The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

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The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke
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Livy.
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London :: Printed by Adam Islip,
1600.
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Rome -- History -- Early works to 1800.
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"The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A06128.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 13, 2024.

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Page 739

[unspec B]

THE XXX. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the [unspec C] Cittie of Rome. (Book 30)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the thirtith Booke.

IN Asrick, Scipio by the helpe of Masanissa in sundrie battels vanquished the Carthaginians, togither with the aforesaid Syphaxking of the Nunidrans, & Ajdruball. He woon & sacked two camps of the enemies, wherein there perished by fire and sword, to the number of 40000 men. By the means of C. Laelius he tooke Syphax alive. Masanissa when he had taken prisoner queen Sophonisba, the wife of Syphax & daughter of Asdrubal, by & by fell in love with her, [unspec D] and by way of marriage tooke her to wise: but being chastised & rebuked therfore by Scipio, he sent unto her a cup of poison: which she drank, & therof died. By the manifold victories of Scipio it came to passe, that the Carthaginians driven to despaire, were saine to call for Anniball out of Italie, to save the maine chance, and defend their whole state: Who, in the sixteenth yeare of the warres, departed out of Italie, sailed over into Affricke, and assaied by meanes of conference, to make peace with Scipio. And when they could not agree about the conditions and capitulations thereof, he fought, and was overtbrowne in the plaine field. The Cartha∣ginians at their suite and request, had peace graunted. And when Gisgo dissuaded that peace, Anniball plucked him backe with his hand, and so after some excuse made of his rude rashnesse in that behalfe, himselfe spake for peace. Mago who had fought with the Romanes in the countrie of the Insubrians, was greevously wounded, and being sent for home into Affrick by certaine Embassadors, in the way died of his hurt. Masanissa was fully restored to his kingdome. Scipio being returned [unspec E] to the citie of Rome, had the glorie of a most honorable and noble triumph: whom Q. Terentius Culleo, a Senatour, follo∣wed with a cap [of freedome] upon his head. Scipio was surnamed Affricanus: but doubtfull it is, whether he came by that title through the favour of his souldiours before, or the generall applause and affection of the people. But this is certaine, that he was the first Generall that ever was intitled in his style, with the surname of a nation by himselfe conquered.

WHen Cn. Servilius Capio, and C. Servilius Geminus (Coss. in that yeare, which by computation was the sixteenth of the second Punick war) proposed unto the Senate, concerning the affaires of the State, the managing of the warres, and the government of the provinces: the L.L. ordained and gave order, That the [unspec F] Consuls should either agree betweene themselves, or els cast lots whether of them should goe into the Brutian land against Anniball: and whether should take upon him the charge of the province of Hetruria and the Ligurians: with commission for him, whose hap it was to rule the province of the Brutij, to receive the armie from P. Sempro∣nius the Consull; & the said P. Sempronius (for he also as Vice-consull was to continue in place of government one year longer) to succeed in the roume of P. Licinius, who was to return home to

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Rome. This P. Sempronius among other commendable parts (wherein no citizen in his time was [unspec G] counted more sufficiently furnished than himselfe) was taken also for a brave warriour and man at armes. For being richly endued with all those good blessings that either nature or fortune can affourd unto a man, he was both noble in birth, & wealthie in substance. In beautifull personage he excelled, for strength of bodie he farre surpassed. Of toung and speech he was thought most eloquent, whether he were to plead a cause at the barre, or occasion offered either in Senat house or before the assemblie of the people to persuade or dissuade, to give counsell one way or other. In the Pontificiall canons and laws, he was singularly well learned and skilfull. Besides all these praise-worthie qualities (I say) his Consulship had given him experience also in militarie affairs, and made him a worthie soldior. The same order that was taken for the Brutians province, was al∣so decreed for Hetruria & the Ligurians. M. Cornelius was commaunded to put over & deliver up [unspec H] his armie to the new Consull: & himselfe to continue still in government, & to rule the province of Fraunce with the strength of those legions which L. Scribonius the Pretor had under his charge the yeare before. After this, the Consuls cast lots for their provinces. Vnto Caepio fell the Brutij, unto Servilius Geminus, Hetruria. Then the Pretours provinces also were put to the choice of lotterie. And P. Aelius his lot was to have the civile jurisdiction of the cittie of Rome: P. Lentulus to rule Sardinia: P. Vilius to governe Sicilie: and Quintilius Varus to have the charge of Arimi∣num with two legions, which were commaunded by Sp. Lucretius. And Lucretius had his com∣mission revived againe for a longer time, to the end, that hee might reedifie the towne Genua, which by Mago the Carthaginian had been rased and destroied. As for P. Scipio, his commission and government was not limitted by any expresse time, but onely with the end of the warres, and [unspec I] to continue untill those wars in Affricke were fully determined. A decree also passed, that there should be a solemne procession and supplication holden to this effect, and in these termes, That whereas he had sailed over into the province of Affrick, this voiage and expedition of his might turne to the safetie and good of the people of Rome, of himselfe, and his armie. In Sicilie were enrolled three thousand souldiours. And for as much as the whole strength and manhood of that province had been shipped over into Affrick: for feare least some Armada should cut over out of Affricke, it was thought expedient to guard all the sea coasts of Sicilie, with a fleet offortie saile. And Villius had with him into Sicilie thirteene ships, newly built; the rest of the old ships in Sicilic were repaired. For Admirall of this armada was appointed M. Pomponius, the Pretour of the former yeare, whose government was prorogued, and hee embarked the new souldiours [unspec K] brought out of Italie. The like number of ships the LL. of the Senate assigned unto Cn. Octavius the Pretour of the former yeare, with the same commission of government, for to defend the coasts of Sardinia. And Lentulus was commaunded to allow unto the Pretour two thousand sol∣diours for to man and furnish those ships. Moreover, the sea coasts of Italie, because it was un∣certaine to what parts the Carthaginians would make out their navie (and like it was, that where they could espie any place weake and disfurnished of sufficient strength and garrison, thither they would direct and bend their forces) were committed to M. Martius the Pretour the for∣mer yeare, that hee should scoure the seas, and keep that side, with as many ships as the other. And for to furnish that fleet of his, the Consuls by order from the Senat enrolled three thousand souldiours, and reserved two legions besides, against all doubtfull chaunces of warre whatsoever. [unspec L] As for the two provinces of Spaine, together with the armies there, and the whole governement, they were appointed to the old Generals, L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus. So the Romane warres for that yeare were mainteined with twentie legions in all, and with a hundred and sixtie ships of warre. Then the Pretours were commaunded to take their journey into their several pro∣vinces. But the Consuls were charged before they departed from the citie, to exhibit those great Games, which T. Manlius Torquatus the Dictator had vowed against the fift years end, if so be the Commonweale remained in the same good and fortunate estate, during that time.

Now there entred into mens minds new doubts and strange scruples of conscience, by rea∣son of divers prodigious sights and tokens reported out of many places. For beleeved it was that certaine ravens not only pecked and rased with their bils, but also eate and devoured the gold in [unspec M] the Capitoll. At Antium the mice and rats gnawed a crowne of gold. About Capua, a huge number of locusts (but from whence they came, no man knew for certaine) overspred all the grounds, and filled the fields. At Reate there was a horse-coltsoled with five feete. At Anagnia were seene in the element, at the first, divers fire-lights shooting and flashing here and there; and

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[unspec A] afterwards a mightie blasing comet burning. At Frusino a certaine arch compassed the sonne with a thin course like a line: and afterwards a greater circle of the sonne enclosed the said rundle from without-forth. In the territorie of Arpi, the earth in a plaine champain field setled and sunke downe and made an exceeding great chinke. As one of the Consuls killed the first beast for sacrifice, the liver thereof was found headlesse. These monstrous tokens were expiate and purged with sacrifices of the bigger sort: and the colledge of the priests and bishops shewed unto what gods the sacrifice should bee made. These things once done and performed, the Consuls and Pretours went forth into their provinces: yet so, as all of them had a speciall re∣gard of Affricke, as if it had bene their owne province fallen unto every one of them by lot; either because they saw that therein rested and consisted the whole importance of all affaires, [unspec B] and the maine state of the warre: or els because they would gratifie and currie favour with Scipio, whom now the whole citie made court unto, and chiefly respected. And therefore not only out of Sardinia as is beforesaid, but also out of Sicilie and Spaine, there was transported thither rai∣ment and corne: yea and armor also out of Sicilie, and all kind of victuals, for the maintenance of the armie. And albeit it was winter season, yet Scipio slaked no affaires and works of war: which being many, amused his mind at once on every side, and kept him continually occupied. For Vti∣cahee besieged and encamped, he lay opposite to Anniball, and even within his sight: the Car∣thaginians were with their ships aflote, and put to sea, and a navie they had rigged, furnished and trimmed, for to intercept all victuals that came. Amid these cares he forgat not to win againe the love of Syphax, if haply now hee had his fill of love-delights with his fresh wife, since hee had the [unspec C] plentifull fruition thereof, as much as heart could desire. But Syphax rather tendered conditions of peace betweene the Romans and the Carthaginians, to wit, that the Romans should depart out of Affricke, and the Carthaginians out of Italie; than seemed to give any hope, that he would revolt from the Carthaginians, in case the warre continued still. And for mine own part, I would rather beleeve that these matters were treated upon by entercourse of messengers, as most writers doe report, than that Syphax himselfe in person, as Antias Valerius recordeth, came into the Ro∣mane campe to a parle and conference thereabout. At the first the Romane Generall, would scarcely lend his eare to heare those ouvertures: but afterwards, to the end that there might bee some colourable and probable cause for his people to resort unto the campe of the enemies, he seemed not so streight laced nor to denie the same articles so stiffely, but pretended some hope, [unspec D] that by often debating thereof to and fro betweene them, they should at length grow to some good point and finall agreement. The wintering harbours of the Carthaginians were in a man∣ner all of wood, but built of slender stuffe gathered out of the fields at a venture hand over head, where they could meet withall. The Numidians for the most part lay in cabbins and sheds, wat∣led and wound with reeds especially, and covered and thatched with mats of sedge & such like, here and there scattering without all order: in such sort, as some of them taking up their lodging at their owne pleasure, without direction and commaundement of any officer, quartered with∣out the trench and rampier. Scipio advertised hereof, conceived good hope to find some oppor∣tunitie one time or other to fire the campe of the enemies. Vpon a certaine day therfore, he sent in traine of those Commissioners whom he addressed unto Syphax, in steed of pages & drudges, [unspec E] and disguised in slaves and bondmens weed, the bravest souldiours of a band, (men of approved valor, wisdome, and discretion) who whiles the Commissioners were busie in conference, should raunge about the campe, some one way, some another; to espie and marke all the passages and waies in and out; the site and forme generally of the whole leaguer, and particularly of every part; where the Carthaginians quartered; where the Numidians lodged; what distance there was be∣tweene Asdruball his tents, and the kings pavilions; to observe also and learne with all, the order and manner of their sentinels, their wards and watches, whether by night or by day they lay at more vantage to be surprised by an ambush. And according as there were divers meetings and conferences, so of purpose some were sent at one time, some at another; to the end that more and more still should have the spiall and ful knowledge of all things in the enemies camp. Now when [unspec F] as the oftener that this matter was treated of, the greater hope of peace both Syphax had and the Carthaginians likewise by his means; the Delegates or Commissioners aforesaid of the Romans, said that they were expressely forbidden by their Generall to returne without a full and resolute answere. And therefore they willed him to make short worke at once, and to bethinke himselfe what to doe, either to stand upon his owne determinant purpose (if he were resolved) or els to con∣sult

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with Asdruball and the Carthaginians, and determine accordingly. For now high time it is, [unspec G] say they, either to conclude peace, or to presecure warre freshly, and to go through with it lustily. Thus while Syphax consulreth with Asdruball, and Asdruball with the Carthaginians, both the espials had sufficient time to view and see all, and Scipio also good leasure to provide necessaries for his purpose. Moreover, by this motive and hope of peace, as well the Carthaginians as the Numidians, began (as commonly in such cases it falleth out) to be negligent & slack in forecast, and to provide that in the meane while they came by no harne and detriment from the enemie. At length an answere was returned, and some clauses put in, without all reason, and sounding to much inconvenience, by occasion that the Romanes seemed too too saine and desirous of a peace. Which fell out very fitly for Scipio, whose only desire was to pick some just quarrell for to breake the truce and abstinence of warre: and so the next day (for in the meane time he said he [unspec H] would conferre with his counsel) he answered the kings messenger in this wise, That besides him∣selfe alone, who laboured all in vaine and could do no good, there was none liked of the peace: and therefore he willed him to report unto the king his maister, that there was no other hope for Syphax to haue peace with Romanes, unlesse he renounced and cast off quite the friendship of the Carthaginians. And thus he ended the truce, that with free conscience being discharged of his promise in that behalfe, he might go forward in his designements, and bring his enterprise to his desired issue. So having put his ships to sea (for now the prime of spring was come) he em∣barked in them his artillerie, his ordinance and engins of batterie, as if he meant to assault Vtica on the sea side. And sent out two thousand souldiers, to possesse themselves of the hill that over∣looked Vtica, which he had held and kept before: both to withdraw the minds of the enemies [unspec I] from that which he secretly designed and intended, and amuse them upon the care and regard of another thing; and also to prevent a mischiefe, that whiles himselfe should go against Syphax and Asdruball, they might not sally forth of the citie, and assaile his camp, left with a small guard to defend it. Having made this way, and laid this ground aforehand, he assembled his counsell, where he commaunded as well the foresaid spies to lay forth and utter what they had seene and found, as also Masanissa; who was acquainted with all the manner and fashions of the enemies: and then at last he declared and shewed unto them, what himselfe intended to execute the next night. Then he gave commaundement to the Tribunes or Kn. Marshals, that so soone as the counsell was risen, and the court dismissed in the Generals pavilion, at the first sound of trumpets immediatly they should bring their legions out of the camp. Thus according to his edict, the [unspec K] ensignes began a little before sunne setting to set forth. About the first watch they put the soul∣diers in aray readie for to march, and by midnight (for they were to journey seven miles) they going a faire & soft pace, approched the enemies camp. There Scipio gave unto Laelius a part of the forces together with Masanissa and his band of Numidians, with direction to invade the camp of Syphax, and to set fire thereupon. Then calling them by themselves both apart one from the other, Laelius I meane and Masanissa, he earnestly besought them of all love to make up and recompence by carefull industrie and devoir that providence and forecast, which the darknesse of the night disappointed them of. As for himselfe, he ment to set upon Asdruball and the Car∣thaginian camp: but begin he would not, before he saw the fire amongst the kings tents. And that was not long first ere it began: for so soone as the fire caught hold of the next pavilions [unspec L] whereupon it was cast, by and by it tooke all that stood neerest, and so forward to those that joy∣ned unto them, untill it speed into all places of the camp. And verily into a great fright they were all put, as they could not choose, but needs must in a night skatefire, which was runne all over in so short a time. Howbeit, they thought it some fire by mischance only, and not the hand of ene∣mie, by occasion and meanes of warre: and therefore unarmed as they were, and lightly appoin∣ted without weapons, they ran forth by heapes to quench the fire, and light full upon their ar∣med enemies, the Numidians especially; who by Masanissa that was well acquainted with the manner of the kings camp, were bestowed in convenient places, at the ends of every avenue and passage. Many in their very beds and couches, betweene sleeping and waking, were consumed with the flame: many running headlong in this their hastie flight, one upon an other, were in the [unspec M] streights of the gates troden under foote, or els thrust and crusht to death. The Sentinels and watch of the Carthaginians, espied at first the fire shining and flaming out: after whom others awakened and raised out of their nests by this nightlie tumult and alarme, might behold and plainly see the same: but they likewise were deceived as well as the other, and beleeved verily

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[unspec A] that the fire began of it selfe by some misfortune, no man wist how. The confused noyse and cry also, which was heard whiles they were a killing, slaying and wounding, would not suffer them to know the truth indeede, whether the same arose upon their affright and sodaine seare by night, or otherwise. And therefore every man naked as he was, and suspecting no practice at all of the enemie, at all the gates as they stood next, did what he could to bring with him such instruments and meanes as were to put out the fire; and happened unwares upon the armie of the Romanes. Now after they were all massacred and put to the sword to the last man, not only upon an ordi∣narie hatred betweene enemies, but also because there might not escape so much as one to cary newes unto the rest: Scipio immediately entred the gates, beeing not warded, but altogether neglected, as in such a fearefull garboile and hutlyburly it was no mervaile. Then they fell [unspec B] a flinging of fire upon the lodgings and sheds that stood next, so as the flame brake out and shewed at first as if it had bene dispersed in many places: but afterwards catching and spreading from one tent to another as they joyned close together, they were all at once on a light fire, and burnt every stick downe to the ground. Men and cattaile both, senged and skorched at the first, as they ran in piteous and fearefull sort away: but afterwards as they tumbled one upon another by heapes, stopped and choked up all the waies and auenues of the gates. And looke who esca∣ped the fire, fell upon the edge of the sword. Thus in one day were two camps cleane consumed. Howbeit, both the Generals, and of so many thousands of armed men, only two thousand foote, and five hundred horse armed by halfes, and many of them either wounded or els singed and halfe rosted with the fire, got away, and escaped. There were either slaine or burnt to ashes upon [unspec C] fortie thousand men: taken prisoners there were above sixe thousand: among whom there hap∣ned to be many gentlemen of the Carthaginians, and eleven Senators. Of ensignes were taken 178. Of Numidian horses for service more than 2700. Sixe Elephants gotten alive, eight peri∣shed either with fire or sword: and a mightie deale of armour came to their hands: all which the L. Generall Scipio consecrated to Vulcane, and set on fire. Asdruball with some few Africanes that fled with him, rid away upon the spurre to the next citie: and thither got all the rest, who re∣mained alive, following the tracks of their captaine, and there saved themselves. But afterwards fearing least that citie would be yelded to Scipio; he quit the place and departed. Anon the Ro∣maines were received within the same at the gates standing open for them: and because willingly of themselves they rendred the towne, there was no kind of hostilitie or violence offred unto [unspec D] them. But two other cities one after another were forced and put to the ransact. All that pillage, as also whatsoever was saved out of the fire in the two camps, was freely geven to the souldiers. Syphax encamped and fortified himselfe in a strong hold, almost eight miles off. But Asdruball made hast to Carthage, for feare least upon the sodaine fright occasioned by this fresh and late ouerthrow, things should go backward, and the Senat resolve upon some unmanly and un∣worthy course. Thither at the first arrived such fearefull newes, that all men thought verily that Scipio would give over Vtica and forthwith lay siege unto Carthage: whereupon their Su∣fetes (who are the Consuls as it were, of the citie) called the Senate: where three opinions were delivered amongst them. The first, advised to dispatch embassadors to Scipio to treat for peace: the second, to send for Anniball home to the defence of his owne countrey, a∣gainst [unspec E] so daungerous and deadly a warre: the third gave counsell, by example of the Ro∣manes constancie and resolution in their adversitie, to repaire the armie and gather new forces, and to request Syphax not to abandon and give over the quarrell. This opinion, because Asdruball was in place (and all those that sided with the Barchine house and faction, evenmore enclined to warre) prevailed and tooke effect. Heereupon, they began to take musters in towne and countrey: Oratours were addressed to Syphax, who of himselfe with all his might and maine, was busie in levying fresh forces, and preparing for new warre. For his wife now, not as aforetime, by inticing words, flattering speeches, and pleasant al∣lurements, that might serve the turne to winne and moove the heart of an amorous louer, but by way of prayer and pitifull compassion had prevailed so much with him alreadie: yea, [unspec F] and with plenteous teares besought him, not to betray her naturall father and native coun∣trey, not suffer Carthage to be burnt with flaming fire, like as the campes were consumed alreadie. The Embassadours also brought with them new hopes besides, which were pre∣sented unto them in as happie a time as might be; who reported, that they fortuned to meet with 4000 Celtiberians, brave and lustie young men, about the citie named Olba, which had

