedicated the chappell of Virgin victorie, neere to the temple of the goddesse Vīctorie, two yeeres after that he had vowed it. In that yeere also the Triumvirs, C. Manlius Volso, L. Apustius Fullo, and P. Aelius Tubero, (who had preferred a bill of request about the planting of a Colonie) had commission graunted, to conduct a Colonie of Latines into the countrey of Thurium: and thither went three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen; a small number in comparison of the largenesse and quantitie of the territorie. There might well have beene set out thirtie acres for every footman, and threescore for an horseman: but by the moti∣on and advise of Apustius, one third part of the lands was excepted and reserved, to the end, that [unspec D] afterwards in time, they might enroll new Coloners if it pleased them. And therefore the foot∣men had twentie acres, and the horsemen fortie apeece.

Now approched the end of they yeere, and more ambition there was, and hoter suite for place of dignitie in the election of Consuls, than ever had been knowne any time before. Many migh∣tie men, as well of the Patrity and nobles, as the Commoners, stood and laboured hard for the Consulship, to wit, P. Cornelius Scipio, the sonne of Cneus, who lately was departed out of Spaine after he had atcheeved many worthie deeds. L. Iuintius Flaminius who had ben Admi∣rall of the navie in Greece, and Cn. Manlius Volso, all of the Nobilitie. But of the Commons were C. Laelius, Cn. Domitius, C. Livius Salinator, and M. Acilius. But all mens eies were fixed upon Iuintius and Cornelius: For they desired one place, being both of them nobly descened, and [unspec E] their fresh glorie for feats of warre, recommended both the one and the other. But above all other things, the brethren of these competitours, two most renowmed warriors of their time, set the debate on a light fire. The glorie of Scipio, as it was the greater of the twaine, so it was more subject to envie. The honour of Iuntius was more fresh, as who that yeer had newly triumphed. Over and besides, the one of them had beene now almost ten yeeres continually conversant in the eies of men (a thing that maketh great men not so highly regarded, by reason that they are growne stale, and the world is full alreadie of them) also he had been twise Consull, and Censour since he vanquished Anniball. But in Iuintius all was fresh & new, to win the good grace and fa∣vor of men. And more than that, he neither after his triumph had obtained ought of the people, not, to say a truth, requested any thing. He alledged, that he made suite for his owne naturall and [unspec F] whole brother by both sides, & not for a cousin german; in the behalfe of a very companion and partaker with him in the managing of the war (for as himselfe served by land, so his brother per∣formed many exploits by sea.) So he obtained, that Quintius should be preferred before his com∣petitor, whom Africanus & his brother [Asiaticus] brought in and graced, whom the whole race of Cornely seemed to countenance, even then when a Cornelius, Consull, was president of the ele∣ction,

& held the assembly, whom the Senat had given so grave a testimonie of, in adjudging him [unspec G] to be the best man simply in all the citie, & thought most worthie to receive the goddesse, dame Idea.1, comming from Pessinus to the citie of Rome. Thus were L. Quintius, & Cn. Domiuus Aeno∣barbus created Consuls, in such sort, that Africanus was of no credite, and bare no stroke at all (ye may be sure) in the election of a Consull out of the third estate of Commons, albeit he em∣ploied himselfe, and did his best for C. Laelius. The next day after were the Prectors elected, name∣ly L. Scribonius Libo, M. Fulvius Centimalus, A. Attilius Serranus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Va∣lenius Tappus, and Q. Salonius Sarra. In this yeer M. Aemylius Lepidus and L. Aemylius Paulus, the Censors, bare themselves so in their office, as they made their yeer to be notable and much spo∣ken of. They condemned & fined many of the citie grasiers or farmers of the common pastures: and of that money which arose of their amercements, were certaine gilded shields made, which [unspec H] were set up on the finiall or lanterne of Iupiters temple. They made one terrace or gallerie with∣out the gate Trigemina, with a merchants hall or Burse adjoined there to, neere Tyber: and ano∣ther from the gate Fontinalis they built in length as far as to the altar of Mars, leading to Mars field.

For a long time nothing was done in Liguria worth the remembrance. But about the end of the yeere, twise were the Romanes in great jeopardie: for both the campe of the Consull was as∣sailed and hardly defended, and also not long after, as the Romane hoast marched through a streight pase, the armie of the Ligurians kept the very gullet of the passage, and the Consull see∣ing he could not make way through, turned his ensignes, and began to retire the same way hee came: but by that time, some of the enemies had gained also the backe part, of the pase, inso∣much [unspec I] as the lamentable remembrance of the Caudine overthrow, not onely presented it selfe to their spirit and mind, but also was in manner an object to their eie. Now had he amongst his auxiliarie or aid-forces, to the number almost of eight hundred horse. Whose captaine promi∣sed the Consull, that he and his would breake through whether way hee would, let him onely but tell him which of the two quarters were better peopled and inhabited: for the first thing that he did, he would fire their villages and houses; to the end, that the feare and fright there of might force the Ligurians to depart out of the chase which they held and beset, and run to succour their owne neighbours. The Consull commended him highly, and sed him with hope of large rewards. Whereupon the Numidians mounted on horsebacke, and began to ride about the corps de guard of the enemies, without offering to charge upon any man. At the first, a man that [unspec K] had seen them, would have thought nothing more contemptible, being both men & horse, litle, spare and gaunt. The horseman unarmed and without weapon, save that hee carrieth about him some light darts: the horses without bridles; and as they ran shutting out their stiffe neckes, and bearing their heads forward without any reining at all, they made a very ill favoured sight. And the riders, for to make themselves more despised, would for the nones seeme to take fals from their horses, and make their enemies good sport. Whereupon they (who if at first they had been assailed, would have been heedfull and readie to have received the charge) now sat still (many of them unarmed) to behold this pleasant pastime. The Numidians would gallop toward them, and presently ride back again, but so, as by little & little they gained ground, and advaunced neerer to the pase, yet making semblance, as if they had had no rule of their horses, but were caried thither [unspec L] against their wils. At the last, they set spurs to their horses indeed, and brake through the mids of the enemies guards: and so soone as they had recovered the open ground, they set on fire all the houses neere the high way side, and so forward they burnt the next village they came unto, & de∣stroied all asore them with fire and sword. First the smoke that was descried, afterwards, the out∣crie heard of them that were affrighted in the villages, and last of all, the children and old folke that fled to save themselves, made a trouble and hurlyburly in the campe: in some much, as every man of himselfe without advise, without warrant or direction, made what hast he could to runne and save his owne. Thus in the turning of an hand, the campe was abandoned, and the Consull deli∣vered from siege, arrived thither where he intended.

But neither Boians nor Spaniards (with whom that yeare the Romanes made warre) were so [unspec M] despiteous and maliciously bent against them, as the whole nation of the AErolians. They at the verie first were in very good hope, that presently upon the remoove of the forces out of Greece, Antiochus would have entered Europe, and seazed upon the vacant possession thereof: and that neither Philip nor Nabis would be in rest and doe nothing. But seeing them not to stirre in any

[unspec A] place, they thought it high time to make some trouble and confusion themselves, for seare least by delayes and lingering, all their designments would turne to nothing: and therfore they pub∣lished a Diet or Councell to be holden at Naupactum. In which assembly Thoas their Pretour, after he had made grievous complaint of the wrongs received by the Romanes, mooving and solliciting the state of Aetolia (for that they of all other nations and cities of Greece, were least honoured and set by after that victorie, where of they had beene the cause) gave his advise, That there should be embassadours sent to all the neighbour kings, not only to found their minds and affections, but also to incite and pricke them every one forward to enter into armes against the Romanes. So Damocritus was addressed to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and Dicaearchus the brother of the Pretour unto Antiochus.

Damocritus had in commission to signifie unto the tyrant of La∣cedaemon, [unspec B] That by the losse of his maritime cities, the very strings and sinews of his tyrannie and kingdome were cut in sunder. For from thence was hee furnished with souldiours, from thence had he his ships and fervitours at sea: where as now, hee might see the Archaeans LL. and rulers of Peloponnesus, whiles himselfe was pinned up and enclosed within his walls, and never should he have opportunitie to recover himselfe, if he let passe this that presently was offered unto him. No Romane armie was now in Greece: and never would the Romanes thinke it sufficient cause, to passe over the seas with their legions into Greece, for any occasion of Gyttheum or other La∣conians inhabiting the sea coasts. These reasons were laid forth to incense the courage of the ty∣rant, to the end, that when Antiochus was once passed over into Greece, he being touched in con∣science, that he had broken the Romane league, by committing outrage upon their allies, might [unspec C] of necessitie joine and band with Antiochus.

Semblable remonstrances and reasons used Nican∣der for to provoke and persuade Philip: and much more matter he had to enforce that point, as the king was deposed from much higher degree of estate than the tyrant had been, and also had sustained farre greater losses. To this, he alleadged the auncient name and renowme of the KK. of Macedonie; and how that nation had over run the whole world, and filled all places with their noble conquests & victories. Moreover he said, That he advised him to take a course, which was safe both to be enterprised, & also easie to bee executed. For he gave not Philip counsell to stirre, before that Antiochus were passed over with an armie into Greece: and considering that he with∣out the aid of Antiochus had maintained warre so long against the Romans and Aetolians, what possible meanes had the Romans to with stand him, assisted with Antiochus and the Aetolians his [unspec D] allies, who even then were fiercer enemies than the Romanes? Over and besides, hee inferred this reason also, what a brave and doubtie captaine Anniball was, a man even borne to bee an enemie to the Romanes, and who had slaine alreadie more leaders and souldiours of theirs, than were left behind. These were the allegations of Nicander to Philip. As for Dicaerchus, hee had other motiver to persuade with Antiochus.

First and principally above all others, hee affirmed, That howsoever the price and bootie of Philip fell to the Romanes, the victo∣rie was gained and atcheeved by the Aetolians, and none but they either gave the Romanes entrance and passage into Greece, or furnished them with forces for the performance and accomplishment of the victorie. Then hee shewed and made promise what power as well of foote as horse they would present unto Antiochus toward his warres, what places they would give [unspec E] him for his land-forces, and what havens and harbours for his strength and armie at sea. After all this he stuck not (to serve his own turn) for to overreach and tell a lowd lie as touching Philip and Nabis, in giving out confidently that they were both of them ready and at the point to renue war: and would take the vantage of the very first opportunitie and occasion that could be presen∣ted, to recover those things which by warre they had lost. Thus the Aetolians laboured to set all the world at once upon the top of the Romanes.

Howbeit, the KK. were either not moved at all with their solliciting, or bestirred them more slowly than they looked for. But as for Nabis, he sent immediately about all the townes by the sea side, certeine persons of purpose to sow discord and kindlie seditions among them: and some of their principall citizens he woon by gifts and presents to his owne purpose and designements: but such as stifly continued fast and firme in [unspec F] alliance and allegeance with the Romanes, those he made away and murdred. Now had T. Iuin∣tius given in charge and commission to the Achaeans, for to guard all the Laconians that dwelt upon the sea coasts: and therefore presently they both dispatched their embassadors unto the Tyrant, to put him in mind of the confederacie and association with the Romanes, and to warne him and give him advertisement, that in no wise he would trouble that peace, which he had so

earnestly craved and sought for: and also sent aid unto Gyttheum, which now the tyrant began [unspec G] to assault; yea, and addressed other embassadors also to Rome to geve intelligence of these occurrents.

Antiochus the king after he had that winter time given his daughter in marriage to Ptolo∣maeus the king of Aegypt at Rhaphia a citie in Phoenicia, retired to Antiochia; and in the very end of the same winter, passed through Cilicia over the mountaine Taurus, and came to Ephe∣sus. And from thence in the beginning of the Spring, after he had sent his sonne Antiochus into * 1.3 Syria for to defend and keepe in obedience the utmost frontiers of his kingdom, least in his absence there might arise some troubles behind his back, he marched with all his land-forces a∣gainst the Pisidians, who inhabit about * 1.4 Selga.

