The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

The XXVI. BOOKE OF THE [unspec G] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. [unspec H] (Book 26)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the sixe and twentith Booke.

ANNIBALL encamped himselfe at three myles end from Rome, fast upon the river Anie. Himselfe in person accompanied with two thousandmen of armes, rode to the gate Capena, for to view the site of the cittie. And not withstanding that for three daics space, the armies of both sides were come into the field readie ••mbattailed, yet they never joyned in conflict, by reason of the tempestious and stormie wether: But ever as they were returned again into their [unspec I] campe, presently it proved faire. Capua was woon by Q. Fulvius, and Appius Claudius the pro-Consuls. The Nobles & principall citizens of Capus poisoned themselves. When as their Senat••••rs stood bound to stakes (for to be whipped) and then to loose their heads, there came letters from the Senate of Rome unto the pro-Consull Q. Fulvius, with direction to spare their lives: but before that bee would read them, be put them up into his besome, and willed the ministes's or executioners, to let the law have the course, and to do their offce, and so he went through with the execution. It bapned that in a solemne assembly of the people, there was much debate and question, who should governe as L. Deputie the province of Spaine: and when no man was willing to vndertake that charge, P. Scipio, the sonne of that Publius who was slaine in Spaine, made offer to go that voiag••, and by the voices generally of the people, and with one accord of all, he was thither sent. In one day bee assaulted and also forced New-Carthage, being a young man, not fully 24 yeare old. And there went an opinion of him, that hee was de∣s••end••d of some be. evenly race: both for that himselfe, after he was come to seventeene yeares of age, and had put on his mans rob••, conve••s••d within the Capitoll, and also because there was a snake or serpent seene oftentimes in his mothers [unspec K] bedchamber. This booke conteineth besides the affai••es in Sicilie: the amitie concluded with the Aetolians: and the war against the Acananians and Philip king of the Macedonians.

CNEVS Fulvius Centimalus, and P. Sulpitius Galba the Consuls, when they had entred into their magistracie upon the Ides of March, assembled the Sena∣tours into the Capitoll, where they consulted with the LL. about the state of the common-weale, concerning the administration of the warres, and astou∣ching the provinces and the armies. Q. Fulvius and Ap. Claudius, the Con∣suls of the former yeare, continued still their rule and full command, with the [unspec L] charge of the same forces which they had before under their hands. And over and besides, they were expresly commanded, not to depart from Capua (before which they lay at siege) until they had forced and woon the cittie. For at that time, the Romanes among all their other affairs, were most amused upon it: not so much for anger and malice, (wherof they had never against any one citie greater and juster cause) as in this regard, that being a state so noble and mightie, like as by revolting first it had drawne and induced certaine other citties to do the same: so if it were reco∣vered & regained, like it was to reduce their affections againe, to looke backe and returne unto their old alleagence and obedience to their wonted signorie of Rome. The Pretours also of the former yeare, M. Iunius in Tuskane, and P. Sempronius in Gaule, continued in their places of regiment, with two legions a peece under their conduct, the same which they had before. And [unspec M] so M. Marcellus remained as pro-Consull behind in Sicilie, for to finish & dispatch the reliques of the warre there, with the power of that armie which he had alreadie: and had commission (if need were of new supplie) to make up the number of his companies, out of those legions which were commaunded by P. Cornelius the Viz-pretour in Sicilie; provided alwaies, that he chose no

[unspec A] souldiour out of those bands, unto whom the Senate had flatly denied, either licence to bee dis∣charged, or pasport to returne home into their countrie, before the warre was fully ended. Vnto C. Sulpitius, whose lot it was to governe the province of Sicilie, were assigned those two legions, which P. Cornelius had before: with a fresh supplie out of the armie of Cneus Fulvius, which the last yeare was shamefully defeated, beaten, and put to flight in Apulia. These souldiours, all the sort of them, had the same limitation of service and no other, appointed and set downe by the Senate, as those former who remained after the overthrow at Cannae. And this dis∣grace they had besides, as well the one companie as the other, That they might not winter within any towne, nor build them any standing campe for wintering harbours, within tenne miles of a citie. L. Cornelius the lord Deputie in Sardinia, was allowed to have the conduct of [unspec B] those two legions, which were under the leading of Q. Mutius. And order was given unto the Consuls, to levie and enroll a new supplie thereto, if need required. T. Octacilius and M. Valerius were appointed to guard and defend all the sea coasts of Sicilie and Greece, with the helpe of those Legions and Armadoes which they had alreadie. The Greekes had fiftie saile in their fleet, and were manned with one Legion. The Sicilians had one hundred ships, and two legions to fur∣nish them. So that in this yeere the Romanes mainteined three and twentie legions, to wage war both by sea and land.

In the beginning of the yeere, when the letters of L. Martius were read and scanned in the Senat house, the LL. there assembled, liked well of the contents, and spake highly in the praise of his worthie acts: but many of them were offended at the superscription, because hee tooke upon [unspec C] him the honourable title of a Propretour in his stile, and wrote thus [L. Martius the Propretour, to the Senat] considering, that his command was neither graunted by the people, nor allowed and confirmed by the Senate.

An ill precedent (say they) it is, and of bad consequence, that Ge∣nerals of the field should be chosen by armies, and that the solemnitie of Elections, so devoutly begun in the name of the gods, and with the religious observation of the Bird-flight, should now be transferred into the campes and provinces farre from lawes and magistrates, and committed to the inconsiderate wils of rash affectionate souldiours. And when some there in place, were of opinion, that the matter should be put in question at the counsell table, it was thought better to deferre that consultation, untill those gentlemen of service, that brought the letters from Mar∣tius, were gone and departed.

As concerning come and apparrell for the armie, they agreed to [unspec D] write backe unto him, that the Senat would take order and provide for both: but they would not allow in any cause to give him this addition, and to write [To Martius the Propretour] least that they might seeme to approve the very same thing by their prejudice and dome aforehand, which they had left for to be decided and determined afterwards. When the Gentlemen aforesaid had their dispatch, and were dismissed, the first thing that the Consuls propounded, was it, and no other: and generally they jumped in this one point, for to deale with the Tribunes of the people, that with all speed possible they would move the Commons, and propound unto them, for to know, who their will and pleasure was, should be sent L. Deputie into Spaine, for to have the go∣vernment of that armie, whereof Cn. Scipio, L. Generall, had the conduct.

This matter, I say, was treated of with the Tribunes, & a bill preferred thereof unto the Com∣mons: [unspec E] but there was another greater contention in tearmes, that had possessed their minds alrea∣die.

For C. Sempronius Blasus, had commensed a criminall action against Cn. Fulvius, accusing him for the losse of the armie in Apulia, and ceased not in all the assemblies of the people,* 1.1 to make invectives against him, charging him, That being captain General, through his much fol∣lie, ignorance & rashnes, he had brought his armie into a place of danger: reproving him more∣over, and saying, That never any captaine but Cn. Fulvius, had corrupted, marred, and infected his legions with all kind of vices, before that he betraied them to the enemies: in such wise, that it might be well and truly said, that they were altogether spoiled and defaited, before they had a sight of their enemies: and were not vanquished by Anniball, but by their owne Colonell and Commaunder. See (quoth he) the disorder that is in Elections, and how no man, when hee is to [unspec F] give his voice, doth wel weigh and consider, who it is that he chuseth a Generall, and unto whom hee committeth the charge of an armie. Behold the difference betweene Cneus Fulvius, and T. Sempronius. This man having the leading of an armie of bondslaves, by discipline, good or∣der and government, within short time brought his souldiors to that good paste, that there was not one of them all throughout the armie, remembred and regarded how basely he was borne,

and of what parentage descended, but all in generall bare themselves so, that they were to their [unspec G] friends a sure defence, & to their enemies a fearefull terror: and after that he had recovered them at Beneventum, and other cities, (as it were, out of the chaws of Annibali) he restored and delive∣red them safe & sound to the people of Rome. Whereas contrariwise, Cn. Fulvius having received an armie of Roman citizens, well and worshipfully borne, liberally and honestly brought up, had taught them servile vices fit for slaves, and so trained them, that with their friends and allies they were stout, proud, and unruly; and among their enemies were cowards & very dastards: & so far short they were to bear off the violence of the Carthaginians, that they were not able to abide so much as their first crie and shout. And no mervaile I assure you, that the soldiers could not stick to it in the battaile, and hold out manfully; when the Generall himselfe was the first that ran away beastly. I rather wonder at it, that any of them stood to it and died in the field, and were not all of [unspec H] them as fearfull as Cn. Fulvius, and tooke not his heeles with him for companie. Yet, C. Flami∣nius, L. Paulus, L. Posthumius, both Scipions, as well Cn.as Pub. chose rather to loose their lives in battaile, than to forsake their armies when they were environned round with enemies. But Cn. Fulvius, hee was in manner the onely man that returned to Rome with newes of the armie de∣feated and overthrown. Now verily, a great indignitie it is, and a shamefull maner of proceeding, that the residue of the armie, after the overthrow at Cannae, because they fled out of the field, were confined & transported over into Sicilie, with expresse condition, not to returne againe from thence, before that the enemie were clean gone and departed out of Italie; & that the very same rigorous and heavie decree passed likewise, and was executed against the Legions of Cn. Fulvius; and Cn. Fulvius himselfe, who fled out of that battell, which was through his owne folly and rash∣nesse [unspec I] begun, should goe away cleare, and escape without all punishment: that himselfe, I say, should lead his old age in taverns, stewes, & brothel-houses, wher alredie he hath spent his youth∣full daies; while his poore souldiours (who have faulted in nothing, but that they were like unto their captaine) be sent far ynough off, and packed away (as it were) into exile, and endure shame∣full and ignominious souldierie. Lo, how unequally at Rome the freedome of the cittie is par∣ted betweene the rich and the poore; betweene men of nobilitie and high calling, and those that are of mean parentage and low decree.

Thus much spake the plaintife C. Sempronius Blasus.* 1.2

The defendant on the other side, shifted all the blame from himselfe, and laid the whole fault upon his souldiours, alleadging & pleading & thus, That when they called upon him hastily, and with great wilfulnesse for to give battaile, hee [unspec K] brought them forth into the field, not on that day which they would themselves (for it was late in the evening) but the morrow after, when both time and place were meet and convenient for the purpose: and notwithstanding they were well appointed and orderly embattailed, yet were they not able to sustaine, either the same, or the furie of the enemies, I know not whether. And when they all fled away amaine, he also was carried away in the throng of the rour: like as Varro the Consul, at the battell before Cannae, and as many other Generals elswhere. And what good could hee have done to the Commonweale, in case hee had staied behind alone? unlesse perad∣venture his death might have cured and remedied the publicke sores and maladies, or made amends for the common losses. Neither was it for want of victuals, nor for that hee light at un∣wares upon places of disadvantage and daunger; ne yet, because hee was entrapped within the [unspec L] traines of an ambush, marching on end forward, without sending his espials before, that hee was overcome; but even by fine force, by dint of sword, in open field, and in a pight battel. And it was not he could doe withall, if his owne men were fearfull and timorous, & the enemies hardie and venturous, he had not the rule of their hearts. It is long of every one his owne nature to be either bold or heartlesse.

Two severall daies was he judicially accused, & at both times a fine of monie only set upon his head, in case the matter should go against him. At the third Session the witnesses were produ∣ced forth, to be deposed and give evidence: and after that he had bene shamefully reviled, and charged with all manner of reproches, there were very many upon their oth testified, That the first beginning of the fright and flight both, was occasioned by the Pretour himselfe: and that [unspec M] the souldiers seeing themselves forsaken by him, and supposing verily that their captaine and leader was not afraid of his owne shadow, but had great reason to feare, they likewise turned their backs and fled. Vpon which evidence, the whole Court was so incensed against him with anger, that they cried all with one voice, to commense a capitall action, for that he was worthie to dye.

[unspec A] Whereupon arose a new debate and controversie: for whereas the Tribune had twise before laid a penall action upon him of monie, and now at the third time said that he would have a jurie of life and death go upon him: then he called upon the other Tribunes for their helping hand to mitigate this rigor of the Tribune. But when those his colleagues made answere againe and said, that they would not oppose themselves nor hinder his course, but that hee might proceed in the suite at his owne good pleasure, more maiorum. i. [according to the auncient manner used by their forefathers,] either by order of law, or rule of custome, and bring him being but a private person, to the triall either of a capitall crime, or penall trespasse: then Sempronius spake and said flatly, that he laid upon him a criminall action of treason against the State; and requested of C. Calpurnius the L. chiefe Iustice of the citie, for to have a day of hearing and judiciall triall by [unspec B] the people. Then thedefendant cast about to help himselfe by another remedie, namely, in case he could compasse that Q. Fulvius his brother, might possibly be present at the Session when he should be judged: who at that time was a man of great credit and reputation, in regard both of the name that went on him for his noble acts, and of that great hope which men had of him, that he was like presently to be maister of Capua. But when this said Q. Fulvius had requested so much by his letters, endited to that purpose as effectually as he could devise, and to move com∣miseration and pitie in behalfe of the life of his brother, the LL. of the Senate returned this an∣swere unto him againe, That it was not for the good of the State that he should depart from Capua: thereupon, before the Sessions day was come, Cn.Fulvius departed of his owne accord into exile to Tarquinij, and the Commons made an act and confirmed that banishment of his [unspec C] to be a just, due, and sufficient punishment for his offence.

During these businesses at Rome, the whole strength and force of warre was bent against Ca∣pua, and yet the citie was rather streightly beleaguered, than forcibly assaulted; in so much as neither the servants or bondmen, nor the common people were able to endure the famine any longer: and send unto Annibal any messengers, they possibly could not, by reason of the streight watch and ward that the Romanes kept, so ne••re one unto the other. At length there was a cer∣taine Numidian offred to go and to escape cleére away, who having taken letters unto Anniball to put him in mind to be as good as his promise, departed in the night, and passed through the mids of the Romane camp, and put the Campanes in very good hope, to issue forth at all the gates, and to make a sally upon the enemie, whiles their power and strength served them. And [unspec D] verily in many scufflings and skirmishes which they made, they got the better for the most part in horsesight: but lightly their footmen had ever the worse. The Romans for their parts were no∣thing so much pleased when they had the upperhand at any time, as they were discontented and ill apai••d, to receive a soile in any kind of service of them, who were not onely besieged, but in manner overcome alreadie and conquered. So they devised a means in the end, to make up and supplie by industrie and policie the defect they had in strength and force. They chose out of all the Legions certaine lustie young men, such as for cleane strength of bodie, and lightnes with∣all, were most nimble and swist. These had every one of them, a light buckler or target, shorter than commonly horsemen have, and seven javelins or darts apeece, foure foot long, with yron heads at one end, like as those javelins have, which they use to launce that are lightly armed, and [unspec E] begin skirmishes. And every horseman took up one of these behind him on horsebacke, & used them, both to sit the horse and ride, and also to leape downe on foot, with great delivernesse and agilitie, at the signall and token given them. Now, when as, after daily practise and exercise, they were able to doe it nimblie ynough, and without feare, they advaunced forth into the plaine, ly∣ing betweene their campe, and the wall of the citie, & affronted the horsemen of the Campanes as they stood arraunged in battell array: and so soone as they were come within a darts cast, the light javelottiers aforesaid, dismounted from their horses, at a signe given them: and behold, all of a suddaine, out of the Cavallerie there was a battaillon of footmen arraunged, who charged the men of armes of the enemies, and let flie their shot with greatforce, datt after dart, which they launced so thicke, that they gauled many a horse, and wounded also many horsemen. How∣beit, [unspec F] their feare was much greater, by reason of the strange and unexpected manner of fight. The Romane horsemen seeing their enemies thus affrighted, set too hard, and charged upon them lustily, chased them and beat them downe even to the citie gates. After this, the Romans were the better in horse-service also. And hereupon began the manner from thenceforth, to entertaine such light armed javelottiers called Velites, even among the Legions. The first deviser of this

mingling of footemen among the horsemen they say was one Q. Navius a Centurion, and that [unspec G] he was highly honored by the Generall for his invention.

Whiles things stood thus at Capua, Anniball was greatly distracted in mind, and possessed with two contrary cogitations, whether he should go to gaine the Castle of Tarentum, or to reskue and save the citie of Capua. At last the regard of Capua prevailed with him: for he saw that as well friends as enemies depended thereupon, and had their mind and eye wholy bent that way; as being a citie like to give the very triall and proofe, what would the issue be generally of all the revolt and rebellion from the Romanes. Leaving therefore behind him a great part of his cariage in the Brutians country, and all his souldiours heavily armed, he made hast into Campa∣nia, with an elect power of foote and horse, such as he supposed most meet and best appointed for expedition and riddance of way: yet as fast as he marched, there followed after him three [unspec H] and thirtie Elephants, and so he sat him downe closely in a secret valley behind the mountaine Tiffata, which overlooketh the citie Capua. At his first comming he forced the fort called Ga∣latia, and compelled the garison there to quit the place, and then he turned & opposed himselfe against the enemies who besieged Capua. But he dispatched certaine courriers afore unto Ca∣pua, to signifie unto them, at what time he minded to set upon the camp of the Romanes: that they also at the very instant might be readie to issue forth at every gate of the citie to do the like. The Romanes having no foreknowledge by their espials of this occurrence, were mightily terri∣fied: for Anniball himselfe assailed them one way, and all the Campanes as well foote as horse∣men (together with the garison souldiours of the Carthaginians under the leading of Bostar and Hanno their captaines) sallied out another way. The Romanes therefore being driven to their [unspec I] shifts, as well as they might in so sodain and fearefull a case, had an eye to this, not to make head all together one way, and so to leave the rest quite without defence; therefore they devided their forces in this manner among themselves: Appius Claudius opposed himselfe against the Cam∣panes: and Fulvius against Anniball. Claudius N••ro the Viz-Pretour, with the horsemen belon∣ging to the sixt legion, quartered upon the way that leadeth to Suessula: and C. Fulvius Flaccus the Lieutenant, with the horsemen of Allies, tooke up his standing, and planted himselfe over∣against the river Vultumus. The battaile began not after the usuall manner, only with shouts and outcryes, but besides all other clamours of men, neighing of horses, and rustling of armour, there was a multitude of Campanes good for no other service of war, placed upon the walls, who together with ringing and sounding of basons and vessels of brasse (as the manner is in [unspec K] the still dead time of the night, when the moone is in the eclipse) made such an hideous noyse, that it caused even them that were in fight to be amused thereupon, and to listen after it. Appius with small ado repulsed the Campanes from the trench and rampiar. But Fulvius on the other part had more trouble to deale with Anniball and the Carthaginians, who charged so fiercely upon him, that the sixt legion there, gave ground and reculed: which being once beaten back, a squadron of Spaniards and three Elephants passed forwards as far as to the rampiar, and had alreadie broken through the maine battaile of the Romanes: but they were in suspense betweene doubtfull hope and present danger, thinking one while to breake through and passe into the camp; and doubting another while to be excluded from the rest of their companies. Fulvius seeing this feare of the legion, and perill wherein the camp stood, en∣courageth [unspec L] and exhorteth Q. Navius and other principall Centurions, to assaile valiantly, to kill and hew in peeces that one companie of the enemies which were fighting under the counter∣scarp.

For all now lieth a bleeding, quoth he, and in extreame hazard: for either you must give the enemies way, and then wil they more easily enter into the camp, then they had already perced through the thick squadrons of the battaile; or els ye must diffeate and slay them in the place, even under the trench. And that (quoth he) were no difficult peece of service, considering they are but few in number, severed and shut out cleane from the succour of their fellowes: and the same Romane battailon which seemeth now disbanded and open, whiles it is affrighted, if so be it would make head and turne both sides upon the enemie, were able to compasse round and environ them, and put them to a doubtfull hazard, yea and cut them in peeces within the mids.

[unspec M] Navius had no sooner heard the Generall speake these words, but he caught the ensigne of the second band of Hastati from the ensigne-bearer, and desplaied it in the faces of the enemies, threatning to fling it among the mids of them, unlesse his souldiers made the better hast to fol∣low him, and settle themselves to fight. He was a goodly tall and personable man of bodie, his

[unspec A] brave armour besides set him out and beautified his person: and withall, the advauncing of his ensigne on high, drew every mans eyes upon him, as well enemies as friends. But when he was approched once to the banners of the Spaniards,* 1.3 then from all hands they spared him not, but launced at him their barbed javelins, and the whole battaile in manner was bent only against him. But neither the multitude of enemies, nor the voley of their shot, was able to represse and rebutt the violence of that one man. Likewise M. Attilius a Lieutenant, caused the ensigne-bearer of the first band of the Principes belonging to the same legion, to enter with his ensigne upon the cohort and troupe of the Spaniards. The Lieutenants also L. Porcius Licinius and T. Popilius, who had the garding of the camp, sought valiantly upon the rampier in defence thereof, and killed the Eliphants upon the very countrescarp, as they were passing over and entring the camp. [unspec B] And by occasion that their bodies filled up the ditch, the enemies had a passage made them into the camp, as it were over a causey or bridge raised of purpose to give them way: and there, over the very carcases of the slaine Elephants, there was a cruell carnage committed. But on the other side of the camp, the Campanes and the garison of the Carthaginians had the repulse alreadie: and under the very gate of Capua which openeth upon the river Vulturnus, there was another skirmish, where the Romanes striving to enter the towne, were not so much put back and withstood by force of armed men, as by brakes, scorpions, and other engins of ordinance, which being mounted and planted upon the very gate, discharged shot so violently, that they drave the enemies farther off. Over and besides, the forcible and furious assault of the Romanes was daunted and suppressed, by reason that their Generall himselfe Ap.Claudius, was hurt; who as [unspec C] he was encouraging his men to fight in the very forefront of the vaward, hapned to be wounded with a dart above in his brest under the left shoulder: yet there were an exceeding number of enemies there slaine before the gate, and the rest were driven for feare to make hast and get the citie over their heads. Anniball also perceiving the Cohort of the Spaniards lying along dead, and the camp of the enemies so manfully defended even to the utterance: gave over farther as∣sault, and began to retire his ensignes, and to turne backward all his footemen, interposing his horsemen behinde them, for feare the enemie should charge them on the taile. The legions were exceeding egre to pursue after the enemies: but Flaccus commaunded to sound the retreat, supposing they had done well enough alreadie, and effectuated two things, to wit, that both the Campanes saw in how little steed Anniball served them; and also Anniball himselfe knew and [unspec D] perceived no lesse. Some writers that have recorded this battaile, set downe, that of Anniball his armie there were slaine that day eight thousand men, and of Campanes three thousand: that the Carthaginians lost fifteene ensignes, and the Campanes eighteene. But in others, I find that the conflict was not so great, and that the fright was much more than the skirmish: for when as the Numidians and Spaniards together with the Elephants brake at unwares into the Ro∣manes camp, those Elephants as they passed through the mids thereof, overthrew and laid a∣long many of the tents and pavilions; and the Sumpter-horses and other beasts there for ca∣riage, with great noyse brake their halters, and collars, fled for feare, and bare downe all a••ore them as they went. And that besides this tumultuous fright and confusion, Anniball dealt fraudulently, by sending in among the rest certaine that could speake the Latin tongue (for some such he had about him) who in the Consuls name gave commaundement (since that the camp [unspec E] was lost) that every souldier should make shift for himselfe, and flye to the next mountaines. But this deceipt was soone espied and prevented with the losse and slaughter of a number of enemies: and the Elephants were coursed out of the camp with fire. But howsoever this battaile was either begun or ended, the last it was fought there, before that Capua was yeelded up and surrendred.

