The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

[unspec A]

THE XXVIII. BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the [unspec B] Cittie of Rome. (Book 28)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the eight and twentith Booke.

THE prosperous affaires in Spaine, under the conduct of Syllanus the Lieutenant of Scipio, and L. Scipio his brother, atchieved against the Carthaginians: as also the acts performed by Sulpitius the Pro-consull, and Attalus the king of Asia [the lesse] in the quarrell and behalfe of the Aetolians, against Philip king of the Macedonians, are reported and set downe [in this [unspec C] booke.] When there was a triumph decreed and granted unto M. Livius and C. Claudius Nero the Consuls: Livius, because he had performed the exploit in his owne province, rode in a chariot drawne with foure steeds: and Nero, because hee came into the province of his col∣league, to helpe forward the victorie, rode after him mounted on horsebacke: Howbrit even thus, in this habit and manner of triumph, he carried the more glorie, port, and reverence: for to say a truth, in this war hee had done more good service than his brother Consull. The fire went out in the chappell of Vesta, by negligence of a vir∣gin, that had the keepingand tending thereof, and looked no better unto it. The said virgin was well whipped. P. Scipio finished the warre in Spaine against the Carthaginians, when it had continued foureteen yeares: and in the fist yeare af∣ter that he went from the cittie of Rome. And having disseized the enemies quite of the possession of Spaine, he recovered it wholly for the Romanes. From Taracon hee losed, with two barkes, and sailed into Africke unto Syphax king of the Numidians, with whom he concluded a league. Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, sat there with him at one table, and they [unspec D] supped togither. He exhibited a game and pastime of sword-playing at new-Carthage, in the honor of his father and uncle: and the same was not performed by common fencers and sword-plaiers hired thereto, but by such as either for the honour of their captaine, or to determine some controversie, gave defiance one to the other, and entred the lists in combat: Among whom, two great LL. of the countrie, who were brethren, sought at sharpe for the soveraigntie of the kingdome. When the cittie Astapa was besieged and assailed by the Romanes, the townsmen caused a mightie pile of wood to be made, and set on fire, and when they had killed their wives and children, they threw themselves headlong into the fire after them. Sci∣pio himselfe, whiles he lay grievously sicke, and there hapned by occasion thereof, a mutinie to arise in one part of his army, when he was amended once, made an end thereof: and compelled the states of Spaine (that mutined) to come in and yeeld obedience againe. There was likewise an amitie and societie concluded with Masanissa, king of the Numidians: who also promised him his aid, in case he would come over into Africke: With the Gaditanes also, after the departure of Ma∣go from thence: who had received letters from Carthage, that he should passe the seas into Italie. Scipio after he was re∣turned to Rome, was created Consull. And when hee made sute to have the province of Africke, Q. Fabius Max. with∣stood [unspec E] him: and so he had the government of Sicilie: but with commission to saile over into Affricke, in case hee thought it good for the Common-weale. Mago the sonne of Amilcar, from the lesser Balcare Iland, where he had wintered, tooke the seas and sailed over into Italie.

WHen it seemed that Spaine was eased as much of warre, as Italie char∣ged therewith, by the voiage of Asdruball thither: behold, all of a sud∣daine there arose other troubles there, equall to the former. And as for the provinces of Spaine at that time, they were possessed between Romanes and Carthaginians in this manner. Asdruball the sonne of [unspec F] Gisgo, was retired with his power farre within the countrie, even to the Ocean and Gades. But the coasts bordering upon our sea, and in ma∣ner all Spain bending toward the East, was held by Scipio, and subject to the Roman empire. Hanno the new General, being passed out of Af∣fricke with a fresh armie, & entred into the roume of Asdruball the Barchine, joined with Mago:

and when he had put in armes within a short time, a great number of men in Celtiberia, which li∣eth [unspec G] in the middest betweene the two seas; Scipio sent foorth against him M. Syllanus with tenne thousand foot, and five hundred horsemen. This Syllanus made such speed by taking as long journies as possibly he could (considering how much hindred and troubled he was, both by the roughnesse of the waies, and also by the streights, environned with thicke woods, and forrests, as most parts of Spaine are) that notwithstanding all those difficulties, hee prevented not onely the messengers, but also the very same and rumour of his comming, and by the guidance of cer∣taine fugitive revolts out of Celtiberia, hee passed forward from thence to the enemie. By the same guides hee had intelligence, and was for certaine advertised (being now some tenne miles from the enemie) that about the very way where hee should march, there were two campes: namely, on the left hand the new armie abovesaid of Celtiberians to the number of more than [unspec H] nine thousand lay encamped, and the Carthaginians on the right. As for this leaguer, it was well defended and fortified with corps de guards, with watch and ward both night and day, accor∣ding to the good order and discipline of warre. But the other was as much neglected, dissolute, loose, and out of order, like as commonly barbarous people and raw souldiours are, and such as fear the lesse, by reason they are at home within their own countrie. Syllanus thinking it good pol∣licie to set upon them first, gave commaundement to march under their ensigns & colours, and beare toward their left hand as much as they could, for fear of being discovered in some place or other by the guards and sentinels of the Carthaginians. And himselfe in person, having sent be∣fore certain vaunt-courriers & espials, with his armie advaunced apace directly toward his ene∣mie. Now was hee approched within three miles of them unespied, and not descried at all. For [unspec I] why? a mountaine countrey it was, full of roughs and crags, overspread and covered with woods and thickets. There in a hollow valley betweene, and therefore secret for the purpose, hee com∣maunded his souldiours to sit them downe and take their refection. In this meane time the espi∣als came backe and verified the words of the fugitives aforesaid. Then the Romanes, after they had piled their packes, their trusses and baggage in the middest, armed themselves, and in order of battaile set forward to fight. When they were come within a mile of the enemies, they were discovered by them, who began suddainely to be affraied. Mago at the first outcrie and al'arme, set spurres to his horse, and rode a gallop out of his campe to succour. Now there were in the ar∣mie of the Celtiberians, foure thousand footmen targettiers, & two hundred horse. This troupe being in manner the flower and very strength of the whole armie, & as it were, a full and complete [unspec K] legion, he placed in the vaward; all the rest, which were lightly armed, he bestowed in the rereward for to succour and rescue. As he led them foorth thus ordered and arraunged, they were not well issued without the trench, but the Romanes began to launce their javelines and darts against them. The Spaniards to avoid this voley of shot from the enemies, couched close under their shields, and defended themselves, & afterwards they rose up at once to charge again upon them. But the Romanes standing thicke as their manner is, received all their darts in their targuets, and then they closed man to man, and foot to foot, & began to fight at hand with their swords. How∣beit, the ruggednesse of the ground, as it nothing availed the swiftnes of the Celtiberians (whose guise is to run to and fro in skirmish and keepe no ground) so the same was not hurtfull at all to the Romanes, who were used to a set battell, and to stand to their fight: onely the streight roume, [unspec L] and the trees and shrubs growing betweene, parted their ranckes and files asunder, so as they were forced to maintaine skirmish, either singlie one to one, or two to two at the most, as if they had been matched to cope together even. And look what thing hindered the enemies in their flight, the same yeelded them, as it were, bound hand and foot unto the Romans, for to be killed. Now when all these targettiers welneere, of the Celtiberians were slaine; their light armed souldiours, and the Carthaginiaus also, who from the other campe ran to succour, were likewise disarraied discomfited, and hewne in peeces. So there were two thousand footmen, and not above, and all the horsemen (who scarce began battell) fled with Mago and escaped. As for Hanno the other Generall, together with them who came last, and to the verie end of the fray, was taken alive. But Mago fled still: and all the Cavallerie, with as many as remained of the old footmen followed af∣ter, [unspec M] and by the tenth day arrived in the province of Gades, and came unto Asdruball. The Cel∣tiberians, that were but new souldiours, slipt into the next woods out of the way, and so from thence fled home.

This fortunat victorie happening in so good a time, not so much stifled the present war in the

[unspec A] very birth, as it cut off the matter and maintenance of future troubles, in case the enemies had been let alone, and suffered to sollicite and stirre other nations to take armes, like as they raised the Celtiberians alreadie. Whereupon, Scipio having highly commended Syllanus, and concei∣ved great hope withall, to dispatch quite, and make an end of the warres, in case himselfe linge∣red not the matter, & made long stay; pursued the remnant behind, and set forward into the ut∣most province of Spaine against Asdruball. But Asdruball, who happened then to lie encamped in* 1.1 Boetica for to keepe his allies in obedience and faithfull alleageance, all on a suddaine dislod∣ged, pluckt up standards, and away; and more like one that fled than marched, led his armie far∣ther into the countrey, even as farre as the Ocean, and to Gades. But supposing, that so long as hee kept his forces altogether, himselfe was the onely marke which the enemie would shoot at, [unspec B] before that he cut over the streights of Gibraltar to Gades, he brake up his whole armie, & sent them away here and there to their severall cities, both to save themselves within the walls, and to defend the walls by force of armes. Scipio, so soone as hee perceived that the warne was thus devi∣ded into sundrie parts, and that to lead about his forces from citie to cittie, was rather a long and tedious peece of worke, than either difficult or much availeable, retired backe. But because hee would not leave that countrie cleare in the hands of the enemies, hee sent his brother L. Scipio, with 10000 foot, and 1000 horsemen, to assaile the mightiest and wealthiest citie in those parts, which the barbarous people call Oringis. This cittie is seated in the confines of the Melessi (a nation meere Spaniards) the soile fruitfull, and the inhabitants there find silver mines. This was the fortresse of Asdruball, and his place of safe retreat, when he made outrodes all abroad [unspec C] into the midland countries of the maine and spoiled the people. Lucius Scipio having pight his camp under the said citie; before that he entrenched and blocked the towne, sent certaine to the gates, who by parling neere at hand, might feele and sound the dispositions of the citizens, and persuade with them to make triall of the Romanes friendly alliance, rather than their forcible violence. But perceiving by their answeres, no mind at all nor inclination to peace, he cast a trench, and raised a double rampiar about the towne, and divided his armie into three parts, to the end that one of them should ever follow the assault, whiles the other twaine tooke rest and ease. And when the first troup and regiment of them began to give a camisado, there followed a fierce, cruell, and doubtfull skirmish. For they could not easily either come under the walls, or bring skaling ladders to set to, by reason of the shot that light upon them. And such as [unspec D] alreadie had reared up ladders to the wall, some of them were pushed off with certaine forks provided for that purpose, others were caught hold of with yron hookes from above, and were in danger to be hung up in the aire, hoised alost, and fetcht over the walls. Scipio seeing that the conflict was unequall, by reason of the small number of assailants, & that the enemies had the ad∣vantage besides, in that they fought from the wall top; caused that first regiment to retire, and with the other twaine at once, gave a fresh assault to the towne. This strake so great a feare into them who were alreadie weryed with fighting, that not only the townesmen sodainely abando∣ned the walls and fled, but also the Carthaginian garison souldiours, for feare least the citie was betrayed, forsooke also their stations and places of guard, and gathered themselves into one place. But then the townesmen were afraid, least if the enemies put themselves within the citie, [unspec E] they should be massacred every where as they came in their way, without respect and difference, who were Carthaginians, or who were Spaniards. Whereupon they set one gate open on a sud∣daine, and in great numbers ran out of the towne, bearing their targuets before them, against the darts that were shot a farre off, and shewing aloft their naked right hands, in token that they had laid aside their swords. But whether the enemie could not well discerne them so farre off, or whether they suspected some craftie and deceitfull practise, I wote not, but they fell upon these that fled and yeelded unto them, and flew them downeright, as well as if they had affronted them in the face of a battell, and at the same gate entred the citie with bloudie banners. In other parts likewise they fell to hewing downe the gates with axes, and to breake them open with crowes of yron. And as every horseman gat into the citie, he rode amaine (according to the direction given [unspec F] by the Generall) into the market place, to bee possessed thereof. And to these horsemen were as∣signed the Triarij for aid and assistance. The legionarie souldiours besides ran over all the other parts of the citie, spoiling & killing all that ever they met, save such as defended themselves with their armour. All the Carthaginians were taken prisoners and committed to ward, likewise of townesmen about three hundred, such as had shut the gates; but unto all the rest the towne was

rendred againe, and each man had his owne goods delivered and restored unto him. There were [unspec G] slaine at the assault of that citie, of enemies almost two thousand: but of Romanes not above foureskore and ten. As by the winning of the towne, they that were imployed there tooke great joy and contentment: so in their returne to their Generall himselfe, and the rest of the maine ar∣mie, they made a goodly shew as they marched with a mightie multitude of prisoners led before them. Scipio having praised his brother in the most honorable termes that he could devise, and namely for this exploit of forcing Orinx, making him equal in glorie to himself for the conquest of Carthage: because winter drew on, that he could neither give the attempt upon Gades, nor yet follow at once upon the armie of Asdruball, so dispersed as it was in sundry parts over the province, conducted his forces back againe into that province of Spaine that lieth on this side Iberus: and when he had dismissed his legions into their severall standing camps to winter in, and [unspec H] sent his brother L. Scipio to Rome, together with Hanno the Generall of the enemies, and other gentlemen prisoners, he withdrew himselfe to Taracon.

In the same yeere the Romane Armada being set out under the conduct of the Admirall M. Valerius Lavinus the Proconsull, made a voyage from Sicilie into Africk, and forraied all over the territories of Vtica and Carthage, in so much as they drave booties out of the very utmost confines of the Carthaginians, and even about the walls of Vtica. As they sailed back for Sicilie, they were encountred by the Carthaginian fleete, consisting of 70 long ships of warre, whereof seventeene were bourded and taken, foure sunke in the deepesea, the rest were put to flight and dispersed. Thus the Romane captaine Valerius, after victories atchieved both by sea and land, returned with rich prizes of al' sorts to Lilybaeum: and hereupon by reason that the [unspec I] seas were open and cleered of the enemies ships, great store and abundance of graine was brought to Rome.

In the beginning of that summer wherein these things hapned, P. Sulpitius the Proconsull, and K. Attalus, after they had wintered in Aegina, as is above said, with a joint navie passed over from thence into the Iland Lemnos. The Romanes were 25 Galleaces of five ranks of ores, and the king had 35. Philip for his part because he would be readie at all affaies to meete with the enemie either by land or sea, went himselfe in person downe to the sea side, as farre as Demetrias, and made proclamation, that all his forces should by a certaine day meere together at Larissa. Vpon the same that went of the kings comming, there repaired sundrie Embassies from the consederate States of all parts, unto Demetias. For the Aetolians having taken hart unto them, [unspec K] as well for their societie with the Romanes, as upon the comming of Attalus, wasted and spoiled their borderers. And not only the Acamanians and Boeotians, and they that inhabit Euboea, were in great feare, but also the Achaeans; whom over and besides the warre from the Aetolians, Machanidas also the Lacedemonian tyrant terrified, who encamped himselfe not farre from the confines of the Argives. All these States made report what perils were like to ensue both by sea and land to their severall cities, and besought the king his aid. Moreover there came unto him out of his owne realme no good tidings of peace and quietnesse, for that Scerdiletus and Pleura∣tus were gone out and rebelled: and of the nations of Thrace, the Medi especially were readie to invade the frontiers adjoyning upon Macedonie, in case the king should fortune to be busied and occupied otherwise in any long warres. The Boeotians likewise themselves, and other nati∣ons [unspec L] inhabiting the more inland parts of Greece, had geven intelligence, that the avenues of the forest Thermopylae, where as the narrow gullet of the streights yeldeth small passage, were stop∣ped up by the Aetolians with a trench and pallaisade, that it might geve no accesse at all unto Philip, for to come and defend the cities of the Allies. Thus many troubles comming huddle and thick one upon another, had bene able to have roused and awakened even a sleepie and slow captaine, and made him to looke about him. These Embassadors he dispatched and sent a∣way, promising every one of them help and succour, as time and occasion would permit: and willing them each one for the present, to provide those things that were most urgent and important. Then he sent a garrison unto that citie, from whence newes came, that Attalus having passed with a fleete from Lemnos, had wasted and forraied all the territorie about it. [unspec M] And he sent Polyphantes with a small power into Boeotia, and Menippus likewise one of his owne captaines and Cavalliers, unto Chalcis, with a thousand targuartiers called Peltati, (now the Peltae, are certaine small bucklers or targuets, nothing unlike unto the Spanish Cetrae) unto whom were joyned five hundred Aenians, that they might be able to guard all the parts

[unspec A] of the Iland: himselfe in person went to Scotusa, and there he appointed the Rendezvous, that all the forces of the Macedonians should be brought thither from* 1.2 Lariffa. Newes came unto him there that the Aetolians had summoned and proclaimed a generall Diet or Councell at Heraclea, and that K. Attalus would repaire thither to consult about the mana∣ging of the whole warre. And with an intent by his sodaine comming to trouble this solemne assembly and meeting of the States, he tooke great journeis in his march, and led his armie to∣ward Heraclea: but the Councell was newly dissolved when he arrived thither. Howbeit, he de∣stroid all the standing corne, which now was neere-hand ripe, specially in the vale along the Gulfe of the Aenianes, and so reduced his armie back againe to Scotusa: and there leaving his whole power, he retired himselfe to Demetrias, attended only with his royall guard. And because [unspec B] he might from thence be readie to meete withall sodaine stirres and invasions of the enemies, he sent out men of purpose into Phocis,* 1.3 Euboea, and* 1.4 Peparethus, to chuse out certaine high pla∣ces for beacons, from whence the fires might be seene a farre off. And himselfe set up one watch∣towne upon Ciffaeos (a mountaine, the top whereof is of an exceeding height) that upon the signall of the beacons on fire from a farre, he might in the minute of an houre have intelligence, so soone as the enemies went about any trouble whatsoever. But the Romane Generall, and K. Attalus, passed the seas from Peparethus to Nicea, and from thence failed with their Armada to Euboea, unto the citie Oreum, which as a man beareth his course from the gulfe of Deme∣trias to Chalcis and* 1.5 Euripus, is the first citie of Euboea that sheweth it selfe upon the left hand. And thus it was agreed betweene Attalus and Sulpitius, that the Romanes should give the assault [unspec C] from the sea side, and the king with his forces on the land. Foure daies after the fleete was arri∣ved, they presented themselves before the citie to assaile it. For, that time betweene was spent in secret talke and conference with Plator, who was appointed by Philip governor and provost of the citie. The citie had within it two Citadels, the one commaunding the sea, the other situate in the very hart and mids of the towne. From thence there is a way under the ground that leadeth to the sea: at the end whereof there stood a fabrick or towre five stories high, a singular bulwarke and place of defence. There at the first, began a most sharp and cruell conflict, by reason that the turret was well furnished with all kind of shot and artillerie: and likewise from out of the ships, there was planted much ordinance, and many engins bent to impeach and assault the same. Now when every mans mind was amused, and eye fixed upon this hote and eager fight, Plator re∣ceived [unspec D] and let in the Romanes at the gate of the other citadell that stood over the sea, and so in the turning of an hand it was surprised and won. The townesmen being expelled and chased from thence, retired and betooke themselves into the middle of the citie unto the other for∣tresse. But certaine shouldiers were set of purpose there, to shut the gate upon them: and so being excluded, they were killed and taken prisoners in the mids betweene. The garison of the Mace∣donians stood round together under the castle wall, and neither fled openly a maine, nor yet be∣gan to fight, as if they ment to stick to it unto the end. For whom, Plator obteined pardon of Sul∣pitius, and having embarked them, brought them to Demetrium of Phthiotis, and there set them ashore, and himselfe returned to Attalus.

