The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXIIII. BOOKE OF THE [unspec H] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. [unspec I] (Book 34)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the foure and thirtith Booke.

THe law Oppia, propounded and enacted by C. Oppius a Tribune of the Commons, in the time of the Punicke warre, for the abridging and restraint of the excesse in womens apparrell, was after much variance and debate repealed, notwithstanding that Porcius Cato laboured to the contrarie, that it might not be abolished. This Cato made a voiage into Spaine, and by force of armes (beginning first to warre at Emporiae) brought the hither province of Spaine on this side Iberus to quietnesse. T. Quintius Flamininus levied warre against the Lacedaemonians and [unspec K] Nabis their tyrant, in which be sped fortunately, and so prevailed, that be made an end thereof, graunted them peace to his own good liking and pleasure, delivered Argos, and set it free, which was before in subiection to the tyrant. The Senate then, and never before, beheld the publick games and pastimes by them∣selves, apart from the rest of the people: Which to bring about, Sex. Aelius Paetus, and L. Cornelius Cetbegus the Censours, set in foot and intermedled themselves, to the great indignation and discontentment of the Commons. More colonies were planted with Romane citizens. M. Porcius Cato triumphed over Spaine. The warres also which fortunately were atchie∣ved against the Boij and the French Insubres are here recorded. T. Quintius Flamininus, who had vanquished Philip king of the Macedonians, and Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, yea, and freed all Greece from their oppression, for these many and noble exploits, rode in triumph three daies together. The Carthaginian embassadors brought word, that Anniball who was fled unto Antiochus, banded with him and combined to wake warre. Anniball had besides assaied by meanes of one Aristo a Tyrian (sent as a courier with oedence onely and no letters, to Carthage) for to moove and solli∣cite [unspec L] the Carthaginians to rebellion.

BEtweene the troublesome cares of great warres, which either were not fully en∣ded, or at hand readie to begin, there happened an occurrence, which in it selfe being but a small matter to speake of, and of little regard; considering the sides and part-taking about it, grew to a mightie head and contention in the end. M. Fundanius and L. Valerius Tribunes of the Commons, preferred a bill unto the people touching the abrogation of the law Oppia. For C. Oppius aforetime, even when the Punicke warre was at the hottest, and whiles Q. Fabius and T. Sempro∣nius were Consuls, had promulged a Statute, by vertue whereof, No woman of what degree [unspec M] soever, might either have in ornaments and jewels above halfe an ounce weight of gold, nor weare any habiliments wrought of sundrie colours, ne yet ride in coach within the cittie of Rome, or any other towne, nor neerer than a mile from thence, unlesse it were upon occasion of some solemne feast or publicke sacrifice. Now M. Iunius Brutus, and P. Iunius Brutus, both Tri∣bunes

[unspec A] likewise of the Commons, stood in defence and maintenance of the said law Oppia, and affirmed plainely they would not suffer it to bee anulled. Many a nobleman was seene in this quarrell: some spake for the law, and others gaine said it. The Capitoll was full of people, either taking part and favouring the cause, or els opposing themselves, and urging the contrarie. The very dames of the citie themselves, could neither by persuasion and advise, nor by any reverent and womanly regard, ne yet by the expresse and absolute commaundement of their husbands be kept within dores; but doe what they could, they bespread all the streets of the cittie, beset and kept all the waies into the common place, beseeching and entreating their husbands as they passed by and went downe thither, to permit and give their consent, That seeing the good estate of the Commonweale now flourished, and the private wealth of every man encreased daily, [unspec B] their wives also and matrones might bee allowed to have their auncient ornaments and gay attire againe. The number of these women grew every day more than other, for now they floc∣ked also out of the townes, villages, and other places of resort in the countrie, and shewed themselves at Rome. In so much, as they tooke heart at length, and were so bold as to encoun∣ter the Consuls, the Pretours, and other magistrates, requesting and beseeching their favour, to stand with them, and forward the cause. But as for one of the Consuls, Marcus Porcius Cato by name, they could not with all their praiers entreat him to encline unto their suite: who in the maintenance of the said law, and that it might not bee revoked, spake in the frequent assemblie of the people to this effect.* 1.1 My maisters and citizens of Rome, If every one of us had fully resolved and purposed with himselfe to hold his owne, and keepe the rightfull au∣thoritie [unspec C] and preheminence that hee hath over his owne wife, lesse adoe and trouble were should have had with them all together at this day.

Now having given them the head at home so much, that the curstnesse and shrewdnesse of women hath conquered our libertie and freehold there; behold, here also in publicke place it is troden downe and trampled underfoot: and be∣cause wee were not able everie man to rule his owne in severall, now wee stand in feare and dread them all in generall. Certes, I my selfe thought ever untill now, that it was but a seined fable and devised tale that went of a certaine * 1.2 Island, wherein by a conspiracie of women, all the men were murdered every one, and that sexe utterly made away and rooted out. But well I see now, bee they creatures never so weake, so silie and feeble, let them once have their meetings, their con∣venticles and secret conferences, they will worke mischeefe in the highest degree, and be as dan∣gerous [unspec D] as any other. And surely for mine owne part, I cannot resolve in mine owne conscience and determine, whether of the twaine be worse; the thing I meane in itselfe, or the precedent ex∣ample & consequence thereof, considering the manner how it is handled. Of which two, the one toucheth us that are Consuls and the rest of the magistrats, the other concerneth you rather my maisters and citizens of Rome. As for the matter in question, and proposed unto you, whether it be good and expedient for the weale publick or no, that resteth in you to determine & judge, who are to give your voices and suffrages. But this seditious insurrection here, of women, be it of them∣selves, or procured by your motion and instigation, M. Fundanius and L. Valerius, no doubt it ar∣gueth and emplieth a great default in the magistrates, and I wot not whether it will bee a souler blot and dishonour to you that are Tribunes, than to us Consuls. Yours will the blame bee, if yee [unspec E] have brought women now to raise and stirre up tribunitious seditions; and ours the shame, if we needs must admit & accept of laws, whether we will or no, for fear of a commotion & seperation of our women, as sometimes we were forced to do by the departure & insurrection of our Com∣mons. I assure you for mine owne selfe, when I passed erewhile into this common-place through the prease and throng of these women, I was abashed and could not chuse but blush. And had I not beene more respective of the reputation, the honour and reverence of some in particular, than of them all togither, because it should not be thought and said, that they had been chec∣ked and taken up by the Consull; I would have said unto them, What new fashion is this, good wives, to run gadding abroad into the open streets, to beset the passages, and to affront, yea and hang upon other womens husbands as ye do? What? could ye not every one at home have dealt [unspec F] with your owne good-men in the cause, and craved their helpe? or can ye speake faire and flatter better, can yee bee more pleasant and affable abroad in the towne, than within your houses? or make love to other men, rather than to your owne husbands? And yet to speake uprightly, if wives were of that modestie and womanly carriage, as to keepe themselves within the compasse and bounds of their owne libertie, and passe no farther; it were not besitting you ywis, so much as

at home to trouble yourselves about our lawes heere, not to busie your braines, to know either [unspec G] what new Statutes passed, or what old were cassed. Our auncestours in old time would not, that women in any wife should dispose so much as of their own privat matters without the advise and direction of a governor and overseer: and therefore in great wisedome they ordeined, that they should be ordred and ruled, by their parents, by their brethren, by their husbands. But wee (and God will) can abide them to intermeddle in state-matters, to governe the weale publick, to con∣verse with us in the common place, in publick assemblies and courts of parliament. For what els do they now in the streets, in the crosse waies and Quarrefours, but, some of them geve their voyces that the bils of the Tribunes may passe, and others advise and be of opinion, that the law Oppia may be repealed? Let this outrageous & unreasonable nature of theirs have the head; let these unruly creatures & untamed animalshave their will, and bridle them not; see then how [unspec H] of themselves they will keepe a meane and measure in their licentiousnes, unlesse you curb them and hold them in. Tush, this is the least matter of all that displeaseth these women: there are a thousand things besides that they thinke hardly of, and are discontented to be held unto by old customes and positive lawes. Libertie in all things; nay to speake more truly, a loose and disso∣lute licentiousnes, is the very thing they long after and desire. For, go they away cleere with this once, what is it that they will not attempt and give the venture for? Do but runne through and count the lawes provided in this behalfe for women, whereby our forefathers and predecessours have kept downe and restreined their disorderly appetites, and with which they have sought to subject them to their husbands: yet, hardly can ye with the help of them all, keepe them in awe and tied fast, but breake out they will, and have their own waies. What then? how and if ye suffer [unspec I] them to catch this and that, and to ther thing to it: if I say, ye let them wrest from you one thing after another, untill at length they be check-mates with their husbands, thinke ye that ever you shall be able to support and endure them? Begin they once to be equals, they will soone be su∣periours: make them your fellowes, and streightwaies they will be your maisters. But, alas, wee lay to hardly to their charge. The thing that they stand upon is no more but this, That no new Act and statute passe against them: for no equall and reasonable thing do they refuse: their desire and prayer is only that they might not be wronged. No, no, it is cleane contrary: That law which ye have received and admitted, that which by your suffrages you first granted, that which by the practise and experience of so many yeeres you have allowed and approved, they would have you to revoke and abolish: which is as much to say, as by anulling that one, to infringe, [unspec K] impaire, and diminish the authoritie and vertue of the rest. No law is there so well devised, that is good, commodious and agreeable unto all. This only is intended principally to be conside∣red, that it may be profitable to the most part, and serve in generall. For if as each person shall find an act prejudiciall, hurtfull, and offensive to himselfe, he may be allowed by and by to undo and demolish the same: to what end should all the people assemble together to the making of those statutes, which they anon against whom they were enacted, may abolish and overthrow? But gladly would I know the great occasion and cause, for which our dames in such trouble and uprore run out into the streets, and have much ado to forbeare the common place, and to mount up into the Rostra to make an oration to this audience? Is it for this, to redeeme out of the hands of Anniball, their fathers, their husbands, their children & brethren, whom he keepth [unspec L] prisoners? Nay, that calamitie is farre enough off at this day, and farre may it ever be I pray God from our citie and Common-weale. And yet when the time was of that hard fortune and cala∣mitie, you would not hearken to their piteous and kind prayers in that behalfe. But it may well be, that it is neither naturall love and kind affection, nor carefull regard of their deere friends, but meere touch of conscience and sense of religion that hath brought them thus together in a congregation. And readie they are, it may be, to receive and interteine dame Cybill or Idas, comming from Pescinus out of Phrygia. What honest colour & shew, so much as in word only can be pretended to beare out and cover this mutinous sedition of women? Mary this (say they) that we may glitter in our golden jewels, and shine in purple robes to be seene a farre off: that as well on work daies as holidayes, we may be set up and ride in our coches and chariots through [unspec M] the citie, as it were in triumph, for the conquest and victorie of a law by us repealed and disanul∣led: for winning from you, and wringing out of your hands, maugre your beards, the libertie of your voyces and suffrages: to the end that we might not be stinted and gaged in our excessive expenses, in our dissolute profusion, in costly vanities and superfluities. Many a time yee have

[unspec A] heard me complaine of the wastfull and sumpteous bravery of women: and as often have you knowne me to invey against the lavish spending of men, not privat persons only, but magistrates also in higher place: and how this citie of ours is sick as it were at one time of two contrary dis∣eases & maladies, to wit, pinching avarice, and superfluous prodigalitie, two plagues I say, that have bene the bane and overthrow of all great monarchies and flouring empires. These pestilent mischiefes I dread so much the more, as our state and common-weale encreaseth to the better; groweth welthy every day more than other; & as our dominion extendeth still farther & farther. And now that we are gotten over into Greece and Asia, provinces full of all entising pleasures and alluring delights of the world, now that we are come to finger and handle the rich treasures of mightie Monarches, I feare me that even these things have rather captivated us, than wee [unspec B] them. The goodly images, statues and pictures that came from Syracusae, are (trust me truly) dangerous to this citie, and threaten no lesse than so many ensignes of the field displayed against it. And I heare say alreadie, that there are many, and too too many, that praise and have in ad∣miration the beautiful ornaments of Corinth & Athens, and begin to make a skorne & game of the images of the Roman gods made of potters earth only, laughing a good at them, where they see them standing forth of the walls. Well, for my part I had rather have these gods so propice and favourable to us as they be, than such as those: and so I hope they will ever be, if we can suffer them to abide stil in their usual shrines & places acustomed. No longer ago than in our fathers daies, king Pyrrahus sent his embassador Cyneas of purpose and assaied by rich & goodly gifts, to tempt the minds not only of our men, but also of our women. There was no law Oppia as then [unspec C] in force, to bridle and keepe downe the costly pomp and bravery of women: and yet not one of them all received ought at his hands. And what thinke ye was the cause? even the same and no other, for which our auncestors in times past, never so much as thought upon the providing of any such law. There was no pride then, nor riotous superfluitie to restraine. And like as the skill and knowledge of diseases, must praecede and go afore their cures and remedies: even so evill desires and enormious losts had neede to bud forth and spring before the lawes, which should represse and cut them downe. What caused the law Licinia to be made, Concerning five hun∣dred acres of ground, for bidding that no man should possesse above; but the exceeding cove∣tousnes of men, encroching still and laying land to land? What brought in the law Cincia as touching gifts and presents, but this, that the Commons began alreadie to be vassailes as it [unspec D] were and tributaries to the Senat. No mervaile therfore it is, nor strange may it seeme, that nei∣ther the law Oppia, nor any other providing for the cutting off the unmeasurable expences of women, was required and thought needfull in those dayes; when gold, when purple freely ten∣dred and offred unto them was refused. If now at this day Cyneas were come, and went with such gifts round about in the citie, he should find receivers enough of women, standing in every streete readie for him. And verily, with all the wit I have, I can not devise what the cause & reason should be of many lustfull desires and appetites that reigne in this age. For say, that if one of you were kept short and debarred of that, which another might lawfully have: per adventure there might rise in your harts (through infirmitie) some shame & abashment in nature, or els dis∣pleasure & discontentment in reason: so being all as ye are brought within one compasse of fur∣niture [unspec E] and apparell, and no ods at all between you, what need any one of you to feare, least she should be looked into, marked or observed, more than another. I must needs say, the shame that followeth & attendeth either upon nigardise or povertie, is worst of all others: but the law quit∣teth & freeth you of both, when you want but that only which by law ye may not have, & no man will reproch you therfore. Yes mary, quoth some rich and welthy dame, this same equalitie & no distinction at all among us, of al things I can not abide: Why may not I according to my calling, be seene araied in purple, & adorned with gold? And why is not the poore estate of others known, but lieth hidden under this pretext and cloke of a law: so as they may be thought yet (were it not for the law) that such & such things they would have; where as indeed they are not able to main∣teine and beare it out? Would ye (in faith) my maisters and citizens of Rome, have your wives to [unspec F] strive thus, that the richer sort might deserve to have that, which no other can reach unto: and the poore againe because by that meanes they would not be despised, over-streine themselves to go above their calling & abilitie? Certifie I dare avow, if they begin once to shame at that which is not shame-worthy, they will not bash at any thing, be it never so shamefull. Have it she will out of her owne, so long as it lasteth: and when all is gone, to her husbands purse she will go. Alas

poore man and wo begun is that husband, as well he that is intreated by his wife, to stretch his [unspec G] purse strings, as he that is not, when he shal see another man to give her that, which he would not allow himself. And even now ye see how openly in the street (unshame faced as they be) they are in hand with other womens husbands, yea and that which more is, they keepe an intreating for to casse the law, and for the favour of their voices only. For of some they have got the good wills no doubt alreadie, whiles themselves wil not be intreated, but draw miserie upon thee, upon thy state, and upon thy children. Wel, let the law once cease to set down a gage & proportion of thy wives expences, and never thinke to have remedie, and to staie the same of thyselfe with all thou canst do. Be not deceived sirs, to think that the world will be ever againe at the same passe, as it was be∣fore this law took place. And as it is a safer course and lesse dangerous to let a naughtie and obsti∣nat person alone, that he be not called into question at all; than after he is once accused to suffer [unspec H] him to be quit and goe away unpunished: even so this excessive superfluitie, would have beene more tollerable, if it had not beene medled and tempered with all, than it will be now upon the very binding and curbing there of: much like a wild and savage beast let loose after it hath bene tyed up a time, and so made more fell and angrie. To conclude therefore, of this opinion am I, that of no hand the law Oppia be repealed: and so I pray all the gods to vouchsafe for to blesse and turne to good, whatsoever you doe or go about. When he had thus said, those Tribunes al∣so of the Commons,* 1.3 who openly promised and protested to oppose themselves, and to crosse the repealing of the law, made some briefe speeches to the same effect. Then L. Valerius rose up to maintaine the bill by him proposed for the revoking of that law, and spake as followeth. If privat men had stepped forth and advaunced forward either to approove and persuade, or to [unspec I] reject and dissuade, that which by us is proposed, I my selfe also without opening my mouth would have attended your will & expected the deliverie of your suffrages, as thinking it had bene sufficiently debated & discoursed alreadie, whatsoever might be said for both parties. But now fith that the Consull M. Porcius Cato, a man of so great reputation and gravitie, not only by his countenance and authoritie, (which alone without any word at all spoken had been important) enough and effectuall) but also in a long premeditate Oration framed with much studie and forethinking, hath impugned and inveighed against our proposed ordinance, I must of neces∣sitie answere him againe as briefly as I can. Who neverthelesse hath spent more words in repro∣ving and chastising the matrons and dames of the citie, than he hath bestowed reason to the purpose in dissuading our new law: and all verify for this intent, that he might leave it doubtful, [unspec K] whether the women had done that which he blamed them for, as induced by their own motives, or seduced by us and our suggestions. As for me, the protection directly of the cause I will take in hand, and not busie and trouble my head in defence of our persons, against whome the Con∣sull hath rather glaunced and girded at, by way of big words, than charged indeed by found rea∣sons. It hath pleased him to call this, An assembly and mutinous meeting: yea and other whiles he tearmeth it, An insurrection and secession of women; because the wives in open place intrea∣ted you to repeale that law, now in time of peace, in the flourishing and blessed state of the Com∣monweale, which during those troublesome daies of war, had bene enacted against them. I wote full well, that both these words and other besides are verie significant, sought out, and picked for the nones, to enforce and aggravate the matter. And we all know, that M. Cato is an Oratour not [unspec L] onely grave and earnest, but otherwhiles also fell, sharpe, and bitter, however otherwise by na∣turall disposition he be of a mild spirit and courteous enough. But to the point. What new and strange thing is this that our wives have done, in comming abroad and assembling themselves in companies, about a matter that so much concerneth and importeth themselves? What? were they never seene before now, abroad in open street? I will take the paines, ó Cato, to turne over your own book of Originals against yourselfe. Listen and marke how often they have done the semblable, and alwaies truly for the common good and benefit of the State. And first and foremost, in the verie beginning and infancie of this citie, even in the reigne of king Romulus, when the Capitoll-Keepe was taken and held by the Sabines; when in the middest of the Com∣mon place, they were raunged in battell array and readie to fight a bloudie field, was not the [unspec M] quarrell ended and the conflict stayed by the dames and wives that ran in, and put themselves betweene the two armies? After the KK. were driven out and expelled, What happened tho? When as the legions of the Volsciens under the conduct of Coriolanus Martius incamped with∣in five miles of Rome, were they not the matrones of the citie that turned backe this armie,

