The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXXIII. BOOKE OF THE [unspec I] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 33)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the three and thirtith Booke.

TItus Quintius Flamininus the Proconsull, ended the warre with Philip, after hee had vanqui∣shed [unspec K] him in a pight field neere Cynocephalae in Thessalie. L. Quintius Flamininus, brother to the said Proconsull, having forced Leucas the head citie of Acarnania, received the Acarnani∣ans upon their submission and surrender. C. Sempronius Tudisanus the Pretour was slaine, and his armie defeated by the Celtiberians. Attalus being fallen suddainely sicke, was remooved from Thebes to Pergamus, and there departed this life. Peace was graunted to Philip upon his suite, and libertie restored to Greece. L. Furius and C. Claudius Marcellus, the two Consuls, subdued the Boians and Insubrians in Gaule, Marcellus triumphed. Anniball having practi∣sed in Affrick to raise war, but to no effect, was therupon accused unto the Romanes, by letters sent from the principall of the adverse faction: but for feare of the Romanes, who had dispatched their embassadours to the Carthaginian Senate about him, be fled unto Antiochus king of Syria, who also prepared then to make warre upon the Romanes. [unspec L]

The beginning is not extant in the Latine.

adjoining in those quarters to Acarnania. There was a streight passe or gullet there, halfe a mile almost in length, but not halfe a mile in breadth: at the end of this streight standeth the citie Leu∣cas planted against an hill that turneth to the East, & looketh toward Acamania. The base town is built upon a plain, reaching along the sea that devideth Leucadia from Acarnania. Wherupon the citie, as well on the land side as by sea is easie to be forced. For the fourds of the water resem∣ble a standing lake rather than a sea, and the whole soile is a light earth, minable and easie to bee wrought into, so that in many places at once the wals either undermined or shaken with the ram, [unspec M] came tumbling down. But as the town it selfe was assaultable, so the hearts of the townsmen were invincible. For night and day they gave not over, to repaire the cracks of the shaken wal, to fill up the open breaches and ruines, to make head lustily, and skirmish with the enemie, and rather to defend the walls by force of armes, than to save themselves by strength of their walls. And surely

[unspec A] a longer siege they would have made of it than the Romanes hoped, but that certaine banished persons, Italians borne, dwelling in Leucas, let in and received armed soldiors on the castle side. Howbeit, the Leucadians embattelling themselves in their market place, encountred them as they ran downe from the higher ground with a great crie and noise, and maintained battell with them for a long time. In this meane while, the walls in diverse places were skaled with ladders, and the enemies mounting over the heapes of stones that lay at the breaches, entred the towne. And now by this time the lieutenant in person, with many companies environed them as they fought: some were slaine in the middest, others flung away their weapons, and yeelded to the conque∣rour. After few daies, upon the newes of the field fought at Cynocephalae, all the States of Acar∣nania came in, and submitted themselves to the lieutenant.

[unspec B] At the same time, whiles fortune turned thus about, and bare downe a side all at once; the Rhodians also sent out Pausistratus their Pretour, with eight hundred footmen of Achaea, and a∣bout 1900 souldiours well armed, gathered out of all sorts of auxiliaries, to regaine and recon∣quer from Philip the country of Peraea, lying in the maine and firme land, which had been held sometime, and possessed by their auncestours. And these aids were compounded and mixed of French, Nisuetes, Pisuetes, Tanians, and Areans of Affricke, and Laodiceans of Asia. With these forces Pausistratus encamped in the territorie of Stratonicea, and there hee seized of a commo∣dious place, and very good for his purpose, unwares to the kings companie that had holden the same. Thither came also to aid them in very good time, a regiment of a thousand foot and a hun∣dred horse of Achaeans, levied for that purpose, and were commaunded by Theoxenus. Dino∣crates [unspec c] a captaine under the king, willing to recover the said hold againe, first pitched his tents, hard against the enemie campe. But afterwards hee remooved to another fort in the territorie likewise of Stratonicea, which they call Astragon: and having rallied together all the garrisons, dispersed asunder in divers places, and sent for the auxiliarie bands also of Thessalians, even from Stratonicea, he took his way and marched toward Alabanda, where the enemies were. The Rhodians likewise for their part were readie for battell, and after they were encamped of both sides neere together, immediately they entred into the field to fight it out. Dinocrates placed in the right point five hundred Macedonians, and the Agrians he put in the left, in the maine bat∣tell hee bestowed all those that hee had gathered together out of the garrisons belonging to the forts above said, who for the most part were Carians, the points he flanked round about with his [unspec D] cornets of horie. The Rhodian cohort was marshalled in this manner: The auxiliaries of the Candiotes and Thracians kept the right point, the hired souldiours (and they were a power of elect footmen) stood in the left, in the middest were the aids (a medley of many nations:) the Ca∣vallerie and all the light armed souldiours that were, compassed the corners like wings. All that day the two armies stood only upon the banke of a brooke which ran between them with a small and shallow water: and after some loose shot discharged, they retired into their tents. The next day they were raunged in like order, and strucke a battaile exceeding the proportion of their number; for on each side there were not above three thousand foot, and upon a hundred horse: but they were even matched not in number only and armour, but also in equall courage and hope alike. The Achaei first passed over the said brooke, and charged upon the Agrians: after∣wards [unspec E] the whole armie ran as one would say, over the river. The fight continued long doubt∣full. The Achaei being of themselves in number a thousand, disordred some foure hundred of the other, and forced them to recule, and afterwards the entier right point of the bat∣taile began to shrinke and geve ground. As for the Macedonians, so long as their battaillon called Phalanx, kept their array and stood close together, could not possibly be stirred or remo∣ved; but after their left side was laid naked, and they began to reach out on all hands their long pikes against the enemie, charging them acrosse upon the flanke, they were presently troubled: and first they put themselves in disaray, afterwards they turned their backs, and last of all flung their weapons from them, and ran away for life, untill they were come to Bargilia. Thither also was Dinocrates fled. The Rhodians having followed the chase as long as they had any day to see, [unspec F] retired into their camp. And for certeine it is knowne, if in this traine of victorie they had pre∣sently made speede to Stratonicea, they might have bene maisters of the towne, and never drawne sword for it: but whiles they spent time in recovering the burrough townes and forts of Peraea, they let this opportunitie slip out of their hands, and lost it for ever. For in the meane space, they that lay in garison and held Stratonicea, were encouraged, and tooke better heart.

Dinocrates also anon with those forces of his that remained, put himselfe within the walls. Then [unspec G] was the towre besieged and assailed, all in vaine, neither could it be forced and woon but by An∣tiochus, a certeine time after. Thus went the affaires in Thessalie, in Achaea, and in Asia, much about one and the selfesame time.

Philip being advertised that the Dardanians were entred within the confines of his realme, and wasted the high countrie of Macedonie, albeit he saw that almost in all parts of the world unhappie fortune still followed and coursed both him and his wheresoever they were: yet estee∣ming it more grievous and heavie than death it selfe to be disseized of the possession of Mace∣donie also, he made a levie in great hast out of all his cities of sixe thousand foote, and 500 horse; with which power of Macedonians, he sodainly surprised the enemie (unprovided and not ware of his comming) about Stobi in* 1.1 Pelagonia. Great numbers of men were slaine in con∣flict, [unspec H] but more in the fields, such as were disbanded, and raunged abroad for greedinesse of boo∣tie and pillage. But as many as could make meanes to flie more readily and easily away, never stood out the triall of a battaile, but returned home into their owne countrey. Having thus put life as it were againe into his men by this one expedition and exploit (a matter of no conse∣quence to the totall adventure of his whole estate) he retired himselfe to Thessalonica.

The Punick warre was not atchieved and brought to an end so happily and in so good a time for the Romanes (who otherwise should have warred at once both against the Carthaginians and Philip) but it fel out as well and in as fit a season, that Philip was now vanquished; just against the time that Antiochus in Syria prepared to levie warre against them. For besides that the service was much more easily managed against them single and apart, than it would have bene [unspec I] if they had banded both at once, and brought their forces together, it chaunced also that Spaine about the very same instant brake out to a tumultuous insurrection.

Antiochus being returned to Antioch there to winter, after he had the summer before brought under his subjection all the cities belonging to Ptolomoeus, within the country of* 1.2 Coele∣Syria, was yet never the more at quiet, & mindfull of peace afterwards. For when he had assem∣bled a puissant power both of land and also of sea-forces, and purposed to employ the whole strength of his realme, he sent afore by land in the beginning of the spring, his two sonnes Ar∣dues and Mithridates with a mightie armie, commaunding them to attend him at Sardis: him∣selfe in person set forth a voyage by sea, with a fleete of a hundred saile of couvert ships with decks and hatches, besides two hundred lighter vessels, as Galions and Brigantines, purposing at one [unspec K] time to assay all the cities in* 1.3 Cilicia & Caria, coasting along the sea side, which were within the dominion of Ptolomaeus: and with all to aid Philip as well with shipping as souldiours, for as yet Philip was not utterly subdued, not the warre with him brought to a finall end. Many brave and worthie exploits enterprised the Rhodians both by sea and land, in their loyaltie and faithfulnes to the Romanes, and for the safegard and defence of all the Greekish nation. But no one thing shewed their magnificence more than this, that being nothing terrified at that time with such a world of warres threatned against them, they sent embassadors to the king, to let him under∣stand, that if he sailed forward and stayed not his Armada, they would encounter him at the Bay of Nephelis (which is a promontorie or cape of Cilicia, renowmed for the auncient league of the Atheniens.) And this they did, not upon any hatred they bare to his person, but to impeach [unspec L] him only for comming to joine with Philip, thereby to hinder the Romanes in their good course of setting Greece at libertie. At the same time Antiochus was busied in the siege and assault of Coracelium, against which he had placed all ordinance and engins of batterie: for he was al∣readie master of the cities of* 1.4 Zephyrium, Soli,* 1.5 Aphrodisias and* 1.6 Corycus, and having doubled the point of* 1.7 Anemurium (a cape or forland also of Cilicia) he had woon likewise the citie of * 1.8 Selinus. All these, and many other forts of that coast being yeelded unto him by composition, either for feare or willingly, without any assault, only Coracesium shut their gates against him, and staid his progresse beyond his expectation. There the embassadours of the Rhodians had audience. And albeit that embassie was such as might have set a king into a fit of choler and cha∣sed his bloud, yet he tempred his anger, and made answere that he would send his embassadors [unspec M] to Rhodes, and give them in charge to renew the auncient rights and privileges as well of his owne as of his auncestours with that citie and State, and to will them not to stand in feare of the kings comming, for that neither they nor any allies of theirs should susteine harme or da∣mage by him. For it was no part of his meaning to infringe and breake the amitie which he had