Sulpitius bearing himselfe bold for this so good and speedie successe, immediatly sailed with [unspec E] his victorious armada against Chalcis. Where the event in the end aunswered nothing unto his hope and expectation. The sea lying broad and large on both hands, gathereth in that place to a narrow roume, so as at the first fight it maketh a shew of a double peere or haven, opening upon two divers mouths, but in very truth, ther is not lightly to be found a worse harborogh, & a more daungerous rode for ships. For not only for the exceeding high hils on both sides of the maine, the winds arise suddainly and blow blusterous, but also the verie streight it self of Euripus ebbeth not and floweth, seven times in the day, as the voice goeth, at certaine set and ordinarie houres; but without all order, as the winds drive, the sea turneth and rolleth hither and thither, working up and downe, & like a flowing stream runneth forcibly & with great violence, as it were, down a steepe hill: so as neither night nor day, the ships there riding, have any rest & repose. As the [unspec F] Romane armada was thus engaged within so daungerous a rode: so the towne of the one part was environned with the sea, and on the landside surely fortified; besides the defence of a strong garrison there, and the assured loialtie of the captaines and principall heads and rulers; whereby it was chiefly guarded, which at Oreum was but vaine, fickle, and unsteadfast: by meanes where∣of it was tenable and imprenable. The Romane Generall in this case, considering how hee had

begun a rash enterprise, & seeing many difficulties on every hand, wrought wisely yet in this one [unspec G] point, that he soone gave over, because he would spend no time in vaine, & passed over with his fleet from thence to Cynus of Locris (a towne of marchandise belonging to the citie of Opus, situat a mile from the sea.) Philip had warning by the beacons on fire that appeared from Oreum: but by the fraud of Plator, the other were with the latest set a burning from the watch-tower above∣said. And forasmuch as he was not strong enough at sea, hee could not with his navie have easie accesse into the Iland. So that service was delaied and altogither neglected. But hee be∣stirred himselfe quickly to the succour of Chalcis, so soone as ever hee espied the fire from the beacon For albeit Chalcis it selfe be a citie of the same Iland, yet it is divided from the continent by so narrow an arme of the sea, that there is no more but a bridge between it and the land: and on that side it hath more easie accesse than by water. Philip having disseized the garrison there, [unspec H] cast downe the fort, and discomfited the Aetolians who kept the streight passage of Thermopyiae, came from Demetrias to Scotusa, from whence he departed at the third watch: and when he had driven and chased the enemies in great feare to Heraclea, himselfe in one day reached to Elatia in Phocis, a journey above 60 miles. The very same day in manner, the cittie of the Opuntij was taken by K. Attalus & put to the ransacke. The whole pillage thereof, Sulpitius had granted to the king, in regard that Oreum a few daies before was spoiled and rifled by the Romane souldiours, and the kings men had no share with them. Now was the Roman armada retired to Oreum: and Attalus not ware of Philip his comming, spent time in exacting monies from the chiefe & prin∣cipall citizens. But so suddaine and unexpected was this accident of his approach, that had not certaine Cretensians by good hap, gone forth a foraging farre from the cittie, and descried the [unspec I] march of the enemies a great way off, he might have bene overtaken and surprised. Attalus unar∣med and out of order as he was, made hast & ran amaine to the sea side, for to recover the ships. And even as he and his men were losing from the land and launching into the sea, Philip came, and from the verie shore put the mariners and sailers in great feare. From thence hee returned to Opus, crying out upon God and man, and blaming his ill lucke, that he bad missed so narrowly the opportunitie of so great an exploit, and let it go, as it were, snatched out of his very eye. In the same fit of anger, he reproved and rebuked the Opuntians, for that being able to hold out the siege untill his comming, so soon as they saw the enemie, they presently had yeelded themselves in a manner voluntarie into his hands. When he had set things in order at Opus and thereabout, he tooke his journey to Torone. Attalus at first retired himselfe to Oreum: but upon the newes [unspec K] arrived, how Prusias the king of Bithynia, had invaded the frontiers of his kingdome, he left the Romane affaires and the Aetolian warre, and from thence sailed over directly into Asia. Sulpitius also retired his navie unto Aegina, from whence in the beginning of the spring he had departed & taken his voiage. And Philip forced and wan Torone, with as small adoe as Attalus before had taken Opus. That foresaid cittie Torone, was inhabited by certaine that were fled and driven out of Thebes in Phthiotis. For when the cittie was taken by Philip, and they fled for protection un∣to the Aetolians, (to whome they recommended and committed themselves) the Aetolians gave unto them that place to seat themselves in, being a cittie wasted and in manner desolate by the former warre of Philip. Then Philip having recovered Torone againe, as is aforesaid, departed from thence, and wan Tritonumand Dry mas, two small and base townes of no account in Do∣ris. [unspec L] From whence he came to Elatia, where he had given commandement, that the embassadors of Ptolomeus & the Rhodians, should give attendance until his comming. Where, as they were trea∣ting about the making an end of the Aetolian warre (for as much as those Embassadours to the same effect, had lately presented themselves at Heraclea, in the counsell and assembly of the Ro∣manes and Aetolians) tidings came, that Machanidas purposed and determined to let upon the Eleans, as they were preparing to exhibit the solemne Olympian games. Philip supposing it good to prevent that, courteously aunswered the Embassadours and gave them their dispatch: saying, that as himselfe was not the cause of that warre, so he would not hinder and stay the con∣clusion of peace, upon any equall & reasonable condition. And so with a power lightly appoin∣ted, he marched through Boeotia to Megara, & from thence went downe to Corinth: where ha∣ving [unspec M] furnished himselfe with victuals, he marched forward to Phlios & Phaneus. And being now come as farre as to Erea, and hearing there, that Machanidas upon the rumour of his comming, for feare was fled backe to Lacedaemon, he returned to Aegium, unto the generall Diet and coun∣cel of the Achaei: supposing withall, that he shuld find ther the Punick armada, which he had sent

[unspec A] for to come thither, because he might be able to do somwhat also by sea. But some few daies be∣fore, the Carthaginians had sailed over into Phocaea, and from thence were gone to the havens of the Acarnanians, so soone as they heard once, that Attalus and the Romanes were departed from Oreum, fearing that they would make out after them, and least they should be overtaken and surprised within Rhium, which is the very mouth of the Corinthian gul••e. Philip verily grie∣ved hereat, and was wonderfully troubled in mind, seeing what hast soever he made himselfe in all his emprises, yet he came too short and effected nothing in due time; as if fortune in taking all things out of his very eye-sight, had deluded, disappointed, and mocked all his speedinesse and expedition.

Howbeit in that solemne Diet and assembly, hee dissimuled his griefe, bit in his pas∣sionate affections, and thus with an hauhtie mind he spake and said, That hee called both God [unspec B] and man to witnesse, that he had forlet no opportunitie of time nor vantage of place, but when and wheresoever hee heard but any inckling of the enemie, and the least rustling of armour, thi∣ther he had made all hast that possibly he might: but he could hardly devise and conceive, whi∣ther himselfe were more venturous in seeking warre, than the enemie nimble and quicke in avoi∣ding the same. So Attalus at Opus, so Sulpitius at Chalcis, and so the other day Machanidas escaped out of his hands and gat away. But surely (quoth he) this running away will not alwaies prosper and speed well: neither is that to be connted a daungerous warre, wherein a man may be sure (if he but meet his enemie once) to have the upper hand. That which is the principall point of all, thus much have I gotten yet at the enemies hands, that they confesse thereby, how they are not able to make their parts good with us: and I doubt not, but shortly I shall atchieve the [unspec C] victorie of them, and the event and fortune of their fighting with me, shall bee no better than their present hope.

The kings allies were glad to heare him speake thus. Then he retired unto the Achaeans, Erea, and Triphylia, and delivered againe Aliphera unto the Megalopolitanes; for that they proved by good evidence, that it belonged by right to their territorie & confines. Thus having received of the Achaeans certain ships, to wit, three Galleaces or Caravels of four banks of ores, and as many gallies of two rankss, from thence hee cut over to Anticyrae. And then with seven Caravels of five rankes of ores, and more than twentie barkes besides, which hee had sent into the gulfe of Corinth to joyne with the Carthaginian navie, he made saile to Erythrae in Aetolia, neere unto Eupalium, and there disbarked and landed his men. But the Aetolians were advertised aforehand of his arrivall and comming ashore: for all the people that inhabited ei∣ther [unspec D] the countrie townes and villages, or the castles neere to Potidania and Apollonia, were fled into the mountaines and woods. As for the cattaile, which in that hurrey and hast that they made could not be driven away with them, those they preied upon and brought them to the ships. With these and all the rest of the bootie, he sent Nicias the Pretor of the Achaeans to Aegi∣um, & so went forward to Corinth: and from thence he commanded that the land forces should be conducted & march by land through Boeotia: whiles himselfe sailing from Cenchraea along the coast of Attica, above the point or cape of Sunium, passed even though the mids of his enemies armadaes, and arrived at Chalcis. Then after he had commended the cittizens there for their fidelitie and vertue, in that neither feare nor hope was able to change and turne their reso∣lute minds, and exhorted them for the time to come, to continue stedfast in their alliance and [unspec E] alleageance, if they made more reckning of their owne fortune, and loved it better than the con∣dition of the Oritanes and the Opuntij; hee sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. And when he had committed the government of the State, and the guard of the citie, unto those principall citi∣zens, who chose to flye when the citie was lost, rather than to yeeld themselves unto the Ro∣manes, himselfe passed over from Euboea unto Demetrias, from whence at the first he tooke his voyage to the aid and succor of his friends and allies. After all this, having appointed and set out at Cassandraea keeles for an hundred long ships of warre, and taken up a number of ship∣wrights to finish out the rest of the worke: seeing that all Greece was now in quiet, both because Attalus was departed from thence, and also for that himselfe had in good time succored his allies and confederates, who were in some trouble and distresse, he returned back againe into his owne [unspec F] realme, for to make warre upon the Dardanians.

In the latter end of that summer, wherein these affaires thus passed in Greece, when Q. Fabius Maximus the father, being sent as Embassadour from M. Livius the Consull unto the Senate at Rome, had brought word & made report, That the Consul judged L. Porcius with his legions to be sufficient for the province of Fraunce, and that himselfe might well be spared, and depart

from thence, and the Consular armie withdrawne out of those parts: the Lords of the Senat gave [unspec G] order and determined, that not onely M. Livius, but C. Claudius also his Colleague, should re∣turne to the cittie. This difference onely betweene the one and the other appeared in the decree, in that they gave direction, that the armie of M. Livius should bee brought home, but the Legi∣ons of Nero should remaine still in the province, and be opposed against Anniball. The Consuls by entercourse of their letters passing betweene, agreed thus together, That like as they had with one mind and consent made warre and managed their affaires, so, albeit they were in divers parts farre asunder, yet they should meet in one place, and at one time make repaire to the cittie of Rome: & that whether of them twain came first to Preneste, he should there attend the comming of his Colleague. And it fortuned so, that they arrived both upon one & the same day at Preneste. From whence they sent an edict before, that the third day after the Senat should generally assem∣ble [unspec H] together in the temple of Bellona: & so they were met upon the way with a multitude of peo∣ple, who accompanied them as they returned into the cittie. And they were not content all of them in generall to salute them and welcome them home, but every man was desirous particu∣larly to take the Consuls by their victorious right hands: some with congratulations, wishing them joy, others with thanksgiving, acknowledging that by their good meanes and vertue, the Commonweale was preserved and set upright. Now when they had related in the Senate house (as the manner was of all Generals) what acts they had atcheeved, and withall demaunded, that for their valiant and faithfull service to the Commonweale, first, due honour should bee rendred to the almightie gods, and then, they themselves allowed to enter the citie in triumph: the LL. of the Senate made answere, That they for their parts were readie and willing to consider first and [unspec I] principally of the merites and goodnesse of the gods, and next and immediatly of the good de∣serts of the Consuls: and as they decreed divine processions and supplications in the name of them both, so they granted triumph, as well to the one as to the other. But the Consuls, because they would not devide their triumph (since that they had managed the warres with one accord & common consent) thus agreed betweene themselves, That for as much as the battel was fought within the province of M. Livius, and the very day of the field fought, it fortuned to be his turne to take the signe of birds, & to have the entire rule; and besides, the armie of Livius was brought backe and came to Rome alreadie, but that other of Nero could not be removed out of the pro∣vince: therefore M. Livius should ride in a chariot drawn with foure steeds into the citie, with his soldiers following after, & C. Claudius presentlycome after mounted on horseback without his sol∣diers. [unspec K]

Thus the triumph was communicate to the one & the other, & encreased the glory of them both; but especially of him, who the more that he exceeded his Colleague in desert, the more he yeelded and gave place unto him in honour. Lo, said every man, He there on horseback, travailed in sixe daies space the whole length of Italie from one end to the other, & fought the very same day with banner displaied against Asdruball in Gaule, when as Anniball thought verily hee lay encamped against him with his armie in Apulia. See, how one and the same Consull, in the de∣fence of the one part of Italie and the other, against two captaines, nay, against two noble Ge∣nerals of two armies, in one place emploied his advise and counsell, and in another opposed his bodie and force of armes. Behold (say they) the very bare name of Nero was sufficient to keepe Anniball within his camp: and what was it els, that discomfited and defeated Asdrubal, but even [unspec L] his onely comming? Let the other Consull therefore bee set up on high, and ride in a chariot drawne with as many horses as he will; all while that the true triumph indeed passeth through the citie upon one horse onely. Nay, if Nero went but on foot, hee would be memorable for ever hereafter, as well for the refusall of glorie in that triumph, as for the winning of honour in that warre.

With these and such like speeches they entertained Nero as they beheld him, and so ac∣companied him even to the very Capitoll. They brought into the Treasurehouse of the cittie in coine* 1.6 thirtie hundred thousand* 1.7 Sestertij, & 80000 Asses. Among the soldiors, M. Livius devi∣ded* 1.8 six and fiftie Asses to them a peece. And C. Claudius promised as much to his soldiours that were absent, upon his returne to the armie. This was noted and observed in the triumph, that the souldiours uttered more ditties and rimes ful of pleasant conceits and jests (as their manner was) [unspec M] upon C. Claudius, than their owne Consull: and that the gentlemen and horsemen highly extol∣led and magnified above all the rest, L. Veturius, and Q. Cecilius the two Lieutenants, and exhor∣ted the Commons to create them Consuls against the next yeare: likewise, that the Consuls for the time being, confirmed this prerogative choise and election of those gentlemen, with their

[unspec A] owne assent and authoritie the morrow after, in a frequent assemblie before the people, giving honourable testimonie of the valiant and faithfull service of those foresaid lieutenants in that warre.

Now the time drew neere of election of new magistrates: and when it was thought good by the Senate, that a Dictatour should call that solemne assemblie for the said election; C. Claudius the Consull nominated for Dictator his colleague M. Livius. And Livius named Q. Cecilius Generall of the horsemen. So there were created Consuls by M. Livius the Dictatour, L. Vetu∣rius, and Q. Cecilius, even he who then was Generall of the Cavallerie. After this, they went to the election of the Pretours, and chosen there were, C. Servilius, M. Cecilius Metellus, T. Claudius Asellus, and Q. Manlius Thurius, who then was Aedile of the Commons.

[unspec B] When these elections were finished, the Dictatour having resigned up his office and dismis∣sed the armie, by vertue of an act of the Senate tooke his journey into the province of Tuscane, to sit in commission and make enquirie, what States either of the Tuscanes or Vmbrians, inten∣ded and plotted to revolt from the Romanes, and to turne unto Asdruball at his comming into those parts: and who they were that had assisted him either with auxiliarie souldiours, or with vi∣ctuals, or with any aid and helpe whatsoever. And these were the acts for that yeare, as well at home as abroad in the warres.

The great Romane Games were wholly renued and set out againe three times by the Aediles of the chaire, Cn. Servilius Caepio, and Serv. Cornelius Lentulus. Likewise the pastimes and plaies called Plebeij were once fully renued and exhibited againe by M. Sempronius Matho, & Q. Man∣lius [unspec C] Thurinus, Aediles of the Commons.

In the thirteenth yeere of the second Punicke warre, when L. Veturius Philo, and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls, both of them were appointed by the Senate to make warre upon Anni∣ball in the province of the Brutij. Which done, the Pretors cast lots: And to M. Caecilius Metel∣lus fell the jurisdiction of the citizens; to Q. Manlius, of the foreiners. C. Servilius his lot was to governe Sicilie, and T. Claudius Sardinia. As for the armies, they were devided in this manner: one of the Consuls had the conduct of that which was under C. Claudius the Consull of the yeare before. The other Consull had the leading of that (namely two full legions) which C. Claudius the Propretour before commaunded. M. Livius as Proconsull, whose governement was prorogued for another yeare, received the charge of the two legions of voluntaries in Hetruria, at the hand [unspec D] of C. Terentius the Propretour. And Q. Manlius was appointed by a decree of the Senate, to de∣liver over his jurisdiction to his Colleague, and to take the charge of Gallia with the forces there; whereof L. Percius the Propretour was captaine: and hee had in commission to wast the lands of those Gaules, who were revolted to the Carthaginians upon the comming of Asdruball. C. Ser∣vilius was assigned with the power of the two Cannian legions, to defend Sicilie, like as P. Man∣lius had before. Out of Sardinia the old armie was withdrawne, which was under the governance of A. Hostilius: and the Consuls enrolled one new legion, for T. Claudius to saile over with. Quintus Claudius, & C. Hostilius Tubulus, had both of them their commissions newly sealed for one yeare longer, the one to governe Tarentum, and the other to rule Capua. M. Valerius the Proconsull, who also was Admirall for the sea coast and river along Sicilie, was commaunded to give up [unspec E] thirtie of his saile unto C. Servilius, and with all the rest of the navie to returne to the cittie of Rome.

As the citie was in suspence and stood doubtfull for the variable event of so great a war, attri∣buting the causes of all weale and woe, of prosperitie and adversitie, to the gods; behold many prodigious tokens were reported to have happened. Namely, That in Tarracina the temple of Iupiter, and at Satricum the chappell of the goddesse Matuta, were blasted with lightening from heaven. And the inhabitants of Satricum were no lesse terrified, with two serpents that were crept into the temple of Iupiter, at the very dores. From Antium there was word brought, that the harvest folke as they were reaping, spied certaine eares of come bloudie. At Caere there was a sow that farrowed a pig with two heads, and an eaw yeaned a lambe both male & female. It was [unspec F] reported also, that at Alba there were two sunnes seene: and at Fregellae by night, the day-light appeared. Also in the territorie of Rome, by report, an Oxe spake: and the altar of Neptune with∣in the Cirke Flaminia, brake out into much sweat: and the temples of Ceres, Salus, and Quiri∣nus, were blasted and smitten from heaven. The Consuls were commaunded to expiate & purge these fearefull sights with sacrificing of greater beasts, and to make supplication one day. Which

was done according to the decree of the Senate. But above all the wonderous signes, either re∣ported [unspec G] from abroad, or seene at home, the minds of men were put in feare, for the going out of the fire in the chappel of Vesta. For which cause the Vestall virgin who had the charge that night to looke unto it, was by the commaundement of P. Licinius the Bishop well and throughly skourged. And albeit this hapned by humane negligence, and that the gods portended nothing thereby, yet it was thought good, that an expiation thereof should be made with greater sacrifi∣ces, and a solemne supplication held in the chappell of Vesta.

Before that the Consuls went forth to the warres, they were put in mind by the Senat to take regard and order for the commons, and to procure their reducing againe into the country, and pl••cing them in their lands and fermes. For seeing that by Gods goodnes the warre was remo∣ved farre from Rome and Latium, the country townes might be without feare of danger inhabi∣ted [unspec H] and frequented againe: neither was it a meete thing, that they should have more care to in∣habit Sicilie than Italie. But the matter was not easily to be compassed and effected by the peo∣ple, for that many of the free-holders were consumed up in the warres: and great scarcitie there was of servants and hines to till the ground: besides, the cattaile was driven away in booties, and the manor houses were either ruinate or burned. Howbeit, a great sort were compelled by the authoritie of the Consuls to repaire againe into their country habitations. The motion hereof was first occasioned by the embassadors of Placentia and Cremona; who made complaint, that their territories were much damnified and wasted, by the incursions and rodes of the Gauls their next neighbours bordering upon them: and that many of their owne naturall inhabitants were fled and gone away, so as their cities were not well peopled, and their countrey lay wast and de∣sert. [unspec I] Whereupon Manlius the Pretour had commission to defend and guard the colonies from the enemie. And the Consuls by vertue of an Act of Senate made an edict and proclamation, that all citizens of Cremona and Placentia, should by a certaine day returne into their colonies. And then, they themselves in the beginning of Spring tooke their journey, and set forward to warre.

Q. Caecilius the Cos. received the armie of Cl. Nero: and L. Veturius of Q. Claudius the Pro∣pretour, and made up the full number of all the companies with those new souldiers whom he himselfe had enrolled. The Consuls led their armie into the territorie of Consentia, and having forraied and spoiled here and there, and being heavily laden with good booties, they were in a narrow and streight passage much troubled by the Brutij and the Numidian archers: in so much [unspec K] ••s not only their prizes were in danger to be lost, but they themselves that were armed, in some jeopardy. Howbeit, the alarme was greater than the skirmish, and the bootie being sent before, the legions escaped safe into places of securitie. And so from thence they went into the Lucanes country. All that nation without any fight returned under the obedience of the Romane em∣pire. With Anniball that yeere was nothing done: for neither he himselfe made offer of warre, upon the fresh hurt and losse received as well in publike as private, nor the Romanes provoked him as long as he was quiet. For they were all of this judgement, that there was such mettall and valor in that one commaunder, although all things els about him went to wreck, that they held it no good polli••ie to provoke him, and wake a sleeping dog. And verily I wot not what to make of him; whether he were more to be wondred at in adversitie than in prosperitie. For why? war∣••ing [unspec L] as he did in his enemies land for the space of thirteene yeeres, so farre from home, in much varietie of fortune, with an armie not consisting of naturall citizens and subjects, but mingled of a confused riff raff and medley of all nations, having neither the same lawes nor manners and customes, nor language; differing in fashions, in habit, in apparell, in armour, in rites, in religi∣on, nor serving as it were the same gods: he had so knit and united them in one linke & straight band, that they mutined neither among themselves, nor against their Generall, notwithstan∣ding oftentimes there wanted money for pay, and victuals in their enemies countrey: for default whereof, in the former Punick war, many outrages were committed both among captaines and souldiours. But when Asdruball the Captaine togither with his armie was diffeated and over∣throwen, in whom they reposed all their hopes of victorie; and when they were faine to quit as [unspec M] it were all Italie besides, and to retire themselves into an angle and corner of Brutium; who would not thinke it a mervailous matter, that there was no stirre nor commotion in his camp? consi∣dering that over and besides all other difficulties, he had no meanes nor hope els to mainteine his armie, but out of the Brutians country? And say, that it were all wholly tilled, sowed, and well

[unspec A] husbanded, yet a finall thing it was to find and feed so huge an host. Moreover, a great part of their youth was set away from the tillage of the fields and grounds, and wholie employed in warfare: to say nothing of the naturall guise and corrupt usage of that nation, which in time of war was wont to live and mainteine the same by robbing and theeving. Neither had he any suc∣cour at all sent from home out of Carthage: whiles they all there were studious and carefull only to keepe Spaine, as if all had gone well with them in Italie.

