The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

[unspec A]

THE XXXII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the [unspec B] Cittie of Rome. (Book 32)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and thirtith Booke.

[unspec C] MAny straunge and prodigious sights (as they were reported from divers countries) are here re∣lated and set downe: among which, this is one; that in Macedonie there was a bay tree sprung up of it selfe in the poupe of a galley. T. Quintius Flamininus the Consull fought fortunately against Philip in the st••eights of Epirus: and having put him to flight, hee compelled him to returne into his owne kingdome. Himselfe, with the assistance of the Aeto∣lians and Athamanes, infested sore and plagued Thessalie, which bordereth upon Macedo∣nie. L. Quintius Flamininus the Consull his brother, by the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians, made conquest by war at sea, of Eubaea and all the sea coast. The Achai werere∣ceived into amitie. The conspiracie of slaves, that complotted to deliver and set at large the hostages of the Carthaginians, was detected and tooke no effect. The number of Pretours was encreased to sixe. The Con∣sull Cornelius Cethegus defeated the French Insubrians in battaile. League and amitie was concluded betweene the Ro∣manes and the Lacedemonians, with their tyrant Nabis. Over and besides, there is contained in this booke, the winning of many cities in Macedonie.

[unspec D] WHen the Consuls and Pretors were entred into office upon the* 1.1Ides of March, they cast lots for the government of the provinces. To L. Lentulus, fell Italie; and to P. Villius, Macedonie. As for the Pretours, L. Quintius had the juris∣diction of the citie of Rome, & C. Babius the government of Ariminum; L. Va∣lerius ruled Sicilie, and L. Villius his lot was to commaund Sardinia. Lentu∣lus the Consull had order given him to levie new legions, and Villius to re∣ceive the armie of P. Sulpitius, with commission and licence to take up as many souldiers as hee thought good himselfe to furnish the same with a fresh supply. Those legions which C. Aurelius Consull had in charge, were assigned over to Baebius the Pretour, with condition to keepe them with him, untill the Consull were arrived in Fraunce with a new armie; and so soone as hee came, to discharge and dismisse all the souldiours home to their houses except 5000 allies: [unspec E] for as much as this number was thought sufficient to governe the province about Ariminum.

The Pretours of the former yeere continued still Commaunders of their armies. Cn. Sergius was enjoined to see and take order, that certaine lands should be set out for those souldiors who had served many yeeres together in Spaine, Sicilie, and Sardinia. And Q. Minutius had in charge to goe through with that inquisition of certaine conspiratours and traitours in the Bru∣tians countrie, upon which hee had sitten alreadie as Pretour with great fidelitie and diligence: and also to send unto Locti for to receive due punishment of those prisoners, whom being at∣tainted and convicted of sacriledge, hee had sent bound to Rome. And finally, to cause all the treasure taken out of the temple of Proserpina, to bee restored thither againe, with an over-encrease, to make satisfaction and to race out the wicked part committed. The Latin feasts [unspec F] and holydaies were solemnised againe by vertue of an ordinance of the bishops, upon this oc∣casion, That certaine embassadors from Ardea complained in the Senat, how they had not their ordinarie allowance of flesh at the Latine feasts aforesaid in the mount Alba, according to the old custome. Newes came from Suessa, that two of their citie gates, and all the wall between, was smitten with lightening. Messengers also from Formiae reported, that their temple of I••piter

was likewise blasted. Moreover, they of Ostia brought word of the semblable mischance with [unspec G] them in the church of Iupiter. And from Velitrae tidings came of the like mishap, fallen upon the temples of Apollo and Sangus. And that in the temple of Hercules there sprung up a bush of haire. Letters came also from Q. Minutius the Propretour out of the Brutians countrey, that there was a colt foled with five feet, and three chickens hatched with three feet apeece. After all this, P. Sulpitius the Propretor sent letters from out of Macedonie, containing among other mat∣ters this newes, that there was a lawrell tree grew of it selfe in the poupe of a galley.

The Senate in regard of all the former prodigious sights, ordained, that the Consull should sacrifice greater beasts, unto what gods hee thought good: but about this last rehearsed, the Soothsaiers that prie into beasts inwards, were sent for into the Senate house; and by the dire∣ction of their answere, an edict went foorth, That the people should goe in procession, and [unspec H] make supplications one day, and in all temples and alters of the gods, there was sacrifice cele∣brated with great devotion.

The Carthaginians this yeere came to Rome with the first paiment of the tribute imposed upon them: and for as much as the treasures & receivers of the citie made report, that the silver was not good and lawful, and being brought to the triall, was found too light by one fourth part washed away, those Carthaginians were constrained to take up money of the bankers of Rome, and to make good the defect and losse of the silver abovesaid. They put up a petition besides unto the Senate, that it might stand with their good pleasure to redeliver now their hostages. Whereupon an hundred of them were rendered backe, and good hope there was of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, if so be they continued loial and fast in their alleageance. And when they made a farther request in [unspec I] behalfe of those hostages which were not delivered, that they might be transported from Nor∣ba (where they were not to their good liking and ease) to some other place, graunted it was, that they might remoove to Signia and Ferentinum. In like sort, the Gaditanes made humble suite, and obtained this libertie, that there should not be sent from the Romanes a captaine to governe Gades, any thing to the contrarie, in their covenant (concluded with L. Martius Septimius, when they yeelded themselves under the subjection of the Romanes) notwithstanding. Moreover, for as much as the embassadours of Narnia made complaint, that they had not their full number of inhabitants, and that there were certain straungers entermingled among them, not of their own nation, who bare themselves as Coloners; therefore L. Cornelius the Consull was commaunded to create three Deputies or Commissioners, called Triumvirs for to reforme this disorder. And [unspec K] chosen there were for this purpose, Publius & Sestius Aclius, who had both of them the surname of Paeius, and C. Cornelius Lentulas. This that was graunted to them of Narnia, was denied to the embassadours of Cossa, who likewise requested that the number of their inhabitants might bee encreased.

The affaires thus finished at Rome that there were to be done, the Consuls went into their se∣verall provinces. P. Villius so soone as he was arrived in Macedonie, was welcommed at his first comming with a daungerous mutinie of the souldiours, which long afore being kindled, was not well quenched at the first beginning. These were those two thousand, which after the desca∣ture of Anniball, were sent out of Affricke into Sicilie; and from thence, a yeere after almost, tran∣sported into Macedonie for voluntarie soldiors: but they themselves stood stoutly to it, that it was [unspec L] no voluntarie act of theirs, but that they were shipped by their Colonels & Tribunes ful against their wils. And howsoever it was, whether they served willingly or unwillingly, it was but meet and good reason, that the time of their souldierie should run out, and their service have an end at length. Alledging, that for these many yeers they had not seen Italie; that they waxed old men under their harnish, having horne armes in Sicile, in Affricke, and in Macedonie; that with toile and travell so tedious, they were weake and feeble; and after so many wounds and hurts received, they had no more bloud to loose. The Consull made them answere, that their cause was good and reasonable, but marred in the handling; and meet he thought it, that they should bee dismis∣sed, if they could have requested it in modest tearms: but neither it, nor any cause els whatsoever was warrantable to make a mutinie and sedition. Therefore, if they could bee content to keepe [unspec M] to their colours, and bee at commaund as loial•• souldiours, hee would in their behalfe write his letters unto the Senate, as touching their conge and dismission: for bee they well assured, that they shall get more by sober and gentle behaviour, than by any such stubborne, froward, and wilfull demeanure.

[unspec A] At the same time Philip assailed the citie of Thaumaci with terraces and mantelets in all for∣cible manner, so that he was now at the point to batter and shake the wall with the ram. But the sodaine arrivall of the Aetolians enforced him to surcease his enterprise; who by the conduct of A••chidamus having passed through the mids of the Macedonian guards, and ent••ed the towne, never ceased day nor night to make sallies sorth, one while upon their standing watch, otherwhils upon their fabricks & engines. The naturall situation of the place yeelded them good helpe and vantage: for the town of Thaumaci is seated on high to a mans thinking as he goeth from Pylae and the gulfe of Malea by the way of Lamia, & sheweth it selfe alost, seeming to overlooke and commaund the streight passage of the forrests called Coele. Again, when one travaileth and pas∣seth over the craggie rough places, and the crooked waies entangled with so many windings and [unspec B] turnings in the vallies of Thessalie, & is approched once neer to the citie, all on a sodain he may discover and discerne before him a mightie large and open plain, as it were a wide and vast sea, so as a man shall have much adoe to reach with his eye so sarre as these downes lye out everie way under him, and see all over them. And hereupon, by reason of this strange and marvailous prospect, the citie is called* 1.2Thaumaci. Over and besides that the high ground affourdeth it se∣curitie, it standeth also upon a huge rocke, devided into divers crags and broken cliffes. These difficulties forced Philip to give over his attempt, and namely, when he considered and weighed withall, that the towne it selfe when it was woon, would not quit the painefull labour, and pay for the daunger about it. Besides, the winter was now at hand, when hee departed from thence, and retired his forces into Macedonie, there to harbor. Where, when all others, during the time that [unspec C] they could catch any repose and rest, refreshed their spirits and bodies with some recreations and disports; Philip onely, how much respit soever hee had, either of intermission or remission from continuall labour of marching in journey, & sighting in battell; so much more trouble he had in his mind, whiles he coursed & discoursed with himselfe, what the total & finall issue might be of this warre: whiles he stood not onely in seate of the enemies, which persecuted him by sea and land, but also in doubt, as well of the hearts of his allies, as of the affections of his own sub∣jects: least the one in hope of the Romanes friendship should revolt, and the other (even the Ma∣cedonians themselves) desire novelties, and long for a chaunge. Therefore hee addressed his embassadours into Achaea, both to exact an oth of the Achaeans for their alleageance (for they had capitulated in the accord and agreement made, yeerely to sweare sealtie unto Philip) [unspec D] and also to deliver into their hands, Orchomenus, Herea, & Triphylia. And when they demaun∣ded also Aliphera, the embassadours answered, that the citie never pertained to Triphylia, but that of right it ought to bee restored unto Philip: as being one of them, which in the generall counsell and assembly of the Arcadians, were assigned and set out for the building of Megalo∣polis. And thus verily he entertained firme alliance with the Achaeans. As for the Macedonians he gained their hearts unto him, by occasion of Heraclides: for seeing that by meanes of him he incurred their exceeding ill will and hard conceit, and that he was charged with many greevous crimes, he cast him in prison, to gratifie his owne subjects: whereat the people took great joy, and hearts content. Then made he preparation for war, with as earnest endevor, as at any time before: he exercised as well the Macedonians as mercenarie soldiors in pay, namely, to wear their armor, [unspec E] and handle their weapons; and in the very prime of spring, he sent all his forraine aids and light armed souldiours, under the leading of Athenagoras into Chaonia by the way of Epirus, to seize upon the streight passage neere to Antigonia, which the Greekes call Stena. Himselfe a few daies after followed with his maine armie more heavily appointed. And when hee had well viewed and considered the situation of the countrey, & how it lay, he judged that the quarter coasting upon the river Aous was the meerest place to fortifie and encampe in. This river between two hils, the one by the peasants of the countrey called Aerop••••s, the other Asnaus, runneth within a narrow vale, and yeeldeth but a small passage upon the bancke side. Hee commaunded Athenagoras to gaine and fortifie Asnaus with his light armed souldiours: himselfe encamped upon Aeropus. And looke what way as the hill was senced with broken and cragged rockes, there he kept a small [unspec F] guard of some few souldiours: but whereas there was more daunger, and easier accesse for the enemie, he fortified with trenches, rampiers, and bulwarkes. He planted also and disposed in con∣venient places a great number of engines to send out quarrels and other shot, for to keepe the enemies aloofe. The roiall pavillion of the king himselfe, was pight before the rampier upon a banke, in a most conspicuous place of open sight, for to terrifie the enemie, and also to encou∣rage

and harten his owne men, when they should see him so-confident and resolute. The Con∣sudi [unspec G] advertised by Charopus the Epirote, what passages the king with his armie was possessed of, after he had passed the winter in Corcyra, himselfe likewise in the beginning of Spring, went up into the maine land, and held on his march toward the enemie. And being advanced almost within five miles of the kings camp, he left his legions in a strong fenced place, and went him∣selfe in person forward with certein lightly appointed in espiall to discover the quarters: and the morrow after held a consultation, Whether he might do better to assay to passe through the place which the enemie kept (notwithstanding he saw evidently before his eyes great trouble and hazard in that adventure) or to bring his armie about and fetch a compasse the same way, whereas the yeare before Sulpitius entred into Macedonie. This deliberation held him for cer∣tein daves in even balance and suspence, untill newes came unto him that T. Quintius was crea∣ted Consull; and having the province of Macedonie allotted unto him, made hast thither, and [unspec H] was alreadie passed to Corcyra.

Valerius Antias writeth, how Villius was entred the passe aforesaid, and because he could not take the streight and direct way (by reason that the king and his forces had beset all places) follo∣wed the valley along, through the middle whereof the river,* 1.3 Aous runneth: and having made a bridge over it, in great hast passed over to the banke, whereas the king was encamped, and there fought a battaile: wherein the king was discomfited and put to flight, and driven out of his camp: that twelve thousand enemies were slaine in that conflict, 2200 taken prisoners, 132 ensignes woon and caried away, besides 230 horse. Also that during the combat, there was a temple vowed unto Iupiter, in case the Consull sped well in the battaile. But all other writers both [unspec I] Greeke and Latin, at leastwise whose Annales I have red, report that Villius performed no me∣morable act, and that the Consull T. Quintius who next succeeded, tooke in hand the whole and entier warre himselfe.