At the same time the Romane embassadors P. Sulpitius and P. Villius, who as we said before [unspec H] had ben sent unto Antiochus with direction, first to visit king Eumenes, arrived at * 1.5, Elea, and from thence went up to * 1.6 Pergamus, where Eumenes kept his royall court. Eumenes was desirous in this heart that Antiochus should be warred upon: supposing verily, that if he were at peace, being a prince so much mightier than himselfe, he would be but an ill and dangerous neighbour to neere unto him: but if warre were once afoote, that he would be no more able to beard and match the Romanes than Philip had been: and that either he should wholly be overthrowne and come to utter ruine; or if, being vanquished he had peace given unto him by the Romanes; then, as he lost much thereby and would be weaker, so himselfe should gaine by the bargaine, and grow mightier, that afterwards he might be able easily of himselfe to make his part good, and hold his owne against him, without the help and aid of the Romanes: or if any misfortune [unspec I] should happen unto him, he were better by farre, to hazard any fortune whatsoever in the Ro∣mane societie, than either alone to endure the lordly dominion of Antiochus & be subject, or in refusing to obey, be compelied there to by force and armes. For these causes he employed all the credit and authoritie he had, yea and addressed all counsell that he could devise for to prick on and set forward the Romanes in this warre. Sulpitius remained behind sick at Pergamus. But Vilius advertised that the king was occupied and busied in the Pisidian warre, went to Ephesus: and whiles he abode there some few dayes, he endevoured and made meanes to have confe∣rence often times with Anniball, who haply at that time so journed there, both to sound his mind if possibly he could, and also to secure him of all feare from the Romanes. In these meetings and communications, no other thing passed nor was done between them. But see what ensued here∣upon [unspec K] of it selfe, as if it had bene a thing wrought and compassed of meere pollicie. Anniball by this meanes was lesse set by and in smaller credit with the king, yea and in all matters began to be more and more suspected and had in jelosie. Claudius (the Historian) who followeth the greeke bookes of Acilius, writeth that P. Africanus was joyned in that embassage, and that he talked and devised with Anniball at Ephesus: and namely maketh report of one conference and speech betweene them twaine: and that is this. Africanus demaunded of Anniball, whom in his judgement, he tooke to have bene the greatest commaunder for feates of armes, that ever was: to which he made answere, that he judged Alexander the king of the Macedonians was simply the most excellent warrior; in this regard, that he with a small power had defeited innumerable ar∣mies; and besides had passed as farre as to the utmost bounds of the whole earth, even to those [unspec L] lands, that a man would think incredible, for any one to reach unto. And when he asked againe whom he deemed worthie to stand in the second place: he answered, that Pyrrhus was the man; for that he first taught how to pitch a camp, and above all other points of military skill, no man knew better to choose out commodious ground and places of advantage, or more cunningly to plant and dispose garisons: besides he had such cast and a dexteritie, to draw and win men unto him, that the Italian nations had leiser have bene subject to him a foreine prince, than to live un∣der the people of Rome, not with standing they had of long time the seignorie and rule of those parts. And when he proceeded still to know whom he reputed for the third, he made no sticking at the matter but named himselfe. Whereupon Scipio tooke up a laughter and replied againe: What would you say then, if your hap had bene to have subdued me? Mary then quoth he, I [unspec M] would thinke I were worthy to be set before Alexander, before Pyrrhus, yea and before all other martiall men and commanders in the whole world. At this answere, Scipio tooke delight and pleasure, to see how surrelly and caurelously he had like a cunning Carthaginian, couched his words in a certeine kind of flatterie, as if he had sequestred him from out of the raunge and ranke

[unspec A] of all other captaines, as being by many degrees incomparable, and farre above all others. Then Villius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea: and thither Antiochus also repaired for to meete him, hearing of the comming of Romane legates. In this communication and con∣ference at Apamea, the matter was debated much after the same sort, as it had bene at Rome between Quintius and the kings embassadors. But the newes of Antichus the kings sonne his death (whom I said a little before to have bene sent into Syria) brake off the peace. Great mourning and sorrow there was in the kings court, and much was that yong prince missed and moaned. For, that good proose he had given of himselfe, that if he had lived any long time, he would have proved by all likelyhood of his towardnesse, a great, a mightie, and a righteous king. The derer and better beloved he was of all men; the more suspicious was his death and namely [unspec B] that his father doubting that he would presse forward and be instant to succeed him in his old age, tooke order by the ministery of certain Eunuches or guelded men (persons greatly accepted with kings for such services) to have him poisoned. And they say, that another cause also set him forward to commit this secret act, because having geven the citie Lysimachia to his sonne Se∣lencus, he had no such place to bestow upon Antiochus his sonne, for to keepe his residence in, whereunto he might have removed him farther off from his owne person, under colour of doing him honor. Howbeit, great semblance and shew there was of much mourning and lamentation all over the court for certeine daies: in so much as the Rom. embassador retired himselfe to Per∣gamus, because he was loth to converse there uncivilly, at so unseasonable a time. The king retur∣ned to Ephesus, and gave over the war that he had enterprised. Where, the court gates being [unspec C] shut by occasion of the mourning time, he devised and consulted in great secret with one Minio, an inward friend unto him, and whom of all other he loved best, and trusted most. This Minio, a meere stranger and altogether ignorant in foreiene affaires and forces, measuring & esteeming the power and greatnes of the king by his exploits done in Syria or in Asia, deemed verily, that Antiochus had not only the better cause, in that the Romanes demaunded unreasonable condi∣tions; but also should have the upper hand in the triall thereof by warre. When as now the king refused to have any conference and dispute with the embassadors, either for that he knew by good experience that it would be bootless for him so to do, or because he was troubled in spirit upon this late and fresh object of griese and sorrow: Minio undertooke the businesse, and [unspec D] prosessed that he would speake to the point of the matter & to good purpose: and so persuaded the king to send for the embassadors from Pergamons. By this time Sulpotius was recovered of his sicknes, and therefore both of them repaired to Ephesus;* 1.7 where excused the king, and in his absence they began to treate about their affaires.

Then Minio with a premeditate oration began in this wise. I see well (qd. he) that you Romanes pretend unto the world a goodly title of setting free the cities of Greece, but your deedes are not answerable to your words: and ye have set downe unto Antiochus one manner of law to be tried unto, and practice your selves another. For how commeth it about that the Smyrneans & Lampsacenes should be Greekes, more than the Neapolitanes; the Rhegines, and Tarentines, of whom you exact tribute and require ships, by vertue of the accord and covenants between you? Why send you yeerely to Saracose and [unspec E] other Greeke cities of Sicily, a Pretor in soveraigne authority, with his rods and axes? Cerres, ye have nothing else to say, but that ye have subdued them in warre, and by right of conquest: have imposed these conditions upon them. The like; yea and the same cause know yea that Antiochus alledgeth as concerning Smyrna, Lampsacus, and other cities and states of Ionia & Aeolis: For having been conquered in war by his auncestors & progenitors; having I say been made tributa∣rie and taillable, he chalengeth of them the auncient rights & duties due from them, and to him belonging. And therfore if ye wil' debate and treat the question according to aquitie and reason, and not rather pick quarels and seeke occasion of war, I would gladly know what ye will answere to him in this point? To this Sulpitius made answere in this wise. Antiochus (quoth he) hath done very well, & with good regard of modestie, in that having no other matters to plead unto for his defense & the maintenance of his cause, he hath made choise of any other rather than himselfe to [unspec F] be the speaker. For what one thing is there alike in those cities which you have named and put in comparison? Of the Rhegines, Neapolitanes and Tarentines, we demaund that which is our due according to the deeds of covenants endented, and hath ever bene since time that first they were in subjection under us; that I say which we have chalenged & enjoyed by vertue of one con∣tinued course and tenor of right, by us ever practised without any intermission or interruption.

And are you able to avouch, that as those nations neither by themselves nor by any other, have [unspec G] altered and chaunged the accord betweene us and them; so the cities of Asia, when they once became subject to the auncestors of Antiochus, remained alwaies in the perpetuall possession of your kingdome? And not rather, that some of them have beene under the obeisaunce of Philip, and others obedient to Ptolomaee? Yea and divers of them for many yeeres have been free and used their owne liberties without contradiction, and no words or doubt made thereof? For admit this once, that (because these cities sometimes were in bondage through the iniquitie of those times where in they were oppressed) there shall be a right pretended, and the same be ef∣fectuall to reduce them againe after so many ages into servitude? What wanteth it but ye may as well say, that we have done just nothing, in delivering Greece out of the hands of Philip? and that his successours and posteritie, may claime againeand lay title to Corinth, Chalcis, Deme∣trias, [unspec H] and the whole Thessalian nation? But what meane I to maintaine the cause of the cities of Greece, whome it were more meet and reasonable, that both wee and the king himselfe would give audience unto, and let them plead what they can for their owne selves?

With that he com∣maunded the embassages of the cities to be called in, which were prepared and instructed asore∣hand by Eumenes, who made this reckoning, that whatsoever strength went from Antiuchus, should accrue and come unto him and his kingdome. Many were admitted to speake: & whiles every one set forward his owne cause, some by way of complaint, others in manner of demaund, each one putting in for himselfe without regard of right or wrong, so he served his owne time, they fell at length from reasoning to warbling and wrangling: in so much, as the Embassadours returned to Rome as uncertaine and doubtfull in all matters as they were when they came, with∣out [unspec I] releasing or obtaining any one thing at all.

When they were dismissed and gone, the king held a councell as touching the Romane war. In which assembly, some delivered their opinion more freely and stoutly than others: but gene∣rally the more bitter speech that any one used against the Romanes, the greater hope he had to enter into especiall grace and favour with the king. One above the rest, inveighed much and spake against those proud and insolent demaunds of the Romanes, who imposed hard lawes and conditions upon Antiochus, the mightiest king of all Asia, as if he had beene no better than Nabis, whome they had conquered and subdued. And yet (faith he) they left unto Nabis some seignorie and dominion in his owne countrey and citie of Lacedaemon:

wheras if Lampsacum and Smyrna should be at the command of Antiochus, they deemed that an unworthy thing and [unspec K] a very indignitie. Others opined and said, that those two cities were but small causes, and not woorth the naming, for so puissant a prince to stand upon and to warre for. But alwaies (say they) men begin with just and reasonable demaunds, to make an overture and way to compasse and obtaine that which is unjust. Vnlesse one would beleeve, that when Persians requested of the Lacedaemonians, water and earth, they stood in need of a clot and turse of ground, or a draught of water. In like sort for all the world the Romanes doe but sound and trie the king, in their de∣maunds touching these two cities. For other cities likewise, so soone as they shall perceive that those two have shaken off the yoke of obedience, will soon revolt and turne to that people which is their deliverer, and at whose hands they hope for libertie. And say, that freedome were not to them more deare and pretious than bondage, yet it is the nature of every man to feed and please [unspec L] himselfe with a bare hope of a chaunge and new world, much more than with the assured hold of any present state whatsoever.

There was in place at this councell, Alexander of Acamania, one who sometime had friended Philip; but of late daies was fallen from him and followed the court of Antiochus, a more wealthie and magnificent prince: and being taken for a politician who had a special insight into the state of Greece, and was not ignorant of the affaires of Rome, had would himselfe into high favour and inward friendship with the king, that he was taken in to be one of his privie counsell, and acquainted with all his secrets.

This man, as if the question in hand had beene, not, Whether war should be levied or no; but, Where, and by What means, and How it should be managed, spake aloud and said, That he made full reckoning and account in his very spirit and heart of the victorie, in case the king would passe the seas over into Eu∣rope, [unspec M] to plant and settle himselfe in some part of Greece, and there wage warre: for at his verie first comming hee should see in armes alreadie the Aerolians, that inhabit the very heart and centre of Greece, who would be the only chieftaines and port-ensignes to march before them, readie to venture and enter upon the most difficult and daungerous enterprises of war. Againe,

[unspec A] in the two cantons and angles as it were thereof, he should find Nabis of the one side from Pe∣loponnesus, at hand to rise and raise those quarters, with intent to regaine the citie of the Ar∣gives, to win again the maritime cities, which the Romans have disseized & dispossessed him of, and have mued and shut him within the walls of Lacedaemon. On the other side from Macedo∣nie, Philip would no doubt take armes, so soone as he shall heare the first alarme and sound of trumpet. Full well (qd. he) know I his courage, & of what spirit and stomacke he is: right well I wore that he hath fostered in that brest of his for a long time, anger & despite; like to these wild and savage beasts, which either are kept within yron grates, or fast tyed and bound: and as well I remember, how many a time he was woont (during the wars) to pray heartily to all the gods, to vouchsafe for to give him Antiochus for his helper and assistant: and if now hee might enjoy his [unspec B] wish, and have the thing so long desired and praied for, hee would without any delay, enter into armes and warre incontinently. Onely (quoth Alexander) we must not linger and stay nor drive off, for as much as herein consisteth the very point of victorie, even betimes to seize upon com∣modious places of advantage, before the enemies be possessed of them. Also with all speed, An∣niball to be sent into Affricke, where by the Romanes may be distracted, & compelled to turne themselves sundry waies. Anniball only was not called to this counsell; for by reason of the fore∣said conferences with Villius, the king had him in some jealousie, and therefore he was out of fa∣vour, and of no credit and account with him.

At the first, he put up this disgrace and made no words, but afterwards hee thought it a better course, both to demaund the cause of suddaine strangenesse and alienation of his, and also to take some good time to excuse and purge him∣selfe. [unspec C] And therefore upon a day having simply asked of the king, and heard the cause of his an∣ger toward him.

My father Amilcar (qd. he) ô Antiochus, when upon a time he sacrificed unto the gods, caused me (a verie little one) to be brought and presented before the altar, where he forced me to touch the same with my hand, & to take an oath, Never to be friend unto the peo∣ple of Rome. To accomplish and fulfill this oth, I maintained the wars for the space of sixe and thirtie yeere; by vertue of this oth, in time of peace I was driven out of my native country; and being fled from thence, this oth brought me into your court: and by the guidance & direction of this oth, if you should disappoint me of my hope, yet whersoever I know there are forces, wher∣soever I heare there is any stirring and rustling of armes, I shall seeke all the word over, untill I find some Romane enemies. And therefore, if there be any of your Courteors that have a mind [unspec D] and desire to advaunce themselves in your good grace, and would grow by carrying tales and accusing me unto you, let them find some other subject and matter to doe this by me: for I hate the Romanes, and am likewise hated of them. That this is truth which I say, my father Amilcar and the gods in heaven, can testifie. Wherefore, whensoever you shall thinke to make war with the Romanes, see you entertain Anniball for one of your greatest and most assured friends: but if any occurrent shall force you to peace, seeke some other counsellor and not me, to consult withall about that point. This speech was so effectuall, that not onely it prevailed with the king, but also reconciled Anniball unto his grace.

And so they departed out of the councell with a full resolution to make warre.