In Spaine the fortune was in some respect all one and the same, in other far unlike and diffe∣rent: the same, in regard that the Carthaginians being diffeated in a foughten field, and having lost their captaine, were driven to the utmost coast of Spaine, even as farre as to the Ocean sea: different, in that Spaine is a countrie more apt and commodious to the reparation of new war, [unspec B] not only than Italie, but also than any land in the world, as well for the site of the region, as for the nature of the people. For although it were the first nation of all the maine and continent, that the Romanes went first in hand withall to reduce into the nature of a province; yet it was the last of all others that was subdued, and but lately in our daies even under the conduct and hap∣pie fortune of Augustus Caesar. There at that time Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, the greatest and noblest Captaine in all these warres (next after the Barchine house) returned from Gades; and hoping by the help of Mago the sonne of Amilcar, to wage warre afresh, tooke musters throughout the farther part of Spaine, and armed to the number of fiftie thousand foote, & 4500 horse. And as for the Cavallerie, all writers in manner do agree: but for the Infanterie, some write, there were 70000 brought unto the citie Silpia. There upon the open plaines fate these [unspec C] two Carthaginian captaines downe, because they would not seeme to fall off and refuse battaile.

Sci••io, when newes came unto him of so puissant an armie levied, supposed that neither with the Romane legions he was sufficient to march such a multitude, unlesse he opposed the aids of the Barbarous nations, if it were no more but for shew and outward apparance: nor yet was to repose such assured confidence in them, as in the fundamentall strength of his armie, that in case they should give him the slip when the time came, (the onely occasion of the overthrow of his fa∣ther and unckle) they might doe much hurt to the maine chaunce and totall summe of all. And therefore he sent Sylianus before, unto Colcas, (a lord over the signorie of eight & twentie towns) for to receive of him those horse & foot which he had promised to levie in the winter time. Him∣selfe departed from Taracon, & gathered some small aids of his allies that inhabit along the way [unspec D] as he marched, and so came to Castulo. Thither Syllanus brought also certaine auxiliaries, to the number of three thousand foot, and five hundred horse. From thence he went forward to the ci∣tie Baetula, being in all of cittizens and allies, with footmen and horsemen togither, one with another, 45000 strong. As they were pitching their tents and encamping, Mago and Masa∣nissa, with all their Cavallerie set upon them: and no doubt, had troubled them mightily as they were making their defences, but that certaine troupes of horsemen hidden behind an hill, whom Scipio fitly for the purpose had there bestowed, suddainly at unawares ran upon them and recharged them, as they were losely ridden forward without order and array. These had not well begun skirmish with them, but they discomfited the forwardest of them, and such especially as engaged themselves neere to the trench, to impeach and annoy the pioners and laborours [unspec E] at worke: but with the rest that kept to their colours, and went orderly in their rankes, the fight was longer, and for a good while continued doubtfull. But when the squadrons which stood rea∣die appointed in their guards and stations, were first brought forth; and after them, the soldiors also from their worke and fortifications, were willed to take armes; and still more and more con∣tinually came fresh and in hart, in place of those that were wearied, so as now from all parts of the campe, there was gathered togither a full power, and ran to the battaile; then the Carthagi∣nians & Numidians turned their backs plaine and fled. And at the first they went away by troupes and companies, keeping their order and array still, and not disbanded for hast or feare. But af∣terwards, when the Romanes began once more eagerly to play upon the hinmost of them, so as now their furious violence could no longer be resisted; then without all regard of rankes or files, [unspec F] they forgat their array, and ran on all hands by heapes, seeking every man the next way he could to escape. And albeit by this skirmish, the Romanes were more encouraged a good deale, & the enemies hearts much daunted: yet for certaine daies ensuing, there never ceased excursions and bickerings mainteined by the horsemen and those that were lightly armed. Now when by these small skuflings they had made sufficient triall on both sides of their strength, Asdruball first lead

forth his forces into the field, & then the Romans likewise came forward readie to receive them. [unspec G] But when both armies stood without their campe, arranged in battaile array, & neither of them gave the charge: when the day drew toward sun-setting, Asdruball first retired with his men into the campe, and after him, the Romane Generall likewise. Thus continued they for certain daies togither. Astruball was evermore the first that came abroad, and the first againe that sounded the retreat to his souldiours, wearied with long standing. But of neither side they made out to skirmish, or discharged any shot, or gave alarmes, & set up a crie. Of the one part the Romans, on the other the Carthaginians togither with the Africanes, stood in the maine battaile: & the allies of either side kept the wings, & those were Spaniards, as well in the one armie as the other. But in the front of the Carthaginian battel, were the Elephants placed, who afar off made a shew as if they had bene castles. And throughout both armies this word went for currant, that when [unspec H] the time came, they would so fight as they stood day by day arranged: namely, that the maine battailes of the Romans and Carthaginians, between whom was the quarell and occasion of the war, with like courage of heart and force of armes would encounter and cope togither. Scipio per∣ceiving this once to go for good, & to be stifly setled in their opinions, altered all for the nonce against the day that he minded indeed to give battaile. And overnight hee gave a watch-word and token throughout all the campe, that both horse and man should take their dinner before day, and that the horsemen in armes readie appointed, should hold their horses sadled and brid∣led. Now before it was broad day light, he sent out all the Cavallerie togither with the light ar∣mour, to charge upon the Corps de guard and standing watch of the enemies. And himselfe straight after, advanced forward with the whole strength of the legions armed at all peeces. And [unspec I] clean contrarie to the conceived opinion & persuasion, both of his own men, and also of his ene∣mies, he strengthened the wings with Romanes, and marshalled the maine battaile with the al∣lies. Asdruball raised with the clamour and shout of the horsemen, leapt forth of his pavilion, and perceiving a tumultuous alarme & fearfull stirre of his owne men before the rampiar and trench, and seeing afarre off the glittering ensignes of the legions, and all the plaines over-spread with enemies, presently made forth all his Cavallerie against their foresaid horsemen. Himselfe with the battaile of footmen issueth out of the campe, and made no chaunge nor alteration at all in the marshalling of the battailons, otherwise than he had used the daies past. The horsemen con∣tinued the fight along time doubtfully: neither could it bee determined by it selfe, because ever∣more, as any of them were put backe (which hapned on both parts in manner by turnes) they re∣tired [unspec K] safely into the battaile of footmen. Now when as the battels were not past halfe a mile asun∣der one from another, Scipio sounded the retreat, and opened his ranks, & received all the horse∣men and light armed souldiours within the middle ward: and having divided them in two regi∣ments, hee bestowed them for succours and supplies behind the wings. Now when the time was come to joyne in medley, hee commaunded the Spaniards (and those were the maine battaile) to take sure footing and go steedily togither: faire and softly himselfe out of the right wing (for, that point he commanded) dispatched a messenger to Syllanus & Martius, willing them to stretch out that wing on the left hand, like as they saw him to draw it a length on the right: with dire∣ction also unto them, that they togither with the light horsemen and light appointed footmen, should encounter and close with the enemie, before that both battailes might meet and joyne [unspec L] togither. Thus having enlarged out at full their wings, they with three squadrons of footmen, and as many cornets of horsemen, togither with the light armed skirmishers, advanced with full pace directly afront the enemies, whiles the rest followed sidewaies a crosse. Now there was a void peece of ground in the mids between, by reason that the Spaniards ensignes went but slow∣ly forward: and the wings had bene in conflict alreadie, when the floure and strength of the ene∣mies battaile, consisting of old beaten Carthaginian and Africane souldiors, were not yet come within the darts shot, neither durst they put in to succour them that were in fight, for feare they should open the main battaile, for the enemie that came directly against them. Their wings were much distressed in the fight on every side. For the horsemen, the light armed souldiours, and the skirmishers, having wheeled about and set a compasse to environ them, ran upon them on their [unspec M] flanks. The cohorts of footmen charged upon them afront, & al to break off their wings from the bodie of the battell. And as now in every respect the fight was unequall, so the rable of camp-fol∣lowers, Baleare Ilanders, & raw untrained Spaniards, opposed against the approved Romane and Latine soldiors, pulled down a side. The day went on stil, & Asdrubal his armie began to faint: and

[unspec A] no mervaile, for they were surprised & taken of a sodain, betimes in the morning, & wer forced in hast to enter into the field & go to battel, before they had refreshed & strengthned their bodies. And to that purpose Scipio had drawne the day on length, and trifled out the time, that the bat∣tell might be late. For it was the seventh houre [or one a clocke after noone] before the ensigne of footmen charged upon the side points. And a good deale later it was, ere the maine battailes fought and joined together: so that the heat of the noone sunne, the paine of long standing in armour, and hunger and thirst came all together to enfeeble and spend their bodies, before that they came to handstrokes and to buckle with their enemies: which was the cause that they stood leaning and resting themselves upon their shields. And over and besides all other troubles, the Elephants also affrighted and madded with this tumultuous and disordered manner of fight of [unspec B] horsemen, skirmishers, and light armed souldiours together, ran from the wings, upon the main battell. The captaines therefore themselves, being thus tainted, as well in courage of heart, as in bodily strength, gave ground and reculed. Howbeit, they still kept their arraies, as if the whole battell had retired whole and sound by the commaundement of their Generall. But when the winners and conquerours on the other part, were so much more forward to charge upon them more hotely on every side, because they saw them to lose their ground and shrinke backe, so as their violence could not well be endured; then albeit Asdruball held them still together, and did what he could to stay their flight, crying eftsoones alowd unto them, that there were hils behind them, and places of safe retreat, if they would retire in good sort, moderately, and in orders; yet when they saw their enemies presse so hard upon them, killing and hewing in peeces those that [unspec C] were next unto them, feare was above shame, and so immediately they shewed their backe parts, and ran away all at once as fast as they could. Yet at first, when they came to the root and foot of the hils, they began to make a stand, and rallie the souldiours againe into order of battell, seeing the Romanes to make some stay of advauncing their ensignes up the hill. But afterwards, when they perceived them to come lustily forward, they began againe to flie afresh, and so in feare were forced to take their campe. Neither was Scipio himselfe farre from their trench and rampier, but in that very brunt had beene maister thereof, but that immediately upon the hote gleames of the sunne, when hee shineth in a waterie skie full of blacke and rainie clouds, there powred downe such store of showers and tempests, that hardly could he himselfe after his victo∣rie, recover his owne campe. And some there were also that made it a scruple and matter of con∣science, [unspec D] to attempt any more for that day. The Carthaginians, although they had great reason to repose themselves, and take their necessarie rest, so wearied as they were with travell, and sore wounded, especially seeing the night was come, and the stormie raine continued: yet, because their feare and present daunger wherein they stood, gave them no time to loiter and slacke their businesse, against the next morning that the enemies should earely assaile their campe, they ga∣thered up stones from out of the vallies neere about them, and piling them one upon another, amended the height of their rampier, purposing to defend themselves by the strength of their fence, seeing small helpe and remedie in force of armes. But the falling away of their Confede∣rates, was the cause that their departure & flight from thence, seemed more safe, than their abode there, would have beene. This revolt was begun by Altanes, a great lord of the Turdetanes: for [unspec E] he with a great power of his followers and retrainers fled from the Carthaginians to the adverse part. Whereupon two strong walled townes, together with their garrisons, were yeelded by the captaines unto Scipio. Asdruball therfore, fearing least this mischeefe might spread farther, now that their minds were once set upon rebellion, dislodged about the midnight following, and re∣moved. Scipio so soone as he was advertised at the breake of the day, by those that kept standing watch in their stations, that the enemies were gone; having sent his horsemen before, comman∣ded the standerds and ensignes to bee advaunced, and led so speedie a march, that if they had gone streight forward, and followed their tracks directly, they had no doubt overtaken them: but beleeving certaine guides, that there was a shorter way to the river Baetis, they were advised to charge upon them as they passed over. But Asdruball seeing the passage of the river stopped [unspec F] against him, turned to the Ocean: and even at the first they departed in great hast, as if they fled, which was the cause that they gat the start of the Romane legionarie footmen, and wan a good space of ground before them. But the horsemen, and light appointed footmen, plaied one while upon their tailes, flanked another whiles their sides, and by this meanes with charging & rechar∣ging, they wearied them and staied their march. And when as upon many of these troubles by

the way, their ensignes were faine to stand, and forced to maintaine skirmish, some time with the [unspec G] horsemen; and sometimes with the light javelottiers and auxiliarie footmen, behold the legions also came on apace and overtooke them. Then there was not so much fighting and resistance, as massacre and slaughter of them: downe they went with them and killed them like sheepe, so long, untill their leader himselfe began to flie, and escaped into the next mountaines, together with 7000 halfe naked and unarmed. All the rest were either slaine or taken prisoners. Then the Carthaginians began to encampe & fortifie in all hast & tumultuous sort, upon the highest mount they could find: from whence (by reason that the enemies had assaied in vaine to get up the hill, having so difficult an ascent) they had not so much adoe to defend themselves. But, the place being bare and naked, and disfurnished of all commodities for their releefe, they were not able to hold out the siege for a few daies. And thereupon the souldiours fell apace to forsake [unspec H] their owne captaine, and to goe to the enemie. So that at the length the Generall himselfe, in the night season abandoned his armie, and having got shipping (for the sea was not farre off) he em∣barked and fled to Gades. Scipio being advertised that the captaine of his enemies was fled, left with Syllanus tenne thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen to continue the siege of the campe. Himselfe in person with the rest of his forces, within seventie daies returned to Tara∣con, for to examine and heare incontinently upon his arrivall, the causes of the princes and States: that upon the true estimate of their deserts, they might be rewarded or chastised accor∣dingly.

After his departure, Masanissa having had secret conference with Syllanus, about inducing his people also to bee pliable and to hearken unto a chaunge, passed over into Affricke with some [unspec I] small retinue. At which present time verily, the occasion of his suddain alteration was not so evi∣dent and apparent as afterwards, his most constant truth and fast alleageance observed unto his dying day, was a good proofe and argument, that even then he entred not into this designement and action, without good and important cause. Then Mago in those ships that Asdrubal had sent backe, passed over to Gades. The remnant, thus forlorne of their captaines, some by way of vo∣luntarie yeelding and raunging themselves to the adverse part, others by flight, were scattered a∣mong the next cities, and no troupe remained of them behind, of any marke and reckoning to speake of, either for number or strength. In this manner, and by these means especially were the Carthaginians driven all out of Spaine, by the conduct and happie fortune of P. Scipio, in the thirteenth yeare of the warre, and in the fixt of Scipio his government in that province & com∣maund [unspec K] of the armie. And not long after Syllanus returned to Taracon unto Scipio, and brought word, that the warre in Spaine was fully ended. And L. Scipio was sent with many noble persons captives, as a messenger to carrie tidings to Rome of the conquest of Spaine. And when al other tooke full contentment and infinite joy at these newes, and abroad in all places highly magnified the glorie of this service, he alone who was the man that did the deed (as one who had an insatia∣ble desire of vertue and true honour) made but small reckoning of the recoverie and winning of Spaine, in comparison of those matters that hee hoped for, and conceived in that high and magnanimous spirit of his, which he carried with him. For now hee cast in his mind and aimed at the conquest of Africke and great Carthage: and therewith, to make persite and consummate that glorious warre, to his owne immortall honour and renowme. And therefore, supposing it [unspec L] was now a good time to begin the way to those high exploits, and to lay plots, to prepare afore∣hand, yea, and to win unto him the hearts of the princes and nations, hee determined first of all other to found and assay king Syphax. This Syphax was king of the Masaesyli, a people bordering upon the Mores, and abutting upon that part of Spaine especially, where new-Carthage is situ∣ate. At the same time the king was in league with the Carthaginians: which Scipio supposing that hee would observe no more surely and precisely, than commonly the Barbarians use, (whose fidelitie dependeth upon Fortune) sent C. Laelius with rich gifts and presents, as an Orator to treat with him. The barbarous prince was glad hereof, both because the Romans then prospered eve∣ry where; and also the Carthaginians in Italie, lived by the losse; and in Spaine went downe to the ground, where they had nothing left: and therupon he condescended to entertaine the friend∣ship [unspec M] of the Romanes. But for the confirmation of this amitie, he neither would give nor take as∣surance, but onely in the personall presence of the Romane Generall himselfe. So Laelius having obtained the kings roiall word and warrant, that Scipio might come unto him with safe conduct and securitie, returned unto Scipio. Now for him that aspired to the conquest of Africke, it was a

[unspec A] matter of great consequence and importance in all respects, to make himselfe sure of Syphax, the most mightie and puissant king of all that land, who had aforetime made proofe what the Carthaginians could doe in warre, and the confines and marches of whose kingdome lay fitly upon Spaine, and but a small arme of the sea betweene Scipio thinking it therefore to be a mat∣ter worth the adventure with great hazard, (for otherwise it might not be) leaving for the defence and guard of Spaine L. Martius at Tarracon, and M. Syllanus at new-Carthage, (whether hee had travelled by land from Tarracon, and taken great journies) himselfe and Laelius together, lo∣sed from Carthage with two great Caravels of five bankes of oares, and passed over into Africk, through the calme and still sea most-what rowing, and other while also making saile with a gen∣tle gale of wind.

[unspec B] Haply it so fell out that the very same time, Asdruball driven out of Spaine, was entred the haven with seven gallies of three course of ores, and rid at anker neere unto the shore for to be set a land. When he had a kenning of the two Carvels aforesaid, which albeit no man doubted but they were enemies, and might have bene bourded by them being more in number, before they could gaine the rode; yet hereupon ensued nothing else but a tumult and hurrey among the mariners and souldiours together, in vaine preparation of their ships and their armour. For the wind being somewhat big and high, drave the Carvels with full saile out of the maine sea into the haven, before that the Carthaginians had any time to wey anchor: neither durst any of them proceede to further dealing within the kings Rode. So Asdruball first set ashore, and within a while Scipio and Laelius landed, and went all to the court. Syphax took this for a great ho∣nor [unspec C] done unto him (as indeed it was no lesse) that there were come unto him at that time, and in one day two Generall Captaines of two most mightie and puissant States, to sue for peace and amitie with him. He invited both of them friendly, and gave them enterteinmet: and since that it was their fortune to enter under one rouse and the same house for to be lodged in, he indevo∣ted to draw them to a parley, and to make an end of all quarels, grudges, and controversies be∣tweene them.

But Scipio denied flatly, that either there was any private malice or hatred between him and Asdruball, that should need an end with conference and speech: and as for State-mat∣ters, he might not treat with a professed enemie, as touching them, without expresse warrant and commission from the Senate. But when the king laboured greatly with him, that he would find in his hart and not thinke much to beare Asdruball companie at meate and meale (because he [unspec D] would not seeme to exclude either of them from his bourd) he yeelded thereunto, and was con∣tent.

So they supped both twaine together with the king, and Scipio and Asdruball sate both at one table in one mesie, and upon one bed, for so it was the kings pleasure. But so courteously Scipio behaved himselfe (as he was a man that naturally knew how to carrie himselfe with a grace and dexteritie, in all things, and in every place wheresoever he came) that by his faire language and eloquent speech, he wan not only the favour of the barbarous prince Syphax (who before was not acquainted with the Romane fashions) but also the goodwill and love of Asdruball, a most malicious and mortall enemie: who seemed to have him in more admiration upon this one meeting and communication in presence personall, than for all his feats of armes atcheived in warre: and made no doubt but reckened fully that king Syphax and his realme would pre∣sently [unspec E] be at the devotion of the empire of Rome. Such a singular gift had that man to win love and favour. And therefore the Carthaginians were not so much to seeke how Spaine was lost, as to consider and thinke, how they might keepe and hold Africk. For thus they conceived, That this noble knight and worthie Romane Captaine was not come thither wandering at aventure, nor as a traveller to see countries, and to solace himselfe with walking along the pleasant and de∣lectable coasts, leaving the province which hee had newly subdued, leaving his armies which hee commaunded, sailing thus with two ships onely into Africke, and committing himselfe unto an enemie countrie, and into a kings hands, of whose fidelitie and protection he had no experience: but no doubt upon some great hopes to compasse the conquest of Affricke. And this was it that long since Scipio had in secret purpose and designement, this was it that openly he fretted & stor∣med [unspec F] at, namely, that he warred not himselfe as well in Spaine, as Anniball in Italie. Well, Scipio having concluded a league with Syphax, departed out of Affricke; and notwithstanding hee was tossed upon the sea with variable winds, and those for the most part boisterous and raging, yet upon the fourth day he arrived at new-Carthage.

As Spaine generally was at peace and rest, for any Carthaginian warre, so it was well known,

that certaine particular States, in regard that they were touched with the guilt of trespasses com∣mitted, [unspec G] were quiet for feare, rather than for any loiall alleageance. Of which the most notorious, as well for their owne greatnesse and power, as for their fault and transgression, were Illiturgum and Castulo. The Castulonians who had bene Romane confederates in time of prosperitie, were revolted unto the Carthaginians, upon the diffeature of the two Scipions and their armies. The Illiturgitanes besides their revolt and rebellion, added this wickednesse, in that they betraied and murdered the Romans who fled unto them for succour after that overthrow. These two nations, if Scipio at his first comming had proceded in rigor to revenge (whiles the States of the countrie stood in suspense) he should have regarded their desert more than his own good & commoditie. But when all troubles were composed & reduced to quietnesse, he thought it then a convenient time to punish and chastise them accordingly. And therefore he called L. Martius from Tara∣con, [unspec H] with a third part of his forces, and sent him to assaile Castulo. Himselfe with the rest of the armie, marched toward Illiturgum, and within five daies presented himself before it. The gates he found shut against him, and all preparation and furniture for defence and to withstand the as∣sault. For their conscience bare them witnesse what they had deserved, & there needed no other defiance or intimation of warre against them, than the privitie of their wicked fact.