Whiles things thus passed in Macedonie, the other Consull L. Lentulus who staid behind at Rome, held a generall assembly for the election of Censors: And among many famous and noble personages who sued for the dignitie, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, and P. Aelius Patas were created Censors. These two agreeing together in great concord, both elected a Senat without diffaming any person; and also fermed out the toll for portage of all things that were sold at Capua: Item, they set and to ferme let; the custome for passage that way wheras the camp stood, and where now there is a towne built: and enrolled three hundred coloners (for that num∣ber [unspec K] was limited by the Senat) there to inhabit. They sold also the lands of Capua lying under the hill Tifata.

About the same time L. Manlius Acidinus departed out of Spaine, and was prohibited by M. Percius Lecca a tribune of the Commons, to enter at his returne into the citie with the so∣lemne pomp of an Ovation, not with standing he had that honor graunted by the Senate. So he came into Rome as a private person, and brought into the chamber of the citie 1200 pound weight of silver, and thirtie pound weight welneere of gold. The same yeere Cn. Babius Tamphi∣lus, who had received the province of Fraunce from C. Aurelius the Consull of the former yeere, engaged himselfe rashly within the marches of the French Insubrians, and was environed and enclosed round about both he, and in manner his whole armie. He lost above 6600 men. See [unspec L] what an overthrow was received in a warre, whereof there was no reckning made, and from whence no danger was feared any more. This caused L. Lentulus the Consull to come out of the citie of Rome, who being arrived into a province full of trouble and turnult, after he had recei∣ved the charge of a frighted and dismayed armie, gave the Pretour a great check and rebuke, and tooke him up roundly with reprochfull termes, yea and commaunded him to get him gone out of the province, and to repaire to Rome.

Neither performed the Consull himselfe any ex∣ploit worthie of remembrance, by reason that he was called home to Rome for to hold the so∣lemne election of Magistrates: which also was stayed by M. Fulvius, and M. Curius Tribunes of the Commons: who likewise would not suffer T. Quintius Flamininus, having ben but Quaestor, for to stand for a Consulship. Now a dayes say they, the dignities of Aediles and Pretours are [unspec M] nought set by, and not worth the seeking for: and these noblemen will needs mount into the Consuls place, not by steps and degrees of other offices, wherein they should make prouse and geve good testimonie what their cariage is but leaping over those in the mids, joyned the lowest, and highest together.

This debate which began in Mars field in the assemblie of the people,

[unspec A] came at length to be decided before the Senat. And the LL. ordeined, That for as much as lie which sued for that dignitie, was by law capable thereof, it was reason that the people should have plenarie and absolute power to create him, or whomsoever else they pleased. So the Tri∣bunes submitted themselves under the authoritie of the Senatours. And for Coss. were elected Sex. Aclius Paetus, and T. Quintius Flamininus. Then ensued of the election of the Pretours. In which were created L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Porcius Cato, and C. Helvius, who had bene Aediles of the Commons. By whom the Plebeian playes were renued; and a so∣lemne feast made in the honor of Iupiter, in regard of those playes. The Curule Aediles likewise C. Valerius Flaceus, who also was the Flamine Dialis or Priest of Iupiter, and C. Cornelius Cethe∣gus, exhibited the Romane games with great magnificence. The great Pontifies or Bishops [unspec B] Servius Sulpitius and L. Calba, dyedthat yeere: In whose places were enstalled M. Aemylius Eepi∣dus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio. Now when Sex. Aelius Paetus and Titus Quintius Flamininus the Coss. were entred into their Magistracie, they assembled the Senate in the Capitoll: where the LL. gave order, that concerning the two provinces of Macedonie and Italie, the Consuls should either agree between themselves, or els cast lots whether of them should governe the one of the other: And that he, whose hap was to have the charge of Macedonie, should enroll of Romanes three thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen: Also of Latin allies five thousand foote, and five hundred horse, for to supplie and furnish out the legions. And for the other Consull it was decreed, that he should have an armie, all entier and new. L. Lentulus the Consull of the for∣mer yeere, continued still Governor in the province, with express commaundement, that nei∣ther [unspec C] himselfe should leave the government, nor withdraw his forces from thence, before the Consull were come with the new legions. So the Consuls referred themselves to the direction of the lots. To Aelius fell Italie and Macedonie to Quintius. As for the Pretours, who also were guided by lots. L. Cornelius Merula had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome. M. Claudius gover∣ned Sicilie. To M. Porcius was allotted Sardinia, and C. Helvius his lot was to be L. Deputie in Gaule. After this, they began to take musters. For over and besides the Consular armies, the Pretours also were charged to levie souldiours. To Marcellus were assigned foure thousand footmen of Latin allies, and three hundred horsemen, to go into Sicilie. And for Cato three thousand foote of the samekind of souldiours with two hundred horse, to serve in Sardinia: upon condition, that when both these Pretours were come into their provinces, they should discharge [unspec D] all the old souldiers there, as well footmen as horsemen.

Then the Consuls graunted the Embassadours of king Attalus leave to come into the Se∣nate house: where having audience geven them, after they had declared how their king and maister had assisted the State of Rome with his forces as well by sea as land, and shewed himselfe cheerefull, readie and obedient to this present day for to execute and performe whatsoever the Romane Consuls had enjoined him to do; they said now, that they much feared least from hence forward he should not be able to do the same, by reason he was empeached by Antiochus. For Antiochus taking his vantage, and finding the realme of Attalus disfurnished of garisons, and unprovided of forces both by sea and land, had invaded the same. For which occasion Attalus besought the LL. of the Senat there assembled, that if they minded to use his navie, and employ [unspec E] the meanes that he could make, in the service of the Macedonian warre, they would then send him a sufficient garison to defend his kingdome: but if they thought not well thereof, his request was to permit himselfe to returne with his fleere and other forces, to the defence of his owne. The Senate gave order to returned this aunswere unto the Embassadours: Whereas king At∣talius had succoured the Romane Captaines with his Armada and other meanes of warre, the Senate accepted thereof in the Best part. But as touching Antiochus the king, an allie and friend of the people of Rome, they neither would send any aid against him: not yet deteine the aids of king Attalus in any service of theirs, longer than the king himselfe should thinke it stood with his owne commoditie. For the manner of the people of Rome hath alwayes been, to serve their owne turne with the help & assistance of others, but yet at the good pleasure and discretion [unspec F] of others. And whosoever were willing to relieve the Romanes, they were at their owne libertie to begin and end when they would themselves. How be it, they purposed to addresse their Embas∣sadors unto Antiochus, to advertise him and let him understand, that the people of Rome em∣ployed the help of Attalus his ships and souldiers against Philip, a common enemie: and the Se∣nat would take it kindly at his hands, if for their sakes he forbare the realm of Attalus, & absteined

from warre. For meet and reason it was, that the KK. who were friends and allies to the people [unspec G]

of Rome, should likewise entertaine peace and amitie among themselves.

T. Quintius the Consull made hast to be gone into his province: and when he had levied and mustered his souldiours so, as that he had enrolled those old experienced servitours for the most part, who had given good proof of their valour in the service of Spaine and Affricke, he was deteined so long at Rome by occasion of certaine prodigious signes reported, untill he had taken order for the appeasing of the gods, and expiation of them. The lightening scortched and blasted the great port way from Veij; the common hall likewise of publicke assemblies, and the temple of Iupiter in Lanuvium: also the temple of Hercules in Ardea: the walls besides and turrets of Capua, and the temple there which is called Alba. At Arretium the skie appeared to be on a light fire. At Velitra: the earth setled and sunke downe, leaving a great gaping chinke for [unspec H] the compasse of three acres of ground. Word moreover was brought that in Suessa Aurunca a l••mbe was yeaned with two heads; and in Sinuessa a porket with a mans head. In regard of these prodigies, there was a procession and supplication one whole day, and the Consuls in∣tended devoutly to their sacrifices: and after they had pacified the gods, they tooke their journey into their provinces. Aelius, together with C. Helvius the Pretor went into Fraunce, and gave unto the said Pretor the armie which he received of L. Lentulus, and should have dismissed and discharged of their service; because he purposed himselfe to employ in his owne wars the fresh and new legions which hee brought with him: but hee performed no action worth the report. The other Consull T. Quintius having taken the sea, and departed from Brundusium sooner than other Consuls were wont, arrived at Corcyra with eight thousand foot and eight hundred [unspec I] horse. From thence hee crossed the seas with a galleace of five rankes of oares, directing his course for the nearest coasts of Epirus, and by great journies made hast untill he was come to the Romane campe: from whence after he had licenced Villius to depart, and staied there some few daies, untill his forces which were at Corcyra could overtake him, he called his councell to∣gether to resolve, Whether hee should keepe on his journey directly, and make way through the middest of his enemies where they lay encamped, or rather without any such attempt (which could not but carrie with it great paine and perill) fetch a compasse about with safetie, and so en∣ter into Macedonie by the way of the Dassaretians countrey and Lingus. And verily, this latter course of the twaine had taken place, but that hee feared, when hee were retired once farre from the sea, and had let the enemie slip out of his hands, if the king happily were minded (as he had [unspec K] done before) to defend himselfe within the desarts and forest, that he should spend all the long sommer and doe no good. Therefore come what would of it, he resolved to assaile the enemie in that varie place as difficult as it was, with all the disadvantage whatsoever. But as they determi∣ned in their intention thus to doe, so they were not so readie in the meanes to execute and ef∣fect the same. Thus they sate still and spent sortie daies within the eye of the enemie, and made no attempt. Then Philip conceived some hope to assay a peace, by the means and intercession of the Epirote nation. And after consultation had, there were certaine agents chosen for that pur∣pose, to wit, Pausanias the Pretour, and Alexander Generall of the horse, who brought the Consull and the king together for to parle, unto a place whereas the river Aous is narrowest and the bankes neerest together.

The demaunds of the Consull in summe were these, That Phi∣lip [unspec L] should remoove his garrisons out of the cities. Item, That whose territories or townes he had pilled and spoiled, he should make restitution againe unto them all those things that were ex∣tant and to be found: as for the rest, they should be prized and valued indifferently to their worth. Philip made answere againe, That all those peeces were not of like qualitie and condition. As for such as here had taken himselfe, he would be content to set them at libertie: but for those that were left unto him by his progenitors and predecessors, he would not for goe the possession thereof, since hee held them lawfully in right of inheritance. Finally, if those cities wherewith hee had warred made complaint, that they were every endamaged by him, hee would report him∣selfe to what cities and states they would themselves, and stand to their award, so they were neu∣ters, or in peace as well with the one side as the other. The Consull here unto replied and said, [unspec M] That for this matter it was needlesse to referre themselves to the arbitrement or doome of any. For who seeth not evidently (quoth he) that he hath done the wrong, who first tooke arms? And that Philip, before ever that he was molested and troubled by any war from others, offered vio∣lence first unto all? After, when it was debated what cities should be set free, the Consull named

[unspec A] first of all Thessalonica: at which word the king was in such a heat of choller, that he cryed out aloud, What harder condition ô Quintius, would you impose upon him that you had vanqui∣shed? and with all, he flang away in a chase from off the place of meeting and entervieu, & would no longer parle.

And much `adoe they had on both sides to hold their hands from shooting one at another, for the river ran in the middest betweene them, that they could not trie it out by the eares. The morrow after, there passed many light skirmishes betwene the corps de guard on both parts by way of excursions, first in a plaine that lay out broad enough for that purpose: but af∣terwards as the kings men retired themselves into the narrow streights and rough rugged pla∣ces, the Romanes of an ardent desire to be fighting, entred thither soone after. The Romanes had on their side the benefite of good order and militarie discipline, and were furnished with [unspec B] such kind of weapons as were fit for to maintaine a medly in a set battaile. The enemies againe for their parts had the vantage of the ground, and the helpe of sundry engins to cast forth short afarre off (as balists and catapults) planted and raunged almost upon every cliffe and rocke as it had beene upon the walles of a citie. After they had on both sides given and taken many a wound, so as divers of them were left slaine on the earth, as if they had sought in a full battaile, the night at length parted them asunder.