[unspec A] which doubtlesse would have forced our citie and put it to ransacke? And is not this likewise as true, that when the Gaules were possessed of Rome and masters thereof, the dames of the citie and none but they, even by the consent of all men, came foorth into the open streets, made a contribution, and laid downe that gold which paid for the ransome and redemption of the ci∣tie? No longer since than in the last Punicke warre (because I will not stand so much upon an∣tiquities) was it not thus, that not onely when the citie was at a fault for money, the widowes stockes supplyed the want of the common treasure? but also at what time as we were driven to seeke for new gods, and to send for them afarre off to succor us in our extremities; all the wives and matrons of the citie went to the sea side for to receive the goddesse Mother Idaea? The oc∣casions (quoth he) are different, and the case is not alike. Neither is it my purpose or any part [unspec B] of my meaning to compare causes, and toproove they are all one. This onely I stand upon, and take it sufficient to excuse and cleere the women, for bringing up no straunge noveltie, in that they shewed themselves in open place. To proceed therefore: seeing that no man made any woonder then, of that which women did in under taking the affaires that concerned all alike as well men as women: marvaile we now that they doe the semblable, in a cause that properly and peculiarly pertaineth to themselves? And what great thing was it they did? Now in good faith wee are too coy and squeamish of our hearing, and our eares over nice and delicate, if when masters disdaine not to heare the praiers of their servants and slaves, we scorne to give eare to the requests of ladies and dames of honor. But now I come to the matter in question, in regard where of the Consull his Oration consisted in two points. For first, hee tooke it verie ill, that any [unspec C] law at all once enacted should be revoked: and secondly he stood upon this, that above all o∣thers the law devised and made for repressing the superfluous ornaments and attire of women, should remaine in force for ever. So it should seeme, that the first part (a common defence as it were, of all the lawes) was a speech befitting the place and person of a Consull: but the o∣ther against the exceeding pompe of women, more properly became a man (as himselfe) of most severe life and precise carriage. And therefore it is great doubt and to be feared, least wee should seduce you into some errour, if we lay not downe and shew plainly the vanitie and defect both in the one & in the other. For as I confesse, that of those lawes which are devised and esta∣blished not for a time and by occasion of some particular occurrence, but for ever and to the perpetuall good of a citie, none ought to be abolished; unlesse it be so that by use and experi∣ence [unspec D] the same be checked and found hurtfull, or by some change of the State become needlesse and superfluous: so I see evidently, that those statutes and ordinances which are brought in to sit and serve some seasons, are mortall (if I may so say) and mutable with the times. And often∣times wee see, that warre disclaimeth those lawes which peace proclaimeth; and peace pulleth downe that which warre set up: like as in the government and rule of a ship, one thing is requi∣site in faire weather and calme sea, another in soule and troublesome tempests. These things thus being in nature divers and distinct, let us consider I pray you, of whether sort is this law that now we are in hand to revoke. What? is it one of the auncient and royall lawes made by the kings, and equall in time with the foundation of our citie? or (that which is the next in time and authoritie) was it set downe and written in the twelve tables by the Decemvirs, created of [unspec E] purpose to devise and make lawes? Is it of that nature without the which as our ancestors were of opinion, that the honestie and honour of matrons could not be preserved: so we are to feare likewise, least by the repealing thereof, wee overthrow the modestie, chastitie, and integritie of maried women? Why? who knoweth not that this is a new law of twentie yeeres standing and continuance and no more, made whiles Q. Fabius and Titas Sempronius were Consuls? And seeing that without it, wives lived so many yeeres before in good name and same and in passing good order: tell me what danger can ensue, and why wee need to feare least if it bee annulled, they should breake out to all loosenes and disorder. Mary, if this law had beene made at first, to gage the wantonesse of women, beleeve me then it were greatly to be doubted, that the putting downe thereof, would stirre them up againe to their former outrage. But to what end it was devi∣sed, [unspec F] the time it selfe is able to shew and testifie. Anniball beeing in Italie, had woon a victorie at Cannae: he was now master of Tarentum, lord of Arpi, and possessed of Capua: every houre men looked when hee would march forward and advance his ensignes against Rome: our allies were revolted and gone: souldiours wee had no more of our owne to supply and make up the decaied bands: no mariners and sea servitours could we find for the maintenance of our Ar∣mada:

all our treasure in the citie chamber was spent and consumed. Driven we were to this exi∣gent, [unspec G] as to take up bondilaves for to serve in warres, and to buy them of their maisters for day, yea, and to make paiment of their price after the warre was ended. For want of money al∣so the Publicanes and Farmours of our domaine and publicke profites, undertooke to serve the armie with corne, and to furnish us with all things needfull for warre at a certaine price, and gave us the like day and time of paiment. The gally slaves that served at the oare we found and maintained with our own proper & privat charges; & a rate and proportion was set down accor∣ding to our revenues and worth in the subsidie booke, what number every one should bee char∣ged with. All the gold and silver that wee had in private we brought forth in commune, and the Senators themselves led the way first, and gave good ensample. The widdowes and orphane chil∣dren brought in their stockes of money to the cittie chamber. Streight order was given, that [unspec H] wee should not have in our houses either of gold or silver, wrought in plate or otherwise above so much, nor of silver and brasse in coine and currant money beyond a certaine proportion li∣mitted. At such a time, our dames (be like) were set all upon their braveries, prunning, trimming, and tricking themselves, in such sort, as the law Oppia must needs be devised, there was no other remedie to keepe downe their excessive pride and superfluous expence in their attire and orna∣ments: even then, I say, when by occasion that the solemne feast and sacrifice of Ceres was discon∣tinued, by reason of the generall mourning and heavie cheare of all the wives of the cittie, the Senate was faine to take order, that they should finish and end their sorrowfull mourning within thirtie daies. Who is so blind that seeth not, how in regard onely of the povertie and ex∣treame calamitie of the citie, and because all the monies of private persons should bee conver∣ted [unspec I] into a common stocke, and for a publicke use, this law was first framed, drawne, and set down, so long onely to stand in strength and vertue, as the cause of penning and writing it should en∣dure and continue? For otherwise, if those acts and decrees of the Senat, if those orders and or∣dinances of the Commons, respective unto that present time, should bee in force, and observed forever; Why make we paiment of the loane money unto private men? Why doe wee set and to ferm let our commodities, our customes and revenues of the citie, unto farmers for readie rent? Why put we forth our publick works for present money paid downe upon the naile? Wherefore buy we not slaves to serve in our warres? Lastly why are we not put to find marriners and oarmen, at our owne proper charges, as then we did? All other estates and degrees, all men els, of what calling soever, feele a great change in the state of the citie, from woe to weale, from adversitie to [unspec K] prosperitie; and shall our wives onely misse the good thereof, and not once tast nor enjoy the fruits of peace, and publick repose and tranquilitie? Shall we that are men, be in purple & scarlet? Shall we wear our embrodered gowns and robes when we are magistrats? shall we put on our rich amyces and copes, when we exercise the function and ministerie of the high priests? shall our children goe in their side garments, pursuled afore with purple? shall wee permit and priviledge the head officers and magistrates in our Colonies and Burrough townes? nay, shall we suffer here at Rome the maisters and constables of every parish, the meanest and basest officers of all other to weare embrodered gowns, and studded with purple? and not only so, for to grace and credit themselves, with these goodly ornaments and badges of worship and honour during their life, but also after their death, the same to bee burned and buried with them? And shall wee debarre [unspec L] and forbid our women onely to use purple and skarlet in their apparell? And when you the hus∣band may have purple and skarlet, carpets, counterpointes, and footclothes, what reason is there to denie your wife, the mistresse of the house, a gowne or mantle of the same? And shall your horse bee attrapped and barbed more richly, and better set out with his capparison, than your wife arraied in her apparrell? But in truth, for purple and scarlet, which are the worse for the wearing, and waxeth bare, me thinkes I see some reason, such as it is (although it be very hard) of sparing and restraint: marie for gold, wherein little or nothing is lost but the fa∣shion and workemanship, what niggardise, what miserie is this, to make spare of it, and to denie it them: Nay, I dare avow and abide by it, there is great benefit and use there of in time of extremi∣tie? and it may helpe at a pinch both in publick affairs, and in private occasions, as ye have found [unspec M] by good experience. But Cato said moreover, There would bee no emulation and envie be∣tweene this good wife and that, if neither one nor other were allowed that libertie of apparell and ornaments. True it is, but in steed thereof they all are mightily discontented and greeved at the heart in the meane while, disdaining to see the wives of our allies of the Latine name and

[unspec A] nation, permitted to weare those ornaments which they are forbidden to have, to see them, I say, all gorgeously set out with spangles and jewels of gold, clad in their purple and skarlet clothes, riding in their coaches all over their cities, whiles they at Rome take pains to go afoot on their ten toes, as if the State of the Empire were seated in their townes, and not in this their owne citie of Rome. This indignitie were ynough to wound the hearts of men, & make them bleed; what hurt doth it then, thinke you, to silie women, whom small matters, God wot, are wont to trouble? Alas poore soules: no magistracie and place of government in State, no sacerdotal dig∣nities in the church, no triumphes, no ornaments and titles of honour, are they capable of, no gifts, no spoiles and prises gotten in warres, can fall to their shares. Neatnesse and finenesse, gay garments, trim attire, and gorgeous habiliments, are the honour and ornaments of women: in it [unspec B] they take delight, on it they set their hearts, of it they make their joy. And therfore well have our ancestors called all furniture for the decking of women [Mundus Muliebris]. What lay they off in time of sorrow & mourning, but their gold & purple? what put they on & resume again, when their mourning is past, but their gold & purple? what hang they on them besides in time of pub∣lick joy and solemn processions, but their better apparell, their richest attire & most costly orna∣ments? But per adventure, after ye have once repealed the law Oppia, it will not be in your power to overrule them, if happily you should forbid them to wear any thing, that now the law restrai∣neth them of. And perhaps some shal have more ado with their daughters, their wives, & sisters, & find them lesse tractable and pliable unto their minds, than now they are. Never fear that: wo∣men cannot shake off their obedience, so long as their governours (be they fathers, husbands, or [unspec C] brethren) are alive; nay, of all other things they abhor & cannot brook to be at their own libertie, when it commeth by the death either of husbands or parents: Widdows state and Orphans life, they may not abide. Be sure therfore, they had leifer have their ornaments and attire to be at the disposition of yourselves, than of the law. And therfore, to speake a truth, you must in equity and reason protect and defend them in kindnesse, and not oppresse them with hardnesse and bon∣dage: delight ye must to be called their fathers and husbands, rather than their lords and ma∣sters. It pleased the Consull erewhile to give them hard words and odious tearmes, calling this their meeting. A mutinie of women, and a very insurrection and departure of theirs: and daun∣ger there is, no doubt, least being up once, they will seize upon the mount Sacer, as some∣times the Commons did in their furious anger, or els possesse themselves of the Aventine, and [unspec D] there encampe and keepe an hold. Well, this weake and feeble sexe, borne to beare, must suffer and endure whatsoever ye shall ordain & set down against them. But take this with all at the loose for a final conclusion, that the greater power & authoritie ye have over them, the more discretion and moderation ye ought to use in that soveraintie of yours. After debate of words passed in this wise, in favor and disfavor of the law, the day following the women flocked in greater multitudes into the open streets, and banding themselves together, as it were, in one troupe, they be set the dores and houses of the Brutt, who by interposing themselves, had hindered and crossed the bill preferred by their fellow Tribunes: and never gave they over to keepe this stur,* 1.4 untill those Tri∣bunes slaked in their opposition, for to inhibit the same.

Which done, there was no doubt then, but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish that law. Thus twentie yeeres after [unspec E] the enacting thereof, it was repealed and anulled.

M. Percius Cato after the abrogation of the law Oppia, presently departed with a fleet of five and twentie gallies, whereof five were set out by Allies, and arrived in the port of * 1.5 Luna, to which place hee commaunded his forces to assemble: and after by vertue of an edict sent out along the sea coast, he had gathered together vessels of all sorts as he losed from Luna; and pro∣claimed that they should all follow after him to the port of Pyreneus, from whence hee purpo∣sed to set forth against the enemie, with an Armada of many saile, and well appointed. Who having passed beyond the mountaines of Liguria and the gulfe of Gaule, arrived and met all together, at the day and place appointed. From thence they came against * 1.6 Rhoda, where they expelled the Spanish garrison that held the fortresse. From Rhoda with a good gale of wind, [unspec F] they sailed to Emporiae. Where, all the whole armie, excepting the marriners, were set a land. At the same time Emporiae were two townes, seperate one from the other by a wall. The one of them was inhabited by Greekes, who came from Phocaea, from whence the Maffi∣lians also are descended: the other was possessed by Spaniards. But the Greeks towne lieth out into the sea, so as the whole compasse of the wall is not halfe a mile about: but the Spanish

towne seated farther into the land, and devided from the sea, is defended with a wall three miles [unspec G] in circuit. A third sort of Romane inhabitants were joyned unto them by * 1.7 Caesar the Emperour of famous memorie, after he had vanquished Pompeys children. And at this day, they are confu∣sed and medled one with another, and become one entier bodie, by reason that first the Span∣yards, and afterward the Greekes, were made free denizens of the citie of Rome. A man might well mervaile, seeing how open they lye of the one side to the maine sea, how exposed they are on the other side to the danger of the Spaniards, a nation so fierce and war like, what thing it was that garded and protected them? Discipline it was and good government, and nothing els, which mainteined and preserved them in that weakenes of theirs; discipline I say, which is ever best enterteined of them, who live in feare of the mightier that are round about them. One quar∣ter of the wall looking to the fields, is passing strong and exceeding well fortified, having but [unspec H] one gate in all that side; which ordinarily is alwayes warded by one of the Magistrates. In the mainteined not for custome and fashion, nor by vertue of any law: but they performed it with as great care, yea and went the round and saw to the setinels with as much diligence, as if the enemies were hard at gates. A Spaniard came not within the citie; neither went they forth themselves, unlesse it were upon just occasion. But on the sea side the issue was open for any man at his pleasure. By that gate which turneth toward the Spanish towne, they never used to go forth but in great number, even a third part welneere of the townesmen, and those who the night before had watched upon the walls. And this cause induced them to go abroad, for that the Spaniards being no men at sea, gladly would traffike and trade with them: willingly buying of [unspec I] them their strange merchandise from forein parts brought in by ships: and venting unto them againe their land commodities and fruits arising of the maine. The desire of this mutuall com∣merce and necessarie intercourse was the cause, that the Spanish towne was open to the Greeks. And in greater safetie and securitie they were also, by reason that they were shadowed under the wing of the Romane amitie, which they interteined with as great loyaltie as the Maffilians, al∣though they were nothing so mightie and puissant. And even at this time they received the Consull and his armie with great courtesie and liberalitie. Cato sojourned there some few daies, whiles he was advertised by his espials where his enemies abode, and what their forces were: and because he would not be idle whiles he stayed there, he bestowed all that time in training and exercising his souldiours. It hapned to be that season of the yeere, when the Spaniards had [unspec K] their corne within their granges readie for the thrashing floore, where upon he for bad the come∣purveiours to provide graine, and sent them home to Rome. Warre, saith he, shall feede and mainteine it selfe. Being departed from * 1.8 Emporiae, he wasted and burnt the territorie of the ene∣mies, forced them to run away in every place where he came, and put them in exceeding fright.

At the same time, as M. Helvius departed out of the farther province of Spaine with 6000 garison souldiours delivered unto him by the Pretour, he was encountered by a great armie of the Celtiberians, before the towne Illiturgum. Valerius writeth, that they were twentie thousand strong: that twelve thousand of them were slaine, the towne Illiturgum woon againe, and all above fourteene yeeres of age put to the sword. From thence Helvius marched to the camp of Cato: and because the countrey was cleere from enemies, he sent back the garison into the [unspec L] nether Spaine, and tooke his journey to Rome, where he entred the citie Ovant in pety triumph, for the happie successe atchieved in his affaires. He brought into the treasurie, of silver in bul∣lion or Ingots, 14732 pound weight: of silver coine 17023 bigate peeces: and of Oscane silver 120338 pound weight. The cause why the Senate denied him full triumph, was this, for that he warred under the conduct and name of another, and not in his owne province. But it was two yeeres before he returned, by reason that the yeere betweene he was stayed there, lying sick of a long and grievous disease, and put over his government to Qn. Minutius his successor. Whereupon Helvius likewise entred the citie of Rome in that manner of triumph, two moneths only before his successor Qu. Minutius triumphed. He likewise brought into the chamber of the citie 34800 pound weight of silver in masse: of bigates in coine 78000: of Oscane silver [unspec M] 278000 pound.

All this while the Consull lay encamped in Spaine not farre from Emporiae. Thither re∣paired unto him from Bilistages a prince of the Ilergetes, three embassadors, where of his sonne was one: complaining that their forts were assailed by force of armes, and they had no other

[unspec A] hope to make resistance, unlesse they might have a gard of Romane souldiours to defend them, and 5000 say they will be sufficient: for never would the enemies abide by it if such a power came against them. The Consull answered them and said, that he had a feeling and compassion of the perill of feare (whether it was) wherein they stood: howbeit, he was not at that time furni∣shed with such forces, that he might safely spare so many out of his maine armie, thereby to dis∣member the same and to empaire his strength, considering a mightie hoast of his enemies was not far off, with whom he looked every day, and he knew not how soone, to joyne battaile in open field with banner displaied. The embassadors hearing this, sell downe prostrate at the Consuls feete, and shed teares, humbly beseeching him not to forsake them in this piteous plight.

For whither (say they) shal we go, if we be repulsed from the Romanes? No allies we have besides, nor [unspec B] other hope in all the world. This danger we might have avoided well enough, if we would have bene false and disloyall; if we would have banded and rebelled with other Spaniards: but no menaces, no terrours presented unto us, could drive us to renounce our fealtie, hoping alwaies that we should have help and succour enough from the Romanes: but now if no meede, if no re∣liefe come from thence; if we be denied at the Consuls hand; heaven and earth we call to witnes, that we must be forced, full against our wills and upon meere necessitie, to revolt from the Ro∣manes, for feare we drinke of the same cup that the Saguntines have done afore us: and choose we wil to dye with the rest of the Spaniards for companie, rather than perish alone by ourselves.