At Rome it was commonly talked and discoursed, that Antiochus was an enemie, but no pro∣vision [unspec E] and preparation there was for warre, but onely whetting the edge of their stomackes. For both Consuls had no other province but Italie assigned unto them to governe. And they were either to agree between themselves, or els to cast lots, whether of the twaine should hold the ge∣nerall assembly, and be president of the election for that yeere. And he whose hap was not to be charged with that businesse, was to bee in readinesse to lead forth the legions into any place out of Italie, as need should require. And to this Consull it was permitted to enroll two new Legi∣ons of citizens, and besides of allies and Latines twentie thousand foot, & eight hundred horse. To the other Consull were appointed those two legions, which L. Cornelius the Consull of the former yeere had under his governance: also of allies and Latines fifteen thousand footmen out of the same armie, and five hundred horse. As for Q. Minutius, his commission was continued [unspec F] still for the conduct of that armie which hee had in Liguria. And for to supply and make up the broken companies, he was allowed to enroll foure thousand Romane footmen, and one hundred and fiftie horse, and likewise to levie of the allies five thousand foot, and two hundred and fiftie horse for that service. To Cn. Domitius it fell by lot, that he should goe with a power out of Italie, whither soever the Senat gave order; and unto Quintius to governe Gaule. Then the Pretours

election followed, who likewise cast lots for their provinces. M. Fulvius Centimalus had the ci∣vile [unspec G] jurisdiction, and L. Scribonius Libo the forraine. L. Valerius Tappus governed Sicilie, Q. Salo∣vius Sarra, Sardinia: M. Babius Tamphilus high Spaine, and A. Attilius Serranus the base. But these two chaunged their provinces, first by an order from the Senate, and afterwards by an act also of the Commons. For to Attilius Macedonie was assigned and the navie, and to Baebius the countrey of the Brutij. Falminius and Fulvius continued in the government and commaund of Spaine, and to Baebius Tamphilus for the rule of the Brutij, were those two legions appointed which the yeere before lay in the cittie, with commission to take up and levie of allies fifteene thousand foot, and five hundred hórse to go thither. Aulus Attilius had in charge to cause thirtie galicaces to bee made with five banckes of oares on a side, and to take out of the harbours and dockes as many old vessels as were sit for service, and to enroll mariners and towers. The Consuls [unspec H] also were enjoined to deliver unto him two thousand allies of the Latine nations, and a thousand Romane footmen. It was commonly voiced, that these two Pretours with two armies both by land and at sea, were prepared against Nabis, who openly now assailed the consederates of the people of Rome. But still the embassadors were looked for, who had been sent unto king An∣tiochus, and the Senate commaunded the Consull Domitius not to depart from the citie before their returne. The Pretours, Fulvius and Scribonius, whose charge it was to minister law and exe∣cute justice in Rome, had commission to provide a hundred galeaces, besides that fleet which Attilius was to commaund. But before that either Consuls or Pretors went forth into their pro∣vinces, there was a procession holden, in regard of the prodigies and fearefull sights that were reported. For word was brought out of Pincenum, that a shee goat had yeaned sixe kids at once, [unspec I] and that it rained earth at Amiternum; and at Formiae, that a gate and wall of the citie were smit∣ten with lightening; and (that which most of all troubled and frighted the Consull Domitius) that an oxe spake these words, ROME, TAKE HEED TO THY SELFE. In regard of the other prodigious tokens, there was a supplication holden; but as for the oxe, the Soothsaiers & bowel-priers gave commaundement, that he should with great care be kept & nourished. The Tyber also with more violence overflowed into the citie than in the former yeere, and overthrew two bridges and ma∣ny buildings, especially about the gate Flumentana. Moreover, a mightie huge stone shaken out of the Capitoll cliffe, tell from thence into the street called Iugarium, either by the force and vi∣olence of raine, or some earthquake (which if there were any, was so little, that it could not bee perceived) & that stone killed many a man. In the countrey also, by reason of this deluge, much [unspec K] cattell was carried away with the floud, and many farme houses and graunges were borne downe and laid along.

Before that L. Quintius the Consull was arrived into his province, Q. Minutius fought a bat∣teil with the Ligurians in the territorie of Pisae, and slue nine thousand enemies; the rest he dis∣comfited, put to flight and chased into their campe; which being assailed, was defended manful∣ly with much fighting untill darke night: and then the Ligurians slipt away in the night season se∣cretly. And by the dawning of the next day the Romans entred & seised therof when it was emp∣tie of the enemies. Lesse pillage was there found, for that ever and anone what booties soever they gate in the countrey they sent home to their houses. Minutius not with standing gave the enemies no repose from that time forward. For being departed out of the territorie of Pisae hee [unspec L] came into Liguria, where he destroied their borroughes and castles, and put all to fire and sword. There the Romane souldiours filled their hands with the Tuscane prises; sent thither by the forragers and robbers.

Much about this time the embassadors returned to Rome, from the KK. who brought word and made relation of nothing that was sufficient to enforce them to proceed in any hast to warre, but onely against the Lacedaemonian tyrant, by whom (as the Achaean embassadors also gave in∣telligence) the sea coasts of Laconia were wronged and assailed, against the covenants of the league. Whereupon Attilius the Pretour was sent with a fleet to defend the associates. And for as much as there was no imminent perill from Antiochus, it was thought good, that both the Consuls should goe into their provinces. Domitius tooke his journey, and went the neerest way [unspec M] by Ariminum, and Quintius came into the Boians countrey by the way of Liguria. And these two Consuls armies in divers quarters, wasted all abroad the enemies countrey. At the first some sew of their gentlemen and horsemen, together with their captaines; afterwards, all those of Se∣natours calling; and last of all, as many as were of any havoir, worth and worship, to the number

[unspec A] of fifteene hundred fled to the Consull.

Likewise in both Spaines that yeere, the affaires went prosperously: for not onely C. Flaminius won by force of mantelets and engines of batterie the rich and strong towne Litabrum, & tooke prisoner alive their lord Corribilo a noble prince, but also M. Fulvius the Proconsul fought with two armies of the enemies twise, and put them to the worse: and woon by assault two townes of the Spaniards Vescelia and Holone, with many other fortresses: the rest of themselves revolted unto him. After this hee made a journey into the Oretanes countrey, and there having gotten two townes,* 1.8 Noliba and Cusibi, he set forward and marched to the river Tagus. In that quarter there stood * 1.9Toledo, a small citie, but strongly seated: whiles he assaulted it, there came a migh∣tie armie of the Vectones to aid the Toletanes, with whome hee fought a set field, and woon the [unspec B] day, and having deseated the Vectones, hee forced the Toletanes with engines of batterie, and woon the towne.

But all the warres which at that time were in hand, nothing troubled the LL. of the Senate, so much as the expectation of the war, which Antiochus had not yet begun and enterprised. For al∣beit they had ever and anone certaine advertisements and intelligences of all things by their embassadours, yet many flying tales and headlesse bruits there went without any certaine au∣thors, reporting lies as well as truths. And among the rest there ran a rumor, that Antiochus, so soone as he was come into Aetolia, would presently put over a fleet into Sicilie. Whereupon the Senat, not with standing they had sent Attilius the Pretor with a fleet into Greece, yet for as much as there was need not of forces onely, but also of authoritie to entertain the hearts and affections [unspec C] of their allies, they sent over T. Quintius, Cn. Octavius. Cn. Servilius, and P. Villius, as embassadors into Greece, and gave order, that M. Babius should advaunce his legions out of the countrey of the Brutians, toward Tarentum and Brundusium, that from thence if need required, hee might saile over into Macedonia. Moreover, That M. Fulvius the Pretour should put out a steer of thirtie saile, for the defence of the coast of Sicilie, and that the admirall thereof should have full commission there to commaund (now L. Oppius Salinator, who the former yeere had beene one of the Aediles of the Commons, had the conduct of those ships.) Also, that the same Pretour should addresse his letters unto L. Valerius his Colleague, and advertised him that it was to bee feared, that the armada of King Antiochus would crosse over out of Aetolia into Sicilie; and ther∣fore it was the will and pleasure of the Senate, that he should take up and enroll into that armie [unspec D] which hee had alreadie, of tumultuarie souldiours twelve thousand footmen, and foure hundred horse, by whose means he might defend that coast of the province which looketh toward Greece. For the levie of these forces, the Pretour tooke musters not onely in Sicilie, but also in the Isles adjacent and lying there about, and fortified with good garrisons all the townes upon the sea side which lie toward Greece. Those rumours aforesaid were fed still and maintained by the comming of Attalus the brother of Eumenes, who reported that king Antiochus was passed over Hellespontus with an armie: and that the Aetolians were in that forwardnesse, that they would bee prest and readie in armes against his arrivall. Great thankes were given as well to Eumenes in his absence, as to Attalus there present in place. Also order was taken, that he should have a lodging alowed him at his pleasure, and his charges borne for his diet and housekeeping. More∣over, [unspec E] over, there were given him as presents, two great horses of service, two paire of horsemens ar∣mours, as much silver plate as amounted to an hundred pound weight; and of gold plate, as much as weighed twentie pound.

And for as much as messengers one after another advertised and gave warning, that war was at hand, it was thought requisite and expedient, that the new Consuls should be chosen in all convenient speed: whereupon a decree passed from the Senat, that M. Fulvius the Pretor should forth with dispatch his letters unto the Consull, to certifie him of the Senates pleasure, namely, that he should commit the government of his province and the armie unto his lieutenants, and remine himselfe unto Rome, and in his way send out his writs aforehand for the publishing of an assembly generall for the election of Consuls. The Consull obeied these letters, directed foorth [unspec F] his summons in maner aforesaid, and came to Rome. In this year also great ambition there was, and much suite for the dignitie of government. For that three noblemen stood for one place, namely, P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cnius, who the former yeere had the repulse, L. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Manlius Volso. The Consulship was conferred upon P. Scipio, so as it might ap∣peare to the whole world, that this honour was deferred onely, and not fully denied to so worthie

a personage. His adjoinct companion in government was M. Acilius Glabrio, a man by calling [unspec G] a commoner. The morrow after were the Pretours chosen, to wit, L. Aemylius Paulus, M. Aemy∣lius Lepidus, M. Iunius Brutus, A. Cornel. Mammula, C. Livius, and L. Oppius, both surnamed Salinator. This Oppius was he that had the conduct into Sicilie of a fleete of thirtie saile. Meane while that these new Magistrates cast lots for the government of their provinces, M. Babius was commaunded to passe over with all his power from Brundusium into Epirus, and to keepe his forces about Apollonia. And M. Fulvius the Pretor of the citie had in charge to build fiftie new Galeaces called Quinqueremes, of five banks of ores on either side. And thus verily the people of Rome was provided against all enterprises and attempts of king Antiochus whatsoever.

Neither was Nabis behind for his part in levying warre; but assaulted with great force the towne of Gytheum; and of a mischeivous and malicious mind against the Achaeans, for sending [unspec H] a garison to aid the besieged townesmen, he forraied & wasted their countrie. The Achaeans durst not go in hand with warre, before their embassadors were returned from Rome, and until they might know the pleasure & wil of the Senat: but after the return of those embassadors, they both published a Diet and generall Counsell at Sicyone, and also sent their embassadors to Quintius for his advise and counsell. In this Diet, all their opinions inclined and tended to make warre out of hand: only the letters of T. Quintius made some stay of the enterprise, wherein he advised them to expect the Pretor and navie of the Romanes. Now when the States there assembled in counsell were distracted, some persisting still in their former opinion, and others of mind to take with them the advise of him unto whom they had sent for counsell: the multitude at length looked what Philopaemenes would say in that behalf. The Pretor he was for the time, and in those [unspec I] daies surpasied all other in wisedome & authoritie. Then he rose up and used this preface & said, That it was a good custome among the Aetolians, and well ordeined and provided, that the Pre∣tour himselfe in all consultations of warre should not deliver his owne opinion; and therefore willed them of their selves to resolve and determine with all speede possible what they pleased. As for the Pretor, faith he, he will be readie to execute with fidelitie and carefull diligence their decrees accordingly: yea and indevor, so farre forth as mans pollicie may reach unto, that they snal not repent of their resolution, be it war or peace. This brief speech of his was more forcible and effectuall to incite them to take armes, than any persuasive oration, wherein he openly could have shewed his desire to follow the warres. And therefore with exceeding accord of all [unspec K] in generall they agreed upon warre. As for the time and meanes of managing the same, it was wholly referred to the discretion of the Pretor, to use his owne libertie & pleasure. Philopamenes, besides that Quintius so advised, was also himself minded to wait for the Romane fleete which on the sea side might defend Gytheum: but fearing again that their present necessitie could abide no delaies, and least not only Gytheum should be lost, but the garison also miscarie, which was sent to the defence of the warre, he set aflore and put to the sea the Achaeans shipping. The Tyrant likewise had rigged and dressed a small fleete to empeach any aid and succors that haply might be sent to the besieged by sea, to wit, three covered ships with hatch and deck, three Bri∣gantines or Pinnaces, and as many Gallions. For the old ships were by composition and cove∣nant delivered up to the Romanes. And to make proofe and triall of these new vessels; how swift and nimble they were, and withall to see how all things els were well fitted for a battaile, if neede [unspec L] were; he made every day certeine shewes and representations of fight at sea, and exercised both mariners and souldiours by such kind of false alarmes: supposing: that herein principally con∣sisted the hope of his siege, in case he could cut off all their aid from the sea side. Now the Pretor of the Achaeans, as he was egall to any of the best and most renowned commaunders and cap∣taines of that time in land service, either for experience and practise, or wit and pollicie: so at sea he was but a novice and a learner, as being an Arcadian borne, an Inlander farre within the maine, and ignorant besides of all foreine forces, but that he had borne armes and served a little in Candie, whiles he had the leading there, of some aid-souldiers. One old Gallie there was a Quadrireme, taken at sea 80 yeeres before, at what time as she caried Nicaela the wife of Craterus from Naupactum to Corinth. And having heard much talke of this ship (for indeed she had [unspec M] bene sometime of great name in the kings royall ••••eete) he commaunded her, all rotten as she was now, and readie to fall in peeces, to be shot into the sea from out of the Bay of Argium. This ship as admirall, made way before the rest, wherein Tiso of Patra, a captaine generall of a fleete was abourd; and encountred the ships of the Laconians, making saile from Gythaeum