Things thus standing in these tearmes, there happened a certaine heardman sent from Cha∣ropus a Prince of the Epitotes to be brought before the Consull: who gave him to understand, that he kept cattell a grasing in that forest (which then was overspread with the kings pavillion) and knew all the crankes, all the windings, turnings, and blind wayes of those mountaines; [unspec C] promising, that if he would send out a band of souldiours with him, he would conduct them tho∣rough a place that was neither daungerous, nor yet difficult and hard of ascent: which if they had once gained, they should be over their enemies heads and able to commaund them. And these things (quoth he) you may surely trust upon; for Charopus willed me to make declaration, That he could wish you the Consull were master of all, rather than any other. The Consull was desirous to beleeve all, but durst not credit him. And thus being troubled in spirit, whiles hee entertained in his heart both joy and feare together, at length the authoritie of Charopus in∣duced him to resolve and give the adventure of this hope thus offered and presented unto him. And to the end that the enemie might distrust and suspect nothing, for two daies following hee never ceased to assaile and provoke him, setting companies of armed souldiours in every place, [unspec D] to charge upon him, and ever seconding them with fresh men to succeed in the place of the wea∣ried. After this, he delivered to a Tribune or Colonell foure thousand chosen footmen, and three hundred horsemen; with this direction, to lead forward the Cavallerie, as farre as the ground would give leave: and when they were come once to a place where the horsemen could not passe nor match farther, then to plant them in some plain and even ground: willing the footmen to match on as the guide should lead them, and point out their way: but after they were mounted above the enemies heads, according as he undertooke and made promise, then to give a sign by smoke, and not to shout and set up a crie, untill one might guesse, that upon signall of battell by him given, the medley was begun. And the Consull gave commaundement to march by night (for as good hap was, the moone was at full, and shone all night long) and take their refection [unspec E] and sleepe in the day time. As for the guide aforesaid, hee made unto him may faire and large promises, if it might appeare, that he meant truth, and dealt faithfully: howbeit in the mean time he delivered him bound to the custodie of the said Colonell. When these companies were thus sent away, the Roman Generall travelled and endeavoured so much the more to gain vantage of the enemies guards. All this while, the Romans that were sent out with the Colonell, marched forward; & upon the third day, when they had given token by smoke, that they had won the pitch of the hill as they entended, and held it still: then the Consull devided his forces into three squa∣drons, and entred the midst of the valley with the main strength of his armie, but he led forth the wings of his battell, both the right and the left, against the very campe of the enemies. Who also for their parts were not behind to reencounter and receive him. And all these whiles that they [unspec F] advaunced without their fortifications of defence upon a hote desire of conflict, it fell out, that the Romane souldiour had the better a good deale, as being more valorous, more skillfull, & bet∣ter appointed with weapons for that kind of service. But after that the kings souldiours, where∣of many were sore wounded or killed outright, retired themselves to places of safetie, either by naturall situation, or by art of man, the daunger returned upon the Romanes heads, who incon∣siderately

were engaged into places of disadvantage, and into narrow streights, from whence they [unspec G] could not retire with ease. And surely they had not returned backe againe unpunished for their rashnesse, but that the kings men hearing first an outcrie behind their backes, and seeing also a skirmish begun, were astonied at the suddaine terror, and put besides themselves. Some field here and there away: others that made a stand and taried still, for that they rather wanted ground to flie than had heart ynough to fight it out, were environned by their enemies both before and be∣hind. The whole armie might have beene utterly defeated, if the winners had lustily followed the chase. But the streights and the roughnesse of the waies hindered the horse, and the weight of ar∣mour combred the footmen. At first the king rode amaine with bridle in horse neck, without re∣gard of anything, or looking behind him: but after he was gotten five miles before, and guessing (as it was indeed) that by reason of the disadvantage of the place, the enemie could not possible [unspec H] make way after; he rested upon a certaine mount, and sent his people all abroad over hils & dales, to rallie his souldiours together, that were disparkled. Thus with the losse not all out of two thou∣sand men, the rest of the multitude met together, as if they had repaired to a Rendez-vous upon some signall given, & so marched with a great traine into Thessalie. The Romanes pursued them as farre as they might with safetie, killing them, and risling the dead; yea, and ransacked the kings campe, which though it were naked without defendants, yet for the difficult accesse unto it, they had much trouble to win; and that night they lodged in their own camp. The next day the Con∣sull made pursute after the enemie along the streight, whereas the river runneth among the val∣lies. The king came the first day unto the hold or campe of Pyrrhus (a place so called) in Triphy∣lia, belonging to the territorie of Melotis. From whence the morrow after hee marched a migh∣tie [unspec I] journey with his whole armie (for needs he must goe that feare drives) & approached the moun∣taine Lingos. These mountaines are in Epirus, situate betweene Macedonie and Thessalie. The side that heth to Thessalie regardeth the East: that which butteth upon Macedonie, hath the North directly before it. Covered they are and overspread with abundance of woods; yet so as the very tops doe affoord open plaines and running waters. The king keeping his campe there for certaine daies, was much troubled and perplexed in his mind, casting and revolving, whether it were expedient for him to returne immediately into his owne kingdome, or possible to retire himselfe into Thessalie. In summe, his resolution was to bring downe his armie into Thessalie. And so to Tricca he marched, the next way hee possibly could. From thence hee passed in great hast through all the cities that were in his way. As many men as were able to follow, he forced to [unspec K] quit their habitations and dwelling houses. The townes he set on fire: yet he permitted every one to carrie away with him as much as he could of his owne goods; all the rest fell to the souldiours share. No manner of crueltie there was, that the very enemie could exercise, but hee practised among his owne allies. And Philip himselfe in the execution thereof, greeved not a little, and was vexed at the heart; but alas, he could do not other: yet his desire was, in that country which within a while should be possessed by the enemie, to save the bodies at leastwise of his associats. In this manner were ransacked and spoiled these townes following, Phacium, Iresiae, Euthydrium, Ere∣tria, and Palaephatus. Against his comming to Pherae, the gates were shut upon him. And be∣cause it would aske sometime to win that towne by assault, and no leisure he had thereto, he gave over that enterprise, and passed into Macedonie: for the bruite went, that the Aeroliams also approched. Who having heard of the issue of the battell fought by the river AEroliams, first wasted and ransacked all the countrey neere unto Sperchiae and Macra-Come (as they call it) and ha∣ving from thence passed over into Thessalie, was Cymines & Angeas with the first assault. How∣beit, a repulse they tooke at Metropolis, whiles they harried the fields about it, by reason, that the townesmen ran together to the defence of their walls. After this, they gave the attempt upon Callithera, where they found the like resistance and violence of the enemies but there they per∣sisted longer, and gave not over, nay, they drave the enemies that issued forth, within their walls, and contenting themselves with that victorie, they departed thence, seeing no great hope to force the towne. Then they wan and pilled two villages, Theuma and Calathana. As for Achar∣rae, it was surrendered by composition. And upon the like feare Xyniae also was abandoned of [unspec I] her owne inhabitants. These citizens thus driven out of their owne houses, strumbled at a venture upon a garrison which was a leading into Athamania, for the better guard of the forragers that were to purvey corne. This multitude, I say, marching disorderly without armour, pell mell to∣gether, with a sort that were unmeet for warre, was hewen in peeces by the armed souldiours, and

[unspec A] Xyniae was sacked, thus left and forsaken as it was. After this, the Aetolians woon Cyphara, a sort and towne of strength, well seated for to empeach and command * 1.4 Dolopia. These exploits per∣formed the Aetolians hastily, all in few daies.

Neither rested Aminander nor the Athamans quiet and still, after they heard the newes of the prosperous battaile which the Romanes had sought. But Aminander reposing small trust in his owne souldiours, craved of the Consull a small supply of other forces: and as he marched toward Gomphi, hee surprized forthwith and forced a towne named Pheca, situate betweene Gomphi and the streights that divide Thessalie from Athamania. From thence hee advaunced before Gomphi, & assailed the town, which was defended right valiantly for certaine daies: but after that he had erected scaling ladders against it, hee forced the townesmen within, for very [unspec B] feare to yeeld and render all into his hands. The surrender of this citie terrified the Thessalians exceedingly: in such sort, that the citizens of Argenta, Pherinum, Thimarum, Lisinas, Stimon and Lampsum, one after another submitted themselves, with other pieces thereby of small im∣portance.

Whiles the Athamanians and Aetolians (secured from all daunger of the Macedonians) made spoile and raised gaine to themselves by the victorie of others: whiles Thessalie was pilled and sacked by three armies at once, and knew nor their friends from their foes, nor whom to trust: the Consull passed over into the country of * 1.5Epirus, by the way of the streights which hee had opened and made cleere by reason that the enemies were fled. And albeit he knew full well which way all the Epirotes in generall went, and with whome they had sided, excepting onely [unspec C] prince Charopus, yet because he saw them not onely carefull to make amends and satisfaction, but also willing and forward to do whatsoever he commaunded, he esteemed and regarded them by their present state, more than by their demeanor past, and so by shewing himselfe inclined to mercie and easie to pardon a fault, he woon their hearts, and gained them unto him for the time to come. After this he dispatched messengers to Corcyra, to will that the bulkes and ships of burden should put into the gulfe of * 1.6Ambracia, whiles himselfe revailed by easie journies; and the fourth day after pitched his tents upon the hill * 1.7Cercetius: and thither he sent for Ami∣nonder to repaire with his aids, not for any need hee had of his forces, so as much as of his gui∣dance to direct him in his journey for Thessalie. Most of the Epirotes also, for the same intent were received, who voluntarily offered their helpe and assistance. The first citie that hee assaulted [unspec D] in Thessalie, was Phaleria, wherein there lay a garrison of two thousand Macedonians. Who at first held out and resisted most manfully, and as much as either armour of the walls were able to doe, defended themselves. But the assault and batterie continuing uncessantly both night & day, overcame at length the constant and resolute valour of the Macedonians. For the Consull made this reckoning, That upon this point depended the hearts and dispositions of all the other Thes∣salians, if the first should not bee able to abide the violence and force of the Romanes. Phaleria was no sooner woon, but there came embassadors from* 1.8Metropolis & Piera, to render up their cities into his hands, who craued pardon, and obtained it. Phaleria was burnt and sacked. From thence he set forward to Aeginium; but seeing the place defensible with any small garrison; and in manner imprenable, he bestowed some small shot of darts upon the next Corps de guard, and [unspec E] turned his armie toward the countrie about Gomphi, and from thence he marched downe into the plaines of Thessalie. And because his armie was disfurnished of all necessaries (for that hoe had forsome to make spoile in the territories of the Epirotes) after he had sent out espials afore, to discover whether the hulkes above said were arrived at * 1.9Leucas or Ambracia, he sent out his companies one after another to Ambracia, for to purvey come and victuals. The way betweene Gomphi and Ambracia, as it is comberous and hard for passage, so againe, it is but short and ve∣ry compendious. So that within few daies he had transported certaine convoies of victuals from the port of Ambracia, whereby the campe was stored with plentie of all provision. From thence he passed to Rhages, a towne almost ten miles distant from Larissa. The citizens thereof are des∣cended from Perrhoebia, and the citie it self seated upon the river * 1.10Peneus. The Thessalians were [unspec F] nothing afraid at the first comming of the Romanes. As for Philip, like as hee durst not himselfe in person march forward into Thessalie, so having taken a place within * 1.11Tempe, which he held with a standing campe, he espied into what quarters the enemies intended to go, and ever as he could find any opportunitie and advauntage, sent underhand succour and releese thither accor∣dingly.

Much about the same time that the Consull first encamped against Philip in the streights [unspec G] of Epitus, L. Quintius also, the Consull his brother, who by commission from the Senat had the charge of the fleere and the government of all the sea coast, failed beyond Corcyra with two Galleaces of five banks of ores: and hearing that the navie was departed from thence, seeing also there was no staying there, he made saile after apace, and having overtaken them at the isle Zamma, he dismissed Apuslius, in whose place he succeeded: from whence he went faire and softly, haling after him the most part of the ships which followed with the provision of victuals, untill he came to Malea. From whence, when he had geven order, that the rest should make as good speed as possibly they could after him, he went with three Quinqueremes lightly appoin∣ted, and arrived before at Pyraeeum, where he received the other ships that L. Apuslius the Lien∣tenant had left there for the guard and defence of Athens. [unspec H]

At the same time there were two Armadaes set out of Asia, the one conducted by king At∣talus, consisting of foure and twentie saile of Quinqueremes: the other were of Rhodians, and stood of twentie covert ships with decks and hatches, commaunded by Agesimbrotus the Ad∣mirall. These fleets joyning together about the island Andros, crossed the narrow seas from thence to Euboea. And first they forraied the territorie of the Carystians: afterwards seeing Ca∣rystus strong enough against them, by reason of a garison sent to them in all hast from Chalcis, they approched to Eretria, L. Quintius having intelligence that king Attalius was come, repai∣red thither also with those vessels which had bene at Pyraeeum, and gave commaundement, that as many ships as arrived thither belonging to his fleete, should bend their course for Euboea. Now was Eretria by all sorcible meanes assaulted, for not only the vessels of three joynt navies [unspec I] had brought thither all sorts of engins and artillerie devised for to shake and batter the walls of cities, but also the fields and country hard by, yeelded them plentie of timber, and other manner to make new. The townes-men from the very first day shewed no valour and courage in defen∣ding their walls: and afterwards when they were wearied, and some of them hurt, and saw withall a part of their wall overthrowne by the ordinance and engins of the enemie, enclined to yeeld: but they had amongst them a garison of Macedonians, whom they feared no lesse than the Ro∣mans. Moreover, Philocles a captaine under the king, sent messengers unto them from Chalcis, assuring them, that if they could hold out still and endure the siege, he would in good time be with them, and bring reliefe. Thus hope and feare together constreined them to drive off longer than either they were willing or well able to do. But when they heard once that Philocles had a [unspec K] repulse by the way, and in great hast and feare was retired and fled to Chalcis again, then imme∣diatly they sent their embassadors unto Attalus, to crave pardon and protection. Whiles they were wholly bent to seeke peace (whereof they had some hope) and foreslacked the affaires of warre-service, opposing their corps de gard on that side only of the wall where the breaches were, and neglecting all besides, behold, Quintius in the night season gaue a cammissado in that quarter which was least suspected, and with skaling ladders woon the towne. The whole multitude of the inhabitants fled with their wives and children into the Castle, which also afterwards was rendred up. As for money, gold and silver, there was no great store to speake of: but images, and peinted tables of antique worke, artificially wrought, and such like ornaments, there were more found, than for the proportion of the bignesse, or other wealth besides, of such a citie as that was. From [unspec L] thence they set saile once againe for Carystus, where the whole multitude, before the enemies were put aland, having abandoned the citie, were fled into their fortresse: from whence they sent their oratours unto the Romane Generall, humbly craving their mercifull protection. The townes-men presently had their lives and libertie graunted them. But the Macedonians were put to their raunsome, and they compounded to pay * 1.12 three hundred silver sesterces a peece, and to give up their armour and weapons, and so to depart: With this summe of money having re∣deemed themselves they were set over disarmed into Boeotia. These forces at sea having in few dayes gained two noble and renowned cities in Euboea, coasted about Sunium, a promontorie or cape within the territorie of Attica, and arrived before Cenchreae, a towne of merchandise and trafficke belonging to the Corinthians. [unspec M]