[unspec A] with the Romanes, as it may appeere as well by his late embassie sent unto them, as also by the honorable decrees and answeres made by the Senate and sent unto him. For it fortuned that even then the embassadors of king Antiochus were returned from Rome, having had a friendly audience there, and a gracious dispatch, according as the time required: for as yet the issue of the warre against Philip was uncerteine. Whiles the kings embassadors, delivered these points in the assemblie of the Rhodians, there arrived a post with newes, that the warre was ended by meanes of a victorie' atchieved by the Romanes against Philip at Cynoscephale. These tidings being once heard, the Rhodians past all feare now of Philip were of advise to meet Antiochus at sea with their navie. For they had a second care besides which they neglected not, to maintaine the libertie of those allied cities perteining to king Ptolome, against which, [unspec B] warre was menaced from Antiochus. Some they succoured with sending aid unto them, and others by fore-cast and geving them warning of the designements and enterprises of their enemies: whereby they were a cause, that the Caunij, Myndij, they of Halicamassus and Sa∣mos enjoyed still their entier freedome. But needlesse it is for me, to prosecute all the occur∣rents and affaires that passed in these parts, considering how I shall have enough to do, and hardly be able to set downe and go through with those that properly concerne the Romané warre. At the same time also king Attalus was brought sick from Thebes to Pergamus, and there departed this world in the 71 yeere of his age,* 1.9 when he had reigned 44. This man was beholden to fortune for nothing els but riches, that might commend him to the hope of a kingdome. He employed the same with such wisedome and magnificence, that first in his [unspec C] owne conceipt, and afterwards in the judgement of others, he was not thought unworthie to be a king. Afterwards when he had vanquished in one battaile the Gaules (a nation at that time newly arrived in Asia, and therefore the more dread and terrible) he tooke upon him to be stiled king, and ever after caried a mind answerable to the grandeur and majestie of that name. His owne subjects he governed with singular justice. To his allies he shewed himselfe most fast and faithfull. His friends he used with all kindnes and bountie. A wife and foure children he had living when himselfe died: and left his kingdome so sure and well setled, that the possession thereof continued firme to the third discent and generation after him.

Whiles things stood thus in Asia, Greece and Macedonie, and the warre with Philip scarcely ended, or at leastwise, peace not fully concluded, there arose a mightie warre in the province [unspec D] of Spaine beyond the river Iberus. M. Helvius at that time was governour there, who by his letters advertised the Senate, That Colcas and Luscinus, two princes in those parts, were gone out, and had taken armes; that with Colcas there banded seventeene townes, and with Lusci∣nus the strong and puissant cities Cardo and Bardo; that the whole sea coast, which hi∣therto by open revolt shewed not their rebellions heart, would doubtlesse upon the com∣motion of those their neighbours, make likewise an insurrection together with them. After these letters were red by M. Sergius the Pretour, who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and aliens, the LL. of the Senate ordeined, that after the election of new Pretours was past, he to whose lot the government of Spaine fell, should propose unto the Senate in all convenient speede as touching the warre in Spaine.

[unspec E] About that very time the Consuls repaired to Rome, (from their provinces) who held an as∣sembly of the Senate in the temple of Bellona: and when they demaunded triumph in conside∣ration of their good service, and happy exploits in warre atchieved: C. Atinius Labeo and C. Vi∣sanius, Tribunes of the Commons required, That the Consuls should speake severally by them∣selves concerning triumph: for suffer them they would not jointly to propound that thing in the house, to the end, that equall and semblable honour should not be conferred upon persons of unlike qualitie, woorth, and desert. And when Minutius inserred againe and said, That the province of Italie fell unto them both in one commission, and Cornelius seconded him with all, avening, That hee and his companion in government had managed all their affaires with one mind by common counsell and advise; that the Boians who passed over the river Po against him [unspec F] for to succour the Insubrians and Caenomans, were forced to turne backe againe to defend their owne, by reason that the other Consull his colleague made such wast and pillage in their fields and villages. The Tribunes confessed, that Cornelius indeed had atchieved so worthy exploits in warre, that there was no more doubt to be made of his triumph, than of rendring praise and thanks to the immortall gods: but neither hee nor any other citizen stood ever at any time in

such grace, favour and credit, that having obtained the honour of a triumph for himselfe, hee [unspec G] should impart that glorie unto his colleague and fellow, if hee were so shamelesse as to crave it. As for Q. Minutius (say they) he made some sleight skirmishes with the Ligurians not worth the talking of: mary in Fraunce he lost a good number of his souldiers. And with that they na∣med T. Invencius and Cneus the brother of Labeo, two colonels or Tribunes of the campe, who were slaine in an unfortunate battaile, with many a brave and hardie man besides, as well citizens as allies. And to conclude, there were some few towns and villages colourably yeelded and ren∣dred up for the time, without any assurance and securitie. These janglings and debates betweene the Consuls and the Tribunes continued for two daies: but in the end, the Consuls being over∣come with the importunitie of the Tribunes, were content to propose the matter distinctly by themselves. And with the generall voice and accord of all, a triumph was decreed for Cn. Corne∣lius. [unspec H] The Placentines also and men of Cremona, were a great cause that this Consul found more favour, by reason that they gave him thankes, and reported on his behalfe, that they were deli∣vered by his good meanes from the siege, yea and most of them recovered from servitude out of the hands of their enemies. Q. Minusius having only cast a proffer and made an assay of pro∣posing his cause to the Senate, seeing them wholly banded and set against him, said aloud, That in maintenance of Consular authoritie, and by vertue of that place, yea and according to the good example of divers noble and renowned personages, he would triumph, and aske them no leave, in the mount Albane. But Cn. Cornelius whiles he was still in office, triumphed over the Insubrians and Caenomanes. He carried in pompe before him a number of militarie ensignes: he caused great store of French spoile and pillage to passe in a pageant upon charriots taken [unspec I] from the enemies. Many noble men of Fraunce were led in a shew before his owne triumphant chariot: among whom (as some write) was Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians. But above all others, the goodliest fight was, a number of coloners & inhabitants of Cremona and Placentia, who with* 1.10 bonets or caps of libertie on their heads, followed his chariot. Hee bare in triumph 237500 Sesterces, 79000 Bigates of silver coine. He divided among his footmen seventie As∣ses apeece, to every horsman he gave double, and to ech Centurian triple so much. Q. Minutius likewise triumphed in mount Albane over the Ligurians and the Boians in Gaule. The honor of this triumph as it was lesse, in regard of the place, and of the name that went of his actes, as also because all men knew full well, that the charges went not out of the common chest or cham∣ber of the citie: so for number of ensignes, of chariots and spoiles gained from the enemies, it [unspec K] was in manner equall and comparable to the other. And of money hee brought well neere as much as Cornelius: for of brasse coine hee had in shew 254000 Asses, of silver coine in bigate pieces 53200. To common souldiours or footmen, to Centurians and horsemen, he gave as much as his colleague. After this triumph, there was a generall assembly held for the election of magistrates: wherein were created Consuls, L. Furius Purpurio, and M. Claudius Marcellus. The next day after, these Pretours were chosen, Q. Fabius Buteo, T. Sempronius Longus, Q. Mi∣nutius Thermus, M. Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fallo, and C. Laelius.

In the end of that former yeere, letters came from T. Quintius with this intelligence, That he had fought in battaile raunged with king Philip within Thessalie, where the armie of the ene∣mies was defeated and put to rout. These letters were first read in the Senate by Sergius the Pre∣tour, [unspec L] and then by order from the LL. in the publicke assembly of the people. For this happie successe, it was ordained, That there should be solemne processions for five daies. Shortly af∣ter, there arrived embassadours both from T. Quintius and also from the king. The Macedonians embassadours were brought without the citie to the place or hamlet called Villa publica, where they were appointed their lodging, rich presents were given them, & allowed they were the char∣ges for themselves and their traine. In the temple of Bellona the Senate was assembled, where there passed not many words by reason that the Macedonians promised, That the king should performe whatsoever the Senate would set downe. So (according to the auncient custome and manner) there were appointed ten Committees or Delegates, by whose advise and councell T. Quintius the Generall, was to present and tender unto Philip, articles and conditions of peace: [unspec M] provided, that in the said number of Delegates, P. Sulpitius and P. Valerius should be comprised by name; who when they were Consuls governed the province of Macedonie. The same day, the Cossanes demaunded and made suite, That the number of their coloners or inhabitants might be augmented: wher upon an order was graunted, That there should be a thousand new

[unspec A] enrolled to the former: with this proviso, that in this number none of them should be matti∣culated, who after the Consulship of P. Sulpitius and P. Villius had beene enemies to the people of Rome. The Romane games and plaies were that yeer exhibited, as well in the Circus as upon the stage in the Theatre, by the Aediles Curulè L. Cornelius Scipio, & Cn. Manlius Volso: which, as they were set out with more state and magnisicence than ever before, so they were beheld with more joy, contentment, and pleasure, in regard that all things fell out so fortunately in the warres: and they were renewed and represented all thrice over. As for the plaies called Plebeij, they were set forth no lesse than seven times one after another. Acilius Glabrio and C. Laelius ex∣hibited those pastimes: who also of their silver that arose of fines and forfeitures, caused three cast images of brasse to be made, and erected them to the honour of Ceres, Liber, and* 1.11 Libera.