The Mediastuticus (for so they call the head magistrate and governour of the citie of Capua) for that year, was one Seppius Lesius, a man of base parentage & mean calling. The report goeth, that his mother upon a time as she made satisfaction in the name of him (being then fatherlesse and under age) by a purgatorie sacrifice, for a prodigious domestical portent, that hapned in her [unspec F] house, was told by the Soothsaier out of his learning, that one day the chiefe government of Ca∣pua should be fall to that child: whereat, she seeing no likelyhood nor hope at all of any such matter, said thus a gaine, You talke of a poore cittie of Capua, when that day comes; and God save all, when my sonne shall he advanced to the highest place and government thereof. But these words spoken at randon and in jest, proved afterwards good earnest, and true in deed. For

when as the cittizens were driven to great streights, through sword and famine, and were past all [unspec G] hope of recoverie: in such sort, as they that were of qualitie and borne for honour, refused to be in place of authoritie, this Lesius complaining that Capua was forlome, betraied, and aban∣doned by her owne nobilitie, tooke upon him the chiefe magistracie, and was the last of all the Campanes that bare soveraigne rule in that cittie.

Anniball perceiving, that neither his enemies would be drawne forth any more to fight: nor possibly hee could breake through their campe for to come unto Capua: for feare least that the new Consuls should stop all the passages, and intercept his purveiance of victuals, determined to dislodge without effecting his purpose, and to remove from Capua. And as he cast and tossed too & fro in his mind, what course to take, and whither to go; it came into his head to make no more ado, but to march directly to Rome, the very head and seat-cittie of the whole warre. This [unspec H] was the upshot of all, and the emprese that he most desired. Howbeit as all others much grieved and greatly blamed him, that he had over-slipt the opportunitie when it was, even presently upon the battaile at Cannae: so himselfe acknowledged no lesse, that he was mightily overseene. And yet the thing was not so farre past (he thought) that he should despaire, but upon some suddaine fright and unexpected tumult, he might seize of some quarter of the cittie or other. And if Rome were once in that hazard, then either both the Romane Generals, or one at the least, would im∣mediatly leave the siege of Capua. Who, if they had once divided their forces, both of them would be the weaker, and minister either unto him, or to the Campanes, some occasion of good fortune. The onely thing that troubled his mind was this, for feare least that as soone as his back were turned, the Campanes would yeeld themselves unto the Romanes. He therefore with large [unspec I] and liberall rewards, induceth a certaine Numidian (an audacious and adventurous fellow, one that cared not what dangers he undertooke) to be the carrier of certeine letters, and to enter into the campe of the Romanes, counterfeiting himselfe, to be a fugitive, from the adverse part unto them: and so when he espied his time, to slip secretly from the other side of the campe, to Ca∣pua.

The letters were very comfortable, importing unto them, That his remove and departure from thence, was for their good and safetie, wherby he meant to withdraw the Romane captains and their forces from Capua, to the defence of their owne cittie of Rome: willing them not to let fall their hearts and be discouraged; for by patient abiding some few daies, they should bee wholly freed and delivered of the siege.

Then he made stay of all the shipping and vessels that he could find upon the river Vulturnus, & commanded them to be brought to Casilinum, which [unspec K] he had fortified aforetime with a pile or castle to guard & keep the place with a garison. And ha∣ving intelligence that there was such store of barges and botomes upon the river, as would serve to transport in one night his whole armie: he made provision of victuals for ten daies, brought downe his armie by night to the river side, and crossed the water with all his power, before the next day light. But this was not carried so secretly, but before that it was effected, intelligence was given there of by certaine rennegate fugitives: whereupon Fulvius Flaccus addressed his letters unto the Senate of Rome, and gave notice thereof. At which tidings, men according to their sundrie fansies and humours, were diversly affected: and as so fearfull an occurrence required, incontinently the Senate assembled.

P. Cornelius surnamed Asina, was of opinion, that all the captaines and armies whatsoever, [unspec L] should be called home out of all parts of Italie, without regard of Capua or any other exploit besides, save onely the defence of the cittie. Fabius Maximus thought it was a dishonest, lewd, and shamefull part, to depart from the siege of Capua, and to be skared to turne here and there, and to be carried away with every copie of Anniball his countenance, and with his valne threats and menaces. Hee that woon a victorie at Cannae, and durst not then go forward to the cittie, hath hee conceived any hope now to win Rome, being also lately repulsed from Capua? No, he marcheth toward Rome, not minding to besiege it, but hoping to raise the siege from Capua. And how ever it be, I am assured (quoth hee) that Iupiter (the witnesse of covenants broken by Anniball) and other gods besides, will defend us with the helpe of that armie which we shall find at home in the cittie. Betweene these two opinions, P. Valerius Flaccus held the mean, and pre∣uailed: [unspec M] for he having a regard and due consideration, both of the one and the other; thought good to write unto the Colonels that lay before Capua, & to certifie them, what strength they had of able men to defend the cittie: as for the forces of Anniball, and what power was needfull to mainteine the siege at Capua, they themselves knew best. Therefore in case that one of the

[unspec A] pro-Consuls there, and part of the armie might be spared from thence and sent to Rome, & ne∣verthelesse, the siege continue with the conduct of the other pro-Consull, and the rest of the ar∣mie: then Claudius and Fulvius should so order the matter betweene themselves, that the one of them might remaine still before Capua at siege, and the other repaire to Rome, for to defend and keepe their native countrie from the same danger. Hereupon the Senate agreed, and made an Act: which being brought unto Capua, Q. Fulvius the Viz-Consull who was to go to Rome, by reason that his colleague was sicke of his hurt, chose out of the three armies certaine com∣panies of souldiours, and so with fifteene thousand footmen, and one thousand horsemen, pas∣sed over the river Vulturnus. Then having certeine intelligence, that Anniball minded to march along the Latin street way: he tooke his journey through the townes and burroughs situate up∣pon [unspec B] the way Appia, & sent his courriers before unto Setia, Sora, and Lavinium, which are seated neere unto it, not only for to lay provision of victuals redie for him in their citties and towns, but also from the countrie villages farther out of the way, to bring their provision to that port through-fare: and to draw forces into their townes for their own defence, and every one to stand upon their good guard, and to looke unto their state, as well publike as private.

Anniball the same day that he had crossed Vulturnus, encamped not farre from the river. And the morrow after, entred into the territorie of the Sidicines, and led his host neere unto Cales. There, after he had staied one day, forraying and spoiling the countrie, he marched by Suessula, into the territories of Allifas and Casinum, by the way of the Latine street. Vnder the town Ca∣sinum he abode in campe two daies, and raised booties here & there in every place. From thence [unspec C] leaving Interramna and Aquinum, he came into the countrie about Fregellae, as farre as to the river Liris: where he found the bridge cut downe by the Fregellanes, for to impeach and let his journey. Fulvius likewise was staied at the river Vulturnus, by reason that the barges & botoms were burnt by Annibal: and much ado he had, for the great scarcitie of timber & wood, to make punts and boats for to set over his armie. But Fulvius, after hee had once transported his men in such boats and planks as hee made shift withall, had afterwards no hinderance in his jour∣ney; but found not onely store of victuals in the townes and cities as hee travailed, but also plentie thereof brought readie for him to the waies side right courteously. Then the souldiours as they marched on foote cheered and encouraged one another to mend their pace and make speede, considering they went to the defence of their naturall countrie. [unspec D] Now there was a post sent from Fregellae, who rode night and day and never made stay, and he put the citie in exceeding feare. The running together besides of the people, that ceased not to make every thing more than it was, and to invent somewhat of their owne fingers ends, and put it to the newes that they heard, made a greater hurrey than the messenger himselfe, and set the citie in an uprore. And not onely the women were heard to weepe and waile in their owne private houses: but also from all parts, the Dames of the cittie came flocking into the streets, running about to all the churches and chappels of their gods and goddesses, sweeping the altars with the tresses of their haire hanging downe, kneeling upon the bare ground, and stretching out their hands up toward heaven unto the gods, pouring out their praiers and supplications, That they would vouchsafe to preserve the cittie of Rome out of the hands of the enemies, and to save the Romane wives and their little children from harme and all abuse. The bodie of [unspec E] the Senate gave attendance upon the magistrates in the common place, readie to give them their advise and counsell. Some receive of them direction, and departed every man to execute his charge: others offer themselves to the magistrates, to bee employed in any service whatso∣ever. Sundrie guards were bestowed in the castle, in the Capitoll, and upon the walles: all places about the citie were wel manned. The Albane mountain also & the castle of Thusculum were fur∣nished with good garrisons. Amids this alarme tidings came, that Q. Fulvius the pro-Consull, was departed from Capua, and onward on his journey to Rome with an armie. And because he should not be abridged of his power and authoritie, after he was come into the cittie, there was a decree graunted out of the Senatehouse, that Q. Fulvius should have as large a commission of [unspec F] rule and commaund as the Consuls themselves. Anniball, after he had made fouler worke & ha∣vocke in the territorie of Fregellae, than in other places, for anger that they had cut downe the bridges against his comming, led his armie through the Frusinate, Ferentinate, and Anagnine countries, and camesorwards into the territorie of Lavicos: and so by Algidum hee marched toward Thusculum. And when he could not be let in there within the wals, he descended beneath

Tusculum, on the right hand to Gabii: from whence he conducted his armie into Pupinia, and [unspec G] eight miles from Rome encamped. The neerer the enemie approched to the citie, the greater slaughter was made of the paisants that fled from him, by his vauntcurriers, the Numidian light horsemen, whom he sent asore to make riddance. And many there were of all conditions and ages that were taken captive.

In this tumultuous trouble, Fulvius Flaccus with his armie, entred Rome at the gate Capena: from whence he went through the middest of the citie, along the street Carinae into the Exqui∣liae, and from thence hee went forth, and betweene the gates Exquilina and Collina pitched his tents. Thither the Aediles of the Commons brought victuals: the Consull and the Senate resor∣ted to him into the campe, where they sat in counsell about the State of the Commonweale. And agreed it was, That the Consuls should lie encamped likewise about the gates Collina and Ex∣quillina: [unspec H] that C. Calpurnius Pretour of the cittie, should have the keeping of the Capitoll and the castle with a guard, and that the Senatours keepe residence continually in good number within the compasse of the Forum, what need so ever there should be of their counsell and ad∣vise, against all suddaine accidents. By this time Anniball was come forward, as farre as to the river Anio, & within three miles of the citie lay encamped, where he kept a standing leaguer. But himselfe in person with 2000 horsemen, advaunced forward toward the gate Collina, even as farre as to Hercules his temple, and rode all about as neere as he well could, to veiw the walls, and the situation of the citie. Flacus tooke foule disdaine thereat, and thought it a shame full indig∣nitie, that he should brave it at his pleasure so scornefully without revenge, whereupon hee sent out certaine of his owne Cavallerie, and gave commaundement, That they should set the ene∣mies [unspec I] horsemen farther off, and chase them backe into their campe. Whiles they were in skirmish together, the Consuls gave order, that the Numidian horsemen, such as were fled from the ene∣mie, and turned to the Romanes (who were at that time to the number of twelve hundred upon the Aventine hill) should passe through the middest of the cittie to the Exquiliae: supposing that there were none more meet than they, for to sight among the valleyes, the garden houses, the sepulchres and hollow waies on every side. Whom, when some from the castle and the Ca∣pitoll, espied riding downe the descent of the hill, called Clivus Publicus, they ran crying about the citie, The Aventine is taken. The Aventine is taken. Which alarme caused a tumult, & gave such an occasion of fear, and running away, that if the campe of Anniball had not been without the walls, fearefull multitude doubtlesse would have abandoned and quit the cittie. But they [unspec K] tooke their houses, and gat every man up to the terrasses and leads thereof: from whence they pelted with stones and others shot, their own friends in steed of enemies, as they rode scattering one from another in the streets. This tumult could not be repressed, nor the errour appeare, by reason that the waies were so pestered with a number of the countrie peasants, and of cattell be∣sides, whom suddaine feare had driven into the citie. Howbeit, the horsemen fought fortunately, and the enemies were removed and set backe. And because it was necessarie to stay all disorders and uprores that chaunced upon small occasions to arise, it was thought good and agreed upon, that all those who had been either Dictatours, or borne the office of Censors, should have their full power & authoritie, untill such time as the enemie was clean departed from about the walls. And that was to good purpose: for all the rest of that day, and the night following, there were di∣vers [unspec L] and sundrie garboiles, without any cause or occasion raised, and the same stilled & appeased by that meanes.

The next day Anniball passed over Anio, and brought forth all his whole power into the field. Neither were Flaccus and the Consuls behind hand for their parts, but readie for battell. When both armies stood arraunged in order on both sides, amused upon the issue and event of that one sight, which was for no lesse a prize and reward to the victorious part, than the very cittie of Rome; there sell such a mightie storme of raine and haile together, and so troubled both hoasts, that they could scarce hold their weapons in hand, but were driven to retire themselves for safetie into their severall campes, fearing nothing lesse than their own enemies. The morrow after like∣wise, when they stood in the same place in battel array, the like tempest parted them asunder. And [unspec M] they were not so soone retired into their campe, but the day was wonderfull faire, and the weather calme againe.

The Carthaginians tooke this for an ominous presage to them of ill lucke. And Anniball was heard (by report) to say, That one while his mind, another while his fortune, would not give him

[unspec A] leave to win the citie of Rome. There were other occurrences besides, as well small as great, that discouraged him and abated his hope. Of more importance was this, that whiles he lay with his hoast in arms before the walls of Rome, he understood, there were certaine companies with ban∣ners displaied sent into Spaine for to supplie the armies there. Of lesse reckoning was this, that hee was advertised by a certaine captive, how the very same plot of ground whereon hee was en∣camped, happened at the same time to be sold: not underfoot, but at the full price, and nothing abated. This he tooke to be so presumptuous a part, and such a scornefull indignitie, namely, that there should bee a chapman found at Rome, to make purchase of that peece of land, which hee was possessed of and held in right of armes, that presently he called for a publicke crier & trum∣pet, and gave commaundement unto him, to proclaim port sale of all the shops of Bankers and [unspec B] money chaungers at that time aboutthe Forum in Rome. Neverthelesse, hereupon hee was mo∣ved to dislodge, and retired his campe backewards from the citie to the river Turia, sixe myles from Rome. From whence hee tooke his way to the grove of Feronia, where stood a temple, in those daies much renowmed for wealth and richesse. The inhabitants thereabout were certaine Capenates, who used to bring thither the first fruits of their corne and revenues, yea, and many other oblations besides, according to their store: by meanes where of they had adorned & gar∣nished it with much gold and silver. Of all those gifts and offerings was this temple then, robbed and spoiled. But after the departure of Anniball from thence; there were found great heapes of brasse, by reason that the souldiours upon touch and remorse of conscience, had cast in many brasen peeces. The sacking and pillage of this temple, all writers doe agree upon, and make no [unspec C] doubt thereof. Coelius faith, That Anniball as hee went toward Rome from Eretum, turned thi∣ther, and hee setteth downe the beginning of his journey from Reate, Cutiliae, and from Ami∣ternum. And that out of Campania, he came into Samnium, and from thence into the countrie of Peligni, and so passed beside the citie Sulmo, to the Marucines, and then by the territorie of the Albenses into the Marsians land, and from thence hee marched to Amiternum, and so for∣ward to the towne Foruli. Neither is there any error or doubt in all this, because the markes and tokens of the voiage of so great an armie, could not within the memorie and compasse of so small anage, be confounded and worne out. For certaine it is, that he passed that way. The only difference lieth herein, whether hee came to the cittie of Rome, or returned from thence into Campania, by that way aforesaid.

[unspec D] Now was not Anniball so resolute to defend Capua, but the Romanes were as fully bent, and more eager to continue the siege and assault thereof. For he sped himselfe so fast another way in his voiage back, first out of the Lucanes countrie to the Brutians, and so, on stil to the streight [of Sicilie] and to Rhegium, that with his suddaine comming thither, he surprised them at unwares, even before they heard of his arrivall. As for Capua, albeit in the time of Fulvius his absence, it was no lesse streightly beleaguered, yet it felt the comming againe of Flaccus: and besides, there was much marvell there, why Anniball returned not backe as well as he. Afterwards, they under∣stood, by conference with some that were without, how they were forsaken and forlorne of Anni∣ball, and that the Carthaginians were pastall hope, to keepe and hold Capua still to their owne use. There was an Edict more over of the Pro-consull, passed by order from the Senate, and the [unspec E] same published and devulged among the enemies, That what citizen soever of Capua, would turne to the Romanes before such a certaine day, hee should have a generall pardon. But there was no comming in, nor raunging to the Romanes side; for feare of punishment at the Romans hands, more than for any regard of their alleageance to the Carthaginians: because their trans∣gression and trespasse in their former revolt was so great, that it might not be pardoned. And as no one man at all, privately on his owne head carrie over to the campe of the Romanes, so there was no good order taken by publicke counsell, for the benefit and safetie of the whole citie. The noblemen had given over managing of state-matters, and could not be brought by any means to assemble in Senate. And in cheese place of government was hee, who had not woon to him∣selfe any honour thereby, but his unworthinesse was derogatorie to the authoritie and power of [unspec F] that Magistracie which he bare. For now there was not one of the cheese citizens and noblemen that would be so much as seene in the market place or common hall of assemblies: but shutting themselves within dores in their private houses, they expected every day for the destruction of their countrey, together with their owne undoing and overthrow. The whole charge & care lay upon Boslar and Hanno, captaines of the garrison in the fort there of the Carthaginians, and

more carefull were they of their owne welfare, than fearefull for the jeopardie of their friends and [unspec G] allies.

These two wrote letters unto Anniball, endited not onely in plaine teannes & franckly, but also sharpely and bitterly: wherein they laid unto his charge, That he had not onely betraied Ca∣pua into the hands of the enemies, but also delivered and exposed them and the garison to the cruell clutches of the Romanes to be massacred and executed. That hee was gone his waies, and departed into the country of the Brutij, as one that turned away his face of purpose, because he would not fee with his owne eyes the losse of Capua. But ywis the Romanes contrarywise could not be withdrawen from the siege of Capua, no, not by the assaulting of the citie of Rome: so much more were the Romanes resolute enemies, than the Carthaginians constant friends. But it he would returne againe to Capua, and bend the full force of his warre thither, both they and the citizens also of Capua, would be ready to fally forth and encounter the enemies. For why, [unspec H] they passed not over the Alpes with intent to war with the Rhegines and Tarentines; no, but where the Romane legions were, there ought the armies of the Carthaginians to be. Thus at Cannae, thus at Thrasymenus were the victories atchieved, by affronting and meeting the ene∣mie, by joyning camp to camp, and by hazarding the fortune of battaile.

To this effect were the letters penned, and given to certain Numidians; who for a good reward, had offered their service before, for the safe cariage and delivery of them. These fellowes presented themselves before Flaccus in the camp, in habit and qualitie of fugitives, unto his side: hoping to spie out some con∣venient time when they might give him the slip and be gone. Now by occasion of the famine which had continued long in Capua, there was none but might pretend a good and reasonable cause to depart from thence to the adverse part. But behold, there hapned anon a Capuan [unspec I] wench to come into the leaguer (a naughtie-pack and an harlot, that one of the supposed coun∣terfet fugitives aforesaid kept.) She enformed the Generall of the Romanes, that those Numidi∣ans, fraudulently and by covin, pretended to slye unto his part, and had letters about them unto Anniball. This would she stand to, and be ready to averre to the very face of one of them, who be∣wrayed and disclosed the plot unto her. At first, when he was brought forth before her, he set a jolly countenance of the matter, and made it very strange, and pretending stoutly that he knew not the woman: but by little and little he was convicted by manifest truthes, and especially when he saw that they called for the rack, & that he was upon the point to be put to torture: & so in the end confessed that all was true, and therewith brought forth the letters. Over and besides, another thing was now revealed, which before was kept close and secret; to wit, that there were other Nu∣midians [unspec K] besides, who under the colour of fugitives, had gone up and downe in the Romane camp: of these there were apprehended not so few as threescore and ten, and they together with the new, were whipped with rods, had their hands cut off, and sent back againe to Capua. This piteous spectacle & sight of so feareful execution, killed the courage, & brake the very hart of the Campanes. Whereupon, the people ran together unto the Counsell house, & compelled Lesius to assemble a Senat, and openly threatned the Nobles (who a long time had absented themselves from publick consultations) that unlesse they would now repaire into the Senate, they would go home to their very houses, and pluck them out by the eares into the street. For feare hereof, the chiefe magistrate had a frequent and full assembly of Senatours. VVhiles all the rest were of opi∣nion to send embassadors to the Romane Generals, Vibius Virius (who had bene the chief cause [unspec L] and principall author of their first revolt from the Romanes) being demaunded his advise, spake to the point in this manner.

They that talke of embassadors,* 1.4 of peace, and of yeelding, little consider and remember either what they would have done, in case the Romanes had bene at their devotion and mercie, or what themselves must endure and suffer.