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beene levyed and hyred in Spaine by their Commissioners, of purpose sent to take up new soul∣diers: [unspec G] and that {iAsdruball} himselfe in person would be present with a power of no small impor∣tance. {iSyphax} not onely entertained these Oratours with gracious speeches and courteous an∣sweres, but also shewed them a great number of Numidians, gathered out of the countrey townes, which some few dayes before he had furnished with armour and horses; promising be∣sides, that he would assemble all the young & able men for service throughout his whole realme. For well he wist, that the late losse and deffeiture happened by occasion of fire, & not by fight: and never in warre is a man to be reputed inferiour, before he be vanquished by fine force in raunged battaile. In this wise answered he the Embassadours. And after some few daies, {iAsdru∣ball} and {iSyphax} once againe joyned their forces together: so as in all, their hoast amounted to the number well neare of 30000 armed men. [unspec H]

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Now when Scipio was wholly set upon the assault of Vtica, and at the point to bend his or∣denance and artillerie against the walles, as thinking verily that the warre was alreadie done with Syphax and the Carthaginians; the same of the warre renewed by them afresh, averted him from his purpose, and caused him to give over that enterprise for a time. So leaving behind him certaine small guards, as well by water as land, onely for a signe and shew of siege; himselfe with all the strength of his armie, set forward to meet the enemie. At the first he sate him downe and encamped upon an hill, foure miles (or verie neere) distant from the kings campe. The next day after, he descended with his Cavallerie, downe into the Great plaines or downes (for so they call them) lying neere the same hill; and spent that whole day in braving the standing corps de guard of the enemies before their campe, and playing upon them with light skirmishes. And so [unspec I] for two daies together next ensuing, they passed the time in divers tumultuous excursions be∣tweene the one part and the other, without doing any great exploit worth the remembrance. On the fourth day, they entred on both sides into the field, and embattailed themselues. Scipio marshalled his men in this wise: Behind the Principes in the vaward, he placed the form often∣signes of his Hastari, or Speares; & the Triarij he bestowed in the rereward, for to second them, The Italian horsemen heset in the right point: the Numidian horse and Masanissa he raunged in the left. Syphax and Asdruball put their Numidian horse opposite to the Italians, and the Car∣haginian to affront Masanissa. In their maine battaile were planted the Celtiberians, to make head against the ensignes of the Romane Legions. Thus ordered and arraunged, they encoun∣tered one another, and joyned battaile. At the first onset, both wings at once, as well the Nu∣midians [unspec K] as the Carthaginians, were put backe and forced to give ground: for neither the Nu∣midians (being for the most part country people and rusticall) were able to receive the Romane horsemen; nor the Carthaginians (raw and untrained souldiers) sufficient to hold out with Ma∣sanissa; who (besides all other things) for his late and fresh victorie, was so terrible, as there was no dealing with him. So the battaile of the Celtiberians, (naked and disfurnished of both her points) stood still: for neither saw they any likelihood to escape and save themselves by flight, con∣sidering they knew not the coast of the countrey; nor hope to obtaine pardon at Scipio his band, against whome, (deserving so well of them and their nation) they were come into Affricke with a power of waged mercenarie souldiers. So being environed on every side with the enemies, they fell one upon another, and obstinately dyed to the last man. But whiles all the enemies [unspec L] were wholly employed about them, Syphax and Asdruball gained themselves some time to get away and escape. The victours (wearied rather with continuall killing than long fighting) were overtaken with the night. The morrow after, Scipio sent out Laelius and Masanissa, with all the Romane and Numidian horse, and the nimblest and lightest appointed footmen, after Syphax and Asdruball for to follow the chase. Himselfe with the strength and bodie of the armie, sub∣dued all the cities thereabout that were within the seignorie of the Carthaginians; whome he partly forced by assault, and partly tooke by surrender for feare. Great was the fright yee maybe sure at Carthage: & they thought not other but that Scipio being now in the traine of conquest, would make halt to overrunne the countrey; and when hee had once brought under his subje∣ction (and that with speed) all the other states there bordering, then at once he would come [unspec M] to assault Carthage. Therefore they sell to repaire and make up the breaches of their walles, and to fortifie them with strong bulwarkes: and everie man did his best to bring out of the countrey all kind of provision, against the time they should abide along and tedious siege. Few words or none at all of peace, but much talke of sending Embassadours to call home Anniball. The [unspec A] greatest part were of mind and gave advise, to make out the Armada which stood readie rigged, for to intercept the Romanes victuall, and to surprise and assault the Romane fleete, riding be∣fore Vtica retchesly without feare, and distrusting nothing: for peradventure they might also force the navall campe, left with a small guard for the defence thereof. And to this counsell the most enclined: yet they thought it good to send Embassadours to Anniball. For suppose that their navie should speed full well, and haue the happiest successe that they could wish; this onely good would come thereof, that Vtica thereby might be in some sort eased of the straight siege wherewith it was invested: as for the defence of Carthage it selfe, they nei∣ther had any other Generall besides Anniball, nor armie left but onely his. Whereupon the next day after, the ships were shot into the water, and set a flote: and withall, the Embassadors tooke [unspec B] their way toward Italie. All things were hudled up and done in hast; such was their fortune that pricked them forward, and gave them no further time. And looke if any one man slacked his business neuer so little, he was reputed to betray the whole state, and the safetie of all.

Scipio now marching with an armie, loden with the spoile and pillage of many cities; sent the prisoners away, and all the prizes besides, unto the old campe before Vtica. And wholly set up∣on the conquest of Carthage, he surpriseth Tunes (a citie abandoned of her guard left for de∣fence) situate from Carthage almost twelve miles. The place, both by mans hand was strongly and by nature surely seated: and as it might be easily seene from Carthage, so it yeelded a goodly prospect to Carthage, and also to the sea all about Carthage. From thence the Ro∣manes (as they were hard at worke in fortifying themselues with a trench and rampier) discoue∣red [unspec C] the enemies fleete, sayling from Carthage toward Vtica. Laying therefore their work a∣side, they sounded the remoove, and presently in all hast avanced their ensignes, to prevent that their owne shippes which stood close to the shore, bent wholly to the siege, and nothing sitted and furnished for a sea fight, might not be surprised and boorded. For how possibly could ships heauily charged, carrying artillerie, ordenance, and engines of batterie, be ever able to with∣stand an Armada nimbly appointed, rigged and trimmed for the purpose with all shippe furni∣ture meete for battaile, and manned besides with armed souldiers? How might our ships (I say) withstand the enemie, which either are converted to the use of merchant-shippes of burden; or else so nere set to the walles, that they serve instead of a platforme and banke, or else of brid∣ges enter upon the citie? Scipio therefore, after he was thither come, and had bestowed his [unspec D] warre shippes with brasen beakes behind in the rereward neare to land, which (as the manner is in sight at sea) might guard and defend the rest: opposed the Hulkes and Carricks in a foure∣fold ranke and course, in stead of a wall afront the enemie. And because that in the tumult of the sight, those raunges might not be broken and disordered, hee laid the masts and saile∣yards over-crosse, reaching from ship to ship; and with strong cables he linked and fastened them all in one together, and laid bourds and plankes over them, that men might passe euerie way from one ship to another. But under those verie bridges, he left certaine spaces betwene, from whence the light pinnaces and frigats might make out to charge and recharge the enemie, and retire themselves thither againe in safetie. Having thus in hast (according as the time would give him leave) set these matters in order; there were to the number almost of a thousand elect [unspec E] and choice souldiers put a boord into those ships of burden, to make head in the forefront, and withstand the violence of the enemies: and furnished they were with offensive weapons, but missive especially, to shoot and fling from them: and such store thereof they had together, as might serve for the assault, were in never so long. Thus appointed and prepared, they waited the comming of the enemies. The Carthaginians, (who if they had made good speed, might have surprised them unawares, & found all pell mell and out of order whiles they were troubled, frigh∣ted, and to seeke what to do upon that sodaine occurrence) fearing still, as men out of heart and dismayed with so many foiles by land, and thereupon distrusting themselves even at the sea al∣so: where (no doubt) they were the better and more puissant: and having trifled out all the live∣long day, and sailed but slowly; about the sun-set arrived in the haven, which the Affricans call [unspec F] Ruscinon. And the next morning by sun-rising, they put foorth into the open sea, and raunged their ships in order, as against a set navall battaile; supposing that the Romanes would make out and receive them. When they had stood thus a long time, and perceived the enemies not to stir or once to set forward, then at last they charged upon the foresaid hulkes and ships of burden. The service was nothing like a sea-fight, but resembling for all the world the ships that are to as∣saile

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the wal•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉: towne. For the hulks were a good deale taller, and stood alost over the ene∣mies. [unspec G] And the Carthaginians from out of their war-ships armed & breasted with brasen beakes, let the many a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vaine, as launcing them from beneath faintly against the higher place; whereas the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from above out of the Caricks, was levelled with more strength, and by reason of their owne poise light also with greater force. The light pinnases for spiall, and the other smal barkes, which made sallies from under the bridges aforesaid, framed of plankes upon masts and saile yards, at the first were encountred, overcharged and hidden onely with the violence and greatnesse of those warre-ships: but afterwards they were some trouble to the defendants of their owne side; for that being intermingled amongst the enemies ships, their owne fellowes were for∣ced often times to stay their hands, and neither shoot arrow, nor launce dart, for feare of missing their enemies, and lighting among their owne part. At the last the enemies from out of the Car∣thaginian [unspec H] ships, began to cast out certaine loggers, with yron hookes at the end (which the soul∣diors use to call Harpagones) [Grapples] for to take hold upon the Roman ships. Which when the Romanes were not able to cut in sunder, no more than the very chaines where to they hung, and whereby they were slung, then yee might have seene (as any one of the enemies warre-ships and gallies rowed backe, and towed after it a Romane Caricke hanging by the grapple end) the bourds and ropes cut asunder, by which it was tied & fastened unto others, or else another raunge and course of more ships together, to follow after the taile of the other. By this devise especially were all the bridges torne and rent in peeces, and scarcely had the defendants any time and space to retire and passe into the second ranke of ships behind. Thus there were upon a fix Car∣rickes of the Romanes drawne away to Carthage, hanging at the poopes of their gallies. Their [unspec I] gladnesse and rejoicing here at was much greater than the thing it selfe came to, and the more acceptable, in that amid so many continuall losses and plenteous teares of theirs, one onely joy as small as it was, shining upon them beyond their expectation, eased and lightened their harts: considering with all how neere by all likelyhood and apparence the Roman armada was to amis∣cheefe and finall destruction, had not the captaines of their owne gallies foreflowed so much, and Scipio come in time to helpe.

It fortuned about the same time, that Laelius and Masanissa were come within 15 daies into Nu∣midia; the Masaesylians rendered Masanissa the auncient realme belonging to him by inheri∣tance from his father, and received him with joy, as their king whom they had long time desired. Syphax seeing his captaines and garrisons disseized and displaced, kept himselfe within the aun∣cient [unspec K] limits of his owne kingdome, but was not like to be long at rest and quiet. For this wives fa∣ther on the one side, and his wife againe on the other, set him on, and pricked him forward con∣tinually to take armes against the Romans: and so doted he upon her in excessive love, that needs he must yeeld to her, there was no remedie. Besides, so mightie hee was in numbers of men and horse, that the puissance of a kingdome flourishing so many yeares together, offering and pre∣senting it selfe daily to the cie, had ben ynough to have made a prince proud, that was not so bar∣barous and uncivile as he, and had some better rule and maistrie of his affections than himselfe had. When he had assembled together as many as were able for service, hee furnished them with horses, and with armour, as well offensive as defensive. The Cavallerie hee sorted and devided into small troupes and corners, the infanterie into cohorts and squadrons, according as hee had [unspec L] learned long since of the Roman centurions. And thus having raised an armie, equall for num∣ber to the former, but standing all together in manner, of new and untrained souldiours, hee put himselfe on his journey against the enemies. And after hee had encamped neere unto them, at the beginning some few light horsemen advaunced forward from before the corps de guard, in espiall, so neere as they might with safetie, but being set backe from thence with arrowes and ja∣velines, they retired unto their companies. After this they began of both sides to make out one against another, and to maintaine light skirmishes; and when of any part they had taken the foile, they would for anger returne againe in greater number, which is the wonted manner to kin∣dle a battell betweene horsemen: for whiles the winners hope still of better, & the loosers chase for having the worse, the companie ever encreaseth on both sides. And thus now, afteer some few [unspec M] had scuffled and blowed the coales, at length the whole armie of either part, came forth into the field eager of sight, and to strike a set battell. So long as the horse-service lasted, the Masaesylians were so many, as there was hardly any dealing with them, Syphax sent them out in such great troupes: but after that the Romance footmen once had suddainly entred betweene the cornets of

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[unspec A] their horsemen, which gave way as they came, and had gotten sure footing and made head, and so frighted the enemie charging so freely upon the spurre as he did: then the Barbarians began to ride their horses more easily, and within a while gently to stand still, and seeme as it were amased at this strange and new kind of fight; and in the end, not onely to give ground unto the footmen, but also to recule from the horsemen, who now were the more bold and hardie, being flanked with a guard of footmen.

And now by this time the standerds of the legions advaunced forward, and approched neere hand. But then the Massaesyli were so farre from receiving & enduring their first charge, that they might not abide the very sight so much, as of their ensignes and armour, so mightily wrought with them either the remembrance of former over throwes alreadie passed, or the present feare [unspec B] of imminent daunger. Where Syphax, whiles he rode bravely in the face of the enemies troups and squadrons, if happily for very shame, or for the perill of his owne person, hee might stay his men from running away, had his horse under him sore wounded, and being cast off his backe to the earth, was over pressed with the number, taken prisoner, and brought alive unto Laelius, for to represent unto Masanissa above all others a goodly shew and joifull sight to behold. Now was Cirtha, the head citie of all the kingdom of Syphax; and thither after the flight, be tooke them∣selves a mightie multitude of people. The slaughter in this battaile was lesse in proportion, than the victorie, because the horsemen onely maintained the medley. Not above five thousand were slaine, and not halfe so many taken prisoners. And when they had made an assault upon the camp whither the frighted multitude, after the losse of their king, had retired, Masanissa came unto Lae∣ius [unspec C] and said, That for the present there could bee nothing more pleasing and honourable unto him, than upon his victorie to visit and see his fathers kingdome, which he had recovered & woon again after so long a time. But as in adversitie, so likewise in prosperitie (qd.he) tract of time & de∣laies are never good. In case therfore Laelius would permit him and his horsemen, together with conquered Syphax to goe before unto the citie Cirtha, he would surprise them on a suddain, fin∣ding all out of frame and to seeke, by reason of this so suddaine and unexpected feare: and Lae∣lius with his footmen might travell faire and softly, & come after by easie journies. Laelius graun∣ted hereunto. Whereupon, being gone afore unto Cirtha, he commaunded the principall citti∣zens of Cirtha to bee called foorth unto a parle. But all the whiles that they were ignorant of the kings unhappie fall, and so long as Masanissa uttered nothing of that which was happened, hee [unspec D] might not prevaile either with threats or faire words and persuasions, until he presented the king before them a bound prisoner. Then at so heavie an object and miserable spectacle, they lift up apittifull crie, and made great lamentation. And so partly for feare they abandoned the defence of the walls, and partly by a generall consent to court the conquerour, and to seeke for grace and favour at his hands, they set the gates open. Then Masanissa, after hee had bestowed about the gates, and in convenient places of the walls, certaine strong guards, to keep that no man should stirre and make an escape, he rode a gallop to the roiall pallace, for to bee possessed of it. As hee entred within the fore-gates therof, even in the very entrance of the porch, Sophonisba the wife of Syphax, and daughter of Asdruball the Carthaginian, met him on the way: & espying in the mids of the armed traine Masanissa full gorgeously dight, as well in his brave armor, as in other good∣ly [unspec E] array and ornaments, imagining him to be the king (as he was indeed) she fell downe prostrat at his feet, and spake in this wife: True it is (quoth she) ô Masanissa, that the gods above, together with your owne vertue and felicitie have given you full power and puissance, to doe with us ac∣cording to your pleasure: but if it be lawfull for me a poore prisoner and captive woman, to open my mouth, and make an humble speech unto my Lord, in whose onely hands lieth my life and death; if I may be so bold as to touch your knees, and that victorious right hand of yours; I would beseech and pray your for the honour of the roiall majestie of a prince, wherin we also ourselves erewhile were interessed; in the love and name of the Numidian nation, which now is commune to you and Syphax, by the domesticall gods, protectours of this regall house and princely palace, who vouch safe to receive you into it at this present with better presages and more fortunate to∣kens, [unspec F] than lately they sent Syphax out of it; to deigne me a lowly suppliant this savour, and grunt me this petition, as to determine your selfe of me your captive whatsoever pleasant you, & not to suffer me to fall into the prowd hands and inhumane disposition of any Romane. If there were nothing, els but this, that I was sometime wise and queen to Syphax, yet would I rather trie the courtie and humanitie of a Numidian, and one borne in Affrick as well as my selfe, than of a