Heereupon Scipio tooke occasion to exhort his souldiours,* 1.9 and began in this wife, The very Spaniards them∣selves, quoth he, by shutting their gates, declare plainly what they justly are to feare: and there∣fore ye ought to war with them in more hostile malice and deadly hatred than with the Cartha∣ginians. For with them the quarell was mainteined, as it were, without anger and rankor, only for soveraigntie and glorie: but of these men ye are to take vengeance for their disloyall treacherie, [unspec I] for their crueltie and wicked villanie. And now the time is come, to revenge not only the un∣worthy death of your fellow souldiers, but also the like falshood prepared for yourselves, in case your hap had bene to have fled for refuge thither at any time: yea, and to shew exemplatie justice, to reach all posteritie, that no man hereafter be so hardie as to wrong any citizen or soul∣dier of Rome, in what poore estate so ever he be, without feare of condigne punishment.

Vpon this exhortation and comfortable words of the Generall, they bestirred themselves, and devided the skaling ladders amongst certaine choise men out of every companie. And having so parted the armie betweene them, that Laelius the Lieutenant had the conduct of the one halfe, they gave assault with great terrour unto the citie in two places at once. But neither any one generall captaine, nor many principall citizens encouraged and harmed the townesmen manfully to de∣fend [unspec K] their citie, but only their owne fearefull and sinfull conscience: for they wist well and re∣membred, yea and put one another in mind, that it was their punishment and not victorie that the Romanes fought for. And as for themselves, since they were to leese their lives, this was the only point that they were to consider upon, namely, where they were best to die, whether in fight and in the field (where the fortune of battaile was common, and oftentimes lifted up the conque∣red, and put downe the conquerour) or after their citie burnt and rased, to yeeld up their breath in the sight of their wives and children taken captives, amid the torments of whipping and hard yrons, when they had endured all villanies & indignities. Whereupon not only the serviceable youth for war, not only men I say, but women also and children, even above the bodily strength of that age, or courage of that sexe, were readie and presented themselves to defend the walls. [unspec L] Some brought wepons to the defendants, others caried stones up to the wals unto them that were fortifying and repairing the breaches. For why? they stood not upon their libertie alone, which whetteth the stomacks of valiant & magnanimous men only, but they set before their eies all ex∣tremities of torture and punishment, yea and the shamefullest death that could be devised: and their harts were incensed to undergo all paines & peril, by striving avie together, and seeing one another to hazard themselves. Inso much as they stood to it, and fought so resolutely, that even that noble armie which had subdued all Spaine, tooke the repulse often times at the hands of the youth of one citie, was driven from the walls, and smally to their honor received some soile in fight and began to feare. Scipio seeing that, and doubting least upon so many bootlesse attempts the enemies might take heart, and his own souldiers be tainted, thought good to enter himselfe [unspec M] personally into the action, and to take part in that dangerous service. Having rebuked therefore his men for their cowardise, he commaunded the ladders to be brought and set to, threatning that himselfe would skale the walls, if the rest made hasting and thus drew backe. With that he made no more ado, but approched under the walls in great perill of his person. Whereupon

[unspec A] the souldiers respecting the daungerous state of their Generall, and fearing greatly on his behalfe, set up a shout on all hands, and began to reare ladders in many places at once. Laelius likewise on the other side plied the assault and gave not over. Then at last the townes∣men, for all their resolute resistance, were overcome; the defendants overthrowne and beaten from their standing, and the walls possessed by the enemies. The castle also on that side which was thought imprenable, was in that brunt and tumult taken. For there were cer∣taine Africanes serving then among the Romanes (fled before from the enemie) who whiles the townesmen were wholie turned to defend those places that seemed to be exposed unto danger, and the Romanes climbing and entring where they could, espied one part of the citie much higher than the rest; which because it was compassed about with an exceeding high rock, [unspec B] was neither fortified otherwise with bulwarks, nor manned with any defendants at all: and being men (as they all are) light and deliver of bodie, and nimble by reason of much practise and exer∣cise, they climbed up the rock where they could meete with any crag thereof to beare out une∣qually from the rest, and to yeeld them hold and footing: but when they came to a plumbe up∣right steepe place, and where the cliffe was even and smooth, they fastned certaine great yron spikes and nailes, which they caried about with them of purpose, and stuck them a prety distance asunder, like greeces and staires to climb upon: and ever the formost pluckt him up by the hand that followed next, and the hinmost heaved up those that went before them, until they were got∣ten up to the top: and then they ran downe with an outcry into the citie, which was already won by the Romanes. Then it was well seene that they forced this citie for very despiteous anger and [unspec C] deepe hatred. There was not one that thought of taking any prisoners alive, there was none that once minded any pillage, notwithstanding all lay open unto them for to be ransacked and rifted. But downe they went with the unarmed as well as the armed, killing men and women one with another: nay their cruell moode was such, as they spared not the sucking babes. Then they set fire on their houses; and what the fire saved they rased and pulled downe: so cancred a mind they had, and so bent they were, to leave no monument and token of such a citie, and utterly to abo∣lish and roote out the memoriall of those enemies.

After this, Scipio led his armie against Castulo. This citie was defended not only by Span∣yards who thether were repaired out of other parts, but also by the reliques of the Carthaginian armie, which were skattred abroad in their flight, and thither fled. But ere Scipio was come [unspec D] before the towne, they had heard the newes of the wofull calamitie and destruction of the Illitur∣gitanes; by reason whereof they were all terrified and in despaire of themselves: and as it falleth out in such varietie of causes and deserts, every man sought meanes to shift for himselfe the best he could, without regard of his neighbour. And at first they began to have a secret jelousie and suspition one of another, but afterwards they brake out to open dissention: in so much as the Car∣thaginians and Spaniards devided themselves, and parted asunder. Cerdubellus openly advised the Spaniards, and persuaded with them, to yeeld. Himilco was the captaine over the Auxiliarie Carthaginians, whom Cerdubellus (upon promise secretly before made, and protection granted) betraied, together with the whole citie besides, into the Romanes hands. This victorie was pur∣sued with lesse crueltie: for neither was the offence on their behalfe committed, so heinous; and [unspec E] the heate and choler of the Romanes was well cooled and allaied, by reason of their voluntarie surrender. From thence was Martius sent against other of the barbarous people, to reduce un∣to subjection and obedience, as many as yet were not fully subdued.

Scipio returned to new Carthage to pay his vowes unto the gods, and to exhibit and set out aspectacle of sword-plaiers at sharp, which he had prepared for the honor of his father and unckle deceased. This pastime & solemne shew was not performed by those kind of men, out of which maisters offence use ordinarily to make choise, namely, such as were picked out of bond∣slaves and freed men, that use to make sale of their bloud for monie: but all those that he em∣ploied im combat, were such as offred themselves and their service voluntarie and without hire. For some were sent unto him from the LL. of the country, to make shew and proofe of the valour [unspec F] ingraffed naturally in that nation: others of their owne accord professed to fight, for the love of the Generall himselfe, and to shew him pleasure: And some there were againe, who upon emu∣lation of glorie were drawen to make chalenge, whiles others that were defyed refused not, but strove to get the victorie. There were also divers thatdetermined those controversies by the sword, which by arguing and pleading they either were not able or not willing to end: having

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agreed betweene themselves that the matter in suite should fall to him that chaunced to have [unspec G] the upper hand. And those were no meane persons of base degree and parentage, but of noble descent and famous houses: as namely Corbis and Orsua, two* 1.10 [bretheren] cousin germaines by the father side; who differing and being at variance, about the principalitie of a citie and State which they call Ibes, made profession to trie the title at the utterance by dint of sword. Corbis was the elder of the twaine; but Orsua his father had bene the last Prince before, and received that Seignorie after the death of his elder brother. And when Scipio was very desirous to de∣bate and decide the matter with words, and to appease their anger and moode, they both made answere and sayd, That they had denyed that to the common kinsfolke of either partie, and that they would have no other god nor man to be their judge, but only Mars.Both of them were fierce; the elder presuming of his strength of bodie, the yonger bearing him∣selfe [unspec H] upon the floure of his fresh youth: wishing rather to die both twaine in fight, than the one to be subject to the dominion of the other. In conclusion, when by no meanes possible they could bee reclaimed from this furious rage of theirs, they became a goodly shew and pageant to the whole armie, and a singular example to prove, what a mischievous maladie among mortal men, the love of lordship is, & the desire of soveraigntie. The elder, through practice of his weapons and cunning slight, soone overcame the foole hardinesse and inconsiderate fiercenes of the yon∣ger. After this pastime of sword-fight, followed the funerall games and plaies: which were set foorth magnificently, according as either the wealth of the province, or the furniture of the ar∣mie might affourd.

In this meane time, the Lieutenants plied and sped their businesse neverthelesse, according [unspec I] to their commissions: for Martius having passed the river Baetis (which the paisants of that coun∣trie call Cirtius) received two most rich and wealthie citties, surrendred into their hands by com∣position, without any assault. Now, there was another cittie called Astapa, which ever sided with the Carthaginians: and yet it deserved not so much anger and indignation in that regard, as for that, (setting aside the necessities that follow war) it ever bare a spitefull hatred against the Ro∣manes: neither was the towne either for naturall situation so strongly seated, or by mans hand to surely fortified, that the inhabitants therein should take more hart, or presume the rather to be lustie and bold. But the naturall disposition of the people delighting in robberies, moved them to make rodes and invade the territorie of the allies of the people of Rome bordering up∣pon them: and to catch and take prisoners any souldiours, skullians, lackies, and followers of the [unspec K] camp, or merchants of the Romans, whom they could light upon ranging abroad. Yea & when there hapned a great companie of them togither, to passe through their marches and confines, (for in no wise might a few travaile in safetie) they were surprised by an ambushment laid for them, and being environned in a place of disadvantage, were slaine every man. When the armie was come before this towne to assault 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the townesmen carrying a guiltie conscience for offences committed, thought it not the safest course for themselves, to yeeld and give up the place to the enemies whom they had so much provoked against them: and seeing no hope at all to save their lives, either by the strength of their wals, or force of armes, they resolved to execute upon them∣selves, & those things that were neerest and deerest unto them, afoule, detestable, & cruell fact. They set out and appointed a compasse of ground within the market place, where they bestowed [unspec L] and laid on an heape the most precious goods that they had. Vpon which they commaunded their wives and children to fit, and then they piled about them billets of wood, and laid faggots upon, of small young twigs.

And after this they gave in charge to fiftie lustie tall fellowes armed, That so long as the battaile continued doubtfull, they should defend and guard all their goods, and the bodies of those persons more deere unto them, than all the goods in the world: but in case they perceived their owne side to goe downe and have the worse, and the cittie at the point to be lost, they should then wote well and bee assured, that all they whom they sawe going foorth to battaile, would surely loose their lives in that very fight and medley. And herewith they besought them in the name of the gods both celestiall and infernall, to bee mindfull of their li∣bertie, which that day was to take an end, either by honorable death or shamefull servitude: and [unspec M] to suffer nothing to remain, upon which the enemie in his furious anger might excercise his cru∣eltie: and considering they had both fire and sword in their hands to do the deed, to let those friendly and faithfull hands, consume and dispatch the things which were sure to bee lost and perish, rather than the proud enemies insult over them, and make a scorne of them.

To these ex∣hortations

[unspec A] they adjoyned a fearefull and horrible curse, to as many as either for hope of life, or upon timorousnes of hart and fear of death, should alter their mind and resolution. Whereupon all at once they rushed out of the gates set wide open, and with a mightie tumult & shout, made a sallie. Now there was no set guard and station of any force opposed to resist them, because the enemies feared nothing lesse, than that they durst once issue forth of the gates. Some few troups of horse and the light armour, of a suddaine were sent out of the campe to make head, and they encountred them. Betweene whom there was a skirmish hoter and sharper in regard of courage and violence, than well ordered by any skill and good government. And therefore the horsemen were discomfited, that first pesented themselves against the enemie, yea and put the light armed footmen also in great feare. And surely they had proceeded to have fought even under the very [unspec B] rampiar, but that the maine strength of the legions, who had but very small time to be marshal∣led and arraunged, put themselves in array & came into the field. And yet for all that, they were distressed for a while about the ensignes, by reason that they ran as blind as mad men in their fu∣rious fit, and as bold as witlesse fooles for want offence, even upon the sword & their own deaths. But afterwards, the old experienced soldiours, having stifly stood out against the first rash brunt and violent shock of the enemies, yea and killed the formost, bridled & staied the rage of those that seconded them: & when they assaied within a while after, to enter forward themselves & break in upon them, & saw none of them to give one foot of ground, but every one resolute to die in the very place where he stood, they opened their battaile in the mids (a thing that they might easilie do, considering the multitude of their souldiours) compassed and environned the wings of their [unspec C] enemies, who fighting round in a ring, unto the last man were slaine everyone. Thus were they that were in armes and made resistance manfully, dealt withall by their enemies according to the rigor of warre, and in the angrie mood of souldiours; and such was their end. But within the citie there was fouler worke, and a more cruell butcherie & carnage committid, when the feeble unar∣med and naked multitude of women and children were murdred by their owne neighbours and citizens: who having set the foresaid pile of wood on fire, fell to massacre them, and flung their bo∣dies when they were but halfe dead, into the light fire under them; so as their streames of bloud gushing out of their veines, were readie to quench the flame beginning to breake forth. And in the end, when they themselves were even weried with the pittifull slaughter of their own friends, they cast themselves armour and all into the mids of the said fire. When this massacre was done [unspec D] and ended, the Romanes entred the cittie with victorie. And at the first sight of this monstrous object, they wondered for a while & stood astonied. But afterwards, when they saw the gold and silver glittering within the heape among other goods, they were readie and desirous (as the na∣ture of man is greedie of such things) to rake and pull the same out of the fire: but some of them were caught with the flame and burnt; others flashed and halfe senged with the hote steem of the vapour and breath issuing from the light fire, such (I meane) as were formost, and could not re∣tire themselves backe, by reason of the exceeding prease behind, that thrust them still forward. Thus Astapa was destroied by fire and sword, and yeelded no pillage to the enemies. And when Martius had all the rest of that countrie yeelded unto him for feare of force, he led backe his vi∣ctorious armie to Carthage unto Scipio.

About the very same time, there came from Gades certaine fugitive rennegates, promising [unspec E] to betray the garrison of the Carthaginians lying there, and likewise the captaine of the garison, togither with the navie. Now had Mago rested there after his flight, and having gathered togi∣ther the ships in the Ocean, levied and raised certaine aids, as well beyond the narrow seas along the coast of Africke, as also out of the parts of Spaine next adjoyning unto him, and all by the meanes of captaine Hanno. When as betweene the Romanes and those fugitives, there had pas∣sed faithfull promise and securitie to and fro, both Martius was sent thither with certaine squa∣drons and companies lightly appointed; and also Laelius with 7 Triremes [of three banks of ores] and one great galiace of five, for to warre joyntly togither by common counsell, as well by sea as land. Scipio himselfe lay sicke of a grievous maladie, but much worse by report than it was, by rea∣son [unspec F] that every one (as men commonly have a desire and delight, to softer and multiply rumours for the nonce) made ever somewhat of his owne head, and put it to the rest of the newes that hee heard: which brought the province out of frame and caused great disorder, especially in the most remote parts thereof: wherby it was well seene, what a world of troubles would have ensued upon some calamitie indeed, when a vaine rumour onely, was able to raise such stormes and tempests.

For neither the Allies continued loiall in their alleageance, nor the armie dutifull in their won∣ted [unspec G] obedience. Mandonius and Indibilis, who made full account of the whole kingdome of Spaine now that the Carthaginians were driven out and expelled, seeing nothing answereable to their hope and expectation, and themselves disappointed of their designements, raised the peasants and inhabitants of their owne countries (and those were the Lacetanes) and sollicited the youth of the Celtiberians: the countrie also of the Suessetanes and Sedetanes, that were con∣sederate States with the people of Rome, they wasted in all manner of hostilitie. Besides, there arose a civile mutinie and dissention within the campe at Sucro; where there lay eight thou∣sand souldiors, as a guard and garison for all the nations that inhabit on this side Iberus. Whose heads were set aworke, and began to bee busie not at that time when doubtfull and suspicious ru∣mours were spread of their Generall, how he was in daunger of death, but long before, upon a [unspec H] licentious course of life that they had taken to, (as commonly it falleth out upon long rest and case) and so much the rather, for that now in time of peace they were held in, more streightly and neerely, who before were used in their enemies land, during the warres, to breake out in a more loose manner, and to live upon rapine and robberie. At the first they began to mutter and whis∣per secretly these and such like speeches: If there be warre still in the province of Spaine, what do we here among peaceable people? And if the warre be ended, and the time of the commission come out and expired, why are wee not had againe backe into Italie? Then they proceeded to de∣maund their pay very malapertly, and more saucely than might stand with the dutie & modestie of souldiours: yea, and the Sentinels and corps de guara would not sticke to give reprochful terms and taunting words to the Tribunes or Marshals, when they went the round: and some of them [unspec I] made no bones to enter by night into the peaceable territorie about them, for to fetch in boo∣ties and prises; untill at length openly at noone day, they departed from their colours without pasport and licence. All things they did, as transported and carried away with lust and selfe will of souldiours, not guided by the order and discipline of warfare, nor directed by the commaunde∣ment and governement of their captaines and rulers. Neverthelesse, there was retained still a forme of Romane campe among them: and that upon this onely hope that the souldiours had of the Tribunes aforesaid; whome they supposed in time would come to the bent of their bow, enter into the same furious courses, and have their hand in their mutinies, & follow them in their rebellion: and therfore they were well content with them to fit judicially in Marshall court, in the usuall place of Principia, to minister law and execute justice: also to call for the watchword & sig∣nall [unspec K] ofthem, yea, and orderly to goe to their watch and ward in their course and due times. And whereas in very deed they had cast off all reverence and obedience of governement, yet they would seeme to shew a kind of loiall and dutifull diligence; in that (forsooth) they would be com∣maunders of themselves, and keepe some order without constraint. But in the end the mutinie broke out into open sedition: namely, when they perceived once, that the Tribunes misliked and reproved their doings, and endevoured to crosse their designes, yea, and denied flatly and openly to take part with them in their follies and furious outrages. Whereupon they disseized the Tri∣bunes of their judiciall places in the Principia, yea, and dispossessed them quite of all roume in the campe, and by a generall consent conferred the soveraine rule upon two common soldiors, the cheefetains of this their seditious commotion, C. Albius Calenus, and C. Altrius Vmber. Who [unspec L] not contented with the* 1.11 markes and ornaments of the Tribunes, were so bold as to handle the rods and axes, even the very roiall ensignes of soveraigne rule; never thinking how those knit∣ches of rods, and axes sticking within them, which they caused to bee borne afore them to the feare of others, were readie to light upon themselves, to scourge their backes and sides, and to chop off their owne heads not long after. The supposed death of Scipio, whereupon they vaine∣ly built, was it that blinded their wits and minds: upon the rumour whereof, being alreadie noi∣sed abroad, they had no doubt, but all Spaine generally would be up in armes. In which garboile and hurliburly, they made reckoning, that they might levie monies of the confederate States, and spoile and pill the cities neere unto them. And amid these troubles, when all were in an up∣rore, and every man would venture to doe every thing at his pleasure, then they supposed their [unspec M] owne deeds and actions would bee lesse espied and marked. Now when as they looked every day still to heare fresh newes, not of his death onely, but also of his funerals; and seeing there came none at all, but rather, that the former ridings were checked, and proved but a flying tale without head or foot, then they began to make semblance of enquiring after, and seeking out the first

[unspec A] authours who raised those false reports: then they seemed to bee angrie also and offended with them, to the end, that they forsooth might bee thought rather to have beleeved things inconside∣rately, than to have devised such a matter themselves purposely. These leaders and captains thus disappointed and abandoned, began now to dread and stand in horror of their owne ensignes of magistracie that were carried before them, and in steed of that imaginarie rule which they usurped, they feared greatly, that the very edge indeed of the true and lawfull power of authori∣tie would bee shortly turned upon them. As the sedition was thus dashed, by occasion, that it was crediblie and for certaine reported, first, That Scipio was living; and within a while after, that hee was recovered and in health: there came seven Tribunes or Colonels, sent from Scipio himselfe. At whose first arrivall at the campe, the souldiours grew more angrie and waspish [unspec B] than before: but anone upon faire words and speeches, wherewith the Colonels entertained those of their acquaintance, with whome they had communication, they were well contented and appeased. For first they went about to their pavilions from one to another, and afterwards to the Principia and the Pretorium, where they happened to spie some knots of souldiours met together and talking one with another; and so spake unto them, as if they rather questioned with them what the cause should be of their anger and suddaine commotion, than blamed them, or laid any action to their charge. The reason commonly pretended, was this, That their wages was not duly paied at the day.

Besides they alleadged, That whereas at the same time, when upon the trecherous fact of the Illiturgitanes, there followed the losse and death of two Generals, and the defeature of their two armies, they by their vertue had defended the Romane name and ho∣nour, [unspec C] and likewise kept the province to their behoofe, the Illiturgitanes had indeed received condigne guerdon for their offence and trespasse, but there was none that had requited and re∣compenced them for their good service accordingly. Beleeve mee (say they againe) your com∣plaints are just, and requests reasonable, and wee will make relation thereof to the Lord Gene∣rall: and glad wee are in our hearts, that it is no worse, and that the case is no more incurable than it is: for God bee thanked, P. Scipio and the Commonweale, are both sufficient, and also willing to make you amends for all.

But Scipio, a man though used to the wars, yet altogether unacquainted with storms of soldiors mutinies, was much troubled in spirit and perplexed, for feare the armie might exceed mea∣sure in transgressing, or himselfe passe his bounds in punishing. For the present, he thought good [unspec D] to deale gently with them still, as hee had begun, and sent abroad the collectours about the Tributarie cities to gather up the revenues, thereby to put them in good hope of pay, and that with speed. And hereupon there went out an edict and proclamation, that they should repaire to Carthage, there to call for their wages, either by companies apart one after another, or altoge∣ther in generall, whether they would themselves.