So for that day they were dismissed without other answer. But all at the night following, the Consul was much distracted in mind, and carefull in both respects. Vnwilling he was to cast off his allies [unspec C] and see them destitute; and as unwilling again to breake his armie: considering that in so doing, he might either delay the opportunitie of geving battaile, or endanger himselfe in the very in∣nstant of conflict. But at length he resolved, in no wise to diminish his owne forces; doubting least in the meane while he should receive some dishonor at the enemies hand. As for his associates, he thought it best to interteine them with good hopes, for want of better helps; considering that often times and especially in war, outward semblances and vaine shewes, are held and taken for truth and substance, and serve the turne well enough: and when a man is throughly persuaded that he hath aid and succour, the very trust and confidence there of hath ministred hart to give the venture of some exploit, and preserved him as well as the thing it selfe. The next morrow he deli∣vered this answere unto the embassadors, That albeit he feared to abate his own strength, in ser∣ving [unspec D] other mens turne with any part of his forces, yet he had at this present more regard of their occasions and dangerous estate than of his own. Where upon he gave commandement, that a third part of all his bands and companies should have warning to bake and dresse viands with all speed, for to bestow & lay in the ships; and streightly he charged, that they should be rigged and ready appointed against the third day: and willed with all, two of the embassadors to report so much to Bilistages and the Ilergetes. As for the yong prince his sonne, he deteined stil with him, used him graciously, and bestowed savours & rich gifts upon him bounteously. The embassadors tooke not their leave nor departed, before they saw the souldiers embarked: and thus by making relation hereof, as a thing assured and past all per adventure, they filled the heads not of their own friends only, but also of the enemies, with the bruit of Romane aids comming neere at hand. [unspec E] The Consull now, when hee had set this countenance of the matter, and made sufficient sem∣blance to serve his purpose, gave order that the souldiers should be disbarked again & set a land: and himselfe seeing now that the time of the yeere approched commodious for action and ex∣ecution of martiall affaires, dislodged and remooved his standing winter campe within a mile of Emporiae. From whence (as any occasions and opportunities were presented) he led fourth his souldiers a for aging and boothaling into the enemies land, sometime one way and sometime another, leaving alwaies a competent guard to defend the campe. Ordinarily their manner was to steale out by night, to the intent, that both they might go on still farther from their leagre, and also surprise the enemies at unawares and unprovided: by which meanes not onely his new and raw soldiers were exercised, but also many of his enemies were caught up and came short home: [unspec F] where upon they durst no more peepe out of their forts and holds of delence. Now after he had made sufficient proofe of the hearts as well of his owne men as of his enemies, he commanded all the marshals,* 1.9 colonels, horsemen, and centurions, to assemble before him: and unto them he made this speech. The time (quoth he) is now come, that you so often have wished for; in which you may shew at full your vertue and valour.

Your service hither to hath beene more like

the manner of forraiers than warriours: but now shall ye come to a maine battaile, and as ene∣mies, [unspec G] fight hand to hand with professed enemies. From henceforth you may if you will, not wast their fields onely and spoile their territorie, but ransacke the pillage of rich and wealthie cities. Our fathers before us and auncestours in times past, when as in Spaine there were both Gene∣rals and armies of Carthaginians, having themselves no leaders and commaunders, no soul∣diers and forces there, yet would they needs have this article among others capitulated in the accord and composition with the Spaniards, That the river of Iberus should limit their seigno∣rie and dominion. Now at this day, when two Pretours and a Consull, when three entire Ro∣mane armies have the government and charge of Spaine; now, I say, after ten yeeres space al∣most, wherein no Carthaginians have set foot and been seene in all these quarters of both pro∣vinces, we have lost our seignorie on this side Iberus. This must yee recover and win againe by [unspec H] force of armes, by manhood and valiancie: yee must I say, compell this nation, more rash and inconsiderate in rebelling, than constant and resolute in maintaining warre, for to receive once more the yoke of subjection, which they have shaken from off their neckes.

Having exhorted and encouraged them in this manner, he gave them to understand, that he would set forward in the night and lead against the enemies campe. And so he let them depart to refresh their bo∣dies. At midnight, after he had devoutly taken with him the signes and approbations of the birds for his better speed, he put himselfe in his journey: & because he might be seazed of some place to his liking before the enemies should descrie him, hee set a compasse in his march, and led his souldiors cleane beyond their campe. And having by day light set his companies in bat∣tell array, he sent out three cohorts, even close to the rampier and trench of the enemie.

The [unspec I] barbarous people wondering to see the Romans shew themselves behind at their backe, ran too and fro to take armes. Meane while, the Consull held his men with these and such like speeches: My souldiours (quoth he) there is no other hope now left, but in cleane strength and valour, and I of verie purpose have wrought it so. Betweene us and our campe the enemies are encamped all: behind at our backe we have our enemies land. The bravest courses are ever safest, namely, to build and ground our hope surely upon vertue.

And here with all hee gave order, that the co∣horts aforesaid should retire of purpose to traine foorth the barbarous people, by making semblance of retreat and flight. And so fell it out in verie deed as he thought and supposed: for they imagining that the Romanes for verie feare were retired, issued forth by heapes out of the gate, and bespred with armed men all the ground, that lay betweene their owne campe and the [unspec K] enemies battel. And whiles they made great hast to embattell themselves, the Consull who was alreadie arranged in battell ray, & in all respects well appointed, charged upon them before they were marshalled and set in order. First he put forth the cornets and wings of horsemen from both points and flankes of the battaile: but they of the right side were straightwaies repulsed, and by their hastie and fearefull reculing, caused the footmen also to be mightily affraid. Which the Consull perceiving, he commaunded two elect cohorts of footmen to wheele about the right flanke of the enemies, and to shew themselves at their backes before the other companies of foot encountred and charged one another. This sodaine terror affrighted the enemies, but set all upright again and recovered the battaile of the Romans, which through the feare of the Caval∣lerie began to shrinke and goe downe. Howbeit the horsemen and footmen both of the right [unspec L] point, were so troubled and so farre out of order, that the Consull was forced to plucke some of them backe with his owne hand, and turne them with their faces affront the enemie. Thus all the while that the shot lasted, the skirmish was doubtfull: so as now the Romanes in the medley, had much adoe to make head and stand to it in the right side, whereas the fright and flight first began. But on the left and all affront, the barbarous had the worst, and with great horror they looked behind and saw their enemies how they played upon their backs & rested not. After they had done with flinging their iron darts and launcing their fierie javelins, they drew their swords; and herewith began the conflict afresh. They were not wounded now from a farre off by blind chaunce and hap-hazard, they knew not from whence; but foot to foot they stood, and hand to hand they coped and let drive one at another: no hope at all was now but to trust in pure [unspec M] strength and maine force. The Consull seeing his men wearied, encouraged and refreshed them by sending for to relieve and maintaine the fight, certain cohorts out of the rereward. This new battaillon well in heart, and with fresh weapons, charged the enemies toiled and tired: and be∣ing raunged in pointed wise like a quoine or wedge, at the first hot onset brake their arraies: and

[unspec A] being once disordered, they put them to flight, and in scattering wise they ranne as fast as their legges would carrie them, to their campe. Cato seeing them flie on all hands, mounted on hors∣backe and rode himselfe to the second legion which was in the arrereward for supply, and commaunded to advance the standards and ensignes before him, to march apace, and to ap∣proch the camp of the enemies for to give an assault. If he espied any one to step out of his rank, he would ride before and rap him with his light javelin that he had in his hand; commaunding the marshals and captaines to chastice him for it. Now was the enemies campe at the point to be assaulted, and the Romanes were with stones, pikes, perches, and all kind of weapons set back and driven from the trench. But when this fresh legion approched neere, then both the assai∣lants were more encouraged, and also the enemies fought more lustily in defence of their ram∣pier. [unspec B] The Consull cast his eye all about him, to spiehow to breake in at some place or other where least resistance might be made: and seeing the guard thin about the left gate, thither he conducted the Principals and the Haslati of the second legion: but the corps de guard which warded that gate, was not able to endure their violent charge. The rest on the other side, seeing the enemies within the rampier, abandoned the campe, and flang away their ensignes and wea∣pons. The souldiours of the second legion followed the chase and killed them as they ran away, whiles the other ransacked and rifled their tents. Valerius Antias writeth, that there were 60000 fell that day upon the edge of the sword. Cato himselfe (that never loved to make the least of his owne praise-worthie acts) saith, there were many slaine; but setteth not downe what number. He is thought to have perfourmed that day three peeces of service worthy of great praise and [unspec C] commendation: first, in that he set a compasse with his armie far from his ships, farre from his campe, and gave battaile in the middest of the enemies, where his men could repose no hope at all but in their owne vertue and valour: secondly, for sending those cohorts behind the enemies to charge upon their backes: and thirdly, for that he caused the second legion to march a great pace under their colours displaid, raunged as they were and ordered in battaile array, for to ap∣proch and assaile the gates of the enemies campe, whiles all the rest were disbanded and spred all abroad to pursue the enemie in chase.

After this victorie archieved, he sat not still in rest and repose, but having sounded the retreat and brought his owne souldiours loden with pillage into the campc, he allowed them some few houres for their night sleepe, and led them forth into the territorie of the enemie to forrage and [unspec D] spoile: which was as effectuall to enforce the Spanish Emporitanes and all their neighbour bor∣derers to yeeld subjection, as the unhappie battell fought the day before. Many also of other ci∣ties, which were retired to Emporiae for refuge, rendered themselves to his devotion: whom he entertained all with gracious words, and when he had made them good cheere, bestowing wine and cates plentifully upon them, he sent them home to their owne houses. Then immediatly he dislodged and removed his campe. And all the way as he marched with his armie, there resorted embassadours from divers States that yeelded themselves unto him. By that time that hee was come as far as Taracon, all Spaine on this side Iberus, was wholly subdued: and the barbarous people brought in as presents unto the Consull, all the captives and prisoners, as well Romanes as Allies, and namely Latines, who by many and sundrie chaunces had been taken in Spain. The [unspec E] bruit went commonly abroad, that the Consull would lead his power into Turdetania. There was a false alarme likewise given, and spoken it was, That he would visit the mountainers that lay out of the way. Vpon this vaine and headlesse rumour, there were seven forts belonging to the State of the Bergistanes that revolted from him: but the Consul led his armie against them, and without any memorable battell reduced them under obedience. And the Consull his back was no sooner turned, and he gone to Taracon, but they rebelled againe, even before hee was depar∣ted from thence in any other expedition. Subdued they were the second time, but they found not the like favour as before, to have pardon: for they were all sold like slaves in ouvert market, under the garland, because they should not thus every while trouble the peace.

In this meane time P. Manlius the Pretour, after he had received the old armie at the hands of [unspec F] Q: Mutius whom he succeeded, and joined thereto the other armie of old souldiours belonging to Appius Claudius, and which were come out of the farther Spaine, he made an expedition in∣to Turdetania. Now these Turdetanes of all other Spaniards are counted to be the worst souldi∣ours, howbeit, in confidence of their great numbers and multitudes, they came forward and en∣countred the Romane forces. But the men of armes had no sooner charged them, but presently

they were disarraied. As for the footmen, they fought in manner not at all. The old approved sol∣diours, [unspec G] who knew the enemies very well, and were experienced in feats of armes, made a quicke dispatch of this skirmish, and soone put all past peradventure. Howbeit, the warre was not so ended, nor determined in one battell. The Turdetanes levied and waged ten thousand Celtibe∣rians, and so mainteined war afresh with forraine mercenarie forces.

The Consull being stung alreadie with the rebellion of the Turdetanes, and supposing that other cities would doe the like, upon any good occasion and opportunitie, disfurnished all the Spaniards on this side Iberus of their armor and munition. Which they took for such an indig∣nitie, that many of them for very melancholie killed themselves: a martial and warlike nation, that thought they were as good be out of the world, as turned out of their arms; and reckoned no life, without their weapons.

The Consull having intelligence hereof, commaunded the Senatours of [unspec H] all those cities to repaire unto him: and when they were assembled together, he used this speech unto them. It concerneth you (quoth he) no lesse than us, to give over this rebelling and warring. For never yet to this day have ye entred into the action, but with more losse and damage of Spa∣niards, than toil•• and travell of the Romane armie. To prevent this mischeefe that it should not happen, I suppose one good way it is, to contrive and worke so, that yee might not possibly bee able to rebell. Effect this I would raine, by the easiest meane and course of all other. Assist me I pray you herein with your good counsell: I assure you I will not bee directed by any advise more willingly, than by that which you yourselves shall give mee.

When they held their tongues, and would not speake a word, he said unto them againe, that he was content they should pause upon the matter, and consult thereof a few daies. When they were called againe, and kept silence in [unspec I] this second meeting and conference as well as in the former; he made no more adoe, but in one day rased the walls of all their cities: which done, hee went forward against those that hitherto were not come in, nor yeelded obedience: and into what quarters soever he came, he received al the States one after another, there bordering and adjoining, into his protection; save onely Se∣gestica, a wealthie citie and of importance, the which he forced with mantelets and rolling pa∣voi••es, and such like fabrickes. More difficultie in subduing these enemies hee found, than others afore him who first came into Spaine; in this regard, for that in times past the Spaniards at the be∣ginning revolted unto them, as being wearie of the tedious yoke of subjection under the lordly government and tyrannie of the Carthaginians. But Cato had more ado with them now, in that out of libertie and freedome, which they had usurped and beene used to, hee was to vouch them [unspec K] (as it were) bond, and to bring them againe to servitude. Besides, hee found all out of frame and order, whiles some of them were up in armes, others were forced by siege to revolt, as not able to have held out long, unlesse they had beene rescued and succoured in time. But of this nature and courageous mind was the Consull, that he would himselfe in person be present and manage all affaires, as well those of smallest moment, as also those of greatest weight and consequence: and not onely devise and give direction what was best to bee done, but would himselfe set to his hand, and execute most of the exploits and effect them fully. There was not one amongst them all, that he commaunded with more severitie and rigour, than his owne selfe. In living neerely, in spare feeding, in much watching, in painefull travell, he strived to surpasse and outgoe the mea∣nest common souldiors. And no priviledge challenged he, no advauntage sought he to himselfe [unspec L] in his whole armie above others, but onely honour and soveraigne commaund.

The Pretor P. Manlius had the more trouble in his war-service, by reason of the Celtiberians, whom (as it hath ben said before) the enemies had levied & hired with their monie. And therfore the Consull being sent unto by the Pretor his letters, led his legions also thither. Being there ar∣rived, (now the Celtiberians and Turdetanes were severally encamped apart one from the other) the Romanes fell presently to maintaine light skirmishes with the Turditanes, and eftsoones charged their corps de guard: and how rashly and inconsiderately soever they began the game, yet they ever went away winners. As for the Celtiberians, the Consull sent certaine Tribunes or knight marshals unto them to emparle, giving them in charge to make them an offer and ten∣der unto them the choice of three conditions. First, if they could be content to arraunge them∣selves [unspec M] to serve under the Romanes, and to receive at their hands double wages to that they bar∣gained for with the Turditanes. Secondly, whether they would be willing to go their waics home under safe conduct and publicke securitie, besides that their siding with the Romane enemies should not be laid to their charge, nor bring them within the compasse of any daunger. Third∣ly,

[unspec A] if they had more mind to warre, then, that they should set downe some time and place, when and where they might come to an issue, and trie it out in a set battaile. The Celtiberians requi∣red to take a day for to consider better upon these points. So they assembled togither in coun∣sell, with great trouble and confusion, by reason that some Turdetanes were thrust in among them; upon which occasion, they might worse grow to any conclusion. Now albeit uncertein it was, whether there would be any warre or peace with the Celtiberians, yet the Romanes ga∣thered their provision out of the territorie and borroughes of their enemies, like as in time of peace: yea and more than that, they entred oftentimes within their fortifications and defences as if there had bene some common traffike and commerce agreed betweene them, by way of private truce. The Consull seeing he could not draw the enemie to a battaile, first led certeine [unspec B] companies lightly appointed with banners displaied, to raise booties in one quarter of the countrie, which as yet was free, & had not tasted of the wars: but afterwards hearing that all the bag and baggage and other cariage of the Celtiberians was left at * 1.10 Saguntia, he set forward thither to give an assault to the towne. But seeing that nothing would move and stir them, he pai∣ed not onely his owne souldiours their wages, but also the Pretours armie their due, and leaving the maine hoast in the Pretour his campe, himselfe returned to the river Ebre, accompanied on∣ly with seven cohorts. With these forces, as small as they were, he woon certain towns, and there revolted unto him the Sedetanes, Ausetanes, and Suessetanes. The Lacetanes (a nation living out of the way after a savage manner within the wilds and woods) kept still in armes, not only up∣on a naturall and inbred wildnesse, but also upon a guiltie conscience, in that whiles the Consull [unspec C] and his armie was emploied in the Turdulois warre, they had made suddaine rodes and incursi∣ons into the lands of their Allies, and pitifully wasted the same. And therefore the Consull ad∣vaunced forward to assault their towne, and led against it not onely his owne cohorts and bands, but also the youth of his Allies, who had good cause to bee angrie, and to oppose themselves unto them. The towne which they inhabited, lay out in length, but was nothing so wide and large in breadth: and within one halfe mile or lesse, hee pitched downe his ensignes, and plan∣ted himselfe. There hee left behind a guard of choise companies, and streightly charged them not to stirre out of that place, before hee came unto them himselfe. The rest of his forces hee led about unto the farther side beyond the towne. Of all the aid-souldiours that he had about him, the greatest number were the youth of the Suessetanes, and those he commaunded to approch the [unspec D] wall for to give the assault. The Lacetanes, when they took knowledge of their armor & colours, calling to mind how often they had overrun them at their pleasure, & wasted their lands without checke or empeachment, how many and sundrie times they had in raunged battell discomfited and put them to flight, all at once set open the gate, and fallied out upon them. The Suessetanes were so little able to sustaine the forcible charge of their onset; that they hardly could abide their very shout & first crie.

The Cos. seeing now, that come to passe indeed which he suspected would be so, rode a gallop upon the spurre to those said cohorts of his owne that were left on the other side under the towne, and taking them with him in great hast, whiles all the townesmen were spread abroad in following the chase after the Suessetanes, he led them into the towne at a place where there was no noise, no stirring, and not a man to be seene; and made himselfe maister of all, [unspec E] before the Lacetanes were returned backe: but within a while hee received them to mercie upon their submission: who, poore men, had nothing to yeeld and loose but their bare armor and wea∣pons. Immediately he followed the traine of this victorie, and led his forces against the hold or strong towne of Vergium. This was a receptacle and place of sure receit for certaine rovers and theeves, who from thence used to make many rodes into the peaceable parts of that province. The principal and cheefe person of Vergium quit the place, and be took himselfe unto the Con∣sull, and began to excuse as well himselfe as the townesmen, saying, that the governement of the towne and the state thereof lay not in their hands.