For what thinke ye wil become (quoth he) of this present sur∣render of ours, in comparison of that whereby in times past we freely gave unto the Romanes ourselves, and all that we had, for to obteine their aid and succour against the Samnites? And have we so soone forgotten, at what time, and in what condition and state we were when we for∣sooke and abandoned the people of Rome? Also, after our revolt, how we most cruelly and shamefully killed their garison, whom we might have dismissed and sent away with their lives? [unspec M] Moreover, how often we have issued forth against them lying at siege, and how mischeivously minded we were unto them, yea and how we have sallied upon them in their camp? Over and besides, call ye not to remembrance, how we called for Anniball to surprise and defeat them? and (that which of all other is most fresh in memorie) how we sent him from hence to give the

[unspec A] assault to Rome? On the contrary side, marke well and call to mind, how maliciously they have attempted and practised all hostilitie against us: by which ye may well know what accoumpt to make of them, and what ye are to trust unto. For when they had a stranger and forain enemie within Italie, nay when they had Anniball their enemie: when the warres were so hote, that all was on a light fire: they passed by all other affaires, yea they let Anniball himselfe alone, and sent both their Consuls with two complet consular armies to besiege and force Capua. This is the second yeare that they keepe us entrenched round about, pinning us up, and pining us with ex∣treame famine and hunger: during which time, they themselves as well as we, have endured the utmost extremities and dangers that are, and susteined most grievous and infinite travailes: oftentimes being killed and cut in peeces about their rampiers, trenches, and ditches, and finally [unspec B] driven almost out of their camp and hold. But to let passe and speake no more of these ordinary matters, seeing it is an old and usuall case, for them to abide painefull toyle, and incur many perils, who besiege and assault any cities or townes of their enemies: See a manifest signe of their deadly feud, and execrable hatred against vs. Anniball with a puissant power of foote and horse∣men both, assailed their camp, yea and in some part was maister of it. Thinke ye that in so great danger of theirs, they were one jote withdrawne from the siege? He passed over the river Vul∣turnus, and burnt the territorie of Cales: yet for all that calamitie and losse, which their allies re∣ceived, stirred not they one whit, nor gave over their enterprise. He commaunded to march for∣ward with banner displayed against the very citie of Rome: they made as little accoumpt of that dangerous tempest toward, as of all the rest. After he had passed over the river Anio, he pitched [unspec C] his tents within three miles of the citie; nay, he approched at length the walls, and made a bra∣vado even under the gates; to be short, he presented unto their eye his resolution, and menaced to make Rome too hote for them unlesse they levied the siege before Capua: and yet they gave not over but beleaguered us still. The very wild and savage beasts be they never so fell, be they madded never so much with blind rage and woodnesse against one, yet if another go to their dennes, and offer to take away their whelps, they will turne again to succour and help their yong ones: but the Romanes, notwithstanding Rome was besieged, their wives and children in dan∣ger, whose piteous cryes and lamentable plaints, were heard almost even hither; notwithstand∣ding their alters, their sacred fires, the temples of their gods, the monuments and sepulchres of their Auncestours, were profaned, abused, and polluted, could not be drawne away from Capua. [unspec D] So eager, so hungrie are they to be revenged of us, so thirsty are they, to drinke our bloud. And good reason, haply, they have so to do. For would not we also have done the semblable, if for∣tune had given us the opportunitie? But seeing the will of the immortall gods is otherwise: and considering that I owe nature a death; in my power it is (whiles I am at libertie, whiles I am mine owne man, and maister of my selfe) to avoid torments, to shun shamefull ignominies and repro∣ches (where of the enemie hopeth I shall feele the smart) and that by one kind of death, which as it is honest, so it is also easy and gentle? Never will I endure to see Ap. Claudius and Q. Fulvius, proudly and insolently bearing them selves upon their conquest over us: never will I be led and haled bound with cheines, through the citie of Rome, to make a shew, and to serve for a spectacle and gazing stock in their Triumph: and afterwards either in darke prison, or tied openly to a [unspec E] stake, yeeld my back and side to be tewed, whipped, and mangled: and then lay my neck upon the block, to have my head chopt off with the bloudy axe of the Romanes. Never will I behold my native country sacked, spoyled, and put to fire and sword, nor the chast maried dames of Ca∣pua, to be forcibly ravished, the faire & beautifull maidens shamefully desloured, and the wel∣favoured yong boyes & freeborne, unnaturally abused. They rased Alba in times past from the top to the very foundation, and left neither stick nor stone thereof, Alba I say, from whence they had their offpring, and were first descended: to the end that there might remaine no memorie at all of their stock and first originall. And shal I ever beleeve they will spare Capua, & receive it to mercy, against which they are more hatefully and mortally bent, than against Carthage? There∣fore, my maisters and friends, as many of you as are minded and resolved to dye before ye see [unspec F] these so many miseries and wofull calamities, I have at home a supper this night well furnished and provided for you all: and when ye have eate meate your fill, and drunke wine to it liberally, the same wassaile cup that first will be presented unto me, shall go round about to you all: and that one draught, shall deliver your bodies from torments, preserve your spirits from anguish and contumelious disgrace, keepe your eyes from beholding all cruell acts, your eares from hea∣ring

all shamefull indignities which follow and attend upon conquered persons. There shall be [unspec G] also in readinesse, certeine servitours of purpose, to make a mightie great fire within the base court-yard of mine house, and to cast our dead bodies thereinto. This is the onely honest way to death, and beseeming us who are freeborne & gentlemen in deed. In which doing, our enemies will wonder at our vertue and valour: yea and Anniball himselfe shall well know, that he hath for∣saken and betraied his trustie and magnanimious allies.

This Oration of Virius, there were more men present, that heard with applause and good li∣king, than could find in their harts to put that in execution which they so well allowed & appro∣ved. The greater part of the Senat, not dispairing, but that the clemencie of the people of Rome, which had bene tried and seene oftentimes in many warres, might be gained and extended also unto them; concluded, to send Embassadors with commission to yeeld Capua into the Romans [unspec H] hands.* 1.5 Some seven and twentie Senatours there were, that accompanied Vibius Virius home to his house, and supped with him: and after they had done what they had done what they could to drinke themselves drunke, and to intoxicate their braines with freely taking in their wine, (therby to withdrawtheir minds from the sence and apprehension of their imminent harme and miserie) drunke all of the poisoned cup abovesaid. This done, and the banquet ended, they rose from the table, tooke one another by the hand, embraced each other, taking their last leave, bidding a finall adieu & fare∣well, & bewailing togither with plenteous teares, their owne misfortune, and the miserable state of their countrie; some staied behind to be burned in one and the same fire for fellowship, others brake companie and departed to their owne houses. Now, by reason that their veines were filled with full feeding and drinking wine so liberally, the poyson was not so quicke of operation, nor [unspec I] so effectuall as to hasten their death. And therefore most of them languished all night long, yea and continued drawing on a peece of the next day, before they let their last breath: but yet they all had yeelded up their ghost, before that the gates were set open for the enemies.

The day following,* 1.6 the gate of Iupiter which stood next over against the Romane campe, was by the commaundement of the pro-Consull opened. Thereat entred one legion & two cornets of horsemen, under the leading of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant: who after he had first above all o∣ther things, given expresse order, that all armor of defence, & weapons of offence (which was to be found in Capua) should be brought forth and presented unto him; placed & disposed at all the gates, warders sufficient to see that no person might possibly go forth, or be let out: then he laid hold upon the garison of the Carthaginians, & commaunded the Senators of Capua to re∣pair [unspec K] into the camp, before the Roman captain Generals themselves. So soon as they were thither come, straightwaies they had yrons clapped upon them, and were commanded to make tender unto the treasurors of all the gold and silver they had. The gold amounted to 70 pound weight: the silver rose to the weight of three thousand and two hundreth pound. Five and twentie of the Senatours were sent to Cales, eight and twentie to Theanum, to be kept safe in ward. Even those who were knowne for certaine, to have principally moved and persuaded the revolt from the Ro∣manes. Concerning the punishment of the Senatours of Capua, Fulvius and Claudius could not agree. Claudius was more tractable and exorable, and might soone have bene intreated for a pardon. Fulvius was more rigorous, and proceeded to a harder course. Whereupon Appius put over the whole deciding and determination thereof unto the Senate of Rome. Alleadging, [unspec L] that it was meet and requisit, that the LL. of the Counsell should have the examination of the cause, and namely upon these points. Imprimus, whither they had complotted and combined in this action, with any of the free boroughes and cities belonging to the state of the Latines. Item, whither they had any help & reliefe fr om thence in the time of the war, or from any other towns whatsoever? But Fulvius in no case would condescend thereto, not suffer that the minds of faithfull & loyall allies, should be disquieted with doubtfull furmises & suspicions of any crimes; and called in question upon the appeachment and delatorie information of those, that never yet, made reckning or conscience, either what they did, or what they said. And therfore he protested to suppresse that manner of proceeding, and crush that inquisition for ever. After this com∣munication they departed asunder: and Appius made no doubt, but that howsoever his Col∣league [unspec M] fared and tooke on, giving out so shrewd and bitter words, he would yet take pause and stay for the letters from Rome, concerning so weightie a businesse as this was. But Fulvius, because of his designement, brake up his keeping of state in his royall pavilion, and sent his offi∣cers and ordinarie traine out of the way, because he would not be hindered and empeached by

[unspec A] them, in the course of his designement: and commaunded the Colonels and captaines of the allies, to give warning unto two thousand chosen men of armes, for to be in readinesse and present themselves at the third found of the trumpet. With this power of horsemen hee set for∣ward by night, and marched to. Theanum: and by breake of day entred the gate, and kept his way on into the market place. At the first entrance of the horsemen, the people ran togither from all parts: then he caused the chiefe magistrate (a Sidicine) to be called: and charged him to pro∣duce his prisoners the Capuans, whom he had in custodie.* 1.7 When they were all brought foorth, they were first whipped with rods, and then beheaded. From thence hee rode upon the spurre to Cales: where so soone as he was set on the Tribunall seat, in place of judgement, and the Capu∣an prisoners likewise presented in place and bound to the stake; there came a horseman in post [unspec B] from Rome, and when he had delivered letters from C. Calpurnius the Consull, and the people of Rome, unto Fulvius; there ran a rumour from the Tribunall through all the assembly, that the whole processe against the Campanes was to be put off and reserved entire to the censure and doome of the LL. of the Senate. And Fulvius supposing it to be no lesse indeed, after he tooke the letters, never brake them up, but bestowed them in his bosome, and gave commaundement to the Crier, to charge the Lictor or executioner to do his office, according to law. Thus they also that were at Cales were executed and suffered death. Then he read the letters, and the order set downe by the Senate: but it was too late now, to stay that which was done alreadie and past, and which indeed was hastned with all speed that might be, for feare it might have bene crossed and prevented.

[unspec C] Now as Fulvius was arising from the bench, Taurea Iubellius a Campane, passing amids the throng, called by name alowd upon Fulvius. Whereat Flaccus wondring what the man meant, sat him downe againe upon his seat, and demaunded what he would? Mary (quoth he) command me also to be killed, that thou maist boast and glorie another day, that thou hast done to death, a better man by farre, and much more valiant than thy selfe. Surely (quoth Flaccus) this fellow is lunaticke and not well in his wits: and againe, were I minded to take his life from him, I am in∣hibited by vertue of the act of the Senate.

Then (quoth Iubellus) since that my countrie is forced and lost, my kinsfolke & friends made away: seeing also that I have with mine own hand murdred my wife and children, because they should suffer no villanous indignitie; and may not my selfe so much as die this death which my countriemen here have suffered before my face, I will seeke [unspec D] by vertue & manhood to ease my self of this life, so tedious, so irksome, and odious unto me: and with that,* 1.8 he drew forth the skeine which he had hidden under his garment, & stabbed himselfe in the brest quite through his bodie, & there at the feet of the L. General, fell down redie to die in the place.

For as much as both the execution of the Campanes, & also the most part of other mat∣ters were performed according to the will of Flaccus alone: some there be, that write how Appi∣us Claudius died about the time that Capua was yeelded. And that this very same Taurea, neither came to Cales of his owne accord, nor killed himselfe: but that as he was a binding to the stake, because the words which hee uttered, could not bee heard for the confused noise of the people, therfore Flaccus comanded silence, & then Taurea spake those words before rehersed, namely, That himselfe a right valiant & hardy man, was put to death by a meaner person than himselfe, [unspec E] and much inferiour to him in valour and vertue. Whereat by the commandement of the Pro∣consul, the crier pronounced & said: Go to Ser••ant, let this brave & valiant man have the more store of rods bestowed upon him, let him have good scourging, lay on load, & set the lashes sure∣ly on, & let him be the first that you proceed against, let him have the law to the full. Some there be that have written, how the act of the Senat was read before he proceeded to the beheading: but because there was this branch or clause within the act, That if he thought so good, he should reserve the whole deciding of the matter unto the Senate: he construed it thus, that it was put to his discretion, for to weigh and consider what was more profitable to the Common-weale. This don, he returned from Cales to Capua. Atella & Calatia were both surrendred into his hands; where they also who were the chief heads of those states, suffered the like punishment. Thus there [unspec F] were upon a fourescore of the Senatours put to death: and to the number well neere of three hundred Capuans (borne of noble bloud) committed to prison. Others of them were bestowed in safe custodie within divers citties of the Latines, and came to sundrie unhappie ends. The mul∣titude besides of the Campane cittizens, were sold outright.

It remained now to put to question and debate, what was to bee done with the cittie and the

territorie thereto belonging. And some were of mind, that a citie so exceeding mightie, so neer [unspec G] a neighbour, and so daungerous to Rome, should be utterly rased and destroyed. But the con∣sideration of a present commoditie and gaine, tooke place and prevailed. For in regard of the territorie and land lying about it (which was well knowne to be the most ferrile soile in all Italie, and yeelded all manne•• of fruit) the cittie was saved: whereinto those husbandmen that tilled the grounds, might retire themselves and dwell. And for the peopling and inhabiting thereof, there was a multitude reserved of the inhabitants which were there alreadie, namely, of liber∣tines and enfranchised bondslaves, merchants factours, retailers, artisanes, and craftsmen, who kept there still and remained. But the whole territorie, and all the publick edifices were seized to the use of the people of Rome. Moreover, order was taken, that Capua should be inhabited on∣ly, and replenished with people like a citie; but no forme of Commonweale, no corporation, no [unspec H] Senate, no assemblie of Commons, nor magistrate of their owne should be allowed there. For without a common counsell of State, without magistracie and government, without intelligen∣ces and reciprocall commerce, as in the bodie of a Communaltie, they supposed, that they would never agree together in any complot, but bee farre unmeet to contrive a conspiracie and compasse alteration. As for a Provost or Governour to minister law, and execute justice among them, they purposed to send them one yearely from Rome. Thus were the affaires ordered and composed at Capua, by a good pollicie and commendable course every way. For those that were most in fault and guiltie, were punished with rigour, and that speedily. The number of cittizens were scattered and dispersed sundrie waies, without all hope to returne againe. The bare houses and walls that had not offended, they were spared, and neither burned nor pulled down. And be∣sides [unspec I] the commoditie and gainthat accrewed unto the Romans by this manner of proceeding, they woon some name of clemencie and mercie among their Confederates and Allies: in that they saved a most noble and wealthie cittie, at the ruines whereof, all Campane, and as many States as bordered about Campane, would have greeved much, and groned againe. By this meanes also the enemie was constrained now to confesse, and could not otherwise chuse, how powerfull and mightie the Romanes were to chastice and punish their faithlesse associates, yea, and how feeble Annibal was, and not able to defend and maintaine those, whom he had received into his protection.

The Romane Pro-consuls, after they had finished and performed their charge at Capua, as∣signed unto Claudius Nero sixe thousand footmen out of those two legions which he had before [unspec K] Capua, and three hundred horsemen which he had chosen himselfe: also of Latine Allies as ma∣ny foot in number, and 800 horse besides. This armie Nero embarked at Puteoli, and transpor∣ted into Spaine. When he was arrived at Taracon, after he had there landed his souldiours, and laid up his ships in docke, and armed withall his mariners, (to make the greater number) he mar∣ched to the river Iberus, where he received the forces of T. Fonteius, and L. Martius, and from thence advaunced toward the enemies.

Asdruball the sonne of Amilcar, lay encamped at a place called the Black-stones, in the Ause∣tanes countrey: it lieth betweene the townes Illyturgis and Mentissa. Now Nero kept the narrow streights of the forrest there. Asdruball because he would not be pent up in so streight a roume, sent an herauld or messenger of peace to him, who should make promise in his name, that if Ne∣ro [unspec L] would permit him to passe peaceably from thence, hee would withdraw all his forces out of Spaine. The Romane captaine tooke this message joifully: and Asdruball requested, That they might emparle the next day, and devise together how the Romanes would set downe conditions and articles in writing, as touching the rendrie and deliverie of the fortresses in every cittie, and likewise of prefixing some day, by which time the garrisons should bee removed and displaced, and the Carthaginians have away all their bag and baggage without fraud and covin. Asdruball having obtained his request, presently commaunded, that in the very evening, and all night long the heaviest and most combersome part of his whole armie, should escape what way soever they could, out of the gullet of the forrest. But hee gave especiall direction, that they should not over many of them, that night goe foorth, because their small number was not onely fitter to deceive [unspec M] the enemie, and not so soone to bee discovered, but also might more easily passe through those narrow and difficult passages. So the morrow they came to an enterview & parle: where the time was spent of purpose in much needlesse talke, and drawing of bookes, more than cause was: wher∣upon the day being farre gone, the businesse was put off unto the next day. And the night ensu∣ing

[unspec A] betweene, ministred Asdruball more time to send others away. And yet could not they make an end that day neither. Thus there passed certaine daies, emploied in open shew about dispute and reasoning of the articles and conditions of agreement, and the nights were bestowed in let∣ting out the Carthaginians closely out of their campe. Now, after that the greater part of his hoast was gone away cleare, then he began to wrangle and frapple, yea, and to go from some of∣fers that he had voluntarilie made, & ever they were further and further off from agreement. For Asdruball, the lesse that he feared, the lesse also was to be trusted. And by this time in manner al his Infanterie were gotten out of the forrest, and the next morning, not onely the forrest, but all the plaines about were overcast, and covered with a thicke and foggie mist. Which Asdrubal per∣ceiving, he sent a messenger to Nero, requesting to deferre their farther conference and commu∣nication [unspec B] to the morrow; pretending, that the present day was a festivall holyday among the Car∣thaginians, and therfore they made scruple, upon it, to follow any other businesse, but serve God. All this while there was no fraud so much as once suspected. Asdruball had no sooner obtained respite for that day, but forthwith he and all his Cavallerie, together with his Elephants, dislod∣ged, and without any noise or stir recovered without any hanne, a place of securitie. By the fourth houre of the day the sunne had dispatched and scattered the mist, and cleared the skie, and then the Romanes might discover the campe of their enemies emptie, and no creature left therein. Then at length, Claudius perceiving that Asdruball had shewed him a Carthaginian trick, and that he was at length thus over-raught by his falshood and cunning practise, began to make out after him, minding to bid him battaile. But the enemie would none of that, and fell off. How∣beit, [unspec C] there passed some dribbling skirmishes betweene the rereward of the Carthaginians, and the forlorne hope and vaunt-courriers of the Romanes. Amid these affaires (the States of Spain) neither they, who revolted after the overthrow of the Romanes, returned againe unto them; nor any new fell away, more than before.

At Rome, the Senate and people after the recoverie of Capua, tooke as great care for Spaine now, as for Italie it selfe. And agreed they were in general, that the armie there should be streng∣thened with new forces, and a Generall thither sent: but who should be the man, was not yet con∣cluded. For as much as, they were to take some extraordinarie care in the chusing of one to bee sent thither, where two singular and renowned warriors were slain within the compasse of thirtie daies, and to succeed in the roume of those twain. Whiles some nominated one, and some ano∣ther, [unspec D] at length they grew to this point, that the people should hold a solemne assemblie (as it were, purchased) for election of a Pro-consull to goe over into Spaine. And the Consuls accor∣dingly proclaimed a set day for the said assemblie. At first, there was great expectation, that those persons, who tooke themselves worthie of so great commaund, should put foorth them∣selves, and preferre their owne names beforehand. But when this expectation failed and came to nothing, every man began afresh to refricate and renue the former greese, and mourne againe for the losses received, and to find the want and misse of so valourous captaines whome they had lost. Whereupon the whole citie being sad and pensive, & in manner destitute of all good coun∣sell, and not resolved what to doe in this hard case, came yet down into Mars field upon the day appointed for the election. Every mans cie was upon the Magistrates, and beheld the counte∣nances [unspec E] of their great men and rulers, how they looked one upon another, greeving and grum∣bling, that the State was at so low an ebbe, and the Commonweale growne to so desperat a case, that no man durst be seene to take upon him the government and province of Spaine. Then all of a suddaine, P. Cornelius (his sonee that was slaine in Spaine, a young gentleman, not fullyfoure and twentie yeeres old) shewed himselfe, and said, That hee would undertake th at charge upon him: and therewith stepped up into an higher place, from whence hee might be seene, and there he stood. Vpon whom, when all men had cast their eies, and avised him wel, in a generall accord and favourable affection unto the man, they ossed unto him streightwaies, a happie and for∣tunate government. And when the assemblie was willed to give their suffrages, and goe to a scru∣tinie, there was not one Centurie from the first to the last, nor one person from the highest to [unspec F] the lowest, but gave their voice with P. Scipio, for to take a voiage as L. Deputie into Spaine. But after the thing was passed, and their passionate heat of affection once allaied, they were on a sud∣daine driven into a still silence and deepe dumpe, to thinke what a straunge and new deed they had done. And that which they bethought themselves most of, was this, that favour had carried them away in this action, more than the due consideration and regard of his age. Some there

were that had in dred and horror the ominous fortune also of that familie; and the name of him [unspec G] that out of two mournefull houses was to go into those provinces, where he must fight amongst the Sepulchres both of father and unkle. When Scipio perceived, that presently upon the ele∣ction passed in so hastie a fit, the people grew to be heavie and pensive; he called them to an open audience, and there before them all, discoursed of his young age, of the government com∣mitted unto him, and of the future warre that he was to manage: and that with so noble courage and hautie spirit, that he renewed afresh and kindled againe the former zeale and heate that was so cooled: and possessed mens minds with more assured hope, than usually mans faithfull promise, or reason grounded upon the confidence of precedents past, or any earthly thing is wont to affourd and warrant. For Scipio was a rare and wonderfull man, not only in regard of those true vertues inherent in him: but also for that he had framed himselfe even from his yong [unspec H] and tender yeares, by artificiall meanes, to the better setting out of those in-bred parts and quali∣ties of his owne: making shew and semblant before the multitude, that the most things which he did, were either represented unto him by night-visions and apparitions, or els suggested, as it were, by revelation from the gods above; were it that he was superstitiously given, and his mind wholly possessed therewith, or that by his pollicie he might effect his designements, and have his commaundements performed with more expedition, as if they were directions delivered from the oracles and the very mouth of the gods. Over and besides that, he made this overture to credit and reputation, and prepared mens minds in this sort from his very first beginning. From the very time that he once put on his mans gowne, ther was no day went over his head, but before he began his owne private businesse, or enterprised any publick affaires, he would go into [unspec I] the Capitoll: and so soone as he was entred into the temple, there sit him down, & alone by him∣selfe bestow a good time in some secret yle and corner thereof. This ordinarie manner of his, which he continued all his life long, (were it of purpose consideratly, or by chance unad∣visedly) made divers men beleeve verily, that it was a truth in deede, which was commonly supposed and reported, That the man had a god to his father. Which deepe and settled ima∣gination of the people, resembled and renewed againe the like same (in all the world) to that which went before and was bruited abroad of Alexander the great, and for the vanitie and fabu∣lous speech of folke, was the very same and all one in every respect: namely, that his mother con∣ceived him by a mightie great serpent: for that very often in hir bed-chamber there was seene some such prodigious and wonderfull thing, and ever as any bodie came in, it would wind away [unspec K] of a sodaine, and vanish out of sight. These strange and miraculous conceits he would never himselfe elevate and discredit as toyes and vanities, but rather cherish and encrease the opinion thereof, by a certain cunning cast of his own, in that he would neither denie and disavowany such matter, nor yet affirme plainely and verifie the same. Many other devises he had of like sort, partly true indeed, partly seigned and counterfet, which caused men beyond all measure to have this yong man in wonderfull admiration. Vpon the strong and grounded presumption whereof, the citie at that time conferred upon him (far unmeet ywis, in regard of his unripe yeares) so great a government, and a world withall of weightie and important affaires.