[unspec B] Now when L. Furius and M. Claudius Marcellus were entred into their magistracie, and after question made concerning their provinces, the Senate passed a decree, That both of them jointly should governe Italie; they requested that they might cast lots for Macedonie and Italie together. Marcellus more desirous of the twaine of the province of Macedonie, alleadged, that the peace was not found, but counterfeit, pretended, and deceitfull; and that the king would take arms and war againe, in case the armie were withdrawne from thence: by which words he put the LL. of the Senate into a deepe studie and suspence, what to doe, or to thinke of it. And haply the Consuls had obtained their request, but that Q. Martius Rex, and C. Atinius Labeo, two Tribunes of the Commons, protested, that they would oppose themselves and crosse it by their negative voice, unlesse they might first propose unto the people to know, Whether [unspec C] their will and pleasure was to entertaine peace with king Philip, or no? This bill being preferred and read in the Capitoll before the people, was graunted, and all the tribes or wards, even five and thirtie, every one gave their affirmative voice, Vti rogâtis [i. So bee it as yee demaund.] And to the end, that all men might have more cause to rejoice that peace was confirmed with Mace∣donie, there came heavie newes out of Spaine, and letters were divulged abroad, containing thus much, That C. Sempronius Tuditanus the Viz-pretour in the hither province of Spaine, was vanquished in battell, that his armie was discomfited and put to flight, and divers men of name and marke slaine. That Tuditanus himselfe was carried forth of the medley greevously wounded, and soone after died. The province Italie was assigned for both the Consuls with those two legi∣ons which the former Consuls had in charge, and order graunted, that they should levie and en∣roll [unspec D] foure new legions, where of two should bee sent whether it pleased the Senate to appoint. And T. Quintius Flamininus was commaunded to rule his province still with the same armie, and his commission of longer government was renued. After this, the Pretours cast lots for the par∣ting of their provinces. L. Apustius Fullo obtained the jurisdiction of the citizens of Rome, and M. Acilius Glabres was lord cheefe justice betweene citizens and forrainers. Q. Fabius Buteo had the government of the base or farther Spaine, and Q. Minutius Thermus of the higher or hither Spaine. to C. Lalius fell Sicilie, and Sardinia to T. Sempronius Longus. And ordained it was, that unto Q. Fabius Buteo, and Q. Minutius, to whom the rule of the provinces in Spaine be∣fell, the Consuls should out of those foure legions which they had enrolled, deliver one legion apeece, which they thought good, and of allies and of the Latin nation, foure thousand footmen [unspec E] besides, and three hundred horsemen to either of them. And these Pretours were enjoined to go to their charges with all speed possible.

The warre in Spaine began afresh, in the fift after that the former together with the Punicke war was ended. But before that these Pretours went forth to this warre (which may be counted as it were new, in regard that the Spaniards now first, and never before, warred in their own proper name, without either leader or armie of Carthage) and before that the Consuls themselves de∣parted out of the citie, order was given, that according to the old custome, they should provide for the prodigious tokens that were reported L. Iulius as he rode on horse backe into the Sabines countrie, was both himselfe and his horse under him strucken dead with lightening. The temple of Feronia in the territorie of Capena, was likewise smitten and blasted from heaven. At the [unspec F] temple of Moneta, the yron heads of two speares were seene to burne on a light fire. A Wolfe happened to enter into the citie at the gate Esquilina, and ran through the most populous part thereof as farre as unto the market place, and so forward to the Tuscane street, and from thence through the Melium, and passed foorth againe at the gate Capena untouched, and in manner without taking any harme.

These prodigious signes were purged by the sacrifices of greater beasts. At the same time Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, [unspec G] who had governed the province of high Spaine before Tuditanus, entred the citie by order from the Senate in a kind of triumph, and carried before him in pompe 1515 pound weight of gold: of silver likewise in bullion 20000 pound weight: and in coine, 34550 de∣niers. L. Stertinius from the nether Spaine, brought into the treasurie 50000 pound weight of sil∣ver, and never pretended any hope that he had to obtaine a triumph. Moreover, of the prises and spoiles woon from the enemies, he caused two arches to bee erected in the beast market, even be∣fore the temple of Fortune, and the goddesse Matuta: and one besides in the grand Cirque or shew place. And upon these arches he set up guilded Statues. These were all the affairs, to speake of, that passed this winter season.

There wintered at that time in Athens, Quintius. And among many other suters that came [unspec H] unto him with their petitions, the Boeotians exhibited a request, and obtained the same, to wit, that as many of their nation as had served in the warres under Philip, might bee restored and sent home againe unto them: which was easily graunted by Quintius, not so much, for that hee thought them worthie of that favour, but because hee was to win the love and affections of the States in Greece unto the Romane name, now especially that he had some doubt of king Anti∣ochus. They were not delivered so soone, but seene it was, how little the Boeotians would bee be∣holden to him for it. For they sent presently unto Philip, and gave him thankes for the rendering of those men, as if they had beene delivered by him, and not by Quintius and the Romanes. And in their next assembly generall for their solemne election, they chose one Barcillas for their Boeotarches, or lord governour of Boeotia; for no other reason, but because hee had beene the [unspec I] Colonell of those Boeotians that bare armes for the king: but they passed by Zeasippus, Pisistra∣tus, and others, that had persuaded to make a league with the Romanes. This wrought discontent∣ment in these persons for the present, and feare for the time to come. For thus they reasoned with themselves, If they would doe thus whiles the Romane armie lay encamped neere to their gates, what should become of them when the Romanes were departed into Italie, and whiles Philip was so neere at hand to assist those that sided with him, and to annoy those of the adverse part and faction? Therefore they complotted and concluded in the end to make away Barcillas, the head of the kings bend, whiles the Romane forces were at hand. And so chusing a convenient and fit opportunitie for their purpose, at what time as he returned homeward drunk from a pub∣licke solemne feast, accompanied with certaine pleasant and effeminate persons, who to make [unspec K] sport and mirth had been at that great feast; he was forlaied and beset with sixe armed men, wher∣of three were Italians, and three Aetolians, and so murdered. His traine that attended him ran away, and raised hui and crie, and called for helpe. Much trouble & hurliburly there was through out the citie, much running to and fro with torch-light. But they that did the deed, were escaped out at the next gate. In the morning betimes the people in great number assembled in the Thea∣ter, being called together by the voice of the common bedle, as if the murderers had beene de∣tected. Openly it was in every mans mouth, that he was killed by his owne retinue, even those fil∣thie want on persons that he had about him: but secretly in their minds they deemed Zeusippus the author of the murder. For the present it was thought good to apprehend them that were in his traine, and that they should be examined. Whiles search was made for them, Zeusippus came [unspec L] forth into the assembly, with the like intent to avert all suspition of crime from himselfe, saying, that men were much deceived to thinke, that so horrible and straunge a murder was committed by such weaklings and persons as they were. This hee argued and discoursed by many likely∣hoods and prohabilities to the same effect: by which meanes some were verily persuaded that if himselfe had beene guiltie of the fact, hee would never have offered and presented himselfe in the face of the assembly, or broched any words at all of the murder, especially when no man urged him thereto. Others there were againe, who made no doubt, but by this impu∣dent face, his drift was to prevent an accusation, and to turne away all suspition from himselfe. The innocent and guiltlesse creatures within a while after being examined upon the racke and tortured, knowing what was the generall opinion and conceit of men, made their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the [unspec M] same for to bolt out and reveale the fact; and so they named Zeusippus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the principals; without any presumption or light given how they should seem to come to the know∣ledge of anything. Howbeit Zeusippus (accompanied with one Strattoni••a••) fled by night to Ta∣nagra, fearing the remorse and pricke of his owne conscience more than the appeaching and