For why? these robbers after they were once received in among them, seized themselves wholly of that strength, and had all at their com∣maund. The Consull willed him to goe home againe, and to devise and forge some likely & pro∣bable [unspec F] cause why he had been absent and out of the way; with this charge & direction that when he saw him approch under the walls, and the robbers aforesaid wholly amused and occupied in defence thereof, then hee should remember to joine with the rest of his part and faction, and be possessed of the fortresse and keepe of the towne. This put he in practice and execution accor∣dingly. So whiles the Romanes of one side skaled the walls, and they on the other side had taken

the fortresse, these barbarians were sodainly at once surprised with a two-fold feare before and [unspec G] behind. The Consull when he had gotten the place into his owne hands, gave order, that all those who were gotten into the castle and held it, should remaine free, themselves and all their kinred, and likewise enjoy their goods. The rest of the Vergetanes he commaunded the Trea∣surer to sell and make money of them. As for the Rovers, they suffred according to their deserts. After he had set the province in quiet, he laid great tributes and imposts upon the mines of yron and silver: which being once ordeined and established, the whole province grew in welth and riches, every day more than other. For these his exploits atchieved in Spaine, the LL. of the Senat decreed, that there should be a solemne procession at Rome, to endure for three dayes.

The same winter, L. Valerius Flaccus the other Consull, fought in Fraunce a set field with the power of the Boians, neere the forest of Litania, and wan the victorie. And by report, there [unspec H] were eight thousand Gaules there slaine: the rest abandoned the warre, and slipt every one into their owne wickes and villages. The rest of the winter the Cos. kept his armie at Placentia and Cremona about the Po, and repaired in these cities whatsoever had bene decaied and demoli∣shed during the warres.

The affaires in Italie and Spaine standing in these termes: when T. Quintius had so passed the winter in Greece, that setting aside the Aetolians (who neither had bene recompenced ac∣cording to the hope that they conceived of the victorie, nor yet could long time like of repose) all Greece throughout in generall enjoying the blessing of peace and libertie, flourished and mainteined their state exceeding well, admiring no lesse the temperance, justice, and modera∣tion of the Romane Generall after victorie, than his valour and prowesse in warre: there was [unspec I] an Act of the Senat of Rome brought & presented unto him, importing thus much, That warre was determined against Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians. Which when Quintius had red, he published and proclaimed a generall Diet or Counsell at Corinth against a certein day, when and where all the States associats should assemble by their delegates and embassadors.

Now when there was met together from all parts a frequent number of princes and great perso∣nages, in such fort, that the very Aetolians also were not absent, Quintius used unto them this or the like speech. The Romanes and Greekes have warred against king Philip as yee well know; and as with one mind and common counsell they have so done, so either of them had severall quarels unto him, and private causes and occasions by themselves to take armes. For Philip had broken the league and amitie with us Romanes, one while by sending aid and maintenance [unspec K] to the Carthaginians our enemies: otherwhiles by assailing our allies in these parts: and to you-wards he hath so demeaned himselfe, that albeit we could forget and put up all the wrongs that he hath done unto us, the very injuries that yee have received at his hands, minister suffi∣cient cause unto us to warre against him for your sake. As for this dayes consultation, it resteth wholly in your selves. For, this I propound unto you, Whether your wil is to suffer Argos (which as yee know your selves Nabis the tyrant holdeth) to remaine still under him in obedience: or whether you thinke it meete and reason, that a most noble and auncient citie as it is, seated in the very hart of Greece, should be reduced unto libertie, to enjoy the same condition and state wherein other cities of Peloponnesus and Greece do stand. This consultation I say, as you well see, entierly toucheth you and your good, and concerneth us Romanes no farther than thus, that [unspec L] by the servitude of that one onely citie, wee can not have the full and entier glorie of setting Greece wholly in libertie. But if you regard not the state of that citie, and are not moved with the example thereof and the danger, for feare the contagion of this mischiefe spred farther: we for our parts are content, and take all in good worth, and will not set you downe and teach you what to do. Only I require your advise in this point, minding to resolve upon that, which the major part of you shall cary by voyces. After the Romane Generall had ended his speech, all the rest began to deliver their opinions. And when the deputed delegate or agent for the A∣theniens had magnified and extolled as highly as possibly he could, the good demerits of the Romans toward Greece, yeelding them great thanks, that upon their request they had graunted their aid against Philip, and without any petition at all, offred their help and succour against [unspec M] Nabis the tyrant; and seemed therewith to be offended and displeased at some, who neverthe∣lesse in their talke and speeches found fault and carped at these so great favours and deserts; yea and spake badly of future events, whereas it behoved them rather to acknowledge and confesse how much they were bound and beholden alreadie to the Romanes for good turnes past: it well

[unspec A] appeared that he pointed out directly the Aetolians, & girded at them. Wherupon Alexander, a principall and chiefe man of their nation, inveighed first against the Atheniens, who having bene in times past the head captaines and mainteiners of freedome, betrayed now the common cause, for love of their owne private flatteries. Moreover he complained that the Achaeans, who first served Philip in his warres, and at the last (when they saw him downe the wind and fortune to frowne upon him) fell away like disloyall traitours, and possessed themselves of Corinth to their owne behoofe, practising also to compasse and gaine unto them the citie of Argos. As for the Aetolians, the first and principall enemies of Philip, and alwayes allies and friends to the Ro∣manes, howsoever they had expressely and precisely covenanted in the league, to enjoy their townes and tetritories, after Philip was vanquished, were notwithstanding put besides Echinum [unspec B] and Pharfalus. He charged the Romanes with fraud and faiterie, who pretending an outward shew, a vaine title and colour of libertie, held the cities of Chalcis and Demetrias with strong garisons: and yet when Philip made some stay and hasting to withdraw and void from thence his armed guards, they were ever wont to object and say, that Greece would never be in free∣dome, so long as Chalcis, Demetrias and Corinth were in his hand: and finally he alleadged against them, that under pretense of Argos and Nabis, they sought occasion to remaine still in Greece and keepe their armies there. Let them (quoth he) transport their legions once into Italie, the Aetolians would then undertake and promise, that Nabis should remove his garison out of Argos, upon composition & with good will, or else they would compell him by force and armes, to be over-ruled by the puissance of all Greece united together in one generall consent. [unspec C] By this vaine bable of his, he roused Aristenus first, the Pretor of the Achaeans, who spake in this wife.

Never will Iupiter Opt. Max. quoth he, and Queene Iuno the patronesse of Argos, suffer that citie to be the recompence or prize betweene the Lacedemonian Tyrant, and these pilling and theeving Aetolians: to be brought to this hard point and these termes of extre∣mitie, as to susteine more miserie and calamitie when it is recovered by us, than when it was woon and taken by him. O Quintius, it is not the sea lying between us & them that can defend us from these robbers. What will then become of us, in case they should make themselves a fort and castle of strength in the mids of Peloponnesus? Nought have they of the Greekes but their language, like as they carie nothing of men but their shape and visage. For looke into their manners, their fashions and behaviour, they are more rude and cruell than any barbari∣ans, [unspec D] nay they are more savage than the most wild and ravenous beasts that be. We beseech you therefore ó Romanes, both to recover Argos out of the hands of Nabis, and also to esta∣blish the State of Greece in such sort, that ye leave these parts also safe & secure enough from the robberies & theeving hostility of these Aetolians. The Romane Generall Quintius, seeing them of all sides to blame and rebuke the Aetolians, said that he would have answered them himselfe, but that he perceived them all so hatefully bent against them, that more needfull it was that they were to be appeased, than farther provoked. And therefore holding himselfe satisfied and contented with that opinion which was conceived of the Romanes and Aetolians, he said, that he would demaund what their pleasure was to advise, concerning the warre against Nabis, un∣lesse he rendred Argos to the Achaeans? And when they all were of one mind to make warre, he [unspec E] exhorted them to send aids proportionably to the power and strength of each state and citie. To the Aetolians he sent an embassadour, more to discover and lay open their intention (as it fell out accordingly) than upon any hope he had to obteine ought at their hands. Vnto the Provost Marshals of the camp, he gave commandement to send for the armie from Elatia.

About this time, when the Embassadours of king Antiochus came unto him to treat about alliance and a league, he answered, That hee could say nothing to them nor determine of that point in the absence of those Delegates abovesaid; and therefore they were to repaire unto the Senat of Rome. Then, himselfe in person prepared to make an expedition and voyage against Argos, with those forces which were brought from Elatia. And when hee was about Cleonae, Aristaenus the Pretour, with 10000 foot of Achieans and 1000 horse met him in the way: and not farre from thence, they joyned both their forces and encamped togither. The next day af∣ter, [unspec F] they came downe into the plaine of Argos, and chose a place to fortifie and lie in leaguer about foure miles from Argos. Now was Pythagoras the captaine of the Lacedemonian garri∣son, who had both married the tyrant his daughter, and was his wives brother besides. This Pythagoras against the comming of the Romanes, had fortified with strong guards both the

castles (for two there are within Argos) and other places, which either had easie accesse or were [unspec G] suspected. But as he was imployed in these provisions and preparatious, he could not dissimule and hide the feare which this arrivall and approach of the Romanes strake into him: and beside this forraine terrour from without, there happened also an intestine mutinie within. There was one Damocles and Argive, (a young gentleman of more spirit and courage than wisdome and discretion) who at the first by interposing a mutuall and reciprocall oth, had conferred with cer∣taine persons of good sufficiencie, about expelling the garrison: but whiles he studied to streng∣then the conspiracie and his owne side, hee was not well assured of their fidelitie, and could not judge which of them were true and which not. As he talked upon a time with his complices, the captaine of the garrison sent for him by one of his guard; whereupon hee perceived, that his complot was revealed: hee exhorted therefore the conspiratours that were in the way, to take [unspec H] armes with him, rather than to die by torture upon the racke: and so with some few about him he marched forward into the market place, crying estsoones aloud, That as many as loved the safetie of the common-weale should follow him as their head and maintainer of their libertie: but no man mooved he with his speech to go after him and take his part; for no hope saw they of any succour at all neere at hand: so farre off were they from making good account of a sure guard of defence. And as hee spake those words, the Lacedemonians were come round about him, and killed both him and his fellowes. After this, were others also apprehended; the more part of them were slaine, and some few cast into prison. A great number the night following, slid downe the wall by ropes, and fled to the Romanes. These assured the Romanes, that if their ar∣mie had bene neare the gates, the commotion and conspiracie aforesaid would have taken ef∣fect: [unspec I] and in case their campe approched nearer, the Argives would not be in quiet, but make some insurrection: whereupon Quintius sent out the footmen lightly appointed, togither with the horsemen; who skirmished with the Lacedemonians about Cylarabis (a publicke schoole and place of exercise about a quarter of a mile out of the citie) who were sallied out at the gate, and without any great difficultie chased them within the towne: and in that verie place where the conflict was, the Romane Generall encamped. One day he spent in escouting an espiall, whe∣ther any new trouble and uprores arose among them within the citie. But when hee perceived once that they were all amort for feare, he assembled a counsel to take advise, Whether he were best to give the assault upon Argos, or no? All the heads of Greece (except Aristaenus) agreed with one accord, that since there was no other cause of war elswhere, it should begin there especi∣ally. [unspec K] Quintius in no case would like of that course, but willingly he gave eare with evident appro∣bation unto Aristaenus, as he discoursed and reasoned against the general opinion and consent of them all: and over and besides added this of himselfe, That considering the warre was enterpri∣sed and taken in hand in the behalfe of the Argives against the tyrant, there was nothing lesse beseeming and more without sence, than to leave the enemie himselfe, and to affaile and batter the poore citie of Argos. For his part hee would fight at the head, even against the Lacedemo∣nians and their tyrant, the principall cause of this warre. Then having dissolved the councell, he sent certaine cohorts lightly appointed to purvey store of graine. As much as could be found ripe in those parts was cut, mowed, & reaped down immediatly & laid up: al that was green they trampled under foot and spoiled, that the enemies soon after might have no good thereof. So he [unspec L] dislodged and remooved from thences and having passed over the mountaine Parthenius, at three daies end he encamped in the territorie of Caryae neare to Tegea. In which place he expe∣cted the aids of his allies before hee would invade the territorie of the enemies. From Philip there came a thousand and five hundred Macedonians, and of Thessalians, fortie horse. The Romane Generall staied not now for succours of men (where of hee had sufficient and plentie) but for his provision of victuals, which he had commaunded the townes bordering neare hand to furnish him withall. Besides, there came great forces by sea, and met him there: for by this time was Lucius Quintius arrived with fortie faile from Leucas: also eighteene covered ships of Rhodes. And now also was Eumenes the king, about they lands Cyclades, with ten close hatched and decked ships, thirtie gallions, with other smaller vessels among of sundrie forts. Likewise [unspec M] of Lacedemonians that were exiled and banished persons, there were verie many; who, chased and driven out by the oppression and wrongfull dealing of their tyrants, repaired now into the Romane campe, in hope to recover their native countrey againe. Now a great many had beene expulsed in divers and sundrie ages, since time that the tyrans first usurped rule, and were posses∣sed

[unspec A] of Lacedaemon. The chiefe of these exiled persons was one Agosipolis, a man to whome by right of descent and linage, the inheritance of the kingdome of Lacedaemon appertained. Hee whiles how as but an infant, happened to be expelled by Lycurgus after the death of Cleomenes, who was the first tyrant at Lacedaemon.

The tyrant beset thus round about with warres threatning both from sea and land, and desti∣tute in manner of all hope, (considering the proportion of his forces to the power of his ene∣mies:) yet neverthelesse neglected not to wage war, but levied out of Creta one thousand more (even the chosen flower of all their youth) to the other thousand that he had from thence alrea∣die. He had besides of mercenarie souldiours three thousand in armes: also ten thousand of his owne subjects and citizens of Lacedaemon, togither with those that hee had taken out of the [unspec B] boroughs and villages in the countrey. Moreover, he fortified the citie with trench and mure. And that there might arise no trouble and sturre within the towne, he held the spirits of men in awe with feare of sharp and rigorous punishments. And for as much as he could not hope nor imagine that they desired and wished his good and safetie, for that he held some citizens in sus∣picion and jealousie: after he had brought forth all his forces into the plaine, which they call * 1.11 Dromos, he commaunded the Lacedemonians to assemble togither without any armour and weapons, to an audience; and when they were assembled, hee environed them with his armed guard. And after some few remonstrances by way of a short preamble, Why they ought to hold him excused at such a time, if he feared every thing, and made all sure as well as he could: con∣sidering withall, it was expedient even for them also (as many as the present state of the world [unspec C] might bring in suspition) to be kept short for being able to execute any attempt, rather than be surprised in the mids of their practises and complots, and so be punished accordingly: even for this cause (quoth hee) I will have certaine persons in safe custodie and durance, untill such time as the tempest be overblowen which now is comming. And when the enemies be once repulsed, (from whome lesse daunger there will be, in case domesticall treasons may be preven∣ted) then incontinently will I enlarge them and set them at liberty. This said, he commanded the names to be called of fourescore or therabout of the principall of the youth; and as every one of them answered to his name, he clapt him up fast in prison: and the next night following, mur∣dered them every one. After this, certaine Ilotes (these were they who ever of old time were the Burghers & Villagiers, a kind of peasants and country kerns) were accused to have intended [unspec D] to flie unto the enemie and to band with him who likewise were whipped and scourged through∣out all the streets, and then put to death. By the fearefull example of this crueltie, the courages of the common sort were well cooled and abated, yea and so astonied, that they durst not once quetch nor give attempt of any new designments tending to change and alteration. His forces he kept within his strength and places of defence, for neither thought hee himselfe strong e∣nough to enter the field and fight a set battaile, nor durst abandon the citie, seeing the minds of men so wavering, and their affections so unconstant.

Quintius having made his provision and set all things in good order, departed from his stan∣ding camp, and the second day came to Sellasia upon the river Oenus: in which very place An∣tigonus sometime king of the Macedonians, strucke a battell (men say) with Cleomenes the tyrant [unspec E] of the Lacedaemonians. And there, having intelligence, that from thence he was to mount up an hard ascent and narrow passage, he set a short compasse through the mountains, having sent be∣fore certaine men to levell the ground and make the way even, and so gat into a large and broad port-gate, untill he came to the river Eurotas, which runneth in manner hard under the walls of the citie of Sparta: where, as the Romanes were pitching their tents; even as Quintius himselfe with the horsemen and light vaunt-courriers gone before, the aid-souldiours of the tyrant char∣ged upon them: who looking for nothing lesse, because no man had encountred them al the way as they marched, but passed on in their journey as in a peaceable countrey, were much troubled and affrighted herewith. This feare of theirs continued a good time, while the horsemen called unto the footmen, and they againe unto the horsemen; and both the one sort and the other tru∣sted [unspec F] in themselves but little or nothing at all. At length the standards of the legions with their ensignes came forward; and were within sight, and so soon as the companies of the vauntguard advaunced soorth to fight, they who erewhile teirified others, were driven in fearefull hast themselves into the citie. The Romanes being retired so far from the wall, as that they were with∣out dartshot, stood a while raunged in battell array. But after that they saw none of the enemies

come abroad against them, returned to their leaguer. The next day after Quintius tooke his way [unspec G] and marched with his armie in order of battell along the towne side, neere unto the river, hard at the foot of the hill Maenalus. The companies of the legionarie footmen led the march in the ••••untguard, the light footmen and the horsemen followed in the rereward, and flanked the rest. Nabis kept within the walls his mercenarie souldiours (in whom he reposed greatest confidence) arraunged under their ensignes, and in readinesse to fight, purposing to charge the backe of his enemies. And the arrierguard of the Romanes was not so soone passed by, but they fallied out of the towne at sundrie places at once, with as tumultuous a noise as they made the day before. Ap∣pius Claudius had the leading of the rereward, who having prepared beforehand the hearts of his souldiours, and advertised them to be prest and readie for what occurrent soever might hap∣pen, presently turned the ensignes, and set a compasse with the whole armie to make head against [unspec H] the enemies. Whereupon there ensued a hote sight which endured a good time, as if two armies had directly encountred one another. In the end, the souldiours of Nabis began to recule and flie: in which flight of theirs they had made lesse hast, and better saved themselves, but that the Achaeans who were acquainted well with the ground, and knew the coasts of the countrey, hote∣ly followed the chase: these made a soule carnage and butcherie among them; and the most part, such as were dispersed here and there in their flight, they disarmed. Then Quintius encamped neete unto Amycla, and having harried and wasted all the territorie round about the citie (which places were well peopled and very pleasant:) when he saw no enemies issue out at the citie gates, heremoved his campe hard to the river Eurotas. From whence he made excursions, wasted all the vale lying under the hill Taigetus, and the lands butting and adjoining close [unspec I] to the sea.