And now by this time, the suddain pacification of the Spaniards that were about to rebell, stil∣led the sedition of the souldiours quite, which of it selfe begun to coole and flake alreadie. For Mandonius and Indibilis, after it was reported that Scipio was alive and livelike, gave over their en∣terprise, and were retired againe within their confines. So as now the souldiours had neither cit∣tizen nor forreiner, to take part with them in their folly & furious rage. And when they had cast al [unspec E] about what course to take & what shift to make, they found no other evasion, but the most com∣mon refuge and retreat of all lewd counsels and bad designments, even to commit themselves ei∣ther to the just wrath of their Generall, or else to his clemencie and mercie, whereof they were not past all hope, and in utter dispaire. For why? he had pardoned even the very enemies, with whom he had fought in battaile. And as for their mutinie, it was as yet without bloudshed, and nohurt done: and as it selfe was not cruel and outrageous, so it had deserved no extream & rigo∣rous punishment: thus reasoned they and comforted themselves, as naturally men are too too prompt and eloquent, to extenuate, to palliate and cloke their owne faults, more ywis than they should. This was their only doubt, whether they were better to go by cohorts and squadrons, or all at once to demaund their pay. In the end they were of opinion, that the safer way was to go all [unspec F] in one train. At the very same time, whiles they among themselves laid their heads thus together in the camp, there was a Counsell held at new Carthage about them, and much dispute there was, and varietie of opinions, whether they should proceed against the heads and chiefetaines only of the feditious (who were in number not above five and thirtie) or by cutting off the grea∣ter sort, to punish this so odious example and president, of a rebellion rather than a mutinie.

But the milder sentence tooke place, namely, that from whence the offence began, there the [unspec G] punishment should rest. And for the multitude, some chastisement and rebuke was sufficient for their correction. When the Counsell was dismissed and broken up, to the end that it might be thought abroad that they sate about nothing els but this which they pretended, they published an edict throughout all the armie in Cartháge, for an expedition or journey against Manuonius and Indibilis; and gave commandement to make provision of victuals for certaine daies. And those seven Tribunes, who had before gone to Sucro for to appease the mutinie there, were now sent to meet that armie againe: and the names being given them of five of the principall authors of the foresaid tumult, they had a direction unto certaine meet persons for the purpose, to shew them good countenance, to speake faire unto them, and courteously to invite them home to their houses, and affoord them kind and friendly enterteinment; and after they had [unspec H] made them good cheere and brought them to bed, to take them being fast asleepe upon their liberall drinking of wine, and to bind them sure hand and foote. Now when they were not fame off from Carthage, they understood by those whom they met and encountred upon the way, that all the whole armie, was the next day following to setforth against the Lacetanes: which ti∣dings not only rid them of all feare, which secretly surprised and possessed their minds, but also made them exceeding glad and joyous, for that they supposed their Generall being now left a∣lone without the forces, they might do with him what they would themselves, rather than be at his commaundement and devotion. And about sunne-setting they entred the citie, and percei∣ved the other armie providing and making all readie for the voiage above named. Received they were and welcomed with gentle words, devised and framed of purpose: namely, That the [unspec I] L. Generall tooke great joy and contentment for their comming, for that they were come so just before the setting out of the other armie: and so they went to repose and make much of them∣selves. And without any sturre and tumult at all, the ringleaders of the sedition, were by the meanes of those Tribunes enterteined and lodged in the houses of certaine persons of good havior, and meet for that purpose, and there apprehended and imprisoned. At the releese of the fourth watch, the cariages of that armie, whose expedition was pretended, began to set forward on the journey: and somewhat before day the standerds and ensignes advaunced, but the whole armie was deteined and stayed at the gates, and certaine warders sent to keepe all the passages and wayes, that man should go forth of the citie. Then were those souldiours who came the day before summoned to an audience: and they ran boldly into the market place to the Tribu∣nall [unspec K] of the Generall, as if with their outcryes and clamours they would have put him in some feare anddread of them. And at one time, both the L. Generall himselfe in person ascended up the Tribunall, and with all the armed souldiers were brought againe from the gate, and enclosed round about at their backs the unarmed multitude gathered together to heare an Oration. Then were they daunted, as lustie as they were before, and all their courage cooled: and (as they confessed afterwards themselves) nothing terrified them so much, as the helthfull strength and fresh colour of the L. Generall, beyond all their expectation, whom they thought verily to have found sick and crasy: yea and his countenance and face so vigorous and courageous, as they ne∣ver remembred to have seene him so lustie in any battaile before. For a while he sate still and said never a word, untill he was advertised that the chiefetaines of the mutinie were brought into [unspec L] the place, and all things els in readinesse. Then after silence made by ari Oyez of the cryer, in this wise he began and said.

* 1.12 I would never have beleeved that I should have wanted words and proper language unto mine owne armie: not because I have exercised myselfe at any time rather to make eloquent speeches than to manage valiant actions, but for that being alwaies from mine infancie almost trained up in the camp, I have bene acquainted with the natures and humors of souldiers. But in what manner I should speake unto you, neither my wits will give me advise, nor my tongue affoord me uttrance: you, I say, whome I wot not so much as by what name to call. Should I terme you citizens, who have revolted from your native countrey? or souldiers, who have re∣nounced your Generall, refused to be under his commaund, his charge and government, and [unspec M] made no conscience to breake the oth of your alleageance? Last of all, should I geve you the name of enemies? Now surely, me thinks I agnise the bodies, the faces, the apparell and habit of mine owne naturall citizens: but contrarywise, I see plainely the deeds, the words, the intents and minds of arrant enemies. For what have ye either wished or hoped for els, but the Ilergetes

[unspec A] and the Lacetanes have done the like? And yet I must needs say, that they had to follow for their captaines in their outrage, Mandonius and Indibilis, two Princes of royall bloud: whereas you imposed the soveraigne commaund & government upon Vmber Atrius, & Calenus Albinus, two base companions. Denie now hardly if you will, that you all either were in the action, or willing in the intention. Verily I can easily beleeve you in so disavowing, and namely, that all this pro∣ceeded from the folly of some few brainsick fellows among you. For the trespasses committed are of that qualitie & consequence, that if the whole armie were therein culpable, the expiation and purging thereof could not be procured without great sacrifices and exquisite punishments. Full against my will I touch these points, as sores and gals that will not abide the rubbing: but unlesse they be touched & handled too, they cannot possibly be cured and healed. I assure you, for mine [unspec B] owne part, I thought verily that when the Carthaginians were driven out of Spaine, there was neither place nor person throughout the whole province, that had envied my life and health: such hath bene my cariage, and so have I demeaned my selfe not onely with Allies, but also with enemies. But see, how much I have bene deceived! Even in mine owne campe, the newes of my death was not onely received with joy, but expected also with a longing desire. I speake not this, that I would have any man to imagin that I conceive, how all in generall are guiltie of this fact (for if I were persuaded in my mind, that my whole armie wished my death, I would heere dye presently before your eyes; for what good would my life doe me, repi∣ned of my souldiours and fellow citizens?) But the multitude of every people is like the seas in nature; which of themselves are unmoveable and stirre not: as the winds blow, as the gales [unspec C] goe and come, so are they either calme or troublesome and unquiet: and even so the cause and source of all this furie and outrage, is in some few heads and leaders. As for you, yee have caught the infection from them, and played the fooles with them for companie. Cerresse, I am thus persuaded of you this day, that yee know not yet, to what enormious height of sollie yee have proceeded; what mischievous act yee were entred, into against mine owne person; what you attempted against your native countrie, your wives and children; what you en∣terprised against the gods and witnesses of your loiall oath; what ye have done against the sacred auspices and happie fortune, under which yee have served in warfare; what yee have committed against the custome and law of warre, against the discipline of your auncestours; and finally, how prejudiciall and offensive your designes have bene against the soveraigne majestie of the Roman [unspec D] empire. As for my selfe, I am willing to say nothing: content I am to thinke, that yee rather gave credit to my death rashly and inconsiderately, than hearkened thereto willingly and greedi∣ly. And it may be, that I have so behaved my selfe, that no wonder it is, if mine armie bee wearie of me and of my government. But what harme hath your countrie deserved at your hands, which to betray, yee should complot with Mandonius and Indibilis? How hath the people of Rome of∣fended you, that you have deprived the Kn.Marshals and Colonels created by the voices of the people, of their lawfull rule and authoritie, and conferred the same upon private persons? And being not therewith contented, to have and acknowledge them for your Colonels; you, even you the armie of the Romanes, have taken the knitches of rods belonging onely to the General, and bestowed them upon those, that never kept so much as a bondslave of their owne to com∣maund. [unspec E] Albius and Atrius forsooth, set up their pavilions in that chiefe place of State in the campe, where the soveraigne magistrat ought to quarter: with them the trumpet founded: from them the signall and watch-word was demaunded: they sat as iudges in the Tribunall seat of Sci∣pio the Pro-consull: upon them the lictours and Sergeants attended: for them they made way and voided the place, against they should go forth & march in their state: and before them were the rods borne, and the axes withall. When it raineth stones, when thunderbolts are shot, when lightnings flash from heaven, when beasts bring forth strange, uncouth, and monstrous young ones, contrarie to the course of nature, you take them for prodigious signes and fearefull tokens. Nay, this is a monstrous sight and wonder in deed, which by no sacrifices of beasts, by no sup∣plications and praiers, can bee purged and expiat, without the bloud of them that have com∣mitted [unspec F] so hainous a fact. And albeit no wicked crime can be founded upon any reason, yet wold I gladly know of you (as in a case that indeed should not bee once named and remembred) what was in your mind? what imagined you? and what was your designment? There was in times past a legion sent to Rhegium, there to lie in garrison. Traiterously & villanously they murdered the principall citizens there, and for ten yeares space possessed and kept that wealthie town to their

owne behouse. For this notorius and beastly fact, the whole legion, even foure thousand men [unspec G] and no fewer, were in the market place of Rome beheaded every one. And yet they at the first followed not for their captaine,* 1.13, one little better than a launder, skullian, and fol∣lower of the campe, a man of an unluckie and unfortunate name, but Decius lubellrus a Tribune or Kn.Marshall :neither joyned they with Pyrrhus, nor with the Samnites & Lucanes, professed enemies of the people of Rom. Whereas yee, have plotted in counsell, and ment to have banded in armes togither with Mandonius and Indibilis. Their purpose was to have seared themselves for ever in Rhegium, like as before them the Campanes, who tooke Capua from the Tuskanes, the old inhabitants: and the Mamertines likewise; who possessed themselves in Sicilie of Messana, and never minded to molest and make warre, either upon the people of Rome, or any of their allies and confederates. But tell me I pray you, intended yee to have made your continuall residence, [unspec H] and to have dwelt at Sucro? where if I your Generall at my departure out of this province, when my time and commission was expired, should have left you behind me, yee might have cried out upon me, and called for vengeance to God and man, in regard of hard measure & wrong, offered unto you, in that yee might not be permitted to return home to your wives & children. Butalas, wife & children were clean excluded out of your mind:& ye thought no more upon them, than of me or of your native countrie. Well, I will follow on still, and discourse your plot and de∣signs, wicked & ungracious though they were, yet haply not altogither so foolish & fottish in the highest degree as may be supposed. Imagined yee being eight thousand men in number, (and say that yee were all of better account and reckoning than Albius and Atrius are, under whom ye submitted your selves) to have beene able for to defeat the people of Rome of the province [unspec I] of Spaine? so long as I lived, and the other armie stood sound and strong: wherewith in one day I forced new Carthage; with which I discomsited, put to flight, and chased out of Spaine, foure brave Generals, and as many puissant armies of the Carthaginians? But let that go by, and to lay aside my name, and to speake of no more abuse but this, that ye were very credulous and quick∣ly beleeved that I was dead. How then? what if I were departed, this life, and gone indeed? Had the common-wealth togither with me yeelded up her ghost? Would the maine state & empire of Rome have fallen to the ground with mee at once? Forfend (ô Iupiter, almightie and most gracious) that ever a cittie founded first most happily, with the approbation of the gods, built eternally for ever to endure, should be compared and made but equall with this fraile and mor∣tall bodie of mine. Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Posthumius Albinus, M. Marcellus, T. Quintius [unspec K] Crispinus, Cn.Fulvius, two Scipioes, my father and unckle both, so many noble warriours and captaines, have bene slaine in this one warre; and they are dead & gone: yet the people of Rome continueth on foot and overliveth them, yea and shall still, when a thousand more of them shall die, either upon the edge of the sword, or upon some sicknesse or other. How should then the state of the people of Rome be enterred and buried with the dead corps of mee, but one man and no more? Even you your selves (to go no farther to seeke examples) here in Spaine, when my fa∣ther and unckle, two Generals, were killed, chose Septimius, Martius for your captaine, to lead against the Carthaginians, being in the ruffe and jolitie upon their fresh late victorie. I speake now, as though if I had miscarried, Spaine had bene left destitute and without a Comman∣der and Generall. M.Syllanus who was sent with me into the province, joined in the same com∣mission [unspec L] and of equall authoritie; L Scipro my brother, and C.Laelius, both Lieutenants generall: would these have sit still and done nothing? would these have failed to mainteine & recover the majestie of our empire? What? could yee have compared armie for armie, captaines for cap∣taines with them? was either your reputation and credit, or your quarrell and cause comparable? And suppose that in all these regards, yee had bene superiour and gotten the vantage, would yee indeed with the Carthaginians, have born armes against your native countrie? against your fel∣low citizens? would ye in very truth, that Africke should have commanded Italie; and Carthage the citie of Rome? And for what demerit and great trespasse, I pray you, that your countrie had committed?Coriolanus long ago, being wrongfully condemned and unworthily banished, see∣ing himself to live a miserable exiled man, was moved to take armes & to come against his coun∣trie [unspec M] to assaile it. A private regard of love and naturall kindnesse, reclaimed him from publicke parricide. But what griefe of heart, what fit of anger hath incited and provoked you? Set case your wages was paid later by some few daies, whiles your Generall lay sicke; was that a sufficient cause for you, to give defiance to your countrie, and proclaime open warre against it? was

[unspec A] that enough to cause you to revolt from the people of Rome, and turne to the Ilergetes? and to spare no lawe of God and man, but to breake all: and make shipwracke of consci∣ence and common honestie? Now surely, souldiours, yee were out of your wits, and fooles yee were in the highest degree. I was not myselfe farther out of frame nor sicker in bodie, than yee were in your mind and understanding. I tremble to thinke upon it and to rehearse, what folke be∣leeved, what they hoped, what they wished. Let all bee forgotten and buried in oblivion, if it bee possible: if not, let us not speake of it yet, howsoever wee doe, but rake it up in deep silence. I can∣not denie, but my words have seemed sharpe and bitter unto you, and all this my speech very rigorous. But how much more cruell thinke yee are your deeds, than my words tart and soure? And if ye deeme it reasonable, that I should beare and put up the things that ye have done; will [unspec B] ye not abide then, and take in good part, and patiently hear me to tell all that I can say? But these matters I will lay no more in your dish from henceforth; ye shall be checked no more for them. Would God yee could as soone forget them, as I will put them out of my remembrance. And therefore as touching you all in generall, if ye repent and be displeased with yourselves for your fault and folly, I shall be content, and thinke you punished to the full. But as for Albius Calcnus and Atrius Vmber, with the rest of the authours of this cursed and detestable mutinie, they shall make amends for their trespasse and transgression, even with their heart-bloud; and they shall surely die for it. The spectacle of their exemplarie punishment ought not to seeme unto you greevous and odious, but rather a pleasant and delectable sight, if ye have any grace in you, and become again to your right wits. For their intent was to hurt and do mischeefe to no man alive, [unspec C] more than to your selves.

He had scarce made an end of his speech, when all at once, according to the order given be∣forehand, there was presented to their eies and eares a terrible and fearefull object on all sides. For the armie which had environned the assemblie round about, clattered their & buck∣lers together. The common crier was heard to cite byname al those that were condemned there, in the presence of the whole audience. Stripped they were naked, and haled forth in the mids of them all, and every thing brought out at once for to accomplish the execution. Thus were they bound to the stake, whipped with rods, and their heads chopped off. So benummed they were all and astonied for feare, that were present at the sight hereof, that there was not heard amongst them all one shrewd and hard word, in misliking the rigour of the punishment, no nor [unspec D] so much as one grone or secret sigh. Then their bodies were all drawne atone side, the place was made clean and purged, and all the soldiors were called by name, and before their Colonels and Kn.Marshals, sware alleageance, and to be true souldiors unto Scipio. And every one, according as he answered to his name, had his wages truly paied. This was the issue and finall end of the sol∣diours mutinie, which began at Sucro.

At the same time, captaine Hanno sent by Mago from Gades with a small power of Africanes, sollicited the Spaniards about the river,* 1.14 Baetis for monie, to rebel and put in armes upon a foure thousand able men. But afterwards he was forced by L. Martius to quit his campe, and having lost the greatest part of his men in the very tumult of taking the campe, yea, and some in the flight, whom the horsemen pursued in chase and slew as they ran stragling, himselfe with few [unspec E] others escaped away. Whiles these things happened about the river Baetis, Laelius in the meane time having passed through the streights into the maine Ocean, arrived with his navie at Car∣teia. This is a citie standing on the sea coast bounding upon the Ocean, even in the mouth of the river, where it first openeth from the streights into the broad sea. Now there was some hope (as hath bene aforesaid) to gaine the citie of Gades without any assault, by treason, for as much as there came some into the Romane campe, that of themselves made offer and promise thereof. But the treason brake forth too soone, and was revealed before it was ripe, the conspiratours were all apprehended, and sent by Mago unto Adherball the Pretour, for to be conveied to Car∣thage. And Adherball having embarked those traitours in a Caravell or Gallion of five bancks of oares, and sent her afore, because she was slower of saile than those of three banckes; himselfe [unspec F] with eight three banked gallies, followed a pretie way after. The said Caravell of five course of oares, was not so soone entred the streights, but Scipio also being embarked in another Caravell of the same sort, made out of the haven of Carteia, with seven gallies of three ranckes of oares, and invested Adherball and the foresaid gallies: supposing verily, that the enemies Caravell being taken tardie in the very current, was not able against the tide to retire. Adherball

being thus surprised on a suddaine, for a while stood in feare and doubt what to doe; whether hee [unspec G] had best to follow on after his own Caravell, or turn the prows and beaks of his gallies, and make head against the enemie. Thus whiles hee stood at a bay lingering, hee lost the opportunitie of shifting and avoiding a battell: for now they were come within the dart shot, and the enemies on every side were readie to charge. And the current was so strong, that they were not able to rule and manage their ships as they would. And the manner of fight was nothing at all like to a sea∣battell, for as much as they could doe nothing to their mind, nothing by skill and dexeritie, no∣thing by counsell & advise. The nature only of the narrow sea, the violence of the current was all in all, and ruled the conflict, driving the ships one against another, as well upon their own fellows as upon their enemies, notwithstanding they rowed and laboured what they could to the con∣trarie. So as, one while yee should see a ship that fled and scudded away, whirled about back again [unspec H] with a witnesse by the waves, upon those that had her in chase: and likewise another that seemed to follow and pursue after her enemie, if the happened once into a contrarie course of billowes, to turne top & taile, and seem to flie. And in the very conflict it so fell out, that when as one vessell ran with her beakehead full butt upon another, she was forced by waves to turne her side, and re∣ceive in her flancke the push of her enemies. And contrariwise, when as one lay with her flancke opposite to the enemie, suddainely all at once shee should wind and whirle againe upon her prow. As the gallies fought thus doubtfully together, hap hazard, at the pleasure and will of For∣tune; the Romane Caravell (were it because of her weight shee was able to standmore stedie against the surging billowes, or by reason that shee had more rankes of oares that cut the waves, and so was more easily ruled) chaunced to sinke two of the smaller gallies of the enemies; & run∣ning [unspec I] fast by one with a forcible violence, wiped away clean all the oares of one side, and had no doubt spoiled and marred all the rest that shee would have invested and charged upon, but that Adherball, with the other five made saile, and got over into Africke. Laelius having failed backe to Carteia with victorie, and heard what had been done at Gades, namely, how the complot of betraying the island was disclosed, the conspirators sent bound unto Carthage, and consequent∣ly all their hope frustrate and turned to nothing upon which they came to Gades; dispatched messengers unto L. Martius, giving him to understand, That unlesse they meant still to lie before Gades, trifling out the time and doing no good, the best way was to returne unto Scipio the lord General: and so with the consent of Martius both of them within few daies repaired to Carthage. Vpon whose departure Mago hadnot only a time to breath himselfe, being so frighted as he was [unspec K] with a duple fear both by land and sea; but also hearing that the Ilergetes were revolted, concei∣ved some hope to recover Spaine again, & addressed his courriers to the Senat at Carthage, who by relating not only the civile mutinie that arose in the Roman campe, but also the rebellion of the confederats (& all by way of amplification and enforcing every thing to the highest degree) should encourage and exhort them to send aids for to regaine the dominion of Spain, lest unto them by descent from their auncestors. Mandonius and Indibilis who were retired for a time into their confines, untill they knew how the sedition sped and what was the issue thereof, rested still in suspence. For if the naturall citizens had their trespasse forgiven, they made no doubt themselves but they might be pardoned also. But when it was published abroad how severely & sharply they were punished, they supposing their own transgression to deserve the like guerdon, sollicited their [unspec L] owne people againe to take armes: and thus having levied and assembled the same power of aids which they had before, they passed into the Sédetanes countrie, where at the beginning they lay in standing campe, being in all 20000 foot, and 2500 horse strong.