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stranger and alien. But what hard measure a Carthaginian lady, and the daughter of Asdruball, [unspec G] may feare at a Romans hand, you see and know full well. Wherefore once againe I request and intreate your highnesse upon my knees, to regard my suite; and if there be no way els to save and keepe me from the will and appetite of the Romanes, to do me to death out of hand. For beautie she surpassed and was incomparable: for yeeres lustie, & in the very best of her age. And therfore when as now she held him fast by the hand, and requested his protection and honorable word, only for this, That she might not be delivered and betrayed to a Romane; placing and setting her words so well, and couching them so cunningly, that they sounded neerer to speeches for to win love, than prayers to crave pitie: see the fansie and affection of this victorious prince! he encli∣ned presently not only to mercy and compassion, but also (as all the kind of these Numidians are ful of love, & have no stay of their wanton lust) a conquerour otherwise though he were, yeel∣ded [unspec H] himselfe prisoner to the love of his captive: and so after he had geven her his right hand for assurance to performe her request, he went into the palace. This done, he began to cast about with himselfe how he might make good his promise unto Sophonisba: but finding no meanes els to compasse and bring it about, he borowed foolish, rash, and shamelesse counsell of blind love. He made no more ado, but commaunded in all hast to prepare that very day for the solemnization of a mariage with Sophonisba, because he would give neither Laelius, nor Scipio himselfe, any libertie at all to proceed against her as a prisoner, after she were once the wedded wife of Masanissa. The wedding was no sooner done, but behold Laelius came, a guest unsent for and nothing welcome: who so little dissimuled how much he misliked the thing, that he was once about to have plucked her forth of the bride-bed, and sent her away even with Syphax and [unspec I] other prisoners to Scipio. But overcome with the earnest prayers of Masanissa, who besought and importuned him to referre the matter over to Scipio, for to arbitrate and decide unto whether of the two kings Sophonisba should be awarded, for to mend their state, and better their fortune; he sent away Syphax alone with the rest of the prisoners, and by the help of Masanissa, wan and recovered the other cities in Numidia, which were held by the garisons of the king. When news came into the camp that they were bringing Syphax thither, all the multitude went forth as it were to behold a triumph. Himselfe went bound before all the rest, and a number of Numidian noblemen and gentlemen followed after. Then every man, to set forth and amplifie this victo∣rie, magnified what he could the greatnesse of king Syphax, and the glorious renowme of the nation, in these termes: That he was the king, unto whose majestie the two most mightie and [unspec K] puissant states of the world, to wit, the Romanes and the Carthaginians attributed so much, that Scipio the Generall of the one, for to seeke his amitie, left the province of Spaine and the armie there, and with two Caravels or Gallies ruled with five banks of ores, sailed over into Affrick: and Asdruball the great commaunder of the Carthaginians, not only repaired himselfe in per∣son unto him into his kingdome, but also gave him his daughter in mariage: so as at one time he had in his power the two grand-captaines, of Carthaginians and Romanes both. And like as both these nations killed sacrifices unto the immortall gods, and craved thereby their grace and favour, so of both parties at one time was his friendship sought for and desired. And as for his power and puissance, it was so great, that he expelled Masanissa out of his owne realme, and drave him to this narrow point, that the best meanes he had to preserve his life, was either the [unspec L] running rumor of his death, or the lurking holes in the wild woods, wherein he was glad to live by rupine and stealth, after the guise of savage beasts. The king thus talked of in every mans mouth that stood about him, was brought at length into the Praetorium or Generals pavilion, and there presented unto Scipio. And Scipio verily was much moved in mind to consider the former state and fortune of the man, compared now with this present condition: and to remember withall and call to mind the hospitall interteinment, the geving interchangeably of the right hand, and the covenant between them made both in publick and private. In these regards likewise Syphax tooke hart, and spake more frankely unto the conquerour. For when Scipio demaunded of him What he meant, and for what intent he not only renounced alliance with the Romanes, but also began himselfe first to make warre upon them: he made answere againe and confessed, That he [unspec M] had in deede done amisse, and plaid the foole. As for his taking armes against the people of Rome, that was not the beginning of his follie, but rather the very end of his frantick sortishnes. Then it was, and never els but then, that he went besides himselfe and was bereft of his wits; then he abandoned out of his mind and cleane forgat, as well privat amitie by hospitall entertein∣ment,

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[unspec A] as all publick alliance by solemne covenants; when as he received into his house a Car∣thaginian ladie for his wife: then his royall court and palace was set on fire and burned with those nuptiall torches. That furious fiend it was (quoth he) and pestilent dame, that by all kind of pleasant alluring baits, and flattering enticements possessed my mind, drew away and aliena∣ted my hart; and never rested she, untill with her owne hands she did upon my body impi∣ous and ungodly armour against mine owne guest and loving friend. And yet as desperate and as wofull as my case is, in all my miseries and calamities this one thing doth me good and joyeth my heart, that I see the same pestiferous furie, that fiend of hell, and limme of the devill, gotten into the house and familie of him, who is the most deadly and mortall enemie that I have in all the world. Neither surely will Masanissa demeane himselfe more wisely, soberly and constantly [unspec B] than Syphax: nay, considering his youthfull yeeres, he will be as apt to be mis-led by love, and more subject to the temptations of a woman. Certes in this action of espousing her, he hath shewed more folly a great deale and want of government. When he had uttered these words not only upon a spitefull hatred against an enemie, but also upon some new pricks of jelousie rising in his heart, seeing her whom he loved, in the possession of his concurrent; Scipio was driven into no small dumps, and wist not well what to make of it. And as he began to be suspicious of Masa∣nissa for this mariage, so, to speake a truth, the circumstances thereof hammered in his head, and made him conceive hardly of him; for feare that another day by the suggestions of the same woman, he would play false, and trespasse as well as Syphax. The mariage was so hudled up as it were in the mids of warre and hostilitie, without the advise, without the privitie, and without the [unspec C] expectation of Laelius his companie. Such hast he made all on the head, and without advise∣ment, that the very same day that he set eye first upon the queene his prisoner, he must needs espouse and mary her out of hand, and in the very house of his greatest enemie consummate and solemnise the complements of sacred wedlock. Moreover to aggravate these matters, and make them seeme more foule and shamefull, Scipio knew full well, that Masanissa during the time that he remained in Spaine a lustie yong gentleman, it was never knowne that he was enamoured upon the lovely beautie of any captive woman. As he tossed and revolved these things in his mind, Laelius and Masanissa chaunced to come in place. And after he had welcomed them both alike, and shewed them a loving and gracious countenance, yea and honoured them with singu∣lar praise and commendations openly in a frequent audience and court, he within his lodging [unspec D] tooke Masanissa into a secret place apart, & began to speake unto him in this manner. I suppose Masanissa, that you saw in me some good parts, for love wherof both at the first you were induced to come into Spaine and contract amitie with me; and afterwards also in Affrick, you reposed yourselfe and all your hopes in my fidelitie and protection. But of all those vertues, for which I have seemed worthie of your affectionate love, there is not one wherein I may so much glo∣rie and take joy and comfort, as in temperance, continencie, and the bridling of carnall de∣lights, and fleshly pleasures. This vertue Masanissa, I wish that you also would have joined un∣to the rest that are in you so rare and excellent. For our age (trust me truly) standeth not so much in danger of armed enemies, as of those earthly pleasures that compasse us on every side. And hee that by his sobrietie and governance hath been able to rule and tame the same, hath [unspec E] woon himselfe more honour, and gotten a greater victorie, than wee have done by the conquest and subduing of Syphax. What valiant exploits & worthie acts you have atchieved in mine ab∣sence, I have willingly reported, and still remember. For the rest, I had rather you would consi∣der of them by yourselfe, than change colour & blush at my rehearsall of them. Syphax through the good fortune, and by the forces of the people of Rome, is vanquished and taken prisoner. And therefore, himselfe, his wife, his realme, his lands, his townes, the inhabitants thereof, and finally all things els whatsoever that belonged unto Syphax, are become a bootie to the people of Rome. The king himselfe, and the queene his wife, in case she had not been a citizen borne of Carthage, in case wee had not seene her father to bee the grand captaine of our enemies, ought by right to have been sent to Rome; that the Senate and people of Rome might passe their cen∣sure, [unspec F] award, and judgement of her, who is reported to have alienated a confederate king from us, and to have caused him rashly and inconsiderately to take armes against us. Strive then to rule and maister your lusts and affections; take heed you staine not many good vertues with one bad vice. Marre not the grace, deface not I say, the thanke of many worthie deserts, by one fault and trespasse greater indeed, than the subject cause and occasion thereof. Masanissa, whiles he heard

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these words, not onely blushed as red as fire, but also began to water his plants. And when he had [unspec G] promised for his part to be overruled and set downe by the Generall, and requested him withal, so farre forth as possibly the case would permit, to render and regard his promise, wherein rashly and inconsiderately he had entangled himselfe (for given his faithfull word he had, that he would not deliver and betray her into the hands and power of any other) he departed out of the Preto∣rium or Generall his court, all dismaied and exceedingly troubled in spirit, and betooke himselfe to his owne pavillion. Where all solitarie and alone by himselfe, after hee had passed over some time, with fetching many deepe sighes and sobs, so as he might easily be overheard by them that stood about his tent, at the last hee gave one greevous grone above the rest, and with that called for one of his trustie groomes, who had under his hand the keeping (as the manner was of kings and princes) of a speciall poyson, against all doubtfull chaunces that might happen. Which hee, [unspec H] commaunded him to temper in a goblet of wine, and to carie it to Sophonisba, and with all to tell her thus much from him. That Masanissa would have been most willing to performe his pligh∣ted troth and first promise, which an husband ought unto his wedded wife. But since that the su∣periour powers, and those that were mightier than himselfe, had bereft him of that puissance and libertie, he was readie and able yet to accomplish a second behest, namely, that shee should not come alive into the hands of the Romanes: and therefore hee advised her, that in remembrance of her father a noble warriour and Commaunder, of her native countrie, of two kings to whom she had been married, she would provide for her selfe, and save her owne honour. This credence and message, together with the poison, the servant when he was come unto Sophonisba, delivered unto her. Whereat, I accept (quoth she) this mariage present, & welcome be it unto me, if this be [unspec I] the best token that an husband could find to send unto his wife. Yet thus much signifie unto him from me againe, that better content I would have beene to die, if my marriage bed had not stood so neere to my grave. Shee spake not the word so stoutly, but shee did the deed as reso∣lutely: for shee tooke the cup in hand, and shewing no signe at all of feare, she roundly dranke it of. When tidings hereof came unto Scipio, for feare least the hote, humorous, and passionat young prince, might doe himselfe some mischeefe, he presently sent for him. One while hee gave him good and comfortable words; another while he gently rebuked him, in that he would seeme to make amends for one follie with another, and to play a more cruell & tragicall part than there was need. The next day after, to the end that he might withdraw his mind away from this present sir of troublesome fancies, hee mounted up into his Tribunall seat, and assembled an audience. [unspec K] There first, he openly styled Masanissa by the name of king, and honored him with singular prai∣ses and commendations: which done, he gave him a golden crowne, a faire cup likewise of gold, a chaire of estate and a scepter, both of yvorie, a* 1.1 rich long robe embrodered of divers colours, and a coat wrought with needle worke, representing the Date tree. These honourable presents wanted no words to set them out. For as (quoth hee) there is nothing among the Romanes more stately & magnifical than triumph, so they that ride in triumph, have no ornaments more rich & sumptuous than this, which the people of Rome esteemeth Masanissa onely of all strangers and aliens to be worthie of. After this he gave Laelius also his due and deserved praises, and bestowed upon him a coronet of gold. Other martiall men likewise according to the service which they had done, were rewarded with sundrie gifts. The king having these honours done unto him, was [unspec L] well quieted and contented in mind, and conceived some assured hope, now that Syphax was dis∣placed and rid out of the way, shortly to compasse and enjoy the whole kingdome of Numidia. Then Scipio having sent C. Laelius with Syphax and other captives unto Rome, accompanied also with the Embassadours of Masanissa, returned himselfe with his power againe to Tunes. And there, what fortifications and workes hee had begun asore, now hee finished perfitly and brought to an end.

The Carthaginians, who were filled with a kind of joy that was not onely short, but also in manner vaine and foolish, grounded upon their late assault of the Romane Armada, which (con∣sidering their present state) was fortunate enough; after they heard that Syphax was taken priso∣ner, in whome they had reposed more hope (well neare) than in Asdruball and their owne army, [unspec M] were mightily affrighted and daunted; and would give no more eare to any that persuaded war, but sent as orators to sue for peace, thirtie of their principall auncients: and they amongst them were (as one would say) their privie counsell of state, and had the greatest power and authoritie to sway and overrule the whole bodie of the Senate. Who being entred into the Romane campe

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and the Generall his lodging and pavillion, sell downe prostrate (after the manner and guise as I take it, of the countrey * 1.2 from whence they were first descended) like those that worship and adore the gods. And to this their humble and lowly reverence, their language was sutable and correspondent; not excusing themselves and their fault, but transferring the beginning and oc∣casion thereof, upon Anniball and his favorites about him, that soothed him and bare him up in his wilfull pride & insolent ambition: craving pardon for their citie of Carthage, which twise alreadie had beene subverted and overthrowen by the inconsiderate follie of her owne citizens: and once againe yet would gladly be saved and stand upright by the meanes and goodnesse of their enemies: for as much as they knew full well, that the people of Rome sought not the utter extermination and destruction of those whome they had vanquished by force of armes, but on∣ly [unspec B] the soveraigntie and rule over them: promising fealtie and homage unto them; readie to serve in all loyaltie, and to performe whatsoeuer it should please them to impose and lay upon them. Scipio made them this answer againe and said, That as he came into Affricke upon hope to returne home with conquest and not with peace; so that hope of his by the prosperous and happie successe of his warres hitherto, was much bettered and augmented. How∣beit, although hee assured himselfe of the absolute victorie, at if he had it fast enough in his hand, yet a good accord he would not refuse: that all nations of the world might know, that the people of Rome can both begin warres rightfully, and also end the same as justly. My will there∣fore (quoth he) and pleasure is, that the conditions of peace shall be these. Inprimis, That the Carthaginians shall restore and deliver backe all the prisoners that they have taken in the wars: [unspec C] with all the renegates & fugitives that have fled to their side from us. Item, that they remove their forces out of Italie and Fraunce. Item, that they forbeare to meddle in Spaine. Item, that they abandon and quit all the Ilands betweene Italie and Affricke. Item, to yeeld up all their shippes of warre, saving onely twentie. Item, that they deliver unto the Romanes, of wheat 500000 Modij, and of barley 300000. [Now what was the summe of mony that he required or deman∣ded of them, it is not certainly agreed upon. In some writers I find 5000 talents: in others, five thousand pound weight only of silver: and there be that have set downe, that he laid upon them a double pay of all the souldiers.] Vpon these conditions (saith he) whether ye will like of peace or no, ye shall have three daies respite & libertie to consult and consider. If you will accept ther∣of in these tearmes, make a truce with me for the present, and send your Embassadours unto [unspec D] Rome to the Senate there. Thus the Carthaginians, when they had agreed together, and con∣cluded to refuse no articles and conditions of peace whatsoever, were dismissed. But in truth they sought for nothing else but delaies and tract of time, untill Anniball were sailed over into Af∣fricke. So they addressed certaine Embassadours unto Scipio to enter a truce: others they dispat∣ched to Rome to treate for a peace: who brought with them for shew, some few captives, rene∣gates, and fugitives, to the ende they might obtaine their sute more easily. But Laelius with Sy∣phax and other captives (the principall nobles and gentlemen of the Numidians) was many dayes before arrived at Rome, and had declared unto the LL. of the Senate all things in order as touching their good speed and successe in Affricke, to the great contentment and joy of all men for the present, and with exceeding hope for the time to come. Then the LL, after consul∣tation [unspec E] had, gave order that the king should be sent to Alba, there to lye in ward and safe custodie; and that Laelius should be kept still at Rome, untill the Carthaginian Embassadors came. A so∣lemne procession for foure daies was decreed. And P. Aelius the Pretour, after he had dismissed the Senate, called presently an assembly of the people, and together with C. Laelius went up into the Rostra [or pulpit for publicke orations.] Where, the people hearing that the Carthagi∣nian armies were defeated, that a king of great name and renowme was overcome and taken pri∣soner; that all Numidia was overrunne from one end to the other with a noble and singular con∣quest; they could no longer conteine their joy in silence, but with shouts and acclamations and other tokens (usuall in the assembly of a multitude) expresse and signifie their exceeding glad∣nes and contentment of heart. Whereupon the Pretour immediately made proclamation, that [unspec F] the churchwardens and sextaines should set open all the holy temples and chappels through∣out the citie, and give the people libertie and leave all the day long, devoutly to goe about the gods, reverently to salute them, and heartily to render thankesgiving for this atchieved victory. The next day following, he admitted the Embassadours of Masanissa into the Senate house, and gave them audience. Who first and foremost rejoyced in the behalfe of the Senate, for the pros∣perous

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warres and happie successe of P. Scipio in Affricke: then they gave thankes, that hee not [unspec G] only had entituled Masanissa their lord & master by the bare name of king, but also invested him a king indeed, by restoring him into his fathers kingdome. Wherein, if it pleased the LL. of the Senate, he might reigne, now that Syphax was remooved and gone, without feare & trou∣ble at all. Also, for that hee solemnely in the open assembly praised him in most honourable tearms, & adorned him richly with right stately and precious gifts. For to deserve which favors and honours done unto him, as he had endeauoured alreadie, so would he henceforth not faile to doe his best. Then they made a petition, that the Senate would confirme and ratifie by their acte and decree, his royall style and title of a King, with other benefits and favours received of Scipio. And this moreover particularly Masanissa would request (if hee might be so bold, and that it stood with the pleasure of theSenate) that they would enlarge and set at libertie all the [unspec H] Numidian captives that lay in prison at Rome: for this would be a thing whereby he should ac∣quire much honour and reputation, and gaine great love and favour among his people and countreymen at home. To these points the Embassadours received this answere. Concerning the prosperous affaires of the warres in Affricke, they congratulated likewise, and rejoyced re∣ciprocally with the king. As for Scipio, they liked well, and confirmed his act in giving Masanissa the name of king: and therein he had done well and justly and according to good reason. And whatsoever he had passed else to the honour of Masanissa, the LL. approoved and commended the same. Then they decreed certaine presents, that the Embassadours should carry unto the king: to wit, two purple souldiers cassocks, each of them with a claspe of golde; and as many rich coates embrodered and bestudded with purple. Also two coursers barbed and trapped, with [unspec I] their rich caparisons; two complete armours for horses, with their cuiraces: likewise pavillions, with all their militarie furniture, in as full and ample manner as a Consull is allowed. These pre∣sents (I say) had the Pretor direction to send unto the king. As for the Embassadors themselves, there was bestowed upon them no lesse than 5000 Asses a peece; and upon their followers in the traine, ech of them 1000 Asses. Also a double sute of apparell for either of the Embassadours, and one single sute to everie one throughout their traine; as also to those Numidians, who being set at large out of prison, were to be delivered againe to the king. Over and besides, there was appointed for the Embassadors, lodging of free-cost; gardenage and walking places of pleasure; allowance for their table, and all provision else whatsoever, at the cities expences.