[unspec A] And at the first the chaunced to affront and run against a new strong ship, and being old of her selfe, leaking and taking water at every joynt she was rent asunder and fell apieces. All with∣in her were taken prisoners. The rest of the fleete having lost their captainesse, fled as fast as pos∣sibly their ores could make speede and away. Philopaemenes himselfe was in a light foist, frigot or pinke, and fled amaine, and never stayed untill he was arrived at Patrae. This mishap nothing discouraged and abated the heart of this martiall warriour, who had run through many and sundrie adventures: but contrariwise wrought this effect, that he assured himself and said, That if he were overtaken and put to the worse in service at sea, wherein he had no skill, he would so much the rather quit himselfe so upon the land (where he had such experience and was so rea∣die) as that the Tyrant should not long joy and make boast of his winnings. Nabis pussed up [unspec B] with pride of his fortunate victorie, and persuading himselfe assuredly that he had no cause to feare any more danger from the sea, purposed likewise to stop up all the avenues & passages by land; and therefore beset all the wayes betimes with strong guards, which he bestowed in conve∣nient places. And retiring with a third part of his forces from the siege of Gythaeum, he encam∣ped before Pleiae. This is a place that overlooketh and commaundeth Leuca and Acra, by which wayes it seemed that the enemies would make their approch with their armie. Whiles he kept a standing camp there, and few of his souldiours were provided of tents and pavilions, and the rest of the common fort had made them cabins of reedes, wound and interlaced one within another, and the same covered with leaves only to geve them some shade; Philopaeme∣nes devised, before that he were discovered and came in sight of the enemies, to assaile them at [unspec C] unwares and not looking for his comming, after a new fashion of warre that they little doubted. Certeine small craies or boats he got together into a secret blind bay, lying within the territorie of Argos: in which he bestowed certeine souldiours nimbly appointed, most of them having round bucklers, with slings, darts, and such like offensive light weapons. From thence he coasted along the river neere the shore, untill he was come to the promontorie or cape adjoyning close to the enemies camp: then he went aland, and by knowen wayes he came by night unto Pleiae: and whiles the watch was fast asleepe, as mistrusting no such feare neere hand, he set fire upon the cabins aforesaid in every quarter of the camp. Many men were consumed with the fire before they wist that the enemie was come: and they that were ware of them, had no meanes to help [unspec D] and save their fellowes: so with fire and sword all went to wrack. Some very few escaped out of this extremitie of danger, and fled to the maine camp before Gythaeum. Thus Philopaeme∣nes having discomfited and frighted his enemies, led his armie forthwith to wast Tripolis in the territorie of Laconia, bounding fast upon the confines of the Megalopolitanes: and ha∣ving driven from thence great prizes of men and cattaile, hee departed before that the Tyrant could send any guards from thence for the defence of the countrey. And when hee had gathered and assembled his armie at Tegea, and published and made knowne unto the Achei and other Allies, a Diet or generall counsell to be holden there, whereat also were the chiefe States of the Epirots and Acarnanians: he determined (for as much as both the hearts of his owne people were sufficientlie recovered after the disgrace and shamefull dishonor received [unspec E] at sea; and also the courages of his enemies well cooled and they affrighted) to leade his forces against Lacedemon: supposing that, the onely meanes to draw the enemy away from the siege of Gythaeum. And first hee encamped before Cariae within the enemies ground. But that very day was Gythaeum forced by the enemies and woon. Philopaemenes nothing ware thereof, set forward, and encamped neere Barbosthenes, a mountaine, ten miles from Lace∣daemon. Nabis also, having gained Gythaeum, departed from thence with his armie light∣ly appointed; and marching apace beyond Lacedaemon, seized upon a place, called, The Camp of Pyrrhus: which hee made no doubt but that the enemies intended to be posses∣sed of. And then from thence he went to meere them. Now by reason of the narrow way, they tooke up in their march almost five miles of ground in length. At the taile of the armie were the horsemen, and especially, where the aid-soldiers marched: because Philopaemenes thought, [unspec F] that the tyrant would charge his men behind with his mercenarie souldiours, in whome hee reposed his greatest trust. Two things fell out contrarie to his expectation at once, which troubled him much: the one was, that the place was gotten by the enemies before, which hee intended to have seized upon for his owne advantage: the other was, for that hee saw the enemie affront his vaward in a place so rough and rugged, that without the gard of his light∣armed

souldiors, he could not possibly march forward and advaunce his ensignes. Now Phi∣lopaemenes [unspec G] had a singular dexteritie and skill, yea and great experience in leading an armie, and in making choice of his ground either to pitch or fight: and not onely in time of warre, but also in peace, he busied his head and emploied himselfe principally therein. His manner was, when he rode forth any whither and was come to a streight passage hard to passe through, to looke every way, and diligently to vieu and consider the situation and positure of the place on all sides: and if he were alone, to cast about and devise with himselfe; but if there were any in his companie, to aske their advise, in this wife: What if the enemie appeared and shewed him∣selfe in that place; How if he came affront or aflanke on this or that side; nay, How if he should charge upon our backe, what were best to be done? It may be the enemies will encounter vs di∣rectly raunged in battaile array; it may be they march disorderly and loosely, minding nothing [unspec H] els but their way, and to travaile on. Thus I say, would he either devise with himselfe or seeke ad∣vise of other, what place he were best to seaze for his owne purpose and commoditie: also what number of armed men hee should need to employ; or what kind of armour and weapons were needfull to use (for therein also lay no small importance.) Moreover, where hee should bestow his carriages? where he should lay his baggage? and where hee should place and dispose of the multitude that were not meet to beare arms? what strength and what maner of guard was need∣full for their defence? and whether it were more expedient to goe forward still the way that hee was entred into, or better to goe backe againe as he came? likewise, what ground was meet to be chosen for to pitch his campe upon? what compasse and space were necessarie to be taken up for the fortification of the place? from whence he might have convenient watering? from what [unspec I] quarter he might be best provided of fodder and fewell? Finally against the morrow, which way were safest to remoove the campe? and what forme and manner of march were best? In these courses and discourses, he had from his childhood so inured and exercised his spirits, that hee was never to seeke what to doe upon any such sodaine occasion or occurrent presented unto him. And now at this present, seeing his enemies so neere, first and foremost he made a stand with his vauntgard; then he sent out toward the formost ensigns, his auxiliar Candiotes that came to aid him, and those horsemen which they call Tarentine, whose manner is to have with them, two horses a peece; and then commanding his own men of arms to follow after, he possessed himselfe of a rock standing over a brook or running rill, from whence they might water commodiously: into that place he gathered togither all his bag and baggage; there hee bestowed all the pages [unspec K] and horse-boies, and followers of the campe, whome he environed also with armed men: and as the nature of the place would give him leave, he fortified his campe. But to pitch pavilions in a craggie, rugged, and uneven ground he found much adoe. Now were the enemies about halfe a mile off: and at one and the same riveret they watered both, with the guard of their light ar∣med souldiors: but before that they could scuffle and skirmish togither (as commonly they doe when the camps stand so neere one to another) the night overtooke them. It appeared plainely there would be some fighting the next day about the brooke for water: and therefore in the night season he bestowed close in a valley, farthest out of sight from the enemies, as many of his targuettiers as possibly the place would containe and hide. When daylight was come, the light armed Candiotes and those Tarentine horsemen (of both sides) entred into skirmish upon the [unspec L] verie bankes of the brooke. Letemnastus the Candiot had the leading of his countrymen; Ly∣cortas the Megapolitane commaunded the light horse. The Candiots, who likewise were auxi∣aries and aid-souldiors to the enemies, and the same sort also of the Tarentine horsemen, guar∣ded those that came to water for them. Doubtfull was the skirmish for a good while (as beeing managed and maintained of the one side and the other by men of one nation, and those furni∣shed with the same kind of weapons) but those that were for the Tyrant, were more in number than the other. And by reason that Philopaemenes had given charge & direction to the captains, after they had held skirmish a while, to seeme to recule and flie, thereby to traine the enemie in∣to the aforesaid place of ambush; they followed hard in chase upon them as they fled along within the valley, and most of them were either slaine or wounded before they saw the enemies [unspec M] hidden there within. Now those targuettiers aforesaid, were set in that order (so far forth as the breadth of the valley w••••ld permit) that they might easily receive their fellowes as they fled, within the spaces betweene their rankes and files. Then at once they arose, fresh in heart, and ordered in good array, and charged upon the enemies, disordered, disbanded, loose, scattered,

[unspec A] wearie with travell, and faint of their wounds. Then was it out of doubt and past all peradventure where the victorie went: for presently the Tyrants soldiers turned their backs, fled a good deale faster than they made pursuit before, & were beaten into their camp: many were either killed or taken prisoners as they fled: and they had ben put in affright also within the camp, but that Philo∣paemenes commanded to found the retreat, searing more the rugged and broken ground, & the disadvantage and difficulties thereof, in case he had rashly ventured forward any farther, than he did the enemie. Then he, taking his conjecture by the issue of the fight, & guessing by the nature of Nabis the Generall, in what feare and fright he mought be, sent unto him one of his auxilia∣ries that were straungers, counterfeiting himselfe to be a rennegate revolt, to informe him assu∣redly, that the Achaeans determined the next day to march as far as to the river Eurotas, which [unspec B] runneth hardby the walls of Lacedaemon, for to stop the passage, that neither the tyrant might retire himselfe into the citie when he would, nor any munition or victuals be caried from thence into the campe: moreover, that they would give the attempt, and assay if they could sollicit any of the citizens to revolt from the tyrant. This counterfeit, carried himselfe so in this errand, that the tyrant beleeved not so much his words, as took hold therby of a good pretence & honeti oc∣casion for to quit & abandon the camp: and therfore the next morow, he commanded Pythago∣ras, with the auxiliarie souldiers and the horsemen, to keepe a good guard about the trench and enclosure of the campe: himselfe in person with the strength of his armie, marched as it were to abattaile, and commanded to advaunce forward the ensignes in all hast toward the citie,* 1.10 Philo∣pamenes perceiving that the armie marched so fast through the narrow passage downe the hill, [unspec C] put forth all his owne horsemen and the auxiliarie Candiots, against the guards of the enemies that warded before the campe. They, seeing the enemies to approach, and themselves forsaken of their owne fellowes, at first went about to retire within their hold: but afterwards when they perceived the whole armie of the Achaeans advauncing against them in order of battaile, fea∣ring that they and their tents should be at once surprised, made apace after their owne hoast which was gone a good way before. With that, the targuetiers of the Achaeans assailed the campe, entred upon it, and ransacked the tents, whiles the rest went forward and pursued the enemies. The way was such, as that an armie at libertie and free from feare of enemies, might hardly and with much adoe rid any ground and march without encumbrance: but so soone as [unspec D] the skirmish began in the taile of the rereward, & the noise and crie of them affrighted behind was heard in the vauntgard: every man made shift for one, flung away weapons, and fled into the woods on either side of the way; and ere one could turne about, all the waies were strewed and choked up with armour and weapons, and especially with darts or javelins, which lighting for the most part with one end full against the enemies, were instead of a staked or empalled palaissade to hinder their passage. Philopaemenes having given commaundement to his light armed aid-souldiours to prease forward still, and to follow the chase as fast as they could (knowing well that the horsemen would have much adoe and trouble in their flight) condu∣cted himselfe the maine armie and heavily charged, by a more open way to the river Eurotas: where hee encamped himselfe a little before the going downe of the sunne, and there he staied [unspec E] for his light appointed souldiours, whom hee had left to follow after the enemies. Who being come about the time of the first watch, brought word, that the tyrant with some few was entered into the citie, but the unarmed multitude were dispersed, and wandered all about the forrest and the woods. Then hee willed them to repose and refresh their bodies: which being done, himselfe chose out of all the souldiours besides (who because they were come first into the camp, had well hartened themselves with taking their refection and some small sleepe) certaine elect and speci∣all men, and tooke them forth immediately with him, having about them nothing but their swords, and set them in good order to keepe two port-waies, by which men goe to Pharae & Bar∣bosthenes, where he presumed that the enemies would take their way and retire themselves upon their flight: and nothing was hee deceived. For the Lacedaemonians, so long as the day light la∣sted, had with drawne themselves to the middle of the forrest, through by-lanes and blind paths; [unspec F] but when the night was once come, and that they descried lights within their enemies camp, they kept themselves aloofe overagainst them within close and secret lanes; and when they were once passed beyond, and thought all to be in safetie and securitie, they came downe into the more open high waies, where they were received and caught up by their enemies that forelaied them in ambush: so they were every where by numbers either killed or taken prisoners; insomuch as

scarce one fourth part of their whole armie escaped. Philopaemenes having shut up the tyrant [unspec G] close within the citie, spent almost thirtie daies consequently ensuing, in wasting and spoiling the territorie of the Laconians: and when he had thus weakened and in manner broken the backe of his enemie, he returned home, and the Achaeans held him a paragon, and equall to the Romane Generall for glorious deeds of armes, nay, in the service of the Laconian war they preferred him before the other.