Scipio after he had soone reconciled and woon againe the harts of his souldiours, as well by making true paiment of their wages, to the faultie and innocent alike, as also by shewing a loving countenance, and geving friendly words unto all indifferently; before that he dislodged and re∣moved from Carthage,* 1.15 assembled them altogether to an audience. Where he inveighed bitterly and at large against the falshood and trecherie of the lords of the countrey that rebelled: and protested before them all, that he went not now to be revenged of them for their wickednes with the same mind, wherewith lately before he had cured the folly, and reformed the error of [unspec M] his naturall citizens: for then quoth he with harts griefe and grone, yea and with teares, like as one that rent and cut his owne bowels, I expiated and purged either the inconsiderate folly, of the wilfull malice of eight thousand men, with the heads of thirtie persons: but now I go with joy andglad hart, yea and with a resolution to execute and massacre the Ilergetes. For neither are

[unspec A] they borne in the same land with me, nor linked now in any societie at all unto me: the only bond of faith and amitie which was betweene us, that have they themselves first impiously broken. But in mine owne armie, besides that I see they all are either Romane citizens, or els allies, and those not aliens, but meere Latines: this doth me good, and moveth me much, that there is not amongst them so much as one souldier to speake of, but was brought out of Italie either by mine unkle Cn.Scipio (who was the first of the Romane name that came as L. Deputie into this pro∣vince) or els by my father who was Consull, or last of all by mine owne selfe. They are every one of them well acquainted and inured with the name of the Scipioes, and used to their fortune and goverment: whom I gladly would conduct home safe with me to deserved triumph; and whome I hope to find readie to assist mee with their favour when I stand for a Consulship, as if it were a [unspec B] matter that concerned the honor of them all in generall, as well as mine particular. And as for the expedition now in hand, whosoever taketh it to be a warre, little remembreth the noble acts by me atcheived: for surely I make more reckning of Mago and his exploits, who is fled with a few ships as it were out of the compasse of the world, into an Iland environed with the Ocean sea, than I do of the Illergetes. For there in that place is not only a Carthaginian captaine, but all the Carthaginian forces and strength that now remaine. Heere are none but theeves and rob∣bers, and their leader; who peradventure may be of some power and sufficiencie to soray the fields, to burne the houses, to drive away some cattaile of their neighbours, but to come to hand∣strokes in a setfight and raunged battaile, they are of no valor and worth at all: who no doubt will come into the field, trusting upon their good footmanship to run away in the rout, more [unspec C] than upon any force of armes to maintaine the medley. And therefore I have thought good to put down & suppresse these Ilergetes, before I depart out of the province; not for any present dan∣danger at all, or feare of greater war that I see may spring from thence; but first and principally, that so ungracious and wicked a rebellion should not remaine unpunished; and next, because it might not be said, that in a province so subdued, as well by singular prowesse as rare felicitie, there was left one enemie behind of the Romanes. And therefore in the name of the gods follow after mee, not so much to make just warre (for yee are not to deale with enemies any way com∣parable unto you) as to take vengeance of wicked men, and to pusnish gracelesse persons.When he had finished his speech, he dismissed them, with commaundement to be readie the next mor∣row, to put themselves in the journey: and after that he set once forward, by the tenth day hee [unspec D] came to the river Iberús, and when hee had passed over, within foure daies more, hee encamped in the sight of his enemies. Now there was a plaine there, environned round about with moun∣taines: into which vale betweene, he caused the cattaile (and those were for the most part driven out of the enemies countrie) for to be put forth to grasing, and all to provoke the anger of the fierce and savage enemies: and sent out withall, the light appointed archers to guard them: hee tooke order besides, that when these were once in skirmish with the vantcurriers of the enemies, Laelius with his Cavallerie should closely from some covert place give a suddaine charge. And for this purpose, there was a hill that bare out handsomely to hide the ambush of those horse∣men. And presently without any delay, they came to a skirmish: for the Spaniards made out to the cattaile, so soone as ever they discovered them afarre off: the archers againe and darters of [unspec E] the Romanes, ran upon the Spaniards as they were busie in their bootie. And at first they terri∣fied them, and skirmished with their shot: but afterward, when they had spent their arrowes and darts, which were better to begin a fray, than determine a battell, they drew their naked swords, and began to fight close together foot to foot. And surely, the medley of the footmen had been doubtfully decided, but that the horsemen came upon them: who not onely affronted the ene∣mies in their face, and trampled them all under their horsefeet that came in their way, but also some of them having wheeled about & fet a compasse along the hill foot, presented themselves at the backe of the enemies, so as they enclosed and shut up the most part of them in the middle betweene. Insomuch as there ensued a greater slaughter, than commonly upon light skirmishes by way of such rodes and excursions. But the barbarous people by this discomfiture were rather [unspec F] kindled and enflamed to anger, than daunted any way or discouraged. And therefore, because they would not seeme to have been dismaied and affrighted, the morrow morning by day-light, they shewed themselves in battell array. The streight and narrow valey, as is beforesaid, was not able to receive and containe all their power: for two third parts welneere of the infanterie, and all the horse were come downe into the plaine field; the rest of their footmen besides, stood toge∣ther

quartered on the side of the hill. Scipio judged that the skantnesse of the ground made for [unspec G] him, both because it seemed that the Romane souldiours were more fitted to fight in a small roume than the Spaniards: and also for that the enemies were engaged within that place, which was not able to conteine the whole multitude: and therefore he devised a new stratageme be∣sides. For considering that he could not in so narrow a space bring his owne cavallerie about to compasse and charge the wings and points of their battaile, and that the horsemen which the enemies had arranged together with their infanterie, would serve them in no steed; he gave di∣rection unto Laelius to conduct the horse as closely as he could about the hils, and to keepe off the squadrons of the cavallery so farre as possibly might be from the medley of the Infantery. Himselfe directly turned all the consignes of the footemen opposite against the enemies, and marshalled the forefront with foure cohorts only, because he could not stretch out the battaile [unspec H] any broader: and then without delay he made hast to begin the conflict, to the end, that while the enemies were amused and occupied in fight, they should be withdrawen from espying the horsemen as they traversed over the hils. Neither had they an eye of them at all, whiles they were brought about, before they heard the noyse and tumult of them as they charged upon their backs. So they fought asunder in two severall places: and two battailes of foote, and as many of horse encountred and joyned along the plaine, because the streightnesse of the ground would not admit both horse and foote to fight together in one plot at once. Now when as the infantery of the Spaniards could not help the men of armes, and they againe were as little succored by the Cavallerie, but that the footemen trusting upon the Cavallerie, were without good direction put rashly to fight in the plaine ground, and so beaten downe and slaine; and the [unspec I] horsemen being enclosed round, could neither abide the enemies footemen afront them (for by this time their owne infanterie was overthrowne and diffeated) nor yet endure behind them the hote assault of their horsemen; they left their horses, cast themselves into a ring, and after they had stood so at defense a long time, were slaine every one to the last man: there was not I say one footeman or horseman left of all those that fought in the valley. As for that third part which stood upon the hill side, rather to behold the fight in a place of securitie, than to take part with their fellowes in the battaile, they had both time and space to shift for themselves and escape. Among whom, were the Princes also themselves in person, Mandonius and Indibilis: who were slipt away in the first of the medley, before all the battailons were environed. The same day was the campe also of the Spaniards forced: and therein besides other pillage, were taken [unspec K] prisoners almost three thousand men. Of Romanes and allies there died in that fight upon a 1200, and above three thousand were fore hutt. The victorie no doubt had bene obteined with lesse bloudshed, if they had fought in a more large and open peece of ground, where there had bene better scope to flye away. Then Indibilis giving over cleane to thinke any more of warres, and supposing nothing safer, than to have recourse to the approved goodnes and clemencie of Scipio, sent his brother Mandonius unto him: who fell prostrate downe at his feete, blaming much (as the cause of their folly) the fatall rage and furie of the time; wherein not only the Iller∣getes getes and Lacetanes, but also the Romane camp, as it were by some contagious and pestilent in∣fection, fection, became frantick and beside themselves: and said withall, that the condition of himselfe, his brother, and other their followers and subjects was such, as they were readie if it were so [unspec L] thought good, either to yeeld up their lively breath unto Scipio, at whose very hands they had once received the same; or else if they might now be pardoned and saved, to devote and employ their lives for ever hereafter wholy in his service, as being now twise due unto him alone, and no other. Once afore they presumed upon confidence in their innocent cause, when as yet they had no experience of his clemencie: but now contrarywise they reposed all their full hope in the mercie of the conquerour, and nothing trusted in the goodnes of the quarrell. Now it was an old custome among the Romanes, not to exercise the absolute authoritie of their government upon any (as they did to peaceable subjects) with whom they were neither confedered in equal and re∣ciprocall covenants, nor linked in the band of amitie; before they surrendred up unto them all rights, as well divine as humane: before I say they had received hostages of them, taken armor [unspec M] from them, and planted garisons in their townes and cities. Scipio after he had sharply rebukedand roundly shaken up Mandonius there present, and likewise Indibilis that was absent, said, That for their wicked parts and lewd démeanor, they had worthily deserved death: but live they should by his goodnes and the gracious favour of the people of Rome. And moreover he promised

[unspec A] neither to despoile them of their armour and weapons (the seizing whereof was but a pawne and assurance vnto such as feared rebellion; for as for him, he left unto them their armour freely to use at their pleasure, and their harts and minds secured from feare) nor proceed in rigor and cru∣eltie against the guiltesse hostages, but against their owne persons, if they went out and revolted againe: ne yet would he content himselfe to be revenged of disarmed and naked enemies, but the offenders and transgressors should in their armes suffer for their deserts. And now since they had tried both fortunes, as wel the one as the other, he put unto their choise, whether they had leiffer have the Romanes pacified or displeased, friends or enemies? So Mandonius had a faire delivery: only there was an imposition and fine laid and Indibilis, of a summe of money for souldiers pay. Scipio himselfe after he had sent Martius before into the farther part of Spaine [unspec B] [beyond the river Iberus] and Syllanus back againe to Tarracon, stayed some few dayes untill the Illergetes had made payment of the monies that they were charged with: and then with all his souldieys lightly appointed without cariages, marched in a running camp to overtake Martius, who by that time approched neere unto the Ocean.

The treatie which Masanissa began before time, was upon sundrie occasions put off still and deferred. For the Numidian prince was very desirous to patley and commune with Scipio him∣self in person, & in his right hand to assure him offealtie: which was the very then, that Sci∣pio tooke so long a journey so far out of his way. Masanissa being now at Gades, and advertised by Martius that Scipio was comming & neere at hand, shewed false semblance to Mago, made many excuses, and found much fault, namely, that their horses being up and pestered within [unspec C] the Iland, were welncere lost and spoiled: and by their long abode there, not only they made others feele the want and scarcitie of all things, but also tasted thereof themselves: and besides that his men of armes for very cafe and idlenesse, became feeble and unlustie. By which sugge∣stions he persuaded with Mago, and prevailed with him so much, as to suffer him to crosseover into the continent, under colour to wast and spoile the lands of Spaine next adjoyning. When he was passed over, he sent before him three principall Numidians, gentlemen of marke, to appoint both the time and the place of their meeting and conference, and gave order, that Scipio should deteine two of them with him as pledges: the third was sent backe, to conduct Masanissa to the appointed place, according as he was commaunded, and so with a small companie they met for to emparley and commune together.

[unspec D] Now was Masanissa the Numidian king possessed before with a wonderful admiration of Scipio and his vertue, by reason of the same that was blazed abroad of his noble acts: and had concei∣ved withall and imagined, that he was a man right personable, of a mightie, big, and goodly sta∣ture: but when he once saw him in place, he grew into a far greater reverence and honor of his person. For besides the exceeding majestie & port that naturally he caried with him, his goodly long bush of haire well became and graced him; the habite also and attire of his bodie, manly and souldiorlike, not brave nor tricked up deintely and delicately, much adorned and fer him out, And for his age, he was in the best and height of his strength: which seemed upon his late sicknesse, more full, more smug and fresh, as if the very prime and floure of his youth had bene renewed, and himselfe cast againe in a newmould. The Numidian (at their first meeting) almost [unspec E] astonied, gave him thanks forsending back his brothers sonne unto him, saying, That ever since that time, he sought to espie some occasion and sit opportunitie, which now at length by the goodnes of the immortall gods being presented unto him, he had not neglected and let slip: Protesting, that he was most desirous both to do him savour, and to gratifie the people of Rome in any kind of service: in so much, as there was no one foreiner more earnest and readie to ad∣vance and better the State of the Romanes than himselfe: which (albeit he had bene willing un∣to heretofore) he could not possibly shew in effect, so long as he was in Spaine, a strange coun∣try, and unknowne unto him; but in that wherein he was borne and brought up in hope of suc∣cession in his fathers kingdome, he would be most forward to performe. For, in case the Ro∣manes would send but Scipio as L. Generall into Affrick, he made no doubt but hoped assuredly, [unspec F] that Carthage had not long to continue and stand, but soone would come to a finall end.Scipio for his part was glad both to see him, and heare him so speake; knowing this full well, that of all the cavallerie of the enemies, Masanissa and the Numidians went ever away with prick and price, and the yong man himselfe in his very countenance caried with him a good shew of a brave and hautie mind. So after faithfull promise geven and received on both parts, Scipio retired to Ta∣racon:

and Masanissa when he had by the permission of the Romanes haried the coasts next ad∣joyning, [unspec G] because hee might not seeme to have passed over into the maine land for nothing, re∣turned to Gades.

When Mago now being in utter despaire of Spaine (whereof he had conceived great hopes, and bare himselfe so proudly; first upon the mutinie of the soldiours, and afterwards upon there∣volt and rebellion of Indibilis) made preparation to saile over into Africke, there came a message unto him from Carthage, that the Senate there had given order and direction, That hee should transport the armada which he had at Gades, and passe into Italie and there to take up and wage all the able men that possibly he could levie, either of Gaules or of Ligurians; and so to joyne with his power unto Anniball: and not to suffer that warre to quaile and slake now, which was en∣terprised with greatest force and endevour, and yet with greater favour of fortune. For this ex∣ploit, [unspec H] both treasure was brought from Carthage to Mago: and himself also raised as great sums as possibly he could of the Gaditanes, having not onely emptied the common treasure of the yland, but spoiled also their temples, yea and forced all private persons to bring abroad all their gold and silver whatsoever. As hee sailed along the coast of Spaine, hee landed his souldiours not farre from new Carthage: and after hee had wasted and overrun the territories by the sea side, he approached neere with his fleet, and rid at anchor before the cittie: where all the day long he kept his souldiours within their ships, and by night set them ashore, and led them toward that part of the wall, whereas Carthage was by the Romanes woon: supposing that the cittie was not sufficiently defended with a strong guard, and that some of the townesmen, upon hope of a chaunge and alteration, would rise up in armes and rebell. But there were come posts out of [unspec I] the countrie in all hast beforehand, who had brought newes, as well of the harrying of the coun∣trie and fearfull flight of the rusticall peasants, as of the comming of the enemies. Moreover the armada was descried also in the day time, and it was apparant, that they made not choise to an∣chor even just in the rode before the citie, for nothing. And therefore the citie soldiors stood rea∣die, well appointed, and in armes, and kept within that gate, which turned toward the lake and the sea. And when the enemies, souldiours and marriners confusedly togither, were come in great disorder under the wals, with more tumultuous noise than forcible violence: the Romans at once suddainly set open their gate, & with a great crie & shout, made a fallie upon them char∣ged the enemies, troubled & disordered them, and at the first onset volie of shot discomfi∣ted and put them to flight, yea and with much slaughter chased them to the shore: and but that [unspec K] the vessels stood close to the strand, readie to receive them abourd as they fled so fearfully, there had not bin one left alive, either in the flight or fight. Nay, they that wer in the very ships were in great afright and peril, whiles for to prevent the enemies of breaking in upon them pel mel with their own companie, they pul'd up the ladders, drew in the planks, cut a two the ropes wherby the ships were fastned to the bankes, yea and the very cables for hast, that they might have no hinde∣rance by weighing anchor: so that many there were, who in swimming to the shippes, because they knew not in the darke night, which way to go or what to avoid, perished miserably. The next day, when the armada was fled from thence backe againe into the Ocean from whence it came, there were found slaine eight hundred men: and of armours and corslets between the citie wall and the sea shore, two thousand. [unspec L]

Mago being retired to Gades, was excluded from thence, and arrived with his fleet at Cim∣bis, a place not farre from Gades. From whence hee sent embassadours, to complaine that the gates were shut against him, being their allie and friend: and when the Gaditanes excused them∣selves and said, that it was long of an uprore of the multitude, who were offended and aggrieved for certaine robberies committed, and spoile made by the soldiors at their departure, and when they were readie to be embarked; the trained forth to parlie their head magistrats (whom the Car∣thaginians call Suffetes) togither with the chiefe Treasurer: and after they were skourged & their skin pitteously torne, he commanded them to be roundly trussed up and crucified. From thence he sailed to Pityusa, an yland distant from the maine an hundred miles, inhabited at that time by Carthaginians, where the fleet was friendly and peaceably received: and not onely provided [unspec M] for liberally of store of victuals, but also furnished with lostie men, for marriners to serve at sea, yea and with armour and munition for souldiours. Vpon which forces Mago bare himselfe con∣fident and bold, and setting saile, fell with the Balear ylands, that were fiftie miles off. Now there are two of these ylands called Baleares, the one greater than the other, and more mightie both

[unspec A] in men and munition: having an haven and harbour where Mago supposed that he might com∣modiously winter in. But the Ilanders withstood his navie with as great hostilitie, as if they had bene Romanes that had inhabited the yland, they could not have done more. And as now adaies they use for the most part slings, so at that time they practised no other kind of weapon at all. And in no nation besides, can yee find one speciall person, so much to excell in that seat, as all the Balears generally do exceed and surpasse others in the cast and slight thereof. And therefore they discharged and levelled among them, as the armada approached the shore, such store of stones flying about their cares as thicke as haile, that they durst not enter the haven, but turned their ships into the maine sea again. Then they put over to the lesser,* 1.16 Iland of the Balears, which as it was fertile in soile, so for men and armour it was nothing so strong. Wherupon they disbar∣ked [unspec B] and came a land, and above the haven in a strong and well senced place they encamped. And having gotten to bee maisters both of the citie and the territorie about it, without any force of armes and conflict, they levied & enrolled there among them two thousand auxiliarie soldiors, whom they sent to Carthage for to winter, and then they drew up their shippes aland into the docke. When Mago was once departed from the Ocean sea-coast, the Gaditanes surrendred themselves to the Romanes.

These were the acts atchieved in Spaine, under the conduct and fortunate government of P. Scipio: who having delivered the charge of the province to L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidi∣nus, returned to Rome with a fleet of ten saile. He had audience given him in the Senate, assem∣bled in the temple of Bellona, without the cittie: where he discoursed before them, in order from [unspec C] point to point, of all the affaires and exploits that hee had done in Spaine: Namely, how often hee had fought in set and raunged battailes; what a number of townes hee had forced and woon from the enemies; what nations he had subdued and brought in subjection under the state of Rome; how at first hee passed into Spaine, against foure generall captaines and foure victorious armies; and now had not left one Carthaginian in all those parts. Yet for all these noble deeds, he rather assaied what hope he might have of a triumph, than made any hote & ernest sute ther∣fore: because it was never seen to that day, that any one had triumphed who made war, being him∣self no principall magistrat. After the Senat was risen and dismissed, he entred the citie: and cau∣sed to bee carried before him into the chamber of Rome, of silver in bullion, fourteene thousand three hundred & fortie two pounds weight; & in coine besides, a great quantities. Then L. Veturi∣us [unspec D] iPhilo, held the solemne assembly for creation of Consuls: and all the Centuries in generall, with exceeding favour and affection, elected P. Scipio Consull: and for to bee his companion in government, P. Licinius Crassus the Archbishop was joyned unto him. But this assembly (as wee find in records) was celebrated with more frequencie of people, than ever any had bin known du∣ring this warre. For they repaired and met from all parts, not onely to give their voices, but also to see Scipio: nay they ran in great numbers to his house, and into the Capitoll, when he sacrifi∣ced and slew an hundred oxen insacrifice for the honour of Iupiter, according to his vow which he had made in Spaine. And all mens minds gave them, and they were assuredly persuaded in their hearts, that as C. Luctatius finished the former Punick warre, so P Cornelius would make an end of that which was now in hand: and like as hee had driven all the Carthaginians foorth of [unspec E] Spaine, so would Scipio hunt them out of talie: and every man in his conceit wished and assigned unto him the province of Africk, as if the war in Italie had binfully brought to an end. Then en∣sued the election of the Pretors. And two were created that were then Aediles of the Commons, to wit, Sp. Lucrecius, and Cn. Octavius: and of private persons, Cn. Servilius Cepio, and L. Army∣lius Pappus. In the fourteenth yeare of the Punicke war, P. Cornelius Scipio, and P. Licinius Cras∣sus entred their Consulship. And unto the Consuls were the provinces appointed: namely, un∣to Scipio was Sicilie granted without casting lots, and that with the consent and good liking of his colleague, because he being the Archbishop, was by vertue of that dignitie kept still in Italie, for to see to the sacrifices, divine service, and church matters: and unto Crassus the countrie of Brutij was assigned. Then the provinces for the Pretours were put to the lotterie: and the civile [unspec F] jurisdiction within Rome sell to Cn. Servilius: Atiminum (for so they called Gallia) unto Sp. Lu∣cretius: Sicilie was alotted to L. Aemylius: and Sardinia to Cn. Octavius.