In that sommer when these decrees passed at Rome, and those affaires were atchieved in Af∣fricke, [unspec K] P. Quintilius Varus Pretour, and M. Cornelius Viz-consull, sought a set battaile with Ma∣go the Carthaginian, in the territorie of the Insubrians, within the province of Fraunce. In the vaward were placed the legions of the Pretour. Cornelius kept his legions in the rereward, and himselfe in person rode to the standards in the forefront. And before both wings, the Pretour and Viz-consull encouraged all that ever they could, the souldiers for to advance their ensigns, and give a charge upon the enemie. But seeing they could not prevaile nor doe any good, then quoth Quintilius to Cornelius: You see how the fight slaketh and waxeth cooler, and the ene∣mies that were timorous, are hardened and heartened by this resistance beyond their hope and expectation, yea, and it is to be feared, that they will turne to bee hardie also, and make head against us. Wee must needs raise up a storme of Cavallerie, if wee would disorder them, and [unspec L] put them out of array. And therefore either doe you maintaine fight here in the front, whiles I bring the men of armes into the battaile, or else will I here fight in the vaward, whiles you send out the horsemen of foure legions upon the enemies. And when the vice-consull was willing to accept of whether service the Pretour would, then Quintilius the Pretour, with his sonne forenamed Marcus, a lustie young gallant, went to the horsemen, commaunded them to mount on horsebacke, and suddainely all at once sent them against the enemie. The tumult and noyse which the horsemen made, was answered and redoubled by a shout that the foot∣men set up. And verily the enemies battaile had not beene able to have kept their ground, but that Mago at the first stirring of the Cavallerie, made out the Elephants forthwith into the battaile, whom he had in readinesse for such a purpose. At the uncouth braying, the strong smell, [unspec M] and hideous sight of which beasts, the horses were affrighted: and so the aid of horse-fight proo∣ved vaine. And as the Romane Cavallerie interlaced among the Infanterie was more strong and forcible, where they had the use both of launce point aloofe, and of swords edge close at hand: so when they were transported and caried farre off with their panting and fearefull horses,

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[unspec A] the Numidians horsemen had the more roume to shoot their darts against them with better advantage. Besides this disorder, the twelfth legion of footmen (whereof a great part was beaten downe and slaine, more for shame than upon any strength and valour, kept their place still; but never had bene able to have held out any longer, but that the thirteenth legion drawne forth of the rereward into the vantgard, reenforced the medley that was in hazard and lay a bleeding: and Mago withall for his part, came in with the Frenchmen out of the rereward, and opposed them against this fresh legion; but when they were once discomfited and put back (which requi∣red no great ado nor long fight) the Hastati or Iaveliniers of the eleventh legion gathered round together, and charged upon the Elephants, which now also began to breake the ranks of the footemen. But when they had launced their javelins against them standing thicke together in [unspec B] plumps (and lightly there was not one of them hit amisse but did his errand) they forced them all to turne back upon their owne battaile: so, foure of them were sore wounded and fell downe dead. Then the vaward of the enemies began somewhat to geve ground; and withall, the whole strength of the Romane footemen, seeing the Elephants turne taile, came forward at once for to encrease the disordred tumult, and put them in greater feare. But so long as Mago stood stoutly to it, and kept his standing in the forefront of the ensignes, the rankes and files as they went back softly, and retired by little and little, still mainteined fight as before in good order: but after that they saw him shot through the thigh and fallen, and therewith caried forth of the bartel for dead, incontinently they were all defeated and put to flight. That day were slaine of enemies upon a five thousand, and of militarie ensignes eighteene woon and carried away. The Romans likewise [unspec C] bought not this victorie without losse of bloud. For of the Pretors armie were lost two thousand and three hundred, and the greater part of them by farre were of the twelfth legion. Wherof two Tribunes militarie or Colonels also lost their lives, M. Cosconius, and M. Maenius. Likewise of the thirteenth legion, which came last to the conflict, Cn. Helvius a Colonell, in renuing the fight was slaine, and eighteen men of armes besides, most brave and excellent horsemen, with certain Centurions who were by the Elephants troden down, trampled underfoot, and so perished. And no doubt the medley had continued longer, but that by occasion of the Generall his hurt, the victorie was given away and yeelded. Mago in the dead time of the next night dislodged and de∣parted; and stretching out his journey so farre as possibly for his wound hee might, hee marched away untill he was come to the sea side, unto the Ingauni in Liguria: where the Embassadors sent [unspec D] from Carthage (who a few daies before were arived in the French gulfe) repaired unto him: com∣maunding him with all speed possible to saile over into Affricke, for as much as his brother An∣niball likewise (unto whom also there were Embassadours gone with the like message and com∣mission) would doe the same. For the State of Carthage now was not in case, nor upon tearms, to defend and keepe in obedience by force of armes Fraunce and Italie, but to see to home. Mago not onely moved with the commaundement of the Senate, and the daunger of his countrie, but fearing also least the enemie following the traine of his victorie, would pursue and set upon him, if hee made long stay; and doubting least the Ligurians likewise, seeing Italie abandoned of the Carthaginians, would revolt and turne unto those, under whos obedience they were like short∣ly to bee reduced: albeit hee had no hope that his hurt should have lesse shaking at sea by sailing, [unspec E] than on land by travelling, or to find things there more handsome and readie for the cure, em∣barked his armie and departed. But before hee was well gotten beyond the point and lands end of Sardinia, he died of his wound aforesaid. Certaine ships also of the Carthaginians, being scat∣tered asunder in the deepe sea, were by the Romane Armada that kept about the coasts of Sardi∣nia surprised and bourded. These were the Acts performed both by sea and land, on that side of Italie which lieth along the Alpes.

Cn. Servilius the Consull having performed no worthie and memorable exploit, either in his province Hetruria, or in Fraunce (for thither also he went in the end) but onely that he redeemed his father Cn. Servilius and his unckle C. Luctatius, from servitude and bondage, now sixteene yeares after they had beene taken prisoners by the Boij before the village Tanetum, returned to [unspec F] Rome, with his father going on the one side, and his unckle on the other: a man famous rather for his private deeds, than renowmed for any publicke and honourable act worthie of remem∣brance. And a bill was preferred unto the people, that it should not bee imputed for a trespasse unto Cn. Servilius, that whiles his own father (who had sitten upon the yvorie chaire of estate) was living (and that unknowne to him) hee had been both Tribune and Aedile also of the Commons

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against the lawes in that behalfe provided. This Act being passed and graunted, he returned a∣gaine [unspec G] into his province. Vnto Cn. Servilius the Consull who was in the Brutians countrey, there revolted Consentia, Vffugum, Vergae, Besidiae, Hetriculum, Syphaeum, Argentanum, Dampe∣tia, & many other peeces of small accoumpt, upon occasion that they saw the Carthaginians war to waxe cold and feeble. The same Consull fought a battaile with Anniball in the territorie of Croton: the manner of which fight is darkly and obscurely reported. For Valerius Antias saith there were slaine five thousand of the enemies: a thing of such consequence, that either it was meere impudencie to forge it, or great negligence to overslip it. But the truth is, from that time forward nothing was done by Anniball in Italie: for to him also there came from Carthage em∣bassadors to cal him home into Affrick, even about the same time that the others did unto Mago. And as it is reported of him, all the whiles that he gave audience to the embassadors, he gnashed [unspec H] and grinded his teeth, he kept a sighing and groning, yea and hardly could forbeare to shed teares. After they had delivered their message according to their commission, Yea mary, qd. he, now they go no more about the bush with me, by covert meanes and under hand to send for me home, but openly are seene in the action: who all this while in suffering no supplies either of men or money to be transported over unto me, sought to draw and hale me from hence. Well then, It is not the people of Rome so often by me deffeated and put to flight, that hath by armes over∣come Anniball, but it is the Senate of Carthage, with their backbiting and malicious envie. Neither will P. Scipio rejoyce so much, and beare himselfe proud upon this disgrace of my re∣turne, as Hanno will; who with the ruine and subversion of Carthage, hath overthrowne our house and familie, when by no other meanes he could effect it. Now Anniball, whose mind fore∣gave [unspec I] him that such a thing would fall out, had prepared shipping afore-hand. And therefore af∣ter he had sent away the multitude of souldiours that were of small or no service, into the townes of the Brutians countrey, under a colour & shew of garisons for defence, which townes were but few, and the same rather held in by awe and feare, than abiding in obedience for love and loyal∣tie, he tooke with him the whole strength & floure of his armie, and crossed over into Africk. But before he went to sea, many of the Italian nation, who refusing to follow him into Africk, had taken for sanctuarie the chappell of Iuno Lacinia, which never to that day had bene violated and broken; notwithstanding the libertie of the place, he cruelly massacred in the very temple. Seldome by report had ever any man bene knowne to leave his native soile and countrey, and depart into exile with more heavie heart, than Anniball did when he went out of his enemies [unspec K] land. Oftentimes he looked back to the coasts of Italie, blaming both God and man, yea cur∣sing himselfe and his owne life, for that he led not straightwaies upon his fresh victorie at Can∣nae, his souldiours embrued as they were with bloud directly even to Rome. Scipio (quoth he) had the hart to go to Carthage, who when he was Consull, had never seene in Italie the Car∣thaginian enemie: and my selfe, having slaine at Thrasymenus and Cannae 100000 armed men, have sitten still about Casilinum, Cumes, and Nola, wearing and decaying in strength every day more than other. In this manner he blamed himselfe, and complained of his hard hap and cur∣sed fortune: and so he was pulled out of the possession of Italie that he held so long.

Newes came to Rome about one and the same time, that both Mago and Anniball were de∣parted and onward on their journey: The joy of which twofold gratulation was the lesse in two [unspec L] regards, both for that their owne captaines seemed to have either little courage or small force to stay them behind, and impeach them for going, considering they had expresse order from the Senate so to do: as also because they at Rome were pensife and doubtfull, what would be the issue and end of all, seeing the whole weight of the warre to beare and rest upon the shoulders of one onely Captaine and armie.

And much about this time came the Saguntine Embassadors, bringing with them certaine Carthaginian prisoners, who were taken with summes of money upon them, and had sayled into Spaine for to levie and wage men for aid. The monie they laid downe in the very port-hall or entrie of the Senate house, amounting to 250 pound weight of gold, and 800 pound weight of silver. The men they received and clapt them up fast in prison: the silver and gold both, they [unspec M] delivered againe to the Embassadors, with many thanks: over and besides they gave them re∣wards and ships to returne againe into Spaine. Then the grave and auncient Senatours began to reason and discourse in this wise, That men naturally have lesse sense of good things than of bad; and feele not so soone their owne weale as their woe. We remember, say they, what feare,

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[unspec A] what fright and terrour we were put in, when Anniball passed over into Italie. Lord, what losses, what lamentable misfortunes hapned thereupon! The enemies camp was discovered and seene from the walls of the citie; what vowing, what praying was there then, both of all and some! How often in assemblies and counsels were men seene to stretch out their hands to heaven, and to ut∣ter these words and cry alowd; When will that day come? and will it never be, that we shall see Italie againe cleere of enemies, obteine repose, and flourish once more, injoying happie peace? Now at length, even at 16 yeeres end and not before, the gods have vouchsafed us this blessing; and no man saith a word, nor maketh a motion of thanksgeving to their divine majestie therfore. And surely, if men know not how to accept with joy and thankfulnesse a benefit when it first commeth, they will be farre short, and faile much more to remember the same when once it is [unspec B] past. Hereupon they cryed out and called alowd with one voyce from all parts of the Senate-house to P. Aelius the Pretor, for to propose the matter to the court there assembled: and a de∣cree was graunted, that for five dayes there should be solemne processions and supplications in every church and chappell before the shrines of all the gods and goddesses: and greater beasts killed for sacrifice to the number of 120.

Now when Laelius and the embassadors of Masanissa had their dispatch and were dismissed, tidings were brought that the Carthaginian embassadors comming to the Senate to sue for peace, were seene at Puteoli, and that from thence they would travaile by land unto Rome. Wherupon it was thought good unto the Senat, that Laelius should be sent for againe and called back, that he might be present, and at the hearing of the treatie of peace. Q. Fulvius Gillo a Lieu∣tenant [unspec C] of Scipio had the conducting of the Carthaginian embassadors to Rome: who being for∣bidden to set foot within the citie, were lodged without in the great hall named Villa Publica, and had audience given them of the Senate, assembled in the temple of Bellona. Who made in manner the very same speech that they had before unto Scipio, cleering the whole State and their publick counsell, and laying all the fault and blame upon Anniball for making warre: say∣ing that he had no warrant, commission, and commaundement from the Senat to passe over the Alpes, no nor so much as over Iberus: and that of his owne head he tooke armes; and warred not upon the Romanes only, but also upon the Saguntines. In consideration whereof, he that would esteeme all things aright, and weigh the truth indeed, must needs judge, that for anything done by the Senat and people of Carthage, the auncient league made with the people of Rome, hath [unspec D] continued to that day sound and entier. And therefore nothing els had they in commission to sue for and request, but that they might mainteine and remaine still in that accord and league which was last concluded and contracted with Luctatius the Consull. Now when the Pretor ac∣cording to an auncient custome of their forefathers, had given libertie to whomsoever that would, for to put Interrogatories unto the Embassadors; and the elder sort, such as had ben pre∣sent at the making of the capitulations and covenants concerning the said peace, had demaun∣ded of them, some one thing, and some another; and the Embassadors answered againe, that by occasion of their young age (for they were all in manner but young men) they remembred no such thing: the whole court from all parts thereof cryed out and said, that this was but a fraudu∣lent and faiterous Carthaginian trick, to chuse and send such for to sue for the old peace, which [unspec E] they themselves could not remember. And when the Embassadors were voided out of the Se∣nate-house, and the opinions of the LL. demaunded, M. Livius was of this mind, that Cn. Servi∣lius the Consull, who was the neerer of the twaine, should be sent for, that the treatie of peace might in his presence be consulted upon. For since that there could not lightlie a weightier matter than it was, come afore them to be determined of, he thought it stood not with the ho∣nor and reputation of the people of Rome, that such a matter should be debated of, with∣out the personall presence of both, or at the leastwise of one of the Consuls. Qu. Metellus, (who three yeares before had beene Consull and Dictatour) spake to the cause in this manner. For as much as P. Scipio by diffeating and putting to the sword whole armies, by wasting and spoiling the territories of the enemies, had driven them to this exigent, that in [unspec F] humble sort they came to crave peace: and considering that no man living was better able to judge with what mind and intent they sued for this peace, than himselfe, who warred even before the gates of Carthage; therefore no mans advise was to be heard, but onely his, either to accept of the said peace in question, or to reject it. M. Valerius Laevinus, who had beene twise Consull argued, That they were spyes and not embassadours, who now were come; and that it

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were a good deed to command them to avaunt and be packing out of the confines of Italie; and [unspec G] to send with them certaine men of purpose to guard them to their ships; yea, and to write unto Scipio to go forward with his warres, and not to slake one jote. Laelius and Fulvius added more∣over and said, That Scipio laid this especially for his ground, to hope there might be peace, in case Anniball and Mago were not called out of Italie: As for the Carthaginians, they would make semblaunt of any thing whatsoever, so long as they expected those leaders and those ar∣mies: but afterwards without remembrance of covenants, were they never so fresh and new, yea and without respect of all the gods, they would (no doubt) maintaine and continue the warres. In these regards, they inclined the rather to Laevinus, and approoved his opinion. So the embas∣sadours were sent away without any peace obtained, or certaine answer returned unto them.