During the warre betweene the Achaeans and the tyrant, the Romane embassadours, who carefully and diligently visited the cities of the Allies, for feare least the Aetolians had alienated any of their affections from them to king Antiochus, travelled but little in going about to the Achaeans, whom by reason of the hatred they bare to Nabis, they hoped verily to be fast & faith∣full ynough unto them in all other things. And first they came to Athens, from thence to Chal∣cis, [unspec H] and so into Thessalie: and after they had conferred with the Thessalians in a frequent counsell of theirs, they turned their way to Demetrias, where there was published a solemne Diet to bee holden by the Magnetes. Where they were to frame their speech more curiously than in other places, because certaine of their great men and potentates were estranged from the Romans, and altogether made for Antiochus and the Aetolians. The reason was this, because when news came that Philip his sonne, who was left hostage with the Romanes; should bee rendered againe unto him, and likewise the tribute remitted which had beene imposed upon him, among other false tales and untruths, it was reported, That the Romanes would redeliver Demetrias also into his hands. And rather than that should come to passe, Eurylochus (a principall & cheefe man among the Magnesians) and some others of that faction, desired to have a new world and an alteration, [unspec I] by the comming of the Aetolians and Antiochus. To these Magnesians, they were to couch and place their words so, in ridding them of that foolish vaine feare which they had conceived, that thereby they did not put Philip cleane beside his hope, and so give him occasion to bee ill affe∣cted unto the Romanes; considering that he alone was to them of farre greater importance in al respects, than were the Magnesians, put all together. Thus much onely they said by way of adver∣tisement, That as all Greece generally was much beholden and bound unto the Romans for the benefite of Libertie, which they by their meanes enjoied, so that cittie and State especially above all others was obliged unto them. For there, not onely a garrison of Macedonians had been maintained to keepe them in awe, but also the king had built him a roiall pallace, to seat himselfe there, to the end, that they might evermore have in their cie, their lord to com∣maund [unspec K] them. But in vaine, and to no purpose was all this, in case the Aetolians brought Antio∣chus in his steed to make his resiance in the house and pallace of Philip; and would needs enter∣taine a new and unknowne king in lieu of the old, so long a time and so well knowne. The so∣veraine magistrate of that cittie, they call Magnetarches; and for that time Eurylochus was the man: who bearing himselfe big and stout of his high place, said plainely, That hee knew no cause, why either hee or the Magnesians should suppresse and smudder the rumour that ran so rife touching the deliverie of Demetrias into Philip his hands. For rather than to suffer that, the Magnesians were to oppose themselves, yea, to doe and dare any action whatsoever. And in the vehement heat of speech he went to farre, that inconsiderately hee cast out one word & laid, That Demetrias seemed free in outward shew and appearance, but in very truth was at the com∣maund [unspec L] and devotion, yea, and at every becke of the Romanes. At this speech there arose a disso∣nant bruit and murmuring of the assemblie, which jarred and varied one from another, whiles some soothed him up, others were offended, and tooke it in great despight, that hee should pre∣sume to utter and speake so much. And Quintius was in such an heat of choler there with, that stretching forth his hands to heaven, he called the gods to witnesse this ingratitude and disloial∣tie of the Magnesians. At whose words they were all greatly terrified. Then Zeno one of the chiefe, a man at that time of great authoritie and reputation, as well in regard of the honourable port that he ever caried in the whole course of his life, as also for that he alwaies stood firme and sure to the Romane side, be sought Quintius and the rest of the embassadours with teares, Not to im∣pute the folly of one man to the whole cittie, for every man is to beare his owne burden, and as [unspec M] he hath brued, so to drinke, and abide the smart of his owne scratching. As for the Magnesians (saith hee) they acknowledge to owe unto T. Quintius and the people of Rome, not onely their freedome, but all other things els that are most deere and precious unto men. Neither could a man pray or with at the hands of the immortall gods for any thing, which the Magnesians had

[unspec A] not received by their meanes: and sooner would they like franticke persons plucke the very heart out of their own bellies, yea, and teare themselves in peeces, before they would violate and break the amitie which they had with the Romanes. This speech of his was followed and seconded with the humble praiers of the multitude. Eurylochus departed out of the assembly, and through by∣waies and blind lanes recovered the gates, and from thence fled streight into Aetolia. For now by this time, and every day more than other, the Aetolians discovered and shewed themselves how they were affected to revolt. And happily at the same time, Thoas, a principall personage of that nation, whome they had sent as embassadour to king Antiochus, was newly returned, and brought with him Menippus the kings embassadour. Who, before they had audience given them in a counsel assembled for them, had filled every mans eares and blabbed forth, what forces were [unspec B] prepared both for land and sea, what a mightie power was comming, both of foot and horse, how Elephants were sent for out of India, and above all (where with they thought the minds of the people would bee most mooved) That there was such a masse of gold brought, as would buy all the Romanes out and out. It was easie to see what trouble and broile such language might make in the generall diet and assemblie. For the Romane embassadours had intelligence, both of their comming, and of all that ever they did. And albeit there was little hope or none at all to doe any good, yet Quintius thought it not amisse, that some embassadours from the allies and associate cities should be present at that Counsell, such as might admonish and put the Aetolians in mind of the Romane alliance and societie, and not sticke to speake their minds franckly, yea, & thwart the king his embassadour. The Athenians of all other were thought the meetest men for that [unspec C] purpose, both in regard of the authoritie and reputation of their citie, and also for the auncient league betweene them and the Aetolians. So Quintius requested them to send their embassadors to the Panaetolian parliament.

When the assembly was met, and the Counsell set, Thoas first de∣clared his embassage: and after him was Menippas called in, who being entred in place, spake in this manner: It had been (quoth hee) the best course for all them that inhabite both Greece and Asia, that Antiochus had intermedled in these affaires, during the upright fortune & entire state of Philip: then, every man had enjoied his owne, and all had not beene reduced to the appetite and devotion, nor brought under subjection of the Romanes. And even yet (quoth he) in case yee persist still in the same mind, and purpose resolutely to accomplish and finish these your designes and commensed enterprises, possible it is by the favor and helpe of the gods, and by the meanes [unspec D] of the Aetolian association, that Antiochus may recover the State of Greece, crased as it is, and much broken, & bring it again to her first fresh hue, to her lively & lightsome lustre, which con∣sisteth in true libertie, even that which is able to stand alone and maintain itselfe, and dependeth not upon the will and pleasure of others. The Athenians, who first (after the kings embassage was delivered) had audience given them and libertie to speake their mind, without making any men∣tion at all of the king, Advertised the Aetolians of the Roman societie, and put them in mind of the favours and good turnes done by Quintius to all Greece in generall: advising them to take heed, that without discretion they overthrew not the welfare thereof, by running rashly and too soone into a new world of straunge courses and fine devises: for hote, hastie, and headie counsels are at the first sight and entertainment, pleasant and amiable; in the handling and managing, [unspec E] hard and difficult; in the end and issue, heavie and dangerous. Consider how the Romane Em∣bassadours, and namely Quintius among them, are not far off: and whiles things stand in good termes of integritie, it were better to treat & debate of matters in question and doubt, by words and reasons, than to set all Asia and Europe togither to take armes and to make lamentable and deadly warre one upon another. The multitude desirous of a chaunge, enclined altogither, and were wholly devote to Antiochus, being of opinion, that the Romane Embassadours were not to be admitted into the Counsell:

but the more grave and auncient persons of the nobilitie and states-men, obtained thus much by vertue of their authoritie, That they should have audi∣ence graunted unto them. And when the Atheniens had made relation of this decree and con∣clusion passed, Quintius was of mind to go into Aetolia: for this accoumpt he made, either to [unspec F] obteine somewhat that he came for, or els to have all gods and men to beare him witnesse, that the Romanes would enter into the action of warre justly, and in manner upon constreint and ne∣cessitie.

Quintius being thither come, began at first to discourse before the whole assembly, as touching the societie of the Aetolians with the Romanes, and how often they had broken for their parts the faithfull accord between them: and when he had so said, he used a briefe speech

concerning the right of those cities that were in question. And if they thought that they had [unspec G] any law and reason of their side, how much better (quoth he) were it to send embassadors to Rome, either to argue and expostulate the matter with them, or to demaund their advise (whe∣ther they would themselves) than to cause the people of Rome to make warre with Antiochus and the Aetolians together, not without great trouble of the whole world, and certeine ruine of all Greece? For none should feele the smart and calamitie of this warre sooner than they that are the very causes thereof and began first.

Thus spake the Romane embassador by way of pro∣phesie, but in vaine and to no effect. After him Thoas and the rest of that faction, were heard with the generall applause of all: and they effected so much; that without any farther protoging of the Diet, and referring the matter to another day, yea and without staying so long untill the Romanes were out of the place and absent, they concluded to make a decree, by vertue whereof [unspec H] Antiochus should be sent for to affranchise Greece, and to decide the quarell betweene the Ro∣manes and the Aetolians. This decree was not so proud and insolent, but Damocritus their Pre∣tor accompanied it with as arrogant & reprochfull a frump of his own. For when Quintius requi∣red of him to see the said decree, he without any respect of the honorable personage of the man, made answer, That for the present time he had somwhat els to do of greater importance; but he would give him the decree & an answer with all shortly, & that within Italie, encamped upon the banke of Tyberis. So great a spirit of senselesse follie in those dayes had possessed the nation of the Aetolians, and their chiefe magistrates! Then Quintius & the delegates returned to Corinth.

After the Romanes were dismissed, the Aetolians held no more generall counsell of the whole nation, because they would make semblance and seeme to do nothing of themselves as [unspec I] touching the cause and question of Antiochus, but sit still and expect the comming of the king. Mary, they treated and debated the matter by their Apocleti (for so they call their speciall and privie Counsell which consisteth of certeine efect chosen persons) by what meanes there might be an alteration and change in the affaires of Greece. This was held of all men for certeine, that in every citie and State, the chiefe and the best men generally were for the association of the Romanes, and contented themselves with the present condition wherein they stood: but the multitude and those who had not all things to fall out to their owne good liking, were desirous of a change. And one day above the rest, the Aetolians entred into a designement and plot, which was not only out of all measure audacious, but also most shamelesse, namely, to surprise and possesse themselves of Demetrias, Chalcis and Lacedaemon. And to each of these ci∣ties [unspec K] there was sent one of their principall personages, namely, Thoas to Chalcis; Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, and Diocles to Demetrias. This Diocles had the help and assistance of Eurylechus a banished man (of whose flying away, and the occasion thereof we have spoken before) who otherwise had no hope at all to returne againe into his native countrey. The kinsfolke and friends of Eurylochus & the rest of that faction, upon instructions given them by his letters, willed his wife and children to present themselves in the frequent assemblie of the citizens in habit of mourners, in poore array, and vailed after the manner of humble suppliants, there to beseech them all and some, not to suffer him a guiltlesse person, neither convicted nor condemned, to wax old and pine aw••••n exile. All that were plaine & simple men seemed to be touched with pitie and commiseration. The wicked & seditious persons conceived some hope to make a confusion [unspec L] in the State by these Aetolian troubles: in so much as every one was of opinion & gave his voice, that he should be restored and lent for home. This ground being laid and matters thus prepa∣red, Diocles with his horsemen (for then was he the captaine of the Cavallerie) tooke his jour∣ney, under a colour and pretense to reduce and bring home this banished person his host and good friend; and in one day and night traveiled a mightie great journey, and came within sixe miles of the citie. And betimes in the morning by day light, accompanied with three elect troupes he marched forward, commaunding the rest of the horsemen to follow after. When he approched the gate, he caused them all to alight on foot and to leade their horses in their hands by the reines of their bridles, and to go without order, resembling travailers & waifaring men, so as they seemed more like to the ordinary train of captain Diocles, than to the men of armes and [unspec M] warriours under his charge: and leaving one of his troupes at the gate, for feare least the horse∣men behind might be shut out, he led Eurylochus by the hand, and brought him through the mids of the citie and the market place home to his house: and all the way he was met with many of his lovers and friends that welcomed him, and joyed for his returne. An on the whole citie

[unspec A] was full of horsemen, and all places of oportunitie and advantage were seized and possessed by them. Which done, divers were sent to massacre the chiefe of the adverse part in their houses. Thus the Aetolians became maisters of Demetrias.

As for Lacedaemon, they devised in no hand to force the citie, but by some wile to entrap and surprise the tyrant. For seeing the Romanes had despoiled him of all his sea coast townes: and the Achaeans driven him within the walls of Lacedaemon, there was no doubt, but who so ever could first take his life from him, should carie away all the thanks, and curry especiall favor with the Lacedaemonians. Good occasion and pretense they had to send unto him a power of armed men, for that he had importuned them by his prayers for some aids, considering that by their advise & persuasion he had rebelled. So there were given unto Alexamenus a thousand [unspec B] footemen, and thirtie elect horsemen, drawne out of all the floure of the citie.