Besides the forces which remained in Spaine of the old armie, and those which were trans∣ported over from Putcoli with Claudius Nero, he had a supplement also of ten thousand foote, [unspec L] and one thousand horsemen: and to assist him in the conduct of his warres, he had as coadjutor appointed unto him M. Iunius Syllanus the Pro-pretor. Thus with a sleete of thirtie ships, (and Galleys they were all of five banks of ores) he tooke theseas and set sayle from the mouth of Tybre, and coasting along the Tuskane seas under the Alps, and through the gulfe of Gallia, he doubled at length the point and cape of Pyrene, and disbarked at Emporiae a citie of Greekes: (for descended they are also from Phocaea) and there he set his people a land. From thence, having taken order that his ships should follow after, he marched by land to Taracon, which he appointed for the Rendez vouz, where all his allies and consederates, (for at the rumor and same of his landing, there slocked embassadors unto him from all parts of the province) should meete together at a generall Diet. There he commaunded that the ships should be bestowed in their [unspec M] docks, save only three gallies (of three ranks) which came from Massiles, and upon courresie and kindnesse accompanied him from home, and those were sent back againe. Then he gave audi∣ence to the embassadors, who hung in doubtfull suspence by reason of the varietie and of sundry changes and chances that lately had hapned, and to them he began to returne answere, and give

[unspec A] them their severall dispatches: but with such a spirit and boldnesse (upon confidence that he had in his owne rare vertues) that he let not fall in all his speech, one word that might move quarrell, and savored of rigor, and yet whatsoever he spake, it caried an exceeding majestie with it, and a singular credit. Being departed from Taracon, he visited both the States of the Allies, and also the standing wintering camps of the armie: where he highly commended the souldiours, for that notwithstanding they had received two shrewd blowes, upon two so great disfeatures one in the neck of another, yet they held the province still, and kept the field; and not suffering the enemies to reape and tast the fruit of their fortunate victories, had kept them out of all the countries ly∣ing within Iberus, and defended faith fully all their consederates according to the trust reposed in them. Martius he had in his train alwaies about him; whom he so highly honored, that it was very [unspec B] well seene, he feared nothing lesse than that any other man should eclipse or shadow his glorie. Then Syllanus succeeded in place of Nero, and the new souldiers were brought into the standing winter leaguers, and Scipio having revewed all the cities and the States that he was to survey, and performed all other affaires that were then to be done, retired and withdrew himself to Taracon.

The same of Scipio was no lesse bruited among the enemies, than it was rise with his owne ci∣tizens and loving allies: and a certaine presage went withall of the future event, which caried (as good hap was) the greater feare and dread with it, as there was lesse reason that could be rendred and given thereof. They had betaken themselves into their wintering harbours far dissire and remote asunder. Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo even as far as to the Ocean sea side unto Gades: Mago into the midland parts, and especially above the forest and chase of Castulo. And Asdru∣ball [unspec C] the sonne of Amilcar wintered neerest unto Iberus about Saguntum.

In the very end of that summer, when Capua was woon, and Scipio come into Spaine, the Carthaginian Armada which was sent for out of Sicilie to Tarentum, for to intercept the victu∣als, and empeach the same for comming to the Romane garison that held the castle of Taren∣tum, had verily stopped all the passages from the sea to the said castle: but by their long abode in those parts, and keeping the seas so straightly, they had caused a greater dearth and scarcitie of victuals among their owne friends than their enemies: for there could not by the help of those Carthaginian ships so much come bee along the river that was possessed by friends, nor from the open ports, for to furnish the townesmen of Tarentum, as the navie it selfe consumed and spent in maintenance of that table of sea-men, sailers, and mariners, mingled of all sorts of [unspec D] people. So as the garison of the castle being but few in number there, was able to be susteined by the provision they had aforehand, without the help of any new brought in unto them: whereas the Tarentines and the navie, could not have sufficient conveighed unto them: by reason where∣of, at length the Armada had leave to depart thence with more thanks of the citie, than they had for their first bien-venu thither. And yet victuals were not much cheaper, because when the help by sea was gone, there could no corne at all be brought from other parts abroad.

At the end of the very same summer, when M. Marcellus was come to the citie out of Sicilie, his owne province, C. Calpurnius the Pretour assembled the Senate for his sake in the temple of Bellona. Where, after he had discoursed of the acts by him atchieved, and complained after a mild and modest sort, laying open his griefes, not so much in the behalfe of him selfe, as of his sol∣diours: [unspec E] in that when he had performed and accomplished his charge and commission in his pro∣vince, hee could not have licence to bring home his armie with him hee demaunded that hee might be allowed to ride in triumph into the cittie: but he could not obteine it. This matter was much canvased and debated, pro & contra, Whither it were lesse meet and convenient, to denie him triumph being now present, in whose name whiles be was absent, for the fortunat successe & good speed of all affaires under his conduct and government, there was asolemne procession de∣creed, and sacrifices done to the honour of the immortall gods; or to graunt him triumph (as if the warre were fully finished) whom the Senate had commaunded to make over his armie to his successor; which surely they would never have decreed, but that the war remained still within the province: and especially seeing the armie it selfe was away, the best witnesse sunply, whither [unspec F] he had deserved a triumph or no. At length, a middle and indifferent course between both, was agreed upon, namely that he should enter the cittie ovant in a petie triumph. And the Tribunes of the commons, by the approbation first of the Senat proposed unto the people, that M. Mar∣cellus should the same day that he came ovant into the cittie, reteine still his full authoritie and government. The day before he entred the cittie, he rode in triumph upon the mount Albanus,

and from thence,* 1.9 in ovant wise he sent a rich bootie before him into the cittie. There was carried [unspec G] in this pompe, the counterfeit of the cittie Syracuse woon, crosbowes, brakes, standing slings, and all other warlike instruments: besides, the ornaments testifying long and continuall peace, and the great wealth & treasure of the kings: as divers vessels of silver & brasse curiously wrought; other houshold furniture also, rich hangings of tapistrie, and garments of great price; many goodly images and right noble statues, wherewith Syracuse was adorned and beautified, even with the best and principall citties of Greece. In token also of a victorie over the Carthaginians, there were eight Elephants brought in a shew. And that which was not the least sight & specta∣cle to behold, Sosis the Syracusian, and Mericus the Spaniard went afore with crownes of gold upon their heads. The one of them was the guide when Saracose was entred in the night season: and the other betraied Nasos, and the garrison there. Both these were enfranchised citizens of [unspec H] Rome, and had fiftie akres of land a peece graunted unto them for ever. Sosis had his land set out in the territorie of Syracuse, which either belonged to the kings, or to the enemies of the people of Rome, and a dwelling house (chuse where he would in Syracuse of all those that were seized upon by right of conquest.) As for Mericus and the Spaniards that with him fled from the enemies, & sided unto the Romans, they had assigned unto them, a citie to inhabit, & land to oc∣cupie in Sicilie, which somtime belonged to them that had revolted from the people of Rome. And order was given to M. Cornelius, for to appoint them the said cittie and land, wheresoever he thought good. And in the same territorie, there were alotted and set out, foure hundred acres of land unto Belligenes, by whose meanes Mericus was allured and induced to leave the adverse part and turne to the Romanes. [unspec I]

After that Marcellus was departed out of Sicilie, the navie of the Carthaginians disbarked eight thousand footmen, & three thousand Numidian horsemen. Vnto them revolted the Mur∣gentine land, and Hybla, togither with Magella; and other small piles of base account, tooke ex∣ample by them and followed after. The Numidians with their captaine Mutines, raunged over all Sicilie, and fired the townes and villages belonging to the associates of the people of Rome. Over and besides all this, the Romane armie there, being discontented and angrie, partly for that togither with their Generall, they were not licenced to go out of the province: and partly, for that they were forbidden and debarred, for wintering in any good townes; demeaned themselves slackly and lazily in their militarie service: in such sort, as if there had bene a head to lead them, as they had a heart to move them, they would have mutined and rebelled. Among these troubles [unspec K] and difficulties, M. Cornelius the Pretour, both appeased and mittigated the stomackes of the souldiours, as well by comfortable words, as by rebukes and checkes: and also brought under his obedience and subjection, all those citties which had revolted. Of which he according to the for∣mer act of the Senate, allotted Murgantia to the Spaniards, unto whom both a citie and la••d to it was by order aforesaid due. Both the Consuls who had the government of the province Apu∣lia, seeing there was lesse cause of feare and terror now from the Carthaginians and Anniball, were commaunded to cast lost betweene them, for the provinces of Apulia and Macedonia. So Macedonia befell unto Sulpitius, and he succeeded there in stead of Levinus. Fulvius was sent for home to Rome, about the election of the Consuls. And when he held the solemne assembly of the people, for the choise and creation of the Coss. The Centurie of the younger citizens, [unspec L] which had the prerogative to give their first voice, declared T. Manlius Torquatus, & T. Octacilius for Consuls. Manlius being there present in place, when the multitude came about him, to con∣gratulate, with, God give you joy, &c. (for that there was no doubt, but the whole bodie of the people would approve this choise of the first centurie) came with a great companie about him, to the tribunall seat of estate where the Consull sat: and made request unto him, that hee would give him the hearing of some few words, and commaund that prerogative centurie which had given their voices to be called back again to a new scrutinie. And when every man was attentive, and expected what hee would demaund, hee alleadged for his excuse a paire of ill eies.

For a shamelesse Pilot of a ship is he,* 1.10 and as impudent a Generall of an armie (quoth he) who having to doe all by other mens eies, would require to have the goods and lives of other men to bee [unspec M] put into their hands. And therefore may it please your honour, to commaund this centurie of the younger sort to give their voices a new, and in creating Consuls, to remember the war that is in Italie, to consider of the troublesome state of the Common-weale, and to thinke of this, That scarcely yet, mens eares have had any rest, since they resounded and rung againe, with the

[unspec A] noises and alarmes, that the enemies raised within these few months, when they lay in siege neer unto the wals of Rome. But after these words, when the said centurie cried with one accord, that they were of the same mind still, and would nominate the same Consuls againe, and none other; then Torquatus, Neither (qd.he) shall I be able, if I were Consull to beare with your fashions and conditions, nor you againe, endure my rule and commaundement. To the scrutinie therefore once againe, and thinke how the Carthaginians warre within Italie, and Anniball is the Generall of the enemies. Then the centurie moved as well by the authoritie & reverence of the mans per∣son, as by the applause and admiration of the people, who wondred at his vertue, besought the Consull, to call forth and cite a centurie of the elder bands: for that they would willingly confer with more auncient men than themselves, and by their sage advise & good direction nominate [unspec B] the Consuls.

When those elders were called to this centurie, there was some time allowed for to commune apart secretly with them, within the place railed in, called Ovile. These auncients said unto them, that they were to consult of three persons, whereof two alreadie were full of honou∣rable dignities, which they had borne, to wit, Q. Fabius and M. Marcellus. But verily, (say they) in case ye would have some new Cos. to bee chosen, for to be opposed against the Carthaginians, ye have M. Valerius Laevinus, a notable man, one who hath performed singular good service, & at∣chieved many noble deeds, both by sea & land against king Philip. So when they had three pro∣pounded unto them, the elder were dismissed, and the younger entered into a second scrutinie; and declared for Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus (glittering then in the prime of his glorie, for the late subduing and conquest of Sicilie) and M. Valerius, who was absent. This fore-dome & choise [unspec C] of the prerogative centurie, all the rest followed after, and by their suffrages confirmed.

Let them mocke on now and scoffe hereat, all they, that have nothing in admiration, but antiquitie and things done in alder time. For mine owne part, if there be any such cittie and commonwealth at all, consisting of wise men and Philosophers, as some great Clerks have rather imagined in their fansies, than found in effect; I dare be bold to thinke and say, that in it there could not possibly be, either rulers and magistrates more grave and temperate in their desire of dignitie & govern∣ment, or a people better mannered, nuttered, and instructed. But that it should bee thought an unlikely matter and scarce credible, that a centurie of younger persons, were willing to consult with the elder, & be advised by them, to whom they should give their voices, for to be created the chiefe magistrates; it is the corruption of this our age, that is the cause: wherin we see how small [unspec D] reverence and authoritie, even parents themselves have, and of how slender & base account they be amongst their owne naturall children.

After this, followed the Election of Pretours, wherein were created P. Manlius Volso, and L. Manlius Acidinus, C. Lectorius, & L. Cincius Alimentus. When this Election was finished, it fortuned, that newes came, how T. Octacilius (whom the people, as it seemed, would have cho∣sen in his absence, to match T. Manlius in the Consulship, but that the ordinarie course of the election was disturbed and stopped) departed this life in Sicilie. The Apollinare games in the for∣mer yeare had been exhibited: and when Calpurnius the Pretour put up a bill, and moved the Se∣nate, that they might be celebrated againe that year also, there passed a decree, That they should be vowed to continue from time to time for ever.

The same yeare certaine prodigious tokens were seene and reported. In the temple of Concor∣dia [unspec E] the Image of Victorie, which stood upon the lanterne and top thereof, was smitten with ligh∣tening, and being shaken and driven from the owne place, tested fast upon those other Images of Victorie, that were fixed in the forefront of the said temple, and fell not downe from thence. Word also was brought, That in Anagnia and Fregellae, the wall and the gates were likewise bla∣sted and strucken with fire from heaven: and that in the market place of Sudertum, there ranne streames of bloud a whole day together: That in Eretum it rained stones: and that in Reate a fe∣male mule brought forth a sole. These straunge and wonderfull signes were purged and expiate with greater sacrifices: and a solemne supplication proclaimed; wherein for one day the people should wholly attend their devotions, and pray unto the gods: and likewise a Novendiall sacri∣fice. [unspec F] In that yeare died certaine publicke Priests of State, and new were chosen in their steed. Caius L••vius in the roume of M. Pomponius Matho the High priest: and M. Servilius, to supplie the place of Sp. Carvilius Maximus, the Arch-Augur. And for as much as T. Octacilius Maximus, the Prelat or Bishop, died when the yeare was expired, there was none nominated for to succeed him. C. Claudius the Arch-flamine of Iupiter, lost his Flamineship, and was deprived of that Sa∣cerdotall

dignitie, because hee had committed an error in sacrificing, when hee should minister [unspec G] and distribute the inwards of the beast.

About the same time, M. Aemylius Levinus (after hee had by secret conferences founded aforehand and sollicited the minds of the Aetolian Princes and great LL.) came with a smal fleet of ships lightly appointed, to their generall Diet or councell, summoned before for that purpose onely. In which solemne assemblie, after hee had made declaration, That Syracusa and Capua were woon, and under the protection of the people of Rome, and what good successe they had in the affaires and warres of Italie: and discoursed besides, That the Romanes, according to their auncient custome, received by tradition from their fore fathers, used to respect and make much of their Allies: and namely, That either they received them into the citie of Rome, and endued them with the same franchises that they themselves enjoied, or els dealt so liberally with them [unspec H] otherwise, that they liked of their condition so wel, as they chose rather to be allies than citizens; he protested and said, That the Aetolians should be much more honoured amongst them, than all others, for that they were the first, that of all forraine nations beyond sea, entertained league and amitie with them. As for king Philip and the Macedonians, their heavie friends, & dangerous neighbors, he had so daunted their courages, abated their forces, and driven them to that passe, that not onely they were forced to abandon those townes, which by violence they had taken wrongfully from the Aetolians, but also had much adoe themselves to keepe Macedonie it selfe quiet, and without perill of hostilitie: promising withall, That he would bring and reduce the A∣carnanians (for whom the Aetolians were so discontented & greeved, that they were dismembred from the bodie of their State) under their ancient form of jurisdiction & seignorie againe.

These [unspec I] relations & promises made by the Roman Generall, were confirmed & assured unto them by the authoritie and countenance of Scopas (who for the time was the Pretor or head Magistrat of that State) and of Dorimachus a prince of the Aetolians, who with lesse modestie & greater asseverati∣on and confidencie, extolled and magnified the greatnesse, power, and majestie of the people of Rome. The principall matter that induced and moved them, was the hope of recovering & kee∣ping Acarnania. Whereupon, there were conditions drawne and engrossed, under which they should joine in league and friendship with the people of Rome. And this braunch was added to the rest of the defeazances, That if they were so pleased, and liked well of it, there should be com∣prised in the same league and priviledges, the Eleans and Lacedemonians, together with Attalus, Pleuratus, and Scerdiletuss of which three, Attalus was king of Asia the lesse, the other were Prin∣ces [unspec K] and Potentates of* 1.11 Illyricum. The articles ran in this forme. Imprimis, That the Aetolians should immediatly make war by land with king Philip. Item, That the Romans at sea should helpe with 20 galiaces at the least, bearing 5 ranks of oares. Item, As touching all the cities that should be conquered (beginning from Aetolia, so far as to* 1.12 Corcyra) that the ground whereon the cities were seated, the edifices, the walls, and the lands thereto belonging, should bee seized to the use of the Aetolians: all other goods and chattels els, should be a prize for the people of Rome. Item, That if the Aetolians happened to make peace with Philip, it must passe with this clause & provi∣so, that the peace should stand good upon this condition, That Philip abstaine to make warre up∣on the Romanes and their Allies, and all those that lived under their dominions. Item, In case the people of Rome fortuned to peece againe, and be confederate with the king, they should put in [unspec L] a caveat and proviso, that he might have no libertie to warre upon the Aetolians, or their associ∣ates. These were the covenants agreed upon: and being faire engrossed two yeares after into a paire of indentures, the one of them remained for the Aetolians in Olympia, the other for the Romanes in their Capitoll, among other sacred records and monuments, for a perpetuall me∣moriall to all posteritie. The occasion of so great delay, was because the Embassadours of the Aetolians, were staied and kept very long at Rome. But that was no let nor hinderance at all to the proceedings in the warres. For the Aetolians presently made warre upon Philip: and Levi∣nus conquered * 1.13Zacynthus (a litle ••and neer to Aetolia, having a citie within it of the same name, which he forced by assault, all save the castle) likewise * 1.14Oeniadae and * 1.15Naxus, which he woon from the Acarnanians before: and all these hee gave to the Aetolians. And supposing that Philip ha∣ving [unspec M] his hands full of the warre upon his owne frontiers, had no time to thinke upon Italie, and the Carthaginians, and to mind the covenants that passed betweene Anniball and him, he reti∣red himselfe into Corcyra.

Philip lying in winter harbor within Pella, was advertised of the* 1.16 Aetolians revolt. Therefore

[unspec A] because he minded at the prime of the Spring to conduct an armie into Greece, to the end that Macedonie and the cities bordering thereupon, should not be molested by the Illyrians, whom he supposed would be at quiet and not stir, if they were once frighted with the harmes of others, he made a sodaine rode and expedition into the marches of the Oricines and Apolloniates: and when the Appolloniates issued forth against him, he repelled them, and with great feare and terror drave them within their walls. After he had wasted the confines next to the Illyrians, he turned his forces with like celeritie and speede into Pelagonia: and then woon by assault a citie of the Dardanians, situate in the frontires of Macedonia, through which the Dardanians ment to have their passage. And when he had performed these exploits in great hast, not forgetting how the Aetolians & Romanes both mainteined war against him jointly, he descended through [unspec B] Pelagonia, Nympheum, and Bolea, into Thessalie: supposing verily that the people of those countries might be incited to wage war together with him against the Aetolians. And leaving there behind him (at the streight of Thessalie) Perseus foure thousand strong, for to debar the Ae∣tolians entrance that way: himselfe in person, before that he should be occupied in greater af∣faires, led forth his armie into Macedonie, and from thence into Thracia, and so forward against the Medians. That nation was wont to make incursions, and to invade Macedonie, whensoever they could perceive that the king was either busied in other warres, or his realme disfurnished and slenderly provided of good gard and strong garisons. He began therfore to foray and spoile the territories about Phragandae, and to assault Iamphorina, the principall citie and chiefe strength of that region Medica.

[unspec C] Scopas having intelligence that the king was gone into Thracia, and kept there occupied in the warres, put all the serviceable young men of Aetolia in armes, and prepared warre against Acarnania. The nation of the Acarnanians, albeit they were both in strength unequall, and also saw alreadie, that they had lost the walled citie of the Oniades, & Naxus: & knowing well, that the Romane forces would come upon them besides: rather upon anger, than any good counsell and advisement, made preparation for warre, and resolved to meet them. Their wives and children, and elder persons, such as were above fortie yeares of age, they sent away into Epirus, adjoining neare unto them. Of all that were fifteene yeares old and upward unto three score, they tooke a solemne oth, that they would never returne backe without victorie. They laid also a heavie curse and cruell malediction upon all those of their owne nation: and framed a most humble request, [unspec D] in as effectuall tearmes as they could devise, unto all their friends, that none of them should entertaine within their cities, their dores & houses, nor admit to their table, any one of them that were vanquished, & fled out of the field: yea, & besought withall the Epirones, to gather togither the dead bodies of as many of them as should chaunce to be slaine in battel, and to enterre them all in one grave, and erect a tombe and monument over them, with an Epitaph and inscription to this effect. Here lie buried and entombed the Acarnanians, who fighting in defence of their coun∣trie, against the violence and iniuries of the Aetolians, lost their lives manfully in the field. By this meanes, when their courages were enkindled and incensed, they encamped themselves in their utmost frontiers, abiding the comming of their enemies. And having dispatched messen∣gers to Philip, to give notice unto him in what jeopardie they stood, they constrained him to give [unspec E] over that warre which he had in hand, considering, that Iamphornia was surrendred up into his hands, and that he had sped well otherwise in the rest of his affaires. The Aetolians, upon the first fame that was blowne abroad of that solemne oth, taken by the Acarnanians, were well cooled, and not so hastie to set forward: but hearing once of Philip his comming, they were driven to re∣tire againe as farre as possiblie they could within their owne confines. Neither Philip for his part marched on further than to Cline (notwithstanding, that hee made great speed afore, and tooke long journies; for feare that the Acarnanians should bee surprised, before hee could reach unto them) for so soone as hee heard, that the Aetolians were retired, hee himselfe also returned unto Pella.

Levinus in the beginning of the spring, tooke the sea, and losed from Corcyra, and having [unspec F] doubled the point of Leucates, and sailed as farre as Naupactum, there hee published and gave knowledge, That hee would shape his course from thence for Anticyra: and that Scopas and the Aetolians should there meet him, and be in readinesse. This Anticyra is situate in Locris, on the left hand, as yee enter into the gulfe of Corinth. By land it is a small journey thither from Nau∣pactum, and as short a cut by sea. So within three daies after they began to assaile the cittie on

both sides. The fiercer assault was from the sea side, both because they had in their ships engines [unspec G] of batterie, and other ordinance and artillerie of all sorts; and also, for that the assailants from that part, were Romanes. So within few daies the citie was yeelded up, and delivered againe unto the Aetolians, the pillage thereof fell to the Romanes share, according to covenant. There Laevinus received letters from Rome, specifying thus much, That he was declared Consull in his absence, and P. Sulpitius was comming to succeede him in the province: but by occasion that he lay there sick of a long disease, he came to Rome later than all men expected.