Much about the same time L. Quintius made himselfe maister of the townes, situate on the sea side: some yeelded willingly, others for feare or perforce. And being afterwards advertised, that the towne Gyttheum served for a place of safe retreat and refuge unto the Lacedaemonians in all their exploits and service at sea, and that the Romanes lay encamped not far from the sea side; hee resolved to assaile it with all forcible meanes. This towne at that time was very strong, well peopled with citizens and other inhabitants, and sufficiently furnished with all warlike pro∣vision and munition. And in very good time it fell out, that as Quintius was entred unto this dif∣ficult enterprise, king Eumenes and the Rhodian fleet arrived. A mightie number of marriners and sea-servitours, gathered out of three Armadaes, within few daies made and finished all en∣gines [unspec K] and fabrickes, which were to assault a citie so well fortified both by sea and land. Now was the towne wall broken downe with the undermining of the tortues, now was the wall shaken by the push of the ram, and with all there was one tower that by continuall batterie was overthrown, and with the fall thereof, all the wall that stood of each side, came tumbling downe & lay along. And the Romanes endevoured at one time to enter the towne, both from the haven (where the passage was more plaine and easie) to the end, that the enemies might abandon the defence of the more open place; and also at the breach made in the wall: and they missed but very little of entrance there where they entended, but the hope they conceived of yeelding the cittie, which anone was crossed againe, and turned to nothing, staied their violence and heat of assault. Dexa∣goridas and Gorgopas governed the towne then, in equall authoritie. Dexagoridas had dispat∣ched [unspec L] a courrier to the Romane lieutenant, to signifie that hee would betray the towne: and when the time and place of execution of this designement was agreed upon between them, the traitour was killed by Gorgopas: by occasion whereof, the citie was the better defended with more carefull heed by him alone; yea, and the assault thereof had been more difficult, but that Titus Quintius came to succour and helpe with foure thousand chosen souldiours. Hee was no sooner discovered with an armie arraunged in battell array from the brow and top of the hill that is not farre distant from the towne; whiles L. Quintius withall from another side followed the assault with his ordinance and artilleric both by sea and land, but Gorgopas then began himselfe to de∣spaire in very deed, and was driven perforce to take that very course, which in another he had pu∣nished by death: and upon composition that he might depart and have away with him those sol∣diors [unspec M] which he had in garison, he delivered up the citie to Quintius.

Before that Gyttheum was rendered, Pythagoras left as captaine at Argos, leaving the guard and defence of the citie unto the charge of Timocrates of Pellenae, came with a thousand waged souldiours, and two thousand Argives unto Nabis at Lacedaemon. And Nabis like as at the first

[unspec A] arrivall of the Romane fleet, and the surrender withall of the townes standing by the sea side, was much affrighted, so hee had recovered againe some little hope and was well quieted in mind, so long as Gyttheum held out still, and his garison within the towne kept their owne. But after he heard once, that it also was yeelded unto the Romanes, and lost; seeing no hope left by land side, which was wholly possessed by the enemies, and that he was altogether shut up from the sea, hee thought it best to yeeld unto fortune. And first hee sent an herault into the campe, to know whe∣ther the enemies would permit and suffer him to send his embassadors unto them. Which being graunted, Pythagoras repaired unto the Generall with no other charge and commission, but only to request, that the tyrant might parle with the Romane Generall. Hereupon the Councell was assembled: and generally opined it was, that there should be graunted unto him a conference; in∣somuch, [unspec B] as both time and place was agreed upon and appointed. Now when they were come to the hils standing in the middest of that quarter, with some small companies of souldiours atten∣ding on either side upon them; they left their cohorts behind them, standing in guard, within the open view and fight of both parts: and then Nabis came downe with a certain chosen guard for his bodie; and Quintius accompanied with his brother, Eumenes the king, Sobilaus the Rhodian, and Aristhenus the Pretor of the Athaeans, with some few knight Marshals and Colonels. And then the tyrant being put to his choise, whether he would speake first, or heare another, began his speech in this wise.

If I could have be thought my selfe (ô Quintius,* 1.12 and you all that are here present) and imagined what the cause should be, that you either proclaimed or made warre first against me, I would [unspec C] have attended the issue of my fortune with silence.

But now I could not have that mastery and commaund of my selfe to forbeare, but that before I perish, I would needs know the reason and cause of my ruine and overthrow. Certes, if ye were such men as the Carthaginians are repor∣ted to be (with whome there is no regard of truth, no trust and securitie in covenants of societie and alliance) I would not then marvell at all, if you made small reckoning, and cared but little what measure yee offered unto me. But now, when I behold and advise you well, I see you are Ro∣manes, whose manner is to entertaine most duly and precisely the observation of holy rites and divine religion, and the faithfull keeping of humane league and alliance. When I consider and looke into my selfe, I hope & think verify that I am one, with whom in generall, as well as with the rest of the Lacedaemonians ye are linked by vertue of a most auncient league: and in particular [unspec D] regard of my selfe, a private amitie and societie hath been lately renued by the warre with Philip. But peradventure some man will say, That I have broken and overthrowne the same first, in that I hold the citie of the Argives. And how shall I be able to answere this, and excuse my selfe? Shall I plead to the substance of the matter, or to the circumstance of the time? The thing itself presenteth unto me a two-fold plea for my defence. For being called by the inhabitants them∣selves of the citie, who offered the towne unto me, I received it at their hands, and in no wise sei∣zed upon it by force: I received it, I say, when it sided and took part with Philip, before it was com∣prised within your league. As for the time, it justifieth and cleareth me also and my doings. For even then when as I was possessed of Argos, I was allied and associate with you in good accord: and in our covenants, we articled and capitulated to send aids unto you for your warres, and [unspec E] not to withdraw the garison from Argos. And verily, in this difference and question about Ar∣gos, I have the vantage, as well in regard of the equitie of the fact (in that I received a citie not of yours but of your enemies, received it I say, not surprised by force, but offred and delivered wil∣lingly) as also by your owne confession, for that in the conditions of the association agreed be∣tweene us, ye left Argos free unto me. But it may be that the name of Tyrant hurteth me: and some of mine actions condemne me much, and namely, that I set slaves free, and devide lands to the poore commons. As for the name, thus much I am able to answere: that, such as I am, better or worse, still I am the very same man, and no other than I was when you, even you ó Quin∣tius entred alliance with me: then, I remember well, I was called King among you: and now I see I am termed a Tyrant. And therefore if I my selfe had changed the title and stile of my dignitie [unspec F] and government, I must have yeelded a reason and accoumpt of my levitie and inconstancie: but seeing you have altered it, ye ought to answere for your vanitie. Now as concerning the mul∣titude, so augmented by the enfranchising of slaves; as touching the land also, parted and distri∣buted among the poore and needie; I can mainteine and justifie my doings herein, and protect me under the defence and priviledge of the very time. For all these things, be they as they be

may, I had done alreadie, when ye made a league and covenant with me, and received aids at [unspec G] my hand in the warre against Philip. But in case I had done so at this very present, I stand not upon this, whether I either had offended you or broken your amitie, but thus much I averre, that done I had according to the custome and fashion of our auncestours. And ye must not thinke to square and trie the practise of Lacedemon according to the rule and squire of your lawes and ordinances. For, to let passe many other things (and needlesse it is to compare particulars:) yee choose your gentlemen or men of armes according to their revenue: according to revenue yee choose likewise the footmen. Your will is that some few should excell in welth and power, and the commons be subject and vassals unto them. Our Law-giver thought not good that the Common-wealth should be ruled by a few, whom you call a Senate; nor that one or two States should excell and have preeminence in the citie; but he thought thatin the equalitie of welth [unspec H] and worship, there would be many more to beare armes for their countrey. I have made a longer discourse I confesse, than the ordinarie and naturall * 1.13 brevitie of our speech in these parts will beare. And I might have knit all up in one word and said, that I had done nothing after I was entred into amitie with you, wherewith you needed to have taken any offence and bene dis∣pleased. Then the Romane Generall made answere to these points in this manner. No friendship nor association at all have we made with you, but with Pelops the true and lawfull king of the La∣cedemonians: whereof, I must needs say that the tyrants also who afterwards held the seigniorie and soveraigntie of Lacedemon, have usurped the right, and enjoyed the benefit during the time that we were otherwise employed, and wholy busied, one while in the Punick warres, ano∣ther whiles in the Gaules, and evermore in one or other: like as you also have done in this last [unspec I] Macedonian warre. For what was lesse unsitting and more absurd, than for us who waged warre against Philip for the libertie of Greece, to conclude amitie with a tyrant? and such a tyrant, as of all others that ever have bene is most cruell, most violent and outrageous with his owne sub∣jects? And considering that we were entred into the course and traine of setting all Greece at li∣bertie, albeit you had not possessed your selfe of Argos by covin, nor held the same by force, yee it behooved us to restore Lacedaemon also to her auncient libertie, and to settle her in her owne lawes, whereof erewhile you would seeme to make mention, as if you had followed the steps of Lycurgus. Shall we make care and take the paines to void the garisons of Philip out of lassus and Bargillae: and when we have so done, leave to be troden under your feete, Argos and Lacede∣mon, two most noble cities, the two lights as it were in times past of all Greece; which remai∣ning [unspec K] still in servitude and slaverie, might deface the rest of our glorie, and marre the title that we aime at, of Saviours and Deliverers of Greece? But you say, that the Argives friended Philip and tooke his part. We are content well enough, that you should not trouble your selfe, and be angrie for our sake. For we know for certein, that this was the fault of two or three persons at most, and not of the whole citie: and we know as well, that it was not agreed in any publick counsell, that you and your garison were sent for and received into the Castle. As for the Thes∣salians, the Phoceans & Locrians, they sided with Philip, we wot right well, by a generall consent of all: and yet when we enfranchised all Greece besides, we also set them at libertie. What think you then should we do in regard of the Argives, who are innocent for any publick counsell in∣tended against us? You said that you were blamed and charged sore for setting bondslaves free. [unspec L] No small objections these are, I assure you, nor of little importance. But what are they in com∣parison of other bad parts and heinous facts, committed by you and your followers day by day, one in the head of another? Graunt but libertie of an Assembly Generall either at Argos or La∣cedemon, wherein the people may speake their minds freely, and what they know by you with∣out empeachment: if you would learne the truth indeede, and heare the particulars of a most proud and unsupportable dominion and tyrannie. And to let all old matters go by. What a bloudie massacre committed this sonne in law of yours Pythagoras, even almost within my very sight in Argos? nay, what a carnage and butchery made you your selfe, even when I was welneere within the marches of Lacedaemon? But come on: those persons whom in a generall assembly you caused to be attached, and promised in the presence of all the citizens to keepe them safe [unspec M] and sure in ward: come on, I say, commaund them to be brought forth now bound as they be; that their poore fathers and mothers may understand they are alive, whom they have mour∣ned for so much, without cause, as if they had bene dead. But you will say, Set case all this be true, what is that to you Romans? Dare you in deede speake out and say so much to those that deliver

[unspec A] Greece and set it free? to those I say, that for the freedome thereof have passed the seas, have warred both by land and sea? And yet all this while (say you) I have not directly and truly wron∣ged you, nor properly infringed and broken your friendship and amitie. No have you? How often would you have me to convince you of the contrary? But I will not use many words and much circumstance, but come to the very catch and point of the matter. What be the things I pray you, wherewith friendship is commonly broken? I take it they are these two especially, namely, if you take my friends for your foes; and joyne your selfe to my enemies. You have done both the one and the other: for you have taken by force and armes Messena, a cittie received into our societie and alliance by the very same conditions and covenants that Lacedemon was; you I say our allie, have forced a cittie allied unto us. Againe with Philip our enemie, you have [unspec B] not only concluded amitie, but (God save all) contracted alliance and affinitie by meanes of Philocles a Colonell and commaunder of his: and making warre against us, you have kept the seas all about Malea with your men of warre and rovers: and I thinke I may safely say, you have taken prisoners, and killed more Romane citizens than Philip himselfe. And the whole sea coast of Macedonie hath lesse infested our ships that use to bring provision unto our armies, and bene more safe for passage than the promontorie & cape of Malea. Do you for beare therefore to make such vaunt of fidelitie: spare you, of all other, to speak of the rights of alliance; and laying off the maske of popular language & civile speech, talke as a tyrant and enemie as you are. Vpon this, An••lenus dealt with Nabis, one while admonishing & advertising him, another while requesting and intreating him, now that the opportunity was offred, to provide for himselfe and his whole [unspec C] estate: he began to discourse unto him of the Tyrants of all the states confining thereabout one after another by name, who when they had resigned up & laid down their absolute soveraigntie of commaund, and restored libertie to their subjects, passed their old age among their citizens, not only in repose & securitie, but also in great honor and reputation.

These words uttered and heard between them too and fro, the night drew on apace & parred the conference. The morrow after Nabis promised, seeing the Romanes would have it so, to quit the cittie Argos, to withdraw his garison from thence, and to deliver again all the captives & fugitive traitors that were under his hands: and if they demaunded any more of him, he requested that they would set it downe in writing, that he might consult thereof with his friends. So, both the Tyrant had respit and time graunted to take advise, and also Quintius sate in counsell with the principall heads of [unspec D] his allies what to do. The most part were of opinion to mainteine the warre shall, and to kill the tyrant out of the way; for never would the libertie of Greece be otherwise firme and sure: and better farre had it bene, never to have entred into armes with him, than being once begun, to give it over. And he will, say they, bee greater and more strong hereafter, as if his tyrannicall government were approved, and no doubt he would vouch the people of Rome for author of his unjust rule and dominion, and will induce and incite by his example many in other free States and cities, to lye in wait to worke meanes to overthrow the libertie of citizens, and to bring them into thraldome and bondage. The Generall, of himselfe, was more affected and in∣clined to peace: for hee saw, that if the enemie were once driven within the walls, there was no [unspec E] way but to lye in siege against the citie, and that would require long tract of time: for as much as it was not Gyttheum (and yet that was betrayed and rendred, and not forced by assault) but Lacedaemon, a most strong towne both for men and munition, that they were to lay siege un∣to and assault. And whereas the onely hope was, that when they approched with the armie, there might some dissention and sedition have risen among themselves within: now when as they saw the ensignes in manner advaunced hard to the citie gates, there was not one that mu∣tined or stirred at all. Hee added moreover and said, That Villius the Embassadour newly returned from Antiochus, reported, how all was not found there, not the peace like to conti∣nue: and that hee had passed over into Europe with farre greater forces both for land and at sea, than at any time heretofore: and if (quoth hee) the armie should bee wholly employed in the siege of Lacedaemon, what other power have wee to maintaine warre withall against so [unspec F] puissant and mightie a prince as is Antiochus? These were the remonstrances that openly he gave out; but secretly hee was troubled in mind for feare least a new Consull should come in his place, and have the government of the province of Greece: and so hee should leave un∣to his successour, the honour of the victorie of a warre commenced by him, and in good forwardnesse. But when hee perceived that his allies were nothing inclined to his waies, not∣withstanding

all his contradiction and bending to the contrarie, by making semblant that hee [unspec G] now drew with them and was of their mind, he woon them all to approve his designment and intention. Well, God speeed our hand (quoth hee:) let us besiege Lacedaemon since yee will needs have it so: but considering that the laying siege unto cities, is a thing as ye well know, that goeth so slowly forward, and oftentimes maketh the assailants sooner wearie than the defendants: you ought even now to cast this account presently with your selves, that wee must lye all winter long about the walls of Lacedaemon. And were there nothing but travell and perill, that du∣ring so long time we were to endure, I would exhort and encourage you to suffer and abide the same, with stout bodies and resolute minds. But besides all that, we must be at great cost and ex∣pences about fabricks, engins, and instruments of artillerie, requisite to the assault of so great a citie: we must I say be provided of victuals good store against winter, as well to serve us as you. [unspec H] Be well advised therfore (to the end that you should not sodainly in hast huddle up these matters, or after yee are once entred into the action, give over and abandon it with shame) that yee dis∣patch your letters aforehand every one to the State wherein hee liueth, and found them to the depth, how their hearts serve them, and what strength and forces they have. Of aids and suc∣cours I have enough and to spare: but the more in number we are, the more maintenance shall wee need. At this time the territorie of our enemies hath nothing but bare soile and naked ground: and withall, the winter is comming on apace, all which season, carriage (especially farre off) is combrous and hard.

This Oration at the first caused them every one to regard and looke homeward to domesticall difficulties and inconveniences, namely, the idlenesse, the en∣vie and backbiting of those which tarie at home, against them that are employed in warfare: the [unspec I] common libertie (which causeth men of one societie and communaltie hardly to accord and sort togither) the publicke want of treasure, and the niggardise of privat persons, when they are to part with any thing out of their owne purses. And therefore suddainly changing their minds, they put to the discretion of the Romane Generall, to doe and determine what hee thought expedient for the good of the people of Rome and their allies. Whereupon Quintius taking the advise onely of his owne lieutenants and Provost-marshals, engrossed these arti∣cles and conditions following, according to which, peace should be concluded with the tyrant. Imprimis, That there be a truce made for the tearme of sixe moneths, betweene Nabis and the Romanes, king Eumenes and the Rhodians. Item, That both T. Quintius and Nabis should im∣medaitly send Embassadours to Rome, that the peace might be ratified and confirmed by the [unspec K] authoritie of the Senate. Item, That from that day forward, wherein the conditions put downe in writing should be presented unto Nabis, the truce aforesaid should begin. Item, That with∣in ten daies next after ensuing, all the garrisons quit Argos and the rest of the townes within the territorie of the Argives: and then those pieces to be delivered void and free unto the Ro∣manes. Item, That no slave taken captive in warres, belonging either to the king or to any publicke state or privat person, be had away from those townes: and if any before time had beene carried forth, they should be restored againe duly to their right masters. Item, That Na∣bis should deliver againe those ships that hee had gotten from the maritime cities, and that himselfe have no vessell at all but onely two gallions, and those to have no more than sixe and twentie ores a peece to direct and rule them. Item, That he render all the rennegate traitors and [unspec L] captives unto all the cities consederate with the people of Rome, as also make restitution to the Messenians of all their goods againe, that either could be found, or the owners know certain∣ly to be theirs. Item, That he restore to all the banished Lacedemonians their wives and chil∣dren; but of the wives, so many onely as would be content to follow their husbands: and that none of them should be compelled against their wills to goe with any exiled person. Item, That to as many mercenarie souldiours of Nabis, as were either gone from him into their owne ci∣ties or to the Romanes, all their owne goods should be justly and truly delivered againe. Item, That in the yland of Crete he should not be possessed of any one citie: and looke what cities hee then held, hee yeeld them to the Romanes. Item, That hee enter into alliance with no Candiote nor with any other whatsoever, ne yet make warre with them. Item, That he remoove [unspec M] all the garrisons out of all the cities that himselfe had delivered up, and which had surrendred themselves and all they had, under the protection and obedience of the people of Rome, & not molest them neither by himselfe nor any of his. Item, That he build no towne nor castle, either in his owne land or in any other. Item, That for the more assurance of performing these cove∣nants