[unspec A] information of those persons who neither were partie nor privie to any thing. But Pisistratus ma∣king no regard of these accusers, remained still at Thebes. Now had Zeusippus one bondslave, (whose hand was in all this action, and had beene a courriour betweene) whome Pisistratus fea∣red that he would bewray him, and by that very feare caused him to open and declare the whole matter. He dispatched therefore his letters unto Zeusippus, advising him to rid that slave out of the way, who was privie to their dealing; advertising him, that in his conceit he was not so meet to conceale the thing now done, as he was a fit instrument at the time to execute the same. The bearer of these letters hee straightly charged to deliver them unto Zeusippus immediatly with all speed. But he because he could not spie a convenient time to meet with him himselfe; gave the letters to the verie same slave, whom he supposed to be most fast and trustie to his ma∣ster: [unspec B] adding moreover and saying, That they came from Pisistratus unto Zeusippus, and impor∣ted matter of great consequence. The bondslave promised to deliver them incontinently, but being touched in conscience, hee was so bold as to breake them open; and when hee had read them through, he fled backe in great feare to Thebes (where he bewrayed Pisistratus.) Zeusippus troubled in spirit for the flight of his bondman, retired himselfe to Athens, supposing it a place of more securitie to live in, as a banished man. As for Pisistratus, after he had beene divers times examined upon the racke, was put to death in the end. This murder wonderously estranged the Thebans and Baeotians, and set their hearts against the Romans; in so much as they hated and detested them to death, taking great indignation that Zeusippus (a principall & chiefe personage of their nation) had committed so foule and heinous a fact. To rebell in open tearmes, they [unspec C] had neither force sufficient to maintaine them, nor a principall head to direct and lead them, Whereupon they fell to that which is next cousen to plaine warre, even to theeving and rob∣bing by the high waies side, in such sort, as they surprised as well some souldiours who lodged neere unto them, and were their guests, as others that wandred and ranged abroad-from the garisons in winter time, and travailed about their affaires, who other whiles were caught up by the way, and came short home. Some passengers were killed in the port-rode-waies, by those that lay in wait for them in notorious theevish corners: others were trained and led deceitfully through by-lanes into desert places, there to take up their innes and lodging, and then were murdred. At length they played these prancks, not only of malice unto them, but also for gree∣die desire of bootie and spoile, by reason that commonly these waisaring men went about [unspec D] their trade & merchandise, and therefore had some charge about them, and caried silver in their belts. Now when as at first there were some out of the way, and every day more than other many men missing, and no man knew what was become of them, all* 1.12 Boeotia began to have an ill name, and the souldiers were more afraid to travaile there, than in the enemies countrey. Then Quintius sent certeine embassadors to all the cities for to make complaint of these robbe∣ries and enormities. Many footmen there were found dead about the meere or lake* 1.13 Copais, where their cark asses were raked forth of the mud and mire, and drawne out of the standing wa∣ter, tied and fastened as they were to heavie stones or some great vessels, that by their poise they might be plunged, and sinke to the bottome. Many such like outrages were found to have beene committed at Acraephea and Coronea. Quintius at the first demaunded to have the offenders [unspec E] delivered unto him, and for five hundred souldiours (for so many were caught up by the way and murdered) he enjoined the Boeotians to make paiment of five hundred talents of silver. But the cities would doe neither the one nor the other onely they paied them with bare words, and excu∣sed themselves in that nothing had beene done by publicke warrant or counsell from the State. Where upon the embassadors were sent to Athens, and into Achaea, to make protestation unto their allies, that they would pursue the Boeotians with open warre, upon good ground and just cause offred. And so after hee had given commaundement unto P. Claudius to goe unto Acrae∣phea with one part of his forces, himselfe with the other set him down about Coronea, & planted siege unto it. But first the territorie was laid wast all the way as the two armies marched from Ela∣tia in divers quarters. The Boeotians plagued with these losses and calamities, seeing nothing but [unspec F] feare and flight in every place, sent their embassadours unto him: but when they could not be ad∣mitted into the campe, the Achaeans and the Athenians were faine to come with them. The Achaeans were of greater credite, to entreat in their behalfe: for unlesse they might obtaine par∣don and peace for the Baeotians, they determined also to enter into the quarrel, and to make war themselves. By whose mediation the Baeotians had accesse unto the Romane generall, and audi∣ence

once graunted. Who after they were enjoyned to deliver up the offendors and malefactors to [unspec G] Instice, and to pay thirtie talents for amends and satisfaction, obteined peace; and so the siege was raised.

After some few dayes, the ten Delegates or Committees from Rome were arrived, by whose advise and counsell peace was articled and capitulated with king Philip, upon these conditions: Imprimis, That all the Greeke cities, as well in Europe as in Asia, should enjoy their libertie, and live under their owne lawes. Item, That Philip should withdraw his garisons out of as many of them as had bin in subjection under him. Item, That he do the like by those which were in Asia, to wit, Euromos, Pedasae, Bargyllae, Iassus, Myrina, Abydus, Thassus, and Perinthus: all which, the Romanes required to be free. As concerning the libertie and freedome of the Cyani, it was covenanted, That Iuintius should write his letters to Pratias the king of the Bithynians, giving [unspec H] him to understand the advise and pleasure of the Senate, and the ten Delegates aforesaid. Item, That Philip render all the prisoners and fugitive traitours, to the Romanes, and yeeld up all the covered ships with hatches: and over and besides, one huge roiall Galiace or Argosey, which by reason of the exceeding bignesse was unweldie and of little use, and was directed with 16 banks of ores on a side. Item, That he should not have above five hundred men in armes, nor one Ele∣phant at all. Item, That he should not warre (but by leave and permission of the Senate) without the marches of Macedonie. Item, That he pay unto the people of Rome a thousand talents, the one halfe in hand, and the other at ten payments, within the terme of ten yeeres. Valerius An∣tias writeth moreover, that there was imposed upon him a tribute of foure thousand pound weight of silver yeerely, for ten yeeres: and besides, twentie thousand pound weight presently. [unspec I] The same author saith, that expressely it was capitulated, that Philip should not warre at all with Eumenes the sonne of Attalus, who was newly come to the crowne. For the assurance of these covenants, there were received hostages, and amongst them. Demetrius king Philip his sonne. Valerius Antias hath written moreover, that the Iland Aegina, and certein Elephants were geven In pure gift to Attalus in his absence: and that upon the Rhodians was bestowed Stratonicea, a citie in Caria, with other cities also which Philip had possessed. To conclude, that the Athe∣niens received of free gift these Iiles following, to wit, Paros, Imbros, Delos, and Scyros.

When all the States of Greece approved and thought well of this peace, only the Aetolians secretly muttered and sound fault with this order set downe by the ten Delegates abovesaid: geving out, that they were but bare letters and vaine words, shadowed with a counterfer appa∣rance [unspec K] of libertie. For to what end, say they, should some cities be delivered, to the Romanes, and those not named? others againe be named, and yet order taken, that they without deliverie should be free? but only for this purpose, that those cities which are in Asia should beset free, because they be farre off and therefore in more safetie; but those that are in Greece, being not precisely named, should be seised upon by them, to wit, Corinth, Chalcis, and Oreum, with Eretrias and Demetrias. And to say a truth, this finding fault of theirs was not altogether srivo∣lous, and without ocasion geven: for some doubt there was of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias: because in the order and act of the Senate, by vertue whereof those ten Delegates aforesaid were sent from the citie, all other cities of Asia and of Greece were doubtlesse in plaine termes freed: but as touching the three before named, the Delegates had in commission to take or∣der, [unspec L] as they should see it stand with the good of the Common-wealth, according to their owne judgement and discretion, and the trust that was committed unto them. For well they wist that king Antiochus would passe over into Europe, so soone as ever he could bring his affaires about to his mind, and unwilling they were on any hand, that these cities so commodious for his dessignes, should lye open and readie to his hand for to seise upon at his pleasure. So Iuintius together with the ten Delegates, sailed from Elatia to Anticyra, and from thence to Corinth, where they held their counsaile and consulted of their affaires. Iuintius would est soones say unto them, That all Greece might be delivered and set at libertie, if they could restreine the tongues of the Aetolians: if they were willing that their good affection should be deemed sin∣cere, and the majestie of the Romane name mainteined among all: finally if they would pretend [unspec M] and make it knowne abroad, that they were passed the seas to set Greece free, and not after they had shaken off the seignorie of Philip, to translate it unto themselves. The other againe, contra∣dicted nothing as touching the libertie of those cities: howbeit, they made remonstrance, that it was the safer course for them, to remaine awhile under the protection and safegard of the

[unspec A] Romanes, than that in steed of Philip they should receive Antiochus for their Lord. In conclu∣sion decreed it was, That Corinth should be rendred to the Achaens, but yet so, that there should be a Romane garison in the highest quarter of the citie called Acrocorinthus. Item, That Chalcis and Demetrias should be reteined still, untill such time as they were no more in feare and doubt of Antiochus.

Now approched the ordinarie solemnitie of the Isthmian games, unto which at all times usually there was great recourse of people, as well in regard of the naturall disposition of that nation (desirous to see such sports and pastimes, wherin was represented the triall of maistries in all kind of arts, in all feates either of agilitie and nimblenes of the bodie) as also in respect of the commodious seate of the place: whereunto from all parts of Greece [unspec B] they repaired thither by two divers and sundrie seas. But being amused in expectation to know what the estate of Greece, and what their owne particular condition would be hereafter, divers men not only devised secretly with themselves, but also gave out and whispered in their speech and talke.

Well, the Romanes were set to behold this solemnitie: and the publick Crier with a trumpetter went forth into the mids of the Cirque of shew place, from whence the manner was to proclaime the sports and games aforesaid in a solemne set forme of words: and after he had by sound of trumpet made silence, he pronounced with a loud voice in this maner, Be it knowne unto all men, that the Senate of Rome, and Q.Iuintius the Generall of their armie, having van∣quished king Philip and the Macedonians, do ordeine, that the Corinthians, the Phocensians, and the Locrensians, be all free, and delivered from all taxes whatsoever, and to live according to [unspec C] their owne lawes. Item, That the Isle Euboea, the Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians, A∣cheans, and Phthiotes do enjoy the like freedome and immunitie. And consequently he re∣hersed all the nations which had bene in subjection to Philip. Vpon this proclamation of the beadle, there was such joy, that men were not able to conceive and comprehend it.