M. Marcellus entring his Consulship upon the Ides of March, assembled the Senate that day, only for forme and order sake: for he made open profession there, that during the absence of his Colleague, he would treat of no matters, either concerning the state of the citie, or the provinces. But this protestation he uttered withall and said: That he knew full well that there [unspec H] were many Sicilians in the townes and villages neere unto the citie, backbiters and slaunderers of him, whom for his owne part he was so far off from hindering, but that they might freely for all him, divulgate and publish abroad in Rome, all those crimes which were devised and spoken against him by his adversaries, that were it not that they pretended some feare forsooth, to charge the Consull with any matters, in the absence of his colleague, he would straightwaies give them audience in the Senate: but so soone verily as my brother Consull is come home, I will not quoth he, I assure you, suffer any one matter to be debated here, before that those Sici∣lians be sent for into the Senate house. And I understand that M. Cornelius hath taken generall search like a muster over all Sicilie, to the end there might come a number to Rome with complaints of me: he also with letters full of untruths, hath buzzed into all mens eares, and [unspec I] borne the whole citie in hand, that the warre continueth still in Sicilie, and all to diminish and abridge my glory.

The Consull having that day woon the commendation and name of one, that knew how to rule and governe his affections, dismissed the Senate: and it seemed that there would be a generall vacation not of law matters only, but of all other things, and as it were holi∣day still, untill the other Consull came unto the citie. This rest and ydlenesse (as the wonted manner is) set the commons having nothing els to do, a talking: and now their tongues walked apace, ceasing not to spred rumors, That by this long and continuall warre, not only the lands and territorie about the citie of Rome (especially where Anniball had marched with his cruell armie) were wasted, but also Italie was in maner dispeopled and laid desolat, by reason of so many musters and levies: complaining, that whole armies were diffeated and put to the sword at Can∣nae [unspec K] in defence of the Common wealth: and that there were two Consuls created, both martiall men, and warriours, over-fierce and eager of fight, such as in time of peace and quietnesse, were able to find occasions of warre: so little was it to be looked for at their hands, that in time of war, they would seeke for peace, and suffer the citie to have any breathing time and intermission. These speeches rumoured among the common people, were interrupted and stayed by occasion of a Scare-fire, that began in sundrie places together about the Forum, in the night of that day, which was immediatly before the festivall daies of Minerva, called Quinquatrus. At one and the selfesame time, the seven merchants shops and ware-houses, which afterwards were turned into five, and the shops of the Bankers and mony changers which now are called Nova (or the new shops) were on fire. Divers private mens houses also the fire caught, for as then there were [unspec L] no stately halles and palaces of the citie there built. Likewise the fire tooke hold of the common prison called Latumtae, the Fish-marker hall likewise, and the royall gallerie or walking place. Hardly could the chappell of Vesta be saved, & that by the good help & paines taking especially of 13 bondslaves; whose bondage was bought out at the cities charges, and they made free∣men. The fire continued one night and a day: and no man made doubt, but it came by mans hand, and was the practise of some lewd persons; for that the fires began in many places at once, and those far distant asunder. Whereupon the Consul by the advise and direction of the Senate, made proclamation in a solemne ass embly of the people, that whosoever would come forth and give notice, by whose meanes that fire was procured, he should be well rewarded: if he were a free-man with a peece of money; if bond, with freedome. In hope of which recompense, a cer∣taine [unspec M] slave belonging to the Calavij the Campanes, (his name was Mannus) was induced to be∣wray the maisters whom he served, and five other yong gentlemen of Capua, whose fathers had lost their heads by the commaundement of Q. Fulvius. Those he appeached to have made the sayd fires: and he gave them a warning besides, that they intended to do more mischiefe

[unspec A] about the citie, if they were let alone, and not apprehended: so they were attached, and their houshold servants. At the first, these persons made light account both of the informer, and the information they made, and elevated the credit that was given thereto: alledging, that the day before, the partie himselfe being chastised and skourged by his maisters, ran away, and so upon an anger and giddie sit, devised (by occasion of this misfortune which was meere casual) to frame an accusation against his maisters. But when the matter was averred to their teeth in open place, and that they, by whose ministerie the feate was done, were in the mids of the Forum put to the rack, for to utter a truth, then they all made confession of the fact. So as well the maisters that were the setters thereof, as the servants that were privie and accessarie thereto, had their deserts, and suffered for it. The informer who disclosed the villanie, was made free, and had * 1.1720000 asses for his labor.

[unspec B] As the Consull Laevinus passed by Capua in his journey [homeward,] there flocked about him a number of Campanes, and besought him with teares, that they might have leave to go to Rome, and present themselves before the Senate, there to make suite (if happly there were any pitie & commiseration in them) not to destroy them utterly, nor suffer Q. Flaccus to consume the name & generation of the Campanes from off the face of the earth.

Now Flaccus for his part, denied flatly that he bare them any private grudge by malice: but only hated the Campanes as the common enemies to the state, and so he would do ever, so long as he knew them so ill affec∣ted as they were to the people of Rome: for there was not a nation upon earth, nor a people un∣der heaven more spightfully & deadly bent against the Romane name than they were. And that [unspec C] was the cause (saith he) that he penned them up within their walls. For who soever of them chan∣ced any way to make an escape, they ranged about the country like brute and savage beasts, ren∣ting, tearing and killing whosoever came in their way. Some of them are fled to the adverse side unto Annibal: other are gone to Rome to set fire on the citie, and there (quoth he) shal the Con∣sull find the market place halfe burned, and the very prints and tokens remaining fresh of the Campanes mischevous practises. There should he see that they minded to have done violence upon the chappell of Vesla, and to have put out those eternall fires, and utterly defaced the fatall pledge of the Romane empire, bestowed and laid up sure in the most secret place of the chap∣pell. Neither thought he it was safe for the citie, to permit the Campanes to come within the walls thereof.

Then Laevinus having caused the Capuans to take a corporall oth, and sweare un∣to [unspec D] Flaccus, that they would make returne to Capua before five dayes were expired, after they had their answere and dispatch from the Senate; commaunded them to come after him to Rome. Attended thus as he was with this companie, he encountred the Sicilians also, who came forth to meete him: and with this multitude he entred the citie, accompanied (I say) with the Campanes and Sicilians, both vanquished and subdued by warre, as accusers of two most fa∣mous persons, Marcellus, and Fulvius, who had conquered two most noble and renowmed Ci∣ties, Saracose, and Capua.

But both the Coss. treated and consulted first with the Senat, about the state of the common∣weale, and the government of the provinces. There Levinus related in what tearmes stood Ma∣cedonie and Greece: the Aetolians also, with the Acarnanians and Locrians: likewise what acts [unspec E] he had atchieved in those parts both by sea and land; and how he had repulsed Philip backe into Macedonia, when hee beganne to make warre upon the Aetolians, who now was retired and gone into the utmost parts of his kingdome: so as the legion might be withdrawne from thence, for that the armada was sufficient to keepe the king forth of Italie. Thus much spake hee of him∣selfe, and of the province whereof he had bene governour. Then both Consuls in common, pro∣posed unto the Senate, concerning the province. And the LL. decreed that one of the Consuls should take the charge of Italie, and of the war with Anniball: and the other should have under his hand the armada, whereof T. Octacilius was the Admirall; & togither with L. Cincius the Pre∣tour, governe the province of Sicilie. They were allowed the two armies which were in Tuskane and in France, consisting of foure legions: whereof two of the former yeare, that were of citizens, [unspec F] should be sent into Tuskane, and those two which the Consull Sulpittus had conducted, should be led into France. Moreover, that he should have the government of France, and the leading of the legions there, whom that Cos. would appoint, whose lot it was to have Italie for his pro∣vince. Into Tuskane was C. Calpurnius sent, with commission after the tearme of the Pretourship expired, to have his full jurisdiction to continue for a yeare. Likewise to Q. Fulvius was assigned

the keeping of Capua, and his rule proroged for another yeare. The armies, as well of citizens [unspec G] as of allies, were by commandement of the Senat abridged and made lesse: so that for two legi∣ons ther should be but one, & that, consisting of five thousand footmen, & three hundred horse∣men: that they should be discharged of soulderie, who had served longest: that of allies there should be left seven thousand foote; and three hundred horse: with the same respect and consi∣deration of service, in dismissing the old souldiours. As for Cn. Fulvius the Consull of the former year, he ruled the same province of Apulia still, without any alteration of his forces: only his go∣vernment was continued unto him another yeare. And P. Sulpitius his Colleague, was com∣maunded to send away all his armie, only the marriners and sailers excepted. Likewise order was given, that so soone as the new Consull was arrived and landed in the province of Sicilie, the ar∣mie there, which was commaunded by M.Cornelius, should be sent out of Sicilie. Vnto L. Cinci∣us [unspec H] the Pretour, were assigned the souldiours that remained after the defeature at Cannae, for to keepe Sicilie in order, and those arose to two legions. And as many legions were appointed for P. Manlius V••lso the Pretour, for to go into Sardinia, even those whereof L. Cornelius had the lea∣ding in the same province the former yeare. As for the legions of citizens, the Consuls were en∣joyned to levie and enroll them so, as they enterteined no souldiour of all those who had served in the armie, either of M. Claudius or M. Valerius, or Fulvius: nor exceeded the number that yeare of one and twentie legions of Romans. When these Acts were passed in the Senate-house, the Consuls cast lots for their serverall provinces. Sicilie and the armada fell to Marcellus: Italie and the warre against Anniball, to Levinus.

This lot that fell to Marcellus, so strucke the Sicilians dead, (who stood in the presence of the [unspec I] Consuls, looking for the event of the lotterie) as if Saracose had bene lost againe: in such sort, as their pittifull lamentations, and their wofull plaints, for the present turned all mens eyes up∣pon them, and anone after, ministred cause of much speech and talke.

For they went about to all the Senatours from one to another, in poore and vile aray, protesting that if Marcellus came amongst them againe as L. deputie, they would not onely forsake every man his owne countrie where he was borne, but also abandon the whole Iland of Sicilie: complaining, that without any desert of their parts, heretofore he had bene cruelly bent against them, and his hatred was irre∣concileable: and what would hee now do in his choller, and knowing that the Sicilians came to Rome of purpose to make complaints of him? The Iland were better (say they) to bee on a light fire to burne with Aetna; or to be all a very sea, than thus to be exposed as a prey unto a mortall [unspec K] enemie, for to be devoured.

These grievous mones and pitteous complaints of the Sicilians, first carried to the houses of the Nobes and great men of the cittie, and there taken up & much tal∣ked of by many, whiles some pittied the Sicilians, others envied Marcellus, spread abroad at lengthso farre, untill they came to the Counsel-table. And the Consuls were dealt withall, to propose unto the Senat, that they might exchange their provinces one for another.

Then Mar∣cellus stood up and said, That in case audience had bene given to the Sicilians alreadie in the Se∣nate house, peradventure hee would deliver his opinion to another purpose: but now least any man might say, that they were bridled for feare, & durst not speake their minds freely, nor com∣plain as they would of him, at whose command, & under whose obedience, they were to be with∣in a while: he was for his part, readie to make change of his province, if his colleague were as well [unspec L] content, & made no greater scruple of the matter. Only he requested that the Senat would not prejudice his cause. For if at the first (quoth he) it had bene hard and uniust, extraordinarily and without casting lots, to give my colleague the free choise of his owne province, how much grea∣ter wrong then should I have, nay what disgrace were offered unto me, if my lot should be taken from me and transferred upon him.

So for that time, the Senate having made an overture unto Marcellus, what they would have done, rather than by any decree prejudiced the matter, brake up. And the Consuls betweene themselves privatly made exchange one with the other. See the fortune and fatal destinie of Marcellus, that haled him, as it were, to be matched with Anniball, and to fall into his hands: to the end that the same man, who of all the Romanes, was the first that vanquished Anniball in fight, and wan the honor from him: should now in the mids of pro∣speritie [unspec M] & happie successe of warre,* 1.18 be the last Roman Generall that was slaine by Anniball, and yeelded the glorie of giving him the overthrow. After the provinces were thus interchaungeably shifted, the Sicilians were brought into the Senat. Where they made a long speech as touching the perpetual & constant faithfulnes unto the end, of K. Hiero, towards the people of Rome; & all

[unspec A] to currie favour & gaine thankes unto the whole nation of Sicilie.

Recounting, that Hieronymus first, and after him Hippocrates and Epicides, as, for other things, so especially for their revolting from the Romanes, and turning to Anniball, were odious and hatefull unto them. For which cause and nothing else, Hieronymus was by the hands of the chieftaines of their young gallants, as it were by a publike decree of the state, made away and killed, and the noblest of their young gentlemen, to the number of seventie, conspired to murder Hippocrates and Epicides: who being disappointed and put by the effecting of their designment, through the delay of Marcellus, (who at the time before appointed, came not with his power to Saracose) were appeached, their in∣tended plot revealed, and they all by those tyrants put to death. And yet, to speake a truth, Mar∣cellus himselfe was he that gave the first occasion of the tyrannizing of Hippocrates and Epicides, [unspec B] in that most cruelly he sacked and rifled the Leontines. But from that time forward, the Nobles of Saracose never ceased to come in unto Marcellus, and promised to deliver the cittie into his hands, whensoever he pleased. But he, forsooth, at first, stood upon these tearms, that he would ra∣ther force it by assault: but afterwards, seeing he could not effect that his purpose, notwithstan∣ding he had wroght al the devises he could, both by sea & land, he made choise of one Sosis acop∣per-smith, & Mericus a Spaniard, to have them to work & contrive the betraying of the citie, ra∣ther than of the principal of the Syracusian nobilitie, who had so often offred that service, & ne∣ver yet wold it be accepted: & al••ywis, because he might pretend some colorable cause of justice, to proceed in al rigor against the most ancient alies of the people of Rome, for to massacre them, and make spoile of all that they had. Set case that Hieronymus had not revolted and gone to An∣niball, [unspec C] but the whole people and Senate of Syracusa: Suppose, that the Syracusians in generall, by publicke consent had shut the gates against Marcellus, and not their Tyrants Hippocrates and Epicides, when they had the Syracusians sure ynough under their owne hands: Say they had war∣red against the people of Rome with as spightfull & cankred malice as the Carthaginians doe, and ever did: what greater hostilitie could Marcellus possibly, have exercised against them more than he hath, unlesse he would destroy & rase the citie to the very ground? Surely hee hath left no∣thing in Syracusa but the bare walls, the naked & emptie houses of the citie, the temples & chap∣ples of the gods defaced & broke open, for the gods themselves, with all the rich & gorgeous or∣naments are caried away. Many a man is spoiled & robbed of his goods, in such sort, as having no∣thing left him but the bare soile, they are not able when all is gone, with his leavings to maintein [unspec D] themselves, and sustaine their wives and children. They were humble petitioners therefore, & sup∣pliant suiters unto the LL. of the Senate, to take order, that restitution might be made unto the rightfull owners, if not of all (for that is unpossible) yet of so much at least, as was to bee found, and might be truly owned againe.

After these and such like complaints, Levinus the Consull commaunded them to goe foorth of the counsell house, to the end, that the LL. might bee consulted with, and deliver their opini∣ons concerning their demands.

Nay marrie (••uoth Marcellus) let them stay still rather, that I may answere to their very faces: seeing, my LL. our case and condition is so hard, who warre and fight for you, that we must have those to enforme against us, and be our accusers, whom wee have conquered and subdued by martiall armes. Let it even bee so, that two cities, to wit, Capua and [unspec E] Syracusa, woon this yeare, may convent judicially both their conquerours, the one Fulvius, the other Marcellus. When the Embassadours were brought back againe into the Senat house, then began Marcellus the Consull, and spake in this wise.

I am not so farre overseene,* 1.19 and forgetfull, my Lords, either of the majestie of the people of Rome, or of this place of commaund which I now hold, that I would plead mine owne cause, Consull as I am, against these Grecians, my accusers, in case the question were of any crime or fault of mine owne. But all the controversie to be discussed, standeth not upon these tearmes, to examine what I have done, whom the right of warre will justifie and beare out, howsoever I have proceeded against enemies: but what these men have deserved to suffer. If they were not ene∣mies, nor so to bee reputed, then it mattered not, and it had ben all one, either now or in the life [unspec F] time of king Hiero, to have forced Syracusa. But if it appeare, that they have revolted, that they have evill intreated our Embassadors, threatened to lay violent hands, & to run upon them with sword and force of armes; that they have manned their walls, and shut their gates upon us; that they have maintained the armie of the Carthaginians against us: who can bee greeved and of∣fended, if they have suffered as enemies, who stucke not first to offer all hostilitie whatsoever?

Rejected I the Nobles of Syracusa when they would have delivered the citie into my hands? And [unspec G] made I more account of Sosis, and Mericus the Spaniard, and thought them worthie to bee tru∣sted in so important a matter? Yee are not, I am sure, the meanest of the Syracusians, that thus re∣proch others with basenesse of estate. Who was it of all you here, that promised to open mee the gates? that undertooke to receive my armed souldiours into the citie? Nay, nay, ye hate and curse them in your heart, who have so done; and even in this place cannot forbeare to give them hard tearmes, & revile them: so unlike it is, that you your selves ever meant to have done any such thing. Even this abject condition and base calling of theirs, my LL. which these men twit them with, is a manifest token, and a most evident argument, that I refused none, that was willing to do good service unto our state and Commonweale. At the very first, before I laid siege unto Syracu∣sa, I assaied by all meanes to have peace; one while sending Embassadours unto them, other∣whiles [unspec H] going in person to parle with them. Afterwards, seeing that without all reverence of Em∣bassadours, they shamed not to offer them abuse; without regard of my selfe, they deigned meno answere when I came to the gates, and conferred with their cheefe Nobilitie: after much travell, toile, and infinite paines, sustained both by land and sea, at length by fine force and hote assault, I became maister and Lord of Syracusa. Now as touching that which hath befallen unto them, since they were overcome, and lost their citie, I would suppose they had more reason, and juster cause to make their mone, and complaine unto Anniball and the Carthaginians, those that are likewise conquered, than before the Senate of the people of Rome their conquerour. For mine owne part, my LL. if I had ever meant to denie and disavow the spoiling and sacking of Syracu∣sa, and not to stand to it when I had done, I would never have ben so ill advised, as to beautifie and [unspec I] adorn the citie of Rome with the spoils ther••of. And what I have given or forgiven unto any parti∣cular person, I am assured that I may well justifie and avow the same, both by the law of war, and also by the desert of every one. Now, my LL. whether yee will approove and ratifie my doings or no, it concerneth and toucheth the Commonweale rather than my selfe. My part I have done, and discharged my dutie faithfully. It much importeth now the State, that by reversing (as it were) and disanulling mine actions, yee make not your other Generals from henceforth, to bee more slacke and backward in the like emploiment. To conclude my LL. since that ye have heard both my selfe and the Sicilians speake our minds face to face, we will all togither goe out of this temple, that in my absence the Senat may more franckely speake to the point, and deliver their opinions.

Thus the Sicilians were dismissed, and he himselfe went forth also to the Capitoll, for [unspec K] to take a levie of souldiours.

The other Consull in the meane time, put to question the demaunds of the Sicilians before the LL. Much canvassing a long while, and discussing there was of the matter, and divers opi∣nions passed.

Many of the Senatours following T. Manlius Torquatus the head and principall man, that maintained a side, were of this mind, That they should have made warre against the ty∣rants, the common enemies as well to the Syracusians, as to the State of Rome. And as for the ci∣tie, it was (say they) rather recovered and received, than woon by force: and being so received, it was to be re-established in her owne auncient lawes and freedome, and not after it was so wearied with miserable servitude, to be scourged and afflicted with warre upon it. But between the warring of the tyrans of the one side, and the Romane Generall of the other, a most beautifull and noble [unspec L] citie, standing in the middest (as a prise and reward for the winner) is undone by the meanes; even that citie which sometime had been the garnet (as it were) & the treasure-house of the people of Rome: by the munificent liberalitie and bountie whereof, by whose rich presents and goodly gifts our citie many a time and oft, yea & but of late daies in this Punick war, hath ben relieved & adorned. If king Hiero should arise again from the dead & come among us, Hiero (I say) the most faithful mainteiner of the Roman state, with what face could we shew unto him, either Saracose or Rome? When he should see of one side, his own native countrie, halfe rased and wholly spoiled: and on the other side, comming to Rome, in the very entring of the cittie, and hard at the gate, should behold the spoiles of his own citie?

Notwithstanding these & such like speeches cast out among them, to procure ill will and hatred to the Consull, and to move pittie and compassion [unspec M] to the Sicilians, yet the LL. of the Senate in favour of Marcellus, agreed upon a milder decree, and enacted, That whatsoever he had done, either during the warre, or after conquest, should be ratified and allowed for good: Item, for the time to come, the Senate would take order and pro∣vide for the good of the Syracusians, and give the Consull Levinus a speciall charge, to have re∣gard

[unspec A] of the welfare of that cittie, so far forth, as might not be prejudiciall to the state of Rome. Then were two Senatours sent into the capitoll to the Consull, to request him to repaire againe unto the assembly of the Senate: and after the Sicilians also were admitted into the place, their act and decree aforesaid was openly read. The Embassadours had good words given them, and were dismissed: whereupon they fell downe prostrate at the feet of Marcellus the Consull, besee∣ching him to pardon that which they had spoken, either to bewaile, or to ease their calamitie; and to receive both them in particular, and the citie of Saracose in generall, unto his mercifull protection. After this, the Consull with gracious words licenced them to depart.

When the Sicilians had their dispatch, the Campanes had audience given them in the Se∣nate: and as their speech was more lamentable, so the cause was heavier, and harder to be di∣gested: [unspec B] for neither could they themselves denie, but that they deserved condign punishment: nor Tyrants had they any, upon whom they might lay the blame. But they thought they had suffred enough for their sinnes already, in that so many of their Senatours died by poison, and so many lost their heads. Some few of their nobilitie and but a few remained yet alive, who as they were not touched in conscience, nor so faultie, as to lay violent hands upon themselves, so the Con∣querour in his furious wrath, adjudged them not worthy of death: they therefore made humble suite for themselves, their wives and children, to obteine freedome, and to enjoy some part of their owne goods, being, as they were, meere citizens of Rome, and most of them by affinitie and neere kinred, upon mutuall and crosse mariages, linked in alliance and bloud to the Romanes.