[unspec A] he give five hostages, such as it should please the Romane Generall to choose; & name∣ly, his owne sonne for one of them. Last of all, That he make present paiment of one hundred talents of silver, and fiftie more yeerely untill the tearme of eight yeeres be run out. These ar∣ticles engrossed, were sent to Lacedaemon, after the campe was remooved nearer to the citie. But nothing well pleased was the tyrant with any of them. Only hee was wnll apaied, that be∣yond his hope and expectation, there was no mention at all therein of reducing the exiled per∣sons home into the citie. But that which offended and displeased him most was this, that both shipping was taken from him, and also the maritime port townes: for great commoditie he gat by the sea, in scouring the coast from the cape of Malea with his pyrats and men of warre: and besides, the youth and able men of those cities, served his turne verie well to furnish and man [unspec B] his ships with the verie best souldiours and men of service that were. And albeit he skanned and considered upon these articles in great secrecie with his friends, yet were they all of them divul∣ged abroad and current in every mans mouth: so vaine are these courteours commonly and hardly to be trusted, as in all things else, so especially in keeping of secret counsell. These condi∣tions were controlled and found fault with, no so much by all men in generall, as by each one in particular, as they tooke exceptions against those points that touched and concerned them∣selves. They that had married the wives of the banished, or were possessed of any part of their substance, chafed and stormed thereat, as if they were to loose and forgoe their owne, and not to render and restore the goods of others. The slaves who had been freed by the tyrants, were now not only to loose the benefits of that freedom, but also to endure harder servitude and bon∣dage [unspec C] than aforetime; setting before their eyes how they should returne againe into the houses and hands of their old masters, angrie and incensed now against them. The hyred souldiours were malecontent, for that they saw they should loose their pay after peace concluded: and saw full well, that there was no beeing for them in those stares and citties, who hated the ty∣rants themselves no more than their followers and attendants. At first they muttered and murmured, whispering these things among themselves in their secret meetings and con∣venticles: afterwards they mutined, and on a suddaine ran and tooke armes. The tyrant see∣ing the multitude disquieted ynough of themselves with this tumult, assembled the people to∣gether. Where, after hee had declared the conditions imposed upon him by the Romanes, [unspec D] and in every article had untruly put to somewhat of his owne devising, to aggravate all mat∣ters and make them seeme more greevous and intollerable, at the rehearsing of every particular the whole assemblie one while cried out, and another while the sundrie parts thereof, set up a note of unter dislike. Then hee asked their opinion what answere they would have him to returne unto those articles, and what to do? They all in manner with one voice accorded and said, that there was no answering of the matter, but that he should plainely goe to war, and make no more ado. And that every man for his owne part (as the usuall manner is of a multitude, when they are together) should take a good heart, and hope the best, saying, that Fortune favoureth Fortitude. The tyrant incited with these their words, seconded them himselfe, and assured them that Antio∣chus and the Aetolians would take their parts and assist them: and if they did not, yet were they [unspec E] strong ynough of themselves, and had sufficient meanes to endure the siege. No more talking now nor thinking of peace, but every man was readie to run in hast to his severall quarter, and stand upon their own guard, without any rest or repose from thenceforth. The Romans so soon as they saw some few of them to sallie out of the citie, and to discharge their darts among them, were soone put out of all doubt, that no other remedie there was, but they must to warre againe. After this, there passed certaine light skirmishes foure daies together, at first without any assured issue of good speed, either of the one part or the other: but the first day, after one conflict fought in manner almost of a set battell, certaine Romane souldiors following the chase upon their ene∣mies, and killing them in their flight, entred the cittie at certaine void places, where the wall was not united: for in that order were the wall built of that town in those daies. Quintius then veri∣ly, having well bridled & tamed by this terror his enemies for making any more excursions, and [unspec F] supposing that ther remained no more, but lustily to go to an assault, sent out certain of purpose for to call the mariners and sea-servitours from Gyttheum, while himselfe in person, accompa∣nied with the Provost marshals, rode about the walls to view the situation of the citie. This Spar∣ta in times past stood without murage. And the tyrants of late daies had built walles against the open flattes and plaine fields. The higher ground and of harder accesse, they fortified with strong

corps de guards of armed souldiours, in steed of bulwarkes of defence. When Quintius had suf∣ficiently [unspec G] considered every corner, hee supposed there was no other way but to invest it round about, and thereupon with all his forces united (which being all together Romane cittizens and Latine allies, foot and horse, land souldiours and sea-servitours one with another, amounted to 50000 fighting men) he compassed and environment the cittie. Some brought skaling ladders, some fire, every man one thing or other, not onely to give an assault, but also to terrifie & amase them: with direction and expresse commaundement, with a loud crie and shout at once in all places to approch the walls, and give the venture upon them; to the end, that the Lacedaemoni∣ans affrighted at one instant on every side, might not know which way to turne them, and bee to seeke, where first to make head against the enemies, and in what place to come with succours. Ha∣ving therefore devided the whole power of his armie into three parts, hee gave the one of them [unspec H] in charge to assaile that quarter which was called Phoebeum; a second likewise to set upon that which is named Dictynneum, & the third to force the canton Heptagoniae; places all lying open and without a wall. The cittie being thus seized on all sides with so great feare, the tyrant moved and troubled to heare those suddaine outcries and fearefull newes brought unto him by hastie messengers: according as any place stood most in daunger, at the first, either presented himselfe in proper person, or else sent some to helpe but afterwards, seeing the feare so generall, and no one place void of danger, hee was so astonied, that unneath he was able either himselfe to give good direction to others, or to heare theirs. So void was he, and disfurnished of advise and coun∣sell, yea, and be rest of his right wits and senses. The Lacedaemonians at first hand sustained the fu∣rious violence of the Romanes in the narrow streights and passages, and at one time in diverse [unspec I] places, three armies fought on either side: but afterwards, as the heat of the medlie encreased, the service was nothing equall of both parties; for the Lacedaemonians discharged shot, from which the Romane souldiours easily saved themselves, by meanes of their large targuets, and withall much thereof either fell short and besides, or els so feebly flung from them, that little or no harm they could doe. For by reason of the streightnesse of the place, and the multitude so thronged and thrust together, they had not onely no space to take their run, when they should launce their darts (the best meanes of all other to enforce them) but not so much as sure footing, and at ease, to drive and levell them with all their strength. Insomuch, as of all the darts and javelines which were directly shot a front them, none at all pierced to their bodies, & very few so much as stuck in their bucklers. Marry some happened to be wounded from the higher places, by those that stood [unspec K] neere unto them, and about their sides. And anone as they advaunced forward, they chaunced to bee hurt, not onely with arrowes and darts from off the houses, but also with tiles and slates are they were aware. But afterwards, they covered their heads with their targuets, which they set so close united together one under the other, seatherwise, that not onely there was no place of en∣terance for the darts throwne and cast at randon afar, no nor so much as any roome for a wea∣pon to get betweene, levelled though it were, and aimed neere at hand; so as under this targuet∣fence they approched neerer and neerer in safetie. At the first the narrow and streight avenues filled with the throng both of themselves and also of the enemies so thrust and crouded together staied them for a while; but afterwards, when they had by little and little gathered upon the ene∣mies, and put them back, and were come into a larger and more spatious street of the citie, then [unspec L] their force and violence could not possibly bee endured any longer. Now when the Lacedaemo∣nians turned their backes, and fled apace to gaine the higher places for their vantage, Nabis veri∣ly for his part trembling and quaking, as if the citie had ben quite lost, looked about him on eve∣ry side, which way himselfe might escape and save his life. But Pythagoras as in all things else hee performed the devoire and part of a courageous captain, so he was the only cause that the town was not lost: for hee commaunded to set fire on the houses standing next to the wall, which in the minute of an houre burned out on a light flame, as being set forward by the helpe of those, who otherwise were wont to quench the like skarefires: whereupon the houses came ratling and tumbling downe upon the Romans heads, and not onely the tileshards, but also the timber pec∣ces halfe burnt, fell upon the armed souldiours, the flame spread still farre and neere, & the smud∣dering [unspec M] smoke put them in feare of more daunger than was. And therefore, as well those Romans who were without the citie in the hotest of their assault, reculed from the walls, as also those that were entered alreadie, for feare least by the fire behind them they should be separated from their fellowes, retired themselves. Quintius also seeing how the case stood, caused to found the retreat,

[unspec A] and so being recalled, they returned out of the cittie which they had as good as woon, into the camp. And Quintius conceiving more hope by the feare of the enemies, than of the thing it selfe and the service done, never gave over for three daies to terrifie them, partly by skirmishing, and partly by intrenching and stopping up certeine quarters, that they might have no passage at all to flie and shift for themselves. They tyrant constrained at length with these dangers menaced, sent Pythagoras again as an Orator unto Quintius. But he at first rejected him, and commaunded him to avant out of the campe: yet in the end, after he had made most humble supplication, and cast himselfe prostrate at his feet, he gave him audience. The beginning of his speech was this, that he yeelded all to the discretion and former award of the Romanes. But seeing that he gained no∣thing thereby, and that his words took no effect, they grew at length to this point, That upon the [unspec B] same capitulations which few daies before were exhibited up in writing, a truce should be made, and hereupon was both the money, and also the hostages received.

Whiles the tyrant was besieged and assailed, there came post upon post to Argos, that Lace∣daemon was at the point of being lost: whereupon the Argives tooke such heart and courage unto them (by reason that Pythagoras with the best part of the garrison souldiers was departed before out of their towne) that contemning the small number which remained in their for∣tresse, under the leading of one Archippus, they expelled the rest of the garison. As for Timocrates of Pellene their captaine, because hee had behaved himselfe in his charge and government gently & mildly, they sent him away alive with safe conduct. At the very instant of this joyfull oc∣current, T. Quintius arrived, after he had granted peace to the tyrant, & sent away from Lacedae∣mon, [unspec C] Eumenes and the Rhodians, together with L. Quintius his brother to the fleet. The citie of Argos in great joy proclaimed the celebration of their most solemne feast, and those so famous and renowmed games and pastimes called Nemea, against the comming of the Romane army and their Generall, which they had forelet upon the ordinarie time and day, by occasion of the troubles of warre. And for the honour of Quintius, they ordained him to bee the overseer of these solemnities. Many things there were to redouble and increase this their joy and so∣lace to the full. The citizens were reduced from Lacedaemon, whome Pythagoras of late & Na∣bis aforetime, had carried away. They also were returned home againe who had fled and esca∣ped, after the conspiracie of Pythagoras was detected, & the massacre begun. Now they saw their libertie againe, whereof they had lost the sight along time: now they beheld the Romans the au∣thors [unspec D] thereof, and who for their sakes were induced to take armes and enterprise ••he warre with the tyrant. Also, upon the very day of the Nemean games, the libertie of the Argives was publi∣shed and proclaimed by the voice of the publicke beadle and crier of the cittie. But looke how much joy and hearts content the Achaeans conceived in their common and generall counsell of all Achaea, for the restoring of Argos into their auncient freedome, so much troubled they were againe, in regard that Lacedemon was left still in servitude, and the tyrant so neer unto them readie ever to pricke their sides, whereby their joy was not so found and entire. But the Aetolians in all their Diets inveighed mightily against this, saying, That the Romanes never gave over the war with Philip before hee had abandoned all the cities of Greece: as for Lacedemon, it was left still under a tyrant, and in the meane while the lawfull and naturall king who had been in the [unspec E] Roman campe, and all the rest of the noblest citizens should live in exile. For now the people of Rome was become a pensioner to guard the bodie of tyrannising Nabis. Then Quintius brought backe his armie from Argos to Elatia, from whence he departed to the Sparrane warre. Some write, that the tyrant when he fought with the Romanes, came not immediately out of the citie; but that hee was lodged without by himselfe full opposite to the Romane campe: and that af∣ter he had made good a long time, expecting the aid of the Aetolians, he was driven in the end to a battaile, by occasion that the Romanes charged upon the forragers and purveyours of his campe: in which battaile he was vanquished and beaten out of the field, and craved peace, after that fifteene thousand of his men were staine and foure thousand taken prisoners, and above.

At one and the same time in a manner, were letters brought both from T. Quintius touch∣ing [unspec F] the affaires atchieved at Lacedaemon, and also from M. Porcius the Consull, out of Spaine. And by order from the State, there was granted in the name of either of them, a solemne pro∣cession to continue three daies. L. Valerius the Consull, after hee had governed his province in quietnes upon the diffeiture of the Bolans about the forest of Litana, returned to Rome against the generall assembly for election of magistrates, and created Consuls, P. Cornelius Scipio

Africanus the second time, and T. Sempronius Longus: whose fathers had been Consuls in the [unspec G] first yeere of the second Punick warre. Then the Assembly was holden for the election of Pre∣tours, wherein were chosen P. Cornelius Scipio, and the two Cneij Cornelij, the one Merenda, and the other Blafio: Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, Sextus Digitius, and T. Iuventius Talva. When these elections were finished, the Consull returned againe into his province. That yeere the Feren∣tinates assayed to obteine a new priviledge: to wit, That as many Latines as were enrolled in any Romane Colonie, should be citizens of Rome. But they of Puteoli, Salernum, and Buxentum, who were coloners and had their names entred there, and by that meanes carying themselves as Romane citizens, were adjudged by the Senat to be no citizens of Rome.

In the beginning of this yeere, wherein P. Scipio Africanus was Consull the second time, with T. Sempronius Longus, two embassadors of Nabis the tyrant, arrived at Rome. For to geve them [unspec H] audience, the Senat assembled together without the citie in the temple of Apollo. Their petition was, That the peace agreed upon with Quintius, might be ratified: and their suite was graunted. When it was moved, as touching the government of the provinces; the Senate (assembled in great frequencie) were all of this opinion, That for as much as in Spaine and Macedonie the warre was ended, both Consuls should have the government of Italie. Scipio was of advise, That one Consull was sufficient for Italie, and that the other should be emploied in Macedonie. And why? there was cruell warre menaced from king Antiochus: himselfe alreadie was passed over into Europe: And what thinke ye, quoth he, will he then do, when the Aetolians (who doubtlesse are enemies) of one side shall sollicit and call upon him for to warre, and Anniball, a warriour and commaunder so renowned for the defeatures and overthrowes of the Romanes, [unspec I] shall prick him forward of the other? Whiles they debated thus about the provinces of the Consuls, the Pretours cast lots for their severall governments. The citie jurisdiction fell to Cn. Domitius, the foraine to T. Iuventius. To P. Cornelius the farther Spaine was allotted, and the hi∣ther to Sex. Digitius. Cn. Cornelius Blasio had Sicilie assigned unto him, and Merenda was char∣ged with Sardinia. It was not thought good that a new armie should be transported over into Macedonie. But concluded it was, that the armie should be brought back by Quintius into Italie, and discharged. Item, That the armie likewise should be casled, which had served under M. Porcius Cato in Spaine. Item, That both Consuls should governe Italie, and levie two legions of citizens to go thither, that when those forces were dismissed and licensed to go home, [unspec K] which it pleased the Senat to set at libertie, there should be eight Romane legions in all, and no more in pay.

In the former yeere, when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were Consuls, there had bene held a solemnitie of a sacred Spring. But when P. Licinius the high Pontifees made report first to the college of the Priests, and by the advise and authoritie of that colledge, unto the LL, of the Counsell, That there was some error committed, and that it was not performed accordingly: the Senatours ordeined, that it should be done againe a new, according to the discretion and di∣rection of the Pontifees aforesaid. Also that the great Romane Plaies, which together with that Spring were vowed, should be exhibited with the accustomed cost & expenses: And that al yong cattaile that fell betweene the kalends of March, and the last day of Aprill, in that yeere wherein P. Cornel. Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus were Consuls, should be accounted as consecrated [unspec L] for that sacred Spring above named. After this, there was an assembly held for the choosing of Censors, wherein were created Sex. Aelius Patus, and C. Cornelius Cethegus: who elected P. Scipio the Consull, President of the Senate, like as the Censors before them had done. In the survey and review of the whole Senate, they left out and discarded three only, and none of them who had borne office of State, and sit in the yvorie chaire. Great love these Censors woon amongst them of that calling and qualitie, in geving commaundement to the Aediles curule, that at the Romane games and plaies they should set out places apart from the rest of the people for the Senatours to behold the said disports. For aforetime they beheld the sports and pastimes all to∣gether, without regard and destinction. Few also of the gentlemen or knights of Rome, had their horses of service taken from them: and rigorously dealt they with no estate and degree. [unspec M] The porch of Libertie, and the hamlet called Villa publica, were by them repaired and enlarged. The sacred Spring was celebrate; and the games vowed by Serv. Sulpitius the Consull, were by them exhibited. And whiles all men were amused, and their minds occupied thereupon, Q. Ple∣minius who had bene cast in prison for divers and sundrie outrages committed at Locres, to the

[unspec A] great offence of God and man, had procured certeine persons, who in the night season at one instant should set on fire many places of the citie, to the end that whiles all the people were af∣frighted in this night-tumult, he might breake prison and escape. This complot was discovered and reported to the Senate by some of them that were privie and accessarie thereto. And Flemi∣nius was let downe into a lower dungeon and there killed.

That yeere were certeine Colonies of Romane citizens conducted to Puteoli, Vulturnum, and Liternum, and three hundred men planted in each of them. Likewise Coloners of Ro∣mane citizens were brought to Salernum and Buxentum. The Triumvirs who had the placing of them, were T. Sempronius Longus, Consull for the time being; M. Servilius and Q. Minutius Thermus. The territorie of the Campanes was devided among them. Three other also deputed [unspec B] for the like purpose, D. Iunius Brutus, M. Babius Tamphilus, and M. Helvius, placed a colonie of Romane citizens in Sipontum, to enjoy the lands of the Arpines. Likewise other colonies of Romane citizens were planted in Tempsa and Crotone. The lands belonging to Tempsa were woon from the Brutij, who had expelled the Greekes: and the Greekes remained in Cro∣tone. The Triumvirs for Crotone were Cn. Octavius, L. Aemylius Paulus, and C. Pletorius: and for Tempsa L. Cornel. Merula, and C. Salonius. Also that yeere were seene at Rome divers won∣ders and prodigious sights: and some were reported from other parts. In the common place, in the publick Hall, Comitium, and Capitoll, were seene certeine drops of bloud. And oftentimes it rained earth. The head of Vulcane was on fire. Newes came that at Interamna there ran a streame of milke. Also that at Ariminum, there were two infants both of three condition, borne [unspec C] without eies and nose, and another in the Picene countrey handlesse and footelesse. These strange tokens were by order given from the chiefe-Pontifees, looked unto and expiated, and a Novendiall sacrifice continued for nine daies, because the Adrians brought word, that in their territorie it rained stones.

In Gaule neere to Mediolanum, L. Valerius Flaccus the Proconsull, fought a set field with the french Insubrians and Boians. Which Boians under the conduct of Deruacus passed over the river Padus, for to sollicite and raise the Insubrians. In which conflict were slaine ten thou∣sand enemies. About the same time his colleague in government M. Porcius Cato triumphed over Spaine. In this triumph he caried in pomp and shew 25000 pound weight of silver in bullion, and in come 123000 Bigate pieces: of Ofcan silver 540 pound weight, and of gold [unspec D] 400000 pound weight. Of the bootie woon from the enemies he dealt among his souldiours that were footmen 270 asses a peece, and triple so much to every man of armes.