The Consull all this while had a longer and more dangerous peece of service in the siege (of Rhages) than all men looked for. And the enemies within made resistance, where he would have least of all suspected. For he supposed verily that all the trouble and difficultie would be in battering downe the wall, and making some breach. For thus he thought, that if he had once

[unspec A] opened way for his armed souldiours to enter into the towne, the enemies afterwards would ei∣ther free or be slaine, as it falleth out commonly in cities when they are forced. Howbeit, when part of the wall by the battery of the Ram lay flat along, and the enemies were gotten over at the breaches and ruines thereof: then began their labour and paines anew, as if they had had no trouble nor toile afore. For the Macedonians in garison, who were many in number, and those approved and select souldiours, thinking how honourable a service it would be to defend the citie by valour and dent of sword, rather than by the strenght of walls, had raunged themselves in a battaile within forth, strongly marshalled into many ranks and files close together: and when they perceived the Romanes were mounting over the breaches to enter the citie, they re∣pelled & beat them back in that place of great disadvantage, where they had much ado to reco∣ver [unspec B] and retire themselves. The Consull hereat was much displeased, and vexed in himselfe: and making this accoumpt, that such a foule foile and disgrace was not only an occasion of a longer tract of time, before he could force that one citie; but also materiall and important for the maine progresse and proceeding of the whole warre, which commonly dependeth upon the occurrences of light matters and of small moment in the beginning: after he had rid and clensed the place which was choked up with the ruines of the halfe broken wall lying there upon heapes, he reared a towne or frame of timber of a huge height to overtop the walls, con∣sisting of many stories and stoores one over another, which conteined and caried a mightie number of armed men, and drave the same upon wheeles and rollers close to the wall. More∣over he sent out certeine ensignes one after another by turnes, to breake through by force (if it [unspec C] were possible) that strong and close battailon of the Macedonians (which they themselves call Phalanx.) But the place being so streight (for that the breach of the wall was nothing broad) the enemies had the vantage both in regard of the weapons which they used, and of the forme of battaile wherein they were raunged. For when the Macedonians standing close one to ano∣ther with a continued roufe or fence or targuets over their heads, opposed their pikes before them which were of an exceeding length: the Romanes neither with their darts could hurt them afarre off, nor with their swords drawn come neere them to fight close at hand, or cut their pikes a two: and if it chaunced that they whipt off or snapt any asunder, yet the steele and truncheon thereof being sharp still at the point (headlesse though it were) among the other pikes that were headed, served to make a sense as it were an haie or palaisade. Over and besides, that part of the [unspec D] wall that stood whole and sound still, was a sure defence unto both flancks of the enemies: nei∣ther had the Romanes any large roume at length to returne, and from thence to fetch their beirre, and so geve a violent charge, which is the thing that usually breaketh and disordereth ranks. Moreover there chaunced one thing by meere fortune that encouraged them within: for as the towne aforesaid was in driving over a terrasse or banke whereof the floore was not fast and soundly hardned with the rammer, one of the wheeles hapned to sinke in and make a deepe rut in the ground, whereby the whole frame nodded so forward, that the enemies without thought verily it was readie to fall, and the armed souldiours standing upon it within, qua∣ked for feare, and were put welneere besides their wits. Thus when nothing that was pro∣vided might availe and come to any great effect, the Consull was vexed at the heart, to [unspec E] see himselfe so much overmatched in souldiours, in armour, and in manner of service; and withall hee considered, that hee had no helpe to force the citie and to win it in any short∣time, nor could make meanes to passe the winter in those parts so farre from sea, and left na∣ked alreadie and wast by those calamities that follow warres. Whereupon hee raised the siege: and because there was no haven in all the tract and coast of Acarnania and Aetolia, which was able both to receive and harbour all his hulkes that brought victuals for his armie, and also to yeeld winter lodging for his legions; he thought upon the Isle Anticyra within the countrey of Phocis; which lying toward the gulfe of Corinth, seemed to him most fit & commodious for his purpose; because they should not remove far from Thessalie, & the territories belonging to the enemies: having besides Peloponnesus affront even over against them, divided but by a small [unspec F] arme of the sea: at their backe Aetolia and Acarnania: and of ech side Locris and Baeotia. At the first assault, the Consull without any resistance wan Panopea in Phocis. Anticyra likewise long endured not the siege. Then Ambrysus and Hyampolis were received by composition. Daulis by reason that it was situate upon an high hill, could neither be scaled nor forced by instruments and engins of batterie. But the Romanes by launcing their darts and shooting ar∣rowes

against them that were in guard, trained them foorth to skirmish; and after some light [unspec G] seusilings to no effect, whiles one while they seemed to flie, and other whiles to pursue, they brought them to be so carelesse, so negligent and so little respective, that when the enemies fled backe within the gate, they entred pellmell with them, and so were masters of the towne. Other small forts likewise of Phocis yeelded rather for feare than any force offered unto them. Elatia kept their gates shut, and made a countenance, that unlesse they were driven thereunto, they would receive within their walles neither Romane captaine nor armie.

Whiles the Consull lay at the siege before Elatia, there was presented unto him the hope of a greater matter, namely, of withdrawing the nation of the Achaei from the kings alliance to the amitie of the Romanes. For they had expelled and banished Cycliadas the chiefe of that faction that sided with Philip: and Aristhenus who friended the Romanes and sought to be consedered [unspec H] with them, was Pretour for the time.

Now the Romane Armada, together with Attalus and the Rhodians, rode at ancre in the ha∣ven of Cenchreae, & they all were agreed in common to assail Corinth. But the Consul thought good, before that they should put that designment in action, to send embassadours to the State of Achaia, promising, if they would revolt from the king and turne to them, to deliver Corinth into their hands, for to be incorporate into the auncient league and councell of their nation. And so by the advise of the Consull, there were embassadors addressed to the Achaeans from his brother L. Quintius, from Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Athenians. And at * 1.13 Sicyone was there a counsell and Diet held, for to give them audience. Now the Achaeans were not all of one mind and alike affected. The Athenians (a dangerous, an ordinarie, and continuall ene∣mie [unspec I] of theirs) put them in feare of one side: the Romanes they had in dread and horrour of an other. To the Macedonians they were obliged and bound by many good turnes and favours, as well old as new. The king himselfe they held in jealousie for his crueltie and treacherie: and ca∣sting a proofe and conjecture by those courses which he then tooke, and by his practises for the time, they foresaw well, that after the war ended, he would be intollerable and a very tyrant over them. They were besides not onely ignorant, what every man had said in the severall councels of every particular State, and in the generall Diets of the whole nation, when they were required to deliver their opinions; but also uncertaine and unresolute among themselves in their owne minds what to will or wish. Vnto men thus doubtfully disposed and unsetled, the embassadours above said were admitted, and license was given them to deliver their message. First, the Romane [unspec K] embassadour L. Calphurnius; after him, those that were for king Attalus: and in the third place, the Rhodians spake and made discourse: and consequently, the embassadors of Philip were per∣mitted to parle. The Athenians had audience given them last of all, and were reserved of pur∣pose to confute whatsoever should be spoken and alledged by the Macedonians. And these A∣thenians inveighed most sharply & bitterly against the king, for none had received either more wrongs, or suffered the like indignities at his hands as they had. So this assembly verily for that time (by reason that the day was spent in hearing the continued orations of so many embassa∣dours) brake up about sun-setting. The morrow after, they assembled againe: where the magi∣strates by the voice of the Bedle or publique cryer (after the custome of the Greekes) gave li∣bertie to every person to deliver his mind, and no man stepped foorth. Great silence there was, [unspec L] and not a word among them for a long time, looking wistly one upon another who should be∣gin first. And no marvaile, if they whose spirits were astonied in some sort within them, when they of their owne accord cast and tossed in their minds things so different and contrarie, were now more troubled and perplexed by those orations besides that had lasted all the long day, broch∣ing, uttering, and advising many matters so harsh, so difficult, and unpleasant unto them. At length because the Councell should not be dissolved without some speech and parle, Arisbenus the Pretor of the Achaeans began to speak,* 1.14 and said:

What is become (my masters of Achaea) of those hearts of yours and couragious stomacks, whereby at all your 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and in your privat meetings (when talk is ministred of Philip and the Romans) you can hardly hold your hands, but are readie to flie one in anothers face? And now, when as this honourable court of parliaments is [unspec M] published and holden for the same purpose only: when ye have heard the reasons and allegati∣ons of the embassadors of all parts; when the magistrats propound the matter to be debated in councell; when the publick cryer calleth you to give your opinions, ye are mum and mute? If the regard of the common good and welfare of us all, will not cause you to open your lips; cannot

[unspec A] the privat respects and affections neither (which have inclined and caried your minds to the one side or the other) fetch out a word from any of your mouthes? Considering especially, that no man is so grosse and blockish, who can be ignorant that now is the very time or never, for each one to say and deliver his mind as he will himselfe, and as he thinketh best, before we resolve and determine of any course: and when a decree of act is once passed, that all men are bound (even they themselves that before misliked it) to defend and maintaine the same, as a good and profitable accord. This admonition of the Pretour was so farre short of drawing any one of them to utter his opinion, that it caused not so much as the least noise or humming in so frequent an auditorie and congregation of so many States together.

Then Aristhenus the Pretour began againe and followed his speech in this manner.

It seemeth (my masters and friends of Achaea [unspec B] here assembled) that yee are not so much to seeke for counsell and advise, but ye are as short of your tongues and loth to speake. And every one here is unwilling to provide for their generall good, for feare least hee should incure some particular perill. My selfe likewise peradventure would be silent and hold my peace if I were a privat person: But now being Pretour, I see thus much, That either there should have no audience at all beene given unto the Embassadours, or else, that they ought not to be sent away from hence without an answere: and answere them how can I, without your ordinance? Now seeing that there is none of you all, who have beene summoned hither to this Councell, that either will or dare say a word to the cause: let us exa∣mine throughly and consider well in lieu of your opinions, those speeches which yesterday were pronounced by the embassadours: let us (I say) revise them so, as if they had not demaunded [unspec C] those things which concerned their owne good and commoditie, but as though they proposed such points as they esteemed profitable and expedient for us all. The Romanes, the Rhodians, and king Attalius require our alliance and amitie: and in that warre which they wage against Philip, they thinke it reason to be aided from us. Philip againe, putteth us in mind of our societie with him, and of our oath. One while he requireth us to stand and band with him: otherwhiles, hee faith hee will be content that wee should sit still, and meddle neither one way nor other. Is there no man here knoweth the reason, why they that are not yet our allies, demaund and crave more than hee that is our allie alreadie? It is neither the modestie of Philip, nor the impu∣dencie of the Romanes that is the cause hereof. The ports and haven-townes they be of Achaea, which minister confidence and assurance to those demaunders, and take away the same from [unspec D] them againe. From Philip wee see nothing but only an Embassadour. The sea-forces of the Romanes and their fleet, ride in the harborough of Cenchreae: they carrie afore them in shew, the spoiles of the citties in * 1.15Euboea. The Consull himselfe with his land armie of the legions, we see disjoined from us by a small arme onely of the sea, raunging at their pleasure all over Phocis and Locris. Marvell now longer if you can, why Cleomedon the embassadour of Philip demaunded erewhile so coldly and dissidently, that wee should take armes for the king against the Romans: who, if we by vertue of the same league and oth, where with hee seemed to charge us in conscience, required of him againe, that Philip should defend us both from Nabis and the Lacedemonians, and also from the Romans; would bee to seeke not onely of a garrison and power of armed men to shield us, but likewise of a very aunswere to shape us. And verily hee [unspec E] would be no more readie to satisfie us, than Philip was himselfe the last yeere; who notwithstan∣ding he frankly promised to levie warre against Nabis, and thereby assaied to traine and draw the floure of our youth from hence into Euboea: after that hee saw once that we neither agreed to send him that power, nor yet were willing to entangle our selves, and be interessed in the Romane warre, forgat soone that societie that now he standeth and vaunteth so much of, and left us to the mercie and devotion of Nabis and the Lacedemonians, to bee spoiled, pilled, and wasted at their pleasures. And certes, so much as I can conceive of Cleomedon his Oration, me thinks it hangeth not well together, and one peece thereof forteth not well with another. He seemed to speake of the Romane warre contemptuously, as if it were a matter of nothing: saying the event and issue thereof would be like the former, which they maintained with Philip. How is it then, that he kee∣peth [unspec F] himselfe away, and in his absence demaundeth our helpe, rather than with his personall presence protecteth us both from Nabis and the Romanes? Vs, I say, his auncient Allies? But what speake I of us? Why hath he suffered them so to force and win Eretria and Carystum? why endured he, that so many cities of Thessalie should bee lost? How could hee abide Locris and Phocis to be overrun so, as they are? and Elatia now at this day so streightly besieged, and hotly