Damocritus the Pretour delivered unto them from the privie counsell of that nation (of which we have before spoken) That they should not beleeve that they were to be employed in warre against the A∣chaeans, or in any other service, according as each one might imagine and conceive in his owne head: but he charged them to be readie to performe and execute obediently whatsoever sodain designement Alexamenus upon the present occasion should happen to attempt, were it never so unlooked for, strange, inconsiderate, & audacious: and to rest upon this, That they were sent with him to accomplish that, and for no other purpose. Thus Alexamenus with the conduct of these men thus prepared to his hand, came unto the Tyrant: and no sooner was he arrived, but he possessed him presently with a world of hopes: giving him to understand, That Antiochus was [unspec C] alreadie passed over into Europe; that shortly he would be in Greece, and over-spred all seas and lands with his armies and armadoes; that the Romanes should full well know and find, that they have not now to deale with such an one as Philip; that the numbers of his foote and hor∣ses by land cannot be counted, nor his ships at sea numbred; that the battaile of his Ele∣phants at the very first sight will decide the matter and finish the warre. Moreover, that the Aetolians with all their forces, were ready and prest to come to Lacedaemon, (as neede requi∣red) at any time: but indeede, desirous they were to shew and muster before the king at his arrivall, a goodly number of armed souldiours. Nabis therefore himselfe should doe verie well, not to suffer those forces which hee had, to decay with long repose and idlenesse, but bring them forth and traine them abroad, make them to run in their armour, thereby both to [unspec D] whet and sharpen their courages, and also to exercise and inure their bodies: for by use and cu∣stome, the labour will be lighter; and by the courtesie and graciousnes of their Generall, not without delight and pleasure. Hereupon, they began to issue out of the citie, and oftentimes went into the plaine lying hard by the river Eurotas.

They of the tyrants guard kept commonly in the battaile or middle ward: and himselfe with three horsemen at the utmost (with whom A∣lexamenus for the most part was) used ordinarily to ride before the ensignes, taking survey and viewing the utmost points and wings of the armie. The Aetolians were placed in the right wing, as well those that came before to aid the tyrant, as those thousand that were newly arrived with Alexamenus. Now had Alexamenus taken a custome, one while to tourney as it were amongst [unspec E] the rankes before in the companie of the tyrant, and to instruct him in some matters sounding to his commoditie: otherwhiles, to ride to his owne men into the right wing, and soone againe to returne to the Tyrant, as if he had given them charge of somewhat necessarie to be done. But upon that day which was appointed for to doe the feat and murder the tyrant, after hee had rid∣den forth with the tyrant to the usuall place, and kept him companie a while, he tooke occasion (as his maner was) to make a step aside to his own soldiors; and then he went in hand with those horsmen which were sent with him from out of Aetolia, & said thus unto them:

Now sirs, you must adventure & execute that lustily and without delay which you were commaunded to performe by my direction and leading. Be ready with heart and hand, and be not slack and idle to exploit that, which yee shall see me to undertake and enterprise. And looke whosoever he be that either standeth still, or will seeme to argue and interpose his owne wit and advise to crosse mine, let him [unspec F] make account, he shall never go home againe to his owne countrey. With that he set them all a quaking, for well they remembred what their charge was when they came foorth from home.

Now was the Tyrant a comming on horseback from the left wing: Then Alexamenus comman∣ded his horsemen to couch their launces downe, and to have their eye upon him. Hee also set∣led himselfe to take a good heart unto him, which was not a little daunted at first with the cogi∣tation

of so great a designment that he had projected. When he was now approched and come [unspec G] neere the tyrant, he ran with full carriere at him, gored his horse, and overthrew himselfe to the ground. He was not so soon unhorsed and laid along, but the horsemen stabbed him with many a thrust; wherof the most part did no harme, considering they were driven against his corslet: but in the end, they found where his bodie was naked & unarmed, so he gave his last gaspe before he could bee rescued by his guard in the maine battaile aforesaid. Then Alexamenus taking with him all the Aetolians, made all the hast he could to possesse himselfe of the royall palace. The Pensioners and Squires of the bodie, seeing this murder done before their eyes, were at first mightily affrighted: but afterwards perceiving the armie of the Aetolians to go their waies and depart, they ran to the breathlesse carkase left among them, and of men that should have guar∣ded his bodie and revenged his death, they became a sort of idle gazers and lookers on. And [unspec H] surely there would not a man have once stirred, in case the multitude had immediatly been cal∣led to an assembly; and if after armes laid downe, they had been entertained by him with some oration or remonstrances framed according to the time. The Aetolians were kept many togither, in armes still, without any outrage or wrong done or offered to any one person. But all things that they did, hastened the speedie ruine and destruction of those that had com∣mitted this fact: as it could not otherwise be in all reason, but they should so be served, who had plaid so leaud and treacherous a part. The captaine and ringleader of all this mischief, kept him selfe close shut within the royall pallace, spending both night and day in rifling and searching the Tyrants coffers and his treasurie. And the Aetolians for their part also fell to ransacking, as [unspec I] if they had woon that citie by assault, which they made countenance and semblance to set free. The indignitie of these their prankes, the contempt with all and small regard made of them, en∣couraged and animated the Lacedemonians to gather togither and consult of the matter. Some were of opinion and said, That the Aetolians were to be thrust out by the head and shoulders, and to be sent away with a mischiefe, and their owne libertie to be recovered, which under a co∣lour of being restored, was intercepted and taken from them: others advised and said, that for fashion at leastwise, some one of royall blood should be set up for to be the head in this action. Now there was of that race and streene one Laconicus a young child, brought up with the chil∣dren of the late Tyrant: him they mounted upon horsebacke, and then they tooke armes with all speed, and as many Aetolians as they could light upon, wandring here & there in the streets, [unspec K] they ran upon and hewed in peeces. Then they assaulted the pallace, where they also murdered Alexamenus, albeit with some few about him he made resistance and defended himselfe. The rest of the Aetolians gathered togither about Chalcioecos (which is a chappell of Diana made of brasse) and there likewise they were massacred. A few of them flang away their weapons and sled, some escaped to Tegea, and others to* 1.11 Megalopolis: where being apprehended by the ma∣gistrates, they were sold in port sale, to them that would offer most. Philopaemenes hearing of the Tyrants death, went to Lacedaemon, where he found all things out of order and in confusion by reason of feare. And having called forth the principall and chiefe citizens, hee used unto them such a speech, as indeed Alexamenus should have made, and therby knit the Lacedaemonians in league and alliance with the Achaeans: which he effected the sooner, because it chaunced even then, that Attilius was come before* 1.12 Gythaeum with four and twentie galleaces of five banks of [unspec L] ores on a side.

About the same time, Thoas had not so good speed before Chalcis; by means of Euthymidas, a great and cheefe man of the citie (one, who by the might and stronger hand of those that sided with the Romans, had been expelled the city after the comming of T. Quintius and the embassa∣dours or delegates) and also of Herodotus of Canus, a merchant and a man that in regard of his welth & riches bare a great side in Chalcis: Thoas, I say, sped not so well by their means, notwith∣standing that the supposts and part-takers of Euthymidas were well disposed to betray the towne; as Eurylochus did in the surprising and seizing of Demetrias. This Euthymidas from Athens (for there he had made choise to dwell) first came to Thebes, and so from thence went forward to Sal∣ganea. Herodotus abode at Thronium, and not farre from thence within the gulfe of Malea, hee [unspec M] had 2000 footmen, and Thoas two hundred horsmen, and about thirtie light Caravels, Which Herodotus was commaunded to set over into the Island Atalanta with sixe hundred footmen, that from thence, when he perceived once the land-forces to approch Aulis and Euripus, hee might cut over to Chalcis. As for themselves, they conducted the rest of the forces in all the hast they

[unspec A] could, and most by night journies marched unto Chalcis. Mictio and Xenoclides (who had the managing of the affaires in Chalcis, and might doe all in all there, now that Euthymidas was ba∣nished) remained in Chalcis, and whither they mistrusted somewhat themselves, or had some inkling and intelligence of the matter, I wot not, but affraid they were at first, and had no other hope at all but by flight to save themselves: howbeit afterwards when their feare was well allaied and setled, seeing evidently, that not onely their owne countrey was betraied, but also the Ro∣mane societie abandoned, they plotted in this wife, and entred into a course as followeth.

It fortuned at the very same time, that a solemne anniversarie sacrifice was celebrated at Ere∣tria, to the honour of Diana Amarynthis: to which solemnitie there resorted not onely the in∣habitants of those places neere at hand, but also a number of Carystians. Thither they sent cer∣taine [unspec B] Oratours to request and entreat the Eretrians and Carystians, both to take some pittie of their estate, considering they were borne in the same Island, and also to have some regard to the alliance of the Romanes, and not suffer Chalcis to fall into the hands of the Aetolians: who no doubt, if they might get Chalcis, would not bee long ere they had Euboea too. Syrly lords (say they) were the Macedonians, and rigorous, but the Aetolians would be much more unsupporta∣ble. These cities were principally respective to the Romanes, whose vertue and prowesse in warre, whose justice & bountie in victorie they had lately experience of, & therfore both States armed the flower and manhood of all their youth, and sent them. The townesmen of Chalcis having committed the guard of their walls to these, went foorth themselves with all their forces, passed over Euripus, and encamped neere Salganea. From which place they sent first an herauld, and [unspec C] after him embassadors to the Aetolians, to demaund of them, Wherein they had so offended ei∣ther in word or deed, that their allies and friends should come to molest and assaile them so by way of hostilitie? To whom Thoas the Generall of the Aetolians made this answer, That they were not come to annoy and trouble, but to deliver and free them from their servitude under the Ro∣manes. For bound they were and tied now with a brighter and more glittering chain indeed, but farre heavier, than at what time as they had the garison of the Macedonians within their castle. The Chalcidians replied againe and inferred, that they neither were in bondage, nor needed at all the garison of any. And thus the embassadors departed from the parly, and returned to their owne people. Thoas and the Aetolians, whose whole and onely hope was to come upon them on a suddaine and surprise them at unwares, returned home againe as they came, being not able to [unspec D] maintaine open warre, nor to assaile a citie so well fortified both by sea and land. Euthymidas be∣ing advertised that his countreymen lay in campe at Salganea, and that the Aetolians were di∣slodged and gone, retired himselfe also from Thebes to Athens. And Herodotus likewise, after hee had wistly and with great longing, expected from* 1.13 Atalanta certaine daies together, to see some signall (but in vaine) sent out a pinnace or brigantine, to know what the cause might be of such stay: and understanding that the enterprise was gi\`ven over by his complices and fellowes in the complot, he returned to Thronium from whence he came.

Quintius likewise having intelligence of these occurrents, as he sailed with his fleet from Co∣rinth, encountred Eumenes in Euripus neere Chalcis. And thought good it was betweene them, that Eumenes the king should leave at Chalcis five hundred souldiours in garrison, and himselfe [unspec E] go directly to Athens: and Quintius kept on his way to* 1.14 Demetrias whither he intended, suppo∣sing, that the deliverance of Chalcis would make somewhat to induce the Magnesians to em∣brace againe the societie of the Romanes. And to the end that those persons in Demetrias who sided with him, might have some forces for their defence, he wrote unto Eunomus the Pretour of the Thessalians, to put the youth in armes: and he sent Villius before unto Demetrias to found their affections, not minding otherwise to give the attempt, unlesse some part of them enclined to respect the auncient societie. Villius entred the mouth of the haven with a five banked galle∣ace. Thither ran the whole multitude flocking unto him. And Villius demaunded of them whi∣ther they had leifer that hee came to them as to friends or enemies? Vnto whom Eurylochus the Magnetarches, answered, That he was come unto his friends: but hee willed him to forbeare the [unspec F] haven, and suffer the Magnesians to be at peace and libertie, and to beware, that under a pretence of parle, he did not sollicite and disquiet the multitude. After this there was no farther talke and speech betweene them, but plaine debate and altercation: whiles Villius the Romane blamed and challenged the Magnesians as unthankfull persons, and forewarned them of the miseries & ca∣lamities that hung over their heads; and again the multitude cried out aloud, and accused as well

the Senate as Quintius. Thus Villius without doing any good, returned to Quintius. But Quin∣tius [unspec G] having dispatched a messenger to the Pretour, that he should reduce home his forces, reti∣red himselfe againe by sea to Corinth.

The affaires of Greece thus interlaced and blended with the Romane, have caried me away as it were out of my lists: not for that they were so necessarie and important to be written, but onely because they were materiall to the cause of the war against Antiochus. After the Consuls were elect (for there I began my digression) L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius the Consuls went into their severall provinces. Quintius into Liguria, and Domitius against the Boij. As for the Boij, they held themselves quiet, yea, and the whole bodie of their Senate with their children, their captaines al∣so with their Cavallerie, to the number in all of fifteene hundred, yeelded themselves to the Consull. But the territorie of the Ligurians was over run and wasted, and some fortresses woon: [unspec H] whereby not onely there were prises gotten of all sorts, and prisoners taken, but also diverse cap∣tives, as well citizens as allies, were recovered out of the enemies hands. This very yeere a Colo∣nie was planted at Vibo, by an act of Senate and Commons: and there went thither three thou∣sand and seven hundred footmen, & three hundred horsemen. The Triumvirs, who had the pla∣cing of them, were Q. Naevius, M. Minutius, and M. Furius Crassipes. Every footman was endued with fifteene acres of land, and the horsemen twise as much. It was a territorie held last in the te∣nure of the Brutians, and they had conquered it first from the Greekes.