Every man could hardly beleeve that had heard the thing which he so wished and desired asore to heare: one looked upon another wondring at the matter as if it had ben a vain vision or illusion of some dreame: and well they trusted not their own cares in hearing that which particularly concerned every one, but enquired of them that stood next unto them. The crier was called back againe: such a desire had each one not only to heare the glad tidings, but also to behold the happie mes∣senger of this their libertie: and no remedie there was, but once againe he must publish & pro∣nounce [unspec D] the same. Now when their joy was once confirmed, they set up such a shour, & followed it so with clapping of hands, redoubling the same so often, as evidently it appeared, how there is no earthly good in the world more pleasing and welcome unto a multitude, than is libertie. After this, the games were, perfourmed in such hast, that neither the mind of any man was bent to intend, nor the eye to behold the sight thereof, so wholly had that one joy possessed them and forestalled the sence of all other pleasures and delights. But when the pastime were once ended, they all in manner ran apace to the Romane Generall, in such sort, that his person was in some daunger of the multitude, crowding so hard upon him alone, for desire they had to come unto him, touch his right hand, and to cast garlands of flowers and labels of sundrie colours upon him: but beeing a man fast upon three and thirtie yeeres of age; both the vigour [unspec E] of youth, and also the joy that he tooke for the accomplishment of so glorious an act, affourded him strength enough to abide the prease of the people. This gladnes of all men, shewed itselfe not onely for the present, but continued also for many daies space, entertained not onely in thankful minds, but expressed also in joyfull discourses: namely, That there was one nation yet in the world, which at their proper cost and charges, with their owne paine and perill, made warre for the freedome of others: who affourded this favour and pleasure not to neighbours and bor∣derers onely, or to those that were joyned neere to them in the continent and firme land, but passed over the seas; to the end, that throughout the whole world, there should be no unjust and tyrannicall government, but in all places, right, reason, and law, might prevaile most and carry greatest sway. Loe, how by the onely voice of one Bedle all the cities of Greece and Asia are set [unspec F] free. To conceive and enterprise so great a thing, proceedeth from a brave mind and noble heart: but to effect the same, is a singular vertue and rare felicitie.

This done, Iuintius and the ten Delegates gave audience to the embassages of divers kings and princes, nations and states. And first of all others were the embassadours of king Antiochus called in: who used the same speech in manner that they had at Rome, vaunting great words

without any ground and substance of credit. But answere was returned unto them, not covertly [unspec G] by way of circumstance as aforetime (when Philip was on foot and things stood doubtfull) but openly in plaine tearmes. Inprimis, That Antiochus must quit and abandon all the cities of Asia, which belonged at any time either to king Philip or king Ptolomeus. Item, That he medle not with any free citie or state, and especially with those of Greece: but above all, warned he was and forbidden, either to passe over himselfe, or to send any forces into Europe. After the kings embassadours were licensed to depart, all the nations and states had a generall session and mee∣ting together, which was the sooner dispatched, for that in the decrees of the ten Delegates all the cities and states were pronounced by name. Vnto the Orestians (a people in Macedonie) for that they revolted first from the king, their own lands and priviledges were restored. The Mag∣nesians, the Perraebians and Dolopians were likewise declared free. Vnto the people of Thessalie [unspec H] over and above the graunt of their libertie, the Phthiotian Achaeans were annexed, excepting the citie of Thebes in Phthia and Pharsalus. As for the Aetolians who required, that according to covenant Pharsalus and Leucas should be rendered unto them, they were put over unto the Senat. But they awarded them the Phocenses and Locrenses, with other appertinances adjoy∣ned before by vertue of the decree. Corinth, Triphylia, and Herea (which also is a citie of Pe∣loponnesus) were rendred unto the Achaeans. Moreover, these ten Delegates gave Oreum and Eretria unto Eumenes the sonne of Attalus, but by reason that Iuintius would not agree thereto, the matter was referred over to the Senat for to be decided: and the Senat graunted freedome unto these cities, togither with Caristus. Vnto Pleurasus were freely given Lingus and Parthe∣nius,* 1.14 which were two nations in Illyricum, and had beene hoth subject to Philip. It was ordai∣ned [unspec I] also, that Aminander should hold those castles stil, which during the warres he had won from Philip. When the assembly was dissolved, the ten Delegates having divided betweene them∣selves their severall charges, departed every man to set free the cities of their particular regions and quarters. P. Lentulus to Bargyllae. L. Stertinius to Hephaestra, Thassus, and other citties of Thracia; P. Villius & L. Terentius toward king Antiochus; and Cn. Cornelius toward Philip. Vnto whome, after Cornelius had declared his commission concerning some smaller matters, and withall demaunded of him, Whether he could with patience abide to heare councell not onely profitable unto himselfe, but also necessarie? The king made answere againe and said, That hee would not onely give him the hearing, but also yeeld him, thankes besides, in case he would deli∣ver ought unto him for his good. Whereupon hee persuaded him earnestly, that for as much [unspec K] as he had obtained peace alreadie, he should send his embassadors to Rome, to crave league also and amitie: to the end, that if Antiochus began to stirre, he might not be thought to have atten∣ded and waited for some occasions and opportunities to make warre. [This conference and communication with Philip was at Tempe in Thessalie.] And when he answered, That he would immediatly dispatch his embassadours; Cornelius came to Thermopylae, where a solemne Diet and assembly of all Greece is woont to be held upon certaine set daies, and thither resort great numbers of people. Which meeting is called Pylaicum: where hee advised the Aetolians espe∣cially to persevere constant and faithfull in the amitie of the people of Rome. Some of the prin∣cipall Aetolians seemed to complaine betweene whiles, that the Romanes were not so well af∣fected to their nation after victorie, as they were in time of the warre: but others, more sharply [unspec L] blamed and reproched them, yea and upbraided them with this, That Philip could not have beene vanquished, no nor the Romanes ever able so much as to passe over into Greece, without the helpe of the Aetolians. Cornelius forbare to make answere against to those points, for feare of farther wrangling and altercation; and promised, that if they sent to Rome they should obtaine any thiug that was reason. Whereupon by his advise and approbation, there were deputed Em∣bassadours. This was the issue and end of the warre with Philip.

Whiles these affaires thus passed in Greece, Macedonie, and Asia, all Tuscane in maner was gon out & risen up in arms, by occasion of a conspiracie of bondslaves. For to inquire into these troubles and to represse the same, there was sent M. Acilius a Pretour (who had the civill juris∣diction betweene citizens and aliens) with one of the two legions of Romaine citizens. Some of [unspec M] them, who were alreadie assembled together and growen to an head, he overcame in fight: of whome, many were slaine, and many taken prisoners. Others he scourged and roundly trussed up, hanging them on gybbets, even as many as were the principall and chiefe of the conspira∣cie: and others there were whome he sent home againe to their masters.

[unspec A] Now the Consuls were gone into their provinces. Marcellus so soone as he was entred into the marches of the Boij, and had over-wearied his souldiers with marching all day long, sate him downe upon a certaine rising of a hill, and there as he was in camping himselfe and his men, Co∣rolamus a prince or great L. of the Boij, with a mightie power assailed and charged him, and slew upon three thousand of his men. In which sodaine and tumultuarie skirmish, certaine brave men of marke were slaine; among whome were T. Sempronius Gracchus, and M. Iunius Syllanus two Colonels of the allies: also A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius two knight marshals or Tribunes of the second legion. Howbeit the Romans strongly fortified their tents and defended them valiantly, which the enemies upon their fortunate victorie had long assailed to no effect. And in the same standing campe he continued certaine daies, whiles he cured his souldiours of their wounds, and [unspec B] recovered their hearts after so great a fright. The Boij (as they are a nation that of all things can not endure any tedious delay of time) dispersed themselves into their townes and forts. Then Marcellus presently crossed ihe Po, and led his armie into the territorie of Comun, where the Insubrians lay incamped after they had sollicited and caused those of * 1.15 Comum to take armes. The legions made no more adoe, but gave them battaile in the verie way: and at the first en∣counter the enemies charged them so hotely, that they forced the forefront of the battaile to recule. Which when Marcellus perceived, fearing least beeing once disordered they should be repulsed and discomfited, he made out a cohort of Marsians to make head; and at once set forth all the troupes of the Latine Cavallerie against them. Their first and second charge both, migh∣tily impeached and quailed the enemie, advauncing forward lustily and preassing upon them [unspec C] in great furie: whereby the rest of the Romane armie taking heart againe and being encoura∣ged, at the first received them manfully and made resistance only, but afterwards followed fierce∣ly upon them: in so much as the Gaules were able no longer to abide their violence, but turned their backe, tooke them to their heeles, and ran away by heapes. Valerius Antius writeth, that in this battaile there were 40000 men slaine and above, 507 militarie ensignes taken, with 432 chariots: besides many chaines of gold, where of Claudius presented one (verie massie above the rest and of great weight) unto Iupiter, which was hung up within the temple in the Capitoll, as he writeth. The same day was the campe of the Gaules forced and ransackt, and the towne of Comum also within few daies taken by assault. Vpon this there were eight and twentie boroughs or forts, that fell away and revolted to the Consull. But the Historiographers agree not upon [unspec D] this, Whether the Consull led his forces against the Insubrians first, or the Boians; and whether he rased out the dishonour of a former foile and defeature by a fortunate victorie in this battell: or contrariwise, after a prosperous fight atchieved before Comum, hee blotted and defaced the same with a shamefull overthrow received at the Boians hand.