assaulted? Why quit he the streights of Epirus, and abandoned those imprenable holds upon [unspec G] the river Aous, by force, for feare, of his owne accord, or howsoever? and when hee had forgone and disseised himselfe of that passe which hee held, why retired hee into the inland parts of his realme for his safetie? If willingly and of his owne accord hee abandoned so many of his allies, and left them to be spoiled and ransacked by the enemie, what can hee alleadge or say for him∣selfe, why those allies aforesaid may not provide for themselves the best they can? If for feare, let him pardon us likewise, if we be afraid. But if he were vanquished by force of armes, and therfore retired backe, shall wee, good Cleomedon, sustaine and endure the Romane puissance and their mightie armies, against which yee Macedonians were not able to stand? Or would you have us to beleeve you, that beare us in hand, how the Romanes warre not at this present, either with greater numbers or stronger forces than they have done heretofore, rather than trust our owne [unspec H] eies, and that which daily wee see before our faces? In those daies they succoured the Aetolians with their navie, and warred neither under the conduct, nor with the armie of a Consull. The maritime cities of the confederates of Philip, were then in trouble and tumult: but all the medite∣ranean parts within the continent, were so secure and warished from the Romane forces, that Philip spoiled and forraied the Aetolians, imploring and seeking for helpe of the Romanes, but all in vaine. But now at this day the Romanes having finished the Carthaginian warre, which for sixteene yeares space they supported in the very heart and bowels of Italie, have not sent a gari∣son to succour and maintaine the Aetolians in their warres, but are come themselves, as leaders and commaunders Generall, and by land and sea at once have warred upon Macedonie. And this is the third Consull of theirs, who at this present maintaineth mortall warre upon it, to the [unspec I] uttermost of his power. Sulpitius hath encountred the king in the middest of Macedonie, bidden him battell, discomfited and put him to flight, after hee had laid wast and desolate the wealthiest quarter of all his kingdome. Quintius lately hath driven him out of campe and field, notwith∣standing he were possessed of the streight avenues of Epirus, and bare himselfe boldly and confi∣dently upon the naturall situation of the ground, of his strong defences, and force of a complete armie: and having pursued him as hee fled into Thessalie, hath taken the garrison townes of the king, and in manner within his owne sight, woon by fine force his confederat cities. Suppose and say, that all those things which the Athenians erewhile have alleadged concerning the crueltie, the avarice, and unbridled lust of the king, bee not true, but supposed slaunders; admit that those enormities and wicked parts committed within the Atticke land, against the gods of heaven [unspec K] above, of the infernall spirits beneath, touch not us at all, and are much lesse pertinent, than those outrages which the Elaeuntij and the Abydenes, so far remote from us, have endured. For∣get we our selves, if yee will, the hurts, the wounds, and losses that we have received, the murders, the pilling and rifling of the goods of Messena in the middest of* 1.16 Peloponnesus. Likewise, how his friend and host Garitenes at Cyparissia, was killed against all law of god and man, even in a manner sitting at the board with meat in his month. Say we nothing also of Attalus the father and sonne, both Sicyonians, who were cruelly massacred, and yet he was wont to call the silie and wretched old man, Father. Also forbeare we to speake of the sonnes wife, who was carried away into Macedonie, to make her his harlot and concubine, & to abuse her at his pleasure. Let other rapes of virgines, forcings of honourable dames be forgotten: let us imagine that wee have no∣thing [unspec E] to doe, not to meddle with Philip, for feare of whose crueltie ye were all so mute, and could not open your mouth. For what other cause of silence had yee, being called hither to this coun∣sell? Let us put the case, that we were to debate the matter with Antigonus, that most mild and just prince, at whose gracious hands wee have received so many favours and pleasures above all other kings: would he demaund, thinke ye, that wee should doe that which possibly then could not bee done? Peloponnesus is a demie island, joined to the firme continent and maine land, by the nar∣row streight or banke of Isthmus, lying open and exposed to nothing more than to sea-forces. If one hundered covert and decked ships with hatches, and fiftie lighter vessels which are open, together with thirtie Brigantines or foists of Issa, should come to pill and spoile our sea coasts, and begin to assaile our townes and citties that lie open upon the river, even on the very strond [unspec M] and sea bankes; should we retire our selves; thinke yee, into our cities within the land? Why? what els? As though we were not alreadie afflicted and plagued with intestine war, which sticketh even within our ribs and bowels? When Nabis and the Lacedemonians by land, the Romane navie by sea shall lie upon us, to doe us all annoy, how should I call upon the kings societie, or soothe

[unspec A] helpe of the Macedonians? Or shall wee of ourselves, by our owne strength and meanes save our cities which shall be assaulted, against the puissance & power of the Romans? For in the for∣mer war we bravely defended (did we not?) the citie of Dymae. We have examples ynough of the fearful calamities and losses of others, that we need not to make our selves examples unto others. Take heed (I beseech you) how you set light and disdaine, that the Romanes have of their owne motive offered their friendship and alliance, which indeed yee were to wish for, and seeke all that ever ye could. It is for very feare (no doubt) that they are driven, being in a straunge land, to flie unto you for your alliance, because they would gladly shroud themselves under the shadow of your wings, be harboured within your havens, and sustained by your victuall and provision. No no, lords they are first of the seas, who can denie it? there is not a land they set foot into, but im∣mediately [unspec B] it is their owne, and in subjection unto them: whatsoever they seeme to request, they can commaund if they list. And because they are willing to spare and forbear you, therefore it is that they suffer you not to enter into any action that might be cause of your ruine & overthrow. For whereas Cleomedon erewhile seemed to shew and lay before you a meane and indifferent course, and that forsooth, which should be the safest way that you could take, namely to enter in∣to no armes at all, to sit still and sleepe in a hole skin; that, I say, is no middleway, no nor (to speak truth) any way at all. For besides this, that yee must either accept or refuse the alliance with the Romanes, what els will become of us, but to be a prey unto the conquerour, having lost the grace and favour both of the one and the other? as men that like neutres, expecting the issue of the warre, frame our designements and counsels to the blind direction of fortune. Well, once again [unspec C] I say, take heed you thinke not scorne of that which with all your heart you should wish and pray for, onely for that it is tendered and presented unto you. And never thinke, that because to day you have the choise of both in your owne hands, therefore yee shall ever have the same libertie hereafter. Occasions and opportunities are not alwaies the same, neither do they continue long. All this whiles have yee had a desire to save and free your selves from Philip, but evermore by wishes & praiers in secret heart, rather than by taking armes in open hand. Now there are those which with great armies and armadaes have passed the seas, who without your paine and perill are readie to deliver you from his hands. These men, if yee reject and refuse for your allies, yee are not well in your wits, and have them you must either your allies or your enemies, there is no remedie.

[unspec D] After this Oration of the Pretour, there arose a muttering and noise in the assemblie, whiles some approved and gave assent unto that which he said, others rebuked in churlish wise those that accorded. Insomuch, as they jangled not one with another in particular, but the very States there assembled were at variance, yea, and this debate betweene the magistrates of the whole nation (whom they call Demiurgi, and ten they are in number) was as hotely mainteined, as among the multitude. Five of them said, they would propound unto the people, and debate with them in counsell about accepting the alliance of the people of Rome, & put it to voyces. The other five protested, that this was directly against a law, in that case provided, forbidding expressely that no magistrates should either propound or determine ought in any Diet, prejudiciall to the soci∣etie and league with Philip. Thus was this day also spent in debating & wrangling, and nothing [unspec E] done. There remained one day yet of a full Diet and counsell, for by law they were to conclude and decree somewhat within three dayes at the farthest. Against that time, the parties were so hotely bent one against the other, that the fathers could hardly forbeare to offer violence to their very children. There was one Rhisiasus of Pellenae, who had a sonne named Memnon, and he was a Demiurgus, who tooke part and sided with them that would not permit the matter to be put to question, and determined by a scrutinie of voices. This Rhisiasus having instantly a long time importuned his sonne, and besought him to suffer the Acheans to provide for their weale publick, and not by his peevish frowardnes undo the state of the whole nation: when he saw once that all his prayers prevailed nothing, he sware a great oath that he would kill him with his owne hands, and not take him for his sonne, but for an errant enemie. By which his menaces, he [unspec F] gained thus much in the end, that content he was the next day to joyne with them that put the matter to question: who now being more in number than the other, made a report, and propo∣sed the cause to the assemblie: and when all the States in manner there met, enclined thereto, and approved thereof, so as they avowed openly what they would ordeine; the Dymaeans, Me∣gapolitanes, and certeine Argives, before the decree was enacted, rose up all at once, and depar∣ted

out of the assembly, and no man either wondered at it, or blamed them for it. As for the Me∣gapolitanes, [unspec G] no longer ago than in their grandfires dayes, at what time as they were expelled out of their country by the Lacedemonians, K. Antigonus had restored them again. The Dyme∣ans being but lately taken prisoners, and ransacked by the Romane armie, Philip having given order that they should be redeemed wheresoever they were in slaverie and bondage, he not only set free, but also replanted in their owne countrey. The Argives last of all, besides that they are of a settled opinion and beliefe, that the Macedonian kings are descended from them, were for the most part linked unto Philip in the right and regard of private hospitalitie, and familiar friendship. In these respects, they went out of that assembly which inclined to the contract of alliance with the Romanes, and were held excused for this departure; being thus obliged unto Philip the adverse part, by great favours and benefites, yea and those newly received at his hands. [unspec H] All the other States of the Achaeans, when they were demaunded their opinions, without delay confirmed by their immediat decree, the societie with Attalus and the Rhodians: but the league with the people of Rome, because it could not be ratified and established without the Act of the people, was referred and put off untill the time that embassadors might be sent unto Rome. But for the present it was thought good that three embassadors should be addressed unto L. Quin∣tius, and that all the forces of the Achaeans should march toward Corinth, for that Quintius having woon the port of Cenchreae, was alreadie at the siege and assault of that citie.

These Achaeans encamped themselves over against that gate that openeth toward Sicyone: the Romanes lay against that part of the citie which looketh toward Cenchreae, and Attalus ha∣ving led his armie through the narrow streight of Isthmus, assailed them of Lechaeus side, [unspec I] which is an haven of the other sea. At the first they made no hote assault, hoping that there would be some mutinie betweene the townes-men and the kings garison. But perceiving they were all of one mind and resolution, and that both the Macedonians defended the citie, as their owne native countrie: and also the Corinthians were content to be at the full commaund and direction of Androstheus the captaine of the garison, as well as if he had bene their fellow-citi∣zen, and lawfully chosen by their owne election and suffrages: then the assailants had no other hope but in the violent force of armes and engins. And of all sides they had raised banks and mures, and were come close to the walls, although with hard accesse thereto. Now had the Ram from that quarter where the Romanes lay, beaten downe a good part of the wall. To which breach, because it lay naked without defence, all the Macedonians ran to guard and defend it [unspec K] by strength of armes: where there was a cruell fight between them and the Romanes. At the first the Romanes were soone repulsed by meanes of the great numbers of defendants: but after the succours of the Achaei and Attalus came unto them, they received them with equall valour: neither doubted they but to be able with ease to drive the Macedonians and the Greeks from their standings, and force them to recule. But there were within the towne a multitude of Italian fugitives revolted and fled from the Romanes: part of them, a residue left of Anniball his armie; who having transgressed the lawes, for feare of punishment were fled from the Romanes, and tooke part with Philip: part also were marriners and seafaring men, who for hope of more ho∣norable interteinment and service, had abandoned their ships, and were gotten into the citie of Corinth. These fellowes past all hope of life, if the Romanes happly should have the better [unspec L] hand, fared more like mad men than hardie and audacious souldiours. Now there is overa∣gainst Sicyone a promontorie of Iuno, which they call the cape of Acreae, and it runneth into the sea: from whence the passage over to Corinth is a cut almost of seven miles. Thither Philo∣cles, a captaine also under king Philip, had conducted through Boeotia 1500 souldiours: and certeine Brigantines of Corinth were there readie to embarke that supplie of aid, and to trans∣port them to Lechaeus. By this time Attalus advised to set on fire the engins and fabricks that they had made, and presenly to geve over the siege. Quintius persisted yet more obstinately in his enterprise begun. But he also seeing the kings guards raunged and quartered at every gate, and that if they should happen to sallie out, their violence would hardly be susteined, was of the same mind with Attalus. So without effecting anything, the Achaeans were dismissed, and the [unspec M] rest returned to their ships, Attalus to Piraeeum, the Romanes to Corcyra.