Much about that time, Cn. Servilius the Consull, who made full reckoning that he should [unspec H] have the honour of bringing Italie into quietnes, made pursute after Anniball, as if he had bene coursed and driven out by him; and first sailed over into Sicilie, and then into Affricke. Which beeing commonly noised and bruted abroad at Rome, at the first the LL. of the Senat thought good, that the Pretour should write to the Consull to this effect, That the Senate judged it meet and reason for him to returne into Italie. But afterwards upon the Pretour his words, saying that the Consull would set nought by his letters, P. Sulpitius was created of purpose Dictatour, who by vertue of that more soveraigne rule and authoritie, called the Consull peremptorily home into Italie. And the rest of that yeare, he together with M. Servilius the Generall of the horse, spent in progresse and visiting all the cities of Italie which in time of warre had shaken off their alleageance, and in taking due knowledge of all their causes and reasons severally. [unspec I]

During the time of the truce, there set forth also out of Sardinia from Lentulus the Pretour, an hundred hulkes laden with victuals, togither with a convoy and guard of twentie gallies of warre, and passed over into Affricke safe, both from the daunger of the enemie, and also from the perill of tempests by sea. But Cn. Octavius as he was in his voyage from Sicilie, with a fleet of two hundred hulkes and thirtie strong gallies, had not the like good speed. For as hee sailed (well neare) within the kenning of Affricke, first hee was calmed: then the wind turning South, troubled and disordered his ships, yea and scattered them over the sea one from another. Him∣selfe with his gallies of war wrought against the wind and the current, and with exceeding toile and labour of the ore-men, doubled the point of the cape of Apollo, and there in the bayrode at anker: but the hulks for the most part fell with the Iland Aegimurus (which shutteth up the fore∣land, [unspec K] and lyeth in the very mouth of that creeke from the sea wherein Carthage standeth) al∣most ten leagues from the citie: and some were driven by wind to a place called the Hote wa∣ters, over against the citie. All this happened within the sight of Carthage. And therefore out of all parts of the citie, was great running to the market place. The magistrates assembled the Se∣nate; the people at the entrie and porch of the councell house, called upon the Senatours and cryed out, That they should not let slippe so great a bootie out of their eyes and hands. Some alledged against them, the fidelitie of treating for peace: others also objected the faithfull pro∣mise of truce (the tearme wherof was not yet expired.) But at last, when both Senate and peo∣ple were entermingled all in manner together, agreed it was by a generall consent, that Asdruball with a fleet of fiftie saile, should cut over to Aegimurus; and so from thence rallie and gather [unspec L] together the Romane ships dispersed along the coasts and the havens. And the hulkes (aban∣doned of their marriners that were fled, first from the Iland Aegimurus, and afterwards from the Hote waters aforesaid) were drawen and towed as it were at the tailes of their owne ships to Car∣thage. As yet the embassadours were not returned from Rome, neither knew they what the reso∣lution of the Romane Senat was concerning war or peace, nor the day of the truce determined. Scipio taking the wrong and indignitie to be more hainous, in that the hope of peace and the assurance of truce should be violate by them first, who sought both for the one and the other; presently dispatched in embassage to Carthage M. Bebius, L. Servilius, and L. Fabius; who being by the concourse and running together of the people, neare to a shrewd turne and mischiefe; and foreseeing their returne like to be as dangerous, craved of the magistrates (who saved them [unspec M] from violence) to send certaine ships to waft them. So they were allowed two gallies called Tritemes, which having conducted them untill they were arrived at the river Bagrada, where they were within sight of the Romane campe, returned backe againe to Carthage. Now the Carthaginian Armada lay in the rode before Vtica. From thence there made out three gal∣lies

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[unspec A] of foure rankes of oares; whether it were upon some secret direction from Carthage so to doe, or that Asdruball the Admirall of the fleet, upon his owne head adventured so foule an action (the state having no hand therin, and therfore not to be blamed) and espying the Roman galley of five bankes of oares past the point of the cape, sodainly assailed her from the maine sea. But neither could they invest and strike her with their beake heads, making so good way, and shifting so well by reason of her swiftnes; neither could the armed souldiers from out of their lower vessels boord her, being so tall a ship over them. And right valiantly shee defended her selfe so long as her shot lasted; which when it once failed, and that shee had no other means to helpe her selfe, but onely the nearenes of the land and a number of souldiers who from the camp were run to the shore, with the losse only of the ship all the passengers escaped safe to land.

[unspec B] Thus the truce being doubtlesse broken with one wickednes comming in the necke of ano∣ther, Laelius and Fulvius came in the verie nicke from Rome, together with the Carthaginian embassadours; unto whome Scipio having given his word, that although the Carthaginians had not onely broken the faith and assurance given of the truce, but also the law of armes, in abu∣sing and evill in treating the persons of his embassadors, yet himselfe would do nothing to them unworthie either the order of the people of Rome, or unfitting his owne manner and custome, dismissed the Embassadours, and made preparation for warre.

When Anniball now approched the land of Affricke, one of the mariners was commanded to climbe up to the top of the mast to discover the coast, and to see what part they were directed to: and when he made answere and said, That the prou made head upon a place called, the Rui∣nate [unspec C] sepulchre; he misliked the osse and presage of that place, and commaunded the pilot to passe by, and leave it: and so he put his fleet within the bay of Leptis, and there he set his armie ashore. And these were the affaires of Affricke for that yeare. The actes ensuing, reach to that yeare, wherein M. Servilius Geminus, who then was Generall of the horse, and T. Claudius Nero were made Consuls. But in the end of the former yeare, when the embassadours of the confe∣derate cities of Greece made complaints, that their territories were wasted by the kings garri∣sons: and when they sent their embassadors into Macedonia, for demand satisfaction and resti∣tution, they could not be admitted unto the king, nor have audience: and moreover, they gave intelligence, that there were foure thousand armed souldiers transported over into Spaine, under the conduct of Sopater, to aid the Carthaginians; and certaine summes of money likewise sent [unspec D] with them: the Senate gave order that embassadours should be addressed unto the king, to give him to understand, that the LL. of the Senate tooke all this to be done against the tenure and forme of the league. So there were sent C. Terentius Varro, Cn. Manlius, and M. Aurelius. And three gallies of five course of oares they were allowed.

This was a yeare of speciall note, for a great skare-fire, whereby the publick cliffe was burnt to ashes down to the ground: also for much abundance of rain & many flouds, & exceeding cheap∣nesse of victuall. For besides that all Italie was open by reason of a generall peace throughout, M. Valerius Falto, and M. Fabius Buteo, Aediles of the chaire, devided the great store of corne that was sent out of Spain, among the people, street by street, and set the price at* 1.3 foure Asses the Modius. The same yeare Q. Fabius Maximus departed this life, a man of great yeeres and excee∣ding [unspec E] old, if that be true which some writers report, that hee was Augur 42 yeeres. But certaine it is that he was a man worthie of so great and honourable a surname, yea, and if it had begun first in himselfe. He surpassed the dignities of his father, hee was equall in honor to his grandfather: Rullus his grandfather, I must needs say, had more titles of victories, and of greater battailes; but one enemie of his, Anniball, may countervaile them all, as many as they were. Howbeit, this man was counted more warie and advised, than hardie and forward: and as a man may wel doubt whether by natural disposition he loved to take leisure in all his actions, or that it was a policie of his agreeable to the warres properly then in hand; so verily nothing is more certaine than this, that as the Poet Ennius saith,

This onely man by wise delay, [unspec F] Restor'd our state fall'n to decay.

His sonne Q. Fabius Maximus was invested or installed Augur in his place, and for bishop in his roum (for two sacerdotal dignities he had) Ser. Sulpitius Galba was chosen. The Roman plaies were exhibited one day, and the Plebeian Games thrice wholly renued by the Aediles M. Sextius Sabinus, and Cn. Tremellius Flaccus. They both, were made Pretours; and with them C. Livius Sa∣linator

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linator, and C. Aurelius Cotts. The solemne election of the Magistrates for that yeare, whether [unspec G] Cn. Servilius the Consull held, or (because of important businesie in Tuscane, about the exami∣nations of the conspiracies there of certaine great men, by commission from the Senate, which might keepe him there) P. Sulpitius the Dictator by him nominated; it is uncertaine, by reason of the varietie and difference of writers in that behalfe.

In the beginning of the yeere next following, M. Servilius and T. Claudius, after they had as∣sembled the Senate in the Capitoll, mooved concerning the provinces. And for as much as both of them desired Affricke, they were willing that Affricke and Italie, should bee put to the choise of a lotterie. But by the especiall travaile of Q. Metelius, the province of Affrick was nei∣ther graunted nor denied to either of them. And the Consuls were commaunded to deale with the Tribunes of the Commons, that if they thought so good, they would preferre a bill unto [unspec H] the people, to know whome they would have to warre in Affricke. So all the tribes in generall gave their voices with P. Scipio. Neverthelesse, the Consuls (for so the Senat had decreed before) cast lots for the province of Affrick. Thus Affrick besell unto T. Claudius, namely that hee should faile over thither with an armada of fiftie ships, all gallies of five rankes of oares, and bee joined in equall commission with Scipio. And M. Servilius had Hetruria allotted unto him. In the same province Cn. Servilius also was to continue in goverment, in case it pleased the Senat to stay the Consull in the cittie. Of Pretours, M. Sestius by lot had the rule of Gallia, with order, that P. Quin∣tilius Varus should make over unto him the province and two legions. And C. Livius tooke the charge of the Brutij with the two legions, which the year before were commaunded by P. Sempro∣nius the viz-consull. Cn. Tremelius was appointed to governe Sicilie, and to receive of P. Villus [unspec I] Tappulus the Pretour of the former year, that province and two legions. And ordered it was, that Villus as Propretor, should keepe in obedience and defend the coast of Sicilie with twentie ships of warre, and a thousand soldiors; and that from thence M. Pomponius should in the twentie ships behind embarke one thousand and five hundred soldiors, and transport them over to Rome. Vn∣to C. Aurelius Cotta was the civile jurisdiction of the cittie assigned. All the rest continued still in their governement, and had their commissions newly signed, according as they had either pro∣vinces or armies under their hand. And with sixteene legions & no more, was the State of Rome that yeare maintained. Now to the end they miight begin all enterprises in the name of the gods and proceed therein with their grace and favour, order was given, that the Consuls before they went out to warre, should set forth those games and plaies, & sacrifice those greater beasts which [unspec K] T. Manlius Dictator, in the yeere that M. Claudius Marcellus, and T. Quintius were Consuls, pro∣mised by solemne vow, in case the Commonweale continued for five yeers following, in the same good estate as then it was. So the games were exhibited in the great Cirque or shew-place foure daies togither, and the sacrifices slaine accordingly, as they were vowed to the gods.

But all this whiles, as mens hope, so their fear also encreased daily more and more, whiles they could not certainely resolve with themselves, whether they had more cause to rejoice, that An∣niball after sixteene yeares had abandoned Italie, and left the possession thereof free unto the people of Rome; or to be afraid, for that he had passed over into Affricke with the safetie of his armie. For why? the place was onely chaunged, and the daunger all one. And surely Q. Fabius late deceased, no vaine prophet of so great a perill and hazard, was wont to foretell, and this was [unspec L] ever his song, That Anniball would be a more daungerous enemie at home in his owne coun∣trie, than he had been abroad in a forraine land. And Scipio should find, that he had to deale nei∣ther with Syphax (king of a rude, untaught, and barbarous countrie, who was wont to lead ar∣mies of stale groomes, and little better than waterbearers and campe-slaves to keepe one place and not remove) nor with Asdruball his father in law, a captaine of all others most light of foot, and rediest to run away, ne yet with tumultuarie armies taken up in hast and raised suddainly, con∣sisting of a rable of rusticall clowns and peasants armed by the halfes; but with Anniball, born in manner within the campe, yea & in the roiall pavillion of his father; a most valiant captaine, bred and brought up amongst armed men: who long agoe was no sooner a child, but he was a souldi∣our, and before he came to the prime and flower of youth, became a Generall: who growing to [unspec M] be old in a continuall course and traine of victories, hath filled Spaine and Fraunce from the one side to the other, & Italie from the Alpes to the narrow seas, with the marks and memorable mo∣numents of worthie and noble exploits; and leadeth still an armie of as long standing and con∣tinuance in warfare as himselfe, hardened and beaten to endure all those things which hardly one

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[unspec A] would beleeve, men could abide and suffer, embrued and bathed a thousand times in the bloud of Romanes, and carrying with him the spoiles not of common souldiors onely, but also of most brave Generals themselves. Scipio should bee sure to encounter and meet in battaile those who with their owne hands had slaine Pretours, and killed Consuls of Rome; all bedight and goodly to be seene in murall and vallare coronets, for their good service in skaling of walls, and moun∣ting over rampiers; those I say who at their pleasure have raunged through the woon camps and forced cities of the Romanes. Neither at this day have the magistrates of the people of Rome so many bundels of rods, with axes borne before them, as Anniball hath taken from the Ro∣mane Generals whom he hath slaine, and can if hee list shew and carrie before him. Casting and tossing these doubts and feares in their mind, they themselves encreased their owne care, & dou∣bled [unspec B] their dread in this point also, that wheras they were wont for certaine yeares to make warre in sight of home, in diverse and sundrie places of Italie, with a lingering kind of hope, without re∣garding any issue therof like presently to ensue; now Scipio and Anniball, captains matched toge∣ther (as one would say) to make a finall end & triall of all, had set all mens minds awork to expect the event now or never. And even they also who had reposed exceeding confidence, and groun∣ded no small hope of victorie in Scipio, the more their spirits were amused upon it, and desirous to see a speedie effect, the greater was their care and doubt of the sequele. The Carthaginians for all the world were likewise affected and disquieted in mind. One whiles, beholding Anniball, and considering his noble and worthie acts, they repented that they sued for peace. Another while againe, when they looked backe and remembred, how twice they had beene defeated in [unspec C] battaile, Syphax slaine, themselves driven out of Spaine, chased and hunted out of Italie, and all this by the valor and policie of one man Scipio; they trembled for feare of him, as if he were the fatall captaine borne for their ruine and utter destruction.

Now by this time was Anniball come as farre as Adrumetum; from whence, after hee had bestowed some few daies in refreshing his sea-sicke souldiers, he was roused with fearefull posts that brought newes, how all about Carthage was full of enemies and hostilitie: whereupon he made long journies till hee came to Zama. This Zama is a towne distant from Carthage five daies journey. From thence he sent out espyals, who being taken by the Romane warders, were brought before Scipio, and he caused them to be delivered unto the Tribunes or Marshals, with commandement, that they should be led throughout the camp; and suffered without all feare, to [unspec D] see whatsoever they desired. And when he had asked of them whether they had perused and con∣sidered every thing to their content, and enough to serve their turne; he sent them backe againe to Anniball, with a safe conduct to accompanie them. Anniball tooke no pleasure at all in hea∣ring of any thing that they reported: for (among other particulars) they brought newes that Masanissa chanced that verie day to come thither with sixe thousand foot and foure thousand horse. But most of all, hee was troubled anst cast downe with the resolute confidence and assu∣rance of the enemie; which no doubt (hee thought) arose not of nothing. And therefore albeit himselfe was the onely cause of that warre, and by his arrivall had disturbed the truce con∣cluded, and the hope of peaceable covenants; yet supposing, that a more indifferent accord might bee obtained, in case hee sued therefore while hee was entire and unfoiled, rather than af∣ter [unspec E] hee were vanquished and overcome; hee addressed a messenger or pursivant unto Scipio, re∣questing that he might confer and commune with him. Whether he did this of his own accord, or by direction from the publicke counsell of the State, I have no reason to set downe or avouch for certaine, either the one or the other. Valerius Antias writeth, That hee was by Scipio defeated in the first battel, wherein were slaine in field 12000 armed men, and 1700 taken prisoners, where∣upon himselfe in person came as embassador, with other ten Orators into the camp unto Scipio. But howsoever it was, Scipio refused not to emparle; and so, both Generals of purpose advanced forward and approched with their campes, to the end they might be neerer one to the other when they should meete in conference. Scipio made choise of a plot of ground not farre from the citie Nadagara: which as it was handsome and meete in other respects, so especially in this, [unspec F] that it had a watering place within an arrow shot. Anniball tooke an hill four miles from thence, sure enough and commodious otherwise, but only that they were farre from water. In the mid way betweene they chose a plaine, open on every side, where they might discover and see all a∣bout them, that no ambush there were laid: and after they had caused their armed souldiours to retire a like distance from either partie, then came together with one truch man or interpretour