During this variable and alternative fortune, L. Purpurio the other Consull, marched into the Boians countrie through the tribe Sappinia. And when hee was approched neere to a castle called * 1.16 Mutilum, he feared least he should be enclosed and intercepted by the Boians and Ligu∣rians: wherupon he retired with his forces the same way that he came, and fetching a great com∣passe about through the open countrie in safetie & securitie, he came at length to his colleague. Who having joined both their powers together, first raunged over the Boians territories, wa∣sting [unspec E] and spoiling untill they came as farre as * 1.17 Felsina. This towne with other strong burroughes and forts, and in a manner all the Boians yeelded themselves, save onely their youth, who were up in armes to pill and spoile, and were at that time retired unto the forrest and glins out of the way. After this the armie marched toward the Ligurians. The Boians making full account to as∣saile the Romane armie at unwares, which marched without good regard of themselves, and not close together (for that their enemies seemed to beefarre oft) followed after through the blind and couvert forrests. But when they saw that they could not overtake them, they suddainely all at once passed over the Po in small bothomes and punts, and after they had spoiled and pilled the Levians and Libuans, as they returned from thence with a bootie raised out of the countrie, they chaunced in the utmost frontiers of Liguria, to light upon the armie of the Romanes in their [unspec F] march. Sooner and with more eagernesse fell they to fight, than if they had appointed both time and place, and been prepared aforehand to strike a battell. There it well appeared, of what force anger is to pricke on and sharpen mens spirits to conflict. For the Romans more greedie of mur∣der and bloudshead, than of victorie, fought so, as they scarce left the enemies one messenger to carie the newes of their unhappie overthrow. In regard of these exploits, upon the Consuls let∣ters

brought to Rome, ordained it was, that there should be a solemne procession and thanksgi∣ving [unspec G] to the gods for three daies. Shortly after Marcellus came to Rome, unto whome was graun∣ted a triumph with great consent of the LL. of the Senat; and whiles hee was in his magistracie he triumphed over the Insubrians and Comians, leaving for his Colleague good hope likewise of a triumph, because himselfe (to say a truth) in that nation fought but unfortunately, whereas his colleague sped well enough, and had a luckie hand. Much spoile of the enemies was caried in a pompe, upon the chariots that were taken and won from them. Many ensigns and banners were borne in a shew, besides in monie, to the value of 320000 asses of brasse coine; and 234000 bigate peeces of silver. The footmen had 800 asses given them apeece, every horseman and cen∣turion had thrice as much.

The same yeare king Antiochus, whiles he kept his winter at Ephesus, assaied to reduce all the [unspec H] cities and States of Asia unto the auncient forme of governement and subjection, assuring him∣selfe, that the rest would not be hard to be subdued and brought under, because the townes were either situate upon plaines, or nothing well fortified with walls, and not furnished with men and munition. As for * 1.18 Smyrna and * 1.19 Lampsacus, they stood upon their freedom, and challenged it. Doubted it was, and great daunger, that if he should let them goe cleere away so, some cities in Aeolis and Ionia would take after Smyrna, and others in Hellespontus follow the example of Lampsacus. Therefore both himselfe sent from * 1.20 Ephesus to lay siege unto Smyrna, and gave commaundement, That the forces which were at Abydus (leaving only a small garison behind) should be led to the siege and assault of Lampsacus. And yet hee threatened and terrified them not so much with forces and violence, but assaied them rather by faire meanes, sending to them [unspec I] his embassadours, so as, partly by flattering and gentle words wherewith he entertained them, and partly by mild reproofe for their rashnesse and obstinacie, hee endevoured to put them in some hope, that shortly they should have whatsoever they desired: & then, both they themselves, and all others should evidenly see, that they had obtained their libertie by the especiall grace and fa∣vour of the king, and not usurped and gained it by occasion of some advantage and opportuni∣tie. To this they answered againe, That Antiochus ought neither to marvell, nor be offended and displeased at them, if they could not well endure the hope which they had of freedome, thus to be deferred from time to time. Then he departing from Ephesus in the beginning of the spring failed unto Hellespontus with his fleet.* 1.21 His land forces he transported over to Madytos a city in Chersonnesus, & joined them to his strength by sea. And because the shut the gates upon him [unspec K] he environned the towne with armed men, and when hee was at the point to give the assault, and to bend his engines of batterie against the walls, it was surrendered into his hands. Vpon the like feare the inhabitants also of other cities in Chersonesus yeelded themselves. After this hee came to * 1.22 Lysimachia, with his whole power, as well of land-soldiours as sea-servitours. And fin∣ding it abandoned, ruinate, and lying (as it were) along, (for but few yeeres before the Thracians had forced, sacked, and burn it) he had a great desire to reare and set upright againe that noble and famous citie, seated in so good and commodious a place. And therefore he took great care, and emploied all his endevour to re-edifie the walls, to re-build the edifices, to redeem and ran∣some the Lysimachians that were in slaverie, to seeke out all those that were dispersed over Hel∣lespontus lespontus and Chersonesus, and gather them together, yea, and to enroll new inhabitants upon [unspec L] hope of gaine and profit, and by all meanes possible to store and people the citie againe. And withall, because he would ease them of the feare they had of the Thracians, hee went in person with the one halfe of his land forces to wast and spoile the confines of Thrace; the other part with all the sea-souldiours and marriners the left hard at worke about the repairing of the citie.

About this time as L. Cornelius (being sent by the Senate to compose the controuersies and variance betweene the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolomeus) abode at Selymbria; so of the ten Commissioners abovesaid, P. Lentulus departed from Bargyllae, P. Villius and L.T. Terentius from Thassus, and arrived all three at Lysimachia: where L. Cornelius likewise met them from Selym∣bria; and a few daies after king Antiochus, being newly returned out of Thracia. The first mee∣ting and saturation betweene him and the Commissioners was friendly and courteous, yea, and [unspec M] there passed to and fro afterwards divers amiable kindnesses and loving entertainements mutu∣ally. But when they entred once to parle of their commission that they had in charge, and of the present State of Asia, then there was frounsing, and their bloud up.

The Romane agents stucke not to tell him to his face, that all that he had done, since he tooke the sea, and departed with his

[unspec A] fleet out of Syria, was displeasant unto the Senate, saying, That they thought it meet, that all the cities should bee restored unto king Ptolomeus, which had been under his dominion. For as tou∣ching those townes, which sometime Philip had been possessed of, and which Antiochus had sur∣prised and seased upon, taking this time and vantage, when Philip was emploied another way in the Romane warres, it was no reason, nor a thing tollerable, that the Romanes should for so ma∣ny yeares space, by land and sea endure so great toile, and hazard such perils, and suffer Antischus in the end to goe away with the fruit & reward of all the service. But set the case, that the Romans would take no knowledge of his comming into Asia, as a matter impertinent unto them; can they dissimule also, that now he is come over into Europe with all his forces both for land & sea, and little wanteth of making open warre upon the Romanes? Marie, as for him, he will not let to [unspec B] denie, that he levieth any warre, although he were arrived and landed in Italie. To these challen∣ges the king made answere and said, That he saw well ynough and knew before, that the Romans were inquisitive and curious ynough to search what king Antiochus ought to doe, but they never once thought of their own selves, how far forth they should by right proceed, as wel by lands as by sea. As for Asia, it pertained not at all to the people of Rome, neither had they more reason to enquire what Antiochus did in Asia, than Antiochus to search into the actions of the people of Rome in Italie. As concerning Ptolomeus, from whom they complaine, that he had taken certain cities; he did them to understand, that there was amitie betweene him and Ptolomeus, and they were now in tearmes of knitting themselves shortly in neerer bonds of alliance & affinitie. Nei∣ther sought hee the spoile of Philip, and to enrich himselfe by his adversitie and misfortune: or [unspec C] passed over into Europe against the Romanes ***** But when he was vanqui∣shed once,* 1.23 all that ever he had, by right and law of warre, became the possesions of Selencus, and so consequently (as he tooke it) appertained unto him. And during the time, that his progenitors and predecessors, were busied and troubled with other affaires, first Ptolomeus catched at some things, and Philip after at other, & so between them they usurped & seized upon on other mens pos∣sessions, and namely, of certaine places neere and hard by in Thracia, which without all contro∣versie belonged unto Lysimachus. For to reduce which into their auncient State, hee was thiter come, and now was in hand to reedifie Lysimachia anew, lately destroied by the violence of the Thracians, to the end, that Seleucus his sonne might hold it as the roiall seat of his kingdome.

Thus as they continued arguing an d debating for certain daies, there ran a rumour, but without [unspec D] any certaine author, that king Ptolomeus was dead: whereupon they could grow to no conclusion of all their parlies: yet they made semblance on both sides, that they heard nothing thereof. And as wel L. Cornelius, who was sent in embassage to both the kings, Antiochus and Ptolomeus, reque∣sted respite of some small time to conferre with Ptolomeus, to the end that himselfe might be arri∣ved in Aegypt, before any alteration were made in the new possession of that kingdome: as also Antiochus made reckning, that Aegypt would be his, if this good occasion then were presented unto him. Therefore having dismissed the Romanes, and left his sonne Selencus behind him with all the land forces, for to finish the building againe of Lysimachia which he had begun, himselfe with all his fleete sailed to Ephesus: and having sent his embassadors to Iuintius, to treate soberly about a league and amitie, he coasted along Asia, and so arrived in * 1.24 Lycia. And [unspec E] when he heard for certein at * 1.25 Patarae that Ptolomeus was yet living, he gave over his purpose of sailing into Aegipt: yet neverthelesse he shaped his course and set saile for Cyprus: and when he had doubled the point of Chelidonium, he stayed awhile in * 1.26 Paymphylia about the river * 1.27 Eury∣medon, by occasion of a mutinie among the mariners and oremen. From thence he weighed ankar, and when he was sailed as farre as a place called [The heads of the river * 1.28 Sarus] there arose agoust and fearefull tempest, wherein he had like to have bene cast away and drowned with all his fleet. Many of his ships were run aground, & many of them swallowed up of the sea, so as there escaped not one of them by swimming to land. A number of men there perished, not of base ma∣riners only, and unknowne common soldiers, but also his neere and especiall friends. Having rallied the dispersed reliques of this shipwrack, seeing he had no meanes and was not able to [unspec F] reach and gaine Cyprus, he returned againe to Seleucia, with an armie nothing so puissant not so well furnished, as when he set out in his voyage. There he commaunded his ships to be haled aland, and laid up in their docks (for winter now approched) and himselfe tooke his journey to * 1.29 Antiochea, there to lye all that winter time. And in these termes stood the affaires of the kings.