During this service by sea forces, the (other) Consull who lay in camp before Elatia in Pho∣cis, first assayed to gaine the citie by conference and parlie with the principall citizens thereof: but after answere made, that it lay not in their hands, and that they who were for the king, out∣went

[unspec A] the townes-men both in number and strength; then at once from all parts he gave an as∣sault unto the citie both by force of armes, and also by engins of artillerie. The Ram was bent against the walls, and as much thereof beaten downe with a mightie crash and fearefull noyse, as stood between the towres: whereupon the towne was dismantelled and laid naked; and withall a cohort of Romane souldiours entred at the open breach; so as from all parts the defendants abandoned their guards, and ran to that place that thus was distressed by the enemies. And at one instant the Romanes advaunced themselves over the breach, and set up skaling ladders a∣gainst the wall which was standing: and whiles the enemies were amused wholie, and had their eie only upon that one place where the conflict was, the wall in many parts was skaled, and armed souldiours mounted into the citie. At which sodaine tumult and alarme, the armed men having [unspec B] quit the place which they guarded with a thick troupe, fled all into the castell for feare, and the unarmed and naked multitude followed after. Thus the Consull was maister of the citie: which being ransaked, he sent unto the castell certeine messengers, promising life to as many of the kings garison as would depart away without armes, and offring libertie to the Elatians: and after securitie given hereof, within few dayes the castle also was rendred into his hands. Moreover, by the arrivall of Philocles (a commaunder for the king) in Achaea, not Corinth only was delive∣red from siege, but the citie also of the Argives, was by certeine of the principall rulers betrayed unto Philocles, who before had sounded and sollicited the minds and affections of the common people. There was a custome in this citie, that upon the first day of their generall assemblies, the Pretor should in token of good luck pronounce the names of Iupiter, Apollo, and Hercules: and [unspec C] afterwards ordeined it was besides by a law, that the name of Philip should make up the fourth. Now after the alliance accorded betweene them and the Romanes, it hapned that the beadle or publick cryer left out the name of Philip: wherat the multitude first began to mutter & grumble: then arose a loud cry of those that put him in mind to name the king, willing him to geve him his honor due by law: untill at last his name was also pronounced with great applause & consent. Vpon the confidence & assurance of this favour, Philocles was sent for, who by night seised upon an hill that commaundeth the citie, which commonly is called the fort of Larissa; and having put a garison there, the next morning betimes he advanced forward with banner displaid, and came downe toward the common place lying under the fortresse aforesaid: where there encountred him a band of armed men well appointed in order of battaile. These were the garison of the [unspec D] Achaei lately there placed, to the number of five hundred elect men chosen forth of all the States of Achaea: and one Atnesidemus a Dymean was their commaunder. Vnto him Phi∣locles (one of the kings captaines aforesaid) addressed a speciall messenger to persuade and ex∣hort him to quit the citie; giving him to understand, That hee and his companie were not able to match the townesmen alone, who caried the same mind that the Macedonians had done: much lesse then should they stand out when the Macedonians were joined unto them; the Macedonians (I say) whome the verie Romanes themselves could not sustaine at Corinth. At first he did no good either with leader or souldiour: yea and when within a while they beheld the Argives also marching armed against them with a great troupe from another part, and saw pre∣sent death before their eies, yet it seemed they would have put it to the hazard of a conflict, and [unspec E] sought to the last man, in case their captaine would have stucke to it, and not relented. But Ae∣nesidemus for feare least togither with the citie, the floure of all the youth of Achaea should pe∣rish, capitulated with Philocles, that they might be permitted to depart and goe their way: but himselfe kept his ground still in his armour, with some few of his followers and vassals, and re∣mooved not a foot. Then Philocles sent out unto him, to demaund, What he meant thereby? Vnto whom he gave no other words, but holding forth his shield before him made answer, That armed as he was he would live and die in the guard and defence of that citie which was commit∣ted to his charge. Then by the commaundement of the captaines, the Thracians launced their darts and shot at him, and so both he and the companie about him were slaine every one. Thus after the accord of alliance betweene the Achaeans and Romanes, two most noble and famous [unspec F] cities (Argi and Corinth) came under the subjection of the king. These were the actes atchieved by the Romanes as well by land as sea this summer.

In Fraunce there was no exploit performed worth remembrance by Sext. Aelius the Consull, notwithstanding he had under his government two entire armies: the one that he retained still with him, which by order hee should have discharged, and was the same that had before beene

commaunded by L. Cornelius the Proconsull, and now by him was committed to the charge of [unspec G] C. Aelius: the other, that he brought himselfe with him into the province. So that hee imployed the whole yeere almost in compelling the men of Cremona and Placentra to returne into their colonies, from whence by sundry casualties of warre they were chased and dispersed. As Fraunce that yeere was in quiet beyond all hope and expectation, so about the citie of Rome there had like to have beene a commotion and tumult of bondsluves. The Carthaginian hostages were in guard and kept at Setia, where they had attending about them (as meet was for the children of the chiefe nobles and princes of Carthage) a mightie traine and retinew of servants. The number of them was the greater by occasion of the late Africane warre; during which time and presently after, the Setines also themselves had bought up many of that nation which were ta∣ken captives, and came in port-sale with the rest of the prizes. These having conspired togither, [unspec H] sent out certaine of their owne companie to sollicite also the other slaves that were in the terri∣torie of Setia, and so forth, as many as they could find about Norba and Circeij. Their plot was, that when all things were provided aforehand, they should upon the very day of the solemne games and plaies (which shortly were to be exhibited and set forth in Setia) take the opportuni∣tie of the time, when as the people were busie in beholding the spectacle and shew represented unto their eye, and to run upon them: and when they had by massacre in this sodaine hurlyburly possessed themselves of Setia, then to go forward and surprise Norba and Circeij. This horrible complot and conspiracie was detected, and information given at Rome to L. Cornelius Merula Pretour at that time of the citie. For two bondsiaves early in a morning before day, presented themselves unto him, and opened from point to point in order, namely, what had ben contrived [unspec I] and done, and what remained yet to do. The Pretor having taken order for their safe custodie at home within his own house, called the Senat togither; where, after he had recounted and decla∣red unto them what these enformers had revealed, he was commanded to goe abroad to search out and represse this conspiracie. Forth he marched with five lieutenants of the campe, & looke how many he could meet with in his way all over the fields, villages, and hamlets, he tendred un∣to them a militarie oth, and constrained them to arme and follow him. Thus in this hastie man∣ner of levie, he armed well neere two thousand, and with them all together (who knew not whi∣ther he meant to goe nor to what peece of service he led them) to Setia he came. At his first en∣trance, he sodainly in great hast apprehended the principall heads of the conspiracie; wherupon the slaves fled out of the towne. Then were sent out certaine into the fields, to trace and to find [unspec K] them out by their tracks. In this businesse there were two bondslaves and one free man that per∣formed singular good service. Vnto him the LL. of the Senate gave order, that there should be paid 100000 Asles in brasse coine:* 1.17 but unto the slaves 25000 & their freedom. For the redemp∣tion of whom, their masters were contented their full price out of the chamber of the citie. Not long after, it was reported that the remnant of this conspiracie purposed to surprise Preneste. Thither marched L. Cornelius the Pretour of the citie, where he executed about five hundred persons who were found guiltie. The citie was in great feare to see how the hostages and cap∣tives of the Carthaginians practised such troubles. Therfore in Rome a standing watch was kept in every street: and the inferior magistrates were charged to see to it and to walke the round, and the Triumvirs likewise (or three Sheriffes) to have a better eye and looke to the Quartie-prison. [unspec L] The Pretour also directed his letters into all quarters of the Latine nation to this effect, That all the hostages should be kept within doores, and not suffered to goe abroad into the streets: that all captives and prisoners should have gyves about their heeles of ten pound weight at least, and be kept in no other ward but in the common goale.

The same yeere came embassadours from king Attalus, who presented in the Capitoll a gol∣den crowne of 246 pound weight,* 1.18 with great thanksgiving unto the Senat, that king Antiochus in regard of the authoritie and countenance of the Romane Embassadours, had withdrawne his forces out of the confines of Attalus. The same sommer two hundred men of armes, ten E∣lephants, and 200000 Modij of wheat sent from king Masaniss••, arrived at the campe in Greece. Likewise out of Sicilie and Sardinia, there was sent great store of victuall and liveries for the ar∣mie. [unspec M] In Sicilie M. Marcellus was L. governour, and in Sardinia M. Porcius Cato, an upright man and living without touch and reproch, save onely he was thought somewhat too severe in restraining of usurie. Hee banished out of that Iland all usurers: hee abridged also and cut off cleane, the charges which the allies were woont to desray for the entertainment of the Pretour.

[unspec A] Sex. Aelius the Consull being returned to Rome out of Fraunce in regard of the generall as∣sembly for election of magistrates, created Consuls Cn. Cornelius Cethegus and Q. Minutius Ru∣sus. And two daies after, the election was held for Pretours. This yeere first were chosen six Pre∣tours, by reason that the number of provinces encreased, and the Romane Empire and seignorie extended farther. And these were they, to wit, L. Manlius Volso, Cn. Sempronius Tuditanus,* 1.19 M. Sergius Silus, M. Helvius, M. Minutius Rufus, and L. Acilius. Of these, Sempronius and Helvius were Aediles of the Commons; Q. Minutius Thermus and T. Sempronius Longus Aediles of the chaire. The Romane games this yeere were foure times renewed. Cn. Corneli••s and Q. Minutius beeing Consuls, above all things went in hand with the provinces of Consuls and Pretours: and first they dispatched those that concerned the Pretours (a matter that might be decided by [unspec B] casting lots.) To Sergius fell the jurisdiction of the citie, and to Minutius the foreine, over stran∣gers. Acilius was appointed to Sardinia, Manlius to Sicilie, Sempronius to that part of Spaine be∣tweene Italie and Iberus; and Helvius unto the other beyond the river.

When the Consuls were upon the point to cast lots likewise for their provinces, namely, Ita∣lie and Macedonie, L. Oppius, and Q. Fulviús Tribunes of the Commons, interposed themselves and staied them, alleadging, That Macedonie was a province lying farre off, and there was no one thing that had more empeached and hindered the proceeding of warres to that day than this, That in so remote parts, the Consull ever of the former yeere was called home before hee were setled in his affaires, and when hee should bee emploied most in warres. Now have there foure yeeres alreadie gone over our heads, since we decreed and concluded to follow the Mace∣donian [unspec C] warre; during which time, Sulpitius spent the greater part of his yeer, in seeking after the king and his armie; Villius, when hee should encounter the enemie, was called away before hee had effected any exploit; as for Quintius, he was kept at Rome still for the most part of the yeer, in attendance about church matters and sacrifices: howbeit the affaires of warres under his con∣duct were managed so well, that if either he had gone sooner into his province, or the winter had been later, he might have dispatched the warres there: and now, that he is readie to retire into his standing campe and wintering harbours, the report is, that hee hath brought the warre to that good passe and forwardnesse, that unlesse hee bee not hindered by a new successour, in all likely∣hood and apparence, he will make a finall end there of the next summer.

With these speeches they prevailed so much, that the Consuls for their part promised to bee [unspec D] ordered and set downe by the Senat in this behalfe, upon condition, that the Tribunes would be content to doe the like. Now when of both sides they had referred themselves to a free and abso∣lut consultation, the LL. of the Senat assigned to both the Consuls the government of Italie, and continued the commaund of the armie still with T. Quintius, untill there came another to suc∣ceed him. Two legions were appointed for the Consull, with commission to war upon the Gauls betweene Rome and the Alps, who had revolted from the people of Rome. And for Quintius or∣dained it was, that there should be sent into Macedonie unto him, a new supplie of five thousand foot, three hundred horse, and three thousand sea-servitours and marriners. And likewise, that the same L. Quintius Flamininus should be Admirall of the navie, as before. For the Pretors who were to go into Spaine, there was an allowance of eight thousand footmen out of the allies of the [unspec E] Latine nation, and foure hundred horsemen, so that they dismissed the old soldiors out of Spain: and enjoined they were to limit and set out the bonds of their severall provinces, whereas the higher Spaine and the lower should part. And for Macedonie there were two lieutenants more for the armie appointed, to wit, P. Sulpitius and P. Villius, who had ben Consuls both, and in that province.

Before that either Consuls or Pretours went out into their provinces, it was thought good to take order for the prodigious tokens which happened. For at Rome the temple of Vulcane and Summanus; at Fregellae, the wall and a gate of the citie, were stricken with lightening. At Frusino it appeared light (as it had been cleare day) in the night season. At Asculum a lamb was yeaned having two heads and five feet. Also at Formiae two wolves entred into the towne, and worried [unspec F] some that were in their way. Last of all, at Rome there was a wolfe, that not onely came into the citie, but went forward as far as to the Capitoll.