After that they also were willed to void out of the Senat house: for a while, there grew some que∣stion [unspec C] and doubt, whether Q. Fulvius should be sent for from Capua (for presently upon the ta∣king of the citie, Claudius the Consull died) that this matter might be argued and discussed in presence of the Generall himselfe, like as the other had bene reasoned of and debated betweene Marcellus and the Sicilians. But afterwards when they saw in the Senate house M. Attilius, and C. Fulvius, the brother of Flaccus, both his Lieutenants: likewise Q. Minutius, and L. Veturius Philo, Lieutenants unto Claudius, who had bene present in all actions, and were eye-witnesses of everything: and besides, were unwilling that either Fulvius should be called away from Capua, or the Campanes longer delaied: M. Attilius Regulus, who of all them that had beene at the ser∣vice of Capua, was of greatest authoritie and reputation, being demaunded his opinion, spake in this wise.

[unspec D] I take it (quoth hee) when Capua was newly woon, I was one of counsell with the Consuls there, when question was asked, and enquirie made, Whether any one Campane had deserved well of us and our Commonweale. And found it was, that two women onely, to wit, Vesta Oppia, borne in Atellae, but dwelling then at Capua, & Faucula Cluvia, sometime a common strumpet and curtizane, were well willers unto us. The former of these twain daily sacrificed for the welfare, life, and victorie of the Romanes; the other, secretly sustained the poore and needie Romane cap∣tives with food and victuals. As for all other Campanes, from the highest to the lowest, they wee no better affected unto us, than the Carthaginians. And even those, who were beheaded by Quintus Fulvius, suffered death, not because they were more faultie than others, but for that they were of greater marke and calling than the rest. Now, that the Senate should decide the [unspec E] cause of any Campanes, who are enfranchised denisons of Rome, without a graunt from the people, I see not how it can bee. For in our forefathers time the like case was of the Satricanes that rebelled: and then M. Antistius, a Tribune of the Commons, first put up a bill, & the Com∣mons afterwards passed it, namely, That the Senate might have power and and auctoritie, to give their opinion, and determine of the Satricanes. Therefore I am of mind, that we deale with the Tribunes of the Commons, that one or more of them, preferre a bill unto the Commons, by vertue whereof wee may bee authorised to set downe some order for the Campanes. Then L. Attilius, a Tribune of the Commons, by leave and advise of the Senate, proposed unto the Commons a bill in this forme and manner.

WHEREAS THE CAMPANES, ATELLANES, CALATINES, AND SABATINES, VVHO HAVE YEELDED THEMSELVES UNTO FULVIUS [unspec F] THE PRO-CONSULL, TO BE AT THE PLEASURE AND DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME: ALL THAT ALSO, VVHICH THEY HAVE SURRENDRED TOGETHER WITH THEM∣SELVES, AS VVELL THEIR TERRITORIE AS THEIR CITIE, AS ALL UTENSILLS, BOTH SACRED AND PROPHANE, THEIR NECESSARIE IMPLEMENTS, AND AL OTHER THINGS VVHATSOEVER, I DEMAUND YOUR VVIL AND PLEASURE, ô QUIRITES, VVHAT SHAL

BE DONE VVITH THE PREMISSES? The Commons after deliberation, gave their voyces to [unspec G] the said bill in this forme. OUR VVIL AND PLEASURE IS, THAT VVHATSOEVER YE THE SENATOURS, VVHO NOVV ARE SET IN COUNSELL, OR THE MOST PART OF YOU THINKE GOOD AND DETERMINE, SHAL STAND FOR IUST AND LAVVFULL. Vpon this graunt or Act of the Commons, the Senate by a decree awarded unto Oppia and Cluvia, first their owne goods and libertie: and moreover if they were desirous to crave farther reward at the Senates hand, they were best to repaire unto Rome. For every familie and severall house of the Campanes, there were speciall acts and decrees made, all which to repeate and rehearse, would not quit the labour. Some had their goods confiscate: themselves, their children and wives were to be sold, excepting those their daughters which were wedded, before that they came under the subjection of the people of Rome. Others were to be clapt up in prison, [unspec H] untill farther order were taken for them hereafter. Moreover, of some Campanes they made distinction by valuation of their wealth, whether their goods were to be confiscate or no. All their beasts and cattaile which were taken, save horses; all their bondslaves, but males fourteene yeares of age and upward, all moveable goods also which were not annexed and fastned to the soyle, they awarded for to be restored to the true owners. All Campanes, Arellanes, Calatines, Sabellanes, excepting those, who either themselves, or whose pa∣rents tooke part and sided with the enemies, they judged to be free: provided alwayes, that none of them were either Free-denizens of Rome, or of Latium. Item it was enacted, that none of all them who had bene at Capua whiles the gates were shut, should remaine either in the citie or territorie of Capua, within a certaine day prefixed: but should have a place set out unto [unspec I] them for to dwell in, on the farther side of Tyberis, so it were not upon the very banke close unto Tyber. As for those that during the time of warre had bene neither at Capua nor in any other citie of Campane, which revolted from the people of Rome, they should be removed to inhabit on this side the river Lyris betweene it and Rome: but such as were turned and passed to the Ro∣manes side, before that Anniball came unto Capua, they should be transplanted on the hither side of Vulturnus the river: provided, that none of them should possesse either house or land within fifteene miles of the sea. As concerning them who were displaced and confined to in∣habit beyond the Tybre, neither they nor their heires and successors for ever, should purchase and hold house or land in any place, but in the territorie either of Veij, Sutrium, or Nepesium: but so, as they exceeded not the stint of five hundred Acres of ground. As touching the goods [unspec K] and chattels of all the Senatours, or such as had borne Magistracie in Capua, Atella, or Calatia, they awarded that sale should be made thereof in Capua. As for those that were free borne, and whose bodies were to be sould, they should be sent to Rome, and there set a-sale. Finally, the Ima∣ges and Statues of brasse, which were said to have bene woon and taken from the enemies, whi∣ther they were sacred or profane, they referred to the Colledge of the Priests and Prelates, to de∣termine thereof at their discretion. Thus they gave the Campanes their dispatch, and sent them away much worse apaied for these decrees, than they were when they came first to Rome. And now they complained no more of the cruell proceedings of Q. Fulvius against them, but bla∣med the iniquitie and unjust dealing of the very gods, and their owne cursed fortune together.

After the Sicilians and Campanes were dismissed, there was a muster taken: and when an [unspec L] armie was levied and enrolled, there began some question and reasoning about the mariners and rowers to furnish the gallies. For the accomplishment whereof, when the Consuls could neither raise men enow, nor yet find monie at that time in the chamber of the citie, for to presse and hire them, and pay their wages with all: they published an edict, that private men according to the rate and proportion in the Subsidie booke, out of all orders, degrees, and com∣panies, should as aforetime find rowers at their owne charges, and mainteine them with meate and money for thirtie dayes.

Vpon which edict and proclamation, all men so grumbled and muttered, and were so highly discontented and angred, that they wanted an head and captaine, rather then matter and occasion of a mutinie and insurrection: geving out, That the Consuls had taken a course, and were in the very traine to plague, undo, and destroy the Commons of [unspec M] Rome, like as they had alreadie the Sicilians and the Campanes. For thus many yeares they have bene pilled, polled, cleane spent and consumed with exaction of tributes, and had nothing left them but the bare ground, and the same lying wast and untilled. As for their houses upon their lands, the enemies had burned: their servants and hines, such as should husband and all

[unspec A] their grounds, the commonwealth had bereaved them of: one whiles buying them up to the warre, for some small peece of money: otherwhiles levying and presting them to the seas to be gallie-slaves, for a thing of nothing. A man could not so soone get one brasse farthing, or single silver denere before hand, but it went by and by either for gallie-pay, or for yeerely tribute. And to give that now which they had not, they might never be brought by any force or for any mans commaundement whatsoever. Let them sell and make an hand of their goods, imprison and punish their bodies too, when all is gone besides; seeing there is nothing left them to raun∣some and redeeme the same againe. These and such like words were not only muttred in hug∣germugger, but uttered also and geven out in broad termes even in the market place and be∣fore the Consuls, by the multitude that flocked and gathered together in exceeding great num∣bers: [unspec B] in such sort, as the Consuls were not able with all thatever they could do, to appease the mutinie, neither by sharp rebukes, nor faire words and comfortable speeches.

Then they said, that they would give and allow them three dayes respit for to thinke and consider of these mat∣ters: which they themselves bestowed wholly and employed in taking a view and survey of their goods, and making dispatch and riddance thereof out of the way.

The next day the Consuls called the Senate together to consult about the supplie of rowers and gallie-slaves: where, after much debating and arguing, that the Commons had good reason to make deniall; at length the drift of all their speech was this, That whether it were right or wrong, the burden must lye on private mens shoulders, there was no remedie: for seeing there was no monie in the common chest, how should mariners and rowers els be gotten and levied? And without Armadaes, how [unspec C] possibly should either Sicilie be held still in possession, or Philip be kept out of Italie? or the sea coasts of Italie remaine in safetie and securitie? In these distresses and difficulties the Counsell being perplexed, and to seeke for remedie; and whiles every mans wits were in the waine and so confused,* 1.20 as if they were benummed and stone cold: Then Laevinus the Consull, As the Magi∣strate (qd. he) goeth before the Senat in place of honor, and the Senate likewise before the com∣mon people in worth & dignitie: so they ought in al difficulties & hard occurrences to undergo the weightiest burdens first, and be the foremen and leaders in all dangerous adventures what∣soever. For if a man would enjoyne his inferiors to beare some grievous and heavie load, let him first take it up himselfe, yea and impose the same upon his owne traine and companie: all the rest then, will be more willing and obedient to follow after, and do the semblable. And never will [unspec D] they grutch at any cost or charges, when they see their leaders and rulers take more upon them∣selves, than they are well able to weeld and susteine. To the end therefore that the people of Rome may be provided and furnished of a steere rigged and trimmed, as our desire is, and that private persons may not thinke much, nor refuse to find rowers thereunto; let us first that are heere commaund our owne selves: let us, I say, that be Senatours, bring abroad in com∣mon all the gold, all the silver, all the brasen coine that we have, so as every man reserve rings only for himselfe, his wife and children: and a little tablet or Iewell for his sonne, as a pen∣dant to hang about his neck. Also let all them that have wives or daughters, reteine still one ounce weight of* 1.21 gold, and* 1.22 one pound of silver: And as many as have borne office of State, and sitten in the yvorie chaire, keepe still the trappings and caparison of their hor∣ses, [unspec E] and two pound weight a peece, the one of gold, the other of silver; for to have a saltsellar, and a little boll or cup, to sacrifice & offer unto the gods withall. As for the rest of the Senators, let us leave them but one pound weight of silver, and no gold at all, and five thousand* 1.23 Asses in coine, to every housholder a peece. All other gold, silver, and brasen money besides, let us foorthwith bring abroad and present unto the Triumvirs or publicke bankers, before that we make or enact any decree of Senate: to the end, that our good example in this volun∣tarie benevolence and contribution, and our earnest endevour to helpe the Common-weale, may stirre up and provoke the hearts and affections, first of those that are by calling gentle∣men and knights of Rome, and then forward the rest of the commons, to imitate and fol∣low us with some emulation. This is the onely meanes which we that are Consuls have thought [unspec F] upon and divised, after much talke and conference togither. Set to therefore, my masters, in the name of God, and lead the way: God will blesse your good beginnings. So long as the cittie standeth on foot, and holdeth up the head, no man need to feare his private state; but it shall do well enough. Go the weale publike to wrecke once, and decay, let no man ever thinke to save his owne. All the whole house liked so well of these motions, that not onely they gave their

accord and consent thereto, but over and besides, yeelded heartie thankes unto the Consuls for [unspec G] their good advise and counsell.

When the Senate was dismissed, every man for himself brought forth his gold, his silver, and brasse money, and laid all togither in commune; & that with such speed, striving a vie who could go before another, and have his name entred first in the publike rolles and registers: as neither the foresaid Triumvirs were able to receive it fast enough, as it was tendred unto them; nor the ordinarie Clerkes and Notaries to set it downe in writing, & take note there of accordingly. This consent and agreement of the Senatours, the knights & gentle∣men of Rome in their place and calling seconded; and the commons for their parts were not behind. So without any constraint of law, without edict, without any exhortation made by the magistrate, the common-weale wanted neither rowers for to furnish the armadaes, nor mo∣ny to pay the rowers. And thus when all things were provided necessarie for the warres, the Con∣suls [unspec H] went forth to their severall provinces.

Never was there any time of this warre, wherein Carthaginians and Romanes togither, had more triall of the alternative & variable change of fortune: never hung they more in equall bal∣lance, betweene faire hope and fearefull daunger. The Romanes, in their provinces tasted both of sweet and soure. In Spaine on the one side, they sped ill and lost: in Sicilie on the other side, they sped well and woon: so as their sorrow was interlaced still and medled with joy. Also in Italie, the loste of Tarentum turned to their woe and damage: but the keeping of the castle there with the garrison, beyond all their hope and expectation, brought them meed and comfort for their sorrow. Also, their suddaine fright and feare, for the siege and assault of the cittie of Rome, was salved and cured againe within a few daies after, by the forcing and winning of Capua; and [unspec I] all that heavinesse and mourning turned into mirth and gladnesse. The affaires also beyond sea; were checked with interchaungeable turnes and courses. Philip became their enemie in an ill time, and when they had little need thereof. Contrariwise, the Aetolians and Attalus the king of Asia the lesse, proved to be their new friends and loving allies: whereby even then fortune, see∣med to smile on the Romanes, and by that overture, promised as it were, unto them the Empire of the East. Semblably the Carthaginians, as they lost Capua, so they woon Tarentum, and made a saving game of it. In like manner, as they tooke no small pride and glorie, in com∣ming to the wals of Rome without resistance; so they were daunted & dismaied againe, that this their enterprise tooke no better effect in the end: and held themselves much disgraced and dis∣honoured, that whiles they sat themselves before one gate of Rome, there was an armie of Ro∣manes [unspec K] led forth at another, and sent into Spaine. And even in Spaine also, the greater hope men had there, that upon the death of two so noble and valiant Generals, and the defeature of two as puissant armies, the war was come to a finall end, and the Romanes driven from thence for ever: the more spight it was, and the greater griefe and vexation they conceived againe, when by the valour of L. Martius a tumultuarie captaine, chosen in hast they knew not how, those former victories turned to vanities, and came to just nothing. Thus fortune was indifferent, & all things doubtfull & wavering in suspence, both on the one side and the other. Their hope all one as it was at first: their feare, the same still, neither more nor lesse: So as betweene hope and fear, they fared, as if the warre at this time were new to begin.

Anniball above all other things, was vexed to the heart, that Capua being more hotely and [unspec L] eagerly assaulted by the Romanes, than manfully and faithfully defended by him, had diverted & turned away the harts of many States of Italie from him. For neither was he able to hold them all with sufficient garrisons, unlesse he would dismember into many small portions, and mangle by peece-meal his armie; which to do then, was no good pollicie: nor he thoght it safe & good, to withdraw his garrisons from thence, & leave the fidelitie of his allies at libertie, either to depend upon fickle hope, or to sway with suddaine feare. And (as he was by nature covetous and cruel∣ly minded) he resolved at length upon this course, to make spoile of those citties which hee was not able to keepe, and so to leave them wast and emptie for the enemie. This designement was not so dishonest and shamefull in the first enterprise, but it proved as bad & hurtfull to himselfe in the effect and conclusion. For he lost the hearts cleane, not onely of those that were the par∣ties [unspec M] grieved, and suffered these indignities, but also of all others besides. The present calamitie and losse touched but some few: but the precedent and example reached to many more. Neither was the Romane Consull behind hand for his part, to sollicite and sound those cities, from whence he saw some light appeare, and any hope to gaine them unto him.

[unspec A] There were in Salapia two noble men above the rest, Dasius and Blasius. Dasius was friend to Anniball, Blasius (so farre as he might with safetie) affected and favoured the Romanes. And by entercourse of secret messengers, had put Marcellus in some good hope of betraing the cittie; but without the helpe of Dasius the plot could not be compassed and effected. Wherefore, after much musing and long deliberation, after many staies & delaies, at length he resolved (for want rather of better counsell, than upon any hope to speed) to addresse himselfe to Dasius, & acquaint him with the matter. But Dasius not onely misliking utterly & abhorring the thing, but also car∣rying a secret enmitie to the partie himselfe, the onely eye-sore and concurrent that he had, stri∣ving to be greater than he, disclosed all to Anniball. Wherupon, both were sent for, and conven∣ted peremptorily before him. As Anniball was sitting upon the Tribunall seat, giving audience [unspec B] and dispatch to certeine other matters; and that hee might anone the better attend unto Blasi∣us and the action intended against him: whiles the plaintife & defendant stood apart by them∣selves from the rest of the people a good way, Blasius went in hand again with Dasius, and sollici∣ted him for to deliver the citie to the Romans. With that, Dasius (as if the matter had beene too too apparant) cried out and said, That he bashed not to breake unto him and move him, even in the presence and sight of Anniball, for to practise treason & betray the citie. Anniball and all they that were there present, gave little credite unto Dasius: and the more audacious the thing itselfe was, the lesse likelyhood it caried with it of a truth. Every man supposed verily, it was nothing but emulation, envie, and cancred malice, that caused Dasius to charge upon him that crime, which because there was no witnesse to the contrarie, he might untruly devise and more freely enforce [unspec C] against him. And so for that time, they were both discharged the court. But Blasius never gave over to follow still this bold enterprise, but beat still upon this one point, shewing how good and commodious the thing would bee, both to themselves in private, and to their countrie in common, untill hee had wrought him so, and woon him to graunt, that the Carthaginian gari∣son, (& those were Numidians) togither with the citie Salapia, should be rendred unto Marcel∣lus. But without much bloudshed they could not possibly be thus betraied & delivered: for they were the most hardy and valiant horsemen by farre, of all the Carthaginian armie. Wherefore, albeit they were taken on a suddaine unprovided, and had no use of horses within the cittie, yet with such weapons, as in such a suddaine tumult and uprore they could catch and come by, first they assaied and gave the venture to breake through and escape away: and when they saw that [unspec D] they could by no meanes save themselves and get forth, they fought it out to the last manfully, even unto death: so as there were not of them above fiftie left alive, and came into the hands of the enemies. And surely, the losse of this cornet of horsemen, was a greater dammage unto An∣niball, than the forgoing of Salapia: for never from that day forward, had Anniball the upper hand in cavalerie, which was the onely service whereby ever before he most prevailed.

Much about the same time the castle of Tarentum was streightly distressed for want of victu∣als, and hardly could endure and hold out any longer. The only hope that the Romane garrison had, which lay there, and the captaine thereof M. Livius the Constable of the castle, was in the provision sent out of Sicilie. For the safe convoy whereof, along the coast of Italie, there rid at anker a fleet welneere of twentie saile before Rhegium. The Admirall of this fleet appointed to [unspec E] wast these victuals from time to time, was one Decius Quintius, a man of obscure birth and base parentage, howbeit, for many worthie acts and feats of armes, much renowmed in mar∣tiall glorie.

At the first he had the charge but of five ships, whereof two of the greatest, which were three banked gallies, were allowed him by Marcellus: afterwards, upon his good service, when hee had born himselfe bravely in many conflicts, he had three more committed unto him, & those were of five banks of oares, untill at last himselfe, by calling upon the confederat cities, as Rhegium, Velia, and Pastum, for the ships due by covenant unto the people of Rome, he had made a pretie Armada, as is abovesaid, of twentie saile. As this fleet had disankered and was gone from Rhegi∣um, Democrates with the like Armada for number of Tarentine ships, encountered almost five [unspec F] leagues from the citie of Tarentum, at a port called Sacriportus. It fortuned at that time, that the Roman Admirall, little looking for any battell, came forth under saile onely, but about Crotone and Sibaris, he had furnished his shippes with rowers also, and so his fleet for the bignesse & tal∣nesse of the vessels, was well appointed, and sufficiently armed & manned. And even then it hap∣pened at one time, that both the boisterous wind lay, and the enemies also were within kenning,

so as they had scarce time ynough to fit their tackling, to make readie their rowers, and to set in [unspec G] order their fighting men, against a skirmish that was so neere toward. There was not lightly seene a greater conflict, tought more hotely and fiercely betweene two roiall Armadaes that affronted one another, than between these small fleets. For why, the battel was for a greater matter, than all their ships came to. The Tarentines mainteined the fight more eagrely, because they were desi∣rous to recover their castle out of the Romans hands, as they had done their citie, after one 100 yeares almost, during which time, they had been out of the possession thereof: hoping thereby, if they could be maisters of the sea once by some fortunate and victorious battell, to cut off and intercept all hope of victuals from the enemies. The Romanes on the other side bestirred them∣selves as lustily, that by keeping the possession of the castle, all the world might see, that Taren∣tum was not lost by force, cleane strength and valour, but betraied by stealth and trecherie. [unspec H] So they sounded the battell from both parts, and ran affront one at another, with the beakes and stemmes of their prows, and neither staied rowing amaine forward, nor suffered their enemie to part or goe aside from them, untill they closed and grappled their ships together, by the meanes of yron hookes like hands. And so neere they buckled, in hote and furious medley, that not only they discharged shot aloofe one against another, but also they coped together (as it were) foot to foot, at hand strokes with sword fight. Their prows and for-ships stucke grappled together, while the poups and hin-deckes were driven about with contrarie oares of the adverse part. So neere and so thicke withall stood the ships, and within so narrow a roume, that scarce one dart light in∣to the water in vaine, and did no harme. With their beake-heads they assailed one another, as it had been on land fight, and so close they were, that the souldiours might passe out of one ship [unspec I] into another, as they fought. Howbeit, two ships there were above all the rest, that mainteined a notable fight, and in the vauntguard and forefront of the battell, invested one another most furi∣ously. In that of the Romanes was Quintius himselfe in person, & in the other of the Tarentines, was one Nico, surnamed Perco, a man not only odious unto the Romans, for the publick quarrell betweene both states, but also maliciously bent, upon a private spight and rancour, as banding with that faction, which had betraied Tarentum to Anniball. This Nico espying Quintius both fighting & also encouraging his men withall, charged him at unwares; & ran him quite through with a partuisane: who was not so soone fallen forward headlong upon the fore-deck, armour and all, but the Tarentine following the traine of his victorie, and seeing the ship disordered & trou∣bled for the losse of their leader, lustily came forward, and borded her; laid about him manfully, [unspec K] and put by the enemies out of his way, untill the Tarentines were maisters of the prow and fore∣castle. Whiles the Romanes had much adoe (so thrumbled they were and thrust togither disor∣derly) to defend and keepe the poupe and hind-decke; with that, another gallie of the enemies appeared on a suddaine, and charged the hind-part. So the Roman ship in the middest between both, was boorded on every side, and taken. Whereupon all the rest were greatly terrified, seeing the Admirall-ship was woon by the enemie: and they fled on all hands. Some were sunck in the deepesea, some made hast with their oares, and skudded to the land, but anon were a prize and prey to the Thurines and Metapontines. But of the hulkes and Carickes, which were fraught with victuall, and followed after, very few there were that fell into the hands of the enemies: the rest shifting and turning their sailes crosse, this waies and that waies, according to the inconstan∣cie [unspec L] of the wind, recovered the maine sea.