At Rome, there were first instituted in this yeere three Triumvirs called Epulones, to wit, [unspec G] C. Lecimius Lucullus, T. Romalesus (who was the man that put up the bill for their creation) and P. Percius Lecco. And by a law in that behalfe ordeined, these Triumvirs were allowed as well as a Bishop, the long embrodered robe of purple. But in this yeere great debate and variance there was betweene the Questors or Treasurers of the citie Q.Fabius Labeo, and L. Aurelius of the one side, and all the Priests on the other side. These Treasurers were at some fault for money, because they were minded and appointed to make the last paiment unto certeine privat persons, for the [unspec H] loane silver which they had disbursed for the warres: these monies the Treasurers demaunded of the Augurs and Bishops, to furnish out the said paiment; for that during the warres, they only had not bene contributers in any levie. The Priests appealed to the Tribunes, and called for their lawfull favour: but all was in vaine, and so they were forced to satisfie all the arrereages for the yeres past, wherein they had paid nothing. This yeere there died two Bishops, and new were enstalled in their townes. M. Marcellus the Consull entred in place of T. Sempronius Tuditanns, who deceased Pretour in Spaine; and L. Valerius insteed of M. Cornelius Cethegus. I. Fabius Maximus also an Augur died a very yong man, before he had borne any office of State: but for that yeere there was not substituted a new Augur in his towne.

After this, M. Marcellus the Consull held the solemne assembly for the election of Con∣suls. And Consuls were created L. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Porcius Cato. Then were the Pretors chosen, namely, C. Fabricius Luscinus, Cn. Atinius Labeo, C. Manlius Volsse, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Mantius, and P. Porcius Lecca. The Aediles of the chaire M. Fulvius Nobilior, and C. Flaminius divided among the people 1000000 Modij of wheare, at two asses a modius. This store of come [unspec I] had the Sicilians brought to Rome, for the honor of C. Flaminius and his father. And Flaminius was content that his companion in office should reape a full part of the thanks for this gratuitie. The games called Romain were exhibited in most sumptuous manner, and thrice represented all over againe. The Aediles of the Commons Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, and C. Sempronius, who also was the high parish-Priest, and Super-intendent, called Cario Max. called in question many of the citie bailites that gathered their rents for pastures, judicially to answere upon their ac∣coumpts before the people. Three of them were condemned, and of their silver-raised upon two dayes, and a solemne publick feast was celebrated in regard of them.

The same day that L. Valerius Flaccus and M. Porcius entred their office, they proposed unto [unspec K] the Senate concerning the government of the provinces. And order was given by the LL. of the Counsell, that for as much as the warre increased so in Spaine, as required not only a Con∣sular armie, but a Consull also for the leader; the Consuls should either agree betweene them∣selves for the government of the two provinces, to wit, the hither Spaine, and Italie, or els to cast lots therefore: that he whose hap it was to rule Spaine, should have with him two legions, five thousand Latin allies, and five hundred horse; and likewise to have the conduct of a fleete of twentie gallies of warre: that the other Consull should levie and enroll two legions; which were thought sufficient to defend and keepe Fraunce in obedience, considering the courages of the Insubrians and Boij, were well cooled and abared the last yeere. Cato by lot had the charge of Spaine, and Valerius of Italie. Then the Pretours cast lots for their provinces. To C. Fabricius [unspec L] Luscinus sell the jurisdiction over the citizens of Rome: to C. Atinius Labeo over the strangers. C. Manlius Volso governed Sicilie, and Ap. Claudius Nero the farther Spaine. M. Porcius Lecca was assigned to rule * 1.30 Pisae, to the end he might be upon the back of the Ligurians, and P. Man∣lius was appointed as an assistant and coadjutor to the Consull in the higher Spaine. As for T. Iuintius, his commission was renewed for one yeere longer, in regard that not only Antio∣chus and the Aetolians, but also Nabis the Lacedemonian Tyrant, were doubted and suspected not to stand found to the Romans: & for him were set out two legions: and if need were of any supply to make up the companies thereof, the Consuls were enjoyned to enroll new souldiers, and to send them over into Macedonie. Also Appius Claudius had a warrant to take up 2000 foote and two hundred horse, over and above that legion which Q.Fabius had. The like number [unspec M] of fresh horse and foote was appointed for P. Mantius to be sent into the hither Spaine: and the same legion was graunted unto him, which was commaunded by Minutius the Pretor. Moreover P. Porcius Lecca was to have the leading of two hundred footmen, and fiftie horse, drawne out of the Gaules armie, for tolye in Hetruria about Pisae. Last of all in Sardinia P. Sempronius Longus

[unspec A] continued still in place of commaund. Thus the provinces being distributed, the Consuls be∣fore they departed out of the citie, by advise and counsell of the Bishops, performed the solem∣nitie of the sacred Spring which was vowed before by the Pretour C. Cornelius Mammula, accor∣ding to the mind of the Senat and the good liking of the people, in the yeere when Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius were Consuls: and so it was celebrated one and twentie yeeres after it was first vowed. Much about this time was C. Claudius Pulcher the sonne of Appius, elected Augur, & inve∣sted in that Sacerdotall dignitie, in the place of Q.Fabius Maximus, who died the yeere before.

When as men began now to mervaile that there was so little accoumpt made of the warre begun alreadie in Spaine, there were letters brought from Q.Minutius with newes, That he had fought a fortunate field before the towne of Turba, with Budares and Besasides, two Spanish Ge∣nerals [unspec B] and great commanders: that he had slaine twelve thousand enemies, taken Budares the generall himselfe prisoner, and that the rest were discomfited and put to flight. Vpon the rea∣ding of these letters, lesse feare there was of Spaine, from whence they looked for great warres.

After the returne of the ten Delegates of Commisioners abovesaid, all the care was, and no talke els but about Antiochus and his affaires.

These men, after they had declared first how their proceedings went with king Philip, and upon what conditions they had graunted peace, enformed and gave them to understand, That there was as great a warre behind from Antiochus: that he had passed over the seas into Europe with a mightie Armada, and as puissant an armie for land service; and had he not bene averted another way by a vaine hope to invade and seize upon Aegipt, which he conceived of a vainer bruit and rumor of Ptolome his death, all Greece [unspec C] would have bene anon on a light fire, and up in armes. For the very Aetolians themselves, a na∣tion naturally of an unquiet spirit, and incensed besides against the Romanes, would not have sit still and bene in rest. Moreover, there was another maladie and mischiefe as dangerous, setled as it were within the ribs and in the very heart of Greece: to wit Nabis, the Tyrant at this present of the Lacedemonians only, but shortly, if he may be let alone, of all Greece; who for avarice and crueltie is equall to all the famous and noted tyrants that ever were: and if he be suffred to possesse himselfe of Argos, and to hold it as a fortresse to commaund all Peloponnesus, when the Romane armies shall be once transported home againe into Italie, in faith, Greece may make small boast of being delivered from Philip: for this they shall bee sure of at least, if of nothing els, to have a neere neighbour tyrant, in steed of a king far off, for to be their lord and imperiously to [unspec D] commaund them. The auncient Senators, hearing these intelligence from grave persons of good qualitie, and who made report of all things, no by hearesay, but upon their owne know∣ledge, were of advise and resolved to have a good eye and regard with all speed unto Antiochus, considering the king was passed alreadie into Syria, whatsoever the occasion was.

But as tou∣ching the Tyrant, after they had disputed and debated the matter long time, Whether they had sufficient cause alreadie to determine upon some small conclusion, or should referre unto the wisedome & judgement of T. Iuintius the managing of those affaires, therein to proceed and do according as he should deeme it good & expedient for the Common-wealth; in fine, they per∣mited him to use his owne discretion concerning the Lacedemonian Tyrant: supposing that the matter was not of such weight and consequence as to concerne the maine state of the weale [unspec E] publick so materially, whether it were hastened or protracted; but rather it behoved them to be advised & consider well, what Anniball and the Carthaginians would do, if happily the war with Antiochus were begun and once a foot. They [at Carthage] that sided with the adverse faction of Annibal, had sent divers & sundry letters unto the principal LL. at Rome, every one privatly to his friends to this effect, That there passed messengers & letters from Anniball to Antiochus, and that there were embassadors againe that secretly came from the king to him. And like as there be some beasts so wild & savage as never can be named: so the courage & spirit of that man was such, as might not possibly be dulced or appeased. For he daily complained that the citie languished and grew feeble with idlenes, and by sitting stil & doing nothing, was overgrowne as it were with mosse, and unpossible it was to raise & stir it up but with sound of armor and weapons. These ad∣vertisements [unspec F] caried likelihood of truth and good credit with them, in regard of the late warre so fresh in memorie, which he alone began first, and managed to the last. Over and besides, he had provoked by a late act of his, many great and mightie personages, who set their hearts against him. The order and degree of Iudges at the time bare chiefe sway and soveraigne authoritie in Carthage: in this respect principally, for that the same Iudges were perpetuall. The goods,