C. Acilius a Tribune of the Commons proposed a law, that there should bee five colonies conducted to the sea side, and there planted: two at the mouth of the rivers Vulturnus and Liter∣nus, one at * 1.20 Puteoli, another in the Burrough town of Salernum, & to make the fift * 1.21 Buxentum

was adjoined to the rest. Into every Colonie order was taken, that there should bee thirtie hou∣sholds [unspec G] sent. The three Commissaries, called Triumvirs, for the conducting of these colonies were created, namely, M. Servilius Geminus, Q. Minutius Thermus, & T. Sempronius Longus. These three had commission to continue in the charge of this office three years. After the muster, and all other matters accomplished, pertaining to God and man, that were by the Consuls to be per∣formed, then they set forward both, into their provinces. Cornelius tooke his way directly against the Insubrians, who accompanied with the Cenomanes, were entred at that time into armes: Q. Minutius in his journey bare on the left hand of Italie toward the nether sea; and conducting his armie to Genua, began with the Ligurians to make warre. Claslidium and Litubium, townes both of the Ligurians, likewise two States of the same nation, the Celelates and the Cerdiciates surrendred unto him; insomuch as all the countrie on this side the Po, were in subjection to the [unspec H] Romanes, except the Boians among the Gaules, and the Iluates among the Ligurians. By re∣port there were fifteene townes containing twentie thousand men, which yeelded unto them. From thence he led the legions into the territorie of the Boians. The armie of the Boians had passed over the Po a little before, and joined with the Insubrians and Caenomanes: for hearing that the Consuls would warre jointly with both their forces, they intended likewise to make themselves more strong, by uniting and bringing their power together. But the bruit being blowne abroad, that one of the Consuls invaded and fired the countrie of the Boians, presently there arose a tumult. For the Boians demaunded, that they all in generall would helpe them in their distresse. The Insubrians refused and said, That they would not abandon their own confines: by which occasion they disbanded. The Boians went to the defence of their owne countrie, and [unspec I] the Insubrians with the Caenomanes, sat them downe upon the bankes of the river Mincius. Five miles beneath that place, the Consull Cornelius also encamped himselfe neere the said river: from whence he sent certaine messengers all about the villages, and to Brixia, the head cittie of that nation: and being advertised sufficiently that the youth was up in arms, without the warrant and consent of their auncients; and that the Caenomanes joined not with the Insubrians in their rebellion by vertue of publick counsell and authoritie; he sent for the principall persons among them, and began to labour and deale with them, that the Caenomanes would forsake the Insu∣brians, and openly with their ensignes advaunced, either to returne into their owne countrie, or turne to the Romanes. This they could not bring them to: howbeit they assured the Consul, that in the field they would either sit still and doe nothing, or els, if any good opportunitie was pre∣sented [unspec K] unto them, they would aid the Romanes. The Insubrians knew nothing of this compiot: and yet, some doubt & suspition they had, that their allies haulted, and were not found of al four: and therefore when there was occasion to lead foorth to fight a field, they durst not trust them with either of the two wings and points of the battell, for fear if they reculed like false brethren, they should hazard the maine chaunce: but placed them behind the ensignes in the arriergard. The Consull in the beginning of the battell vowed a temple to Iuno Sospita, in case he discom∣fited the enemies that day, and put them to the rout. The souldiours set up a shout, & cried aloud that they would bring it to passe that the Consull should have his desire, and therewith charged the enemie right fiercely. The Insubrians could not abide the first shocke. Some write, that in the very conflict the Caenomanes also suddainely set upon their backe, whereby they were di∣stressed [unspec L] and in daunger both before and behind; and that there were slaine enclosed in the mids five and thirtie thousand of the enemies, and seven hundred taken prisoners, and among them Amilcar the Generall of the Carthaginians, who was the cause of this war: also that there were a hundred and thirtie ensignes carried away, and of chariots above two hundred. All the townes that followed this revolt, yeelded to the Romanes.

Minutius the Consull, at the beginning made excursions into the countrie of the Boians, wa∣sting and spoiling it all over: but afterwards when they had forsaken the Insubrians, & were retired home to defend and save their own, he kept himselfe within campe, making full account to trie a set battell with the enemie. Neither would the Boians for their part have been behind but readie to have answered them, had not the rumor of the Insubrians overthrow, daunted & broken their [unspec M] hearts. Whereupon they forsooke their leader, quit the campe, and bestowed themselves in the townes and villages to guard every man his owne, and quite altered the course of their ene∣mie his warre, and put him besides his account. For the Consull past all hope now to deter∣mine the quarrell in one raunged battell, began againe to forray the fields, burne all buildings,

[unspec A] and force townes by assault. Much about the same time Clastidium was set on fire. And from thence the legions were conducted against the Iluates among the Ligurians, who onely stood out and would not come in, and yeeld obedience. Which nation likewise hearing that the Insu∣brians were defeated in a battell, and that the Boians were so scared, that they durst not venture the fortune of a field, submitted themselves. At the same time the letters of the Consuls, con∣taining their happie affaires in Fraunce, were brought to Rome. M. Sergius the Pretour of the citie first red them in the Senate, and afterwards by the advise of the Senate, rehearsed them in a full audience and assembly of the people. And a procession was decreed for the space of foure daies.

Now was winter come, and whiles T. Quintius after the winning of Elatia, wintered his armies [unspec B] in divers harbors within Phocis and Locris, there arose a mutinie in Opus. The one faction sent for the Aetolians their neere neighbours to side with them: and the other for the Romans. The Aetolians came first, but the mightier faction would not suffer them to enter in: for having dis∣patched a messenger to the Romane Generall, they held the town untill his comming. The kings garrison kept the fortresse, neither could they be brought to abandon it either with the menaces of the Opuntians, or the authoritie and countenance of the Romane commaunder. The onely let and stay why it was not immediatly assaulted was this; Because there was come an herald from the king, requesting time and place of a parle, which with much ado was graunted to the king: not because Quintius of himselfe was not desirous and wished that hee might bee thought to have ended this warre, either by force of armes or conditions of peace; for as yet he knew not [unspec C] whether one of the new Consuls should be sent to succeed him, or his gouernment continued still unto him (according as he had given his friends and kinsfolks in charge to bring that about by all the endeavour and meanes that he could make:) but hee supposed verily, that this parling would be to good purpose for him, if it might be in his libertie to drive matters unto warre if he stayed still, or draw to a peace if he departed home. So upon the strond and shore of the gulfe Malea, they chose a place neere unto Nicea. Thither came the king by water from Demetrias with five brigantines or pinnaces, & one ship of war with a brasse beake-head. There accompa∣nied him the chiefe LL. of Macedonie, and Cycliadas a noble personage of great mark among the Athaeans, and one that was from thence banished. With the Romane Generall were king Ami∣nander, Dionysidorus an embassador of king Attalus, and Agesimbrotus Admiral of the Rhodian [unspec D] fleet, Phaneas the chiefe & principal magistrat of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans Aristhenus and Xen••phon.

The Romane Generall in the mids of these, advanced himselfe forward to the edge of the very shore, even to the banke side, whiles the king came forward to the foredeck of his ship standing at anker: and thus he began & said unto the king, Sir, you may do better to come ashore that wee may commune and conferre together close, and both speake and heare one another more easily. The king refused so to do: and why so? quoth Quintius, who is it that you scare, if a man may know? Then with an hautie spirit and kinglike: I feare none (quoth he) but the immor∣tall gods; but I trust not the fidelitie of all that I see heere about you, and namely the Aeto∣lians least of all other. Why (saith Quintius againe) this is the common case of all them that come to parlie with enemies, namely, to be in danger one of another. Yea mary, quoth the king, [unspec E] but by your leave Quintius, the price and recompence of trecherie & falshead (if it should come to that) is not all one for killing Philip and Phaneas: for the Aetolians should not find it so hard a matter to substitute another Pretor, as the Macedonians to create another king in my roume.

This said, there was not a word more to the point: while the Romane generall thought it reason that he should begin who sought for a parle; and the king supposed it meet that it was his part to speake first who should give conditions, and not for him that stood at receipt, and was to accept therof. Then Quintius began and said, that his speech should be plain & simple: for he would say no more, but propose only those points, which if they might not be performed, there wold be no peace upon any condition at all. First, that the king must withdraw his garrisons out of all the ci∣ties of Greece. Item, That he is to deliver up all the prisoners and fugitive revolts that hee hath, [unspec F] unto the allies of the people of Rome. Item, That he restore again to the Romanes all those pee∣ces in Illyricum, which after the peace concluded in Epirus, he had seized upon. Last of all, that he surrender unto Ptolomeus king of Aegypt, all those cities which he possessed himselfe of, after the death of Ptolome Philopator. These (saith he) are the conditions, that I and the people of Rome doe demaund: but meet it is besides, that you heare the demaunds also of the allies. Then the

Embassadour or agent for king Attalus required, that the ships and captives which had beene [unspec G] taken in the sea-fight before Chius, should be rendered, and that Nicephorium and the temple of Venus, which hee had pilled and spoiled, should bee restored as good and entier, as they were before. After him, the Rhodians made claime to Peraea (a countrie in the continent right over-against their Isle, and an auncient appertenance of their siegnorie) and demaunded withall, that the garrisons should quit Iassus, Bargyllae, and the citie of the Euromensians, and about Hel∣lespontus, likewise the cities of Sestos and Abydos. Item, that Panopolis should be restored unto the Bizantines, with the auncient chartre of their franchises and liberties. Finally, that all the Merchant townes and Ports in Asia might be freed from paying custome. Then came upon him the Achaei, and chalenged Corinth and Argi as their owne.

After them, when as Phaneas (the Pretour of the Aetolians) had demaunded in a manner the same that the Romanes had be∣fore, [unspec H] namely, that the kings forces should depart out of Greece, adding moreover, that those cities should be rendred unto the Aetolians which in times past belonged to their dominion and jurisdiction: then one of the heads of the Aetolians named Alexander, an eloquent man among them, as any other, presently inferred and said, That he had a long time sitten still, and opened not his mouth, not because he thought that in all this conference they would grow to any point or conclusion, but for that he would not interrupt any of his allies in their speech. And as for Philip quoth he, he dealeth not soundly and bona fide in treaties of peace, no more than ever heretofore he hath managed his warres with vertue and true valour. For in all these parlies and conferences he layeth traines, and lieth to catch advantages: in warre he never striketh a bat∣taile in plaine field, nor commeth to close fight hand to hand; but in his retreats and flights, bur∣neth [unspec I] and sacketh cities: and thus being himselfe vanquished, spoileth and maketh havock of that which by right is the due reward and recompence of conquerours. But the noble Macedo∣nian kings in old time, tooke no such courses. Their manner was to fight it out in open field, and to spare cities and townes, all that ever possibly they could; to the end that their dominion might be more wealthy and puissant. For what kind of pollicie is it, for him to ruinate and destroy ut∣terly that, about the possession whereof he is in question, and reserve nothing for himselfe but only warre? This Philip the yeere past hath laid desolate in Thessalie more cities of his allies there, than all the enemies have done that ever Thessalie had: and hath taken more from the Aetolians themselves, while he was a confederate friend with them, than all the time that he was their professed enemie. Hee hath seized upon Lysimachia, expelled their Pretour, and cha∣sed [unspec K] out the garison of the Aetolians.

Chios also, a citie under his owne subjection he hath rased subverted and quite destroyed. By semblable falshood and deceit he is possessed of* 1.22 Thebes in Phthia, Echinum, Larissa, and Pharsalus. Philip netled and galled at these words of Alexan∣der, commaunded that his ship should approch neerer to the banke, to the end that himselfe might be better heard. And as he began to frame bitter invectives against the Aetolians prin∣cipally, Phaneas cut him off, saying, That the quarell was not to be decided by word, but with the sword: and either he must win it by fine force, or yeeld obedience to the mightier. That is true quoth Philip, and so evident, that a blind man may see it; jesting merily at Phaneas, who was troubled with a paire of bad eies.

And geven he was by nature to be pleasantly conceited, yea and fuller of his frumps ywis, than beseemed the majestie of a king: so as many times even in treatie [unspec L] of serious matters and of great consequence, he could not forb••are but make himselfe mery and laugh a good. Afterwards he fell to a fit of choler and indignation, that the Aetolians should take upon them like Romanes to commaund him out of Greece, who if they were put to it, were not able upon their knowledge to set downe the bounds of Greece, and limit how far it reached. For as much as the Agrei, the Apodeotes and Amphilochi, which take up a great part of Aeto∣lia, are not within Greece. And what just cause (quoth he) of complaint have they, in that I have not spared some of their allies? Why? even they themselves hold this old custome for a law, namely, to permit their youth to take armes and serve against their owne allies, so they do it without the publick order and warrant from the State: and very often a man may see Aetolians in contrarie armies, and come to aid as well the one side as the other: As for Chius, it was not I [unspec M] that forced it; I did no more but aid Prusias my friend and ally, in the siege and assault thereof. And as touching Lysimachia, I defended it against the Thracians: but for as much as of necessitie I was called away from the guard thereof unto this warre, the Thracians now hold it. Thus much by way of answere to the Aetolians. Now concerning Attalus and the Rhodians, by right I owe

[unspec A] them nothing: for it was not I but they, that began the warre. Howbeit, for the honor that I beare to the Romanes, I will make restitution to the Rhodians of Peraea, and restore I will to At∣talus the ships and the captives as many as are forthcomming and may be found. As for the re∣stitution and making good againe of Nicephorium & the temple of Venus, what answere should I returne to them that demaund it, but this, that I will endevour and be at charge of planting new trees (which is the onely way and meanes whereby groves and woods that are cut downe and fallen, may be recovered againe) seeing that ye will needs have it, that kings (forsooth) must commun and reason to and fro about such matters as these. In the last place, he framed his speech to answere the Achaeans: wherein, first he began with the benefits and pleasures that An∣tigonus had done unto that nation; then, of the favours and good turnes they had received from [unspec B] his owne selfe; and withall he commaunded their decrees and edicts to be red, conteining all kind of honors as well divine as humane: adding moreover the late and fresh revolt of their ar∣mie from him: and albeit he inveighed sharply against their disloyaltie and treacherie, yet he promised to render Argos unto them. As for Corinth, he would conferre and consult with the Romane Generall, and demaund of him, whither he thought it reason that he should depart from those cities which he wan by armes, and held by right of conquest, or dispossesse himselfe of those also, which he received from his progenitours as his lawfull inheritance?