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a peece,* 1.4 not only the greatest and bravest captaines of their time, but also equall to the mightiest [unspec G] kings or Emperours of realme or nation that ever had beene afore them in any age and re∣membrance of man. For awhile they stood one beholding the other, and said never a word, ravi∣shed and astonied with a mutuall admiration: and at last Anniball began and spake in this wise.* 1.5 If the gods by destinies have so appointed, that I who first levied warre against the Ro∣manes, and who so often have had the victorie as it were in mine owne hands, must needs of my selfe and mine owne motion, come now first likewise to sue for peace: glad I am and well plea∣sed, that it is my good hap to meete with you above all other men, at whose hands I should seeke the same. And certes you also for your part among many your singular and excellent praises, may skore up this for none of the least, namely, That Anniball (unto whom the gods have vouchsafed the upperhand overso many noble captaines of the Romanes) hath yeelded [unspec H] the bucklers, and geven place unto your selfe; now that you have had the honor to end this warre, more notable and renowmed at the first for your losses and overthrowes than ours: and that fortune (as it is fallen out) hath made this pretie sport with me, who at the begin∣ning tooke armes when your father was Consull, gave him battaile first of all other Romane Generals, and am now come unarmed unto his sonne to crave peace. Verily much better it had bene, and simply the very best, that the gods had inspired into our forefathers this mind, That both you might have contented your selves with the dominion of Italie, and we likewise of Af∣frick. For surely, Sicilie and Sardinia both, are nothing sufficient to make amends and satisfa∣ction, and it were but only of your part, in recompense of so many brave fleets, so many puissant armies, and so many noble captaines that yee have lost. But faults done and past may well be [unspec I] blamed and reproved, when they can not be corrected and reformed. So greedie were we on both sides to conquer the lands of others, that in the meane time we have hazarded our owne. Neither had ye warre in Italie only, or we againe in Affrick alone: but both ye have seene the ensignes and armies of enemies hard at your gates, and in manner under your owne walls: and we likewise from Carthage have heard the noyse and bruit of the Romane camp. Now then, that which we have cause most to detest and abhorre, and you to wish above all other things in the world; the treatie of peace is fallen out in time of your better prosperitie, and more favourable aspect of fortune unto you. We againe are the agents therein, whom it most standeth upon and importeth that there should be peace; and who are assured, whatsoever we conclude, that the States and cities from whence we come, will approve and ratifie the same. There needs [unspec K] no more but a willing mind, wel affected and enclined to those courses which tend to repose and quietnes. For mine owne part, one while age hath taught me, who am returned an old man into my countrey, from whence I came a child: another while prosperitie and adversitie both, hath so schooled me, that I would now rather be ruled by reason, than swayed by fortune. But I feare me greatly that you as well in regard of youth, as also of your continuall felicitie and fortunate traine of successe, are over-hautie and stout, for to yeeld unto any peaceable wayes. For commonly he fore-casteth no variable chaunces, who never tasted of adverse fortune. And the same are you at this day, that sometimes I was at Thrasymenus and at Cannae. You being hardly come to that age which is meete for war-service, had the charge and commaund of an armie: and looke what enterprises you tooke in hand most venterously, the same you ever exploited as hap∣pily. [unspec L] You pursued the vengeance of fathers and unkles death, and wan by the calamitie of your house and familie a notable name and reputation of singular vertue and pietie. Spaine full and wholy you have recovered and conquered againe: foure armies of Carthaginians you have chased from thence: no sooner were you created Consull, but when all other mens hearts failed them to defend and keepe Italie, you sailed neverthelesse hither over into Affrick: and after you had defeated heere two armies, forced and burnt in one houre two camps of your enemies, taken Syphax prisoner, a most mightie and puissant prince; wan so many cities both of his king∣dome and of our dominion; you pulled me maugre my head out of Italie, whereof I had bene now sixteene yeeres possessed. Well may your hautie mind affect victorie rather than incline to peace. Full well I know of what spirit and stomack you are, more respective to grandeur and [unspec M] honor, than to your good and profit. And the time hath bene, when I also had the lightsome countenance of fortune lovingly smiling and shining upon me. And were we so blessed of God as to have our right wits and perfect senses in time of prosperitie, we would consider and thinke not of things only which have hapned, but of those also that might happen. But if you

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[unspec A] should forget all other, I alone might serve as a sufficient example and mirror of all acci∣dents of fortune whatsoever. For, whom not long since you either saw or might have seene en∣camped between the river Anio and your citie, and readie in manner to skale the walls of Rome; you see me now after the losse of my brethren, two right valiant warriours and most renowned Generals, even here before the walls of my countrey little better than besieged, making meanes in humble manner to avert and avoid those daungers from mine owne citie, with which erewhiles I terrified yours. Well, the greatest and happiest fortune is least to be trusted, and never is it worse relying on her, than when she is so free and bountifull. Now that you flourish and we fade, whiles you are aflote and we sinke; a peace, unto you that geveth it, is a glorious and goodly matter; to us that crave it, more necessarie than honorable. Better it is yet and safer of the twaine, to enjoy [unspec B] a certaine peace, than hope for a doubtfull victorie. The one lieth in your hand to effect, the o∣ther as it pleaseth the gods to dispose. Beware therefore, how in one houre you hazard the feli∣citie of so many yeeres. And as you consider your owne strength and forces; so thinke withall upon the power of fortune: set before your eies the alternative course of Mars in warre. You shall see armour and the edge of the sword; you shall see the bodies of men as well of one side as the other: and no where lesse than in warre do events answere to our hope and expectation. And makefull accoumpt of this, that you shall not gaine so much overplus of honor, (if haply you should win a field) above that which by graunting a peace you may presently have in hand and be possessed of; as you shall forgo and loose of the principall, in case you should do amisse and take the foile. One houres misfortune is able to overturne all the honors and triumphant trophaees [unspec C] as well past and gotten alreadie, as in future hope to be obteined. In knitting and concluding a peace, ô P. Cornelius, all lieth in your power. Refuse that once and come to the triall of a bat∣taile, you must take your hap as God shall appoint. If M. Attilius in times past being conque∣rour, would have graunted peace unto our forefathers at their suite and earnest petition; a rare and singular example had he afforded of vertue and felicitie, and few comparable unto him: but not having the grace to see when he was well; not able to set a gage to his prosperitie in some measure and in due time; not willing to restraine and stop the pride and hautinesse of his good fortune, the higher he was heaved, the fouler was his fall; and the more he moun∣ted, the greater was his overthrow. It is for him (I confesse) that geveth peace, to capitulate and set downe the covenants and conditions, and not for him that craveth the same. And yet [unspec D] per adventure we might not be thought unworthie, to set upon our owne heads a fine and for∣feiture. We refuse not therefore but are content, That all shall be yours, for which the quar∣rell and warre first began: Sicilie, Sardinia, Spaine, all the Ilands whatsoever lying in the sea betweene Affrick and Italie. And wee Carthaginians holding our selves enclosed within the bounds and coasts of Affrick (since the will and pleasure of God is so) can abide to see you to rule and governe in forein lands and strange seas. I can not denie, but that you have good cause to suspect the Carthaginians for their faith and truth, whose late desire of peace and at∣tendance about the same, was not so plaine and simple as it should have bene: Yet Scipio, take this withall; That it importeth much to the assurance of keeping and observing peace once interteined, to consider who the persons be that seeke and crave the same. And even your [unspec E] owne Senatours and LL of the Counsell, as I heare say, were moved not a little to denie and reject the motion of peace, for this cause, that our embassie seemed unto them not so ho∣nourable as it ought to have bene. But now I, even I, no worse a man than Anniball, do sue for peace; which as I would not seeke, unlesse I thought it profitable; so I will interteine it in regard of that profit for which I sought it. And like as when I had once begun the warre, so long as the gods impeached & envied me not, I mainteined it so, as no man of ours had cause to be weerie thereof: so will I endevour that none shall repent of the peace obteined by my meanes. When Anniball had thus said, the Romane Generall made answere againe in this sort. I knewfull well,* 1.6 ô Anniball, that the Carthaginians upon the hope of your comming, have both disturbed the assurance of the present truce, and also troubled the hope of the future peace. Nei∣ther [unspec F] doe you your selfe dissimule so much, in defalking all out of the former conditions and ca∣pitulations of peace, save onely those things which long since have beene in our power and pos∣session. But as you have a great care, that your fellow citizens should know and perceive, what heavie burdens they are by your meanes discharged and eased of; even so must I endeavour and labour, that the points which then they covenanted and agreed upon, they deduct not this day

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out of the articles and conditions of peace, for the hire and reward of their falshood and trea∣cherie. [unspec G] For unworthie you are to have the ouverture and possibility of any peace at all, ye seeke also, that fraud and deceit may turne to your profit and commoditie. Neither began our prede∣cessours first to make warre for Sicilie, nor we since for Spaine. But as then the daunger wherein our allies the Mamertines stood; so now the ruine and destruction of Saguntum, mooved vs to take armes most justly, even for pity and compassion. That you began the quarrell and provoked us first, your selfe confesse, and the gods doe witnes: who, as in the former warre, they graunted and gave the issue, according to right, equitie, and justice: so they doe in this, and so they ever will. For mine owne part, I remember well, and thinke upon the frailtie of mankind, and the tic∣lishnes of this world: I consider also the power of fortune, and what shee is able to doe: I know likewise, that all our actions whatsoever, are subject to a thousand hazards and inconveniences. [unspec H] But as I would acknowledge my selfe to haue dealt proudly and outragiously, if before I passed over into Affricke, when of your selfe well nigh you abandoned Italie, when you had imbarked your armie, and came of your owne accord to seeke peace, I had then rejected you and cast you off: even so at this time, when I have haled and drawen you into Affricke by strong arme, as it were to trie an issue in law (all the hasting, all the shifting and resistance you could make to the contrarie notwithstanding) I am not bound to have any respective regard at all of you. Where∣fore, if besides those points and capitulations, under which the peace at that time was like to be concluded (and what those were you know as well as I can tell you) you bring with you any re∣compence & amends for our ships, which being charged with victuall and munition, you tooke perforce from us in time of the cessation of armes; as also for the outrage and violence commit∣ted [unspec I] upon the persons of our embassadors; there is some reason that I should consider therupon, and be advised by my counsell. But if you thinke hardly thereof also, as being thereby too sore pressed; look for battell, you that could not like of repose; provide for war, since you would abide no peace. Thus without any conclusion of accord, they left parling; & being returned to their owne companies, they related unto them, how their conference came to nothing, and all their words were but wind, and did no good: and therefore the matter was to be determined and tried by dint offword, and they to trust to that fortune which the gods had appointed for them. So soone as they were come into their campes, both of them made proclamation, that the soldiers should buckle themselves, make readie their armour, plucke up their spirits, and addresse them∣selves to a finall triall of the quarrell; where, if they sped well, they were to be victours not for [unspec K] one day, but for ever and aye. For before the morrow next at night, they should know, whether Rome or Carthage should give lawes unto all nations of the earth. And as neither Affrick nor Italie, but the whole world shall be the prize & guerdon of the conquerours; so they whose hap were to loose the field, must make account of daunger and domage, equall to the winnings and gaine of the other. For as the Romanes had no way to escape, nor place of safe retreat, being in a strange and unknowen land; so Carthage (having laid all upon this one cast) if they now missed, made accompt that all was gone, and present destruction at hand. So the next day there advanced forward to this doubtfull and daungerous triall, two most noble and renowned cap∣taines, of two right mightie and puissant states: two most valiant and hardie armies came forth into the field, resolute that day either to winne the spurres or loose the saddle; to gaine more [unspec L] glorie to their former honour, or else to loose all that ever they had gotten. Thus therefore be∣tween hope and feare, their minds were perplexed and distracted; and beholding one while their own forces, & another while their enemies power; measuring rather by their eye, than weighing by reason their strength, they had at once presented unto them, objects of joy & content, as well as of sorow and heavinesse. And look what the soldiers themselves could not thinke upon, those things their leaders put them in mind of; suggesting unto them by way of admonition and ex∣hortation, whatsoever was thought expedient and good. Anniball rehearsed his noble acts at∣chieved in Italie for the space of sixteene yeeres, he reckoned up how many Romane captains he had slaine, how many armies he had defeated and put to the sword: and ever as he met with any [unspec M] souldiers of note and marke for some worthie and memorable battaile, he put them in remem∣brance of their honourable service and good deserts: Scipio related the conquest of Spaine, re∣counted the fresh foughten fields in Affricke, alledged the verie confession of the enemies; who neither for feare could doe other but seeke for peace, nor yet upon an inbred falshood imprin∣ted in their hearts, continue long in the same. Besides he inferred the communication & speech

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[unspec A] of Anniball had with him in secret and apart from others: which according as hee was disposed to devise, he might turn at his pleasure to fit his purpose. And for as much as the gods had shewed unto them as they went out into the field, the same signes and tokens of birds, by direction wher∣of their fathers before them fought in times past before the Ilands Aegates; hee ossed and presaged that the warre was come to an end, all daungers and troubles overblowne, that the spoile and pillage of Carthage was at their devotion, and they at the point to returne home un∣to their countrey, their parents, wives, children, and domestical gods. And this hee spake with such a lostie gesture of his bodie, with so pleasant and lovely a countenance withall, that a man who had seene him, would have thought verily he had atchieved the victorie alreadie. Then he embattailed first his Hastati (or speares) in the vaward; behind them the Principes; and the rere∣ward [unspec B] he guarded and fortified with the Triarij. Neither marshalled he whole cohorts thrust thick and close together, in the head of the battaile before their ensignes, but divided them into squa∣drons, distant a pretie way asunder one from the other: to the end there might be roume & space to receive the elephants of the enemies, that they should not breake the arraies and rankes. As for Laelius (whom he had emploied before as lieutenant, but that yeare in qualitie of a Questor by a speciall order and direction from the Senat, and not by choice of lot) him with the Italian Ca∣vallerie he put in the left point; & Masanissa with the Numidian horsemen in the right. The open waies and void spaces betweene the squadrons aforesaid, placed in the front before the ensigns, hee filled with the Velites or Iavelotiers, who at that time were light armed souldiers; with this commandement, that presently upon the violent charge given by the elephants, they should ei∣ther [unspec C] retire behind the files, or els runne to a side, both on the right hand and the left, and joyne close to the formost ranks, and make the elephants way to run upon their shot from the one side and the other. Anniball to strike a terrour into the enemies, first arraunged the elephants in the front, who were in number foure score, and more than ever he had before in any battaile. Then be embattailed the aid souldiers of the Ligurians and Frenchmen, with the Baleare slingers and the Mores intermingled amongst them. In the maine battaile he placed the Carthaginians and Affricans, with the legion of the Macedonians: behind whome (leaving a little space be∣tweene) he set in array the battailon of the Italian souldiers in the rereward for succour: & those were most part of them Brutij; who followed him more perforce and by constraint, than of any good will, when he departed out of Italie. The Cavallerie also he displaied and spred round like [unspec D] wings about the two points: whereof the Carthaginians kept the right, and the Numidians the left. Sundry and divers were the exhortations throughout the armie, amongst so many men; whose language was dissonant, whose complexions far unlike, whose manners and con∣ditions were divers, who differed in lawes and customs, whose armours were not all one, whose raiment and apparell not sutable, and finally, whose quarrell and cause of war was not one & the same. The auxiliaries & aid-soldiers fed themselves with the hope of ready and present paiment and wages for the time past, yea and with a duple & triple augmentation thereof to boot, out of the spoile and pillage. The Frenchmen upon a speciall hatred of their own, and the same deeply setled, were soone kindled and enflamed against the Romans. The Ligurians, who were brought out of the rough and craggie mountains, and whose teeth watered at the fruitfull and plenteous [unspec E] fields of Italie, were quickly by him mooved to hope after victorie. The Mores and Numidians he frighted with the proud and tyrannicall rule of Masanissa, under which they should ever after live. Before the Carthaginians he presented the walles of their native citie, their houses and house gods, the sepulchres and tombes of their ancestors, their children and parents, yea and their timorous and fearefull wives: hee set before their eies either finall destruction of all those things and slaverie of their persons, or else the empire and soveraigne dominions of the whole world: and no meane betweene these extremities either of feare or hope.

When as the Generall was most busie thus in exhorting the Carthaginians and the captains of the straungers, amongst the souldiours of their owne nations, and that for the most part by meanes of interpretors, intermingled for the same purpose with them; the trumpets sounded, [unspec F] and the hornes blew from the Romane hoast. And such a wonderfull shout arose from thence, that the Elephants turned upon the Mores and Numidians of their owne side, especially in the left point of the battaile. Whome Masanissa seeing once affrighted, hee soone redou∣bled their feare; and riding upon them with a hote charge, laid naked the battaillon of footmen on that side, and cleane without the aid of their Cavallerie. Howbeit, some few of the Elephants

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driven without feare full upon the enemie, made foule worke among the rankes of the light ar∣med [unspec G] Velites, and overthrew a number of them, not without many a wound and much hurt done to themselves. For the Velites leaping againe nimblie to the squadrons, after they had made way for the beasts, fearing they should bee troden underfoot by them, let flie their javelines at them from both sides, lying open as they did like butts to the shot on either hand. Neither lost they any time, who were in the vauntguard before the ensignes, nor gave over flinging their darts at them, untill they were driven by a voley of shot lighting upon them from all parts, cleane out of the Romane battaile: and then they turned head also upon the very horsemen of the Carthaginians in their owne right point, and forced them to run away. Laelius for his part, seeing the ene∣mies in disarray and sore troubled, charged upon them with his horses, & encreased their fright. So as now the Carthaginian battaillon was disfurnished and stript of their horsemen on both [unspec H] wings. By which time the Cavallerie joined battaile, whose hope was now quailed and strength abated, and therefore not able to make their parts good. Besides another thing there was, a small matter to speake of, but yet in fighting-time and in the very medley, of great consequence and importance, The shout and crie from the Romans was ever alike and consonant in all parts, and therefore the greater and more terrible; but the enemies made dissonant noises, according as they differed in language, being as they were, of many and sundrie nations. The manner of the Romanes fight was sure and stedfast, by reason of the peise of their owne bodies, and the weight of their armour, bearing still, and preasing hard upon the enemies: but they on the other side, shewed more swiftnesse and agilitie, than force and violence. And therefore at the very first shocke the Romanes incontinently enforced their battaillon to recule and lose their [unspec I] ground. Afterward they fell to shouldering and knocking them with the pikes and bosses of their bucklers: which done, they set foot forward a good round pace, and gained some ground of them, marching on still, and no man seemed to make head against them; whiles they that were hindmost in the files, perceiving once that battaillon to goe on and win ground, still put forward the formost, which was the very thing that availed much, and was of great effica∣cie to put the enemies to flight. But the second battaillon which consisted of Africanes and Carthaginians, were so farre from seconding and upholding the auxiliarie straungers thus dis∣marching; that contrariwise, for feare least the Romanes by killing them in the forefront (who stood to it lustily and made resistance) should come as farre as to them behind, they likewise re∣culed and gave backward. Whereupon the aid-souldiours also suddainely shewed their hin-parts [unspec K] and turning their face upon their owne fellowes: some of them retired for refuge into the second battaillon; others fell to killing of them that would not receive them within their rankes: & good reason they had, for as a while before they had no helpe at all of them, so then they were altoge∣ther excluded and shut out from them. So as now the Carthaginians had to deale at once in two medlies shuffled together, whiles they were compelled to close & come to handfight, both with their enemies, and also with their owne fellowes. Yet notwithstanding, for all they were either so affrighted, or so angrie with them, receive them they would not in no hand into their battaillon: but keeping their rankes and files close together, they cast them ato side to the wings and the void ground without the place of conflict, and all because they would not intermingle any souldi∣ors thus skared upon running away and many wounds, with that battaillon which stood still sure [unspec L] ynough, and as yet unfoiled. But the place where a little before the auxiliaries were raunged, was so full of slaine bodies, and weapons and armour thrumbled one upon another, that the Ro∣manes had welneere more adoe to passe that way now, than they should have had through the preasse of the enemies standing thicke together. And therefore the formost of the Hastati follo∣wing after the enemies, every one as well as he could over the heapes of bodies and armour on the earth, and through the slipperie filth of the bloud, made a pelmell of their own ensignes, and confusion of their rankes. Whereupon the ensignes also of the Principes began to wave, when they saw the battaile afore them so wandering and inconstant. Which Scipio when hee once per∣ceived, commaunded in all hast to sound the retreat unto the Hastati: and when hee had with∣drawne as many of them as were wounded and hurt, and bestowed them in the rereward, hee [unspec M] brought the Principes and the Triarij to the out-wings and flankes thereof; to the end, that the middle battaillon of the Hastati should bee more sure and strong. By this meanes there be∣gan a new medley. For now were they come to their verie enimies indeed; such as for armour and weapons of all sorts, for practise and experience of warfare, for fame and renowne of