the honour and reputation, yea and the life of every man lay in their hands. Hee that dis∣pleased [unspec G] one of that bench, was sure to have all the rest his enemies and to be upon him: and there never wanted one promoter or other to carrie tales and give information to these judges against a man, if they saw them ill affected once and bent against one. During the time of this emperious and tyrannicall rule of theirs, (for as their power was exceeding all measure, so they bare themselves there in as outragiously beyond the limits of civilitie) it was Anniball his hap to be Pretour; and by vertue of his place he sent for one of the treasurers to come before him: but he made no reckning of his authoritie, and refused to obey: for the said treasurer was one of the contrarie side; and because from the degree of those treasurers they mounted presently into the highest order of the judges, therefore he carried with him an hautie mind alreadie, in regard of the high roume that he was shortly to stepinto. Anniball you may be sure, tooke this as a great [unspec H] disgrace and indignitie to his person, and therefore hee sent a pursevant or sargeant to attach the bodie of the Treasurer aforesaid: and presently calling the people to a general assembly, he commaunded him there to be presented: where he accused and blamed the partie himselfe, no more than the whole order and degree of the judges: through whose insolent pride and exces∣sive power, both lawes and magistrates were nothing regarded but troden under foot. And per∣ceiving that these words of his tickled the itching eares of the people, considering also that their proud demeanor prejudiced the libertie of the meanest persons: immediatly he published a law, and gate it enacted. That those judges should be chosen every yeare, and that from thence forth one and the same man might not be a judge two yeares togither. But looke how much thanke he had at the commons hands for this act, so much he offended many of the great men and prin∣cipals [unspec I] of the citie. Another thing besides he did, whereby hee purchased to himselfe the ill will of some privat persons, in tendring the common good of the weale publick. The financies and revenues of the State, partly through negligence went to decay, and partly were shared out in dividends, betweene some certaine of the head citizens and magistrates: and more than that, the mony which by way of tribute was to be paid yeerely unto the Romans, was too short and not to be found: and it appeared, that a sore levie would be imposed upon privat persons short∣ly, to make those paiments out of their owne purses. Anniball, after he had cast up the bookes, and made an estimate and just abstract how much the rents and revenues of the citie amounted unto, as well from customers by sea as land, and to what uses they were emploied; and perceiving thereby, what was desrayed in the ordinarie charges of the State, & what went a wrong way, and [unspec K] was averted by these theeves to their owne selves, he pronounced aloud in open audience of the whole assembly, That the arrerages should be gathered up & brought into the common chest: and so privat persons might be discharged and eased of their impositions of tribute, and the common-wealth would be rich enough and able to perfourme and furnish out the monies due to the people of Rome. And as he thus said, so he was as good as his word, and executed it ac∣cordingly. Then these caterpillers, who for certaine yeeres lived by robberie of the common treasure, and fed upon the fruits of the citie, fared spightfully against Anniball, as if he had done them great wrong in taking their owne goods from them, and not proceeded in justice to wrest out of their hands their stollen substance: and in great malice and bitternesse ceased not to pro∣voke against Anniball the Romanes, who were ready enough of themselves to picke some quar∣rell [unspec L] to him, to seeke occasion of hatred, and to find an hole in his coat. Scipio Africanus for a long time gave the dease eare unto them, and misliked the course: for he supposed it was not for the honour and majestie of the people of Rome to subscribe unto those imputations charged upon Anniball, to entertaine the spight and hatred of men, and to interesse and insert pub∣licke authoritie within the privat factions of the Carthaginians; and not to be content to have vanquished Anniball in war, unlesse they also took upon them the persons of accusers, and prefer∣red as landerous libel & bill of inditement, & sware therto Billa vera. But at length they wrought and brought about, that embassadours should be sent to Carthage, who in the Senate there might charge Anniball categorically, with plotting and practising with Antiochus for to wage warre against them. And these three were addressed to this embassie, C. Servilius, M. Cladius [unspec M] Marcellus, and Q.Terentius Culleo; who being arrived there, caused it to be given out to as many as should demaund the cause of their comming, (and all by instruction from the adversaries of Anniball) that their errand was to composed and end the debates betweene Masanissa king of the Numidians, and the Carthaginians. This was commonly divulged and belleved for truth.

[unspec A] But Anniball found them streight and smelt this jugling, and was not ignorant that he was the onely man that the Romanes shot at, and howsoever peace was graunted to the Carthaginians, yet they continued an endlesse and inexpiable warre with him alone still. Whereupon hee resol∣ved to frame himselfe to give place to the time and yeeld unto fortune. And beeing furnished aforehand with all things requisite to take his flight, when hee had of purpose all the day long shewed himselfe in the publicke place of assembly verie formally, to turne by all suspition of his intended resolution, so soone as it began to be darke night, in his citizens gowne as he went all day, and attended in the hall, he gate him soorth straight to the citie gate, accompanied onely with two persons, and those not privie at all to his purpose and designment. And having found his horses readie in the place appointed, hee mounted and rode apace that night untill hee was [unspec B] come to a certaine quarter of the territorie of Voca: and by the next morning, hee passed be∣tweene Acylla and Thapsus, and recovered a towne or fort of his owne; where he was imbarked in a ship readie rigged and appointed with saile and ore to take sea and away. Thus departed Anniball out of Africke, lamenting more often the hard hap and calamitie of his countrey, than of his owne friend and kinsfolke. And the same day he fell with the yland Cercina: where the Carthaginians found in the rode certaine hulks charged with marchandise: and when at his comming a shore out of his ship, there came many running toward him for to salute & welcom him thither, hee charged his owne companie, that if any asked concerning him, they should make answere, That he went upon an embassage to Tyrus: but fearing least any of their barkes should disanker that night, and make report at Thapsus or Acylla, that he was seene in Cercina: [unspec C] he caused a beast to be killed for sacrifice, and invited the masters of the ships and all the mar∣chants to supper; and there with commaunded all the sailes and crosse saile-yards to be had out of the vessels, to make thereof a large pavillon, that they might sit in the shade at their supper: for that, as it fell out, it was then midsommer. And as the time and such provision as they had, would give leave, he set out a feast and banket; he spared for no wine, and continued the mer∣timent farre within night. Then Anniball, so soone as he could espie his time for to deceive those that were in the harborough, weighed ancre. The rest were fast asleepe; and when the next day they awoke and roused themselues, with their drunken and drousie nols (and far forth day it was and late ere they arose) they were faine to spend some houres in sitting their ores againe in their right-places, and the tackling of the ships in good order.

[unspec D] In this while, at Carthage the ordinarie multitude that used to frequent the house of Anni∣ball, repaired as their manner was to his gate-house: and when it was voiced abroad, that he was not to be found, all the companie gathered togither in the market place, seeking and enquiring for the principal and chiefe personage of their citie. Some gave out (as the truth was) that he was fled: other said plainly, that he was murdered and made away through the falshood and vil∣lanie of the Romanes; and this they sticked not to avouch. There might a man have seene sun∣drie and divers countenances (as it fareth commonly in cities where there is siding and parts ta∣king) as each one is affected to his owne bend and faction. At last, newes came that he was seene at Cercina. The Romane Embassadours having upon audience given, declared in the Senat of Carthage, that the LL. of their Senate had certaine intelligence, that both aforetime, king Phi∣lip [unspec E] was by Anniball especially sollicited and set on to make warre with the people of Rome; and also now there had bene letters and messengers with credence sent from him to king An∣tiochus; and that he would never rest untill he had set all the world togither in arms and therfore if the Carthaginians were desirous to content and satisfie the Romanes, they should not suffer these parts of his to escape unpunished: then the Carthaginians made answere and said, That nothing of all this passed by publicke councell or consent and allowance of the State, howbeit they would be willing to doe whatsoever the Romanes thought to be reason.

Anniball this while had a boone voiage, and with a merrie gale of wind arrived at Tyrus, where he was received of the Tyrians, the first founders of Carthage, as if he had been in another coun∣trie of his owne: received he was, I say, and entertained with all kind of honor, be seeming a man [unspec F] so famous and renoumed. After he had so journied there some few daies, he sailed to Antioche: where understanding that the king himselfe was alreadie departed from thence, hee repaired to his sonne, and conferred with him, as he was setting out an yeerely solemnitie of games & plaies neere Daphne, and being courteously also by him intreated, he made no stay, but to ship-board and sea againe. And at Ephesus overtooke the king, whome hee found floating and wavering

still in his mind, and unresolved what to doe as touching the Romane warre. But this comming [unspec G] of Anniball, was no small poise to turne the ballance, and to move him to enter into the enter∣prise thereof. The Aetolians likewise at the same time were estraunged and alienated in affection from the Romane league and societie, whose embassadors demaunding to have Pharsalum and Leucas againe, with other cities, according to the tenure and form of the first league, the Senate turned over and referred to Quintius.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Orherrisecal∣led Tripolei••, of three cities therein▪
• * 1.2

  Boca, cr Bo•••••• ba••••••.
• * 1.3

  Turcomania, and ••••••••chia,
• * 1.4

  Seardehra.
• * 1.5

  S. Theodero.
• * 1.6

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.7

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.8

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.9

  The cenmenda∣decion of king sitalus.
• * 1.10

  In taken that they were by him find from cap••••••••••••.
• * 1.11

  Venus.
• * 1.12

  Stramuzupa.
• * 1.13

  Lago slivo.
• * 1.14

  Selavonia.
• * 1.15

  Comb.
• * 1.16

  Mutilina, Blondo. Modi∣ana, Leandro.
• * 1.17

  Bologna.
• * 1.18

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.19

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.20

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.21

  Maitos.
• * 1.22

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.23

  Somewhat wanting in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.24

  Briqui••, Gi∣raum.
• * 1.25

  Patera.
• * 1.26

  Secilia, whereof the No••h part is called Cara∣man, and the rest Scandilo••••m, Niger.
• * 1.27

  Zacuth, The∣veto.
• * 1.28

  Sangis.
• * 1.29

  Anticchia, Nigro. Aleppo, Villenovano.
• * 1.30

  〈◊〉〈◊〉