The Senate assembled in the Capitoll: where Publius Scipio propounded an Act, and it was confirmed by the authoritie of the house, That out of the monie which himselfe brought into the common treasure, he might be allowed to defray the charges of those plaies and games

that hee had vowed in Spaine during the time of the souldiours mutinie. Then hee called the [unspec G] Embassadours of the Saguntines into the Senate house: and the most auncient man amongst them spake in this wise:

Although ••ight honorable,* 1.17 it be not possible to find any more miseries and calamities, than we have endured alreadie in the maintainance of our faithfull alleageance unto you even to the end, yet such have your deserts beene to us ward, and so many favours have we received of your captaine Generals, that we thinke not much nor repent of any damage or losse whatsoever, that we have sustained in that behalte. For first, yee entred into the quarrell, and began the warre for our sake; and having once begun it, yee have continued therein for the full space of foureteene years; and that with such resolution, that oftentimes as ye have plunged your selves into extream perill and daunger, so ye have engaged no lesse the State of the Carthaginians. For at what time [unspec H] as yee had within Italie a cruell and bloudie warre, and Anniball your mortall enemie, yee sent forth your Consuls with armies into Spaine, as it were to gather up the broken reliques of our shipwracke. Pub. and Cneus Corncly the two brethren, from the first time that they came into the province, never ceased to devise and doe, whatsoever might either advauntage us, or endammage our enemies. For first and formost, ••hey restored unto us our towne againe: then having made en∣quirie throughout all Spaine, where any one of our cittizens were sold as slaves, they delivered and redeemed them out of miserable servitude, and recovered for them their former freedome. But see; When we were well neere come to this good passe, that from our poore & pitifull estate we were raised up to a wished for and desirable fortune, then Pub. and Cn. Cornelij your Generals, suddainely died: whose death happened in manner more lamentable and dolourous unto us [unspec I] than unto you. For then we thought verily, thus of our selves, That we were reduced from remote and distant places unto our auncient habitation, for this purpose, that wee should perish once againe, and see a second overthrow and destruction of our native countrie: knowing thus much, that for to worke our utter confusion, there needed not a Carthaginian captaine or armie to bee the instrument and the meanes; for even the Turdetanes alone, our most auncient enemies, who were the cause also of our former ruine and undoing, were able with their owne forces to root us out cleane, and extinguish our name. But behold, whiles we were in these perplexities, immedi∣ately beyond all our hope and expectation, ye sent among us this noble Scipio here in place. In whose behalfe, we count our selves of all Saguntines most happie, because we have seen him de∣clared Consull alreadie, and shall be able to report the newes unto our neighbors and fellow ci∣tizens, [unspec K] that we have beheld with our own eies, even our whole hope, our help, our health and safe∣tie. Who having forced and woon very many cities and townes of your enemies in Spaine, at all times and in all places set the Saguntines apart from out of other prisoners and captives, and sent them home againe into their owne countrie. Finally, as for Turdetania a nation so adverse, and so daungerous enemies unto us, that if it should continue still in prosperitie, Saguntum could not possibly stand upright; he hath by force of armes so quelled and tamed it, that neither we ourselves, nor (bee it spoken without arrogance) any of our posteritie hereafter need stand in feare of any daunger from thence. Wee see before our eies their citie rased, at whose instigation and whom for to gratifie, Anniball before had rased Saguntum: and out of their lands now, we gather rents and revenues: which contenteth our hearts, not so much for profit and gaine, as for [unspec L] quittance and revenge. In consideration and regard of these benefits and good turnes, which be such, as greater we cannot hope nor wish for at the hands of the immortall gods: the Senate and people of Saguntum hath sent us ten here in Embassie unto you, for to give you thankes in their name, and withall, to rejoice and congratulate in your behalfe for the happie hand ye have made, and the fortunate exploits yee have atchieved these last yeares past, as well in Spaine as in Italie; namely, that yee have subdued, and doe hold in possession all Spaine; not onely so farre as to the river Iberus, but even to the lands end, & the utmost point lying upon the Ocean sea: And as for Italie, ye have left no more ground in it for Anniball and the Carthaginians, than they empale within the compasse of trench and rampier. Moreover, we have in speciall charge, not onely to render thanksgiving therefore to almightie and most gracious ••upiter; the patron of the fortresse [unspec M] and castell of the Capitoll, but also to offer and present unto him (if it may stand with your good grace and liking) this golden crowne; and to set it up••in the Capitoll, in token and memoriall of Victorie. Which we humbly beseech your HH. or your favour to graunt unto us: and moreover (if it please you) to ratifie and confirme for ever by your authoritie and approbation, all those

[unspec A] benefits, franchises, and priviledges, which your Generals have of their goodnesse vouchsafed to endow us with.

The Senate made this answere to the Saguntine Embassadours, That both the rasing and al∣so the rearing againe of Saguntum, should be a memorable example to all nations, of the faith∣full societie and alliance, observed both of the one part and the other inviolate. And whereas their Generals had re-edified the citie of Saguntum, and delivered the citizens thereof from ser∣vitude and bondage, they had therein done well and truly, and by direction, according to the wil and pleasure of the Senat. And whatsoever els was performed by them to the good & benefit of the Saguntines, the Senat stood willing and contented therwith, and gave order therfore. As for their present and oblation, good leave they had to bestow it solemnely in the temple of the Ca∣pitoll. [unspec B] After this, order was given, That the Embassadours should have their lodging appointed them, and presents sent unto them, and all other entertainement at the charges of the cittie, yea, and by way of a reward, an allowance of no lesse than ten thousand Asses apeece.

Then were the other Embassadors admitted into the Senat house, & audience given them. Also the request of the Saguntines was granted to go & see Italie for their pleasure, so far forth as they might with securitie of their persons: and certaine guides were assigned to conduct and accom∣panie them, with especiall letters also directed unto all cities and townes, for to receive the Spa∣niards friendly, and give them courteous entertainment.

These things done, the Senators sat in consultation about the state & commonweale, & treated concerning the levying of new armies, and the distribution of the provinces. Now when as the [unspec C] common brute went that P. Scipio was destined & named to a new province of Astick, & all men gave out with open voice, that he was the man to be sent thither directly, without casting oslots for the matter: and himselfe besides not resting content now with meane glorie, said openly, that he was declared Consull, not onely for to mainteine warre, but also to finish and make an end thereof once for all: which could not be effected by any other meanes, unlesse himselfe in person made a voiage with an armie into Affricke; protesting moreover, That if the Senate cros∣sed and gainesaid this designe of his, he would propound it to the people, and carie it away clear by their voices: whiles the principall LL. and auncients of the Senate were nothing pleased with this resolution of his, but durst not say a word and speak their minds, either for feare, or for cour∣ting of him, in hope of preferment; only Q. Fabius being demaunded his opinion, spake to the [unspec D] matter in question to this effect.

Right honourable and my LL.* 1.18 of the Senate, I know full well, that many of you here assem∣bled are of this mind, & verily persuaded, That we are set this day to no purpose, but even to con∣sult and debate of a matter cleerely determined; and that in vaine he shall spend words, who shall deliver his advise of the province of Affricke, as of a point as yet doubtfull and not resolved up∣on alreadie. For mine owne part, first and formost I cannot conceive, neither will it enter into my head, how Affricke can possiblie now bee accounted as a province, and assigned certainely unto your Consull (let him be a man right hardie, and of as much valour as may be) considering, that neither the Senate unto this day hath judged it, nor the people ordained and assigned it to any person in the nature and name of a province. Furthermore, if it were so indeed without all per∣adventure; [unspec E] then in my judgement, the Consull hath done amisse, who in making semblance to put a matter for to be debated, which is alreadie agreed upon, hath deluded & mocked the whole Senate, and not the Senatour, who in his course delivereth his opinion of the thing in question. But I am assured, that in gainesaying and crossing this hastie voiage into Affricke, I shall incurre the sinister opinion and surmise of two things: the one is, of my usuall lingering and slow pro∣ceeding in all mine actions (a course that naturally I am given unto) which yong men may terme at their pleasure, timourousnesse and lazinesse; but so long as I have no cause to repent therfore, I passe the lesse. For surely hitherto, the advises of others have ever at the first fight made a good∣lier shew, and seemed more honourable; but by experience, mine own waies have sped better, and beene found in the end more effectuall. The other is, of backbiting, detraction, and en∣vying [unspec F] at the glorie and reputation of the Consull, a man of singular prowesse (I must confesse) and whom I see to grow from day to day in greatnesse and honour. From which jelousie and sus∣pition, if neither my life passed and the carriage of my selfe; if neither my Dictatorship with five Consulships, nor so much glorie which I have acquired, as well in managing the affaires of warre abroad, as of civile pollicie at home (that a man would thinke I should rather bee

glutted therewith than desire any more) bee able for to cleere and assoyle mee; yet my [unspec G] yeeres at leastwise, may free mee verie well. For what concurrence and emulation can there bee betweene mee and him, who is not of equall age with my very sonne ? When I was Dictatour, in the vigour and floure of my strength, in the very course and traine of my grea∣test and bravest exploits, no man either in Senate or in the assemblie of the people, heard me to refuse and denie, That my own Generall of Cavallerie, who could not affourd mee a good word but ever railed at me, (a thing that was never heard before) should be made equall with my selfe in commaund and government. And yet by good deedes rather then by faire words, I effe∣cted and gained thus much in the end, that he, who in the judgement of others was matched with me and made my fellow, confessed within a while himselfe to be my inferior. Lesse reason have I then now, after I have gone through all degrees of honors and dignities, to enter into conten∣tion [unspec H] and emulation with a yong gentleman, of all others at this day most flourishing in the eies of the world: unlesse forsooth it be a likely matter that I (a man weary not only of managing affaires, but also of this world, and of this life) should looke to have the province of Affrick offred unto me, if it were once denied him. Nay verily, I have enough alreadie: in that glorie I am con∣tent to live and die, and seeke for no more. It was sufficient for me to hinder Anniball from atcheiving the victorie; to the end that by you, who now are gallants in the best of your strength, he might be vanquished and overcome. Meet it is then and great reason, ô P. Cornelius, that you should beare with me, and hold me excused, if I (who never in regard of mine owne selfe set grea∣ter store by the fame and opinion of people, than of the good of the common-weale) prefer not now your glorie before the weale-publike. And yet I will not say, but in case there were no war [unspec I] at al in Italie; or the enemie of that qualitie, as by conquering of whom, there were no credit and honor to be gotten: then he that would seeke to keepe you still in Italie, were it never so much for the good of the State, might seeme to go about to disappoint and frustrate you (in putting you by the charge of the warre) of the very meanes and matter of your glorie and renowne. But seeing that Anniball is your object, seeing he is our enemie, who with an entire armie still holdeth Italie as it were beseeged now these foureteene yeeres; will you not, ô P. Cornel. hold your selfe well contented with this honour and reputation, That you being Consull, should drive that enemie out of Italie, who hath bene the cause of the death of so many brave men of ours, and of so many foiles and overthrowes that we have received? that, like as C. Luctatius had the name of finishing the former Punick warre, so you may win the title of ending this other also. [unspec K] Vn••esse a man would say that Amilcar was a warrior and captaine worthie to be preferred before Anniball; or that war of more importance than this; or that victorie greater and more hono∣rable than this is like to be, in case it happen that we may be conquerours under your conduct, and whiles you are Consull. Whether would you chuse rather to have drawne Amilcar away from Drepanum and the mountain of Eryx, than chased & hunted the Carthaginians and An∣nibal out of Italie? Nay surely even your owne selfe (howsoever you embrace glorie alreadie won, than hoped for hereafter) would not take more joy and contentment, & triumph rather for free∣ing and delivering of Spaine than Italie, from the warres. Anniball iwis as yet is not come to that low ebb, nor so downe the wind, but that he which hath made choise of another war, may seeme well in so doing to stand as much in feare and dread, as in contempt of him. Why then addresse [unspec L] you not your selfe to effect this imprese, and leave building these castles in the aire, and hope by fetching these reaches and this compasse, and going the longest way about, that when you are passed over into Affrick, Anniball will follow you thither; and not rather go the next way to worke, and fight with Anniball where he is, and make no more ado? Are you willing indeed and desirous to win this honor, of dispatching quite the Punick warre? Why, it is the very course of nature to defend and make sure your owne, before you go in hand to assaile the dominions of others. Let us have peace first in Italie, before we make warre in Affrick: and let us first rid our selves of feare, or ever we take occasion to put others in feare; unlesse we had some greater quar∣rell. And if by your conduct and fortunate government, both these may possibly be effected; conquer Anniball here, and then go thither to assaile Carthage a gods name. But if the one or [unspec M] the other of these victories must needs be left for new Consuls to achieve: as the former of the twaine will be the greater and more memorable, so it will open the way, and give the overture unto the other ensuing upon it. For at this time, over and besides that our treasure, & all the reve∣nues and finances of our state, are not able to mainteine and wage two sundrie armies both in

[unspec A] Italie and in Affrick: besides I say, that we want the meanes to keepe two Armadacs aflote, and have nothing left sufficient wherewith to furnish them with victuals and munition: who seeth not I pray you, how farre we engage our selves in perill and danger by this enterprise? P. Licinius shall warre in Italie, and P. Scipio in Affrick. What wil ye say if Anniball, (which God forfend, and my heart even dreadeth to bode the osse, but that which once hath hapned, may happen ful wel again) upon the traine of some new victorie, fortune to go forward & assault the citie of Rome? Where are we then? Shall we have time then to send for you our Consull out of Affrick, as we did for Q. Fulvius from Capua? And what say you to this besides, That the fortune of war is doubtfull & uncertaine even in Affrick, as wel as in other places? Call to mind, and be taught betimes by the examples of your owne house and familie, by your father and unkle; who [unspec B] within 30 daies were slaine, and their armies defeated; even there, wheras for certain yeeres space they had performed both by sea and land most noble exploits: and highly renowmed among foreine nations both the Romane people, and also your owne name and familie. The time will not serve, if I would all this day long do nothing els but recken and recount unto you, how many Kings, Emperours, and Generall Captaines there have bene, who have entred rashly into their enemies countries, and received many foiles and overthrowes thereby, as well in their own per∣sons, as in their whole armies. The Atheniens, a most prudent and politick State, having left the war at home in their own countrey, and following the counsell and suggestion of* 1.19 one yong man, as hardie and valiant in armes, as noble in birth and parentage as your selfe (none disprai∣sed) sailed into Sicilie with a brave and puissant navie; and there in one battaile fought at sea, [unspec C] overturned and ruinated forever their most flowring citie and common-weale. But why seeke I forraine examples of strangers, and old stories of times too far past, and over-long ago. Let even this same Affrick (to go no farther) and M. Atilius, serve as a notable example of both fortunes, for our instruction and learning for ever. Now certes, P. Cornelius, when you shall once discover Affrick within your kenning from the sea, you will thinke then that your provinces of Spaine were matters of sport and pastime in comparison of it. For what semblable proportion or likenesse is there betweene them? When you were in your voyage for Spaine, you sailed in the calme sea peaceably along the coast of Italie and France, and arrived at Emporiae, a friend citie and confe∣derate: and when you had landed your men, you led them in securitie through all places to the friends and allies of the people of Rome, even as farre as Tarracon. From thence, ye journeyed [unspec D] all the way by cities and townes, furnished with Romane garisons. About the river Iberus, you found the armies of your father and unkle, which remained upon the losse of their Generals, more fierce and fell for the calamitie that they had received, than before. You met there L. Mar∣tius their captain & leader, chosen (I must needs say) I know not how in a hurrey, by the souldiers themselves for the time: but otherwise I assure you, if nobilitie of birth and the titles of dignities which he justly deserved had graced him, he was in all feates of armes and martiall knowledge, comparable to the very best warriors and noblest Captaines. After this you assaulted Carthage without any empeachment, and tooke your time at your own pleasure, even when there was not one of the three Carthaginian armies to aid and defend their associates. As for all the exploits besides (without offence be it spoken, and not to debase any good service there) they are in [unspec E] no respect to be compared with the Affricane warre: where wee shall finde no haven open to enterteine our Armada, no countrie peaceable, no citie confederate, no king friendly, no place at all either to sojourne and rest in, or to march forward and passe through with safetie. Which way so ever you cast your eyes, nothing but hostilitic threating danger and perill unto us. Do you in deed trust Syphax, or relie upon the Numidians? Well, let it suf∣fice that once ye trusted them. Rash adventures speede not alwayes best. And oftentimes wee see, that fraude seemeth faithfull, and maketh way of credite in small things, that in matters of great importance, and when the time serveth, it may pay home and worke a mischiefe with a witnesse. The enemies overcame not your father and uncle by force of armes, be∣fore that the Celtiberians our Allies overraught them by falsehood and treacherie: ney∣ther [unspec F] were your selfe in so much daunger from Mago and Asdrubail the chiefe Captaines of your enemies, as from Indibilis and Mandonius, your new friends and confederates. Can you repose any confidence in the Numidians? you, I say, that have experience of your owne souldiours mutinie, and have seene them rise against you? As for Syphax and Masa∣nissa, as they had rather themselves be the soveraigne and most mightie in Affricke, than

the Carthaginians should; so surely they wish the Carthaginians to be the highest, above [unspec G] all others besides their owneselves. Now at this time there is some emulation and heart∣burning among them, and all occasions of quarrell whet them on to mainetaine sides and factions, so long as feare of forraine enemie is farre ynough off. Shew them once the Romane armes and forces, let them see an hoast of straungers once, they will runne I war∣rant you, altogither then, as it were to quench a common skarefire. You shall find that the very same Carthaginians, will farre otherwise stand to the defence of the walles of their coun∣trie, their citties, the temples of their gods, their altars & private houses, when going to battaile they shall have their fearfull wives to beare them companie, their final children to go afore them in their eye; you shall find them I say, stick better to it, than they did in the quarrell and defence of Spaine. But what and if the Carthaginians, finding themselves strongenoughupon the con∣fidence [unspec H] of the generall concord of Africke, of the fast fidelitie of the confederate kings, of the strength of their owne wals, should fortune themselves, when they shall see Italie destitute of your helpe, and disfurnished of your forces, either to make out a fresh armie from Africke and send it into Italie, or else give order and direction to Mago (who as it is well knowne for certaine, is departed with his navie from the Baleare Ilands, and lyeth floting and riding continually upon the Alpine Ligurians) for to joyne his power with Anniball? It is a cleere case, that we shall be in as great trouble, and as much affrighted then, as we were of late, when Asdruball mounted over the Alpes, & came down into Italie. Asdruball I say, whom you (that will with your armie com∣passe not only Carthage but also all Affricke) let go out of your hands, & suffered to passe over into Italie. But you will say, that you have vanquished him. Say you so? I would not for anything, [unspec I] not onely in regard of the love I beare to the common-weale, but also of the affection that I car∣rie toward your selfe, that a vanquished man could find the way by you into Italie. Be content and suffer us to attribute all things that have gone well with you or the common-weale, during the time of your government, to your wisedome and pollicie; and contrariwise, whatsoever hath fal∣len out crosse and adverse, to impute and assigne the same to nothing else, but to the variable events of warre, and to fickle fortune. The better and more valiant that you are, the more need hath your native countrie, yea and all Italie besides, to keepe you still at home with them, so brave a captaine, so rare a Protectour. You cannot your owne selfe dissemble the matter, but con∣fesse, That wheresoever Anniball is, there is the very head, the fort and strength of all this warre; for as much as you pretend, that the only cause why you would passe into Africke, is to draw An∣niball [unspec K] thither after you. Well then, be it here or be it there, with Anniball you must have to deale. Tell me then, whither are you like to be stronger in Africke your selfe alone, or here where your own forces and the power of your Colleague shall be joyned togither? Is it possible that even the late example of Livius and Claudius so freth in memorie, should not enforme and teach us, what difference there is between the one and the other? In whither place I pray you, will Anniball be more strong in men and munition; here in the utmost corner and angle of the Brutians countrie, where this long time he hath waited in vaine for aid from home, where hee hath sent for succour and gone without; or nere unto Carthage, & in the mids of Affricke among his friends & allies? What kind of pollicie is this of yours, theré to decide the quarrell and trie the whole matter, where your owne forces are lesse by a halfe moitie, and the power of your enemies much grea∣ter [unspec L] and stronger; rather than here, whereas you may fight with the power of two armies against one, toiled out of heart in so many battailes, and wearied with long warfare, so tedious and grie∣vous withall? Consider with your selfe, what conformitie and resemblance there is, betweene your dessignes and your fathers. He, as Consull having made a journey into Spaine, to the end that he might encounter Anniball as hee came downe the Alpes; returned out of his owne pro∣vince into Italie: and you, when Anniball is in Italie, purpose to abandone and leave Italie. And why? forsooth not because you judge it good for the common-weale, but because you thinke it an enterprise that may emport you in great honour and glorie: like as when you being captaine Generall of the people of Rome, left your province at randon, and your armie at sixe and seven, without warrant of law, without order or act of Senate, hazarded in two bothomes the whole state [unspec M] and majestie of the Empire of Rome; which at that time togither with the daunger of your life, incurred the perill and jeopardie of the maine chance. To conclude, for mine own part (my lords of the Senat) I am of this mind, & this is my conceit, That P. Cornelius was not created Consull privately for himselfe and his owne behouse, but for the good of the common-weale and us all:

[unspec A] and that the armies were levied and enrolled, for the guard of the cittie and defence of Italie; and not for the Consuls, in their owne proud selfe-conceit and overweening of themselves, after the manner of absolute KK. to transport and lead into what parts of the world they list themselves. When Fabius by this Oration (premeditate and framed to the time) had through his authoritie and the long setled and confirmed opinion that men had of his wisedome, drawne unto his side a good part of the Senate, and specially the auncients; insomuch as the greater number com∣mended the grave counsell of the old man, above the lustie and youthfull courage of the other gallant:* 1.20 then Scipio by way of answere made these remonstrances, and spake in this wise. My lords of the Senate, even Fabius himselfe in the beginning of his Oration, said very well, That his opinion which he was to deliver, might be suspected of detraction and envie. Of which note, ve∣rily [unspec B] I durst not my selfe taxe and accuse a man of his qualitie & reputation so much, as me thinkes is not so well cleered as it ought to be the very suspition it selfe: and I wote not whither it bee by a default of his speech and oration, or that the thing it selfe is so pregnant. For in such manner he extolled with goodly words, and magnified his owne dignities and renowmed deeds, and all to quench the jealousie and crime of envie: as if my selfe were to feare the danger of emulation and concurrence of some companion of the basest degree and condition, and not of him; who be∣cause he farre surpasseth other men, (which height and pitch of honour I denie not, but I ende∣vour my selfe to reach unto) would not in any hand, that I should compare with him. So highly hath hee advanced himselfe in regard of his old yeares, considering that hee hath gone through all rankes of honour: and so low debased me, and put me downe even under the age of his own [unspec C] sonne; as though the desire and love of glorie, should passe no farther than the length of mans life, and the greatest part thereof extended not to the memorie of posteritie and the future time. This I hold for certaine, that it is a thing incident to the most magnanimous men & of greatest spirit and courage, to have a desire for to match themselves not onely with them that live in their daies, but with the most famous and excellent personages, that ever were or might be in any age. And certes for mine own part, ô Q. Fabius, I will not make it goodly, but frankly bewray my mind that way, namely, that I would full fain not only attain unto your praise-worthie acts & commen∣dable vertues: but also (with your good leave be it spoken) if possibly I can, even to excell & sur∣mount the same. And therefore let us not carrie this mind, either you toward mee, or I to those that are younger than my selfe, To be unwilling and thinke much, that any one cittizen among [unspec D] us, shouldprove equall to our selves: for in so doing, wee should offer wrong and doe hurt not onely to them whom we have envied and maligned, but also prejudice the common-wealth, and in manner the whole state of all mankind. And thus much to your selfe. He hath now (my lords) recounted, to what great perils I should enter into by the Africk voyage: in such sort, as he would seem not only to have a carefull regard of the common-wealth and the armie, but also to pitie me and tender my case & fortune. Whence commeth it, that you shuld al on a sodain take so great care for me? when my father and unckle both were slaine; when their armies both twaine, were utterly almost diffeated and put all to the sword; when Spaine was lost; when foure armies of Carthaginians, and foure Generals, held all in feare by force of armes; when there was a captain sought for to undertake that warre, and no man durst bee seene to put himselfe forward, no [unspec E] man so hardie as to present and offer his service, but my selfe; and when the people of Rome had committed the charge and government of Spain to me a yong man, but foure & twentie yeares old: how hapned it that no man then tooke exception of my age, made mention of the enemies force, discoursed of the difficultie and daunger of the warre, or laid abroad the late and fresh de∣feature and death of my father and uncle? I would demaund and gladly know, Whither we have susteined now lately, some greater calamitie and losse in Affricke, than we received at that time in Spaine? or if the armies at this present in Africke be more puissant, or the captaines more in number, or better in valour, than they were in Spaine at that time? or whither mine age then, was more ripe and sufficient to mannage warres, than now it is? Last of all, whither it be better, more commodious and easie, to mainteine warre with the Carthaginian enemie in Spaine, than in [unspec F] Africke? After that I have discomfited & put to flight foure hoasts of Carthaginians; after I have either forced by assault, or reduced under mine obeisance (for feare) so many citties; after I have vanquished and subdued all, even as far as to the Ocean sea, so many princes and potentates, so many fierce & cruell nations; after I have so fully recovered Spaine, as there is not remaining to be seen there, so much as the sooting and bare token of any war: an easie matter it is, and all one

to elevate and depresse the acts past that I have atchieved: as also par-die it will be, when I returne [unspec G] with conquest out of Africke, to debase and make nothing of those very things, which now to keepe me backe from thence, and to make them appeare strange and terrible, are amplified with great words, & stretched upon the tainters to the full. He holdeth, That there is no accesse, no en∣trance into Affricke, nor havens open to receive an armada. Hee telleth us and alleageth, That M. Atilius was taken prisoner in Affricke: as if M. Atilius forsooth at his first arrivall in Affricke, had caught that harme and heavie misfortune. But hee never remembreth and calleth to mind, how that even the very same captaine, as infortunate as he was, yet found the baies open ynough into Affricke: and the first yeere, bare himselfe right valiantly and victoriously; and for any hurt from Carthaginian captaines, continued invincible unto the end. You shall never therefore feare mee with this example so much, (were it so, that the calamitie you speake of, happened [unspec H] in this warre, and not in the former; of late, and not fortie yeeres agoe) that I should give over my intended purpose, and not saile into Affricke now, because Regulus there was taken pri∣soner: as well as I passed before into Spaine, whereas the Scipions chaunced to bee killed. Or that I should suffer, that Xanthippus the Lacedemonian was borne into this world more hap∣pie for Carthage, than my selfe for Italie: but rather, that thereby I should think the better of my selfe, considering that the vertue of one onely man can be of such consequence and so great ef∣fect. But we ought (you say) to consider the example of the Athenians, who leaving the warre at home in their owne countrie, passed over into Sicilie unadvisedly. Seeing you are atso good lei∣sure to tel tales & report the fabulous stories of Greece; why discourse you not rather of Agatho∣clu the king of the Syracusians? who seeing that Sicilie a long time was troubled and vexed with [unspec I] the Punicke warre, sailed over into the selfesame Affricke whereof wee speake, and withdrew the warre thither from whence it came? But what need I to instruct and teach you by rehearsing old and forraine examples, how materiall a thing it is and important, to begin with an enemie first, and put him in feare; and by bringing another into danger, to remove the perill from our selves? Can there bee a president found more pregnant, more present and fresh in memorie to prove and enforce this point, than Anniball himselfe? A great difference there is betweene the wasting and pilling the lands of others, and the seeing of our owne burnt and destroied. And he which giveth the assault to endanger another, is ever of more courage than hee that standeth upon his owne guard and at defence onely to save himselfe. Moreover, the feare and dread is alwaies grea∣ter of things unknown unto us: but so soon as a man is entred into the confines of aforrain coun∣trie, [unspec K] he may behold and see at hand (as well the good as the bad) what may advauntage & what may endommage the enemies. Anniball would never have thought and hoped, that so many States in Italie would have revolted unto him, as they did upon the overthrow at Cannae. How much lesse account then may the Carthaginians make of anything in Africke, to remaine fast and assured unto them; who are fickle allies to strangers, without all truth and fidelitie; proud lords and intollerable tyrants over their owne subjects, full of wrath and crueltie? Over and besides, we (albeit we were forsaken and abandoned of all our confederates) stood alwaies upon our owne forces, and maintained our selves with meere Roman soldiours; whereas in Carthage they have no strength of natural citizens: the soldiors that they have, are mercenaries al & waged for monie; partly Africanes, and partly Numidians, the most unconstant nations of all others by nature, and [unspec L] aptest to entertaine changes and innovations. Let me have no stay and hinderance in this place onely; ye shalt heare newes at one time, That I am set over in Affricke, that all the countrie there is up in a broile; that Anniball is readie to dislodge and remove out of these parts; and also that Carthage it selfe is besieged. Expect you daily out of Africke better and luckier tidings, yea, and oftener than yee heard out of Spaine. These hopes of mine, I ground upon the fortune of the people of Rome; upon the justice of the gods, witnesses of the league broken by the enemies; upon Syphax and Masanissa, both kings, whose truth and fidelitie I will trust so farre forth as I find them, and ever stand in feare and doubt of their falshood and trecherie. Many things there are now, that by distance of place appeare not, which warre once begun will soone disco∣ver. And this is a speciall point of a man indeed, and of a good captain, in no case to be wanting [unspec M] unto fortune when she offereth her selfe, but to take all vantages that she giveth: and those acci∣dents and occurrences which fal by chance, to make use of them: yea & by wisdome and counsell to frame them to his owne purpose and designes. True it is, o Fabius, I shall have Anniball to beard and to match mee; a souldiour, I contesse, as good every way as my selfe: but I will rather

[unspec A] draw him after me, than hee shall keepe mee backe at home. Force him I will to fight in his owne countrie, and Carthage shall bee the price of my victorie, rather than the decaied peeces, and halfe ruinate petie castles of the Brutij. Only provide, ô Q. Fabius, that in the meane time whiles I am at sea in my voyage, whiles I am landing mine armie in Affrick, whiles I approch Carthage with a running camp, the Common-weale susteine no harme and domage heere at home. See to this, I say, and be well advised, that it be not a shamefull reproch to say, That P. Litinius the Con∣sull, a man of singular valour (who because he is the high priest, and by vertue therof, not to ab∣sent himselfe from the solemne celebration of sacrifices and divine service, was content and wil∣ling, that the charge of so distant a province should not befall unto him by casting lots) is not able to performe that, now when Anniball is halfe defeated, and his heart almost broken, which [unspec B] your selfe was sufficient to effect, when Annibal squared it out, and braved all Italie like a conque∣rour. But set the case, and suppose and say, that by this course which I meane to take, the warre be never the sooner brought to an end: yet surely it were for the honor of the people of Rome, and for the reputation and name which they have among forrain princes and States abroad, that they may see and know, that our hearts serve us, not onely to defend Italie, but also to offend Affricke. And that it might be neither thought and beleeved, nor spoken and noised abroad in the world, how no Roman captaine durst adventure that which Annibal hath alreadie dared and done: and when as in the former Punicke war, when all the quarrell was for Sicilie, our armies and armadaes so often assailed Affricke; now that Italie is in question, Affrick should lie still, and be at rest. Nay rather let Italie be at repose and quiet now at last, after so long travell and affliction, & let Affrick [unspec C] in her turne bee fired and forraied another while. Let the Romane campe bee pitched, rather un∣der the very walls and gates of Carthage, than we see once againe from our walls the trench and rampier of our enemies, to invest our cittie. Let Affricke be the set place and seat of the war, let fright and flight, forraying and ••arrying of countries, revolt and rebellion of allies, and all other inconveniences and enormities that follow war, which have lien heavie upon us these fourteene yeeres, turne from us thither. It shall content and suffice mee to have spoken as touching State∣matters and the Commonweale, of the warre presently in hand; and concerning the provinces and their goverment, now in question and consultation. For it would require a long and tedious discourse, and the same impertinent altogether unto you, if as Q. Fabius hath defaced and de∣praved mine acts in Spaine, so I likewise should disgrace him and diminish his glorie, and set out [unspec D] my selfe and mine owne reputation with goodly and magnificall words. But my LL. I will do nei∣ther the one nor the other. And if in nothing els, yet at leastwise, yong man as I am, I will in mo∣destie and government of my tongue, goe beyond him as old and auncient a personage as he is. Thus have I lived, & thus have I carried my selfe in all mine actions, that without blasing of mine owne praises, I can soone content my selfe with that good opinion which you of your selves have conceived and entertained of me.

Scipio had audience given him, with lesse indifference and patience, because it was common∣ly voiced abroad, That if the Senate would not graunt him to have the province and emprese of Affricke, he would immediately propound and put it to question before the people. Where∣upon Q. Fulvius, a man that had beene foure times Consull and Censor besides, required the [unspec E] Consull to speake his mind openly before the Senate, whether he would referre it unto the LL. there assembled, to determine of the provinces, and stand to that which they should set down, or preferre the thing unto the people. When Scipio had made answere againe and said, That hee would doe that which might be good and expedient for the service of the Commonweale; then Fulvius replied upon him and said: I demaund not this question to you, as ignorant what either you would answere, or what you meant to doe. For I know full well, and you pretend no lesse your selfe, that you doe but found the Senate, and feele rather how they are enclined, than to stand to any advise of theirs in good sadnesse. And in case wee doe not presently graunt you the province according to your desire, you have a bill framed alreadie to present unto the bodie of the people and Communaltie. And therefore (quoth he) my maisters, yee that are Tribunes, I require your [unspec F] aid and assistance, in that I forbeare to speake unto the point and deliver mine opinion; in this re∣gard, because I know that the Consull will not approove & ratifie the same, howsoever the whole house should go with me, and allow my sentence. Hereupon arose some braule & debate among them, whiles the Consull urged and enforced this point especially, and said, It was against all rea∣son and equitie, that the Tribunes should enterpose their authoritie, and not permit every Sena∣tour

being requested to speake in his turne, for to deliver his mind and opinion. Then the Tri∣bunes [unspec G] made a decree in this manner, If the Consull be content that the Senate shall determine of the Provinces, we will and commaund, that all men rest in that which the Senate shal ordeine and judge: neither will we suffer the same to be propounded unto the people: but if he be not content nor yeeld thereto, then we will assist him who shall refuse to speake to the matter. Then the Consull requested a daies respite to conferre with his Colleague, and so the morrow after he condescended to put all to the censure of the Senate. And in this wise were the provinces distri∣buted and appointed: Vnto one of the Consuls Sicilie was assigned, and thirtie ships of warre, with brasen beake heads (even the same that C. Servilius the yeere before had the charge of) with commission also to passe over into Affrick, if he thought it were for the good of the Common∣wealth. The other Consull had the government of the Brutij, and the managing of the warre a∣gainst [unspec H] Anniball, with the power of that armie which L. Veturius or Q. Cecilius had under their hand: & decreed it was that they two, namely, L. Veturius & Q. Cacilius, should either cast lots, or agree between themselves who should remaine still in the Brutians country, to follow the warres there, with those two legions which the Consull left: and that whether of them chaunced to have that province, his goverment should be prorogued and continued for another yeere. The rest of the Pretors also and Consuls, who were to governe any province, or to have the conduct of armies, had their commissions renewed and sealed againe for a longer terme. Now it fell to Q. Caecilius his lot, to make warre together with the Consull, against Anniball in the Brutians countrey.

After this, ensued the games and playes of Scipio: which were exhibited and set forth, with [unspec I] great concourse of people, and exceeding applause and affectionate favour of the beholders. M. Pomponius Matho, and Q. Catulus were sent as Embassadors unto Delphos, to cary thither an offring and stately gift of the bootie and pillage of Asdruball: ••ho presented there a crowne of gold weighing two hundred pound: also certaine counterfeits resembling the spoiles, which were made of silver, amounting to a thousand pound weight. Scipio when he could not get leave graunted to levie souldiers and take musters, which he greatly forced not of, obteined thus much yet, that he might have with him in his traine voluntarie souldiours: as also receive what∣soever the Allies would contribute and geve toward the building of new ships, because he had passed his word, that the citie should not be charged with setting out an Armada. And first and formost, the States of Hetruria promised to help the Consull, every one according to their abi∣litie. [unspec K] The Caerites came off, and graunted to purvey corne and all kinde of victuals for the mariners and sailers: the Populonians to provide yron: the Tarquinians to finde saile-cloth: the Volaterrans to send all tackling & furniture belonging to ships, and also corne: the Aretines to conferre thirtie thousand targets; as many murrions or head-peeces, besides javelins, darts, faulchions, launces and pikes, to the full number of fiftie thousand, as many of the one sort as of the other: also axes, spades and mattocks, bils, sithes, hookes, and sickles, meales, troughs and querne mils, as many as would serve to furnish fortie long ships or gallies: of wheate 120000 Modij, and all voyage provision for the Decurions, petie-captaines, Mariners and Ore-men by the way. The Perusines, the Clusines, the Rusellanes offred firre trees for the framing and ma∣king of the ships, and a great quantitie of corne. But for this worke, he occupied only the firre [unspec L] hewen out of the publike forests and wasts. All the States of Vmbria, the Nursines also, the Rea∣tines, and Amiternines, and the whole country of the Sabines, made promise to help him to souldiers: the Marsi, the Peligni, and Marrucines, in great umber came of their owne free wils, and were enrolled to serve at sea in the navie. The Camertes, being allies and confederate to the Romanes, but not tied to any service, sent a brave companie of sixe hundred men well armed. And when as there were set out the keeles or botomes for thirtie ships, twentie Caravels of five course of ores, and ten of foure; himselfe in person plied the carpenters and shipwrights so, and set forward the worke, that 45 daies after the timber was brought out of the wood, the ships were finished, rigged, armed, and furnished with all things, and shot into the water. So to Sicilie he sailed with thirtie long ships of warre, having embarked therein almost seven thousand of volun∣tarie [unspec M] servitours. P. Licinius also for his part, came into the Brutians country unto the two con∣sularie armies, of which he tooke unto him and chose that which L. Veturius the Consull had commaunded: and suffred Metellus to have the leading still of those legions, which had bene under his conduct before: supposing that he should more easilie employ them in service, because

[unspec A] they were acquainted alreadie with his manner of regiment and governance. The Pretours likewise went into their sundrie provinces. And because money was wanting for to deffray the charges of the warres, the high Treasurers were commaunded to make sale of all that tract of the Campane countrey, which from the Greeke Fosse extendeth toward the sea. And there was graunted out a commission to give notice of those lands: and looke what ground so ever belon∣ged to any citizen of Capua, it was confiscate to the use of the people of Rome: and for a reward to him that gave such notice, there was assigned the tenth part of the monie, that the land was rated and prised at. Also Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour, had geven him in charge to take order that the Campanes should dwell where as they were allowed to inhabite, by vertue of a decree graunted forth by the Senate, and to punish those that dwelt elsewhere.

[unspec B] In the same summer Mago the sonne of Amilcar, being departed from the lesse Baleare Iland, where he abode the winter season, and having embarked a chosen power of yong & lustie men, sailed over into Italie with a fleete of thirtie ships headed with brasen piked beakes, and many hulks of burden: and there he set aland his souldiours, to the number of twelve thousand footemen, and welneere two thousand horse: and with his sodaine comming surprised Genua, by reason that there lay no garisons in those parts to guard and defend the seacosts. From thence he sailed along, and arrived in the river of the Alpine Ligurians, to see if he could by his comming raise some commotion & rebellion. The * 1.21 Ingauni (a people of the Ligurians) fortu∣ned to warre at that present with certaine mountainers the Epanterij. Whereupon Mago, ha∣ving laid up and bestowed safe all the prizes & pillage that he had won in * 1.22 Savo, (a towne upon [unspec C] the Alpes) and left ten ships of warre riding in the river, for a sufficient guard, and sent away the rest to Carthage for to keepe the sea coasts at home, (because there ran a common rumor, that Scipio would passe the seas, and over into Affrick) himselfe after he had concluded a league and amitie with the Ingauni (whose favour he more affected and esteemed than the others) set in hand to assaile the mountainers. Besides, his power increased dayly: for that the Frenchmen flocked unto him from all parts, upon the noyle and voyce of his name. Intelligence here of was geven to the Senate by the letters of Sp. Lucretius: who were with these newes exceedingly trou∣bled and perplexed, for feare least they had rejoyced in vaine for the death of Asdruball, and the defeature of his armie two yeare before; in case there should arise from thence another warre as great and dangerous as the other, differing in nothing els but the exchange of theGenerall. [unspec D] And therefore they gave order and direction both to M. Livius the Proconsull, to come for∣ward with his armie of Voluntaries out of Tuskane, into Ariminum: and also unto Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour, (if he thought requisite and expedient for the Common-wealth) to com∣mit the two legions of citizens attending about Rome, to whomsoever he pleased, for to be commaunded, and led forth of the citie. So M. Valerius Laevinus conducted those legions to Aretium.

About the same time, certaine hulks of the Carthaginians to the number of fourescore, were bourded and taken about Sardinia, by Cn. Octavius, governor of that province. Caelius wri∣teth, that they were loden with corne and victuals sent unto Anniball. But Valerius reporteth, that as they were carying the pillage taken in Hetruria, and certaine prisoners of the Ligurian [unspec E] mountainers, into Carthage, they were intercepted and surprized by the way. There was no me∣morable thing that yeere done in the Brutians countrey. The pestilence raigned as well amongst the Romanes as the Carthaginians, and they died thereof alike on both sides. Mary the Carthaginian armie, besides the plague, were afflicted also with famine. Anniball passed all that sommer time neere unto the temple of Iuno Lacinia, where he built and reared an alter, and dedicated it with a glorious title of his worthie acts, engraven in Punick and Greeke [unspec F] letters.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Andelusia.
• * 1.2

  Larizzo or Larzo.
• * 1.3

  Nigroporite.
• * 1.4

  Lemene Nigra or Saraquino. Castaido.
• * 1.5

  Streccho de Nigroponte.
• * 1.6

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.7

  Se••••••••••. A small peece of sil∣ver coine among the Romans, the fourth part of Denarius. cont••••∣ning 〈…〉〈…〉 and a halfe, and is of English mo∣nie three halfe pen••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉, cue.
• * 1.8

  3 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.9

  Scipio to his souldiours.
• * 1.10

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.11

  Certaine officers or sergeants go∣ing before them with 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  The Oration of P. Sestio to his mutinous s••al∣d••••••••s.
• * 1.13

  Atrius Vmber
• * 1.14

  Guadalquivir.
• * 1.15

  Scipio to his s••i••io••••s.
• * 1.16

  Minorique, as the greater is called Maia∣rique.
• * 1.17

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈4 lines〉〈4 lines〉
• * 1.18

  The Ovation of Q. Fabius.
• * 1.19

  He meaneth Alcibiades.
• * 1.20

  The ars••••e of Scipio to the former Orali••••s.
• * 1.21

  Of Albenga.
• * 1.22

  Vuada, or Savona.