T. Sempronius the Consull having put himselfe in his journey toward his province, led first his legions into the Boians countrey. Boiorix at that time their Prince with his two brethren, having raised the whole nation to rebellion, encamped in certeine commodious places: so as it appeared that if the enemie entred their confines, they were readie to give him battaile. The Consull perceiving how strong and confident the enemies were, dispatched a courrier to his Colleague, to make hast if he thought so good and come unto him: for untill his comming he would fall off, seeme to retire, and not fight. But the same cause that moved the Consull to stay, gave occasion to the Gaules to make more hast: for besides that the hasting and lingering [unspec E] of the Consull, encouraged the enemies, they were desirous to have the triall of a battaile be∣fore the forces of both Consuls were joyned together. Howbeit, for two dayes space they did no∣thing but stand readie raunged for fight, if any should have come forth to brave and dare them. On the third day they approched the trench and rampier of the Consuls camp, and on every side at once gave the assault. The Consull immediatly commaunded the souldiours to arme. And when they were armed, he kept them in awhile, of intent to increase the foolish confidence in the enemies, and to dispose of his owne forces and give direction, what companies should ••ally out at every gate. The two legions he commaunded to issue forth under their coulors at the two side gates called Principales's but in the very passage without forth the Gaules stood thick and made head againe, so that the way was stopped up. A longtime they fought in those very [unspec F] streights. And they bestirred themselves no more with their hands and swords, than they pr••••sed one upon another with their bodies and targets: whiles the Romanes strived to advance their ensignes out of the gates, and the Gaules endevoured no lesse, either to enter themselves within the camp, or else to impeach the Romance for going forth. But in this conflict there was nothing betweene them either woon or lost, no ground gained the one of the other, be∣fore

that Qu. Victorius a principall Centurion of the Pilani in the second legion, and C. Ati∣nius, [unspec G] a Tribune or Marshall of the fourth, caught the banners from the ensigne-beareres (a thing often practised in time of extremitie) and flang them among the enemies. For whiles these laboured and strained themselves to recover each one a banner, they of the second le∣gion first brake through and gat forth of the gate: so as now, they maintained skirmish without the trench, and the fourth legion stuck still in the gap. By which time, there arose another tu∣mult and noise in the contrarie side of the campe: for the Gaules were broken in at the Que∣stors gate (or the gate against the * 1.14 Questorium) and slaine those that valiantly made head and held them play; to wit, Lucius Posthumius a treasurer surnamed Tympanus, Marcus Ati∣nius and Publius Sempronius two colonels of the allies, and well neere two hundred souldiours besides. Thus the campe on that part was woon, untill such time as one extraordinarie cohort [unspec H] was sent from the Consull to defend the Questors gate aforesaid: which either flew those that were within the rampier, or else drave them foorth, and so withstood those that would have ru∣shed in. And much about that very time, the fourth legion also with two extraordinarie squa∣drons, brake forth at the gate. Thus at once there were three severall battailes in sundrie places about the campe: and the dissonant cries and noises (according to the divers occasions of ech partie ministred by their fellowes) turned and withdrew the minds and spirits of those that were in fight, from the present skirmish before them. In this manner maintained they the medley un∣till noone; equally matched in strength and number, and little or no ods between them for hope of victorie: but tedious travaile and soultering heat compelled the Gaules (whose bodies are soft and open, and soon running to sweat, and who of all other things can least away with thirst) [unspec I] to abandon the battell: and those few that remained behind, the Romans ran upon, ruffled their colours, and chased them into their owne hold. Then the Consull founded the retreat: at which signall given, the more part retired themselves; but a sort of them, upon a hote desire of fight, and good hope to be masters of their campe, persisted still, close to their trench. The Gaules disdaining their small number, issued all forth out of their campe: and then the Romanes being discomfited, were glad now of themselves for feare and fright, to trudge unto the strength of their owne hold, which they would not retire unto at the commaundement of the Con∣sull. Thus on both sides, there was one while victorie, and another while fearefull flight: how∣beit, when all cards were told and the reckoning made, the Gaules had the woorst of the game: for of them were slaine eleven thousand, whereas of Romanes there died but five thou∣sand. [unspec K] Then the Gaules retired themselves into the most inward parts of their countrey, and the Consull marched with his legions to Placentia. Some write, that Scipio and his colleague with their joynt forces, invaded and spoiled the countries of the Boians and Ligurians, so far forth as they could passe for woods and bogs: others againe record, that he, having done no memo∣rable exploit at all, returned to Rome about the assembly for election of Consuls.

The same yeere T. Quintius spent the whole winter season at Elatia (whither he had retired his forces for winter harbour) in hearing mens causes and ministring justice to every one; also in reforming and redressing all such disorders as had passed in the States and cities, through the licentious government and jurisdiction either of Philip himselfe or his captaines, whiles hee advaunced those favorites of his owne faction, and put downe the right and libertie of others. In [unspec L] the beginning of spring he came to Corinth, where he had given summons, that there should be holden a general Diet of the States. There in the assembly of all the embassadors and agents from the cities, gathered about him as it were to heare an Oration, hee made a speech unto them; beginning first with the amitie contracted betweene the Romanes and Greece: and pro∣ceeding to the acts atchieved in Spaine by the Generals afore him, and those also of his owne. All that he spake, was heard and received with great applause, untill he touched the point con∣cerning Nabis: for it was generally thought unsitting, that he undertaking to set all Greece at libertie, had left a tyrant (not onely a grievous oppressour of his owne subjects, but also daun∣gerous to all the cities about him) to remaine still as a fearefull maladie setled in the very bow∣els and heart of a most noble and renowmed State.

Quintius, not ignorant of their affections [unspec M] and dispositions, confessed, that he should not indeed have given any care at all to the motion or mention of peace with the tyrant, in case that Lacedaemon could have stood in safetie without so doing: but now since that Nabis might not possibly be confounded and overthrown, without the present ruine and fearfull downfall of the citie, he thought it a better course in pollicie to

[unspec A] leave the tyrant enfeebled and disfurnished of all meanes to offend and hurt any man, than to suffer so goodly a citie to die in the cure, and under the hand as it were of the Physician, a∣mid those quicke and sharpe remedies which it were never able to endure: and so in seeking to recover libertie, to perish and die for ever. And after he had discoursed of things past, he infer∣red, that his purpose and intent was, to goe into Italie, and to have away with him his whole ar∣mie: also that within ten daies they should heare newes how all the garrisons had quit Deme∣trias and Chalcis: and that he would deliver out of hand unto the Archaeans in their very sight, the fortresse of Corinth: that all the world may know, whether it be the Romans guise, or the fashion of the Aetolians, to overreach and lie; who in their common talke have not let to dis∣course, to sow surmises, and to buz into mens heads, that it was daungerous for Greece to put [unspec B] their libertie into the Romans hands: and that they had but made an exchange of their lordly rulers, admitting the Romanes in lieu of the Macedonians. But as for them (quoth he) their tongue is no slaunder, being such persons as never tooke heed and made regard what either they did or said. But the other cities he advertised to weigh their friends by deeds and not by words: to be wise and well advised whome they are to trust, and whome they are to beware of: to use their libertie in measure and moderation; which if it be well attempered and qualified, is good and holesome to particular persons and generall States: but excessive if it be, it would not only be grievous and unsupportable to others, but also untruly, daungerous, and pernicious to themselves that have it. He gave them counsell, that the princes and States in ech citie should maintaine concord not onely among themselves, but also with all other in one communitie: [unspec C] for so long as they accord and agree togither, no king nor tyrant should be strong enough for them: whereas discord and sedition maketh overture and openeth easie way to enemies that lie in await for the vantage; considering, that the side which in civill contention is the weaker and goeth to the walls, will band rather with a forrainer, than give place and stoupe to a citizen. In conclusion, he advised them, to keepe and preserve by their carefull regard, this their libertie purchased for them by forraine forces, and delivered unto them with faithfull securitie of stran∣gers and alliens; that the people of Rome might see, that they have given freedome to well deserving people; and this their great benefit hath beene well bestowed upon worthy persons.

Whiles they hearkened to these sage admonitions, as uttered out of the mouth of a verie father, [unspec D] the teares gushed plenteously out of their eyes for kind heart and joy; in so much as they trou∣bled him in the deliverie of the rest of his speech. For a while there was a plausible noise heard among them as they approved his words, and advised one another to ponder these sage sawes, and to imprint them deeply in their hearts, proceeding as it were from divine oracle. After si∣lence made, he requested them to seeke up all those Romane citizens (if haply there were any) who lived in servitude and slaverie among them, and within two moneths to send them unto him into Thessalie: for it were a great disworship and shame even for them, that in their coun∣tries there should remaine in bondage any of those, by whose meanes they themselves were set free and delivered out of bondage. With that, they all cried aloud with one voice, That for this above all the rest they rendred thankes unto him, in that they were admonished and warned by [unspec E] him, to performe their devoir and duty, so honest, so religious, and so necessarie. Now a mighty number there was of captives in the Punick war; such as Anniball (when their friends redeemed them not by raunsome) had sold in open market. And how great the multitude of them was, this may proove and testifie which Polibius writeth; to wit, that this cost the Achaeans for their part * 1.15 one hundred talents: and yet they ordained and set downe, that there should but 500 De∣narij bee repaid unto their masters for the redemption of every poll: for by this account Achaea had 1200 of them. Adde now unto them as many as all Greece was like to have by that propor∣tion [and see what number may arise.] The assembly was not broken up and dismissed, before they might see the garrison descending from the fortresse of Corinth, who marched directly to the gate and went their waies. The Generall presently followed after, and being accompanied with them all, who called him with a loud voice, Their saviour and redeemer; he tooke his leave [unspec F] and bad them farewell: and so returned the same way he came to Elatia. From thence hee sent his lieutenant Ap. Claudius with all the forces, commaunding him to conduct him to conduct the armie to Ori∣cum by the way of Thessalie and Epitus, and there to expect and wait his comming: for he pur∣posed there to take sea and set over his armie into Italie. He wrote also to L. Quintius his brother and lieutenant, and Admirall likewise of the fleet, to gather all the ships of burden from along

the sea coast of Greece into that place. Himselfe went to Chalcis, and having withdrawen the [unspec G] garrisons not onely from thence but also from Oreum and Eretria, he held a generall councell there of all the cities of Euboea: and after he had made remonstrance unto them in what case he found them, and in what estate he left them, he dismissed the assemblie. From thence hee de∣parted to Demetrias, where also he removed the garison, and being attended with a traine of all the citizens, like at Corinth and Chalcis before, hee tooke his journey into Thessalie: where the citties were not onely to bee set free, but also to bee reformed, and from a generall mingle mangle and confusion wherein they stood, to be reduced and framed into some tollerable order and forme of government. For they were not onely tainted and infected with the corruption of the times, and the violent current of licentious outrage, which had taken head under the govern∣ment of the king; but also of an inbred troublesome spirit and humor of their owne, wherby, since [unspec H] their first beginning and uprising, even unto our daies they never held Parliaments, Elections, Diets, Counsels, or any other assemblies whatsoever, without much trouble & sedition. He chose the Senat and Iudges there in regard especially of their wealth, & in all cities he made that part more mightie, unto which it was more expedient and beneficiall to have all quiet and in peace. Thus having visited Thessalie, and taken a generall review thereof, hee came by the way of Epi∣rus to Oricum, from whence he minded to crosse the seas. From Oricum all his forces were tran∣sported to Brundusium, and so they passed forward throughout Italie to the cittie of Rome, in manner of triumph, sending before them as great a traine of prises by them taken, as they made themselves in their march. After they were come to Rome, the Senate assembled without the cit∣tie for Quintius, where hee had audience to declare and discourse of his worthie exploits: and [unspec I] willing they were to graunt him triumph, according to his deserts. Three daies together he rode in triumph. The first day he made a shew of all the armour, as well defensive as offensive, also of brasen and marble images, of which he had taken more from king Philip, than hee found in the saccage of the citties. The second day there was carried in pompe, the gold and silver both un∣wrought and wrought into plate, yea, and cast into coine. Of silver unwrought there was eighteen thousand pound weight: of wrought, two hundred and seventie pound weight. Many vessels of plate of all sorts, and most engraven, some of right curious and exquisit workmanship. Likewise brasen vessels, cunningly and artificially made: and besides, tenne shields of silver, and in coine eightie foure thousand Atticke peeces of silver, which they call Tetradraclima, weighing al∣most foure Romane deniers apeece: of gold there was three thousand seven hundred and four∣teene [unspec K] pound weight, and one shield full and whole of b••aten gold: and of Philip golden peeces in coine, foureteene thousand five hundred and foureteene. The third day were borne in view for a pageant, a hundred and foureteene coronets of gold, which were the presents of cities given un∣to him. Moreover, there were led that day the beasts for sacrifice: and before his chariot went ma∣ny noble prisoners and hostages, and among them, Demetrius, king Philip his sonne, and Ar∣menes the sonne of Nabis the tyrant, a Lacedaemonian borne. Then rode Quintius himselfe in a chariot into the citie, and a great number of souldiours followed after, by reason that his whole armie was retired with him out of his province. To every footmen he gave two hundred and fif∣tie Asses, duple as much to a centurion, and triple to an horseman. Those who were redeemed out of captivitie, followed his chariot with their heads shaven, and much beautified the glorie [unspec L] of the triumph.

In the end of this yeere, Q. Aelius Tubero a Tribune of the Commons, presented a request or bill unto the people, and they graunted & enacted it, to wit, that two Colonies of Latines should be conducted, the one into the Brutians countrey, and the other into the territorie of Thurium. For the conduct and planting whereof, there were ordained three Deputies called Triumvirs, whose commission was in force for three yeeres, namely, Q. Nevius, M. Minutius Rusus, and M. Furius Crassipes for the Brutians: and for Thurium, A. Manlius, P. Aelius, and L. Apust••us. For the chusing of these officers, Cn. Domitius the Pretour in the citie, called two severall assem∣blies in the Capitoll. In that yeere were certaine temples dedicated, one of Iuno Sospita in the hearbe-market, which had been vowed and set out to building foure yeeres before, by C. Corne∣lius [unspec M] the Consull, during the warre with the French: and hee in his Censorship dedicated it. Ano∣ther temple of Faunus: the Aediles C. Scribonius and Cn. Domitrus, had likewise bargained for the building thereof two yeeres before, and laid by the money therefore; and this Cn. Domitius being now Pretour of the cittie dedicated it. Also Q. Minutius Ralla, dedicated a temple to

[unspec A] Fortuna Primigenia upon the hill Quirinalis, having ben created Duumvir himselfe for that pur∣pose. P. Sempronius Sophus had vowed the same ten yeares before, in the time of the Punicke war, and agreed for a certaine price to have it built. Also C. Servilius the other Duumvir consecrated the temple of Iupiter within the island. Vowed it was sixe yeares before in the Gaules warre by L. Furius Purpurio Pretour, and by him afterwards (when he was Consull) order was given for the edifying thereof. And these were the affaires which passed that yeere.

P. Scipio returned out of his province and government of Gaule for the election of new Con∣suls, and to that purpose was the generall assembly summoned; wherein were chosen L. Cornelius Mernla, and Q. Minutius Thermus. The next morrow after were created Pretours, L. Cornelius Scipio, M. Fulvius Nobilior, C. Scribonius, M. Valerius Messala, L. Porcius Licintus, & C. Flaminius. [unspec B] C. Attilius Serranus, and L. Scribonius Libo, Aediles of the chaire, were the first that exhibited the Stage-plaies called Megalesia. And the Romane plaies or games represented and set out by these Aediles, the Senate now first & never before beheld a part from the rest of the people. And this (as all novelties and new fashions) ministred much talke: whiles some gave their opinion and said, That now at length that was given to this most noble and honorable State, which long agoe was due; others againe construed thus, and gave out, That whatsoever was added to the ma∣jestie of the Senators and nobles, was derogatorie from the dignitie of the people: and that all such kind of distinctions, whereby estates and degrees are severed one from another, are prejudi∣ciall as well to common peace as publicke libertie. For these five hundred and eightie yeeres say they, these plaies and games have been beheld and looked upon pell mell, without any such [unspec C] precise difference. What new accident is suddainely befallen, why the Nobles should not be wil∣ling to let the Commons be intermingled with them in the Theatre? and why a rich man should disdaine his poore neighbour to sit by him? This is a new appetite and straunge longing of theirs indeed, full of pride and arrogancie, a thing never desired nor taken up and practised by the Senate of any nation whatsoever. So as in the end even Africanus bethrewed himselfe (men say) and repented thereof, for that hee in his Consulship mooved and persuaded the bringing up of this nashion. So hard a matter it is to alter an old custome, and make a new order to be well liked of. And men are ever more willing to keepe them to auncient customes, unlesse they be such, as practise and experience doe evidently checke and condemne.