The Acheans and Aetolians addressed themselves to answere those points; but the sunne was welneere downe: whereupon the conference was adjourned untill the morrow. Philip retired to the harborough from whence he came, and the Romanes with their allies to their camp. The day following, [unspec C] Quintius at the time appointed was readie before the citie of Nicea (for that was thought a con∣venient place.) But Philip appeered not, nor for the space of certeine houres came there any at all from him, not so much as a messenger. Now when they were out of all hope of his repaire thither, behold of a sodaine his ships were descried. For himselfe he said by way of excuse, that considering how hard, how grievous and intollerable indignities were imposed upon him, he had employed all that day time untill then in consultation, and could not resolve. But it was ge∣nerally thought among them all, that he had of purpose prolonged the time, and made it so late even toward evening, because the Achaeans and Aetolians should have no leisure to answere unto him. And this opinion of theirs himselfe confirmed, in that he requested that he alone might parlie with the Romane Generall himselfe, and that all others should go aside and absent [unspec D] themselves; to the end they two might spend and loose no more time in debate and wrangling, but go briefly to the point, and make an end one way or other. This petition of his would not at first be accepted by Quintius, pretending that he would not have it seene that the allies were ex∣cluded out of the conference. But afterwards upon his importunate suite, by the advise of them all, the Romane Generall together with Ap. Claudius a Colonell, when the rest were voided a∣way, avanced forward to the banke side: the king with the other two whom he had with him the day before came aland. There after they had parled in secret together a certein time, they par∣ted. What Philip related unto his companie is not certeinly knowne: but Quintius made re∣port unto his allies of their conference in this wise: namely, that Philip was content to quit the whole coast and tract of Illyricum, for the Romanes to enter upon. Item, to send back all the [unspec E] traiterous renegates, and as many captives as were to be found. Item, to redeliver unto Attalus the ships and the mariners taken prisoners therein. Item, to render unto the Rhodians the countrey of Peraea: but in no wise to be deseized of Iassus and Bargyllae. Item, to deliver unto the Aetolians Pharsalus and Larissa, but not Thebes in any case. Last of all, to part not onely with Argos, but with Corinth also, for the behouse of the Achaeans. There was not one of them all well pleased at this limitation and setting out of particular parts, which hee would deliver, and which he would not. For in this reckening and account they should be more loo∣sers than winners. For unlesse (say they) hee remoove his forces and garrisons out of all Greece throughout, he will never cease to give or take occasions of quarrell. As they all cried out from the whole assembly to this effect, their high voice was heard of Philip, albeit he stood [unspec F] aloofe. Wherupon he requested Quintius to referre the whole matter once more unto the next day; and then certainly without faile, he would either persuade him and his allies and bring them to his mind, or else would come off and suffer himselfe to be persuaded and overruled by them. The place of meeting was appointed upon the strond neare Thronium; and thither they repai∣red on both parts betimes. There Philip first and foremost, besought both Quintius and all

those that were present, not to disturbe the hope of peace, but that it might come to some ef∣fect: [unspec G] and in conclusion, craved time wherein he might send his embassadours unto the Senate of Rome; assuring them, that if he could not obtaine peace under those articles above said, hee would accept of any other conditions, which it should please the Senate to put upon him. All the rest misliked hereof, supposing that he sought for nothing else but delaies and tract of time, whiles he might gather his forces togither. But Quintius inferred againe, That well it might so be, and a truth indeed that they alledged, if it were sommer time and a season fit for warre and martiall exploits: but now, considering winter was at hand, they could loose nothing by graun∣ting him respite to addresse and embassage. For neither (quoth hee) will any capitulation and composition which wee should make with Philip stand good and firme without the approba∣tion of the Senat: and in this one winter (when of necessitie we must surcease from warre) it may [unspec H] be knowne what the Senate by their authoritie will approove. To this advise the chiefe of the confederates accorded, and therein rested. So there was a cessation of armes for two moneths graunted: in which meane time it was thought good, that ech of them likewise should dispatch one embassadour to advertise the Senate, to take heed they were not over-raught by the subtil∣tie and fraud of the king. But provided it was in the covenant of the truce aforesaid, That incon∣tinently the kings garrisons should void the territories of Phocis and Locris. Quintius also him∣selfe sent (together with the Embassadours of the allies) Aminander king of the Athamanes; and to make the embassage more honourable, Q. Fabius (his owne wives sisters sonne) Q. F••l∣vius and P. Claudius accompanied the king.

When they were arrived at Rome, the Embassadours of the allies had audience given them [unspec I] before those that were sent from king Philip. Most of their speeches were spent in railing against the king: but in this one point they most of all mooved the Senat to give eare unto them, name∣ly, when they described by demonstration (as in a map) the situation of those countries as well by land as sea, that all men might plainly see, that if the king might hold in his hands the citie Demetrias in Thessalie, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaia, Greece could not possibly be at libertie, considering that Philip himselfe was woont to tearme them (no lesse truly than tauntingly) The shackles and setters of Greece. After them were the kings embassadours per∣mitted to enter into the Senat house: and having begun to make a long oration, their speech was cut off with this one briefe and short interrogatorie, Whether Philip would quit those three cities aforesaid or no? Whereunto they made this answere, That they had no expresse warrant [unspec K] in their commission touching that matter by name. So the kings Embassadours were seut away without conclusion of any peace: and Quintius had full authoritie to determine of war or peace at his pleasure. Who seeing plainly by this, that the Senate was not wearie of warre, and being himselfe more desirous of victorie than peace, he would never after graunt Philip any more par∣lies, but gave him to understand, that he would admit no other embassage from him, but that which should bring him newes of his departure quite out of Greece.

Philip seeing no other way now but that he must needs fight and trie the issue by a maine bat∣taile, and that hee was to gather his forces together from all parts: beeing perplexed most of all for the cities of Achaia (a countrey farre remote from him) and yet more carefull in regard of Argi than Corinth; he thought it best pollicie to make it over (as it were upon trust) into the [unspec L] hands of Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians, upon condition, That if hee obtained the vi∣ctorie, Nabis should deliver it up unto him againe; but if ought should come to him but well, then Nabis himselfe to have and hold it as his owne. Vnto, Philocles, governour of Corinth and Argi, he dispatcheth his letters, That hee should himselfe in person commune with the tyrant above-named about it. Philocles, besides that hee came now with a present, added moreover of his owne head (for the better assurance and pawne of amitie betweene the tyrant and the king) That Philip would give his daughters in marriage to Nabis his sonnes. The tyrant refused at the first to accept of that citie, unlesse hee were sem for, by a decree of the Argives themselves•••• come for to aid the citie. But afterwards when he heard say, That in a frequent assembly there, they not onely rejected him, but also detested and abhorred the very name of a tyrant, as an execrable [unspec M] abhomination; supposing now that he had a good occasion and quirel offered to make a spoile of them, he willed Philocles to deliver the citie unto him when hee would. So the tyrant was received into the town in the night season, without the privitie and knowledge of any per∣son: and by breake of day hee seazed upon all the higher places. The gates were shut, and few

[unspec A] of the principall heads in the beginning of the tumult made shift to escape. Those that were ab∣sent had their houses ransacked and their goods pilled: as many as were present, had all their gold and silver taken from them; besides, great summes of money were imposed upon them to be paid. They that made speed and were not long about it, but tendred readie coine, were let goe without any outrage or hurt done unto their bodies: but such as were suspected either to hide or keepe ought backe, were mangled and tortured like bondslaves. After this, hee assem∣bled the people together and published two lawes; the one, for crossing all debt-bookes and cancelling obligations: the other, for division of lands among the people by the poll: two fire∣brands to serve their turne that seeke for change and alteration in a State; enough to set on fire the Commons against the Nobles and chiefe of a citie.

[unspec B] When the citie of Argos was thus brought in subjection under Nabis, the tyrant never re∣membring at whose hands, not upon what condition he had received it, sent Embassadours to Elatia unto Quintius, likewise to Attalus wintering then in Aegina, certifying them, That Argos was in his hands and at his devotion; and if Quintius would repaire thither to parle with him, he doubted not but they two should agree well enough in every point. Quintius graunted to come thither, to the end, that by this meanes he might disfurnish Philip of that garrison: and he sent likewise to Attalus, willing him, that he would depart from Aegina and meet him at Si∣cyone: himselfe losed from Anticyra, and with ten galeaces called Quinqueremes; which (as hap was) L. Quintius his brother some dayes before had put to sea out of the wintering harbo∣rough of Corcyra, crossed over to Sicyone. Now was Attalus there alreadie, who making re∣monstrance [unspec C] unto Quintius, That it became a tyrant to come unto a Romane Generall, and not a Romane Generall to goe unto a tyrant, induced Quintius to condiscend unto his opinion, and not to enter the citie of Argos. Not farre from the citie is a place called Mycenica, where they agreed to meet and commune together. Quintius came to the place, accompanied with his bro∣ther & certaine colonels. Attalus was guarded with his princely and roiall traine. Nicostratus the Pretour of the Achaeans repaired thither, attended with some few auxiliarie souldiours: and there they found the tyrant expecting their comming with all his forces. And armed as he was, with his guard likewise armed, he advaunced himselfe into the middest (well nere) of the plaine that lay betweene. Quintius unarmed, came forward with his brother and two colonels. King Attalus likewise betweene the Pretour of the Achaeans of the one hand, and a courteour of his [unspec D] on the other, both unarmed. The tyrant began the speech with an excuse, That beeing in armes and attended with a guard of armed men, he presented himselfe to a parle, seeing the Generall of the Romans and king Attalus unarmed: and said, that he stood not in feare of them, but of certaine exiled persons of the Argives. After this, when they came to treat as touching the conditions and covenants for the contract of an amitie, Quintius the Generall demanded two things: the one, That Nabis would make an end of warring with the Achaei: the other, That he would send with him certain aids against Philip. And verily to send succour he graunted: and in lieu of peace hee was content there should be a truce, untill the warre with Philip was dispat∣ched. Also about Argos king Attalus began to enter into some question, saying: That having the citie treacherously betrayed unto him by Philocles, hee now held it by force of armes: but [unspec E] hee answered againe, That hee was sent for by the Argives themselves, for to protect them. Then the king required that the Argives might be assembled together, that he might know the truth. The tyrant made no deniall thereof. The king replied againe, that the assembly should be free, and at their libertie to speake, and to that effect the garrisons were to be removed out of the city, & no Lacedemonians intermingled among them; to the end that the Argives might frank∣ly speake their mind. But the tyrant flatly denied to withdraw from thence the guards. So this ar∣guing came to no conclusion, and the conference brake up, after that the tyrant had given the Romane Generall sixe hundred Candiotes, and a truce made for the tearme of foure moneths, betwene Nicostratus Pretour of the Acheaeans, & Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians. From thence Quintius departed to Corinth, and approched the gate with a regiment of Cretensians, [unspec F] that it might appeare to Philocles the kings captain there, that the tyrant was revolted from Phi∣lip. Philocles also entred into a parle with the Romane Generall, and when hee was exhorted by him to depart out of hand and yeeld the cittie, he returned such an answere unto him, that hee seemed rather to deferre, than to denie the thing. From Corinth Quintius crossed the sea to Anticyra, from whence he sent his brother to sound the nation of the Acarnanians. And Atta∣lus

departed directly from Argos to Sicyone. Where the citie not onely encreased the auncient [unspec G] honours of the king, with the addition of new: but also the king over and besides that hee had purchased for them in time past, the sacred land of Apollo, with a great summe of money; be∣cause hee would not seeme now also to passe by this friend cittie allied unto him, without some roiall bountie and munificence, he gave freely unto them sixe talents of silver, and ten thousand Medimnes of corne: and so returned to his ships at Cenchreae. Nabis also having strengthened the garison in Argi, returned to Lacedaemon: and after himselfe had robbed the men of their monie and goods, hee sent his wife thither to doe the like by the women. Who sending for the honourable and worshipfull dames of the citie, inviting them one by one to her house, & other∣whiles many together at once, such as were of kin one to another, by flattering and by threatning gat from them not only all the gold that they had, but in the end stript off their apparell also, and [unspec H] all the jewels and ornaments that they ware.

Notes

• * 1.1

  15 of March.
• * 1.2

  The sire of the citie Thanmaci. Admirable, or wonderfull.
• * 1.3

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.4

  Onoblacha.
• * 1.5

  Albania.
• * 1.6

  Gel so del Arta.
• * 1.7

  Styabo saith is is a part of the mountain Am∣pelos.
• * 1.8

  A Citie in Thes∣salie, or rather Macedonie, of which name are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more, accor∣ding to Ortelius.
• * 1.9

  S. Maura.
• * 1.10

  Salampria et Pezin.
• * 1.11

  The pleasant medows & fields along the river Peneur.
• * 1.12

  39 shil 7 pence auglishacekning a Sesterce (which is two asses and a halfe) as •••• d. for thing.
• * 1.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.14

  The oration of Aristhenas.
• * 1.15

  Negropont.
• * 1.16

  Mo••••a.
• * 1.17

  See the account of the 〈…〉〈…〉 ab. 1.
• * 1.18

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.19

  Six Pretors fast 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.20

  Puzzele.
• * 1.21

  Pisentia Nigro, or Fonsia, Ligorio.
• * 1.22

  〈…〉〈…〉