About the same time, there happened at Rome two most fearfull accidents; the one of them continued long, but was not altogither so vehement and terrible: for there was an earthquake endured eight and thirtie daies. All which time, the lawsteed or vacation from all courts of law [unspec I] and civill causes, continued in great feare and pensivenesse: in regard whereof, a supplication was holden for three daies. As for the other, it was not a vaine feare, but a very losse indeed that touched many men: for there began a skarfire in the beast market; and continued a day and a night, burning many houses standing on the Tyber side; and all the shops and warehouses, with marchandise of great price, were consumed. Now was the yeer well drawing toward an end, and daily more and more the bruit and rumour of the warre with Antiochus encreased: and likewise the care that the LL. of the Senat had thereof. And therfore they began to treat as concerning the provinces of the Magistrates elect, to the end, that all of them might be more circumspect and intentive to their charges. So a decree passed, that the Consuls should have the governance of Italie, by name, and also to go whithersoever the Senat should please to dispose of them: and [unspec K] all men knew well enough, that the warre against Antiochus was upon the point. Also ordained it was, that hee whose lot it was to manage that warre, should have the conduct of foure thou∣sand footmen of Romane citizens, and three hundred horsemen; besides sixe thousand allies of the Latine nation, and foure hundred horsemen. L. Quintius the Consull was appointed to take musters for those souldiors, that there should be no stay, but that the new Consull might immediatly put himselfe in his journey, to what expedition soever the Senate thought good. Item, It was decreed as concerning the provinces of the Pretours, in this manner: namely, That the first lot should assigne the double jurisdiction, civill and forreine, as well among citizens as strangers: the second, should concerne the Brutians: the third, the navie; and the same to saile whithersoever the Senat would appoint: the fourth, for Sicilie: the fift, for Sardinia: the sixt, for [unspec L] the nether Spaine. Over and besides, L. Quintius the Consull was commaunded to enroll two new legions of Romane citizens, besides twentie thousand foot and eight hundred horsemen of allies of the Latine nation: and this armie they set out for that Pretour, who was to governe the Brutij. Two chappels that yeere were dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus: the one of them L. Furius Purpureo vowed in the Gaules warre, as Pretour; the other, when he was Consull: and Q. Mar∣tius Ralla the Duumvir, dedicated them. This yeere, there passed many sharpe and grievous sen∣tences and judgements upon usurers: against whome (being privat men) M. Tuccius and P. Iu∣nius Brutus the two Aediles of the chaire, commended action. Of that silver wherein they were fined, was made a charriot with foure wheeles, guilded; and set up it was in the Capitoll in the cabinet of Iupiter above the top of his shrine: likewise twelve bucklers guilded. The same Ae∣diles [unspec M] also, caused the porch or gallerie to be made without the gate Tergemina, among the carpenters.

As the Romanes were wholly amused upon preparation for this new warre, so Antiochus for his part sate not still: three cities there were which kept him backe and checked his progresse, to

[unspec A] wit, Smyrna, Alexandria in Troas, and Lampsacus; the which he never could to that day force by assault, or draw into amitie with any conditions whatsoever; and to leave them behind in those tearmes, when he should in proper person passe over into Europe, he was not willing. Somewhat also he was impeached by a consultation as touching Anniball. For at first he was staied and hin∣dered by occasion of the open ships which hee intended to send with him into Affricke. And af∣terward buzzed it was into his head by Thoas the Aetolian especially, and question moved, whe∣ther it were good simply to send him thither at all, or no? This Thoas, when Greece was all in an hurrey and full of troubles, bare them in hand, that Demetrias would be in their power & at their devotion. And like as w•••••• his leasings touching the king, in multiplying and magnifying his for∣ces, he had brought many of the Greekes into a fooles paradise, even so also after the same man∣ner [unspec B] he ceased not to feed the king with lies, and fill him with hopes, making him beleeve that all men wished for him with all their hearts, & would run by heapes to the sea strond, to meet him so soon as they could but ken his fleet under saile.

This selfesame man was so bold also as to alter the kings mind as touching Anniball, which seemed before resolved and settled. For he persuaded him that the kings navie was not to be dismembred, and part thereof to be sent away; and if hee were to make out any of the ships from the rest, yet Anniball of all other was not to have the con∣duct thereof, a banished person and a Carthaginian; who was like yaough to be of many minds, and to change a thousand times in a day, such was his present condition and fortune, & such was his nature and disposition. And as for that glorious name for martiall prowesse (which is the cause that Anniball is so much set by, and which recommendeth him as a speciall and singular [unspec C] gift to the world) it is too much, and farre unsitting for any one captaine under a king: & more meet it were that the king himselfe should be regarded & seen above al other, that the king, I say, and none but the king should be the leader, conducter, and commander of all. Again, if Anniball chaunced to miscarie with the fleet, or to have his forces defeated, the losse would be counted no more than if any other meaner captaine had done it: but if the affaires should prosper & speed well, Anniball should go away with all the honour, and not Antiochus. Moreover, say that fortune were so kind as to give Antiochus the upper hand of the Romanes, and the entire victorie over them for ever, what hope or likelyhood is there that Anniball would be content to live under the king, and subject to him alone, who hardly could brooke and endure the commaund and sove∣raignetie of the whole State wherein he was borne? He hath not caried himselfe so, eversince [unspec D] his first youth, bearing a mind with him to compasse the dominion of the whole world, as that now in his old age hee can abide to have a lord and superior over him. To conclude: the king (quoth he) hath no such need of Anniball in this war, as to make him a commaunder: well may be use him for a counseller, and so forth to have him in his train and companie; for some meane fruit and use of such a nature, cannot be combersome, hurtfull, and daungerous: but if high and great matters be reached at, soon they may beare down and overcharge both the giver, and also the receiver. And no spirits are so readie to envie and mallice others, as they whose birth and pa∣rentage, whose degree and estate is not answereable to their hautie minds: and such commonly, as they hate the vertue, so they depresse the good of another. Hereupon that course of sending Anniball into Affricke, was forthwith laid aside and cleane cast behind, which was so well devised [unspec E] in the beginning of the warre.

Antiochus bearing himselfe aloft now, principally for that Demetrias was revolted from the Ro∣manes unto the Aetolians, determined no longer to delay the matter, but presently to take a voi∣age into Greece. But before that he embarked and took the sea, he went up to Ilium from the sea side for to sacrifice unto Minerva; and when hee was returned to his fleet, he made saile with 40 close covered & hatched ships, and 60 uncovered and undecked, and after these followed 200 vessels of burden, charged & fraught with victuals, munition, & warlike furniture of all sorts. And first he fell with the Iland* 1.15 Imbros: & from thence he cut over to Scyathos, where after he had rallied his ships which had bene skattered one from another in the wide & deepe sea, he arrived at Preleum, the first towne of the maine and continent. VVhere Eurylochus the Magnetatches, [unspec F] [i. the soveraign of Magnesia] and the principall citizens of that State, who were come from De∣metrias met him and joyned with him; who rejoycing exceedingly to see so goodly a companie of them in his traine, the next day put into the haven of the citie of Demetrias: and not far from thence landed all his forces, which amounted in the whole to tenne thousand foot, five hundred horse, and sixe Elephants: a small power (God wot) and unsufficient, to seize upon Greece, all na∣ked

and alone, farre shorter than to hold and mainteine warre with the Romanes. After it was [unspec G] reported that Antiochus was come to Demetrias, the Aetolians proclaimed a counsell, wherein they made a decree to send for Antiochus. For now the king knowing that they would passe such an Act, was departed from Demetrias, and had withdrawne himselfe to Phalera within the gulph of Malea. And after he had received once the patent of that decree, he went from thence to Lamia, where he was received with exceeding favour of the common people, with clapping of hands, shouts, acclamations, and other signes whereby the multitude useth to shew and testi∣fie their great joy.

VVhen they were assembled together and set in Counsell, Phaneas the Pretor and other chiefe citizens brought him solemnely in: where after Oy•••••• ••ade, thus the king be∣gan his speech, first excusing himselfe, In that hee was come with a farre smaller power than all men hoped or looked for. And even this (quoth he) may serve in steed of the greatest argument [unspec H] that may be of my exceeding love and affection toward you, in that being so unprovided and unfurnished of all things, and at a time so unseasonable for to saile, as too earely to take the sea, I have not thought much but am willingly come at the call of your embassadors: being thus assuredly persuaded, that the Aetolians seeing me once, would suppose that in me alone consi∣sted all their hope and defence whatsoever. And yet I will accomplish I assure you, and satisfie to the full even your contentment also, whose expectation for the present may seeme to have bene disappointed: for so soone as the time of the yeere will serve, and the spring is once come, that the seas are navigable, I will overspread all Greece with men, horse, and munition; I will take up all the sea coasts with fleets; I will spare for no cost, no paine, no perill, untill I have taken from their necks the heavie yoke of the Romane empire, set Greece free indeed, and made the Aeto∣lians [unspec I] the chiefe commaunders therein. Nay with mine armies besides shall come all kind of provision and furniture out of Asia. But for the present (faith he) the Aetolians must see and take order, that my people may be served with corne & other victuals at a reasonable rate.

To this ef∣fect when the king had spoken with the great assent of all men, he departed. After the kings de∣parture, there arose some contention betweene two great men of the Aetolians, to wit, Phaneas and Thoas. Phaneas was of opinion, that it was better pollicie to use Antiochus for a mediatour and reconciler of peace, or to be an umpire or arbitrator to decide the controversies betweene them and the Romanes, rather than to be the Generall of the warre. For his very comming and majestie would be more effectuall than all his forces, to strike some reverence in the Romanes, [unspec K] and cause them to be respective unto him. For men oftentimes yeeld and remit many things of themselves willingly to avoid warre, which they cannot be forced unto by warre and by armes, when they are once entred into action. Thoas inferred againe and said, that Phaneas spake not this for any desire and love to peace, but his meaning was to scatter and dispatch this furniture and preparation of war, for this intent, That by this redious lingering, the kings courage might abate, and the Romanes gaine time to make themselves readie. For, that there was no reason possibly to be gotten at the Romanes hand, they had tried sufficiently by good experience, in sending so many embassages to Rome, and in debating the matter so often with Quintius: nei∣ther would they ever have sought unto Antiochus and craved his aid, if all their hope otherwise had not bene cut off and cleane failed. And now since his helping hand is presented unto them [unspec L] sooner than all men thought or looked for, they were not now to begin to faint and geve over, but rather to request and intreat the king, that since he was come himselfe in person (which was the greatest matter of all) to set free and maintein Greece, he would send for his forces both at sea and land. For, the king in armes, might peradventure obteine something: but disarmed if he were, little or no reckning would the Romanes make of him in the quarell and question of the Aetolians, no nor in his owne affaires whensoever he should reason and debate thereof. And here went the hare away. They all opined streightwaies to stile the king with the name of Impe∣rator [i. Emperour:] and they chose thirtie of the chiefe personages to assist him in counsell for all things requisite. Thus the Diet was dissolved, and every man slipt away and retired to his owne citie. The next day the king sat in consultation with their Apocletes, In what place they [unspec M] should begin the warre. And it was thought best, first to assaile the citie of Chalcis, which lately the Aetolians had assaied in vaine. And for to effect this service, there was more expedition and speed required, than any other great forces and preparations. Hereupon the king set forward with 1000 footmen which followed him from Demetrias, and marched by the way of Phocis: The chieftaines also of the Aetolians, having levied some few companies of their youth, tooke

[unspec A] another way, and met with him at Chaeronea, and followed with ten covered ships. The king encamped neere Salganea, and himselfe in person with the chiefe of the Aetolians crossed the Eurypus: and when he was landed and not farre gone from the haven, the magistrates and chiefe men of Chalcis came forth without their gates, and some few of both sides met together for to parlie.

The Aetolians were earnest to persuade with them; That so far-forth as they might with∣out impeaching the Romane amitie, they would assume the king also to be their allie and friend, for as much as he was passed into Europe not to make warre, but to deliver Greece, and set it free in very deede, and not in word only and false semblance, as the Romanes had done. And no∣thing was there more for the good and benefit of the cities in Greece, than to enterteine the societie and friendship of them both. For under the defence and savegard of the one, they might [unspec B] be sure to guard themselves from the violence & outrage of the other. But if they accepted not of the king, they were best to take heed and see what danger they presently incurred: considering the succors of the Romanes to relieve them were so farre off, and the forces of Antiochus their enemie to annoy them, so neere even at their gates, whom of themselves with their owne power they were not able to withstand. To this, Mictio one of their chiefe men made this answere: Imervaile much (quoth he) who they be, that Antiochus for to deliver and set free, hath taken the paines to leave his owne kingdome, and to passe over into Europe. For mine owne part, I know no citie in Greece, that either hath Romane garison, or payeth any tribute unto them, or is bound to unjust and unreasonable covenants, or endureth any hard lawes and conditions a∣gainst their wils: and therefore the Chalcidians have neede of no person to restore them to [unspec C] freedome, since they be free alreadie; ne yet of a garison for their defence, considering that by the grace and favour of the same people of Rome, they enjoy peace and libertie alreadie. As for the king, we refuse not his amitie, ne yet reject we the friendship of the Aetolians. And we will take it for a speciall point of friendship that they shall do us, if they gently will depart out of our yland and be gone: For as for us, we are resolute in this, not to receive them within our walls, no nor to contract with them any societie, without the advise and consent of the Romanes. VVhen these matters were related to the king, who stayed behind with the ships, he determined presently to returne to Demetrias, for that he was not come with such a power as to attempt anything by force: where, seeing his first enterprise came to nothing, he devised and conferred with the Aeto∣lians what was to be done next: and concluded it was, to sound the Achaeans, and Aminander [unspec D] the king of the Athamanes.