In the beginning of the yeare, wherein L. Cornelius and Q. Minutius were Consuls, newes came [unspec D] so thicke of many earthquakes, that men were not onely wearie of the thing it selfe, but also of the holydaies and solemnities that were published and proclaimed in that regard. For the Consuls could not intend either to assemble the Senate and sit in counsell, or manage the affaires of the Commonweale, for being wholly emploied about sacrificing and appeasing the wrath of the gods. In conclusion, the Decemvirs were commaunded to peruse the bookes of Sibylla, and according to their answere & direction, a procession & supplication was for three daies solemni∣sed. And before the altars and shrines of the gods & goddesses, they made their praiers with gar∣lands and coronets on their heads: yea, & commaundement was given, that every houshold and familie by it selfe should fall to their praiers and devotions. Also the Consuls by order from the Senate made proclamation, That upon what day a feast or solemnitie was ordained by occasion [unspec E] of one earthquake, no man the same day should bring newes of another. Then the Consuls cast lots for the government of their provinces, and after them the Pretours did the like. Vnto Cor∣nelius besell Gaule, and to Minutius the Ligurians; C. Sempronius had the charge of the civile ju∣risdiction, and M. Valerius of the forraine; L. Cornelius governed Sicilie, L. Porcius Sardinia, C. Flaminius high Spaine, and L. Falvius the lower. The Consuls looked for no war that yeare: but even then at that instant were letters brought from M. Cincius lord president of Pisae, which gave notice, that twentie thousand Ligurians were up in armes, having conspired together in all market townes and places of resort throughout the whole nation, and that they had alreadie wasted the territorie of Luna, and having invaded and passed through the Pisane land, had over∣run also sea coasts. Wherefore Minutius the Consull, unto whom the government of Liguria [unspec F] was allotted, by the advise of the LL. of the Senate mounted up into the pulpit Rostra, and pub∣lished an act, That those two legions of Romane citizens, which the former yeare had ben enrol∣led, should within ten daies present themselves at Arretium, in lieu whereof he would levie two other legions out of the citie. Also he commaunded the allies and magistrates of the Latine na∣tion, and their embassadours leagers, who owed knight-service, and were bound to find souldiors

to come before him into the Capitoll. And from among them he enrolled fifteene thousand [unspec G] foote and five hundred horse, according to the number of young and serviceable men that were to be found in each State: which done, he commaunded them forthwith, to go directly from the Capitoll to the gate of the citie, and presently to take musters that all might be done with greater expedition. Vnto Fulvius and Flamimus were appointed three thousand Romane foot∣men and two hundred horsemen apeece, for to supplie and strengthen their forces: also five thousand foote to either of them of allies of the Latine nation, with two hundred horse. More∣over the Pretours were charged to dismisse and casse the old souldiours, so soone as they were arrived into their provinces. Now, when as the souldiours who were enrolled in the citie-legi∣ons, resorted thick unto the Trib, of the Com. that they should take knowledge of as many of them as were exempted from warfare, for that they either had served out their full time by law [unspec H] appointed, or were sickly and diseased: behold the letters of Sempronius dashed all this, and clee∣red every difficultie and scrupulositie: wherein it was written, that fifteene thousand Ligurians were entred the territorie of Placentia, and had made great wast and saccage therein, putting all to fire and sword as they went, even as farre as to the very walls of the Colonie it selfe, and the banks of * 1.16 Padus. Also that the nation of the Boij made countenance and gave suspicion of rebellion. In which regards seeing there was a tumultuous and sodaine warre toward, the Senat passed a decree, wherein they signified that it was not their pleasure that the Tribunes should accept any excuses pretended by the souldiours, but that they should all meete and assemble to∣gether, according to the Edict. Over and besides they gave order, that the allies of the Latine nation, who had served in the armies of P. Cornelius and Titus Sempronius, and were discharged [unspec I] from souldierie by them being Consuls, should now be readie to shew themselves, against that day which L Cornelius the Consull should appoint, and at what place soever of Hetruria he should commaund by way of proclamation: Also that the said L. Cornelius the Consull in his march and journey toward the province, might take up, enroll, and arme, what souldiours he thought good, out of all the burroughes and villages in his way, and have them with him whi∣ther soever he would, yea and have commission to dismisse whom of them he thought good, and when soever he listed at his good pleasure.

After that the Consuls had taken musters, and were gone into their provinces, then T. Quin∣tius demaunded to have a day of audience in the Senat concerning those affaires that he had concluded with the assistance of the ten Delegates above said: and that it would please them to [unspec K] confirme and establish the same by vertue of their assent and authoritie. Which they might do with more ease, in case they would heare the embassadors themselves speake, who were come out of all Greece, a great part of Asia, and from the kings. These embassies were admitted into the Senate by C. Scribonius the Pretour for the citie, and all dispatched with a gratious answere. But because the dispute about Antiochus required long time of debate, therefore it was referred and put over to the ten Delegates, of whom some had bene in Asia, or at Lysimachia with the king. And Quintius was commaunded, that together with those said Delegates he should heare what the king his embassadors could say, and so returne unto them such an answere, as might stand with the honor and welfare of the people of Rome.

The chiefe of this embassage from the king were Menippus and Hegesianax. Then Menippus began and said, That he knew no such per∣plexed [unspec L] difficultie in their embassage, considering they were come simply to treat for peace, and to contract a league and alliance. For, saith he, there are three sorts of consederacies and asso∣ciations, whereby States and KK. ordinarily conclude league and amitie one with another. The first, when they that are vanguished in warre, have conditions and articles imposed upon them: for when all is yeelded into the hands of him that is the mightier and more puissant, then it is in his power and at his discretion and will, to give unto the conquered partie what he list, or to take from him as he pleaseth. The second is, when they that are egall in warlike forces give over on even hand, and be content to make peace and amitie, upon indifferent and equall con∣ditions, one with the other: in which case, demaund and claime is made, restitution and amends performed according to the accord and agreement: and if in time of the warres, any have bene [unspec M] molested and troubled in their possession, they fall to composition either by the forme and te∣nor of auncient law, or respective to the good and profit of both parties. The third is, when they that never were enemies, meete and conferre together about concluding some friendship, by way of solemne alliance and societie, who neither geve nor take any conditions: for that be∣longeth

[unspec A] properly to Conquerours, and those that are conquered. Seeing then that Antiochus is comprised in this last kind, I mervaile (quoth he) that the Romanes should thinke or say, It is reasonable to render articles unto him, or to prescribe and set downe, what cities of Asia they would have to be free & exempt, and which they would have to be tributarie: & into what cities they would expressely forbid the king his garisons, or the king himselfe to enter and set foote. For in this wise ought they to make peace with Philip their enemie in times past, and not to draw a contract of amitie and association with Antiochus, a friend at this present. To this oration Quintius shaped his answere in this sort. For as much as it pleaseth you to make your speech thus distinctly by way of division, and severally to reherse all kinds of consederacies & accords, I also will set down as methodically in order two conditions, without which, you may let the king your [unspec B] maister to understand, that he must not looke to interteine any friendship with the people of Rome. The one is this, that if he would debarre us to intermedle with the cities of Asia: he like∣wise himselfe have nothing to do with all Europe. The other, that if he cannot conteine himselfe within the compasse of Asia, but will needs encroch upon it, the Romanes likewise may have libertie and power both to mainteine those amities which they have alreadie, and also to enter∣teine new with the States of Asia. Hereat Hegesianax inferred and said, That this was an indigni∣tie intolerable, and which he could not abide to heare, namely, that Antiochus should be disfer∣zed of those cities of Thrace & Chersonesus, which Seleucus his great grandfather had conque∣red with singulet honor from king Lysimachus, whom he vanguished in war and slew in field, and setled the same in him as his rightfull inheritance. As for the same cities possessed by the Thra∣cians, [unspec C] Antiochus himselfe with as great praise and glorie hath partly by force of armes regained out of their hands, and partly repeopled with the old inhabitants called home againe, whereas they lay abandoned and desolate, and namely Lysimachia itself, as all the world seeth: and more than that, hath reedified to his exceeding charge & expense, those that lay along in their ruines, and were consumed with fire. What likenes then is there between these two demaunds: name∣ly, that Antiochus should quit the possession of that which either he acquired or recovered in that sort: and that the Romanes should absteine & forbeare Asia, which never apperteined unto them? To conclude, Antiochus (saith he) is desirous of the Romans friendship, but in such termes as may stand with his honor, and not purchase himselfe shame and reproch. Then Quintius re∣joyned [unspec D] again in this manner: For as much as quoth he, we balance and weigh things according to honestie (as in truth it is besitting the chiefe and principall state of the world, and so great and mightie a king to peise that only or at leastwise principally above all other regards) I would gladly know of you, Whether ye thinke it more honest of the twaine, either to will and wish that all the cities of Greece whatsoever and wheresoever should enjoy libertie: or to make them homagers and tributarie? It Antiochus thinketh it be an honorable thing for him to reduce into servitude and bondage as his owne, those cities which his great grandfather held by right of armes, and whereof neither his father nor grandfather afore him were in possession: the people of Rome likewise esteemeth it a materiall point that toucheth their faithfulnesse and constancie, not to forsake the Greekes, whose protection and defence they have enterprised [unspec E] and taken in hand. And like as they have freed Greece out of the hands of Philip, so they intend to deliver those cities of Asia which are of Greekish race and descent, from the subjection of Antiochus. For the Greeke Colonies were not sent into Aeolis and Ionia, to live in servitude un∣der the king, but to increase and multiply, that a most auncient nation might spread over the face of the whole earth. Now when as Hegesianax knew not how to shift and turne himselfe, and could not denie but that the cause of libertie which the Romanes pretended in the title of their quarell, was of more honestie and credit, than that other of slavery: Let's lay away all these cir∣cumstances of words (quoth P. Sulpitius, the auncientest person of all the ten Delegates) and choose yee one of the two conditions which even now were expresly offred unto you by Quin∣tius, or else make no more talke about amitie with the Romanes.

Then quoth Menippus, As for us, wee may in no case, neither will wee capitulate and covenant any thing prejudiciall to the [unspec F] kingdome and royall state of king Antiochus. The morrow after Quintius when hee had brought all the Embassies of Greece and Asia into the Senate, that they might know what af∣fection the people of Rome caried, and what mind Antiochus bare to the cities of Greece, he declared before them all as well his owne demaunds, as those of the kings part: willing them to make report unto their own cities, & assure them, that the people of Rome would maintein them

against Antiochus (unlesse he departed out of Europe) with the same vertue, valour, and fidelitie [unspec G] wherwith he had defended their liberty against Philip. Then Menippus was earnest with Quintius and the LL. of the Senate, beseeching them instantly not to proceed in hast to a decree where∣by they should set all the world in trouble and uprore; but both take leisure themselves and give respite unto the king to deliberate farther of the matter: for no doubt, upon the relating of the conditions, he would consider upon them, and either obtaine somewhat at their hands, or for peace sake yeeld his consent to all. Thus was the matter wholly and entirely deferred: & agreed it was, that the same embassadours should be addressed unto the king, who had beene with him at Lysimachia, to wit, P. Sulpitius, P. Villius, and P. Aclius.

Scarcely were they gone from the citie and entred upon their journey, but embassadours ar∣rived from Carthage, who reported, that without all doubt Antiochus made preparation for [unspec H] warre, and therein used the hand and ministerie of Anniball: in so much, as it was feared also that a third Punicke warre would breake out withall. Anniball as wee said before, having sled his native countrey, repaired unto Antiochus, and was in great account and estimation with the king, for no other cause and pollicie in the world, but that the king who projected and plotted long time in his spirit to levie warre upon the Romanes, could find no man more sit than An∣niball to break his mind unto, and with whom to discourse upon a matter of such consequence. Anniball his song and resolution was ever one and the same still, namely, To make war within Italie: and that Italie was able to furnish a forraine enemie, with men, munition, and victuals. For this he cast with himselfe and considered, that if all were quiet there and no troubles set a foot, but that the people of Rome might with the forces and riches of Italie, furnish themselves [unspec I] to make war without Italie, there was no monarch nor nation under the sunne able to make head against the Romanes. He demanded therefore to have the commaund of 100 close ships with hatch and decke, 16000 foot, and 1000 horse: and with the said fleet he would first saile into Af∣frick, where he assured himselfe that he should be able to sollicit & induce the Carthaginians to rebellion: but if they held off & made it goodly and strange, yet would he settle in some part of Italie and levie war against the Romanes. His advise and counsell furthermore was, that the king should with all his other forces passe into Europe, & in some one part of Greece keep his power together, and not to take the sea, but to be readie ever to crosse over; which would be sufficient to make a shew and raise a bruit all abroad of warre. When he had persuaded the king to this de∣signment [unspec K] and resolution, supposing that he was likewise to found and prepare the hearts afore∣hand of his own countrimen to this purpose: he durst not dispatch any letters unto them, for fear they might chaunce to be intercepted by the way, and so discover the whole plot. He happened at Ephesus upon a Tyrian one Ariston, a man whose industrie and dexteritie he had tried in some small services wherein he had imployed him. Him he plyed with gifts in hand, but fed him more with large promises of great rewards, which king Antiochus also himselfe seemed to make good and give his word for; and so sent him to Carthage with credence & instructions. He redied him in the names of all those persons with whom he was to talke and conferre: hee furnisheth him with secret tokens, whereby they might assuredly know, that hee was no counterfeit, but came with a message from him. Now whiles this Ariston conversed in Carthage, the friends of Anni∣bali knew no sooner about what errand he came, than his very enemies. At the first, much talke [unspec L] and discourse there was in every corner of the citie where they met, and at their feasts and meri∣ments, of this matter. Afterwards at their councell table some stucke not to say, that the exile of Anniball was to little or no purpose, if whiles he was absent hee could contrive and compasse new plots, and by solliciting and tempting mens minds, disquiet and trouble the state of the ci∣tie. There is a straunger, say they, one Ariston a Tyrian, hither come with instructions from An∣niball and king Antiochus: certaine men there are, that daily have privie conference with him, and devise in secret of that, which anon will breake out to the utter ruine and overthrow of all.

Wherupon they all cried with one voice to convent Ariston peremptorily before them, & to ex∣amine him about what businesse he was thither arrived; & unlesse he would bewray and declare the matter, to send him with embassadors of purpose, to Rome: For why? we have (say they) felt the [unspec M] smart enough, and paid sufficiently for the folly and rash head of one harebrained man already. Let privat persons beare their owne load hereafter, and at their owne perill commit acrespasle: provided alwaies, that the Commonweale be preserved cleare not onely from all fault, but also from all apparance and bruit of any such intent.

Ariston being called before them, stood stiffely

[unspec A] upon his integritie and excused himselfe, and evermore used this for his best and surest de∣fence, That he had brought no letters at all to any person: howbeit he could not render a ready and found reason of his comming thither: but especially hee was shrewdly troubled and put to his triumps when they charged him, That he had talke & communication with those only of the Barchine faction. Hereupon arose some debate & altercation in the house; whiles some were of opinion, that he should be apprehended for a spie, and clapt up fast in ward: others againe were of mind, that there was no cause to make such a stirre and tumult; for it was an evill president to be given, that straungers comming to their citie, should be troubled and hardly intreated: and the like measure no doubt would be offered to the Carthaginians in Tyrus and in other townes of marchandise, whereunto they use to have resort for exchange and traffique. So for that day [unspec B] the matter was put off. Ariston framing himselfe to play the craftie Carthaginians among these Carthaginians, wrote a certaine bill, & in the shutting in of the evening, hung it up in the most conspicuous & publicke place of all the citie, even over the seat where the head magistrate useth daily to sit; and himselfe about the third watch gat to shipbord and escaped. The morrow after, when the Suffetes were set on the bench to minister law, the bill aforesaid was seen, taken down, and read: wherin to this effect was written, That Ariston was not come with a message to any per∣son in particular, but to all the Seniours or Elders in generall (for so they call the Senat.) After that the thing was by this meanes made a publicke matter, and the whole state of the Senators reputed culpable, they were not so earnest to search into privat persons. Howbeit thought good it was, that Embassadours should be sent to Rome to give information hereof to the Consuls [unspec C] and the Senat, and withall, to make complaint of certaine wrongs done by Masanissa.

Masanissa understanding that the Carthaginians were suspected and in some ill name a∣mong the Romanes, and also at jarre and variance within themselves; and namely, that the great and principall men were had in jelousie by the Senat for their conferences with Ariston; and their Senate likewise suspected by the people, by reason of that writing above-named of the said Ariston: taking this for a good advantage and opportunitie to do them some injurie, not only in∣vaded their maritime parts & made spoile, but also forced certain tributarie cities to the Cartha∣ginians for to pay himselfe tribute. That quarter of the countrey they call Emporia. It is the sea coast of the lesser Syrtis, and the country is exceeding fertile: there is in it one only citie named Leptis, which paid to the Carthaginians for tribute, a talent every day. All this region Mosanissa [unspec D] then had plagued sore, yea and for one part thereof he made some claime, as beeing litigious whether it pertained to his kingdome, or the seignorie of the Carthaginians: and because hee knew for truth, that the Carthaginian embassadors were about to goe to Rome, as well to purge themselves of some crimes wherwith they were charged, as to complaine of him; therfore him∣selfe also addressed his embassadors to Rome, who should lay open more matter against them of deeper suspition, and debate withall as touching the right of those tributes. The Carthaginians were no sooner heardspeake concerning that Tyrian straunger, but the LL. of the Senate grew into some doubt least they should wage warre with Antiochus and the Carthaginians both to∣gither. And this presumption of all the rest made the suspicion most pregnant, because when they had the partie among them and were purposed to send him to Rome, they neither [unspec E] made the man himselfe sure, nor the barke wherein hee arrived. After this, they fell to de∣bate and argue with the kings Embassadours, about the territorie and land in controversie.

The Carthaginians pleaded for themselves, and stood much upon their bounds and limits, for that the land in suite lay within that precinct, by which P. Scipio the conquerour limited out that territory which pertained to the stegniorie of the Carthaginians. Also they alledged the confes∣sion of the king himselfe, who at what time as he pursued Apheres, that fled out of his own realm, and with a companie of Numidians raunged abroad about Cyrenae, made request unto them to give him leave to passe through this very ground, as if (without all question) it belonged to the Carthaginians. The Numidians answered againe to these points and said plainely to their faces, that they lied in their throtes, as touching that supposed limitation and bounding by Scipio: and [unspec F] moreover, if we would go (say they) and search the very original indeed of the law, what land at all ought the Carthaginians have of their own proper inheritance? For being but meere strangers, they had after much praier and entreatie, as much ground allowed them and no more, to build them a citie in, as they could compasse with thongs cut out of one bull hide. And looke whatso∣ever they had encroched upon; without that neast and seat of theirs in Byrsa, they gat and held it

by force and violence. And as for the land now in strife, they are not able to prove, that they al∣waies [unspec G] held the same in possession, no not that they kept it any long time together. But as occasion and opportunities served of advauntage, one while they, and another while the Numidian kings made reentrie and enjoied it, and evermore he went away with the possession thereof that was the stronger, and had the keener sword. In these considerations they requested the Romanes to leave the thing in that state and condition, wherein it stood before that the Carthaginians were ene∣mies, or king Masanissa friend and allie to the Romanes; and not to intermeddle betweene, not take a part, but let the winner weare it, and him have it that can hold it.

In conclusion, it was thought good, that to the embassadours of both parties this answere should be returned, name∣ly, That they would send certaine Commissioners into Affrick, to decide this controversie about the land in question, betweene the people of Carthage and the king. So there were sent of pur∣pose, [unspec H] P. Scipio Africanus, C. Cornelius Cethegus, and M. Minutius Rufus. Who having heard what could bee said, and seene the thing, left all hanging still in suspence and undecided, without adjudging it by their definitive sentence to the one or the other. But whether they so did, on their owne head and selfe-accord, or by direction from the Senat, is not so certaine, as it seemeth agreeable unto that present time in pollicie, to leave them as they found them, and the contro∣versie still depending. For unlesse it were so, Scipio himselfe alone, in regard of the knowledge that hee had of the thing, and of his authoritie with the persons (so much bound they were un∣to him on both sides) might with a word of his mouth, or a nod of his head, have ended all this matter.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Oration of M. Perci•• Cato, in maintenance of the law Oppia.
• * 1.2

  Lemnos.
• * 1.3

  The Oration of 〈…〉〈…〉 the law 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.4

  The low Oppia repealed.
• * 1.5

  Porto Vene••a.
• * 1.6

  Roses.
• * 1.7

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.8

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.9

  The oration of ••ate to his cap•••••••• and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.10

  Gigoncae in Andalusia, Motali.
• * 1.11

  l. a running race.
• * 1.12

  The Oration of Nabis.
• * 1.13

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉 La〈◊〉〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.14

  The quarter and lodging of the Treasurer.
• * 1.15

  By this accour.s of Livie, a ta∣lent in this place amounteth to 187 lib. 10 shil. s••es••.
• * 1.16

  〈◊〉〈◊〉