But about Tarentum at the same time, their fortune was nothing so good. For whereas there went out of the towne, upon a foure thousand men a foraging, for to purvey corne, Livius, Con∣stable of the castle and captaine of the garison, spying his time (as hee waited ever for all oppor∣tunities) made out of the said castle 2000 armed souldiours, under the leading of C. Persius a valourous and industrious man: who set upon the Tarentines straggling out of order, and dis∣persed in wandering wise over the fields; and after he had followed a long time the execution, kil∣ling them here and there as he encountred them; the rest, which were but few left of so many, he chased to the towne: for they made hast in great feare thither, & were let in at the gates standing halfe shut, for feare least at the same randon the towne should have been lost. So the Tarentines [unspec M] and Romans, when they had made the reckoning, put up all on even hand. For the Romans were winners by land, the Tarentines at sea: and both of them disappointed alike of their hope of corn, which was presented to their eies, but they never tasted thereof.

At the same time Levinus the Consull, after a good part of the yeer was gone about, arrived

[unspec A] in Sicilie, greatly expected and looked for, as well by the old allies as the new: and the first thing of all other and most important, he supposed, was together with this new peace, to settle & com∣pose the State of Syracusa, so much disordered and out of frame. After that, hee led his legions to Agrigentum, where onely there remained the reliques of warre; which cittie was kept by a strong garrison of Carthaginians. There fortune favoured his first dessignes. Hanno chaunced to be the generall over the Carthaginians, but he wholly relied and reposed all his hope in Mu∣tines and the Numidians. This Mutines had raunged all over Sicilie at his pleasure, and raised booties out of the territories and lands of the Romane associates, & by no force or policie could he be intercepted of his passage backe to Agrigentum, nor yet bee pinned within the cittie, but that he would issue foorth whensoever hee listed. This glorie of his, because now it checked (as it [unspec B] were) the fame and honour of the Generall, turned the man at length to displeasure and danger: so as, what good service soever was atchieved, it was never well taken by Hanno, nor joyously ac∣cepted, in regard of the person, who was a pricke alwaies in his eie. Whereupon in the end hee gave away the captainship of Mutines from himselfe, and bestowed it upon his owne son: thin∣king, that togither with his government and commaund, hee should loose all his authoritie and reputation also among the Numidians. But it fell out farre otherwise. For the more that hee was in disgrace and disfavovr with Hanno, the greater grew the old favor and love of the Numidians toward him. Neither could hee himselfe endure any longer the unworthie wrong and indignitie offered unto him: and therefore in revenge he presently dispatched certain secret messengers un∣to Levinus, with credence, that hee would betray and deliver Agrigentum into his hands. By the [unspec C] mediation of these intercourriers, there passed sufficient securitie and assurance between them: and the matter being concluded, the manner also of contriving the plot, was agreed upon. Whereas therefore the Numidians were possessed, and had the guard of that gate that openeth toward the sea: after they had either driven out the old warders from thence, or killed them, they let in the Romans at the same gate into the citie, who were sent of purpose, according to the for∣mer agreement. And when they marched up into the midst of the citie, even to the market place, with banner displaied, & with great tumult and noise; Hanno supposing it was nothing els, but a se∣ditious uprising of the Numidians (like as they had done sometimes before) came forth as to ap∣pease and stay a mutinie and commotion. But discovering a greater multitude a far off, than the Numidians were: and hearing withall the Romans to shout, with the manner wherof his ears had [unspec D] ben well acquainted before time, hee tooke him to his heeles ere hee came within the dart-shot. And being let out at a backe posterne gate, taking with him Epicides, hee recovered with some few other the sea side, where, as good hap was, they light upon a small barke or pinnase: and so leaving Sicilie to the enemies, for which there had beene much strife so many yeares together, they passed over into Affrick••. The multitude besides both of Carthaginians and Sicilians, with∣out any skirmish either begun or intended, fled like blind men they wist not whether: and finding all waies made up, and no passage forth, they were miserably slaine and hewen apeeces about the gates. Laevinus being possessed of the towne, caused all the cheefe men and rulers of the citie, to be beaten with rods, and to lose their heads: all the rest together with the pillage he sold in port-sale, and the monie that was reised thereof, he sent to Rome.

[unspec E] When the newes of this misfortune of the Agrigentines was blowen over Sicilie, all at once turned Romane, and Anniball lost all. For in short space there were 20 townes betraied and yeel∣ded, sixe forced by assault, and to the number of 40 voluntarily surrendred to the devotion and protection of the Romanes. The principall noble men of which States, after that the Consuls had either rewarded or punished according to their severall demerits, and compelled the Sici∣lians generally to lay by armes and weapons, and to take themselves to the plough, for to eare, till, and sow their grounds; to the end that the Iland might bring forth fruite, not only to susteine and mainteine the naturall inhabitants thereof, but also to ease the price of corne and victuals in the citie of Rome, and throughout all Italie, like as it had done many times before: he transpor∣ted over with him into Italie a rable and damned crew of unruly people from Agatirna. Some [unspec F] foure thousand there were of them, a confused multitude of all sorts, a very mish mash and sinke of vile and wretched persons, most of them Outlawes, Bankrupts, and notorious male factors, in danger of death by the lawes of their cities where they lived. And being fled their countries, some for one fact, some for another, they chaunced all upon like fortune to sort themselves (as commonly birds of a feather will flye together.) and at Agatirna, they made choise like out∣lawes,

to live by robbing and spoiling: and this was their only profession and trade. Laevinus [unspec G] thought it no good pollicie to leave behind him these good fellowes in an Iland, which began but now upon new peace to knit and unite againe; for feare least they would minister matter of innovation and change; and besides, there was some good use of them among the Rhegines, for to foray and rove about the Brutians countrie: for such they stood in need of, and had laid for a companie which were acquainted with theeving and stealing. And so this yeare made an end of the war in Sicilie.

P. Scipio L. Deputie and Generall in Spaine, having in the prime and beginning of Spring put his ships to sea and set them aflote, and by an edict summoned all the aides of the allies to repaire to the Rendez vous at Taracon; gave order and commaundement, that as well the ships of warre as of charge and burden, should from thence set forward, and shew themselves at the [unspec H] mouth of the river Iberus. And after he had given direction and charge, that the legions from out of their winter harboroughs, should there meere together, himselfe accompanied with five thousand of his allies put himselfe on his journey to his maine armie.

Being thither come, he thought it good to make some speech to the old souldiours especially,* 1.24 as many as remained alive after so great disfeatures and overthrowes, and when he had assembled them all together to an audience, in this wise he spake unto them. Never was there new Generall before myselfe, that could by good right, and in regard of desert, render thanks unto his souldiours, before he had employed them, and made triall of their good service. But as for me, before I ever came within sight of this province, before I entred my goverment and saw the camp, fortune hath obliged me, and made me behoulden unto you. First, for your kindnesse and zealous affection to my [unspec I] father and to mine unkle, both while they lived, and when they were dead. Secondly, in that when the possession of this province was lost; after so great foyles and overthrowes, ye have by your vertue and valour recovered the same againe, and kept it entire to the behoofe of the people of Rome, and myselfe, the next successor in place of soveraigne rule and commaund. But for as much as our full purpose and present resolution is, by the leave, favour, and power of the gods, not so much to hold the possession ourselves and abide in Spaine, but to dispossesse the Carthaginians that they may have no footing nor abode at al there: and since the thing that we go about, is not to stand keeping the banke of Iberus, for to stop the passage of the enemie; but to geve the attempt to passe over ourselves by force: yea and there withall to transport the warre over with us into his owne country, and to come home unto him. I feare me greatly, least this [unspec K] will seeme unto some of you a greater designement, and more audacious enterprise of mine, than may either suite and sort with the fresh rememberance of those late defeatures, or stand well with my young and unripe age. The soyles and unfortunate foughten fields in Spaine, can be of no man in the world forgotten later than of myselfe, whose father, whose unkle, were within the space of 30 dayes there slaine, to the end that sorrow upon sorrow, funerall upon funerall, one mournefull death after another, should infortunately be heaped upon our house & familie. But as this desolate estate and defect almost of all my house and name (wherein I onely, in man∣ner, am left alive of my race) woundeth my heart and make it bleed, as often as I thinke of it: so the publike fortune and vertue of the Commonweale, reviveth my spirit againe, and will not suf∣fer me to dispaire totally of the state of this Empire: considering the destinie and providence of [unspec L] the gods, whereby it is a thing given unto us, and our lucke hath ever bene, that howsoever we have received overthrowes in all great warres and daungerous battailes, yet in the end, wee have gone away with the victorie. I omit to speake of old examples, of Porsena, of the Gaules, & Sam∣nites: and I will begin at the Punicke warres. How many armadaes and fleetes, how many brave captains, how many valiant and puissant armies were there lost & miscarried, during the former? And what should I say of this in our daies? In all the defeatures and overthrowes, I was either pre∣sent myselfe in person; or if I were not in any of them, yet I am sure, I was hee that felt the smart of them, more than any man else whatsoever. The river Trebia, the mere Thrasymenus, the town Cannae, what are they else, but the very sepulchres and tombes of the Romane armies there hewne in peeces, and of their Consuls slaine. And thereto, the generall revolt of Italie, the rebel∣lion [unspec M] of Sicilie, the falling away of the greater part of Sardi••ia. Moreover and besides, this last afright and terror, namely the Carthaginians campe pitched betweene Anio and the walles of Rome, and Anniball seene well neere, as conquerour at the very gates of our cittie. In these so great ruines and adverse distresses of our state, yet the vertue alone and valour of the people

[unspec A] of Rome hath stood upright, sound, and immutable: yea and hath raised up againe and set on foot, all that which lay along on the ground. You onely, my valorous souldiours, were the first, that after the discomfiture of Cannae, under the leading & good fortune of my father, withstood Asdruball in his journey and expedition toward the Alpes, purposing to go downe into Italie; who if hee had joyned with his brother Anniball, certainly by this day, there had remained no memorie of the Romane name. And in very truth, these affaires falling out so prosperously, made a mends and recompence for all the former losses. But now through the goodnes of the gods, all things prosper and go well forward: and the affaires of Italie and Sicilie both, mend daily, & are every day better than other. In Sicilie, Saracose & Agrigentum are woon and whol∣ly ours: the enemies be driven out of all the Iland, & the state is reduced into the forme of a pro∣vince, [unspec B] subject to the people of Rome,& under their obeisance. In Italie, the towne of Arpi is re∣covered by surrender, the citie of Capua is forced by assault. Anniball himselfe, having measured all the way, (but in fearefull hast and in manner of a flight) as long as it is from Rome to the Bru∣tiens countrie (in high Calabria), is there driven up into the furthest angle and corner thereof, nothing more wishing and praying for at gods hands now, than to be able to retire and get away safe out of his enemies land. What thing then were lesse beseeming, my hardie souldiours, than this, If you who have susteined and upheld the decaying and down-falling estate of the Romane Empire in this province, you (I say) togither with my two parents (whom for the reverence that I owe to them, give mee leave to make equall, and to honour with that name) at what time as calamities and losses, happened huddle one in the necke of another, and the gods themselves [unspec C] seemed to take part and stand with Anniball; should now let fall your courages and be faint hear∣ted, because in those provinces aforesaid, all things go well to our harts desire and great content∣ment. As for the late misfortunes & adversities which have hapned here, would to God they had passed over without sorrow, as wel of my part, as of yours. But for the present, the immortal gods, protectors and governors of the Romane Empire, who inspired into the minds & hearts of all the Centuries, to wish and chuse me to this place of soveraign honor, even the same gods by augu∣ries and auspices, by all tokens of the birds either by flight or sight, yea and by visions also in the night season, do portend, signifie and promise unto me, all good speed and happie successe: yea and mine owne mind giveth me, (which ever hitherto, hath bene to me the truest prophet, and never deceived me) that all Spaine is ours: and that within short time, the whole Punicke name [unspec D] and nation, being expelled & driven out from hence, shall fill all seas & lands with their shame∣full and dishonorable flight. That which my spirit and soule of it selfe presageth, the same doth reason also conclude by most certaine and infallible demonstration. The allies and subjects here of the Carthaginians, oppressed and wronged by them, have humbly by their embassadors cra∣ved our aid and succour. The captaines Generall of their forces, being at difference and oddes all three among themselves, in so much as they had like to have departed and revolted one from the other, have distracted and dismembred their forces into three parts, and bestowed them in three severall countries, most removed and distant asunder. And no doubt, the like fortune is readie to fall upon their heads, which lately was our undoing and overthrow, upon the same occasion. For even as we before were forsaken of the Celtiberians, so are they now abandoned of their al∣lies. [unspec E] Besides, they parted & divided their armies asunder: which was the only cause, that brought the utter ruine and destruction upon my father and uncle. And be yee sure, that their intestine discord and dissention, will never suffer them to joyne friendly and unite againe in one. And thus singled as they are, they cannot possibly withstand our puissance. Now my souldiours, for your part, do but favour the name of the Scipions: do but affect and love me, the issue and offpring of your noble Generals, budding foorth againe (as it were) out of the old stocke, cut downe to the roots. Go to, old soldiors, & redouted servitors, with bon-courage set over the river Iberus a new armie and a new captaine: passe over with them into those lands, which ye have often conquered, and wherein yee have atchieved, many valiant and memorable acts. And for my selfe, I will so endevour and effect, that as yee now agnize in me, the resemblance of my fathers and uncles vi∣sage [unspec F] and countenance, the same feature, proportion, and lineaments of the bodie: so I will shew and represent unto you, the true patterne and portraicture of their spirit, wit, faithfulnesse, & ver∣tue, even as the expresse and lively image taken and drawen from their owne selves: in such sort, as every man may say, That captaine Scipio is either risen from the dead, or new borne againe.

Having by this oration, incensed and inflamed the courages of his souldiours, and left Syllanus

with a guard of three thousand foot, and three hundred horse, for the defence of that coast; hee [unspec G] transported over the river Iberus, all the rest of his forces, amounting to the number of five and twentie thousand foot, and 25 hundred horsemen. There he was advised by some about him, seeing the Punicke armies were departed into three countries so farre remote and dissue asun∣der, to set upon and assaile that which was next: but he doubting and fearing least by that means he should draw them altogither, and knowing that he was not able alone, to match & make his part good with so many hosts at once, determined in the mean while, to be doing with new Car∣thage, and to besiege and assault it. This cittie, as it was rich and wealthie in itselfe, so it was full of all the enemies furniture and provision for warre. There was their armour kept, there was their money laid up, there remained the hostages of all Spaine. Besides, as it was seated commodi∣ously, to crosse over from thence into Affricke: so it stood upon a convenient and large haven, [unspec H] able to receive and harbour the greatest navie at sea, and the onely haven (if I bee not deceived) of all that coast and tract of Spaine, which boundeth next upon our sea. But no man was made privie to his determination, not knew whither they should take their journey, save onely Laelius. Hee being sent about with the armada, had direction so to temporise & guide his course by saile and ore, that at one and the selfe same instant, both Scipio might present his land forces in the view of Carthage, and the fleet enter the haven. So they depated from Iberus, and within seven daies came before the cittie of Carthage, both by sea and land. His campe hee pitched on the north side of the cittie: which he entrenched and fortified on that outward back-part, that stood farthest from the cittie: as for the forefront, it was by naturall situation of the ground, defended surely enough.* 1.25 For the site of Carthage is in this sort. There is a gulfe or creake of the sea, in [unspec I] the middle coast and river well neere of Spaine, opposite most to the South-west wind, running and retiring in length within the land halfe a mile, but lying out in breedth somewhat more. In the very mouth of this creeke, there is a little Iland from the open sea; which saveth, sheltereth, and defendeth the haven from all other winds, but onely the Southwest. From the in most nooke of this bay, there beareth out a promontorie like a demie Iland, which is the very hill or cape whereupon the cittie is built. The same on the East side and the South, is compassed with the sea: from the West, it is enclosed with a lake or standing mere, which also spreadeth some∣what toward the North, of an uncerteine depth; which altereth according to the tide, and as the sea either ebbeth or sloweth. Now, there is an elboe or banke of firme ground, some∣what lesse than a quarter of a mile over, that joyneth the cittie with the maine or continent. [unspec K] To that side (notwithstanding it had been no great peece of worke there to fortifie) the Romane Generall cast no trench, nor raised any rampier: either upon a brave & hautie mind, to shew the enemie how confidently he trusted in his owne strength; or because, whensoever he advanced to the walls of the citie (as often times hee tooke occasion so to doe) hee might have open recourse and regresse againe into the campe. But when the utter side, which required fortifications, was finished, he set the ships in order within the haven, making a shew, as if hee would besiege them also on the waterside. And when he had gone through all his armada, and given the captaines of the ships in charge, to looke wel to their centinels and watches in the night (for that commonly enemies at their first besieging, make what attempts and adventures they can in every place) hee returned into his campe. And because hee would not onely yeeld his souldiours good reason of [unspec L] this his designement, in that he began warre first and principally with the besieging of that citie; but also encourage them, and put them in good hope of the winning and conquest thereof, hee assembled them together, and discoursed before them in this manner.

My valiant souldiours and trustie friends,* 1.26 If any man here thinketh, that yee are brought hi∣ther to assaile a citie onely, and there an end: he rather maketh reckoning of your present pain and travell, than casteth the profit and commoditie thereof ensuing.

For yee shall in very truth give the assault to the walls but of one citie: but in that one citie ye shall be maisters and conque∣rors of all Spaine. Here liethe hostages of all their Nobles, their Princes, and States. And no sooner shall yee bee lords of them, and have them in your rule and custodie, but presently, all that now is under the hands of the Carthaginians in Spaine, will be surrendered unto you, and [unspec M] at your devotion. Here is all the money that the enemies have: without which, like as they are not able to maintaine warre, (as who wage and entertaine all their armies for pay) so it will mightily steed us (if we light upon it) in gaining the hearts of the barbarous people. Here are their engines and artillerie, here is their armour, here is their tackling and provision for their navie, and all

[unspec A] other munition and furniture for warre: wherewith we shal both furnish ourselves, and disfurnish the enemie. Gaine we shall over and besides, not onely right faire and beautifull, but also a most rich and wealthie citie: yea, and more than that, of right great importance and consequence, in regard of a goodly and surpassing commodious haven: by meanes whereof, wee may bee provi∣ded both from sea and land, of all things needfull and requisite for the warres. Which, as they will be of great moment to us that shall have them, so they will be the greater losse to the enemie that shall forgoe them. This is their castle for strength, their garner for come, their treasurie for monie, their armourie, their arsenall: and in one word, their very store-house of all things what∣soever. Hither is the direct passage and streight cut out of Affricke, here is the onely port & har∣borough for shipping, betweene the Islands of Gades, or Gebraltar, and the mountaines Pyre∣naei: [unspec B] from whence all Spaine overlooketh (as it were) and commaundeth Affricke. But knowing that you are well appointed alreadie, and prepared to the service, I wil say no more but this: Now for the honour of the Romanes, let us goe courageously to it, and with all our might and maine assault new Carthage. And when they all with one accord cried unto him, so to doe indeed, and that no other thing was first to be done; then he advaunced before Carthage, then hee gave commaundement to assaile it at once, by land and sea.

Mago the captaine of the Carthaginians on the other side, when he saw preparation made by water and land to give the assault; for his part ordered his forces and disposed them in this manner. To make head against the Romans on that side where they lay encamped, hee opposed two thousand townesmen: with a guard of five hun∣dred souldiours he kept the citadell: other five hundred he placed upon a little hill belonging to [unspec C] the citie which looketh to the East: all the other multitude whatsoever, hee appointed to make re∣sistance in other places, where any outcries, shouts, or suddaine al'armes should be given. Then having set open a gate, he sendeth those forth, whom he had arraunged in that street which lea∣deth directly to the camp of the enemies. The Romans (according as they were commaunded by their leader himselfe) in the beginning gave ground a little & reculed, to the end, that during the time of skirmish & conflict, they might be neerer to the supplie of succors, which were to be sent to second them from behind. And verily at the first they stood to it stoutly on both parts, & there was no ods perceived. But afterwards, the Romanes being still freshly reenforced from out of the campe, not only discomfited the enemies, & put them to flight, but preassed on them so hard, as they fled disordered and out of aray, that if Scipio had not sounded the retreat, it seemed, that they [unspec D] would have entermingled themselves pelmell with those that ran away, and rushed into the citie with them. Within the citie throughout there was no lesse feare than in the battell. Many courts of guard and other places were abandoned, the courtein of the wals was left naked, & every man made what shift he could to leape downe & escape. Which when Scipio perceived (who now was turned to a mount which they call Mercurius Teutates) and namely, that the walls were void of all the defendants, he commaunded all his soldiors to issue forth of the camp, to set forward to the assault, and to bring ladders to skale. Himselfe in person, defended with the shields of 3 tall lustie yong men going before him (for by this time they let flie afresh from the walls a mightie voley of shot of all sorts) approched the citie. There he exhorted, encouraged, & commaunded them to do what was requisite in this service. And that which made most to enkindle the courages of the [unspec E] souldiours, he was there personally as an eye-witnesse a nd beholder of each mans valour or cowardise. Whereupon, they stuck not to run upon the very shot, and to receive many a wound: and now nothing could keepe them back; neither the strength of the walls, nor the armed men that stood thereupon, but they skaled avie, who could mount upon the walls first. At the same time, that part of the citie also which the sea beat upon, began to be assailed by the ships. But from thence, it should seeme, they made more ado with houting and hurrying, than effected ought by any forcible assault. For whiles they came close to the walls with their ships; whiles they put foorth their ladders and their souldiours; whiles every man laboured to gaine the land, the neerest way he could: what with their striving and hast-making, they hindred one ano∣ther. And by that time Mago had filled the walls full of armed men, who let flye arrowes, Iave∣lines, [unspec F] darts, and all kind of shot, whereof they had gathered together exceeding great store. But neither men, nor arrowes and darts, nor anythings els defended the wall so much as the very wall itselfe. For few ladders they had that could reach up to the top: and the longer any of them were, the more weaker also they were. Whereupon, by reason that they who were cli∣med up to the highest rounds, could not gain the parapet and discharge the ladder, & yet some

or other still clambred up after, the ladders being overcharged with the weight, brake in peeces. [unspec G] Some againe there were, that notwithstanding the ladders under them held still and stood un∣broken, yet when they looked downe from on high, their eyes so dazeled, and were overcast with a mist, that they lost their sight, and fell from the top to the ground. Thus when ladders here, and men there, came tumbling down, and the enemies upon their good speed grew to be more har∣tie and hardie, the retreat was sounded: which gave to the besieged within the towne not hope onely of present rest and intermission of so great labour and toyle, but also assured them in man∣ner, for the time to come, that the citie was tenable against all skalades, although it were inve∣sted therewith round about. And as for fabricks and mounts to be raised and planted against it, they were not only difficult and hard to be performed, but also would aske some long time: and minister in the meane while, space sufficient for the other Generals of their owne to come to the [unspec H] reskue. But scarce was the first assault fully ceased, when Scipio commaunded other fresh and unfoiled souldiours, to take the ladders of them that were weeried alreadie and wounded, and with greater violence to give a new Camisado. Himselfe, so soone as he understood that it was ebb and low water, having bene advertised by certaine fishermen of Taracon (who sometimes with light boates used to rowe, and otherwhiles when their vessels touched the ground, to wade all over the lake upon firme ground) that men might easily passe to the walls on foot: thither to that place he brought all his souldiours to the assault. It was now almost noonetide of the day; and besides that the water of it selfe naturally fell with the ebb into the sea, there was a good round northren wind arose, which drave the water out of the lake (which now was well fallen) after the tide, and discovered such shallowes, that whereas in some places thereof they went up [unspec I] to the navell, in some againe they waded skarce knee deepe. Which albeit Scipio knew well to be an ordinarie thing in naturall reason, and therefore with good forecast had made provision accordingly to take that advantage, yet he turned it to a miraculous and prodigious accident, attributing all to the immediat handie-worke of the gods: as who to give passage and footing to the Romanes, had turned back the course and current of the sea, discharged lakes of their water, and opened wayes unto them, that never before were troden with the sole of mans foot: and therewith he willed his souldiers to follow Neptune, the guide and leader of the way, and to passe boldly through the mids of the lake close to the very walls. On the land side the assailants had exceeding trouble in standing under the walls: for not only they were hindered by reason that the curtine was so high; but also as they went, they lay open and under their shot, and were [unspec K] wounded both wayes, so as their flanks and sides were more anoyed as they approched under, than their faces and forefront of their bodies. But on the other part, as they went quietly and easily through the mere to the wall, so they climed forward as securely to the very top thereof. For neither was it strongly fortified with bulwarkes, nor raised to any height by industrie and art of man, as being supposed by naturall situation of the place, and the standing lake besides, strong enough and sufficiently defended: nor any gard of armed men were there in watch and ward, opposed against the assailants: whiles every man was busie, and wholly intended to helpe there, from whence some daunger was seene. The Romanes being thus entred the cittie over the walls without any skirmish, marched from thence with what speed they could, unto that gate, about which all the fight and hote medley was alreadie begun: for there not only all their minds were [unspec L] bent and amused, but also their eyes and eares were occupied and possessed; whiles some fought, others looked on & encouraged the fighters: in such sort, that there was none of them all once perceived or knew, that the citie was taken & surprised behind them, before the darts flew about their eares & light upon their back parts, and untill they had the enemies both before & behind. Then not onely the walls were taken (when the defendants upon a twofold feare,* 1.27 were driven to abandon them) but also the gate from withinforth and without, began to be broken downe: and anone, after continuall running and beating against it, the leaves thereof perforce flew apee∣ces, because there might bee nothing to impeach or let them in their entrance: then the armed souldiours brake in most furiously. Many alreadie had skaled the walls, and gotten over, but they turned and betooke themselves every where to massacre and make havocke of the townesmen. [unspec M] But the maine battell, which entred in at the gate with their captains, orderly by companies and ranckes in their array, marched forward through the middest of the citie to the market place. From whence Sci••io might see the enemies flie two waies, some to the fortresse upon the hill aforesaid, which standeth to the East, and was kept with a guard of five hundred souldiors: others