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[unspec A] worthie exploits, and last of all for greatnesse either of hope or perill, were equall and compa∣rable unto them. But both in number and also in courage, the Romans were superiour, for that alreadie they had discomfited the Cavallerie, put to flight the elephants, beaten back the vaward, and were readie now to encounter with the maine battaile. Now Laelius and Masanissa having had the horsemen in chase a good way, whom they had compelled to flie as is beforesaid, retur∣ned in good time, and charged hotely upon the taile of the enemies battaile. And this assault of theirs it was, * 1.7 that strucke the stroke, this did the deed and amazed the enemies. Many of them were environned and killed in the place, many fled and were scattered over the plains and open fields, and by the horsemen who had taken up all the avenues, & raunged all about, were caught up here and there, and so slaine. Of Carthaginians and their Allies, were killed thatday above [unspec B] twentie thousand, and welneere as many taken prisoners: of militarie ensignes there were got∣ten a hundred thirtie three, and eleven Elephants besides, alive. Of the conquerours there died about two thousand. Anniball with some few horsemen made shift to escape out of the tumult and heat of the execution, and fled to* 1.8 Adrumentum, having assaied and tried all meanes possi∣ble, both in the very conflict, and also before the battaile, ere he departed and left the fight. And this praise and commendation he woon even by the confession of Scipio himselfe, and all others that were expert warriours, that with singular skill that day he ordered the battell, and marshalled the field. For the Elephants he had placed in the forefront, whose adventurous force and intolle∣rable violence in giving the onset, might empeach the Romans from following their colours, and keeping their arraies; the onely thing wherein theyreposed their greatest hope and confidence. [unspec C] Then, before the maine battaile of the Carthaginians, he set the auxiliaries and aid-souldiours, of purpose, that being a confused rable and medley of all sorts of nations, such as were not bound by alleageance, but tied onely by gaine and wages, should have no libertie to retire themselves, and escape by running away: who also, as the forlorne hope, bearing the furious heat of the first brunt, might wearie the enemies with charging upon them, & if they did no other good, yet with receiving many a wound in their bodies dull & turne the edge of the enemies sword. After this, in the battel, where all his hope was, he placed the Carthaginian and Africane soldiors; that being otherwise in all things els equall to the enemies, they might in this regard have the ods, in that they were to fight with them wearied and wounded, when they themselves were in heart and lu∣stie. As for the Italians, who also were devided from the rest by a good space betweene, he remo∣ved [unspec D] farre off into the rereward, as doubtfull whether they were freinds or enemies. Anniball ha∣ving done this doubtie deed and worke, as it were for the last proofe of his vertue and valour, fled to Adrumetum, and was from thence sent for to Carthage: whither hee returned in the sixe and thirtith yeer, after that he first departed thence a very child. Where in the Counsell house he confessed and said, That overcome he was not only in a battell once, but also in the main war for ever hereafter: protesting in plain tearms, that now there was no other way but one to save them∣selves, and that was peace, if they could obtaine it.

Scipio immediatly after this battaile, having forced by assault and rifled the enemies camp, returned with a huge bootie to the sea and his ships, being advertised afore by a messenger that P. Lentulus was arrived at Vtica with five ships of warre, and a hundred hulks laden with provi∣sion [unspec E] of all kinds of victuall. And supposing it good pollicie now that Carthage was troubled and throughly affrighted, to come upon them with all terrour on every side: so soone as he had dispatched Laelius away to Rome, with tidings of this victorie, hee commaunded Cn. Octavius to lead the legions by land against Carthage. Himselfe in proper person, after hee had joined this new fleet of Lentulus, unto the old Armada of his owne, weighed anker and departed from Vti∣ca, and sailed directly to the haven of Carthage. Hee was not farre from thence, when there met him a ship of the Carthaginians, garnished with insules, ribbands, and white flags of peace, and beset with branches of Olive; wherein were ten Oratours embarked, the best men of the citie, sent by the advise & motion of Anniball to crave peace. Who as they approched the hin-decke and poupe of the Admirall ship, put forth the vailes and tokens of suppliants, praying & beseeching [unspec F] the protection and mercie of Scipio. Who had no other answere made them, but that they should repaire to Tunes, whether hee intended to remove. Then himselfe after hee had well viewed the situation of Carthage, not so much to have the full knowledge thereof at this present, as to terrifie the enemies, returned to Vtica, whether he had called backe Octavius also. As hee mar∣ched forward from thence toward Tunes, he had intelligence given him, that Vermina the sonne

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of Syphax was comming to aid the Carthaginians with a power of more horsemen than foote∣men: [unspec G] whereupon, part of the armie together with the whole Cavallerie was sent: whereof the light horse and vantcurriers charging the vaward in their march, after a light skirmish discomfi∣ted the Numidians: and having stopped all passages every way with the horsemen, so as they could not get out and flye, there were upon a fifteene thousand men of them slaine, 1200 taken prisoners, 1500 Numidian horses also were gotten from them alive, and 72 militarie ensignes. The young Prince himselfe in the mids of the tumult and conflict, with some few escaped. Then encamped Scipio neere Tunes, in the same place where he lay before: and thither repaired unto him thirite embassadors from Carthage. And they verily, as they were in harder case & greater distresse, made much more pitifull entreating than before; but in their audience found lesse fa∣vour and mercie by a great deale, for their late treacherie and falshead so fresh in remembrance. [unspec H] Now albeit when they were set in counsell, all of them had just cause to be angrie, and thereupon were provoked to destroy and rase Carthage: yet upon better advisement & consideration, how great and difficult an enterprise, and what a long peece of service it was to besiege a citie so strong and so well fortified: and for that Scipio himselfe was troubled in mind with the expectation of a successour, who should come to win the credit and honor of finishing the war, which indeed was gotten by the travaile and hazard of another, all their hearts were turned and enclined to peace. The morrow after the Oratours were called againe before them; and after they had bene well checked, rebuked, and plainely told of their treacherie, and warned withall, that after so many losses and overthrowes which they had received, they should now learne to be wise, and at length beleeve that there were gods in heaven, and that an oath was to be regarded, these conditions [unspec I] of peace were tendered and offered unto them. Imprimis, it was capitulated, That they might live free, according to the forme of their owne laws: Item, What cities, what territories (and with∣in what bounds and limits) they held and were possessed of before the warre began, the same they might keepe still. Item, That Scipio and the Romanes from that day forward should not wast and spoile the countrey. Item, That the Carthaginians should deliver all renegate traitours, all fugi∣tive persons, all captives and prisoners, yea, and yeeld unto them all ships of warre with brasen heads, above ten triremes or galeis of three ranks of oares. Item, That they should put into their hands all those Elephants which they had alreadie tamed and manned, and should breake and tame no more of them. Item, They should make warre neither in Affrick, nor without Affrick, but by order and warrant from the people of Rome. Item, That they should make restitution and [unspec K] amends to Masanissa for all harmes, and enter into league with him. Item, That they should find come and money for the maintenance of the aid-souldiors, untill their embassadors were re∣turned from Rome: yea and tender paiment of ten thousand talents of silver by even por∣tions in fiftie yeares. Item, That they should put in a hundred hostages at the pleasure of Scipio, and none of them to be either under fourteene yeeres of age, or above thirtie. Last of all, they would grant a truce upon this condition, That the ships which were taken during the time of the former cessation of armes, should be restored back againe, with all things els that were therein: otherwise, no truce for the present, nor hope of peace hereafter. These articles and conditions the embassadors were willed to returne home with all. Which after they had related in the gene∣rall assemblie of the people, Gisgo mounted up the pulpit to dissuade peace, and had audience [unspec L] geven him with great applause of the multitude; who as they were heartlesse and unmeet for warre, so they were as peevish and unruly, and could not long continue in repose. Heereat, Annibal took great indignation, & was highly displeased, that in such a time, those things should either be delivered or heard; and he made no more ado, but stepped to Gisgo, laid hand upon him, and pulled him down from the pue out of which he spake: whereat the people were moved and grumbled in great discontent, to see so strange a sight and unusuall, in a free citie. Then An∣niball, as he was a meere martiall man, and could not skill of civile affaires, nor well away with these citizens libertie. I went, quoth he, from you when I was but nine yeeres old, and now after 36 yeeres I am come againe. All militarie skill and knowledge, which fortune sometime in my [unspec M] private matters, and otherwhiles in publick affaires, hath taught me from my childhood, me thinks I have learned sufficiently: mary, for the rights and priviledges, for the lawes, customes and fashions of the citie and the common hall, I must be informed and instructed by you. Thus having pleaded ignorance for his excuse, he discoursed at large of peace, arguing how reaso∣nable and equall, yea and how necessarie it was. The greatest point of difficultie in all the capitu∣lations

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[unspec A] ministred unto them was this, That touching the things abovesaid which were taken during the abstinence of armes, there was nothing now forth-comming and to be seene but the bare vessels; and no easie matter was it to seeke up the rest. Now when as they that gainsaid the peace were convinced and put downe by reason, agreed it was, that the ships should be redelive∣red, and the men likewise be sought out and found: as for all the rest that was wanting, there should an estimate be made according to the value, at the discretion of Scipio, and so the Car∣thaginians to make all good in money. Writers there be that have delivered, how Anniball presently from the field sped him to sea, and there finding a ship readie prepared for him, streightwayes embarked, and went directly to king Antiochus: Also, when Scipio demaunded above all other things that Anniball should be yelded into his hands, answere was made, that [unspec B] Anniball was not in Affrick. After that the embassadorswere returned to Scipio, the Questours or Treasurers were commaunded to draw an extract according to their bookes upon record, of all such things as were in the ships, and apperteined to the citie: and looke what belonged to private persons, the owners thereof were willed to declare and testifie. In consideration and re∣compense whereof, there was a summe of money set downe, amounting to 25000 pound weight of silver, and the same to be paid presently out of hand by the Carthaginians. Thus a truce was graunted to them for three moneths: with this clause annexed over and besides, That during the said terme they should send their embassadours to no other place but only to Rome: and what embassadours soever came to Carthage, they should not let them depart before they had certi∣fied the Romane Generall both who they were, and what their message and errand was. Then [unspec C] with the Carthaginian embassadors were sent to Rome L. Veturius Philo, M. Martius Ralla, and L. Scipio, brother to the Generall. At that time there came such store of graine and victuals out of Sicilie and Sardinia, and thereby corne was so cheape, that the merchant was faine to leave corne behind him to satisfie the shipmen and marriners for the portage and carriage thereof.

Now there had been much trouble and fear at Rome upon the first news and al'arme, that the Carthaginians had taken arms againe: and T. Claudius had commission to conduct a fleet with all speed into Sicilie, and from thence to passe over into Affrike: likewise the other Consull was commaunded to stay still at Rome, untill it were certainely knowne in what terms all matters stood in Affrike. But T. Claudius went but slowly to worke, either in preparing and rigging an ar∣mada, [unspec D] or in putting it to sea; because the LL. of the Senat were of opinion, that as touching the peace and the conditions thereof, it was rather at the disposition of Scipio than of the Consull. Moreover, there were certaine prodigious signs reported even presently before the very rumour of the foresaid rising and insurrection, which caused men to feare greatly. At Cumes, the circle and compasse of the sunne appeared lesse: and it rained a good shewre of stones. Also in the ter∣ritorie of Velitre, the earth setled and sunke, and made huge hollow chinks, in so much as trees were quite swallowed up under the ground. At Aticia the market-place and the shops all about, likewise at Frusino the wall of the citie in divers places, yea and the gate, were smitten with light∣ning from heaven: and in mount Palatine it rained stones. This wondrous sight last rehearsed, was expiat after the ancient custome, by keeping a Novendiall sacrifice and feast for nine daies; [unspec E] the rest by killing of greater sacrifices. Among all, there were unusual deluges and inundations of waters, which troubled the minds and consciences of men: for the Tyber so swelled and rose so high, that by reason that the shew-place of the Circus was overflowne, preparation was made for the setting forth of the games Apollinares, without the gate Collina, neere the chappell of Ve∣nus Erycina. But vpon the very day when the plaies should be exhibited, it grew to be so fair wea∣ther of a sodain, that the pageant and pompous traine of the shew, which was a going to the gate Collina, was called backe and conveied into the Circus; and word brought, that the water was fallen and gone cleane out from thence: so the people were more joious, and the pastimes cele∣brated with greater resort, for that the usuall and ordinarie place served againe for the solemnitie to be performed.

[unspec F] Claudius the Consull at last departed from the citie of Rome, and went to sea; where betwene the havens of Cossa and Lauretum, he was overtaken with a terrible and fearefull tempest that arose and put him in exceeding feare. From thence he came to the Populonij, and there stayed untill the tempest was overblowne and gone. Then hee fell with the yle* 1.9 Ilua, and from Ilua hee sailed to Corsica, and from Corsica he passed over to Sardinia; where, as he doubled the point

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and was passing the race of the mountaines called * 1.10Insani, there arose a farre more cruell ghust, [unspec G] and in places of more perill and hazard, which scattered the fleet. Many of the ships were wea∣therbeaten & sore shaken, many lost their tackling quite, yea and some were crackt and split. Thus the Armada being much tossed and torne, arrived at length at Carales; where, whiles the ships were drawne up into the docke to drie land, and there a repairing, the winter came upon them, and the yeare turned about. And so T. Claudius (as a private person, by reason that no man re∣newed his commission for a farther time) brought the Armada backe to Rome. But M. Servi∣lius because he should not be called home to the citie for the solemne election of magistrates, af∣ter he had declared Dictatour, Cn. Servilius Geminus, departed into his province. And the Di∣ctatour chose P. Aclius Paetus Generall of the horsemen. Oftentimes went the writs outfor pub∣lishing of the election, but by reason of tempests it held not, nor was performed. And therefore [unspec H] when the old magistrates left their office after the Ides of March, and no new substituted in their roome, the citie was cleane without any magistrates of state to sit in the yvorie chaire. L. Man∣lius Torquatus a bishop, that yeere died. In his place was invested C. Sulpitius Galba. The Romane games were thrice exhibited a new by L. Licinius Lucullus and Q. Fulvius, Aediles of the chaire. The clarks and scribes belonging to the Aediles, togither with their beadles and summoners, were detected for carrying forth certaine money out of the treasure and chamber of the citie: and be∣ing thereof convicted, were therefore condemned, not without some touch and discredit of Lu∣cullus himself the Aedile. P. Aelius Tubero and L. Lectorius Aediles of the commons, for that there was some error and default in their election, resigned up their places, after they had represented the playes, and in regard thereof solemnized the feast of Iupiter, and set up besides in the Capi∣toll [unspec I] three images made of the silver that was forfeited and raised upon the fines of the persons condemned aforesaid. The Dictatour and Generall over the horsemen, by order from the Senat exhibited the games called Cereales, to the honour of Ceres.