They supposed also that the nation of the Boeotians was cleane estranged and badly affected to the Romans ever since the death of Barcellios, and those troubles that ensued thereupon. They were persuaded also that Philopoem•••••••• a great potentate, & prin∣cipall leader of the Achaeans, was both malicious and odious unto Quintius for emulation and jelousie of honor in the Laconian warre. Aminander had espoused and taken to wife Apamea the daughter of one Alexander a Megapolitan, who vaunting himselfe to be descended from Alex∣ander the Great, named his two sonnes, Philip and Alexander, and his daughter, Apamas: whom being thus advanced by mariage with a king, her elder brother Philip accompanied into Atha∣mania. This Philip, a vaine-headed yong man, the Aetolians and Antiochus had induced into a foolish hope (considering that for certeine he was of the royall bloud) to obteine the king∣dome [unspec E] of Macedonie, if haply he could bring about to joyne Aminandera and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Antiochus. And these vaine conceits of great behests wrought mightily not with this Philip only; but also with Aminander:

Now in Achaea there was a counsell holden at Aegium, and audience geven there to the embassadors of Antiochus and the Aetolians, before T. Qaintius: VVhere the king his embassa∣dor spake first, and being (as all those commonly are, that vaud their intertainment and of ••sain••••∣nance of kings) full of foolish bable, and making sea and land ••••••sound a gaine with his vain•••• prat∣ling and senselesse words; set tale on end, and told them, what an infinite 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of horsemen were passing over by Hellespont into Europe: whereof, some of them were in complet har∣nesse, armed at all peeces, whom they call Cataphracti: others were archers; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on horse∣back, [unspec F] against whom there was nothing close, nothing some enough, who when their back•• are turned, and their horses run away, shoote so much the more surely, and even point blanke. And albeit these forces of horse by his report, were sufficient of themselves to defeit all the enemies of Europe if they were put together, yet he added besides a mightie number, I wor not how many of footemen: and terrified them with naming 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of strange nations, that scarcely had been

heard of before, to wit, the Dakes, the Medians, the Aelymaeans and Cadusians. But for his [unspec G] forces at sea, there was no bayes, no harbors, nor havens in all Greece able to receive them. The Sydonians and Tyrians (say they) hold the rightside, the Aradians, and the Sidets out of Pamphylia keep the left; nations for skill and valour at sea incomparable. As for money and other provision and furniture for the warres, it were needlesse to discourse of, since they them∣selves knew well enough, that the realms of Asia have alwaies stowed with gold, as their proper foison. So as the Romanes now were not to deale with Philip nor with Anniball, the one a chiefe person among many others of a citie, and the other limited within the confines only of the kingdom of Macedonie; but with the great Monarch of all Asia, yea & of some part of Europe. And yet he, as mightie a potentate as he is (notwithstanding he is come from the utmost coasts and bounds of the Levant sea, to deliver and enfranchise Greece) demandeth nothing of the A∣chaeans [unspec H] prejudiciall to their fealtie and allegeance to the Romans their first allies and associates: for he required not them to take arms with him against them, but only not to intermeddle nor take a part: his seeking is, that (as behooveth good friends and mediators between both parties) they would with all well and peace among them, and not interpose themselves in the quarrell of war. Archidanius likewise the embassador for the Aetolians, requested in manner the same, That they would hold themselves quiet and in repose (a thing most easie and safe for them) and being but lookers on the warre, wait and attend the issue of other mens fortunes, without the hazard of their own: yet he staid not so, but proceeded so far and overshot himselfe so much in words, that he brake forth at length into ill language, one while railing against the Romans in generall, ano∣ther while against Quintius in particular; calling them ungratefull and unthankfull persons, re∣proching, [unspec I] upbraiding, and hitting them in the teeth, how not onely they had gotten the victo∣rie of Philip, but also saved themselves by the vertue and valour of the Aetolians: and as for Quintius, he was to thanke them and their meanes, as much as his own life came to and the pre∣servation of his armie. For wherein at any time (qd. he) perfourmed he the dutie and devoir of Generall in the field? Seene him indeed I have in the time of battaile and in the campe, take the flight of birds, kill sacrifices, and make vowes verie deuoutly, like some holy parish-priest or divining prophet, whiles I my selfe was faine in his defence to expose and present my bodie to glaives and darts of the enemies. To these challenges Quintius made answere in this wise, saying, That Archidamus had more regard in whose presence he spake, than to whome he directed all his speech: for the Achaeans know very well, that all the valiancie of the Aetolians, standeth in [unspec K] bragging words and not in martiall deeds, as men that love to be heard in Diets and assemblies rather than seene in the field and battaile; and therfore no marvell if he made so small reckning to speake unto the Achaeans, considering that he knew, how well acquainted they were with the maners and fashions of the Aetolians. But he hath besides vaunted and made great brags before the kings embassadors, & in their person, before the king himselfe in absence. And if a man had not knowen before, what it was, that had so knit and united Antiochus and the Aetolians togi∣ther, he mought perceive it evidently by the speeches of the embassadors: for by exchanging lies a good reciprocally, and by bragging of their forces which they have not, they have infla∣ted and pussed up one another with vaine hopes, whiles they tell and would make them beleeue, That Philip by them was vanquished, That the Romanes by their valour were protected; and [unspec L] other gay matters, which erewhile ye heard: building castles in the aire, to the end, that you and other stares and nations would side with them and take their parts: The king againe (by his em∣bassadour) overspreadeth all with clouds of horsemen and footmen, and covereth whole seas with fleets and armadaes. Now in faith this is mine hoast of Chalcis up and downe, a friendly man I assure you, and a good fellow in his house, and one that knoweth how to entertaine his guests and bid them welcome. And verily I can liken this manner of dealing to nothing better than to a supper of his: VVe went upon a time to make merrie with him, and I remember well it was at midsommer (when the daies are longest & the sun at the hotest) where he made us passing good cheere. And as we wondred how at such a season of the yeer he met with that plentie of ve∣nison, and such varietie withall; the man (nothing so vainglorious as these fellowes here) smi∣led [unspec M] pleasantly upon us and said, VVe were welcome to a feast of a good ••••me swine and no better: but well fare a good cooke my masters (qd. hee) who by his cunning hand, what with seasoning it, and what with serving it up with divers sauces, hath made all this faire shew of wild flesh, and the same of sundry sorts. This may fitly be applyed to the king his armies and forces: of

[unspec A] which even now so great boast was made. For these divers kinds of arms, these many names of na∣tions never hard of before, to wit, the Dakes or Daheans (I wot not what to cal them) the Medes, the Cadusians, the Elimaeans, they are but Syrians when all is done; who for their base minds by nature, are much better to make a sort of slaves than a companie of good soldiers. And would to God (you my masters of Achaea) I could represent unto your eies the port and train of this great king, when he ran from Demetrias, one while to Lamia to the councell of the Aetolians, & ano∣ther while to Chalcis: you should see in this kings camp hardly two pretie legionets, & those but lame ones neither and not well accomplished: you should see the king somtime as good as beg∣ging graine of the Aetolians, to measure out among his hungrie souldiors: otherwhiles making shift to take up monies at interest to make out their pay: now standing at the gates of Chalcis, [unspec B] and anon shut out from thence and excluded clean: and when he had don nothing els but seen Aulis and Euripus, returning faire into Aetolia. Antiochus (you see) hath yeelded but small beleefe to the Aetolians, and the Aetolians have as litle trusted and relyed upon the vanitie of the king. And therefore the lesse should you be deceived by them, but rather repose your selves assuredly in the fidelitie of the Romans so often tried, so often knowen and approoved. For whereas they say, It is your best course not to be imbarked and interessed in this warre, I assure you, there is no∣thing more vaine than this, nay nothing so hurtfull unto your estate. For you shall be a prize and prey to the victour, without thank of either part, without any worth and reputation. Quintius was thought by the Achaeans to have spoken not impertinently, but to have answered them both, fully: and an easie matter it was to approove his speech unto those, that were well enough [unspec C] enclined to have given him gentle hearing: for ther was no question nor doubt at all, but that e∣veryman would judge them to be friends or enemies to the Achaean nation, whom the Romans held for theirs: yea and would conclude in the end of an act, to denounce warre both against An∣tiochus & the Aetolians. Moreover, according as Quintius thought good, they sent presently an aid of 500 soldiers to Chalcis, and of as many to Pyraeeum. For at Athens there had like to have ben a sedition & mutinie, whiles some drew the multitude (which commonly is bought and sold for mony) to take part with Antiochus upon hope of large rewards & great bounties, untill such time as Quintius was sent for by them that took part with the Romans: in so much as Apollodo∣rus (who gave counsell & persuaded to revolt) was accused by one Leon, and being condemned, was banished. Thus verily the embassage returned from the Achaeans to the king with heavie [unspec D] answer. The Boeotians delivered no certaintie: this only was their answer, That when Antiochus himselfe was come into Baeotia, then they would consider and consult what they were best to do.

Antiochus being advertised, that both the Achaeans and king Eumenes also had sent men for the defence of Chalcis, thought good to make hast, that his forces might not onely prevent them, but also if it were possible receive them and cut them short as they came. And for this in∣tent, hee sent Menippus with three thousand souldiors or thereabout, and Polyxenidas with his whole fleet. Himselfe a few daies after marched with sixe thousand of his owne souldiors; and of that levie, which on a suddaine might be gathered at Lamia, no great number of Aetolians. Those five hundred Achaeans aforesaid, and the small aid that king Eumenes sent under the con∣duct [unspec E] of Xenoclides the Chaleidian, having safely passed Euripus before that the waies and passa∣ges were beset, arrived at Chalcis. The Romanes also who were upon five hundred, at what time as Menippus encamped before Salganea, came to Hermeum, where is the advenue out of Boe∣otia into the Iland of Eubaea. In their companie was Miction sent as Embassadour from Chal∣cis to Quintius, for to crave some succour: who perceiving that the waies were laid and the streights kept by the enemies, leaving his intended journey by the way of Aulis, turned to De∣lium, minding from thence to cut over into Eubaea. This Delium is a temple of Apollo situate upon the sea strond, and five miles distant from Tanagra, from whence there is a short cut (lit∣tle more than a league) over an arme of the sea unto the next parts of Euboea. In this temple and sacred grove about it, so religious, so priviledged and secured (as are those franchised hou∣ses and sanctuaries which the Greekes call Asyla) and at that time, when neither warre was [unspec F] proclaimed, or at leastwise not so farre proceeded, as that in the hearing and knowledge of any man there had been sword drawne, or bloud shead in any place: In this place, and at this time, I say, whiles the souldiours wandered at their leisure and pleasure, some gone to see the tem∣ple abovesaid and the grove, others walking upon the strond unarmed, and a great sort also of them scattered over the fields (such as were gone for forrage and sewell) all on a suddain Me∣nippus

finding them loose and disbanded, charged upon them, and slew them, and to the num∣ber [unspec G] of fiftie hee tooke alive: very few escaped, among whom was Mictio, who got into a small ves∣sell of merchandise. This occurrent, as it troubled and disquieted Quintius and the Romanes, for the losse of their souldiours, so it seemed much to encrease the right of their just quarell to make warre upon Antiochus. Antiochus having advaunced his armie, and approched Aulis, after hee had once again addressed Orators, partly of his owne subjects, and partly Aetolians to Chalcis, for to follow those causes which of late he had commensed, but in more minatorie tearms, now prevailed easily, notwithstanding Mictio and Xenoclides laboured to the contrarie, that the gates should be set open unto him. All those that were for the Romans, abandoned the citie a little be∣fore the kings comming. The souldiours of Achaea and king Eumenes, kept Salganea. The Ro∣mane souldiours also (who were but few) fortified and made a sconce upon the water of Euripus, [unspec H] to be a defence for the passage. Menippus began to assaile Salganea, and the king himselfe to set upon the sort of Euripus aforesaid. The Achaeans and the souldiours of Eumenes first grew to composition, and having capitulated to depart without any harme, quit their place of garrison. The Romanes held out longer, and stoutly defended the hold of Euripus: but even they also be∣ing so streightly invested both by land and water, and seeing now the ordinance and engines of batterie, brought and readie to bee planted against them, would no longer endure the siege. VVhen as now the king had possessed himselfe of the head citie of Euboea; all the other citties of that Island, refused not to submit and come under his subjection. And hee thought hee had made a good beginning and entrance in this warre, in that so great an Island, and so many citties commodiously seated, and of such importance, were reduced under his obeisance. [unspec I]

Notes

• * 1.1

  after sunrising.
• * 1.2

  Modenna.
• * 1.3

  Soria.
• * 1.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.5

  Riso. Carpesso.
• * 1.6

  Pergamo.
• * 1.7

  The Oration of Minio.
• * 1.8

  or Noliba.
• * 1.9

  Toledo.
• * 1.10

  or rather, Phi∣lopaemen.
• * 1.11

  Leon••a••••••; L••••d••••.
• * 1.12

  Cabode Tagu, or Paleopoli.
• * 1.13

  Talandi.
• * 1.14

  Dimi••rlada.
• * 1.15

  I imbro.