[unspec A] into the citadell, into which Mago himselfe, with all the armed men in a maner, who were driven from the walls, had retired and fled for to save himselfe. Whereupon he sent a part of his forces to win the said hill, and himselfe in person led the rest to the castle. And as the fort upon the hill was taken at the first assault and onset given, so Mago, after he had a while made some means to defend the castle, seeing all places full of enemies, swarming every where, & no other hope, yeel∣ded himselfe, the citadel, and the garison. Vntill the castle was surrendred and given up, there was nothing but murdering and killing all over the citie, and not one spared that seemed to be four∣teene yeares old and upward, if they came in their way. But then, upon the sound of trumpet the execution ceased, and the Conquerours fell to saccage and pillage, which of all sorts rose to a mightie thing. Of free borne, such as were of male sexe, there were taken prisoners upon 10000. [unspec B] Then, somany of them as he found to be naturall citizens of Carthage, he dismissed and let goe free, and restored unto them not onely the citie, but also their owne goods, which the fi••••t furie and rage of warriours had left untouched. There were of Artisanes and handicraftsmen, some two thousand: those by an edict he pronounced to be bond, and adjudged them as confiscate, to serve the Commonweale of the people of Rome: yet with some hope, that shortly they might obtaine their freedome againe, in case they performed good service, and shewed themselves di∣ligent in all ministeries and offices of warre. The rest of the multitude of inhabitants, such as were able and young lustie men, as also the stout and sturdie bondmen, he awarded them to the shippes, for to furnish up the number of gally-slaves and rowers, and with the eight shippes of warre, which hee tooke captive in the haven, hee encreased his owne Armada. Besides all this [unspec C] multitude, there were also the hostages of the Spaniards above written, of whome hee tooke as great care, and as good regard, as if they had beene the children of Allies and associates. A mightie deale of warlicke artillerie and ordinance was there found and seized on•• Of Cata∣pults of the greatest size 120, of a lesser sort 281. Balists some greater, some small; of them 33, of these 52. Of Scorpions and Cros-bowes to shoot quarrels as well great as small, and likewise of defensive armour, and offensive weapons, a huge deale, and a marvellous quantitie. Militarie ensignes 74. Of gold and silver there was a mightie masse brought unto the Generall. Golden cups or bolls there were 276, every one weighing almost one pound. Of silver tried, wrought, and coined, 18300 pound weight: and much plate and vessell of silver. All this C. Flami∣nius the Treasurer, received either by weight or tall. Of wheat there was 40000 Modij, of barly [unspec D] 270000. Of barkes and shippes of burden, there were in the haven woon by force, and taken, 113. Some were fraught with corne, armour, brasse besides, and yron, saile-cloth, and hempe, or spart for cables and ropes, also with timber for shipwrights. Carthage the towne it selfe, in so great store of wealth and warlicke provision, was the least of all other.

That day Scipio, having committed the charge of guarding and keeping the citie, unto Laelius and the mariners, brought back the legions into the camp, & commanded the soldiors to refresh their bodies with food and rest, wearied as they were, and over-laboured in one day with all man∣ner of toile and work that belongeth to war-service: as who, had both fought a battel in the field, and also taken so great paines, and undergone so much hazard and danger, in assaulting and for∣cing the citie, yea and after it was woon, had fought with disadvantage of ground, with those that [unspec E] were fled into the castle.

The next day, after he had called both souldiours and mariners together, first he rendered laud and praise, yea, and thanks unto the immortall gods, who in one day had not only made him lord of the most mightie and wealthie citie in all Spaine, but also had laid up for him there against his comming, all the riches wellneere of Africk and Spaine: whereby as the enemies now had nothing left them, so he & his had all things plentiful. Then he commended the vertue and valour of his souldiours, whom neither the falying out of the enemies could fright, nor the mightie height of the walls skare, nor the blind and untried fourds of the lake could once dis∣may, nor the situation of the castle seated upon an high cliffe terrifie, ne yet the castle it selfe most strongly built and fortified, was able to daunt and make afraid, but that they would passe [unspec F] over all and breake through all. And therefore albeit every one of them deserved at his hands all rewards, yet the principall honour of a murall crowne and garland, belonged properly unto him that first skaled and mounted over the wall, Come he forth therefore (quoth hee) and shew him∣selfe, who taketh himselfe worthie of that gift, and let him claime his due. Wherupon there were two that put in for it, and demaunded the same, Q. Trebellius, a Centurion of the fourth Legion,

and Sext. Digitus, a servitor at the sea.

Neither strived these parties them selves so hotely about [unspec G] the matter, as the love and favour of them set all the whole armie devided into legionarie soul∣diours, and servitours at sea, in an heat of contention, to labour for him that belonged to their side, and was a member as it were of their bodie. C. Laelius Admirall of the fleete, went with the sailers and sea men. M. Sempronius Tuditanus was altogether for the legionarie land-souldiours. This debate was like to breede a skab, and to raise a very mutinie in the host. Whereupon Scipio pronounced that he would appoint as Delegates three Commissioners, to sit upon the cause who should take the depositions of witnesses, and give their verduict accordingly, whether of these two persons entred over the wall first into the towne. Now because C. Laelius and M. Sem∣pronius were advocates to the one partie and the other, he therefore adjoyned unto them a third person, one P. Cornelius Caudinus, to go as an indifferent mediatour between them two: and gave [unspec H] order and commaundement, that those other three commissioners abovesaid should sit toge∣ther, and heare and determine the controversie.

When as the matter grew to a greater heare of contention, by reason that men of such marke and worth, were acquainted with the action, and had their hand in it, who were not so much advocates to plead, but moderatours and jud∣ges to beare downe a side; C. Laelius, rising out from the court, came to the tribunall seat unto Scipio: and informed him that the manner of proceeding in this matter in question, was without all good order, modestie and reverence; and so handled, that they were like to go together by the eares, and try it out by knocks. But, be it quoth he, that no blowes be dealt, yet it is a most shame∣ful example and detestable precedent, that the honor & guerdon due to vertue, should be caried by fraudulent coven and ungodly perjurie. For quoth he the legionarie souldiours stand of the [unspec I] one hand, the sea servitors on the other, and readie they be to sweare on both sides all the othes of God, and to that rather which their will and affection carieth them to, than which in their conscience they know to be true. By which guilt of forswearing and perjurie, they will not only bring a curse and vengeance upon themselves and their owne lives, but also upon the ensignes, standards, and very Aegles, yea and their religious militarie oth and sacrament. Thus much I thought good to give you advertisement of afore-hand, & that by the advise of P. Cornelius, and M. Sempronius.

Scipio after he had highly praised Laelius, called the souldiours to an assemblie, and there with a loud voyce pronounced and sayd thus; I am sufficiently enformed upon cer∣taine relation, that Q. Trebellius, and Sex. Digitus skaled the wall both together, and there∣fore I award as well to the one as to the other a murall garland, in token and testimonie of their [unspec K] singular vertue. Then he rewarded the rest also, according to every mans desert and valorous service. But above all other, he honoured C. Laelius Admirall of the fleete, not only in matching him equally with himselfe in all commendable parts and qualities, but also in presenting him with a coronet of beaten gold, and thirtie oxen. Then he gave commaundement that the hosta∣ges of the cities and States of Spaine should be called forth. What a number were of them, I am abashed and loth to set downe in writing: for as much as I find in some Chronicles, that they were upon some three hundred, in others 725. The like varietie there is of other matters, a∣mongst sundry writers. One writeth that the Punick garison were ten thousand: another 7000: and a third comes with his two thousand, and no more. I meet with one record which reporteth, that there were 10000 taken prisoners: and another, that there were above 25000. Of Scorpions [unspec L] or Crosbowes, great and small, I should say there were gained some 60, if I would take for mine author Silenus, a greeke writer: but if I follow Valerius Antias and go by him, I should tell you a tale of sixe thousand of the greater sort, and thirteene thousand of the smaller. See how little rule they had of their tongues to over-reach, or stay of their pens to set downe so lowd lyes upon re∣cord. Nay, they are not well agreed so much as upon this point, who were the great Captaines and commaunders. Most of them say that Laelius was L. Admirall: there be againe that would have M. Iunius Syllanus to be the man. And Armes was captaine of the Punick garison, and yelded to the Romanes, if ye list to beleeve Valerius Antias: but by the testimonie and credit of others, it was Mago. Moreover, the records accord not about the number of ships that were taken, nor of the weight of gold and silver, ne yet of the summe of money that was raised of the [unspec M] pillage. To conclude, if we must needs beleeve some one or other, the meane betweene is the best, and carieth most likelihood of the truth.

But to returne againe to Scipio: When he had called forth the hostages into his presence, first he bad them all in generall to be of good cheere: for why they were now in the hands of the

[unspec A] people of Rome, who ever desired to bind men unto them by favours and good turnes, more than to awe them with feare and dread: and to have forain nations knit and joyned in faithfull amitie, rather than held in subjection by heavie servitude. Then after he had taken the names in writing of their severall cities, he also revewed the number of the prisoners, and counted just how many belonged to every State.

Which done, he dispatched messengers home into their coun∣tries, willing their parents & friends to come and receive every man their owne. If haply any em∣bassadours of their cities were present, he restored unto them their owne hostages without de∣lay: for all the rest, he gave expresse charge to C. Flaminius the Treasourer, to see unto them in all kind, courteous, and liberall usage. Whiles he was busy in taking this order, there hapned to come from among the hostages, even out of the mids of the companie, an aged gentlewoman, [unspec B] the wife of Mandonius,brother to Indibilis, a Prince and great lord of the Ilergetes.

Shee shed teares, and fell downe prostrate at the feete of the L. Generall: and withall began to beseech him most instantly, to give a more speciall charge, concerning the custodie of the women-sex: and to recommend them to their keepers, for to be regarded with a carefull eye, and to be kept and at∣tended on more tenderly. Why? quoth Scipio, I warrant thee good woman, they shall want for nothing that is meet for them. Then replieth this Dame again, We stand not so much (qd.she) upon these termes; for a little thing God wot may serve and content them in this poore estate and low condition: my care is for another matter, when I consider and behold the young and tender age of these maidens here. As for my selfe, I am now past date, and without danger of that injurie, which our sexe is subject and exposed unto. Now there stood about her, the daughters [unspec C] of Indibilis, virgins in the fresh prime and floure of their age, and passing faire and beautifull with∣all; besides some other ladies as nobly borne as they: who all, honored her as their naturall mo∣ther that bare them.

Then Scipio, I would (quoth he) in the ordinarie course as well of mine owne discipline, as of that which is established by the people of Rome, have a respective consideration, that no one thing among us should suffer abuse, which elsewhere in any place of the world is held inviolable: this would I do, I say, for mine own credit, and for the honor of Rome: but to have a more speciall eye that way, your owne vertue also & worthinesse bindeth me: who in the mids of these your calamities and miseries, have not forgotten your womanly cariage & the honour of your sexe. And therupon he delivered them over to the custodie of a man of approved hone∣stie & integritie, commanding him to gard them with no lesse reverence, modestie, & continen∣cie, [unspec D] than if they were the wives or mothers of their neerest friends that gave them entertainment.

After this, there was presented unto him by his soldiors, a damosell & virgin of ripe years, taken also prisoner: but so well favored & surpassing in beautie, that wheresoever she went, every mans eye was upon her, in admiration of so rare and perfect a creature. Scipio having enquired of her countrie where shee was borne, and likewise of what parents shee was descended; among other things learned, that shee was espoused & affianced to a yong Prince of the Celtiberians, whose name was Allucius. Forthwith he sent home to her parents and foresaid spouse, for to repaire un∣to him: and in the meane time, he understood that her husband that should be, was wonderful∣ly enamoured of her, and readie to die for her love. So soon as the yong gentleman was come, Scipio entred into more familiar speech with him, than he did either with the father or mother of [unspec E] the maiden, and in these tearmes he entertained him. I am a young man (quoth he) as well as your selfe. * 1.28 Come on therefore, let us yong men both, devise and common togither more freely, and not be too nice, coy, and bashfull one to the other.

After that your espoused wife taken cap∣tive by our souldiours, was brought unto me, and that I heard of the exceeding fansie and affe∣ction that you cast unto her, I beleeved it full wel: for her singular beautie deserveth no lesse. Now, for as much as my selfe, if I might be allowed to use the pastimes of youth (I meane no otherwise than in honest & lawful love) & were not called away by the common-weal, & emploied wholly in other affairs of state, I would think to be pardoned and held excused, if I had an extraordina∣rie liking to a spouse of mine owne, and loved her extreamly. I must therefore needs favour and tender your love, which is the thing I can, considerng that I may not the other in any wise. Your [unspec F] sweet-heart and best beloved I have entertained, as well, and as respectively, as she should have bene with your father and mother in law, who are her owne kind and naturall parents. Reserved she hath bene & kept for you alone, that you might receive her at my hands, unspotted and un∣touched, and a present beseeming me and you both. In lieu and recompence therefore, of this boone and gift which I now bestow upon you, I require at your hands againe this onely pro∣mise

and faithfull covenant, that you will bee a friend and well-willer to the state of Rome. And if [unspec G] you take me in deed to bee a good and honest man, such, as these nations and people here, have knowne my father and unckle to have bene before me: know you thus much, that in the cittie of Rome there are many more like unto us: and that there cannot at this day, a nation in the world be named, which you would wish lesse to bee an enemie to you and yours, or desire more to en∣tertaine as your friend.

The young gentleman being abashed for very modestie, and yet right glad and joyfull withall, held Scipio by the hand, called upon all the gods, and besought them in his behalfe, to thanke and recompence him therefore, since it lay not in his owne proper power, in any proportion or measure to be thankfull and make requitall, either as himselfe could with, or as Scipio had deserved. Then were the parents & kinsfolke of the maid called for: who seeing the damosell freely rendred and given them againe, for whose raunsome and redemption they had [unspec H] brought with them a sufficient summe of gold: fell to intreating and requesting Scipio, to vouch∣safe for to accept the same at their hands, as a gift and token of their good will: assuring him, that in so doing, they should take themselves no lesse bound and beholden unto him, than for the re∣storing and delivering of the virgine untouched and undefiled.

Scipio seeing them so earnest and importunate, promised for to receive it, and withall, commaunded that it should be laid downe at his feet: and calling Allucius unto him, Here (quoth he) over and besides all your other dow∣rie which your father in law must pay you, have from me thus much more money to mend your marriage with, take this gold therefore to your selfe, and keepe it for your owne use.

And so after this rich reward given, and great honour done unto him, hee was dismissed, and departed home with much joy and hearts content: where he made report unto his countriemen and people, of [unspec I] the praise-worthie vertues of Scipio, and the favours from him received. Saying moreover, there was come into Spaine, a young man resembling the immortall gods in all respects; who as well by bountie, liberallitie, and bestowing benefits, as by martiall prowes and force of arms, is in the very way to win and conquer all. So when he had assembled and mustred all his vassails and ten∣nants, he returned within few daies, accompanied with a traine of foureteene hundred of the best and most choise horsemen of his countrie.

Scipio keeping Laelius still with him, untill by his advise and counsell, hee had disposed of the captives, hostages, and other prises and pillage: after hee had setled all in good order, appoin∣ted a Galeace of five bankes of ores, wherein he embarked the prisoners, with Mago and some fifteen Senators besides, who togither with him were taken, & sent them to Rome with a messen∣ger, [unspec K] to carrie tidings of this victorie. Himselfe determined to sojourne a few daies in Carthage, which time he spent in training and exercising his souldiours, as well of land service as at sea. The fir••t day, he caused the legions to runne too and fro in their armour, foure mile out in length. The second day, he commaunded them to scoure and furbush their harnesse & weapons before their tents. Vpon the third day, they joined & encountred in battel wise, & practised to fight with blunt wasters and bastons; yea and launced one at another darts & javelens, rounded at the point end with bals, in maner of foiles. The fourth day they rested and reposed themselves. On the fift day, againe they ran at turnement, as before, armed. This order they kept, exercising, laboring, and resting by turnes, so long as they abode at Carthage. And thus much for the Legionarie soul∣diours. The sea servitours and mariners used in calme water and still weather, to row up into the [unspec L] sea, and there to make triall of the nimblenesse and agilitie of their ships, representing shewes of sea-fight and skirmish. Thus without the cittie, they enured their bodies, & quickened their spi∣rits and courages, both on land and water. Within the towne, there was nothing heard but pre∣paration of warre furniture. All the publicke shops and worke houses, full of smithes, enginers, and all other artificers for the purpose, plying their worke, and never going from it. The Gene∣rall himselfe, as supervisor, with equall and indifferent care oversaw all. One while he would bee with the armada in the harbour: another while, he conversed among the legions, and turnoied with them. A time he would set by, for to visit the workes about the walles, & see how they went forward. Otherwiles he would be in the shops aforesaid, among the multitude of the carpenters and smithes, and other artisanes, viewing what they did there; and in the arsenall and ship-docks, [unspec M] observing and marking how much they went forward, day by day, striving a vie as they did, who could do most and quit himselfe best. Having thus set them aworke, repaired the wals which he had battered and shaken, and placed certaine guards there, for the defence of the cittie; he tooke his journey to Taracon: and all the way he was visited and plied with sundrie embassages. Some

[unspec A] of them hee aunswered and dispatched as hee was in his journey: others he put off, to give their attendance at Taracon: for thither he had summoned all the allies and confederates, both new and old, to meet him. And in manner, all the citties and States on this side Iberus, and many also of the farther province of Spaine there assembled.

The Carthaginian captaines and commaunders at the first for the nonce, suppressed & stop∣ped the rumour of the winning of Carthage. But when the thing was too too apparent, & could not be hidden and smothered, they used all the words they could to elevate it, and make the mat∣ter lesse than it was.

To wit, that by a suddaine invasion and expedition of the Romans in one day (as it were) by stealth, it chaunced that one of the cities of Spain was surprised; that the insolent and foolish yong man bearing himselfe prodigally prowd, & jocound beyond all measure, would [unspec B] seeme to make up the measure of so smal a catch that he hath gotten, with a great shew of a brave victorie: but when he shall heare once, that there are three Generals comming toward him, and three victorious armies of enemies, he will soone pull in his hornes: he will then tell us another tale, when presently he shall call to remembrance with greefe of every vain in his heart, the death of father, of unckle, and other progenitors. These and such like speeches, they gave out among the people and common sort, knowing in their own conscience what a blow they had caught, and how much their strength was decaied by the losse of new Carthage.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Oration of T. Sempi••••ius Bl••sus against Cn. Fulzius.
• * 1.2

  These sorte of Cn. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.3

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 valour of Na∣vius.
• * 1.4

  The Oration of V••bius Virus in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Capua.
• * 1.5

  Vibi ••irius, and divers Sent. to •• of Capua person themselves.
• * 1.6

  Capua delivered to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.7

  The Senators of Capua executed.
• * 1.8

  Iubellius killeth himselfe.
• * 1.9

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.10

  The Oration of T. Manlius to the Consull.
• * 1.11

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  Corphu.
• * 1.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.14

  Dragame••ts.
• * 1.15

  Nicsia.
• * 1.16

  Ieniza. Sophi••no, or, Zi••chia. Nigro.
• * 1.17

  62 pound. 10 shil. sterl.
• * 1.18

  The complaints of the Sicilians against Marcellus.
• * 1.19

  Marcellus his defence against the Syracusians.
• * 1.20

  The speech of Levinus the Consull.
• * 1.21

  3 pound. shil.
• * 1.22

  3 pound. shil. and two shil. over, if libra be centen••••a
• * 1.23

  15 pound, 12 shil. 6 ponce sterl.
• * 1.24

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.25

  The firmation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Carthage.
• * 1.26

  The Oration of Scipio to his soul∣diors.
• * 1.27

  New Carthage forced by Scipio.
• * 1.28

  The rare conti∣nence and courtesie of Scipio.