When the Romane embassadors and Carthaginians together, were come out of Affricke to Rome, the Senate assembled to give them audience in the temple of Bellona: where L. Velurius Philo after he had declared (to the exceeding joy of the LL. of the Senate) that they had fought a battaile with Anniball, (the last that ever the Carthaginians were like to fight) and that this grievous and lamentable warre was now come to an end, he went on still and related, that Ver∣mina also the sonne of Syphax was vanquished and subdued; which was no small increase of the other exploits so happily atchieved. Then he was commanded to go forth from thence directly [unspec K] to the assembly of the people, there to impart these gladsome newes unto the multitude. Wher∣upon (for exceeding joy and in token of thanksgiving) all the temples in the citie were set open, and solemne processions decreed for three daies. Now when as the embassadours of the Car∣thaginians and king Philip (for they also were arrived) required to have a day of audience in the Senate; the Dictatour by direction from the Senate, returned them this answere, That the new Consuls should satisfie their request. After this, was the solemne assembly holden for the electi∣on of magistrates; and Consuls were created Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Paetus: for Pre∣tours, first M. Iunius Pennus, who was allotted to have the civill jurisdiction in the citie: then M. Valerius Falto, unto whome the Brutians countrey fell by lot to governe: next, M. Fabius Bt••••, whose hap was to rule Sardinia, and P. Aclius Tubero to be L. deputie of Sardinia. Concerning [unspec L] the provinces wherein the Consuls were to be emploied, it was not thought good to determine any thing, before the embassadours of king Philip and likewise of the Carthaginians, had delive∣red their embassages: for as they saw the end of one warre, so they foresaw the beginning of ano∣ther. Cn. Lentulus the Consull was inflamed with an ardent desire of the province of Affricke: for if the warre continued, he aimed at an easie victorie: and if it were at the point of an end, he gaped at the honour of finishing the same, and hoped to have the name, That determined it was whiles he was Consull. And therfore he protested plainly, that he would suffer nothing to passe before that the province of Affricke were assigned to him. His colleague (a sober, temperate, and discrete man) gave his consent; for he saw full well, that as the contending for that glorie with Scipio, was unjust and unreasonable, so in it hee would be overmatched, and never able to im∣port [unspec M] and carrie it away from him. Q. Minutius Thermus and M. Acilius Glabrio, two Tribunes of the commons, gave out and said, That Cn. Cornelius went about to compasse that, which was commenced and assayed in vaine the yeare before by T. Claudius the Consull. For when by war∣rant from the Senate a bill was proposed unto the people, whome their pleasure was to nomi∣nate

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[unspec A] for government of Affricke, all the 35 Tribes gave their voices and awarded that province to P. Scipio. Much contention there passed and many bickerments both in Senat-house and be∣fore the people, in the debating of this question: but in the end they grew to this point, to refer all to the judgement of the Senate. So the LL. of the Senate having taken their oath (for so it was agreed upon) thus concluded and gave this order. First, that the two Consuls should either agree together betweene themselves, or else cast lots for their provinces; namely, which of them should have the rule of Italie, and who the charge of a fleet of fiftie saile. Item, to whether of them twaine befell the navie, he should saile over into Sicilie: and if peace might not be fully concluded with the Carthaginians, then to crosse over into Affricke; where the Consull should warre by sea, and Scipio by land, by vertue of the same commission and authoritie that he had al∣readie. [unspec B] Moreover, if the conditions of peace were accepted of both parts, that then the Tribunes of the Commons should propound unto the people, as touching their wil and pleasure, whether the Consull or P. Scipio should conclude the peace; and which of them (if the victorious armie after conquest obtained, were to be brought backe out of Affricke) should have the conduct thereof home againe. Also, if they nominated Scipio for to make the peace, and bring away the armie likewise, then the Consull should not cut over from Sicilie to Affricke. As for the other Consull who had the government of Italie, he should receive of M. Sestius the Pretour, two le∣gions. So P. Scipio had his commission sealed againe for to remaine in the province of Sicilie, with the same forces which he there had. M. Valerius Falco the Pretour in the Brutians country was allowed those legions whereof C. Livius had the commaund the yeare before. It was fur∣thermore [unspec C] agreed, that P. Aclius the Pretour should take the two legions in Sicilie of Cn. Tremel∣lius: and that one legion which P. Lentulus the Propretour had under his conduct, was ap∣pointed to M. Fabius for Sardinia. And M. Servilius the Consull of the former yeare, conti∣nued also in his government with his owne two legions for Hetruria. As concerning the pro∣vinces of Spaine, sith L. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus had bene there for certaine yeers, the said Consuls were to deale with the Tribunes, that if they thought it good, they should propound unto the Commons, for to know their minds whome they would appoint to govern Spaine: and that he whosoever it was, should out of two armies enroll one entire legion of Ro∣mane souldiers, and of the allies of the Latine nation make up fifteene cohorts or regiments, and with the strength of them joyntly, keepe in obedience and defend the province. Item, that [unspec D] L. Cornelius and L. Manlius should bring over the old souldiers into Italie. Vnto Cornelius the Consull was assigned a fleet of fiftie ships, to be deducted and drawne out of two other Arma∣dacs; the one of Cn. Octavius which was in Affricke, the other of P. Villius which guarded the coasts of Sicilie; and to choose thereout what ships he would: and that P. Scipio should keepe those fiftie ships of warre which he had alreadie. And in case his pleasure was that Cn. Octavius should be Admirall over them still, like as heretofore; then Octavius was to continue in govern∣ment for that yeare as Viz-pretour: but if he made Laelius the admirall, then Octavius should de∣part and come home to Rome, and bring backe with him those ships that the Viz-consull had no use or need of. M. Fabius likewise had ten gallies of service allowed him into Sardinia. And the Consuls were appointed to muster and enroll two legions of citizens, that with the power [unspec E] of fourteene legions, and an hundred ships of warre, the affaires of Rome that yeare might be managed.

These things thus ordered, they began to debate in counsell about the embassadours of Phi∣lip and the Carthaginians: and thought good it was to admit the Macedonians into place for to have audience. Divers and sundrie speeches they made, whiles they laboured partly to cleere that point as touching the complaints that the embassadours sent from Rome made before the king, for the forraying and spoiling of their confederates: and partly complained themselves of the allies of the people of Rome, laying much to their charge: but farre more bitterly accu∣sing M. Aurelius, for that he being one of the three embassadors sent unto them, staied behind and took musters of soldiers; yea and against the covenant comprised in the league, made warre [unspec F] upon them, and oftentimes gave battatle unto their captains and governors in open field: partly also they demanded, that the Macedonians and their captaine Sopater, who had served in the warres of Anniball for wages, and were taken prisoners and kept bound in prison, might be en∣larged and set at libertie.

To these points M. Furius, sent of purpose from Aurelius out of Macedonia, made answere

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breefely in this wise, That Aurelius who was left behind, for feare that the associats of the people [unspec G] of Rome, wearied with rodes and incursions into their territories & other injurious oppressions, might revolt unto the king; never departed out of the confines of the associates aforesaid, and endevoured onely, that those robbers and forraiers of the countrie should not invade and over∣run their lands, and goe cleare away without any harme. As for Sopater, hee was a state and peere of the realme, and one neerely allied unto the king, who lately was sent into Affricke with foure thousand Macedonians and with money, to aid & assist Anniball and the Carthaginians. When as the Macedonians being required what they could say to these challenges, framed but a doubt∣full and intricate defence, before they had well made an end they received this for their answere: That since the king sought warre, if he proceeded and went on still, hee should shortly have his hands full: but for as much as he had broken the league in two points, first in offering wrong to the [unspec H] allies of the people of Rome, and molesting them by way of warre and hostilitie; and secondly in helping their enemies with men and money, they deemed thus much of it, that not only P. Sci∣pio both did and doth well and justly, in keeping them still in prison as enemies, who bare arms against the people of Rome, and were taken captive; but also M. Aurelius performed good ser∣vice to the State, and a great pleasure to the Senate, in defending the Allies of the people of Rome by force of armes, when by right of league hee could not. When the Macedonians had their dispatch, and were sent away with this heavie answere, then the Carthaginian embassadors were called in.

When they beheld their reverent age,* 1.11and the dignitie of their personage (for they were the best and principal men simply of their citie) then every man was fully persuaded for his own part [unspec I] and said, That now they dallied no longer, but meant in deed and good earnest to crave & have peace. But the cheefe and most portly person of them all was one Asdruball, in his countrey and among his citizens surnamed Haedus, a man that ever persuaded peace, & opposed himself against the Barchine faction. And therefore he had the more credite and authoritie, when hee derived the blame from the Commonweale, and laid all the fault upon the wilfulnesse and greedieava∣rice of some few. Who after hee had used diverse and sundrie speeches, one while excusing and clearing the crimes, another while confessing some things objected, least if they had denied cer∣taine truths, they should with more difficultie have obtained pardon and peace: now and then also giving the LL. of the Senate an admonition and warning by the way, to use their prosperitie and good fortune modestly and with moderation, he added moreover and said, That if the Car∣thaginians [unspec K] would have been ruled by him and Hanno, and had been so wise as to have taken their time and the opportunitie when it was, they should themselves have given those conditions of peace, which now they are constrained to crave. But for men to bee fortunate and wise both at once, it is a rare and speciall gift, and sildome seene. And here it is that the people of Rome (qd. he) is invincible, because in prosperitie they can remember to bee wise, and to take the best way for themselves. And certes a wonder it were, if ever they should doe otherwise. For those com∣monly who happen to meet with some new good chevance, and have not beene used thereto be∣fore, overshoot and passe themselves too much in excessive joy, which they have not the grace to governe with sobrietie and discretion: whereas the people of Rome have ever beene accusto∣md to the continuall felicitie of joious victories, in so much as they are growne into a disuse of [unspec L] taking pleasure and delight in them (so common they are) and have encreased their dominion and Empire, more (in maner) by sparing and pardoning those whom they have conquered, than by the very conquest of them indeed.

The speech that the other embassadors made, was more pittiful and lamentable, whiles they re∣counted before the Senat from what high estate, & to how base condition they were fallen: who but a while since held by force of arms, as it were the whole world, & had nothing left them now but the bare walls of the citie of Carthage, within which they were shut up, & could see nothing either by land or sea, which they might rightfully claime as their owne. Nay the very citie it selfe and their houses, they were to enjoy no longer than the people of Rome is unwilling, & forbea∣reth to proceed by rigour and extremitie against the same, since there is nothing else behind to [unspec M] worke upon. Now when as the LL. of the Senate seemed to encline to mercie and compassi∣on, on, one Senator there was amongst them (by report) who upon a deepe and inveterate hatred of the Carthaginians trecherie, spake out aloud and said, What gods will they regard and swear by, in making of a new league, who have broken their oth, and taken their n••••ne in vaine whom they

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[unspec A] called to witnesse in the former? Marrie (qd. Asdruball) even those and no other that are so sharpe revengers and heavie enemies to the breakers of league and covenant. So when all their minds were enclined to peace, Cn. Lentulus the Consull, who had the government of the navie, oppo∣sed himselfe against the decree of the Senate for to crosse the same. Then M. Attilius, & Q. Mi∣nuus, Tribunes of the Commons, preferred a solemne bill unto the people, in this forme: Plea∣seth it you, and will you graunt, That the Senate shall resolve and determine, that peace may bee concluded with the Carthaginians? Pleaseth it you to chuse and appoint who shall be the man to make that peace, and who shall bring the armie out of Affricke? As concerning peace, the tribes every one as they were demaunded their voices, graunted affirmatively (Vis rogatis) that Scipio should conclude it, and also bring away the armie. By vertue of this Act passed by the people, the [unspec B] Senate made a decree, that P. Scipto by the advise & counsell of ten Commissioners, should con∣tract an accord with the people of Carthage, under what conditions he thought good. After this the Carthaginians rendered thankes to the LL. of the Senat, and requested that they might en∣ter into the citie, and talke with their fellow citizens and countriemen, who had beene taken cap∣tives aforetime, and lay in the common gaole and prison. For there were amongst them some of their kinsfolke and friends, noblemen of birth & of good qualitie; others also, unto whom they were to deliver some message and credence from their kinsmen. When they had spoken & com∣muned with them, they came with a new petition and made earnest suite, to give them leave to raunsome and redeeme as many of them as they would: wherupon they were willed to give them their names; and when they had named fast upon two hundred, an order was graunted out of the [unspec C] Senate, that the Romane Commissioners should take over with them into Affricke unto Scipio two hundred of those captives whom the Carthaginians would make choise of; and declare un∣to him from the Senate, that in case the peace were fully agreed upon and finished, he should de∣liver those two hundred to the Carthaginians, freely without paying any raunsome. Now when the heralds of armes were appointed to goe into Affricke, for to confirme and establish the peace according to the solemne order, at their owne request there passed an act of the Senate framed in this forme and tenure. Imprimis, That they should carrie with them every one by himselfe, cer∣taine flint stones of their owne, and likewise Verven. Item,* 1.12 That the Roman Pretors should com∣maund them solemnely to pronounce the league, and then they to aske of the Pretour sacred hearbes or Verven. A kind of grasse or hearbe this is, which was wont to be gathered from off the [unspec D] Capitoll hill, and given to the Heralds.

Thus were the Carthaginians dismissed and sent from Rome: who being come into Affrick to Scipio, concluded peace with the same capitulations as is abovesaid. And so they delivered up their gallies and ships of warre, their Elephants, the renegate traitours, the vagrant fugitives, and foure thousand prisoners. Among whom was Q. Terentius Culleo, a Senatour by his calling. As for the ships, so soone as they were launced forth into the deepe, Scipio caused them to bee set on fire and burnt. Some report that they were five hundred in number, one with another, of every fort, and all directed and guided by oares. Presently were they set a burning: a dolorous sight and heavie spectacle (no doubt) to the Carthaginians for to behold, as if Carthage it selfe had been on a light fire. The renegate traitours and rebels were punished more greevously than the [unspec E] fugitives. As many of them as were of the Latine nation lost their heads: all that were naturall Ro∣manes, were crucified and roundly trussed up on the gallowes. Fortie years before was the peace last made with the Carthaginians, when Q. Luctatius and A. Manlius were Consuls. The warre began three and twentie yeares after, whiles P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls. And the same ended in the eighteenth yeare after, P. Cornelius, and P. Aclius Paetus being Consuls. Many a time after, Scipio by report, would say, that the wilfull and covetous desire of T. Claudius first, and afterwards of Cn. Cornelius, was the onely stay and let, that this warre ended not with the finall ruine and utter destruction of Carthage.

When as the Carthaginians, who by long and continuall warres were growne bare and poor, thought the levie and contribution of money for to furnish out the first paiment, lay heavie and [unspec F] fore upon them, insomuch as in their Senate house, there was great sorrow and heavinesse, yea, and pitteous weeping; it is said, that Anniball was seene to laugh agood. And when Asdruball Hedus rebuked him for laughing in that publick lamentation of the citie, considering that him∣selfe was the cause of those tears, If (qd. Anniball) as we see by our eic the outward disposition of the face and countenance, so wee could looke within forth and behold the affection of the mind,

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yee might soone perceive, that this laughter of mine, which ye so much blame, proceedeth not [unspec G] from an heart that is glad and joifull, but rather senselesse, stupified, and astonied with the ex∣ceeding greeles and calamities that have happened. Yet is not it so unseasonable and imperti∣nent to our present condition, as these teares of yours, and weeping that you make, is absurd and nothing to the purpose. Then should yee have wept and shed teares, when our armour and wea∣pons were taken from us, when our ships were set on fire, when wee were interdicted and forbid∣den to make warre with forraine nations: for then had wee our deadly blow, then our backes and hearts were broken. And never thinke that the Romanes have proceeded hardly against you, in comparison of the hatred that ye bare one to another. No great citie & mightie State can long continue and rest in quiet. If it have no enemies abroad, it findeth some at home: much like un∣to strong and lustie bodies, which seeming sure ynough against all outward accidents and cau∣ses [unspec H] of sicknesse, are overcharged with their owne strength and fulnesse of humours, and thereby subject to most deadly maladies. So much, forsooth, and no more we feele of the publicke mise∣ries and common calamities, as toucheth and concerneth our selves in particular: wherein no∣thing pincheth us more, nor goeth neerer to the quicke, than to for go our monie, and part with our pence. And therefore when Carthage was conquered and despoiled of all her auncient ho∣nours, when yee saw her disarmed and stripped naked, when yee saw her forlorne of all the armed nations of Affricke; no man then sighed, no man groned thereat: but now when the tribute im∣posed, is to be paied out of your private purses, yee keepe a weeping and wailing, as in some pub∣licke funerall and mortuarie carried forth. But alas, I feare me greatly, that ere it be long, yee shall find and feele, That your weeping this day hath been for the least losse of all the rest. Thus spake [unspec I] Anniball to the Carthaginians.

Scipio having assembled his whole armie together, before them all, restored Masanissa to his fathers kingdome: and over and besides, endued him with the possession of the citie Cirtha, and other townes and territories which belonged to the realme of Syphax, and were now in subjecti∣on to the people of Rome. Vnto Cn. Octavius he gave order to conduct the fleet into Sicilie, and there to make it over to Cn. Cornelius the Consull. The Carthaginian embassadours he willed to goe to Rome, that those acts and capitulations which were concluded by him with the advise of the ten Commissioners, might likewise passe under the approbation of the Senat, & the consent of the people, and so be ratified and confirmed for ever.

Thus Scipio having obtained peace both by sea and land, and embarked his armie, failed toward [unspec K] Sicilie, and arrived at Lilybaeum. From whence he sent away a great part of his armie by sea, and himselfe passed by land through Italie, which now was joifull as well for the peace concluded, as the victorie atchieved. Where all the way as hee went, not onely the people came forth in multi∣tudes out of the cities to do him honor, but numbers also of the countrie peasants out of the vil∣lages, filled all the high waies along, untill he came to Rome: where he entred the citie, riding in the most stately and magnificent triumph that ever had been. Hee brought into the citie cham∣ber 100033 pound weight of silver. He divided among his souldiors out of the spoile * 1.13four hun∣dred Asses apeece. Syphax by his death rather disappointed the people of a goodly shew & pa∣geant in the triumph, than diminished any whit the glorie of the triumpher: hee died at Tybut not long afore, to which place he had been removed from Alba: howbeit his death was not ob∣scure, [unspec L] by reason that he was solemnly caried to his buriall, with the pompe of a publicke funerall at the charges of the citie. But Polybius a writer of good account, reporteth, That this K. was led in the very triumph. As Scipio rode triumphant Q. Terentius Cullco, followed after with a cap of libertie set upon his head; and ever after, so long as hee lived, hee honoured him (as beseeming it was) and acknowledged him the author of his freedome. But as concerning his surname Africa∣nus, I cannot for certaine learne, whether it were the favour of his souldiours first, or the affectio∣nate love of the people afterwards that brought it up, or rather began upon some of his owne house and linage that courted and flattered him therewith: like as in our fathers daies Sulla was surnamed * 1.14Faelix, and Pompeius,* 1.15Magnus. This is certaine that he was the first Generall that ever tooke his name of the countrie and nation by himselfe subdued, and thereby was renowned. But [unspec M] by his example afterwards, others nothing comparable to him in victorie and conquest woon goodly titles and glorious inscriptions to their images, and honoured their houses with noble stiles and additions.

Notes

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